LIBERTARIANISM AND THE COLLECTIVE GOOD

VITMAN Tänka
_________________________________ The announcement of this essay contest begins with the following statement: "In terms of fundamental moral principles, libertarian individualism and racial nationalist collectivism could not be more opposed." I would like to respond by arguing that the premise underlying that statement is false, on two counts: It bears within it an assumption that the libertarian desire to live unmolested by state power springs from (or leads to) a hedonic conception of citizenship in which the individual does not have concerns which extend far beyond his or her own comforts. It bears within it a perhaps less obvious assumption that the citizens of a society imbued with racial nationalism will not work for the collective good voluntarily. Instead, I think it is more instructive to conceive of the degree to which libertarian principles are embraced within a population as the context in which groups within that population form or attempt to form associations, whether based in common racial ancestry or anything else. In brief, the more pervasive and uniformly distributed (more on this later) a libertarian worldview is among the population, the lower will be the coefficient of friction in formation and dissolution of social groups (political, religious, or other) within that population. Essentially, when libertarian principles are operative, there is a more efficient political market, and the niche occupied by political "products" such as racial nationalist collectivism may more easily be located, sampled, and embraced or rejected by the individual. Political products that do not develop a self-selected constituency disappear from the marketplace. Conversely, when libertarian principles are not operative, political products that could be popular are prevented from de-

Spring 2011 veloping. Now. and are substantially free to do so because they have a unique "hands-off" relationship with the government. because better alternatives are not permitted to develop. vol. I take the word as a description of one who holds a profound sense of attachment to a racially defined ingroup. I'll begin by clarifying my understanding of libertarian individualism and racial nationalist collectivism. speak and act as he sees fit. a racial nationalist feels that sort of attachment to his co-ethnics. I'll offer an example (albeit an imperfect one) to support the foregoing point of view. Absent a libertarian zeitgeist among the section of society who influence or control outright the content of public discourse. They live according to a code of behavior that is their own. First. subject to the constraint that he does not use his freedom to forcibly deprive others of this same privilege. no. which they do based on how attractive the way of life they offer is to their memberships. Hence. Within the term. a distorted marketplace for political thought is always observed. Obviously. on to the example. I'll speculate on why many racial nationalists arrive at their positions after a period of exposure to libertarian philosophy. the word ‘nationalist’ is the point of focus. consider the Amish.52 The Occidental Quarterly. Below. the terms of debate: Libertarian individualism is a philosophical position that may be reduced to one sentence: The individual is free to think. They are a very racially homogenous population. Then. and collectivism within that group describes pooling of resources in pursuit of optimized outcomes for the group rather than an individual within it. Note that there is nothing in that statement which militates against use of one's freedom to collaborate voluntarily with others in pursuit of commonly desired ends. Although they are not self-identified racial nationalists. Four key observations: . 1. in that I only recently discovered The Occidental Quarterly and related sites. I'll close with a few thoughts about the near-term interactions of libertarianism and racial nationalism in the politics of the Tea Party movement in the United States. my conception of its meaning may depart from the editor's or the reader's. and political products that aren't truly popular live on indefinitely. Finally. 11. whether there are any overt political or territorial manifestations of that attachment or not. Amish settlements may come and go as their numbers grow or diminish. Racial nationalist collectivism is a term that is new to me. Next.

Next. diversity training) that are forced upon the rest of us. offshoring. Their freedom to exert an extra measure of control over their lives as a group seems to be correlated with greater fecundity than is evident in any other European-derived population. young Amish men and women may choose to stay or go after sampling the wider world. their ability to sustain the social organization of their choosing derives at least partly from an experience of American society that is characterized by more freedom than is typical for most other citizens. As a socio-political "product". open borders. because coercion is not required to maintain it. we may safely conclude that it is not parasitic in any obvious way. etc. the Amish way of life is flourishing in the marketplace of ideas. Moreover. collectivism within a racially homogenous population is comfortably integrated with freedom to decide whether or not to partake of it. participation in the Social Security system.) unravels. forced busing. Thus.Tänka: “Libertarianism and the Common Good” 53 Their way of life is possible because they are not forced into some activities (e. and that most of us have a need to have social ties to others or at least avoid ostracism. Their numbers are increasing at a fairly rapid clip. to the question of why many racial nationalists have a period of libertarianism in their backgrounds. For starters.g. Hence. debt-driven economics. we should bear in mind that we are all operating in a distorted marketplace of sociopolitical ideas in which some thoughts are more acceptable than others. the first attraction of many young adults to libertarian philosophy is easily understandable. Thus. Once they reach the age of majority. once experienced. Given that. Most stay. It appears to be attractive. Their approach to life within their settlements is significantly collectivist. It offers a socially acceptable step in the right direction for people who chafe at the myriad ways in which their ability to produce or dispose of resources . it is doing so even as the larger society based on competing organizing principles (outsourcing.

and there is little likelihood that I ever will unless American society changes drastically. we can't be allowed to go our own way. no. The people with whom I believe I can establish that high-trust community tend to of my own race. vol. is racial nationalism a philosophy I can layer over the libertarian impulse to behave more adaptively in a non-libertarian society?" I believe the libertarian urge is not supplanted by racial nationalist collectivism. political action motivated by the libertarian impulse among the race of people in which it is most salient is akin to unilateral disarmament. but only recognized as impracticable given the political context in which White Americans find themselves. So. Spring 2011 is constrained. Very few White racial nationalists would begrudge any other race a place on which to pursue their version of happiness. It is important to remember that it does not offer any prescription concerning how that discretion will be exercised. what would I actually do with it? I would exercise it to enjoy association with and to aid people with whom I feel a kind of kinship. to fund transfer payments in perpetuity to dysfunctional sub-populations of other races. Hence. because humans are social beings. combined with observation of where the United States is headed demographically and in terms of the invasive application of state power will trigger three follow-on thoughts: "If I had a great deal of freedom. I still have the objective expressed in the first thought.). And there's the rub: a nation — as a political entity or other- ." "In a multi-racial society in which the libertarian aversion to exploitation of one's fellow man is not evenly distributed across the races. 1. to make the trains run on time." "The fact is. However. a few years of orientation to that vein of thought. I don't have that freedom. etc. as most people gravitate to their own kind.54 The Occidental Quarterly. I would try to re-create the kind of high-trust society I took for granted as a child. so long as that race doesn't interfere with pursuit of happiness on the soil the White racial nationalist occupies. 11. because other groups within it view people of my kind as a resource to be tapped (to fight wars. But.

many places). emergence of that consciousness will be fought overtly and covertly from the bottom and top of society. However. Both sides know it. If the libertarian realignment they seek comes to pass. the Amish are allowed a place (actually. and they flourish because of it. but that they insist they are not a White movement.Tänka: “Libertarianism and the Common Good” 55 wise — has to exist in a place. Neither will dare say it. The ideals embraced by White racial nationalists are not considered acceptable. if racial consciousness re-emerges on a large scale among European-Americans. they want these things so that they and people like them may flourish as fully as their abilities allow — effectively decoupling their futures from the futures of those who oppose them. bad tomorrow. The ideals overtly embraced by the Amish are considered acceptable within our imperfect political marketplace. So. the Tea Partiers are using non-racial means to achieve what is ultimately racial preservation. their ability to act collectively to create and maintain healthy environments will far exceed that of the non-White American population that doesn't attend these rallies. What Tea Partiers want is a much less invasive. the Tea Partiers are correct regarding their means. This is true at both the top and the bottom of socie- . In fact. For the reason cited in the second bullet point above. controlling and spendthrift government — for everyone. White racial nationalists will probably not be allowed a place unless/until American society breaks down to such an extent that they cannot be prevented from occupying a place informally. as those sections have the most to lose if the status quo dissolves. they are libertarian and truly are racially agnostic. I'm sure the conversation would be interesting if the Tea Partiers and the politicians and activists who denigrate them engaged in an honest dialogue about why small government and an end to income redistribution are bad for non-White Americans — bad today. bad forever. we turn our attention to the interplay of libertarianism. at least instinctively. There is an underlying admission on the part of the anti-Tea Party phalanx that they need the European-American backbone of this country to survive in the style to which they've become accustomed. and they then separate themselves from others geographically and financially. Much has been said about how the Tea Partiers are overwhelmingly White. So. American society as we know it will cease to function. Consequently. so they are denied a place. racial nationalism and the Tea Party movement. but consciously or unconsciously disingenuous regarding the ends. Finally. In that sense.

If only the rank and file fully realized it and had the nerve to say so. vol. living in flyover country. no. 1.56 The Occidental Quarterly. There is no reciprocal dependency originating in the Tea Party membership. USA . Spring 2011 ty. 11. Vitman Tänka is the pseudonym of a systems analyst and a dabbler in many other trades.

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