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An Introduction to

Muslim Science

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Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc January 2002 4025 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

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Introduction to Muslim Science January 2002

INT R ODUCT ION T O

MUSLIM SCIENCE
The Greek, a brilliant civilisation, encompassed subjects such as philosophy, mathematics, geography, astronomy and medicine. Archimedes, Aristotle, Euclid, Socrates, Galen, and Ptolemy are just a few of the great pioneers. When the Romans took over, a large empire extended from the doors of Asia to England, that also included North Africa and much of the Middle East. Christianity appeared in Roman times, the Roman civilisation thus straddling both sides of the Christian calendar: BC and A.D. The Roman Empire collapsed in the fifth century AD after the invasions of `barbarian' people, the Vandals, Anglo-Saxons and Franks, who gave the foundations to today's European nations (the Franks to France, the AngloSaxons to England etc.) Following the fall of the Roman Empire began what are generally known as the dark ages, which elapsed from roughly the late fifth century to the late fifteen century. Whilst the period of Antiquity, the time of Greco-Roman civilisation and the Renaissance, receive high praise, the period in between (late fifth to the late fifteenth) is highly obscured. Indeed, the amount of works of all sorts on the Greek civilisation, for instance, is absolutely staggering, with millions of books, articles, web sites, institutes, courses, conferences, seminars, films, documentaries, etc... The Renaissance, needless to say, is even more publicised. The centuries termed as `the dark ages, however, are the missing centuries in history. It is not as one would think that there is nothing about such centuries; as that is far from the truth. There are actually millions of works on the dark ages with many departments and thousands of scholars now dealing with this period. Such a focus, however, is mainly on the successive ruling dynasties, religion, warfare, the feudal system and the crusades. Science and civilisation, until fairly recently, on the other hand, have received little attention. Somehow, the picture that has dominated scholarship, and opinion, was that Europe went from the brilliance of antiquity straight into ten centuries of darkness, and then suddenly, out of nowhere, into the Revival; that very Revival that gave the West the power and lead it still keeps today. This means, basically, that Western civilisation owes all and everything to Greece. In other words, Greek learning was dormant for ten centuries (during the dark ages), then, one day, it was recovered, for no reason, just like that, and Europe blossomed again. Somehow, the mathematics, the astronomy, the optics, the medicine left by the Greeks being absolutely the same, untouched in ten centuries, just dusted off. To explain this theory, however devoid of any sense or logic, or scientific or historical truth, thousands upon thousands of `historians and opinion makers assembled spurious facts and fiction and concocted history. This `history is reproduced in books, classes, films, magazines, on television, daily, all the time; the truth is unchallenged (except by the highly intellectual books, for the initiated). Just recently, thus, on the BBC1, was the programme `The Greeks, narrated by an actor (Liam Neeson), turned historian for the occasion, pursuing on the same theme that all modern civilisation owes to the Greeks.

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Introduction to Muslim Science January 2002

Western history, as generally presented, contains big distortions. Daily, nowadays, everything about such a history is questioned. No need to go into every single matter here. Just on the subject that matters here, as Wickens puts it:

`In the broadest sense, the West's borrowings from the Middle East form practically the whole basic fabric of civilisation. Without such fundamental borrowings from the Middle East, he adds, `we should lack the following sorts of things among others (unless, of course, we had been quick and inventive enough to devise them all for ourselves): agriculture; the domestication of animals, for food, clothing and transportation; spinning and weaving; building; drainage and irrigation; roadmaking and the wheel; metal-working, and standard tools and weapons of all kinds; sailing ships; astronomical observation and the calendar; writing and the keeping of records; laws and civic life; coinage; abstract thought and mathematics; most of our religious ideas and symbols. He concludes that `there is virtually no evidence for any of these basic things and processes and ideas being actually invented in the West. 2
There is a major fallacy in the concept of the `Dark Ages. Haskins, 3 followed by scores of others, demonstrated that Europe experienced its revival in the twelfth century and not in that `magic period of the so called Renaissance (late 15th - early 17th). Sarton4, in his voluminous Introduction to the History of Science shows both the continuity in scientific progress, the crucial importance of the middle ages and also the decisive Muslim contribution. Lynn White JR (by no means a fervent admirer of Muslim science) recognises that the traditional picture of the Middle Ages (5th to the 15th) has been one of historical decline, particularly in early Middle Ages, the so called dark Ages. Yet such a view of the Middle Ages is false when viewed from the standpoint of the history of technology.' 5 He further adds that:

`the very creative new Islamic civilisation incorporated and perpetuated the technical achievements of Greece and Rome... The idea of so called dark Ages was only applicable to the western portion of the Roman Empire.' 6
Whilst Whipple states:

`To many students of medical history and medical science the Middle Ages, or Dark Ages as they have been called, implies a period of regression, of endless controversy, of fruitless arguments of scholasticism and the mention of this period is met with disinterest if not antagonism. 7
That period of the `Dark ages coincides exactly with the Muslim apogee. This alone explains very much the hostility to it.8 Indeed, in the midst of Europe's darkness, almost immediately after the fall of the Roman Empire, the Muslim civilisation came into being. It was in the year 622 that the Hijra took place and in the year 630, that the Prophet (pbuh) entered Makkah. Following the death of the Prophet (pbuh), Islam spread to the neighbouring lands, embraced rapidly by the various local populations. And by the year 750, the Muslim lands stretched from Spain to the borders of China. Rising with the spread of Islam was a grandiose civilisation. Unlike Europe gripped by darkness, the Muslim scientific revolution took place exactly during the apogee of Islam, from roughly the late 8th century (2 Hijra) to the thirteenth (7th H). Islam, according to Draper, `had all along been the patron of physical

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Introduction to Muslim Science January 2002

science; paganising Christianity not only repudiated it, but exhibited towards it sentiments of contemptuous disdain and hatred.'9 It was, indeed, between the 8th-13th centuries that most decisive scientific inventions were made, and the foundations of modern civilisation were laid. Scientists and scientific discoveries in their thousands, artistic creativity, great architecture, huge libraries, hospitals, universities, mapping of the world, the discovery of the sky and its secrets and much more. It was the time when Al-Biruni, Al-Khwarizmi, Al-Idrissi, Al-Kindi, Ibn Sina, Al-Razi, Ibn Khaldun, Al-Khazin, Ibn al-Haytham, Al-Farabi, Al-Ghazali, Al-Jazari and hundreds more scientists shaped the modern sciences in such a way that in the mind of Briffault, science `owes a great deal more to the Arab culture, it owes its existence.'10 And had not it been for such Muslim upsurge, modern European civilisation, he pursues, would never have arisen at all; and `would not have assumed that character which has enabled it to transcend all previous phases of evolution.'11 George Sarton speaks of `The Miracle of Arabic science, using the word miracle as a symbol of our inability to explain achievements which were almost incredible... unparalleled in the history of the world.'12 Martin Levey points out to the crucial timing of the Muslim scientific upsurge (during the times of darkness elsewhere), and also how it was conveyed to Europe.

In a time when the movement of ideas was at a relative standstill, he holds, `the Muslims came along with a new outlook, with a sense of enquiry into the old, and finally to a point where Western Europe could take over this thoroughly examined knowledge and endow its ripeness with a completely fresh approach of its own.13
With the Spanish re-conquest of former Muslim towns and cities, most particularly Toledo, (in 1085), the Christians came across the vast Muslim learning. Adelard of Bath, Robert of Chester, Plato of Tivoli, Herman of Carinthia, Gerard of Cremonna, and many others and, of course, the many Jewish intermediaries, translated vast amounts of scientific works from Arabic into Latin, Hebrew and local dialects. These hundreds of works were to serve as the foundations of Western learning. The courts of Sicily and Muslim Spain also communicated more knowledge and civilisation. And so did the Crusades, two centuries of warfare and mayhem, and also of cultural intercourse, during which the Europeans acquired skills of various nature, in architecture, and others. Just as stated by Lowe:,

`The so called Dark Ages were lighter than we used to believe, and there was a constant interchange of knowledge and ideas between the supposedly hostile worlds of the Cross and the Crescent.'14
It is impossible for historians to explain the role of the Middle Ages in the advance of civilisation without referring to the Islamic role. Some (Lynn White Jr, Duhem; Clagett) did try to rehabilitate the Middle Ages, whilst still lessening the role of the Muslim. Their works ended up with gaps and contradictions of horrendous dimensions that any person, however limited in skills could raise. Besides, amongst the Westerners are scholars in the many who keep unearthing what others try hard to blot out. Sarton, Haskins, E.Kennedy, D. King, Wiedemann, Ribera, Hill, Mieli, Myers, Suter, Leclerc, Millas Vallicrosa, Sedillot, just to cite a few amongst the many, have put at the disposal of scholarship and audiences so much that is impossible to hide. So the true place of Islamic science can be reclaimed. Unlike their successors and some of todays `historians, the Muslims never denied the contribution of other races and peoples to the rise and spread of science. Science and learning have been recognised in earnest by the Muslims that they were not the God given gifts to one race or entity, and that instead all nations and creeds and colours shared in genius and creativity. The prophet (PBUH) himself stated the crucial role of China when commanding Muslims to seek knowledge. Muslim scientific intercourse with other people, the Chinese, above all, but also the Indians, the Africans, the local Europeans people, the Jews and all others dwelling on their lands never ceased.

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Introduction to Muslim Science January 2002

Many of the scientists under Islam have nothing Muslim about them. Thus, some of Islam earliest and most prominent scientists at the Abbasid court, Ishaq Ibn Hunayn and Hunayn Ibn Ishaq were Nestorian Christians. Thabit Ibn Qurrah, the astronomer, was a Sabean. The Bakhishtu family who held most prominent positions in the court in the ninth century were Christians, too. So were the historian-physician Abul Faraj; Ali Ibn Ridwan, the Egyptian, who was the al-Hakems Doctor; Ibn Djazla of Baghdad and Isa Ibn Ali, another famed physicist; and so on. Yaqut al-Hamawi, one of Islams greatest geographer-historian, was of Greek antecedents, and so was Al-Khazin (the champion author of the Balance of Wisdom). The Jews had the most glorious pages of their civilisation under Islam, too. To name just a couple, Maimonides (philosopher-physicist) was Salah Eddin Al-Ayyubis doctor, and Hasdai Ibn Shaprut, followed by his sons, held some of the most prominent positions in terms of learning and power in Muslim Spain. The Ben-Tibbon family were the ones who played a most prominent role in scattering Islamic learning in all provinces other than Spain (such as the South of France). Nearly all Muslim envoys to Christian powers were Jews; and about all Muslim trade was in the hands of the Jews, too. Moreover, amongst the Muslims, only a number of such scientists were Arabs; most were instead Turks, Iranians, Spanish Muslims, Berbers, Kurds thus a myriad of people and origins brought under the mantel of Islam, a religion open to all who sought to, and excelled in learning. That was the first and by far the most multi-ethnic culture and civilisation that had ever existed, not equalled in many respects, even today; not even in countries and institutions which keep advertising their equal opportunity status. One is equally amazed by the general attitude of Muslim scholars in acknowledging who ever preceded them and whatever theory they utilised; or refuted. Not one single Muslim scholar, as can be found by any reader consulting the works of the likes of Al-Zahrawi, Al-Biruni, Al-Bitruji, or any other, denied the paternity or authorship of any of their predecessors whether it be Ptolemy, Galen, or Aristotle; or their Indian-Chinese counterparts. Absolutely not a single instance exists of any of their successors (from Chaucer, to Bacon, to Acquinas, to Harvey, or Copernicus, or any of such `giants of science acknowledging the real (Islamic) source of their science. It has to be unearthed by those amongst the most able, inquisitive, fairest historians of our day (Sarton, Meyers, Mieli, Briffault, Saliba, Hill; etc). Besides, whilst under Islam, Jews and Christians occupied the highest chairs in learning and high ministerial positions in Muslim governments, not a single Muslim occupies today any high learning position (such as Vice chancellor, or chancellor.) In fact, most university departments in the social sciences (history, in particular,) are completely Muslim free. The fitting conclusion is that, in the crucial centuries of the Middle Ages, Europe acquired much knowledge from the Muslims, and could begin its revival. This revival stretched from present day Italy to Germany, to Holland, an outburst of creativity in all forms, from science to arts. It was the time of Da Vinci, Copernicus, Gallileo, Kepler, and many more... Muslim navigators had also passed on their skills and knowledge that opened the doors of ocean navigation. Christopher Columbus, via his Jewish links, relied on Muslim charts, and possibly navigators. Magellans success in the Indian Ocean owes nearly all to Ibn Majid's guidance and nautical legacy. Europe then built most of its power on its new colonies.

References 1 BBC2, Saturdays, January 2001, 8pm. 2 G.M Wickens: `What the West borrowed from the Middle East, in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976. pp 120-5. At p.120. 3 C.H. Haskins: The Renaissance of the Twefth century, Cambridge, Mass, 1927. 4 G.Sarton: Introduction to the history of science, 3 Vols, Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Co., 1927-

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1948. Published for the Carnegie Institute of Washington, D.C 5 Lynn White Jr: `Technology in the Middle Ages, in Technology in Western civilisation, Vol 1, edited by M. Kranzberg and C.W. Pursell Jr, Oxford University Press, 1967, pp 66-79; p. 66. 6 Ibid. 7 A.Whipple: The Role of the Nestorians and Muslims in the History of Medicine. Microfilm-xerography by University Microfilms International Ann Arbor, Michigan, U.S.A. 1977, p.1. 8 The origin of this hostile attitude to that period of history (not the object of this work) goes back to Petrarch, who, so much disgusted by the Muslim imprint on civilisation, decided to brush it off, do away with the whole period altogether, and link straight Renaissance and Antiquity. 9 J.W. Draper: A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. Two vols; revised edition, George Bell and Sons, London, 1875. vol 2: p. 121. 10 R. Briffault: The Making of Humanity, George Unwin and Allen, London, 1928, at p. 191. 11 Ibid p. 190. 12 G. Sarton, Introduction, op cit. 13 M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology, Leiden, E.J. Brill,, 1973, p. 71. 14 A. Lowe: The Barrier and the Bridge, Published by G. Bles, London, 1972. p. 81. Bibliography: -R. Briffault: The Making of Humanity, George Unwin and Allen, London, 1928. -J.W. Draper: A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. Two vols; revised edition, George Bell and Sons, London, 1875. vol 2. -C.H. Haskins: The Renaissance of the Twefth century, Cambridge, Mass, 1927. -M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology, Leiden, E.J. Brill,, 1973. -A. Lowe: The Barrier and the Bridge, Published by G. Bles, London, 1972. -G.Sarton: Introduction to the history of science, 3 Vols, Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Co., 19271948. Published for the Carnegie Institute of Washington, D.C -G.M Wickens: `What the West borrowed from the Middle East, in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976. pp 120-5. -A.Whipple: The Role of the Nestorians and Muslims in the History of Medicine. Microfilm-xerography by University Microfilms International Ann Arbor, Michigan, U.S.A. 1977. -Lynn White Jr: `Technology in the Middle Ages, in Technology in Western civilisation, Vol 1, edited by M. Kranzberg and C.W. Pursell Jr, Oxford University Press, 1967, pp 66-79.

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A review on

Early Muslim Historians

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Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Talip Alp Farooq Bajwa BA, MA, PhD Ahmed Salem BSc November 2001 4016 FSTC Limited 2002, 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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Muslim Historians November 2001

MUSLIM HISTORIANS
The literature on Muslim writing on history is extensively varied and abundant. It is in the form of original manuscripts, possibly thousands of them, scores of treatises on individual historians, many secondary works in the form of articles, and other larger works, some very bulky in size and contents . To form an idea of such richness, nothing better than starting with some useful references. As with much else, or nearly everything else, works in German dominate, above all Wustenfelds Geschichtsschreiber der

Araber und ihre Werke, 1 and Carl Brockelmanns Geschichte der arabischen Literatur ,2 both crucial to any
avid seeker of knowledge of Muslim historiography. Also necessary to look into, and much more recent, but still in German, is Sezgins Geschichte des arabischen Schriftums3. There are some works by the French, but not as rich as in geography, a subject they master. In English, there is Rosenthals4 A History of Muslim

Historiography, and Dunlops section on the subject in his Arab Civilization to AD 1500.5 Humphreys summary in
the Dictionary of the Middle Ages covers well the bit of information on the Ottomans and Ibn Khaldun.6 There are also scores of articles and entries on the subject left and right. The best source, in English, however, and by very far, remains Sartons Intoduction to the History of Science, that is the appropriate sections in each volume. Sarton literally enlightens on each and every Muslim historian, East and West, and gives the bibliography related to each. He passes little judgement as far as the ideology of the scholar is concerned, and, above all, keeps away from the frequent Orientalist-Western practice of seeing good and excellence in every Islamic dissention, or source of dissention, and its author, and expanding it non-end in their writing, thus turning the mediocre and obscure into excellent, and obscuring the excellent. History is the teacher of life'' reminds us De Somogyi.7 Everything that exists, he holds, can only be correctly understood by its past. Therefore, history is no abstract study but provides the key to the right appreciation of everything that is actual, that is part and parcel of our own present. Consequently the precise and true recording of past events and conditions is of great significance for the conscious formation of the future. That is only historical interest is one of `the oldest mental activities of mankind, which can be found even in the remotest periods of religious, national, or any other type of human society.8 For Al-Jahiz, history is a `Royal science'. Ibn Khaldun was to make it so centuries later, setting patterns for others to follow. Amongst the earliest, or possibly the earliest historian of Islam, is Wahb Ibn Munabbih (d.728) a Yememnite author. He reports on legends, and reflects on the people of the book, as well as on oral traditions.9 He is also well acquainted with Biblical texts. His book al-Mubtada (The beginning) is lost, but fragments can be found with Ibn Qutayba and al-Tabari. Although Wahb cannot be considered as a reliable historian,10 he still exerted a big influence on his followers. On the whole, early Muslim historical writing was primarily concerned with the biography of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) (Sirat Rasul Allah) and the first wars of Islam (Al-maghazi) both of which started under the Ummayads. Muhammad Ibn Ishaq (d.768) relates the first biographie Sira known of the Prophet (PBUH), much of which was incorporated by Ibn Hisham (d.833) in whose work can also be found much on the creation of the of the world, Biblical prophets, and the advent of Islam. He corrects hadiths, and also rids his accounts of legends and poetry that are not on the reliable side. The actions and deeds of the Prophet (PBUH) are scrupulously noted, and his battles described in great detail.11 Ibn Hishams Sirat Muhammad rasul Allah is considered by Dunlop one of the best existing authorities on the life of the Prophet (PBUH).12 The Arabic text of Ibn Hisham, in three volumes, was published at Cottingen by Wustenfeld, whilst a German translation was made by Weil, and an English translation by

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Muslim Historians November 2001

A. Guillaume. Al-Waqidi (d.823) the author of Maghazi (battles of the Prophet), is even more rigorous and methodical than Wahb. He indicates his sources clearly, and describes facts as accurately as possible, eliminating legends.13 Other than Kitab al-maghazi, al-Waqidi produced many other works, twenty eight books listed by The

Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadim amongst which are Futuh al-Sham, Futuh al-Iraq, etc.
With Ibn Sa'd (d.845), a pupil and secretary of Ibn al-Waqidi, begins the genre of biographies of Tabaqats (classes). His treatise Kitab al-tabaqat al-Kabir (the great book of classes), first deals with the biographies of the Prophet (PBUH), and his companions and later dignitaries of Islam till 845. Ibn Saad elaborates on the qualities of the prophet, and the main traits of his mission. Taking into account the works of his predecessors, Ibn Saad gives a larger focus to the embassies sent to the Prophet or sent by him. It is the first major example of religious biography, universal in scope, trying to include all the religiously relevant persons of Islamic history, comprising 4,250 entries, 600 of them women. 14 Ibn Saads work can be found in a Sachau edition and in others.15 A third type, between Sira and Maghazi literature, is noted by De Somogyi16 that is the historical monograph which deals with general historical events, but confined to a certain event or period. The founder of this type Abu Mihnaf (fl.7th century) to whom many works are ascribed. Influenced very much by Ibn Saad and al-Waqidi is Al-Baladhuri (d.892). He covers Islamic history from its origins until the Abbasids. His works includes Kitab Futuh al-Buldan and Kitab ansab al-ashraf, the first of these making his reputation,17and is considered indispensable reading in the matter of the Muslim Futuhats. It goes on from Arabia to Syria, and Mesopotamia and progresses both in a geographical and chronological order. The author takes his information from people, scholars and officials, relying on a vast correspondence, searching for accurate information. All details matter to him: culture, economy, politics, social acts, but chooses very strictly, and observes a critical approach, seeking to remain objective as much as possible.18 Al-Baladhuri also gives a very interesting account on the Muslim presence in southern Italy, a twenty or thirty year history, about which nothing else would be known if it was not for al-Baladhuri.19 According to al-Masudi, `we know no better book on the conquests of the lands, than alBaladhuris.20 As for Kitab Ansab al-Ashraf (book of the Genealogies of the Nobles) is a work of at least twelve volumes, details of which are given by Brockelman.21 Various parts of the work were translated and edited in multiple languages, such as in Italian by Olga Pinto and Levi della Vida. Although al-Masudi and his Muruj al-Dahab ranks high in the field, it is Al-Tabari, who, by far, remains the greatest of all amongst Muslim pre-Ibn Khaldun historians. Al-Tabari (d.923) was born at Amul, north of the Elburz range in the coastal lowlands of the Gaspian sea then called Tabaristan, and died in Baghdad. He is the author of a monumental work in many volumes Tarikh al-Rusul wa'l Muluk, (History of the Apostles and the Kings), to which the Europeans refer as The Annals.22 In this work, Al-Tabbari looks at Antiquity and the Islamic period up to 915. Known as a commentator of the Kuran, he applies a critical methodology of hadith. He undertakes a series of travels through Iraq, Syria and Egypt, taking witnesses from his contemporaries. As an objective historian, he hardly expresses any judgement, and keeps a global vision of history.23 His book is a major source of information for scholars, which according to Ibn Khalliqan is the soundest and most reliable of its kind.24. For the history of Islam the Annals is no doubt the best single narrative work,25 for its scope (fifteen volumes in the Leiden edition of De Goeje).26 On the whole, according to Dunlop, with the exception of Ibn al-Athir, whose great history Al-kamil, has not been translated in its entirity (by the time Dunlop was writing, in the early 1970s) into any western language,27 the Annals of al-Tabari is the best work in Arabic for information about the historical development of Islam and the Caliphate, the most characteristic institution to which the new religion gave rise, and which marks the zenith in world

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Muslim Historians November 2001

history of the Arab race.28 For Rosenthal, Al-Tabari brought to his work the scrupulousness and indefatigable longwindedness of the theologian, the accuracy and love of order of the scholarly jurist, and the insight into political affairs of the practicing lawyer-politician.29 It was, thus, only natural that his work never ceased to exercise a considerable influence upon future historians, serving as a model of how history ought to be written.30 Muslim Spain Muslim Spain produced an excellent crop of historians. Abu bakr Al-Razi (no relation to the physicist and chemist) flourished in Spain in the year 936-7. He is the earliest whose work has been transmitted to us, and is called by the Spaniards `El cronista por excellencia (the Chronicler per excellence).31 His Arabic text is lost, but there exist a Castilian version, itself derived from a Portuguese translation.32 Ibn al-Qutiyya (d.977), son of the Gothic woman, a member of the former ruling dynasty in Wisigothic Spain is the author of Tarikh Iftitah al-Andalus. Al-Andalusi (d.1034), a judge at Toledo, was the author of Tabaqat al-Umam. In it he gives a wide spectrum on civilization up to his time.33 He studies the people and nations that cultivate science and ranks amongst them the Arabs, Hindous, Iraniens, Greecs, and Jews, showing their contribution to scientific progress. He was subsequently heavily relied upon by Al-Qifty, Ibn abi Usaybi'a and others. Ibn Hayyan (d.1076) composed Kitab al-Muqtabis fi tarikh al-

Andalus34 and Kitab al matin (the Solid Bok), describing the main events around him. He sought to remain objective
in his writing throughout despite the upheavals affecting Muslim Spain, then, not disregarding even those events that pained him. Ibn Hayyans Kitab al-matin, which according to Ibn Said contained nearly sixty volumes,35 was believed at one time to be held at the Zaytuna in Tunisia.36 Whether still there remains to be clarified. Al-Humaydi (d.1095), who came from the city of Majorqa, was a student of Ibn hazm. He emigrated to the Orient because of troubles in Spain (the beginning of the Spanish Christian reconquest), and established himself in Baghdad. His work Jawdat al-Muqtabis,37 is about the history of Spanish scholars. It includes many volumes, and gives in alphabetical order the biographies of the main traditionalists, jurists, political figures, army generals etc.. nearly a thousand entries. Al-Humaydi was to become a major source of reference for Al-Maqqari and Ibn Khalikan. Other than these Spanish historians, more followed, with the main ones published in the series founded by Francisco Codera, Bibiotheca Arabico-Hispana, from 1882 onwards.38 The Crusades The history of the crusades, two centuries of warfare (1098-1291), although generally set aside by western writers when dealing with Muslim historians, is well documented by a large number of historians. Ibn al-Athir (d.1233) from al-Jazira, Baghdad, is one such historians. He belongs to a family of learned brothers, and is the author of Kitab al-

kamil fi'l tarikh (the perfect in history). This work has been edited by the Danish orientalist C.J. Tornberg,39 and is,
according to Dunlop, with the Annals of al-Tabari, one of the most highly valued sources of Islamic history, highly reliable and readable. It has been much studied by scholars of the West, Brocklemann making the relationship of the

Kamil and the Annals the subject of his doctoral thesis,40 whilst Sir William Muir uses him as his chief guide after alTabari.41 In the book, amongst others, is described the capture of Antioch by the crusaders in 1098, a crusade the author sees as part of a three pronged attack by the Christian world against Islam: in Spain, in Sicily, and now in the Holy land.42 Qadi al-fadil al-Baysani (d.1200), some time prior to Ibn al-Athir, was concerned with more events of the Crusades, notably Salah-Eddins naval expeditions to Aylah and other military operations.43 Another historian of great repute was Usama Ibn Munqidh (fl. 1138-1188); born in the castle of Shayzar in the Valley of the Orontes, fifteen miles north of Hamma, but who spent his life mostly in Damascus. Usama lived in the times of Salah Eddin alAyyubi, witnessing the first decades of Crusader onslaught and settlement in the Muslim lands, and was himself involved in fighting them. At an old age he composed Kitab al-Itibar (learning by example), a book which contains

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many anecdotes on the customs of the Franks, their inhumanity at peace and at war, and deriding their inferior medical practice. Editions and translations of Usamas work have been done by Derenbourg44 in French, Shuman45 in German, Porter46 in English. And from an Escorial (Spain) manuscript,47 Philip Hitti48 delivered by far the best work of the lot in English. Ibn al-Furat, unlike Usama, gave accounts of the later stages of Frankish presence, of the time they were being finally driven out by Baybars (about a century after Salah Eddin). Ibn al-Furat was born in Cairo and lived beween the years 1334-1405. He wrote his book, Tarikh al-Duwal wal Muluk thus some time after the event itself, yet it is a work of great wonder in every sense. This treatise survives, incomplete, in the National Library of Vienna, whilst a section from it, unknown, has long been preserved in the Vatican Library until discovered by the French historian: Le Strange. It was he who described this part in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.49 Parts of Ibn al-Furats work has been selected and translated by U and M.C. Lyons.50 They gave those extracts in two volumes, the first of which being the Arabic text, the second its translation. From those extracts can be gleaned some very interesting events of the later stages of the Crusades' presence in Muslim land such as the recovery of Jerusalem, Tiberias, Ascalon and other places from the crusaders. Most of all, Ibn al-Furat describes the rise of and campaigns of Baybars and his crushing of Mongols, Crusaders, and Armenians. Lives and Deeds Of Scholars So many Muslim historians wrote on the lives and deeds of eminent personalities of Islam. Ibn Asakir51 (d.1176) distinguished himself with his great History of Damascus: Tarikh Dimashq. He Lived in Damascus, and taught tradition at the Ummayad Mosque, then in a college. Throughout, he maintained good relations with Ayyubid sultans. The first two volumes of his treatise are devoted to Damascus and its monuments, and the two others, by alphabetical order, give the entries on main figures of city: princes, governors, judges, poets, and so on. Ibn Khalikan,52 born in 1211 at Irbil, Jazirah, east of the Tigris, received his first training from his father. He spent most of his working life in Syria, though, where he excerted as Qadi and where he taught. His only work, Kitab wafayat alayan wa-anba abna al-zaman (the death of great personages and histories of the leading people of the time), is a dictionary of the great men of Islam, containing 865 biographies. In it, he takes considerable pains to give accurate information, tracing genealogies, spelling names correctly, giving the main traits of each personality, adding anecdotes, and fixing dates of birth and death; and when insure about a detail, he omits the entry altogether. The holograph manuscript of the wafayat is deposed at the British Museum, and the manuscript itself has been repeatedly edited by Wustenfeld53 and De Slane,54 on top of the excellent translation by de Slane in English.55 Entries on Ibn Khalikan can also be gleaned in every sort of compendium or encyclopaedia. The rich value of such Islamic works is raised by De Somogyi,56 who points out that although many biographies of European rulers or autographies from the Middle Ages exist, `we do not know of any such comprehensive and chronologically arranged collections of biographies or such extensive and alphabetically arranged biographical dictionaries as have survived by the score in Arabic literature. Such works constitute a rich repository of information from which precious data may be drawn by Islamic scholars and students of general history alike. And such information can be used for comparison with, or, and supplementation to the other pertinent sources of Arabic historiography.57 Works on the lives and deeds of Muslim scholars and scientists have also been considerable in numbers and size. Those by Ibn Nadim, Yaqut al-Hamawi, and Hadji Khalifa will be the object of another work. Here, the ones to refer to are Ibn al-Qifti and Ibn Abi usaybia, both of whom focussed on the physicians of Islam. Ibn al-Qifti was born in Qift, in upper Egypt in 1172-1173. He flourished in Cairo, then Jerusalem, and finally Aleppo. 58 He was many times wazir for the Ayyubid rulers, and was extremely well learned, his library valued after his death at 60000 dinars, which was considerable at the time. Much of al-Qiftis work is lost to us. It only survives in abbreviated form, but is still being one of the most important sources on Muslim physicians, men of sciences and philosophers. Ibn

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abiUsaibia, born in Damascus in 1203-4 in a medical family, studied in Damascus, and worked in the al-Nasiri Hospital in Cairo. He compiled a collection of medical observations, now lost. His main historical work was Kitab

uyun al-anba fi tabaqat al-atiba (sources of information on the classes of physicians), a series of bio-bibliographies of
the most eminent physicians from the earliest times until his. It is and remains the main source for the history of Muslim medicine, dealing with about 400 Muslim physicians. The work is divided in fifteen chapters, evolving from the origins of medicine, and its development, to the physicians of Islam in every country. Because Muslim physicians also excelled in other sciences, the book informs on such scientific activities as well.59 Wustenfeld derives much of his information from Ibn Abi Usaybia, but it is Mullers edition, in German, which is most informative including 162 additional pages, a preface, corrections, and a complete index.60 Ibn Abi Usaybia became the authority dealing with Muslim scientists, Wustenfeld, of course, but above all Lucien Leclerc in his `Histoire de la Medicine Arabe (History of Arab medicine),61 a two volumes (over a thousand pages) unique source of reference on the subject. Egypt The history of Egypt, so important in many respects, is handled by Ibn Taghribidi (d.1469) who wrote an-Nujum azZahira fi Muluk Misr wal-Qahira (the Brilliant Stars in the Kings of Misr and cairo. It gives excellent accounts of events from the time of the Muslim arrival until 1468, that is to the eve of the authors death. It is divided into seven volumes of annals; so extensive that. Juynboll, Matthes, and Popper all worked on the edition of parts of the work. Also considerable in length and importance is Al-Maqrizis (d.1442) work. A man of the law, and teacher in Cairo, he collected his material, much of which absolutely unique, to compile his major work: Kitab al-Khitat.62 In it, all that happened in Egypt throughout the centuries preceding him is extensively described: places, towns, events, daily life, culture, archaeology, economy and finance. Al-Maqrizi also compiled Kitab al-Suluk li Marifat Duwal al Muluk (book of Entrance to the knowledge of the dynasties of the Kings), which is a history of Egypt from the time of Salah Eddin (1169) to 1440-1. It is thus a history of two dynasties, the Ayyubids and the Mamluks. The Frenchman Quatremere made a translation of a large portion of this work, and also an edition of the Arabic version up to 1354.63 North Africa In North Africa, flourished at the end of the thirteenth century Ibn al-Idhari al-Marrakushi.64 He wrote a history of Africa and Spain, Kitab al-bayan al-mughrib, which includes the most detailed account of the Ummayads of Cordova. Dozy turned the work into French,65 and a partial translation was made in Spanish by Francisco Fernandez Gonzalez.66 Also from North Africa, but belonging to a later era, was Al-Maqqari: (d.1632). Born in Tlemcen, Western Algeria, he established himself in Cairo. He compiled a whole literary and historical encyclopaedia of Muslim Spain entitled: Nafh al-Tib.67 The work is divided in two parts, one dealing with the history of Spain, and the other about the life of the historian, wazir, and contemporary of Ibn Khaldun: Ibn al-Khatib, or Lissan ad-din. Unlike many who prefered to dwell on the romantic poetry side of Lissan ad-Din, De Gayangos went for the more stimulating and highly informative history of Muslim Spain.68 The edition by De Gayangos is over 2000 pages long, divided into many books, evolving from the pre-Islamic Spain, to the conquest of that country, the description of life and culture of the Muslims, their cities, Cordova, most of all, the wars between Muslims and Christian, the arrival of the Berber armies (Almoravids and Almohads) to fight off the Christian onslaught, the divisions and conflicts between the Muslims, the Christian re-conquest of the country, the fall of Grenada, and in the end, the final expulsion of hundreds of thousands (or millions) of Muslims from the country. De Gayangos states in the preface, that he fixed his interest upon al-Maqqari because he was to his knowledge the one authority presenting a continuous history of the Muslim presence in Spain from the beginning and through the centuries. It also offers a

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vast store of knowledge derived from other historians, which helps form a critical history of the country.69 Al-Maqqari transmits the extracts and fragments taken from other works, in most instances giving the titles as well as the names of their authors, thus presenting the original text of ancient historians whose writings were most probably lost.70 Ottoman Turks The history of the Ottoman Turks is one of the richest, if not the richest of all histories, stretching from the Middle Ages to our times (twentieth century) and over the largest stretch of land ever affected by any single power. It will require a whole, voluminous encyclopaedia to give it justice. Yet, those centuries and immense vastness, so rich in events of all sorts, most of which are crucial to our understanding of world history, battles and wars in their thousands, movements of people, upheavals of gigantic proportions, and so on; all these are as if they had never existed as can be grasped from the works of those writing on Muslim historiography. These are also the very `scholars who manage to turn obscure figures and events into major landmarks of history. Humphreys,71 a little more than others, gave one or two glimpses of Turkish history, spelling out one or two comments and some names. He observes that the earliest historical writing in Ottoman Turkish (mid fifteenth century) seems to represent a distinct and independent tradition; that it is almost `folkloric in its narrative patterns, relying on a colloquial style. One example of such is the chronicle of Ottoman history by Ashiq Pasha Zade (fl. 1485). With the Tevarih-i Al-i Osman of Kemalpasha-zade (fl. 1500), however, he adds, Ottoman historians began to adopt `the ornate courtly style used in contemporary Persian historiography. From the mid sixteenth century on, Ottoman writers began to show some concern for the deeds of sultans and viziers, and also for the principles which govern the rise and fall of states. This concern, he explains, being the result of growing consciousness of decadence and decline, as seen in the writing of such imposing figures as Mustafa 'Ali (d. 1600), Katib Chelebi (d. 1657), and Na'ima (d. 1716). The latter two were particularly impressed by Ibn Khaldun in this specific area, and sought to apply them to the developments observed within the Ottoman polity. Obviously Humphreys short entry dismisses the matter all too quickly. At this point it will be too difficult to expand on the whole variety of Ottoman historiography, but a subsequent return to the subject is most needed. Here suffices it to add one or two other very useful pointers in relation to Turkish history. For a good description of Algeria in Turkish times, prior to the French arrival (1830), there is Ali Riza Pashas Mirat al-Cezayir (a View of Algeria). 72 Khayreddin Barbarossa, known in Western circles as a corsair, and who fought the Spanish onslaught on Algeria, also left first accounts of his military campaigns, and overall description of the condition of the Muslims in Spain. His `Gazavat-I Hayreddin Pasa, British Museum, Or.Ms.no 2798, is the main source for such events. There are also other versions of this manuscript, as in Italian by A. Gallota, 73 or by the Spaniard Francisco Lopez de Gomara. 74 Khayreddin was also directly involved in carrying Muslim exiles from Spain during their expulsion, to other Islamic lands. In his work he particularly resents the loss of those exiles of their children who were kept behind to be raised as Christians. 75 Ibn Khaldun Nothing better to finish this summary than with Ibn Khaldun (d.1406), a figure, who, had he been named Smith, Jacques or Lopez, would have been declared the greatest mind that ever lived. Despite the usual

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dismissive attitudes towards anything Islamic, there is still enough recognition of the genius of such a figure, from whose work sprang our modern sociology, history, political and economic theory. There are literally thousands of works that have been devoted to Ibn Khaldun, long and short, as well as conferences, classes and seminars, besides entries under his name in every encyclopaedia or dictionary, some of them quite original as that in the universal biography published in French. 76 Ibn Khaldoun major work: The

Muqquadimma 77 (The Introduction) is a gigantic endeavour, a discourse on universal history in six chapters.
Chapter one deals with geography: physical and humane. Chapter two deals with urban and rural life. Chapter three is on the state and its working. Chapter four describes cities, their prosperity and fall. Chapter five deals with economics, whilst the final chapter covers sciences, their classifications and their development. Ibn Khaldun also discusses the history of the Arabs, the Jews, the Khalifs, the passage from family to tribe, their confederation, empires, their natural limits, duration and their fall... He expands on administration, government, the law, religion, finance, taxes, war, trade, urban and rural life, arts, sciences, architecture, and music, too. In his work, Ibn Khaldun does not just describe events, but also looked at their source, and elaborated upon them. He criticises some of his predecessors, arguing that information has to be supported by facts, repeatedly, warning on the pitfalls that can induce historians into errors. He rejects partiality, always making thoroughly certain of facts; thus giving a new scientific dimension to the social sciences. In economic theory, four centuries before A.Smith, De Somogyi holds,78 Ibn Khaldun had already concluded that labour was the source of prosperity. He had also distinguished between the direct source of income in agriculture, industry and commerce, and the indirect source of income of civil servants and private employees. In respect to universal historiography he was the first to lay the foundation of the pragmatic method and make social evolution the object of historical research.79 Humphrey explains that Ibn Khaldun was also the first to argue that history was a true science based on philosophical principles. 80 History involves speculation and an attempt to get at the truth, `subtle explanation of the causes and origins of existing things, and a deep knowledge of the how and why of events. Historical knowledge, thus, is not the same as factual data about the past, but consists `of the principles of human society' which are elicited from these data in a complex process of induction and deduction. 81 Mere piling up of facts is not the object of historical study if these facts cannot be determined correctly, there is no basis for historical knowledge in the true sense. And, following a long held Muslim tradition, and along with most Muslim historians, Ibn Khaldun agreed that facts depended on the authorities who had transmitted stories about the past, and that these transmitters should be men widely recognized for their erudition and probity. Ibn Khaldun advises that historians rely on the past for understanding the present, that they use their own experience to understand the underlying conditions of their society and the principles governing them. In studying the past, they must discover the underlying conditions of those times and decide whether and how far the apparent principles of their own age are applicable. The understanding of the past, thus, becoming the tool by which to evaluate the present. Ultimately, once they fully understand the laws of human society, they can apply them directly to any new body of historical information they confront,82 which exactly fits in with the opening statement made at the start of the essay by De Somogyi. With the latter it must be concluded, that if the degree of evolution of any social type is to be measured by the development of its historiography, `a prominent place is due to Islam among the cultures of mankind.83

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References:
1 2 3 4 5 6

F.Wustenfelds Geschichtsschreiber der Araber und ihre Werke (GAW) (1882), Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen (GAL) Literatur, rev. ed., 5 vols. (1937-1949). F.Sezgins Geschichte des arabischen Schriftums (GAS) Vol I (1967) Franz Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (1952, 2nd rev. ed. 1968), D.M. Dunlop: Arab Civilization to AD 1500, Longmann, London, 1971, pp 70-149. R. S. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, Dictionary of the Middle Ages, Charles Scribners and Sons, New York, vol 6, pp 250-5. J. De Somogyi: The Development of Arab Historiography, in The Journal of Semitic Studies , Vol 3; pp 373387; at p.373: Ibid. C. Bouamrane-L. Gardet: Panorama de la Pensee Islamique , Sindbad; 1-3 Rue Feutrier; Paris 18 (1984).Chapter 12: History. pp 252-66; at p. 253. A.al-Duri: Baht fi nash'at al-tarikh, pp 25-7, quoted in Bouamrane-gardet: Panorama, op cit. C. Bouamrane-L. Gardet: Panorama, op cit, at p.252. D.M. Dunlop Arab Civilization, op cit, p.72. C.Bouamrane-Louis Gardet: Panorama, op cit, at p.253. R.S. Humphreys: Historiography, op cit, p. 253 Leiden, Brill, 9 vols, 1904-28. J.De Somogyi: The Development, op cit, p. 376. Edt de Goeje, Brill, edit du Caire; Trad english of P.K. Hitti; and German trans of O. Rescher, 2 vols. S. Al-Munajjad, a'lam al-tarikh, Beyrouth, 2 vols, quoted in C. Bouamrane and L. Gardet: Panorama, op cit. D.M. Dunlop, Arab Civilization, op cit, pp.85-6. In D.M. Dunlop: Arab civilization, op cit, p.84. C. Brockelman: (GAL), op cit, supl, I, p. 216. Edit cairo, 10 Vols; Fr trsltn, reedited Sindbad, Paris, 1979-1984, 6 vols. C. Bouamrane-L.Gardet: Panorama, op cit, p 255. Ibn Khalliqan: Wafayat al-Ayan , ed. De Slane, I, 640. D.M. Dunlop, Arab Civilization, op cit p.89. Leiden, 1879-1901 (reprinted Leiden 1964), including two volumes of Introduction and notes. By the time Dunlop was making such a statement, a UNESCO project was under way to produce a complete English translation of the work. D.M. Dunlop: Arab Civilization, op cit, p.92. F.Rosenthal: History, op cit, pp 134-135. Ibid, p.135. in G.Sarton: Introduction, op cit, vol 1, p.643. Ibid, p.643. Edit Beyrouth and Cairo; trsltn into French by R. Blachere, Paris, 1935. Edit Cairo. Quoted by al-Maqqari, in Nafh al-Tib, ed.Cairo, iv, 172 (ed.Leiden, ii, 122). C.Brockelmann: GAL, i.338. Edt cairo; Cf: A. Gonzales Palencia: Historia de la literatura arabiga-espanola, Madrid; tr. Arab of Husayn Mu'nis, Cairo, 1955.

8 9

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

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38 39 40 41 42 43 44

For details see Brockelmanns GAL. Edit , J. Tornberg, Leiden, 1851-1876. C. Brockelmann: GAL I, 346. Sir William Muir, The Caliphate , Preface to 2nd edt. Ibn al-Athir: kamil, X, p. 112 in F. Rosenthal: History, op cit, at P 147. In F.Rosenthal: History, op cit, P. 175. H.Derenbourg: Ousama ibn Mounkidh , 2 vols, publications de lEcole des Langues Orientales, Paris 18861893. H.Derenbourg: Anthologie de textes arabes inedits par Ousama et sur Ousama; Paris, 1893. H. Derenbourg: Souvenir historiques et recits de chasse, Paris 1895 (French version of Kitab al-Itibar .)

45 46 47 48

G. Shumann, translation of Kitab a-itibar , Innsbruck 1905. George R. Porter: The Autobiography of Ousama ibn Munqidh, London, 1929. G.Sarton: Introduction, op cit, vol ii, at pp 446-7. Philip.K. Hitti: An Arab-Syrian gentleman and warrior in the period of the Crusades. Memoirs of Usamah

ibn Munqidh , Columbia University , New York, 1929; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 32, 1900, p.295. 50 U. and M.C. Lyons: Ayyubids, Mamluks and Crusaders, selection from the Tarikh al-Duwal wal Muluk of Ibn al-Furat ; 2 vols, W. Heffer and Sons Ltd, Cambridge, 1971.
49 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62

In C. Bouamrane-L Gardet: Panorama, op cit, at p. 257. An excellent summary of his life and work in George Sartons introduction, op cit, vol ii, pp 1120-1. Gottingen 1835-1850. Paris 1832-1842. Baron Mac-Guckin de Slane: Ibn Khallikans Biographical Dictionary (4 vols, quarto, Paris, 1842-171. J.De Somogyi: The Development, op cit, p.385. Ibid. From sarton, Introduction, vol ii, pp 684-5. For more on Ibn abi Usaibia see Sarton: introduction, op cit, vol 2, pp 685-6; A. Muller, 2 vols, Konigsberg, 1884. L.Leclerc: Histoire de la Medicine Arabe, 2 vols, Burt Franklin, New York, reprint, 1971. Al-Maqrizi, Ahmad Ibn Ali. Al-Mawaiz wa Alitibar fi dhikr al-Khitat wa-Al-athar. Edited by Ahmed Ali al-Mulaiji. 3 Vols. Beirut: Dar al Urfan. 1959.

Al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Khitat, ed. Bulaq; partial French tr. by U. Bouriant and P. Casanova, Description topographique et Historique de l'Egypte, Paris, 1895-1900; Cairo, 1906-20.
63 64 65

Cairo, 1956-8, 6 vols, . From G.Sarton: introduction, vol ii, pp 1118-9; A. Dozy: Histoire de lAfrique du Nord et de lEspagne intitules al-bayanol Moghrib par ibn Adhari ; 2 vols, leyden, 1848-1851. F.F. Gonzales: Historia de al-Andalus (vol 1, Granada 1860. Al-Maqqari Nafh al-Tib, ed. Muhammad M. Abd al-hamid. 10 vols, Cairo, 1949. P.De Gayangos: The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain (extracted from Nifh Al-Tib by alMaqqari); 2 vols; The Oriental Translation Fund; London, 1840-3. Ibid, preface, p.xiii Ibid, preface, p.xv. R.Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, op cit, p. 251.

66 67 68

69 70 71

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72 73 74 75

Trans Ali Sevki, Istambul, 1876. A.Gallota: Le Gazawat di Hayreddin Barbarossa, Studi Magrebini 3 (1970): 79-160. F.L. de Gomara: Cronica de los Barbarojas, in Memorial historico espanol, vol 6; Madrid 1853. Ghazavat, op cit, fol 29b, 30b. For sources on this particular event, and other points on Turkish history, see A.C. Hess: The Forgotten Frontier , The University of Chicago press, 1978; chapter seven: Islam expelled.

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Biographie Universelle: New Edition, published under the direction of M. Michaud, Paris, 1857. Vol, XX, pp. 26870. Ibn Khaldun: The Muqqaddimah, tr. F. Rosenthal; 3 vols. New York, 1958. J. de Somogyi: The Development, op cit, p. 385. Ibid, at p. 387. R. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, op cit, p. 254. Ibid. Mostly derived from the summary by Humphreys: Muslim historiography, op cit, p. 254. J.de Somogyi: The Development, op cit, at p. 373.

77 78 79 80 81 82 83

Bibliography Al-Andalusi: Tabaqat al-Umam. Edit Beyrouth and Cairo; trsltn into French by R. Blachere, Paris, 1935. Ibn al-Athir:Kitab al-kamil fi'l tarikh (the perfect in history).Edit , J. Tornberg, Leiden, 1851-1876. Ali Riza Pashas Mirat al-Cezayir (a View of Algeria)Trans Ali Sevki, Istambul, 1876. Al-Baladhuri: Kitab Futuh al-Buldan, Edt de Goeje, Brill, edit du Caire; Trad english of P.K. Hitti; and German trans of O. Rescher, 2 vols.

Biographie Universelle: New Edition, published under the direction of M. Michaud, Paris, 1857. Vol, XX, pp. 26870. C. Bouamrane-L. Gardet: Panorama de la Pensee Islamique, Sindbad; 1-3 Rue Feutrier; Paris 18 (1984).Chapter 12: History. pp 252-66. Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen (GAL) Literatur, rev. ed., 5 vols. (1937-1949). H.Derenbourg: Ousama ibn Mounkidh , 2 vols, publications de lEcole des Langues Orientales, Paris 18861893. H.Derenbourg: Anthologie de textes arabes inedits par Ousama et sur Ousama; Paris, 1893. H. Derenbourg: Souvenir historiques et recits de chasse, Paris 1895 (French version of Kitab al-Itibar .) Baron Mac-Guckin De Slane: Ibn Khallikans Biographical Dictionary (4 vols, quarto, Paris, 1842-171. A. Dozy: Histoire de lAfrique du Nord et de lEspagne intitules al-bayanol Moghrib par ibn Adhari; 2 vols, leyden, 1848-1851. D.M. Dunlop: Arab Civilization to AD 1500, Longmann, London, 1971, pp 70-149. A.al-Duri: Baht fi nash'at al-tarikh, pp 25-7, quoted in Bouamrane-gardet: Panorama, op cit. A.Gallota: Le Gazawat di Hayreddin Barbarossa, Studi Magrebini 3 (1970): 79-160. P.De Gayangos: The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain (extracted from Nifh Al-Tib by alMaqqari); 2 vols; The Oriental Translation Fund; London, 1840-3. F.L. de Gomara: Cronica de los Barbarojas, in Memorial historico espanol, vol 6; Madrid 1853. F.F. Gonzales: Historia de al-Andalus (vol 1, Granada 1860. A.C. Hess: The Forgotten Frontier , The University of Chicago press, 1978; chapter seven: Islam expelled. Philip.K. Hitti: An Arab-Syrian gentleman and warrior in the period of the Crusades. Memoirs of Usamah

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Muslim Historians November 2001

ibn Munqidh , Columbia University , New York, 1929.


R. S. Humphreys: Muslim Historiography, Dictionary of the Middle Ages, Charles Scribners and Sons, New York, vol 6, pp 250-5. Ibn Khaldun: The Muqqaddimah, tr. F. Rosenthal; 3 vols. New York, 1958. Ibn Khalliqan: Wafayat al-Ayan , ed. De Slane, I. L.Leclerc: Histoire de la Medicine Arabe, 2 vols, Burt Franklin, New York, reprint, 1971.

U. and M.C. Lyons: Ayyubids, Mamluks and Crusaders, selection from the Tarikh al-Duwal wal Muluk of Ibn al-Furat ; 2 vols, W. Heffer and Sons Ltd, Cambridge, 1971. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 32, 1900. Al-Maqqari Nafh al-Tib, ed. Muhammad M. Abd al-hamid. 10 vols, Cairo, 1949. Al-Maqrizi, Ahmad Ibn Ali. Al-Mawaiz wa Alitibar fi dhikr al-Khitat wa-Al-athar . Edited by Ahmed Ali alMulaiji. 3 Vols. Beirut: Dar al Urfan. 1959. Al-Maqrizi, Kitab al-Khitat, ed. Bulaq; partial French tr. by U. Bouriant and P. Casanova, Description topographique et Historique de l'Egypte, Paris, 1895-1900; Cairo, 1906-20. Sir W. Muir, The Caliphate, Preface to 2nd edt. S. Al-Munajjad, a'lam al-tarikh, Beyrouth, 2 vols. A. G. Palencia: Historia de la literatura arabiga-espanola, Madrid. George R. Porter: The Autobiography of Ousama ibn Munqidh, London, 1929. Franz Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (1952, 2nd rev. ed. 1968). Ibn Saad: Kitab al-tabaqat al-Kabir (the great book of classes),Leiden, Brill, 9 vols, 1904-28. G.Sarton: Introduction to the History of science, The Carmegie Institute; 1927-48. F.Sezgins Geschichte des arabischen Schriftums (GAS) Vol I (1967). J. De Somogyi: The Development of Arab Historiography, in The Journal of Semitic Studies, Vol 3; pp 373-87. G. Shumann, translation of Kitab a-itibar , Innsbruck 1905. Al-Tabari:Tarikh al-Rusul wa'l Muluk, (History of the Apostles and the Kings), Edit cairo, 10 Vols; Fr trsltn, reedited Sindbad, Paris, 1979-1984, 6 vols. Ibn Abi Usaybia: Kitab uyun al-anba fi tabaqat al-atiba (sources of information on the classes of physicians),A. Muller, 2 vols, Konigsberg, 1884. F.Wustenfelds Geschichtsschreiber der Araber und ihre Werke (GAW) (1882).

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Review of Muslim Contribution to Civil Engineering:

Dam Construction

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Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Professor Talip Alp Ahmed Salem BSc June 2002 4021 FSTC Limited 2002, 2003

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Civil Engineering: Dam Construction June 2002

R EVIEW OF M US LIM CONT R IBUT ION T O CIVIL EN GINEER ING:

DAM CONSTRUCTION
Introduction In his `History of Dams, Norman Smith, began his chapter devoted to Muslim dams, 1 by stating that:

`Historians of civil engineering have almost totally ignored the Moslem period, and in particular historians of dam building, such as there have been, either make no reference to Moslem work at all or, even worse, claim that during Umayyad and Abbasid times dam building, irrigation and other engineering activities suffered sharp decline and eventual extinction. Such view is both unjust and untrue. 2
Similar point is raised by Pacey, who notes that it is often said that hydraulic engineering `made little progress under the Muslim, and that the latters achievements hardly evolved beyond the Greek or Romans. Pacey corrects this view, pointing out that the Islamic civilisation adapted ancient techniques `to serve the needs of a new age, and that the Muslims extended the application of mechanical and hydraulic technology enormously. 3 To explain the reasons behind the belittling Muslim achievements as observed by Smith, Pacey and others 4 is a mammoth a task which requires people versed in political, religious, and historical matters. Dams and Construction Techniques The Muslims built many dams in a rich variety of structures and forms. The majority of the earliest Muslim dams were completed in Arabia itself; and full information on their height, length, and ratios between height and length is given by Schnitter. He also specifies that with the exception of the Qusaybah dam near Medina, a 30 m high-205 m long structure, which was slightly curved in plan, the alignment of all others were straight.5 About half such dams were provided with a flood overflow at one end, and often with a downstream training wall to guide the spilled water to a safe distance from the dams foot. Schnitter also observes that about a third of such very early dams (7th-8th century) are still intact. 6 In Iraq, in the vicinity of Baghdad, a considerable number of dams were built during the Abbasid Khalifate. 7 Most such dams are on the Tigris, but a few are on water diversions, further illustration of high engineering skills. In Iran can be found the Kebar dam, dating from the 13th century, the oldest arched dam known to have survived. 8 The dam has a core of rubble masonry set in mortar, the mortar made from lime crushed with the ash of a local desert plant, the addition of ash making the lime hydraulic. This resulted in a strong, hard and impervious mortar, ideal for dams, the very reason for such dam's long life, and the absence of cracks in it. Much earlier than this dam, in todays Afghanistan, were three dams completed by King Mahmoud of Ghaznah (998-1030) near his capital city. One named after him, was located 100 km SW of Kabul, and was 32m high, and 220m long. 9 Dam construction in Muslim Spain was prolific. In the city of Cordoba, on the river Guadalquivir, can be found what is probably the oldest surviving Islamic dam in the country.10 According to the twelfth- century geographer al-Idrisi it was built of Qibtiyya stone and incorporated marble pillars. 11 The dam follows a zigzag course across the river, a shape which indicates that the builders were aiming at a long crest in order

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Civil Engineering: Dam Construction June 2002

to increase its overflow capacity. Remains of the dam can still be seen today, a few feet above the river bed, although in its prime, it was probably about seven or eight feet above high- water level and eight feet thick.12 Techniques used by Muslim masons and engineers reached great heights of ingenuity. On the river Turia, still in Spain, as an instance, modern measurements have shown that the eight canals have between them a total capacity slightly less than that of the river, thus raising the possibility that the Muslims were able to gauge a river and then design their dams and canals to match. 13 Smith elaborates on such skills. 14 Muslim engineers used sophisticated land surveying methods to locate their dams in the most suitable sites, and also to lay out very complex canal systems. For such, they used astrolabes and also trigonometric calculations. 15 Around Baghdad water was diverted into the Nahwran Canal which supplied water for irrigation, whilst improvements were made to existing, old systems. 16 Dams were built of carefully cut stone blocks, joined together by iron dowels, whilst the holes in which the dowels fitted were filled by pouring in molten lead. 17 An impressive structure of masonry is Hills impression of the dam at Marib in Yemen, with its carefully cut and fitted blocks using lead dowels in their joints. 18 It was also fourteen metres high and 600 metres long, with elaborate waterworks including sluices, spillways, a settling tank and distribution tank. So strong a structure, it survived for about ten centuries until lack of financial and technical means made it impossible to maintain. 19 Back in Spain, according to Scott, the masonry of the reservoirs was of the finest description, and the cement used was harder than stone itself. 20 Contingencies were provided for in such manner that no overflow occurred, and no damage resulted even during the worst flooding. Evidence of Muslim engineering `genius is the fact that these dams needed hardly any repair in a thousand years. 21 The eight dams on the Turia River at first sight seem to have an exaggerated amount of weight placed on their foundations, the masonry of each dam going some fifteen feet into the river bed, and further support provided by the addition of rows of wooden piles. Such solid foundations were justified by the rivers erratic behaviour, which in times of flooding reaches a flow that is a hundred time greater than normal, the structure having to resist the battering of water, stones, rocks and trees. 22 These dams, now over ten century old, still continue to meet the irrigation needs of Valencia, requiring no addition to the system. 23 On the River Segura, the Muslims built a dam in order to irrigate vast lands in the Murcia region. 24 Because of the nature of the terrain, not just the location, but the design and construction had to be absolutely perfect, too. The height of the dam was only 25 feet, yet its base thickness was 150 and l25 feet, which may seem excessive. Such thickness was necessary to meet the softness and weakness of the rivers bed to prevent it from sliding along. The water flowing over the crest initially fell vertically through a height of 13-17 feet on to a level platform, running the length of the dam. This served to dissipate the energy of the water spilling over the crest. The over-flow then ran to the foot of the dam over flat or gently sloping sections of the face. In this way the whole dam acted as a spillway and the energy gained by the water in falling 25 feet was dissipated en route. Thus the risk of undermining the downstream foundations was greatly reduced. Like with other dams, rubble masonry and mortar were used for the interior, and the whole was finished with large masonry blocks. 25 By far, the most original Muslim reservoirs are to be found in the region of Qayrawan in Tunisia. A lengthy (about 270 pages) account of such structures is offered by the French Solignac. 26 These reservoirs, possibly for their high aesthetics, and like many other Islamic achievements, 27 were attributed, despite all evidence, 28 to both Phoenicians 29 and Romans. 30 Such erroneous views were adopted by a number of scholars until modern archaeological excavations and advanced studies proved the Islamic origin of such structures. These reservoirs have two basins, one used for decantation, one as a reserve, and at times a

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Civil Engineering: Dam Construction June 2002

third one for drawing water out of it. Other than their impressive numbers, over two hundred and fifty in the region, such reservoirs also offer a great attraction in their form and structure. Water Management and Water Storage Water management in all its intricacies, from Andalusia to Afghanistan, Bolens reminds, was the basis of agriculture, and source of all life. All the Kitab al-Filahat (books of agriculture), whatever their origin, Maghribian, Andalusian; Egyptian, Iraqi; Persian or Yemenite, insist, and meticulously, on the deployment of equipment and on the control of water. 31 The authorities of the time played a crucial role in that, too. In Iraq, as a rule, hydraulic tasks of a vast nature were left to the state, while the local population focussed its efforts on lesser ones. 32 In Egypt, a more elaborate picture comes out.33 There, indeed, the management of The Nile waters was most crucial to every single aspect of life, and dams responded to such necessity. Both al-Nuwayri 34 and al-Makrizi 35 stressed the role of maintenance of dams and waterways of the Nile for maximum benefits. It was the responsibility for both sultans and holders of large holdings, under both Ayyubids and Mamelouks, to dig and clean canals and maintain dams. As in Iraq the sultan took over the larger structures, and the people the lesser ones. Most distinguished Amirs and officials were also made chief supervisors of such works. 36 Under the Mamluks there was even an officer for the inspection of dams for each province of Egypt: the Kashif al-Djusur . 37 Dams are used to store water, and this has major implications on economic and social life. Smith observes that `not only do dams represent some of the most impressive achievements of engineers over the centuries, but their vital role in supplying water to towns and cities, irrigating dry lands, providing a source of power and controlling floods is more than sufficient to rank dam building amongst the most essential aspects of mans attempt to harness, control and improve his environment. 38 Effective storage and use of water for irrigation, for instance, can have dramatic repercussions, in cheapening the process and bringing into use lands that were hitherto impossible or uneconomic to irrigate. 39 Both Spain and Sicily offer good illustrations of that. Water is also stored for the aim of providing power for milling. In Khuzistan, at the PulI-Bulaiti dam on the Ab-i-Gargar, the mills were installed in tunnels cut through the rock at each side of the channel, constituting one of the earliest examples of hydro-power dams, and not the only one in the Muslim world. 40 Another example is the bridge-dam at Dizful, which was used to provide power to operate a noria that was fifty cubits in diameter, which supplied all the houses of the town. 41 Many such hydraulic works can still be seen today. 42 Transfer of Hydraulic Technology to Europe The Islamic mastery of hydraulic technology is far more advanced than acknowledged by some of the sources many are too keen to follow, and which hence distorts the exact role of Muslim engineering skills. Indeed, to the likes of Gimpel 43 and White, 44 the Muslims hardly made any contributions in such a field. Reality, however, is far the opposite. First and foremost, the hydraulic works of the Ancients were found by the Muslims in a terrible state of decay and ruin,45 and they did not just repair them, but also added considerable skills of their own. To Spain, for instance, the Muslims brought irrigation techniques which not only laid the foundations for the prosperity of the country, but also with nothing as elaborate and as efficient seen before in Europe. 46 After the country was retaken by Christian forces, the Muslims, masters of great skills then, were allowed to retain their functions and serve the new crown. Alongside builders, paper and textile makers, manufacturers of iron and experts of all sorts, the Spaniards also retained and used

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Civil Engineering: Dam Construction June 2002

Muslim irrigation works, their attendant rules and even regulations. 47 And as soon as the Muslims, who refusing to be baptized as Christians were expelled, or massacred, economic ruin, and famine always followed. 48 And Spain never recovered its former prosperity and levels of advancement once the Muslims had been eliminated from its land. Hill also notes that the introduction of desilting sluices, the arch dam, and hydropower made their first appearances in the Islamic world, observing that it is `difficult to see how these can be other than Muslim inventions. 49 Further illustration of Islamic impact in the field is not just obvious through the works of Hill, Pacey, Smith and others, it is also visible via the works of Muslim engineers themselves as can still be observed through the remains of old age storage structures all over the Islamic land. Furthermore, Whites, Gimpels and their followers argument lacks historical backing, for the major changes that took place in Europe, and not just in terms of hydraulic technology, but all others, 50 did, and without one single exception, at the time the Europeans came into contact with the flourishing Islamic civilisation (twelfth-thirteenth centuries), and not the centuries before. Also, the fact that Western technology in nearly every respect is identical to the Islamic one offers further evidence of such impact. The Destruction of Islamic Engineering Works Like with much else regarding Islamic civilization, once the transfer was accomplished, destruction followed. Muslim dams did not escape in their vast majority the onslaught against Islam. In 1220, the armies of Jenghis Khan devastated the whole eastern parts of the Muslim land. The destruction of al-Jurjaniyah dam south of the Aral Sea diverted the River Oxus from its course and deprived the Aral Sea of water, causing it to nearly dry out centuries later. 51 A hundred and sixty three years later, in 1383, it was Timurs hordes, which this time completed the work of their predecessors. The Tartars laid the land waste, Zaranj the capital of the province of Seistan, suffering terrible fate; its dams and all its irrigation works completely laid waste. A similar fate befell the Band-I-Rustam, and the region of Bust. 52 Today, hardly anything survives in those lands once the seats of great civil engineering accomplishments.

References:
1 2 3

N. Smith: A History of Dams, The Chaucer Press, London,1971. Ibid.; p. 75. A.Pacey: Technology in World Civilization, a Thousand year History, The MIT Press, Cambridge, 1990, at See, for instance,

p.8.
4

-E.J. Holmyard: Chemistry in Islam, in Toward Modern Science, Vol 1, R. Palter edition, The Noonday press, New York, 1961; pp 160-70. -J.H. Harvey: the origins of Gothic Architecture, Antiquaries Journal, 48, pp 87-99. And anyone taking the bother to read any of the many books or articles devoted to Islamic science that are still accessible, will find support for the opinion of neglect and cover up of the Muslim contribution to world civilization.
5 6 7 8

N.J. Schnitter: A History of dams; A.A. Balkema, Rotterdam, 1994; pp-81-2. Ibid, p. 82. N.Smith: A History of Dams, op cit, p.78. D.R. Hill: Islamic science and engineering, Edimburgh University Press, 1993, p. 168.

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N.Schintter: A History, op cit, pp 88-9. N.Smith: A History, op cit, p.90. In D.R. Hill: Islamic Science, op cit, op cit, p.161. Ibid. Ibid, p.165. N.Smith: a History, op cit, p. 88. See forthcoming chapter on al-Battani. A. Pacey, Technology, op cit, p.9. Ibid, pp.9-10. D.Hill: Islamic Science, op cit, at p. 159. Ibid. S.P. Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe ; J.B. Lippincott Company, London and Philadelphia, 3 Ibid, p. 602. N.Smith: A history, op cit, p. 93. Ibid. N. Smith: A History, op cit, pp. 94-7; D. Hill: Islamic science, op cit, pp. 166-7. Ibid. A. Solignac: Recherches sur les installations hydrauliques de kairaouan et des Steppes Tunisiennes du VII A list that includes Arabic numerals, the invention of the pendulum, the use of the compass in navigation,

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

Vols, Vol 3, 1904; at pp. 601-2.


21 22 23 24 25 26

au Xiem siecle, in Annales de lInstitut des Etudes Orientales, Algiers, X (1952); 5-273.
27

the vaulted arch in construction, blood circulation, and so on and so forth, all attributed to various sources other than Islam despite all evidence in favour of the Muslims. On the other hand, acts such as the burning of the famed Library of Alexandria were attributed for centuries to the Muslims despite the flimsy nature of evidence. The library was proven to have been burnt centuries before the Muslims entered Egypt(See E.Gibbon, The decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, for instance.) Undaunted, some sources still ignore such evidence and keep blaming the Muslims.
28

M.Shaw: Voyages de Shaw MD dans plusieurs provinces de la Barbarie et du Levant; 2 Vols, La haye, 1743; Vol

II; pp 257-9; and E. Pelissier: Description de la Regence de Tunis; Exploration scientifique de lAlgerie pendant les annees 1840-41-42; Paris, 1853, pp 279-280.
29

A.Daux: Recherches sur loriginalite et lemplacement des emporia Pheniciennes dans le Zeugis et le H.Saladdin: Enquetes sur les installations hydrauliques romaines en Tunisie, published by Direction des

Byzacium, Paris, 1849.


30

Antiquites et Beaux Arts, et La regence de Tunisie, Tunis, 1890 a 1912. R.Thouvenot: Les traveaux hydrauliques des Romains en Afrique du Nord in: Realites marocaines, Hydraulique,

Electricite, Casablanca, 1951.


31

Lucie Bolens: Irrigation: in Encyclopedia of the history of Science, technology, and Medicine in Non

Western Cultures. Editor: Helaine Selin; Kluwer Academic Publishers. Dordrecht/Boston/London, 1997. pp
450-2; at p. 451.
32 33 34 35 36

C. Cahen: Irrigation in Iraq; Encyclopaedia of Islam, second edition, Vol V, Leiden, Brill, pp.864-5. H.Rabie: pre-20th century irrigation in Egypt, in Enbcyclopaedia of Islam, Vol V, pp 862-4; Al-Nuwayri: Nihayat al-Arab, Cairo, 1923, vol I, p 265. Al-Makrizi: Khitat , Cairo, 1853-4 edt; vol I, p.61. Encyclopaedia, op cit, p 862.

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37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

Ibid, p. 863. N. Smith: A History, Op cit, preface, p.i. A.M. Watson: Agricultural innovation in the early Islamic world, Cambridge University Press; 1983. p. 104. N.Smith: A History, op cit, p. 81. Le Strange: The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, London, 1905; p. 239. D.R. Hill: Islamic, op cit, p. 160. Jean Gimpel: The Medieval machine, Pimlico, London, 1976. Lynn White Jr: Medieval technology and social Change, Oxford, 1964.

When C. Singer, assisted by Hall and Holmyard completed the edition of the large `History of Technology, in five volumes, in 1958, the response from Lynn White was vitriolic towards the epilogue written by Singer `East and West in Retrospect. White used first Speculum (vol 33, 1958, pp 130-5,) and, above all Technology and Culture (Vol 1, 1958, at pp 340-1), a quarterly set up soon after Singers book, and with him (White) taking one of the leading positions in that journal, to attack Singers above quoted chapter. Singer is not the first recipient of such attacks, though. Any single book or journal, including the famed ISIS (founded by George Sarton,) that is deemed favourable to Islamic science and technology suffers the same onslaught.
45 46 47 48

A.M. Watson: Agricultural innovation, op cit, p. 104. D.R. Hill: Islamic science, op cit, at p. 161. N.Smith, A history, op cit, p .103. On the expulsion and extermination of the Muslims in Spain and Portugal, see:

-Jean Read: The Moors in Spain and Portugal; Faber and Faber, London, 1974. -Charles. H. Lea: A History of the Inquisition of Spain , 4 vols; The Mac Millan Company, New York, 1907. See volume three, pp 317-409. -S.P. Scott: A history of the Moorish, op cit, vol III.
49 50

D.R. Hill: Islamic science, op cit, pp 168-9. Including paper making, new architectural techniques, university teaching, the construction of hospitals, N. Smith, a History, op cit, p 86. Ibid.

windmills, the use of the compass etc..


51 52

Bibliography: -Lucie Bolens: Irrigation: in Encyclopedia of the history of Science, technology, and Medicine in Non Western Cultures. Editor: Helaine Selin; Kluwer Academic Publishers. Dordrecht/Boston/London, 1997. pp 450-2. -C. Cahen: Irrigation in Iraq; Encyclopaedia of Islam , second edition, Vol V, Leiden, Brill, pp.864-5. -A.Daux: Recherches sur loriginalite et lemplacement des emporia Pheniciennes dans le Zeugis et le Byzacium, Paris, 1849. -E.Gibbon, The decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. -J. Gimpel: The Medieval machine , Pimlico, London, 1976. -J.H. Harvey: the origins of Gothic Architecture, Antiquaries Journal, 48, pp 87-99. -D.R. Hill: Islamic science and engineering, Edimburgh University Press, 1993. -E.J. Holmyard: Chemistry in Islam, in Toward Modern Science, Vol 1, R. Palter edition, The Noonday press, New York, 1961; pp 160-70.

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-Charles. H. Lea: A History of the Inquisition of Spain , 4 vols; The Mac Millan Company, New York, 1907. -Le Strange: The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, London, 1905. -Al-Makrizi: Khitat , Cairo, 1853-4 edt; vol I. -Al-Nuwayri: Nihayat al-Arab, Cairo, 1923, vol I. -A.Pacey: Technology in World Civilization, a Thousand year History , The MIT Press, Cambridge, 1990. -E. Pelissier: Description de la Regence de Tunis; Exploration scientifique de lAlgerie pendant les annees 1840-41-

42; Paris, 1853.


-H.Rabie: pre-20th century irrigation in Egypt, in Enbcyclopaedia of Islam, Vol V, pp 862-4; -J. Read: The Moors in Spain and Portugal; Faber and Faber, London, 1974. -H.Saladdin: Enquetes sur les installations hydrauliques romaines en Tunisie, published by Direction des Antiquites et Beaux Arts, et La regence de Tunisie, Tunis, 1890 a 1912. -M.Shaw: Voyages de Shaw MD dans plusieurs provinces de la Barbarie et du Levant; 2 Vols, La haye, 1743; Vol II. -N.J. Schnitter: A History of dams; A.A. Balkema, Rotterdam, 1994. -S.P. Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe ; J.B. Lippincott Company, London and Philadelphia, 3 Vols, Vol 3, 1904. -N. Smith: A History of Dams, The Chaucer Press, London,1971. -A.Solignac: Recherches sur les installations hydrauliques de kairaouan et des Steppes Tunisiennes du VII au Xiem siecle, in Annales de lInstitut des Etudes Orientales, Algiers, X (1952); 5-273. -R.Thouvenot: Les traveaux hydrauliques des Romains en Afrique du Nord in: Realites marocaines, Hydraulique,

Electricite, Casablanca, 1951. -A.M. Watson: Agricultural innovation in the early Islamic world, Cambridge University Press; 1983. -Lynn White Jr: Medieval technology and social Change, Oxford, 1964.

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Some Aspects of Mineralogy and Gemology in Muslim Civilisation

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Professor Abdulkader M. Abed Professor Salim Al-Hassani Husamaldin Tayeh August 2003 4043 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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Some Aspects of Mineralogy and Gemology in Muslim Civilisation August 2003

SOME ASPECTS OF MINERALOGY AND GEMOLOGY IN MUSLIM CIVILISATION


Summary
Many Muslim scholars dealt with minerals and gems and wrote monographs on the subject. The golden age of their writings was the 4th-5th century after Hijra (AH) (10th-11th century AD). They used almost all the physical properties known to us now to identify and differentiate minerals. subject. Experimentation was a widespread habit in the study of minerals. Al-Biruni, in the authors view, was the leading scientist in this

1- Introduction
Mineralogy is the science studying minerals. A mineral is a naturally occurring substance that has a definite chemical composition and crystal structure. In other words, a mineral is a crystalline, chemical pure, natural material. Accordingly, gold, diamond, quartz, calcite, sapphire, pearl, etc are examples of minerals. The importance of minerals and mineral resources are well known and do not need to be mentioned here. Gems and precious stones are special types of minerals. They are rare, beautiful (in colour, transparency, lustre, etc), and hard enough to resist physical and chemical changes for some time. Diamond, ruby, sapphire, emerald, etc have these properties; they are gems and, of course, minerals. The importance of gems to emperors, kings and wealthy women was possibly the driving force behind their recognition since the dawn of human civilization. Certain varieties of mineral, precious stones, and gems were known to the Ancient Egyptians, Mesopotamian people, Ancient Indians, Greeks, and Romans. Most of the lands of these people became part of the Islamic State Caliphate. Consequently, their writings on gems and minerals, as was the case with other subjects, were translated into Arabic in the first 3 centuries A.H. Thus, it is not surprising to find the best contributions by Muslim scientists to mineralogy and gemology in the 4th and 5th centuries A.H.

2- Scientists of the Subject


Most of what was written in the subject of minerals, stones, and gems was lost. works. These are some examples: ! ! ! Yahya Bin Masawaih (died 242 AH/857 AD), Gems and their properties. Al-Kindi, Yakoub Bin Ishaaq (260AH/873AD) wrote three monographs, the best of which is Gems and the Likes. It was cited by other writers in the subject. However, it was lost. Al-Hamdani, Al-Hasan Bin Ahmad (334AH) wrote three books on Arabia in parts of which he described methods of exploration for gold, silver, and other minerals and gems, their properties and locations. A few monographs

survived, and are now printed. In addition, information on the subject can be found in some encyclopedic

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Some Aspects of Mineralogy and Gemology in Muslim Civilisation August 2003

! !

Ikhwaan As-Safa (2nd half of the 4th century AH) wrote an encyclopedic work, which included a part on minerals, especially classification. Al-Biruni, Abu Ar-Rayhan Mohammad Bin Ahmad (440AH/1048AD) is in the authors view the leading mineralogist throughout the Islamic history. His monograph Treatises on how to recognize gems( Al-Jamhir fi Marifatil Al-Jawahir) is probably the best contribution on mineralogy in the Muslim civilization. Throughout this manuscript, Al-Beruni did not translate or copy the science of other civilizations. Instead, he recorded his own experience.

Al-Tifashi, Ahmad Bin Yousef (683AH), Flowering Ideas on Gemstones(Azhar Al-Afkar fi Jawahir Al-Ahjar) value. Although it is more than 200 years after the work of Al-Bierouni, it is of lower scientific However, it is much superior both in classifying minerals and in the method of studying

them, which is very close to what we see now in modern mineralogy books. ! Ibn Al-Akfani, Mohammad Bin Ibrahim (749AH/1348AD), Special Treasures on Characteristics of Gemstones (Nukhab Al-Thakhair fi Ahwaal Al-Jawahir). This monograph is scientifically of lesser quality than that of Al-Tifashi.

Fig. 1 (left) Diamond crystal as described by Al-Biruni and drawn by the author. Fig. 2 (right) Quartz crystal as described by Al-Biruni and drawn by the author.

3- Methods of Study
Since the dawn of human civilization up till the 18th century AD, minerals had been studied by the use of their physical properties; e.g. colour, luster, hardness, crystal habit, etc. Whilst Muslim scientists used the same set of physical properties as scholars before and after them, they also made original contributions to the subject. The following are some examples of these properties and how they were used by the Muslim scientists to identify certain minerals.

3.1- Colour
Colour is what you see with the naked eye in the specimens. It was used extensively to subdivide a gem into several varieties. ! ! ! ! Yaghout (), now known as corundum, was divided into four types; each was subdivided into several varieties. Red = present day ruby. Seven varieties were identified. Yellow = Yellow sapphire. Five varieties were identified. Blue = sapphire. Five varieties were identified. White = white sapphire.

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Some Aspects of Mineralogy and Gemology in Muslim Civilisation August 2003

Since colour is misleading in the identification of minerals, it is important to emphasize their ability to put all these coloured varieties in one gem category: Yaghout or corundum. other properties beside colour. To do this, they depended on

3.2- Streak
Streak is the colour of the mineral powder when scratched. It is still used now to differentiate, for example, between minerals which have the same colour but vary in their streak colour. This property was used by AlBiruni to group several varieties of hematite Fe2O3 (Shathenj ) under one mineral.

3.3- Dispersion
This is the ability of a mineral to analyze the white light into its seven components, violet red. Diamond is one of the minerals which have this property. To Muslim scholars, the higher the quality of diamond, the better it disperses light.

3.4- Hardness
Hardness is the ability of a mineral to scratch other minerals. The scratched mineral is the softer of the two. This property was well known to Muslim scholars, to the degree that they arranged the known minerals according to their hardness. Al-Bierouni wrote in his monograph Al-Jamaher p. 66: I have started my book describing diamond before all other gems because it is the leader or master. It scratches Yaghout (corundum) and Yaghout scratches what comes below it. However, Yaghout can not scratch diamond. etc (Authors translation). This is exactly our present knowledge of both minerals. Al-Bierouni also differentiated between diamond and a variety of quartz by hardness. A lot had been written on this property; the above few lines are enough to explain the idea.

3.5- Habit
Habit is the most common natural form or shape of the mineral. It is a reflection of its crystal form. This important property was also frequently used by Muslim scholars to differentiate between minerals. Let us translate the habit of diamond from Al-Tiefashi (authors translation): and of the properties of diamond, all types have right angles, six or eight or more, the faces are triangles. If it is broken, faces will be triangular even at the smallest parts, . This is true because we now know that diamond is of the cubic crystal system, and its more important habit is the octahedron. Al-Biruni, p. 94-95 differentiated between diamond and Yaghout, and diamond and quartz using the crystal habit. Figures 1 and 2 are drawn by the author according to the descriptions of Al-Biruni.

3.6- Specific Gravity


This is another important property coined by Al-Biruni, where he measured the specific gravity of several minerals for the first time to my knowledge. He invented a simple apparatus to do this (Fig. 3). The procedure may be simple, but the results are accurate and reproducible. The conical apparatus is filled

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Some Aspects of Mineralogy and Gemology in Muslim Civilisation August 2003

with water to the mark. Then, a piece of the mineral is weighed and put in the apparatus. The volume of the displaced water is determined, which equals the volume of the piece of the mineral. The specific gravity of the mineral was calculated in reference to a standard volume of the yellow-orange Yaghout (corundum), and NOT TO WATER as we now calculate it. The specific gravity of the standard (Kutb ) yellow-orange Yaghout was 100 Mithkal. In other words, he was comparing the weights of equal volumes of the minerals and the Kutb Yaghout. The experiment was the same as the current practice for measurement, except that we now use water as the reference material with a specific gravity of 1. Table 1 shows the specific gravity of some minerals and materials relative to Kutb Yaghout.

Fig. 3 A sketch of Al-Biruni apparatus which he used to determine the specific gravity of gems and minerals.

Tabl e 1
Specific gravity of some minerals and materials relative to the Kutb yaghout (From Al-Khazen, Mizan AlHikma, p. 58).

Name of the gem

Gem weights of equal volumes to Y ag ho u t Their weights when equal to the volume of 100 Mithkal of Yaghout D a w a n ik Mithkal Dawanik Total Tasaseej
2400 2331 2171 1671 1630 1574 1554 1549 1525 1509

Yaghout Ruby Spinel Beryl Lazaward Pearl Agate Agate Onyx & Quartz Phaross Glass

100 97 90 69 67 65 64 64 63 62

2 3 5 3 4 4 5

3 3 2 2 2 1 3 1

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Some Aspects of Mineralogy and Gemology in Muslim Civilisation August 2003

Dawanik are parts of Mithkal, Tasaseej are parts of Danik. The above numbers are of less use until they are converted to specific gravity on the basis of water = 1 i.e. to numbers that can be compared to what we have in modern mineralogy books. To do this, find out the modern specific gravity of Yaghout or corundum (it ranges from 4.01 to 4.4). This is equal to 100 Mithkal or 2400 Tasaseej. Then convert all other numbers to get the modern specific gravity for the above gems as shown in Table 2. Note that the modern specific gravity for the above gems is a range rather than a single value, because of impurities inherited in their genesis. Also, the exact composition of the reference variety of Yaghout used by Al-Biruni is not known. Consequently, some differences are present. However, they are small enough to indicate the accuracy of Al-Birunis experiments.

Tabl e 2
Some of the specific gravities of Al-Bierouni compared to modern values.

Name

Al-Birunis values Their weights when equal to the volume of 100 Mithkal of Yaghout Yaghout = 100 Water = 1 Modern Values Water = 1
4.4 3.99 2.678 2.775 2.65 2.684 2.5 2.7 2.6 2.5 2.45 2.58 12 <1

Ruby Spinel Beryl Pearl Agate Coral, polished Syrian Glass Quartz Sabaj=Jet Amber

97.125 90.458 69.5 65.58 64.75 64.54 63.125-62.79 62.6 28 21.40

4.01 3.73 2.86 2.7 2.67 2.66 2.6 2.59 2.58 1.15 0.88

4- Experimentation
One should not expect Muslim scientists to perform complicated experiments using sophisticated equipment in the manner of present day mineralogy. Experiments were focused on the physical properties of the minerals, in order to differentiate or identify them. Some of the Muslim scientists had slightly experimented on minerals, like Ibn Masawaih; others had frequently used experiments, like Al-Tiefashi; and a third class of scientists acquired all their knowledge of minerals through experimentation, like Al-Biruni. The following example is cited because it is short enough to include in the article. Al-Biruni wrote in his book Al-Jamahir , p. 58, while talking about Yaghout (ruby): I (Al-Biruni) bought some raw pebbles brought from India. I heated some of them, they became more red. There were two very dark pieces, one was with reddish colour, the other was less red. I put both pieces in a crucible and directed the flame at them for a period sufficient to melt 50 Mithkal of gold. I took the pieces after cooled. I noticed that the less red piece became purer with a rose red colour. The other, deep red piece lost its colour and became like Sarandeep (now Sri Lanka) quartz. I then examined this latter piece and

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Some Aspects of Mineralogy and Gemology in Muslim Civilisation August 2003

found that it was softer than the Yaghout. . . I concluded: when redness is lost with heating, the heated material is not Yaghout. This conclusion can not be reversed; i.e. if the heated material stays red it is not necessarily Yaghout, because iron stays red after heating. Authors translation. There are several tests in the above paragraph: ! ! ! ! ! Al-Birouni first classified the pebbles as red yaghout (ruby). Two pieces were doubtful on the basis of their colour. The colour was tested by heating the two pieces. They were then tested for their hardness. Then a general conclusion was made for the whole work.

There are many other experiments where more than one physical property is used to identify a mineral or a gem.

5- An Example of Other Writings


Let us end this article by giving an example of other writings in the field of mineralogy. The example is Sabaj (known now as jet). The writings on diamond or Yaghout is too long to copy. This is not a gem. . It is a deep black stone, sageel, very soft, light, and burns with fire. descriptions. It

ignites if heated by the suns rays and has a petroleum smell which is in agreement with our (his) It is a solidified petroleum very much like the black stones used to heat ovens in Fardhanah (now in Ozbecstan). This is because the asphalt, bitumen, and petroleum rises in the mountain in Farghanah. .few lines on the metals and minerals in Farghanah. . The best Sabaj quality comes from Tous (now in Iran), it is used to make mirrors and utensils, and usually found in black, wetted, rotten land. . It is also brought from the Dead Sea area. Its specific gravity relative to Yaghout is approximately 28. The type brought from Samarkand has a specific gravity of 26.25 (around 1 relative to water). I (He) did fixed his weight relative to Yaghout because of the abundance of bubbles within it which increase the volume and decrease the weight. Jamahir. Authors translation Note the wealth of information in the above paragraph: ! ! ! ! ! Areas from which it is brought or mined Detailed physical properties Variation in specific gravity and its causes Genesis: its relation to petroleum Uses P. 68, Al-

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Selected References:
) 749 1348 /( . .1939 )243 857/( . . .1977 . .1957 . ) ( ) 440( . 1355 .. ) 683( . .1977 . ) 515( . 1359 .. ) 345( . .1977 .

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Interior Architecture of Desert Climate


Case Study of Gadames city - Libyan Desert

Author: Chief Editor: Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Mr. Hadi Ali Shateh BA, MA Nasser University, Libya Professor Salim Al-Hassani Rabah Saoud BA, MPhil, PhD Ahmed Salem BSc October 2002 4037 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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Interior Architecture of Desert Climate October 2002

INTERIOR ARCHITECTURE OF DESERT CLIMATE


CASE STUDY OF G ADAM ES CITY - L IBYAN D ESE RT

ABSTRACT The desert environment is often regarded as a primitive wasteland occasionally occupied by tents of the passing nomads. Yet, the Arab desert saw the birth and establishment of one of the great civilisations the world has ever seen. The Islamic civilisation, with its huge achievements, started in desert Arabia, the vestige of which is still scattered in various regions in the form of a number of thriving cities and ruins of others. With their distinctive character, these cities display a sophisticated design and building technology. They were specifically developed to meet the harsh climatic conditions of this type of environment and to translate the socio-cultural structures of the desert societies. The present paper examines the design principles of the interior of desert houses in the city of Gadames (Libya). The paper argues for the great congruence between the characteristics of the physical fabric of Gadames houses and its environmental conditions. Such a feature should provide lessons for solving the inadequacies of contemporary housing in Libya and the Arab World in general.

1. INTRODUCTION The subject of design of the housing interior space in hot areas has been the subject of many studies before. The aim here is to study the nature of the interior space introduced in desert climate conditions, and analyse the principles applied in their design to achieve thermal comfort for residents. It is clear that natural circumstances of the desert present a great challenge to designers to finding appropriate ingredients to accommodate these circumstances in the characters of the built form, the open space as well as in the nature of material of construction used. In internal aspects, designers faced similar constraints in finding adequate spatial arrangement, dcor, furniture and so on. From the present study of Gadames, it appears that Arab designers have raised to this challenge and succeeded in developing a number of design tools to sustain the climatic and physical conditions of the desert. Acquiring his skills from his observation and experience with such environment, the Arab designer successfully adapted elements such as height, material of construction, wall thickness, lighting, furniture and dcor to local climate conditions. These solutions, found explicitly in Gadames, provide contemporary designers of similar environments with valuable lessons for coping with harsh climate conditions. 2. LOCATION AND CLIMATE Gadames is a Libyan desert city located on 35.08 north and 9.30 east with typical desert climate consisting mainly of hot and dry season. Temperatures reach an average of 48C.

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3. DESIGN OF HOUSING UNIT 3.1 The idea of design The design typology developed in Gadames conforms largely to the environmental conditions. Such measures were produced on three main levels of design parameters. The city level involves the form of buildings, height, and material of construction, all of which reflected the local conditions. The level of ventilation and lighting systems of the city plan includes the ways the streets are designed, ventilated and lighted. The third level of this conscious design is the internal spatial organisation of buildings, which is the subject of this brief. Below is an illustrative example of a typical housing unit plan in Gadames in which we will examine various aspects introduced to cope with the temperatures of the desert climate (figure 1) . 3.2 The House entrance Entrances of the houses of old Gadames city generally open to the streets which are mostly vaulted to protect against the burning sun (figure 2) . Residents took advantage of this and extended the upper floors of their dwellings towards these vaults. Figure 1 below illustrates a horizontal section of the ground floor of the house, identifying its main components. The walls are made thick to externally absorb the heat and internally to be used as wall cupboards for the storage of shoes, clothes and other items (figure 3) . The entrance usually connects with a long hall leading to the main staircase of the upper floor (figure 4) . This hall forms part of the female territory often highly decorated reflecting the good taste of the household, and the artistic talent of its female members. The entrance hall is usually painted white and equipped with a number of mirrors to reflect light and keep the area bright. 3.3. The First floor As illustrated in figure 5, this area consists of the living space of the household. In its centre, there is the main living room that is divided into two sections. The first is reserved for family use while the second is mainly for the use of guests. Around this central space, the rest of rooms are arranged according to their use. They include the boys room, the girls room and the storage room (see figure 5) . Although these rooms are a level higher then the living room, they overlook it and are accessed from it through a set of staircases (figure 6) . Such arrangements keep children always in sight and allow the head of the household (usually the mother or eldest sister) to control the space effectively. Housing units of the city adopted this typical layout and subsequently appears as if they have one common scale and one common plan. They even display the same type of hand made furniture and dcor, which give the city a strong identity feature. Different rooms are subdivided according to their use. The height of their ceiling varies reaching its highest point in the central living room, thus giving it a feeling of spaciousness.

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3.3.1. Design restriction parameters Because of the mediocre size of the land plot of the house, staircases were included inside the living room, eliminating void spaces. Furthermore, the case itself was converted into a storage space in the form of shelves and wall cupboards for keeping items of daily use needing immediate access such as tea pots, cutlery, plates, cushions and so on. Such arrangement also accentuates the centrality and functional predominance of the living room. Houses are dense and attached to each other like honeycomb cells, reflecting the strong solidarity between the households, and allowing greater social interaction between them. In the meantime, private space is well protected from public domains in streets and public open spaces. Further demarcation of this private space is achieved by extending the height of the walls of the house at least one level higher than the immediate street (figure 7) . In this case, one can conclude that housing design in Gadames have perfected the functionality of the private space and protected it well from public domains, translating, in this framework, the socio-cultural beliefs and values of the Muslim community and its desert traditions. Ben Sweas reflected on this issue suggesting that " the architectural theory, in this example, is based on the relationships between buildings and their users, a feature which considers the socio-cultural dimensions of the community". 3.4. Roof floor The roof floor consists mainly of the kitchen and fuel storage room (figure 8) . This unusual location of the kitchen is determined by the following factors: a. b. c. d. The first is the discharge of extra heat and smoke caused by cooking. It works as a safety precaution against accidental fire. In the event of fire, residents can be led out safely and the fire may be easily contained if it starts from the open roof terrace. By adding this floor, the insulation of the living floors below from the cold nights of the desert is achieved. The roof terrace is often used as a female territory for household work as well as interacting with neighbours (figure 9) . The location of the kitchen in this floor enables easy access to it. 4. BUILDING METHOD AND MATERIALS A key feature of desert buildings is they are densely attached to each other, a character that was determined by a number of environmental and socio-cultural reasons. With such density, buildings can withstand both the heat and the cold of the desert climate. The scheme reduces drastically the penetration of burning sunrays and consequently maintained adequate temperatures in streets, courtyards and houses
(figure 10) .

As for the material of construction, buildings were made from a composition of local materials such as clay, limestone, gypsum and palm wood. All of which are cheaply collected and have a high isolating ability of temperatures.

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5. ADEQUATE DESIGN FOR DESERT CONDITIONS Gadames city represents one of the best preserved building system providing best solutions to thermal issues of the desert climate. The city achieved a perfectly integrated design scheme that employed adequate instruments in shaping the character of the built form and its street system, to secure the highest possible comfort of residents. Figure 11, for example, gives a comparative summary of temperatures between the internal and external spaces in Gadames. 6. INTERIOR LIGHTING SYSTEM In desert environment the lighting issue is approached differently to other environments. In the northern hemisphere, for example, buildings are designed to receive maximum amount of sunrays. The Desert requires different approach because of the strength and brightness of the sunrays that do not only raise temperatures inside but also affect the vision as well. Gadames provides a unique design scheme addressing this issue. In addition to the reduction of spaces open directly to the sky, the street system was designed in a manner to avoid direct contact with the sunrays. This was achieved by inclining the vertical street line at an angle forcing an angular entry of the rays which weakens their brightness and reduces the heat in the street. Figure 12 shows that the only time the sun enters directly the street is at 11:00am and 4:00pm, times when the rays are weak and their brightness is soft. In houses, widows are absent and light enters in through small aperture (louver), which does not exceed the 1m2 , opened in the roof of the central living space and through the two floors. As this is the only source of light for the whole house, residents decorated their internal walls with reflective elements such as the white colour and mirrors, which are placed in the right locations to receive the sun coming from the aperture and project to other places. This method indeed provided good lighting without risking more heat. Figure 13 shows how the projected light in the main living room is distributed through the mirrors around the house. Yader (2001) observed that in order to best use the light that penetrates the living room without risking higher temperatures, the aperture should be made as small as possible. "The smaller the light aperture is made the lowest amount of rays penetrating inside. Meanwhile, the two level (floors) height of the living space keeps the heat in higher parts, trapped between the roof and the ceiling of the living room, making the latter cool and comfortable. The height also improves ventilation through the two apertures (of the first ground floor and first floor) which also lightens the ground floor" (Yader, 2001). 7. VENTILATION SYSTEM The ventilation system of buildings of Gadames was scientifically designed based on the rule of hot air weighing less than cold air. The ventilation louvers were designed to function accordingly. The circulation of air is directed vertically through small holes to reduce the amount of hot air entering inside (figures 14a & b) .

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8. INTERIOR DESIGN SYSTEM FOR TREATING THE CLIMATE AND PSYCHOLOGY CASES The desert climate of Gadames has conditioned the physical and psychological well being of its community. Apart from a few hours where male adults of the community spend either working in their oasis or entertain in local clubs (cafes), residents usually pass the largest proportion of their time inside their homes, away from the sun. As a consequence, they made considerable efforts making their homes heat proof and designed them in the best manner to secure the most comfortable living conditions. In Gadames, the field trip showed how residents developed a number of decorative tools, in addition to the planning tools discussed previously, to create the right pattern that keeps the interior of their homes lightened but cool and answers their socio-cultural and psychological needs. The first of these measures is the choice of particular colour and geometrical patterns for the decoration of wall ends and furniture. The scheme's main function is to reduce the brightness of strong sunrays. It also creates a positive psychological atmosphere corresponding to local desert traditions. The other tool employed involves the already mentioned use of mirrors in the living room. These are hanged in particular locations on walls to receive light from the louver and reflect it to the rest of the interior. This sometimes creates problems as the brightness of this reflective mirrors may cause some visual discomfort. Therefore, mirrors are usually framed with dark red colour patterns to soften the brightness of the incoming light and reduce the shining of the mirrors. Additionally, the particular choice of dark red colours was also successful as it helped create a comfortable calm atmosphere in the house. The overwhelming decorative geometrical pattern applied in these buildings is the triangular shape. This is a long known tradition in the region of Gadames, as well as in most parts of the Sahara, which goes back to times before Islam. The red colour, according to Yader (2001), is extracted from the seashells as well as from the oxide of the red mercury. In its raw form is called "Zinjabar". The use of the red colour is often made on white background, or combined with light yellow and dark blue and green colours. Such colours are widespread in hot climate environments. This colour scheme is used also in textile, pottery, linen, shoes, crafts and most of local products (figures 15a & b) . The choice of green colour symbolises the greenery of the oasis, while the yellow refers to the yellow colour of morning dawn, a period favoured for its coolness and beauty. The blue colour, however, symbolises the colour of the sky, an expression of both limitlessness and calmness. The use of the yellow and blue provides an additional beauty and breaks the monotony of the red colour. At night, the city is as beautiful as in daytime, especially in dry nights of the summer season. The use of copper plates of various sizes, hanged on the walls, to reflect the light of candles, not only is a useful technique to spread the light of the candles but also adds a beautiful charm to the city skyline at night. "Copper plates reflects the light from the mirrors, adding brightness and shine. They are regularly cleaned with clean sand to increase their dazzling reflections." (Yader, 2001).

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9. RESULTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS The main theme of this paper has been the particularity of the desert environment and its relationship with the design features of desert towns and cities. The case study of Gadames has illustrated the influence of environmental conditions on the character of the layout and the physical fabric of the city. This determinism has been demonstrated in the design of the housing interior where a great degree of congruence between residents needs and their environment was successfully achieved. The two main conclusions reached in this brief study are: (i) Architecture of the interior of desert housing should be inspired by local environment and traditions. Importing design ideas from other environments or cultures would be doomed to fail. (ii) With its unpolluted environment and abundance of energy resources (sun and petrol), the Sahara represents a viable potential for the Arab peoples to develop. This would require greater understanding of its importance and more respect of its hard conditions. Such an approach would necessitate more research to find the best ways to adapt urban design to local circumstances, in similar way Gadames did. This issue was repeatedly emphasised by the failure of design solutions completely foreign to the nature of the Arabian Sahara. The example of Gadames raised a number of key elements. These are summarised below: One of the most crucial aspect in the success of desert architecture is the incorporation of climate conditions in the design of the layout and the physical fabric of the desert city. Consideration of local natural conditions, such as topography, wind direction, temperatures, movement of sand, water resources and fertile landetc, is pertinent in any settlement schemes. The need to respect and preserve the identity of local desert life is decisive for both improving the character and function of desert urban environments. The use of local colours, construction material, density levels, height of buildings and spatial arrangement are all essential ingredients emphasising the identity and personality of the area. The need to observe the functionality of the interior space is essential for achieving the satisfaction of residents. The space needs to be kept simple but well integrated. Any decor needs to reflect residents' taste rather than being imposed by the designer. There is an urgent need to preserve local traditional building skills of the desert regions. This can be solved by setting up training institutions, which record and teach these techniques. This training need also to extend to finding ways of improving the design of buildings as well as domestic technology.

FIGURES TO FOLLOW

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Internal vaulted streets.

Street

Entrance

The walls are 60 cm thick getting more slender towards the top.

Storage room is the coldest space in the dwelling.

Sewage wall lays directly under the bath room.

The main entrance opens to the hall then to a staircase which leads to the living room in the first floor.

Figure (1) shows the plan of the ground floor and the entrance of the dwelling. Source: Salem (1985, p.50)

Figure (3) View of the entrance hall showing side view of a typical main door of the dwelling and the storage wall units. Figure (2a) Vaulted streets and its branches.

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Figure (4) Main door seen from inside view leading to the staircase.

Figure (5) First floor plan showing different rooms and their use. Source: Salem (1985, p.50)

Figure (6) View of first floor and its access taken from the central, also showing the under stairs storage space.

Figure (7) General view of Dwellings showing the general height and the absence of windows for protection from heat and enhance privacy.

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Figure (8) Plan of top floor containing the kitchen. Source: Salem (1985, p.50)

Figure (9) General view of roof tops of dwellings marked by low walls and used as open terraces.

Figure (10) Avoiding vertical contact with sun rays is one of the key techniques introduced by local designers to reduce the heat inside the dwellings.

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40

35

30

25

20

25

25 23

22

25 2 1

25 2 0

15

10

-5

19

25 18

17

25 1 6

25 1 5

Figure (11) The difference between the inlet and out let temperatures in old houses.

Figure (12) The penetration of the light into the dwelling. Source: Salem (1985, p.13)

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Figure (13) view of the living space (room) showing the distribution of copper plates and mirrors on walls of the room to reflect the incoming light.

Figure 14 (a) The cooling system and the circulation of air in day light. Source: Evans (1980, p.106)

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Figure 14 (b) The cooling system and circulation of air at night. Source: Evans (1980, p.106)

Figure 15 (a) Distribution of red color around the mirrors.

Figure 15 (b) The composition of red, yellow and blue colors in internal decor.

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REFERENCES Interview with Haj Abed-Alwahed Ahmed Yader. An Expert in old and vernacular buildings, Gadames[personal contact], 15.05.2001 Salem Ahmed 'City of Gadames General Plan', 1985, Libyan Jamahiriya Evans, M. `Housing, Climate and Comfort', Halsted Press: New York- 1980, p.106. Bin-Sweas Abdul-jawwad, 'Developing Gadames Town' Al-Fatheh University Libya, [undated and unpublished]

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A review on

Architecture in Muslim Spain and North Africa (756-1500AD)

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Rabah Saoud BA, MPhil, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc January 2002 4026 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

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A R EVIEW ON

ARCHITECTURE IN MUSLIM SPAIN AND NORTH AFRICA


(7 5 6 -1 50 0 AD )

Abstract The Islamisation of North Africa and Spain transformed their socio-cultural and economic structures from poverty and darkness to prosperity and enlightenment. This had engendered major advances in architecture and art. In building, this region, especially Andalusia, produced some of the world architectural masterpieces comprising a number of palaces, mosques and gardens. This article gives a brief historical background on the process of Islamisation of the region, explores the architectural achievement concentrating on important historical and architectural monuments and provides a summary of the main innovative elements and their impact on Muslim as well as European Medieval architecture.

Architecture of Muslim Caliphate in North Africa The arrival of Islam to North Africa at the hands of Uqba Ibn Nafi (d.683) annexed this region to the Caliphate in the East, becoming firstly part of the Ummayads and later a province of the Abbasids. This exVandals ravaged region was steered to civilisation and prosperity quickly restoring its important position in the Mediterranean region and later gaining strategic significance in the Muslim world. North Africa was, and still, the main propagator of Islam in Europe, and through it Islam reached Spain in 726, Sicily in 827, Malta in 868, and Syracuse in 876 at the hands of the Aghlabids 1. The strategic geo-political location at the crossroads between Muslim East and Europe made it a prosperous trade centre. The region became transformed into a construction field resulting in the elaboration and dissemination (to Europe) of building techniques and architectural forms. North Africa Influential Monuments Perhaps the most important monument, and the oldest, is the Kairawan Mosque (670-675AD)2 in Tunisia
(figure 1).

H. Saladin (1899) found the significance of the mosque in its irregular form as none of the angles being of

right angle. Jairazbhoy, (1972) also gave similar importance to the plan, which consists of a large court surrounded by columns and horseshoe arches while the sanctuary (prayer hall) consists of 17 parallel aisles separated with arcades on rows of columns (believed to have been brought from Baghdad). These run to the end of the wall but stop before reaching the last bay. The central aisle is wider and at the Mihrab is covered by a dome, and here meets a transverse aisle running the entire width of the sanctuary, forming the T shape. This is believed to be the second instance of this peculiar layout, after the al-Aqsa Mosque plan outlined by the Abbassid Al-Mahdi in 780. This feature was later copied in the Great Mosque of Cordoba and Abu-Dulaf Mosque in Samara. These features also dominated Aghlabid architecture and we can see them in the Great Mosque of Safax, built in 849 (rebuilt in 988), with the same T shape plan and the rectangular Minaret standing above the central axis of the prayer hall. In the Great Mosque of Sousse (850) we find peculiar features to the contemporary style of the time such as the use of pillars and masonry groin vaults producing an effect

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lacking light and weightlessness of the usual mosque, but very similar to that atmosphere found in European Romanesque church of 11th and 12th centuries
(figure2) .

Figure 1: Kairawan Mosque showing the rear side of the minaret.

Figure 2: The use of robust pillars and masonry groin vaults in Sousse Mosque produced the heavy atmosphere.

Appearing firstly in the Great Ummayyad Mosque of Damascus, the square tower (minaret) became a dominant feature of the North African Mosque. Under Banu Hammad, this minaret reached a cross section of 20 square metres and developed delicate ornamentation consisting of tripartite design as found in Qala (castle) of Banu Hammad 1007
(figure 3).

The strong resemblance between this minaret and European

square towers of the 11th and 12th centuries suggests some link which can be attributed to the influence of the Qala. However, deeper investigation is needed to confirm this. The other distinguishable period for the sophistication of the North African square towers came under the Almohads, the proclaimers of the oneness of God 3 (1130-1250). From their capitals Marrakesh (Morocco) and Seville (Spain). They took pride in the construction of mosques and paid particular attention to the minaret due to its symbolic significance. Historic sources revealed four examples of large squared minarets. The first three of these was designed a Moroccan named Jabir, at Kutubia Mosque which was built in 1158 in Marrakesh
(figure 4).

The minaret was

67.6 m high and 12.5 square meters with blind simple base, pairs of windows with horseshoe arch pierced

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in the first floor and the following sections, and richly ornamented top sections. The other two sister minarets, also designed by Jabir, were the minaret of the Great Mosque of Seville (1172-1182) whose plan was remodelled from Kutubia Mosque, and the tower of Hasan Mosque in Rabat (1195-1196). In Seville, the whole structure does not differ greatly from that of Kutubia but the ornamentation details were significantly developed
(figure 5).

The intersecting multifoil arch dcor system (known as Shebka) which appeared in

Kutubia as single intersection line in the top section was extensively worn by the Giralda. Meanwhile, wooden balustrades in the form of balcony were introduced in front of each pair of windows of each section. By the conversion of the Mosque into a cathedral, after the Christian conquest, in late 16th century a belfry and other Christian baroque ornaments were added, and only the orange courtyard (Sahn) of the original mosque remains. The impressive minaret of Hasan Mosque (1195/96) surpassed the above two examples by its enormous size (16 square meters and 80 m high) making it more like a tower than a minaret here too, confirming the same inspirational origin. The fourth example is more recent and found in the Great Mosque of Mansurah, in Telemcen (Algeria). The mosque was built between 1303-1336 by Abul-Hasan Ali who ruled Telemcen beteen 1331 and 1348. Commentators [such as Marcais (1954) and Hoag (1987)] asserted that the mosque was modelled on Hasan Mosque of Rabat in terms of size (197x 279 feet), the use of stone columns, and the Qibla wall proceeded with three parallel aisles while the remaining aisles were perpendicular to the Qibla. The minaret conformed with the other Almohad minarets, described above, but had a remarkably larger horseshoe gate
(figure 7). (figure 6).

Although only

three sections remain standing today, we find similar design and ornamental arrangements were applied

Figure 3: Qala beni Hammad


Minaret (Algeria 1007)

Figure 4: Kutubia Minaret


(Morocco 1158)

Figure 5: La Giralda
(Seville, Andalusia 1172-1182)

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Figure 7: Minaret of Mansurah Mosque


Telemcen (Algeria)

Figure 6: Tower of Hassan Mosque


Rabat (Morocco)

Although the North African minaret had enriched Muslim architecture, it had also influenced the towers of European churches. Male (1924) summed this influence in three main aspects; in the adoption of multisection composition of the European tower, in the dual character of blind base and well ornamented upper sections, and in the flanking of the tower at the main entrance gate. Architecture of Muslim Caliphate in Andalusia (Spain) The arrival of Abd-al-Rahman I to Spain in 756 brought it, as well as North Africa, security and prosperity. The environment became fertile for the growth of agricultural and industrial production. Trade opportunities increased substantially resulting in the accumulation of considerable wealth. This was consolidated by the Caliphs personal interest in science and their good taste for art and crafts. This was later reflected in considerable and outstanding output in intellectual as well as material production especially in arts and architecture. Within this intellectual environment and scientific attainment, artists, masons and architects pushed human creativity to its limits producing some of the most artistic wonders of the Muslim world. Influential Andalusian Monuments As customary with Muslim Caliphs, the first important building they erected was the Mosque. In Andalusia, the Mosque of Cordoba (nucleus) was first founded by Abd-ar-Rahman I in 787. Its construction continued for a number of years as each succeeding Caliph added his contribution to the mosque in the form of restoration and extension, yet the building still preserved its unity and harmony as if it was built by one single person
(figure 8).

In terms of architectural and ornamental innovation, the Cordoba mosque

introduced several features and techniques that became part of late Muslim architecture particularly in North Africa. The mosque introduced a fascinating technique (more elaborate than that of Quairawan) in extending the height of short columns to achieve a standard height of space (roof and ceiling). In the first

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instance, architects of Abd-Al-Rahman I used super-imposed arcades of round arches while in Quairawan Mosque (in 836) this was achieved by stretching up the arch to the desired height. In 961, and under AlHakem II, a third technique was introduced in the Maqsura of Cordoba Great Mosque by using the superimposed trefoil intersecting arches which added more decorative touch to this technique. Meanwhile, the substantial use of both horseshoe and polylobed arches in Cordoba was a source of inspiration for their European adoption. The next development was the use of ribbed domes. It was used in the Maqsura (erected between 961-968). This fashion consisted of adding ribs to the vault of the dome to give support to the structure as well as provide a fascinating internal decorative technique in the form of a rose formed by interlacing arches (ribs)
(figure 9).

After this experience in Cordoba, the use of these ribbed domes extended in Andalusia. It was eventually employed in the majority of buildings including the famous Mosque of Bab Mardum built in 1000. Progressively, Muslims mastered this style and produced remarkable domes such as those found in Morocco, Telemcen and Isfahan. The popularity of this extended also to churches of Christian parts of Andalusia and then to Europe where the majority of domes adopted the Cordoban approach. Some academics, such as Lambert, Male, and Choisy firmly established that this Cordoban technique was the origin of the ribbed vaulting of the Gothic. Another remarkable feature of this Mosque is its polychromy. The use of red and white coloured bricks, although its first use was the Dome of the Rock where an alternation of black and white was introduced. Its inclusion especially in the voussoirs of the arches of Cordoba Mosque produced a delightful atmosphere emphasising structural unity and aesthetic continuity. European visitors of the 9th and 10th centuries couldnt resist its overwhelming beauty and wasted no time in introducing it in their buildings. Medinat Al-Zahra was founded by al-Nasir lidin-Allah, Abd-al-Rahman III who ruled Cordoba between 912961. Beginning in 936, the town was slowly developed, mainly under Al-Hakem II (961 976), into a rectangular complex of about 875 by 1230 yards consisting of residential and administrative quarters enveloped within strong walls. The town represented an urban unity defined by strong ramparts and composed of topographical as well as functional hierarchy reflecting the socio-economic and political status of the community. The area was organised in terraces descending towards the Wadi al-Kabir Guadalquivir valley and comprising a considerable number of gardens, pools, arcades, halls and housing complexes. The northern terrace, the highest, accommodated the Caliphs palace (Dar al-Mulk), which dominated the site and the plains beneath leading to the river. The power of the palace extended beyond the site to the whole of Andalusia and Europe. The middle terrace accommodated the administrative buildings and palaces of important dignitaries and the Caliphs entourage. The most important buildings of this section were the house of the Prime Minister Jafar al-Mushafi who took this position in 961, and two major public reception halls; Dar al-Wuzara House of Viziers , and to the south the Caliphs' main reception hall
(figure 10).

The mosque laid beyond the middle

terrace was built by 1000 craftsmen in record time of 48 days (Hattstein & Delius, 2000). The remaining part of the town, the lower terrace, was reserved for infantry and cavalry housing as well as ordinary citizen. It has yet to be excavated.

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Figure 8. Cordoba Mosque showing the intrusion of the Christian Church in its heart.

Figure 9.The dome over the Mihrab of the Mosque.

Al-Zahra became renowned for its high advanced civilisation, style and protocol in addition to the extensively decorated walls, floors and ceilings of its buildings, which were depicted at least in two documentary occasions. The legendary reception of King Ordono IV of Leon was held in 962. Historic sources described this famous event and what happened to the visiting Christian King. He arrived at the main entrance gate on the northern terrace situated near the large portico. As he entered, he was taken in an official royal procession through rows of guards, with their parade uniforms, lined up on the stone benches, which bordered the walls of the sloping streets. The procession went down to Dar al-Wuzara 4 (House of Viziers) where the king was asked to climb down from his horse and was taken inside for a short rest. Later, he continued on foot to the main Caliphal reception hall where the Caliph waited for him. At the end of the reception with the Caliph, the King went back to Dar al-Wuzara before departing to his country.

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The second legendary reception was the one Abd al-Rahman III gave Johannes von Gorze, the monk ambassador of Emperor Otto I (962-973). Descriptions provided by Muslim writers are numerous, but the position of Al-Zahra cannot be better demonstrated than in Ibn Zaidun's poetry (1003-1070), especially the following verses: I have recalled you with longing in al-Zahra, Between limpid horizon and sweet face of earth whilst the breeze languished at sunset, almost diseased with pity for me. The city was destroyed in the civil war of 1010, which led to the emergence of Taifa Kingdoms. The state of ruin of Medinat Al-Zahra and the destruction of written documents made the task of assessing its contribution to Muslim and European world very difficult. However, there are suggestions that relate its influence on Europe to the spread of the horseshoe arch (in addition to Cordoba Mosque), as well the spread of Royal protocol and reception procession. The full impact of Medinat Al-Zahra still needs further exploration especially by Muslim scholars.

Figure 10: Al-Zahra main Reception Hall (restored)

The other influential edifice is Bab Mardum Mosque that was built between 999 and 1000 according to an inscription found on its faade
(figure 11).

The mosque is thought to be a private institution as reflected by

its mediocre size (26.4 square feet) and its pavilion type form (Hoag, 1987). Marcais (1954) found a link between Bab Mardum, the mosque of Casa de las Tornerias (Toledo 12th century), and Abu Fatata Mosque (Tunisia), while Creswell extended this link to include Sussa Ribat and Mosque of Masjid-I-Tarikh at Balkh. These buildings have one common plan consisting of square shape subdivided into square compartments. In Bab Mardum, Casa de las Tornerias and Balkh, there are nine chambers covered with domes. In Bab Mardum the technique introduced in these domes is very revealing, with the insertion of supporting ribs intersecting each other in similar fashion to that of Cordoba. The ribs of the central dome were arranged in a star form crowning the structure and externally the dome was raised slightly above the rest of the roof. The whole structure is supported by four centred columns which also define its nine bays and above them horseshoe arches were placed.

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In one of these domes, the ribs intersect at 90 in the centre of the dome

(figure 12),
th

a basic form of the

quadripartite ribbed vaults of early Gothic architecture which appeared in late 12

century. Lambert (1958)

firmly believed that the ribs of Bab Mardum must have been the inspiration of the Gothic ribs. Toledo was conquered by Alfonso VI in 1085 5 and Bab Mardum was immediately converted into a Christian church under the name of Cristo de la Luz. Direct imitation was undertaken in the second half of the 12th century at the construction of Casa de las Tornerias (also in Toledo) under the Christian rule. Meanwhile, the first quadripartite vault appeared in St. Dennis in 1144.

Figure 11: Faade of bab Mardum (999-1000) showing the Cordoban intersecting arches while the entrance is marked by the three famous Muslim arches, from left to right; The cinqfoil, the semi-circular, and the horseshoe.

Figure 12: The construction technique of ribbed dome in Bab Mardum, that inspired the Gothic earliest ribbed vaulting, the quadripartite vault.

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Following the weakening of the Cordoba Caliphate and the civil war that broke out in 1010 power vacuum was created. This allowed opportunist leaders to establish small kingdoms and states leading to the appearance of taifa kingdoms. Internal fighting and divisions gave a golden opportunity to northern Christians to strengthen themselves and recapture some key towns such as Toledo (1085), Saragossa, Seville and Badajoz. Consequently, Muslim artistic and architectural production became limited. The most important monument of this period was the Aljaferia Castle built in Saragossa. Under mounting threats of Christian invasion, North Africa under Almoravids (1031-1150), and later Almohads (1150-1250) came to the rescue of Muslim Caliphate in Andalusia and in both occasions North African leaders crossed Gibraltar to provide help and sustain the Muslim resistance there. This political unification consolidated much of the existing social and cultural unity leading to greater integration of art and architecture of this region which is better known as Moorish style. We have already referred to some of the works undertaken by these dynasties in previous sections, but here we briefly refer to the enlargement of the Qarawiyin mosque by Almoravid Caliph Ali ben Yousef (1135-1143). In this work, the stalactite vaulting was introduced to the region in the Mihrab dome of this Mosque. This dome was made of Muqarnas, plaster structure in the from of suspended and interlocked smaller domes similar to birds nests. This form became universal in Muslim architecture. It should be pointed out here that this had originated from Persia where it first appeared in 1037 at Yazd in the tomb of Duvazda-I Iman (Hoag, 1968, p.24). We cannot leave North Africa and Spain without referring to the famous Al-Hambra Palace. The origin of the building is still under debate as most scholars dated to 13th century Granada, but there are some indications which suggest that it was first built in the 11th century (see Bargebuhr, 1968) 6, a date with great significance to both Muslim and European architecture. The palace complex briefly consists of series of apartments, halls and courts organised in a delightful interconnected setting of hierarchy. The palace is an architectural masterpiece in every term. The successions of spaces are clearly defined by boundaries and each space contains identical features enhancing its identity as well as its function. The visual effect reaches its peak through careful combinations of colour, light and pattern. The structure cleverly dematrialised by continuous work of stucco, muqarnas and faience covering the entire walls, floors and ceilings. The composition of courts, gardens and water meantime expressed the Muslim views of paradise and its eternality rewarding those who strive to reach it. The honey juice is provided (symbolised) by the honey comb vault of the Hall of the Abencerages representing the world most fascinating vault
(figure 13).

Here the interlocking of small squinches of lozenge shapes which project from the walls produced a cell very alike to the honeycomb organised in an eight pointed star. The drum of the star carries 16 windows two for each side of the star allowing enormous amount of light in to dazzle the eye. The rivers of paradise are represented by the four streams, which run from the central fountain of the Court of Lions to supply the rest of numerous springs of the palace. The Pool of the Court of Myrtle is another river extending to the eastern side of the Palace
(figure 14).

The golden stucco and calligraphic ornament covering the walls as

they appear in the hall of Ambassadors may refer to golden jewellery and silky dresses the believer is promised (for more please consult Grabar, 1978). The impact of Alhambra in disseminating Muslim Moorish style was substantial. Rich and wealthy Europeans who heard about or visited it could not resist the idea of reproducing elements or parts of it in their own buildings as happened to Owen Jones (1809-1874). His fascination with Muslim architecture in general and

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Alhambra's court of Lion in particular was behind his creation of "Alhambra court: at the Crystal Palace at Sydenham (Darby, 1974). The Alhambra style of ornamental and internal decoration invaded most European houses especially in Victorian England. The position of Al-Hambra in the European mind can be demonstrated in the writing of Victor Hugo in his "Les Orientales": LAhambra! LAhambra! Palais que les genies Ont dore comme un reve et rempli dharmonies; Forteresse aux crenaux, festonnes et croulants, Ou lon entend la nuit de magiques syllabes, Quand la lune, a travers les milles arceaux arabes Serme les mures de trefles blancs! In the Muslim world, architecture seems to reach its complete character as works after this period mostly borrowed from previous buildings and this long established tradition. Nevertheless, several masterpieces were produced especially under the Turkish patronage (see article on Muslim Architecture under Turkish Patronage). Figure 13: Hall of the Abencerages (Alhambra) showing the honey comb dome.

Figure 14: The Court of Myrtle and the river of paradise in Alhambra.

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A review on Architecture in Muslim Spain and North Africa (756-1500AD) January 2002

North African and Andalusian Architectural contribution The above brief account is by no mean a comprehensive survey of major monuments of the region but careful selection aimed at the identification of key edifices that produced innovative elements playing a leading role in the further development of Muslim architecture and having an inspirational impact on European and world architecture. The discussion highlighted a number of areas where Muslim architecture in North Africa and Andalusia made significant contributions in particular in the following: North African square towers and minarets had a significant contribution in the development of European church towers. The use of square shape in the form of added sections with decreased size, the dual system of blind base and decorated top sections, and the erection of the tower near the entrance gate were all but Muslim inspiration from North Africa. Andalusian and North African Muslims mastered the use and construction of arches. Their ultimate understanding of the properties of the arch appear in the technical innovation of achieving standard height by stretching, or super-imposing arcades of semi-circular or multifoil arches as seen in Cordoba Mosque and Quairawan. The extensive use of horseshoe and multifoil arches in the Mosque of Cordoba and Al-Zahra was the source of inspiration for their European adoption. There are suggestions which also relate the source of European adoption of the pointed arch to North Africa. Historic evidence revealed that Constantine the African, who played a leading role in the transfer of Muslim Medicine into Europe and the establishment of Salerno School of Medicine, was staying at Monte Cassimo monastery at the time it was under reconstruction in 1080, when the pointed arch was employed for the first time in Europe. A Christian from Tunisia where the pointed arch was used since the 9th century, Constantine and his Muslim (Saracen) servant must have showed the Amalfitan builders the advantages and how to build the pointed arch. The use of polychromy in Cordoba and Al-Zahra was also another inspiration for Europe's adoption of polychromy decore. The technical innovation in the construction of dome vaults through the introduction of ribs organised in various shapes including the eight pointed star which appeared in Cordoba Mosque and Bab Mardum was imitated first in European domes and later inspired the Gothic vaults.

Notes: 1 Descending from Ibrahim Ibn Alghlab, the Emir designated by Harun al-Rashid (786-809)to rule North Africa. 2 This date refers to the formal foundation of the Mosque, but the remaining structure belongs to two main periods. The minaret is believed to belong to the Umayyad Caliph Hisham built between 724 and 727. The rest of the structure belongs to the reign of the Aghlabid Emir Ziyadat Allah (began in 836).

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A review on Architecture in Muslim Spain and North Africa (756-1500AD) January 2002

3 This is the theological meaning of the title of Almohads, in Arabic "Al-Muwahidun" 4 Also called salon Rico after its discoverer. 5 The first mass took place in Bab Mardum on 25th of May of 1085. 6 This work is being referred to for the dating purpose only, we must worn our readers that it is full of nonsense as the author devoted all his efforts to argue -without success- the Jewish origin of Al-Hambra as if Muslim civilisation in Andalusia was none but Jewish. References: Bargebuhr, F. R. (1968) ` The Alhambra, a cycle of studies in the 11th century in Moorish Spain' , Walter de Gruyer & Co. Berlin Creswell ,K.A.C. (1958) `A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture', Penguin Books, Choisy, A (1899) ` Histoire de l'Architecture', 2 /vols, Gauthier Villars, Paris. Darby, M. (1974)` Owen Jones and the eastern ideal , unpublished PhD thesis, university of Reading). Grabar, O. (1978)` The Alhambra', Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. Hoag, J.D. (1968) ' Western islamic Architecture', Studio Vista, London. Hoag, J.D. (1987) ' Islamic Architecture', Faber & Faber, London Hugo, Victor, (1968) Les Orientales. Garnier-Flammarion , Paris Saladin, H. (1899) `La Grande Mosquee de Kairwan', Paris. Jairazbhoy, R. A. (1972) 'An outline of Islamic architecture', Asia Publishing House, Bombay. Lambert, E. (1958) Art Musulman et Art Chretien dans la Peninsul Iberique, Editions Privat, Paris. Male, E (1928) Art et Artistes du Moyen Age', Librairie Armand Colin, Paris. Marais, G. (1954) 'L'Architecture Musulmane d'Occident : Tunisie, Algrie, Maroc, Espagne et Sicily', Arts et mtiers graphiques, Paris.

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Muslim Architecture under The Umayyad Patronage (661-750AD)

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Rabah Saoud BA, MPhil, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc January 2002 4028 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

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Muslim Architecture under The Umayyad Patronage (661-750AD) January 2002

MUSLIM ARCHITECTURE UNDER THE UMAYYAD PATRONAGE


(6 6 1 -7 50 A D )
The Umayyads established the first Islamic dynasty in Damascus, which is renown for a number of important accomplishments. Under their leadership, Islam reached most parts of today's Muslim World and by mid eight century Muslim Caliphate ruled from Damascus to Tashkent in the East and to the Pyrenee mountains in the West. The second major achievement was the organisation of administration and trade and the introduction of coinage. These events engendered greater architectural movements reflecting the Umayyad grandeur as portrayed in their master pieces; the Dome of the Rock and the Great Mosque of Damascus. The present article examines the main flagship construction projects of that period and explores its innovative architectural and artistic elements.

Background The arrival of Muawiya to the throne of Caliphate after the death of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the 4th Caliph, marked the beginning of the Umayyad dynasty. That period was renown for its architectural achievement. The relative security and peace that followed the turbulent first few years after the war the Umayyads led against Ali's family, augmented by the newly acquired wealth generated by the annexation of both Iraq, Iran and Syria to Islam contributed to the development of artistic and architectural activities. Signs of this change emerged in religious as well as secular buildings. The development of major architectural components of the mosque is attributed to the Umayyads. Muawiya introduced the minaret in 673 while carrying some enlargement works for the mosque of Amr Ibn-Al-AAs (Egypt, 641-2). He equipped it with four minarets for the call to prayer (Adhan). This innovation, according to Creswell (1958, p.14), was imitated from a Syrian Christian practice. According to this story, early Muslims in Damascus prayed initially at a neglected temple 1 which the Christians named as the Church of John the Baptist. It had four small projections at the four Corners on which people climbed to make the Adhan and thus inspiring the development of minarets (for example, Briggs, 1924 & Creswell, 1926) 2. Other theories suggest the influence of the Pharaohs light towers (Mitchell, et al., 1973). In Damascus Mosque (706-715), the Umayyad innovation also included the use of stone arcades surrounding the court and consisting of horseshoe arches. This is the earliest recorded appearance of this type of arches, a fact which contradicts some claims which attribute its adoption by Muslims to the influence of Visigoth Spain3 (Briggs, 1924 p.42). The first use and appearance of multifoil arches is also attributed to the Umayyad Mosque, in the minaret, then transmitted to the rest of the Muslim world before crossing over to Europe where it has been consistently used in church as well as civic buildings. The other main innovation was the introduction of the dome over the crossing, in the central nave in front of the Mihrab. This feature is known to have been used in Christian churches first appeared in the Umayyad Mosque and progressively became a central feature of most mosques. Moreover, according to Ibn Khaldoun (1967), Muawiya was also responsible for the introduction of the maqsura, a separate room near the Mihrab for his personal use, as a result of an attempt made on his life by the Kharijite.

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Muslim Architecture under The Umayyad Patronage (661-750AD) January 2002

When Al-Walid became Caliph, the Prophets Mosque in Medina was becoming unfit to receive the large crowds of the faithful. He decided (in 707-709) to enlarge it. He erected four minarets and introduced the

Mihrab in the centre of the Qibla wall. The origin of the Mihrab had many explanations which chiefly linked
it to the form of the apse in Christian architecture. In Islam it became a symbol of a niche containing Gods light placed in front of worshippers helping them to achieve sincerity and devotion during prayers. The other function of the Mihrab was a symbol indicating the direction of the Qibla, the Kaaba (see: Article on the Mosque). Umayyad Mosques The Umayyad architectural splendour is experienced in both religious and domestic buildings. At the core of their religious heritage we find the Dome of the Rock, the architectural jewel of Islam and Damascus Mosque, its master piece. According to an inscription found on the building, the Dome of the Rock was built by the Caliph Abd-el-Malik between 691-692 (figure 1). The Mosque forms the heart of the complex of AlHaram As-Sharif and covers the rock Sakhra from where Prophet Muhammed (pbuh) ascended to heaven accompanied by Archangel Gabriel. By building the Dome of the Rock to cover the sacred Sakhra, Abd-alMalik wanted to match his rival Ibn Zubayr (who rebuilt Kaaba between 683-392) in his devotion to Islam.

Figure 1: Dome of the Rock, the Jewel of Islam (691-692) The suggestion that the buildings main objective was symbolic to celebrate the victory of Islam on other religions especially Judaism and Christianity (Grabar, 1959) should be questioned. The Mosque was introduced there since the days of the second Caliph Omar, when Muslims ruled Jerusalem. A more compatible view with the aspiration of Abdel Malik is that he wanted to glorify the location of Masjid AlAqsa as mentioned in the Quran.

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Muslim Architecture under The Umayyad Patronage (661-750AD) January 2002

The significance of this building can be seen in numerous levels. The geometrical pattern of both plan and elevation, and the relation between dome, arches and columns, all create a sense of harmony and unity greatly emphasised by the rich dcor of polychrome marble and colourful mosaics (see forthcoming article on the Dome of the Rock). The exterior walls covered in quartered marble to the window line and above it in Turkish tiles (installed recently in 1554) add a special charm to the visual effect of colours and patterns. The drums of the dome were originally wooden and covered with glass mosaics before being replaced in the 12th century and recently in 20th century after the fire that was set by a Zionist settler. In general, the beauty of the Dome of the Rock has a world wide reputation which challenged all prejudices against Muslim architecture. The other important mosque the Umyyads built was the Damascus Mosque
(figure 2).

Its construction story

shows the great tolerance Muslims have to other faiths, especially Christianity and Judaism. After the spread of Islam in Damascus, Muslims needed to convert the neglected temple of John the Baptist, into a mosque. Caliph Al-Walid purchased bought this building from its Christian owners and converted it into the Great Mosque. The Mosque has a rectangular plan orientated towards the Qibla. On the qibla side (the southern side), three parallel aisles run from east to west and divided in the middle by a transverse nave with a dome over its middle section (square). The sanctuary opens up to a courtyard ( Sahn ) with a single

Riwaq on each side providing shelter from climatic conditions. In decoration terms, we find high quality
floral and vegetal patterns combined with some landscape ornaments covering the faade and arcades. Such dcor recalls that found in the Dome of the Rock indicating the possibility of Syrian tradition to both works rather than Byzantine origins as some Western historians claimed.

Figure 2: The Great Umayyad Mosque in Damascus (706-715)

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Muslim Architecture under The Umayyad Patronage (661-750AD) January 2002

Umayyad Palaces In domestic and social life, the Umayyad Caliphs and princes lived a rural (Badiya) life in palace complexes pursuing their favourite hobbies of hunting and gardening. For this purpose they built a series of fortresses protected by strong walls and containing all necessary amenities to sustain their luxurious needs. Among these complexes we refer to Qasr Amra (Jordan around 715), Qasr al-Kharanah (Jordan 711), Khirbet alMafjar (Jordan 743-744), and Meshatta (750 uncompleted). In these palaces, the Umayyads showed a considerable architectural and decorative talent. In terms of design, a complex layout containing audience halls, baths, domestic apartments for both males and females, mosques, courtyards, stables and garden enclosures was developed reflecting their luxurious standard of living and their political and tribal power (Mitchel et al. (1978). The structural aspects of these palaces show an elaborate use of the vaulting system involving the dome and barrel vaults (Qasr Amra for example). In decorative terms, these palaces gathered the most exquisite forms of architectural dcor extending from mosaic floors (al-Mifjar), to walls tilted with decorated tiles and stucco which consisted of geometrical and vegetal representation (Meshatta). Perhaps the most influential of these is the six lobed (pointed) rosettes and octagons which appeared in Khirbat al-Mafjar and reappeared in Meshatta. With them, the circular rose window found in the latter inspired, through crusaders, Europeans to develop the famous Gothic rose window (Otto von Simson, 1956). Khirbat al-Mifjar and Qsar Amra also represent unique instances where the depiction of human and animal were issued in the Umayyad decorative art. Concluding Remarks Under the Umayyads, Islam spread to various lands, generating considerable prosperity and wealth. This engendered growth of new architectural forms and buildings. In that period, the mosque developed its main structural and functional elements such as Minaret , Mihrab, Maksurah and dome. Decorative arts slowly established the foundations of what was to become the Muslim art through the use of calligraphy (Kufic ), glass mosaics and vegetal and geometrical abstracts. After their defeat by the Abbassids in 750, the Ummayyads pursued their constructive role in Andalusia (Spain) where they produced numerous marvels some of which we can still admire today.

Notes:
1 2

Muslims purchased this derelict building from Christians and converted into, Great Umayyad Mosque (706-15) He sees Saumaa to be derived from the church of John the Baptist, but Manara from the Pharaohs light Muslims did not reach Spain until 726, suggesting that they were the source of its Spanish adoption.

tower.
3

References: Briggs, M.S. (1924) 'Muhammadan Architecture in Egypt and Palestine', Clarendon Press, Oxford. Briggs, M.S. (1927) The architect in History , Clarendon Press, Oxford.

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Muslim Architecture under The Umayyad Patronage (661-750AD) January 2002

Creswell K.A.C. (1958) ' A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture, Penguin Books. London, Creswell K.A.C. (1926) 'The Evolution of the Minaret, with special reference to Egypt, part 1', in the Burlington Magazine , Volume 68, No.274, pp.134-140. Grabar Oleg (1959) The Umayyad Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, in Ars Orientalis, Vol.3, Ibn Khaldoun (1967) 'The Mugadimah', translated from Arabic by F.Rosenthal, edited by Dawood, N.J., Princeton pub. Mitchell, G. et al. (eds.) (1978 ), Architecture of the Islamic world : its history and social meaning, Thames and Hudson, London. Ottop Von Simson (1956) ` The Gotrhic Cathedral, Origins of Gothic Architecture and the Medieval Concept of Order', (3rd Ed. 1988), Princeton University Press, USA.

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Muslim Architecture under The Abbassid Patronage (750-892AD)

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Rabah Saoud BA, MPhil, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc January 2002 4027 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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Muslim Architecture under The Abbassid Patronage (750-892AD) January 2002

MUSLIM ARCHITECTURE UNDER THE ABBASSID PATRONAGE


(7 5 0 -8 92 A D )
Descending from Al-Abbass, the uncle of the Prophet Muhammed (pbuh), these Abbassid emirs established the second major Islamic dynasty under which Muslim Caliphate reached its highest development. As efforts of spreading Islam receded, these Emirs embarked on an enlightenment mission consisting essentially of the spread of knowledge and elaboration of technical and artistic works. The Abbassids became patrons of a number of gigantic construction projects extending from large mosques and complex palaces to largescale urban design and city planning, and consequently they played a fundamental role in the development of city planning and its architecture. This article examines major architectural and urban works of this dynasty highlighting their main innovative signs. It starts with a brief historical background on the socio-political changes they introduced, then explores their major architectural and urban achievement. Finally, a summary of the key innovative elements of Abbassids' architecture is given.

1. Introduction The arrival of the Abbassids to the throne of Caliphate introduced upheaval in the socio-economic and political life of the Muslim world. That period was renown for the establishment of intellectual base as Abbassid Emirs nurtured education and learning and founded numerous libraries 1. Translation work reached its zenith as Muslims embarked on an unprecedented intellectual mission, first through a learning process based on acquiring existing knowledge from other cultures which played a significant role in the making of Muslim knowledge. This period brought to us great translators such as Ibn-al-Muqaffa (d.756), of Persian origin, translated the book of fables "Kalila wa Dimna" from Pahlevi into Arabic, and the biographies of Persian kings (Sirat Muluk al-Ajiam). Al-Fazari (c.771) translated the Hindu treatise on astronomy the "Siddhanta" (Sind Hind). He also compiled the Sassanid astronomical tables (al-Zij), and was the first Muslim to construct an astrolabe. The famous Hunayn Ibn Ishaq translated most of Greek works in medicine, philosophy and mathematics, namely works of Aristotle and Galen. Thabet Ibn Qurra (825-901) translated, among numerous works, Archimedes" and "Apollonius" of Parga who was famous in geometry and mechanics. He also translated "Almagest" of Ptolemy, "Elements" of Euclid as well as other works of Theodosius. The result of this hard work generated an academic wealth which enriched the Muslim library, eventually reaching in Spain up to 400,000 volumes at the time of the Caliph Al-Hakem II (961-976). By mid tenth century most of existing Greek and Hellenic works were translated into Arabic. These efforts had influenced the scientific attainment of Muslims which reached its apogee in the tenth and eleventh centuries. In later stages Europeans substantially benefited from their knowledge as well as their translations. In political terms, the Abbassids connection with Persia broke traditional Syrian link, giving the former more influence in shaping various aspects of Muslim life. Persia contributed militarily to the succession of the Abbassids especially under the leadership of Abu Muslim, later al-Mamun 2 led the coup detat against

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Muslim Architecture under The Abbassid Patronage (750-892AD) January 2002

his brother al-Amin (in 813) from his residence in Merv (Persia). In these conditions, we can foresee a possible reason why the Muslim capital was moved from Damascus to Baghdad, nearer to Persia. Furthermore, the strategic location of Baghdad in the midst of the rich and populated Mesopotamia and as a crossroads of the ancient trade routes between Africa, Asia and Europe must have been a decisive factor for its choice as the new capital. Consequently, wealth was accumulated in this city providing an opportunity for the Abbassid Caliphs to develop a lavish taste and lifestyle which reached its peak under Harun Al-Rashid 3. This was so impressive that Abbassids religious and political rival in Byzantium tried to emulate such elegance. Historic sources show that in 830 a Byzantine envoy went to Baghdad where he was so impressed by the splendour of Abbassid architecture that on his return to Constantinople he persuaded the Emperor Theophilos (829-842) to build a palace exactly like the ones he had seen. The palace was built at Bryas, now Maltepe (Hattstein and Delius, 2000). It should be interesting to note that Ziryab (789-857), the famous musician who spread the high culture in Cordoba, and later in Europe, setting the standard of dress, table manners, protocol, etiquette and even the coiffures of men and women was an Abbassid migrant from Baghdad. Meanwhile, the Persian closeness increased the influence of Persian and Sassanian Royal architecture leaving strong fingerprints on much of the character of princial palaces and buildings and later extending to the general art of that period. 2. Ceremonial Gates of the Abbassids Among the features of the new elaborate lifestyle that had a great impact on the architecture of this period was the ceremonial attitudes of the Abbassid Emirs which led to the spread of monumental gates and

Iwans . These displayed the power of the Caliph and were reminders of his achievement and authority which
were hoped to gain the respect (and allegiance) of the subjects as well as maintain his legacy after his death. In this respect, Baghdad had four large gates celebrating the achievement of the city and its founder Al-Mansur (754-775). The gates were about 25 meters high and comprised a bent entrance passage giving extra protection against attacks (Blair and Bloom, 2000, p.96). The top of these gates consisted of chambers crowned with golden domes and accessed through staircases or ramps. These rooms were used by the Caliph as audience halls to wait for approaching special dignitary guests as well as for their departure. Others suggested that these audience halls were also designed to accommodate a large garrison (Scerrato (1980, p.32). Another example of these ceremonial gates was the Baghdad Gate at Raqqa (Syria), built by Al-Mansur4 (754-775). This impressive structure was wholly built with baked brick and its entrance was covered with a pointed barrel vault framed by two large niches and decorated with ornamental brickwork (Creswell, 1959). The pointed arch here was struck from four centres and the higher section of the gate was decorated with niches of polylobed arches, a feature which became common in Samara and later became popular decorative themes in Muslim architecture. Bab Al-Amma of Samara built by Al-Mutawakkil between 836-837 is a third example exceeding the fame and grandiose of the above gates
(figure 1).

This structure served as palace entrance (for Jusak Al-Khaqani)

as well as public audience hall and in its central iwan the canopy of the throne was laid down (sidilla). The stucco decoration showed the princial taste and displayed the Caliphal power. Its ornament as reconstructed by Herzfeld (1923) resembled those found in Meshatta and consisted of vine scrolls. The

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Muslim Architecture under The Abbassid Patronage (750-892AD) January 2002

dado stucco of the great iwan of the gate consisted of six lobed rosettes separated with triangles, also resembling those of Meshatta, while its frontal arch was decorated with a series of eight lobed rosettes contained within two borders of vine stalks loops. These rosettes greatly resembled the rose window of 13th century gothic churches of Europe, and western scholars admitted this influence (see Otto-von-Simson (1956). The other feature associated with the use of gates and porches was the introduction of a ceremonial tradition where the Emirs appeared before their subjects from a window (the window of appearances) above the main entrance of their palace (Kritzeck, 1959).

Figure 1: Bab Alamma, Samara (836/37) with its three iwans.


Source: Hattstein and Delius (2000), p.97

3. City Design and Planning of the Abbassids The Abbassid period is characterised by large-scale design and city planning. In addition to their famous cities of Baghdad (762) and Samara (836), the Abbassids founded the settlement of Al-Rafiqa in northern Syria which was named as the Companion of Raqqa city. Al-Rafiqa was built in 772 by Al-Mansur, remodelled on Baghdad in its circular plan and protected by massive wall reaching about 5 kilometres in length and incorporating some 132 round towers. From these fortifications, three gates were opened leading inside the enclosure toward the Friday Mosque which stood at the central place. In relation to Raqa, there is no confirmation about the date it was built or its founder although Rice (1979) thought it was Abbassid from the circular plan. It is known that Harun Al-Rashid temporarily made it his capital between 796 and 808 and undertook numerous works including improving the citys fortifications and the construction of residential quarter to the north (Blair & bloom, 2000). However, if Raqa existed before AlRafiqa as indicated above, then Rices theory would confirm Creswell (1959) suggestion that Al-Mansur was the founder of Raqqa in addition to Baghdad and Al-Rafiqa. It is worth mentioning that the defensive work of Raqqa displayed some of the design and building techniques that were brought to the West by crusaders and consisting of the oblique approach (Rice (1979, p29). These cities, in addition to old ones, played leading roles in world trade, commerce and learning. The circular city of Baghdad and its buildings formed the scene for many tales of Harun Al-Rashid and the Arabian nights. Unfortunately, no remains of its wonders are left as the city was ravaged and entirely erased by the Moguls and their Christian allies in 13th century (1258). Samara was founded by the Caliph Al-Mutasim in the first half of the 9th century. This was in the form of a compound consisting of barracks for his Turkish troops, a palace and a mosque. Its layout

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Muslim Architecture under The Abbassid Patronage (750-892AD) January 2002

provides an insight into Muslim concepts of city planning and morphology while the ruins of its mosques serve as specimen for the next major edifices in the chronology of mosques, after the Ummayad. (For details on Abbassid cities see forthcoming articles). 4. The Abbassid Mosques The building enthusiasm of the Abbassids took a new dimension in the construction of mosques as reflected in their size and character. As mentioned previously, unlike the Umayyads who continued the stone tradition of Syria, the Abbassids adopted the Mesopotamian tradition of mud and baked brick construction often arranged in decorative manner or carved and moulded with geometric and vegetal designs (Blair & Bloom (2000). Furthermore, the minaret of the Abbassids with its monumental character and size undertook another function, in addition to the call of prayers, consisting of advertising the presence of the Friday mosque from afar and sometimes used as landmark providing a sense of direction for travellers as the case of the minaret of Mujda (778) 5 (Creswell, 1959). The symbolic significance cannot be ruled out as these towers expressed the prominent role of the mosque in the Abbassid society as well as a public display of the power of the Caliph. 4.1 Al-Aqsa Mosque The earliest major mosque construction undertaken by the Abbassids was the rebuilding of Al-Aqsa. The mosque was originally built by Omar (the second Caliph) in 634, but extended and improved upon by a number of Umayyad Caliphs especially Al-Walid. After its destruction by the earthquake of 747-748 the Abbassid Caliph al-Mahdi (775-785) rebuilt it in 780 and according to Creswell (1959) the mosque retained this plan to present times 6. Al Aqsa is the second holiest mesjid in Islam after the Kaaba and Medinah. Religiously, the platform upon which is constructed is referred to in the Quran and it is also the location from where the ascension of Prophet Muhammed took place. Al-Muqaddisi (10th century) describes Al-Aqsa as follows:

the mosque had a building lofty central nave leading to the Mihrab and covered by a trussed timber roof. The nave had a width measured by 15 places of worshippers. In front of the Mihrab, the space was covered by a great dome of bigger diameter than today's and had four minarets projecting high in the sky. (Richmond, 1926)
On the sides of the nave there were 14 aisles, seven for each side divided by arcades each consisting of eleven pointed arches
(figure 2).

The access to the nave was on the main gate on the north, as well as from

numerous secondary doors (7 doors on left and right sides of the nave, and 11 on its eastern side). The major Abbassid addition was the introduction of the arcaded portico in the northern, western and southern side to protect the faithful from winter rain and summer heat as well as sheltering the poor and travellers. The other feature introduced by the Abbassids was the unusual shape of its plan by running the aisles of the sanctuary from North to South parallel to the central nave and intersecting them with the qibla in the Mihrab area forming a T shape. This space configuration was also adopted in North Africa in Quairawan Mosque (Tunisia) (836) and later in mosques of Samara; Al-Mutawwakil Mosque (848/849) and Abu-Dullaf (860). There are suggestions which consider this spatial arrangement to be derived from the Christian cross plan of the church but there is a little evidence of that especially if we knew that the spread of cross as well T planned churches took place only since the 11th and 12th century Romanesque and later Gothic Europe.

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4.2 Transfer of the Pointed Arch to Europe In relation to the transfer of the pointed arch to Europe we find historic sources indicating that at the first crusade of 1099 and after the fall of Palastine in the hands of the crusaders, crusading leaders held their first meeting in the Dome of the Rock Mosque. This was to settle their differences and intimidate the defeated Muslims. Those leaders who were interested in architecture could not escape noticing the beauty of both the Dome of the Rock and Al-Aqsa pointed arcades and brought it back with them when they returned to Europe (Lethaby, 1904).

Figure 2: Leaders of the crusade of 1099 noticed the elegance and practicalities of the pointed arch in Al-Aqsa as well as in the Dome of the Rock and subsequently adopted it in their constructions in Europe.

4.3 The Mosques of Samara The next major Abbassid building was the central mosque of Al-Mutawakkil (Samara) which was erected between 848 and 849 (some 140 years after the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus)) and was, until recently, considered the world largest 7 with an area of 109 acres and containing some 25 aisles riwaqs separated by octagonal piers supporting the teakwood beamed roof. These colonnades run from north to south in the direction of Makka as in the Aqsa Mosque, and not across that direction as in Damascus. These features form the T plan discussed above. The uniqueness of this mosque reveals a new design and architectural techniques showing a great deal of ingenuity and innovation (Creswell, 1959). Among these peculiarities is the absence of the Mihrab which has been substituted with three arched openings with the central arch being wider than the rest. The external wall, of baked brick and incorporating semicircular buttresses, was decorated with square panels and circular medallions in their centre. The helical minaret al-Malwiya, as it became known, consisted of spiral tower, which stood on its own on the north outside the enclosure wall in an unprecedented fashion were carefully placed on the enclosure and spanned by cinqfoil arches. This is again the first appearance of this motif which soon afterwards reached Muslim Cordoba and from there entered Europe where it became a predominant feature in Gothic architecture. Rivoira (1918) claimed that these multifoil arches appeared first in India, then transmitted to Samara and to the rest of Muslim land including Spain (Cordoba Mosque) and Sicily and then to Europe. Richmond (1926) hypothesised that these innovations were due to the contact of Muslims with Mesopotamia and Asia where such features were more common. He pointed out that these changes also mark the break from the Syrian building and artistic
(figure 3).

A number of windows

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Muslim Architecture under The Abbassid Patronage (750-892AD) January 2002

tradition that reigned before and during the Ummayad period 8. The substitution of antique columns to carry arcades with brick piers in Al-Mutawwakil Mosque was also the first recorded instance at least 150 years before its adoption in Europe 9. These were octagonal in form on a square base, and have four circular or octagonal marble shafts to each pier. The shafts were joined with metal dowels and had bell shaped capitals.

Figure 3: Al-Malwiya Minaret of the Great Mosque, Samara (848/49)


Source: Hattstein and Delius (2000), p.105

Figure 4: Minaret of Abu Dulaf Mosque, Samara (860/61)


Source: Scerrato (1980), p.35

These features were re-employed by Al-Mutawakkil in his second most important mosque, Abu Dulaf (Samara, 860/61)
(figure 4),

which also adopted the features found in the Abbassid plan of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

Here, the sanctuary consisted of 17 aisles perpendicular to the Qibla wall and Mihrab but they connected with two naves running parallel to the Qibla and forming the T shape discussed earlier. 4.4. Ibn Tulun Mosque Mosques that followed incorporated these innovations in combination with architectural elements of previous mosques. Ahmed Ibn Tulun, a soldier among the troops of Samara who was promoted to Emir of Egypt, built his mosque in Fustat, (Cairo 876) in the same fashion as Samara Mosques. According to AlMaqrisi, this Mosque was designed by an Egyptian architect and consisted of a sanctuary which occupies the eastern side of the enclosure with six aisles divided by five arcades of pointed arches carrying the roof. Each arcade is carried on 16 robust piers of brick. These piers also appear in the courtyard carrying the two arcades of the cloister
(figure 5) .

This was the first employment of piers outside Samara. The other feature

was the systematic use of pointed arches which is regarded as the first recorded example although the pointed arch appeared earlier in Ukhaidir Palace (below), the Alqsa Mosque (above), Ramlah Cistern (789) as well as Samara, but all these examples were Abbassid. This was at least two and a half centuries before it was introduced to Europe. Rice (1979) admitted this as he announced The pointed arch had already

been used in Syria, but in the mosque of Ibn Tulun we have one of the earliest examples of its use on an

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extensive scale, some centuries before it was exploited in the West by the Gothic architects (Rice, 1979,
p.45). And according to the same theory, Ibn Tulun Mosque was also the means through which the pier was transmitted to Europe. The other important feature, in Ibn Tulun Mosque, is decorative connected to the use of an advanced (to Samara) combination of geometrical and floral patterns (Arabesque) on the architrave of its arcades, which in the opinion of Richmond (1926) is also the earliest example found. Later, this feature became a prominent theme in most Muslim decorative art. Other innovations included the introduction of ornamental battlements which crowned the external walls and later became a prototype of Gothic pierced and crested parapets (Briggs, 1924). The transfer of these motifs to Europe according to Ibn Tulun's theory is manifest through the 11th century strong links the Fatimids had with Amalfitan and Venetian traders who often visited Cairo and this monument. Figure 5: Ibn Tulun Mosque (878) showing sahn and arcades of pointed arch.

5. The Abbassid Palaces Among the palaces built by Abbassid Caliphs and Emirs that attracted wide interest is the Ukhaidir Palace, a fortified living complex containing halls, courtyards, living apartments and a mosque. The palace, built between 774-775 by Isa ibn Musa 10 some 75 miles Southwest of Baghdad, was a masterpiece of architectural innovation, which had long lasting impact on the development of architecture. The architects and masons of Ukhaidir first introduced a new elaborate technique based on the construction of elliptical (pointed) barrel vaults with bricks in similar technique to building a wall and therefore considerably eased the way vaults were built
(figure 6).

The old tradition consisted of the use of a mixture of mortar and small

stones and debris laid out on wooden base. Such method required a lot of wood not available in this arid region and building took considerable time to finish as masons had to wait for the vault to dry to move the scaffolding to another part of the building. This new technique, likely to have been introduced through Persian and Mesopotamian Muslims, provided adequate solutions to these issues. Further elaboration of the vault construction technique was made in the palace's mosque, through the use of flattened arches to support the brick vault, a technique which became later known as ribbed vaulting (Jairazbhoy, 1972). According to Marcais (1954) this method was also employed in Medinat Al-Zahra (10th century) in Andalusia. This achievement provided the foundations for the rise of Gothic architecture in Europe.

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The other innovation was the first use of pointed arches seen later in Al-Aqsa and other Abbassid buildings as indicated above. The other original element introduced in Ukhaidir was decorative consisting of the use of blind arcading which appeared in the Northern faade of the Court of Honour. Again, this feature became an essential element in Muslim architectural decoration and later transmitted to Europe. Here, one has to point to the attitude of Western scholars which connect the use of blind arcading, as well as the origin of ribbed vaulting and a number of other features, to Lambard architects who are considered (by them) to be the main builders of Dark ages Europe, especially in the 10th and 11th centuries (see for example Porter, 1909). The appearance of this feature in Ukhaidir some 300 years earlier clearly denies such claims. Furthermore, for the majority of these scholars Lombardic architecture seems to provide the answer to the origin of medieval revival of Western architecture. I found a strong similarity between Lombardic buildings, especially around Italy, and Muslim buildings in both structural and decorative terms. A proper investigation, by Muslim scholars, in this subject is therefore urgently needed. Another innovation in Ukhaidir was the introduction of the first fluted dome which appeared at the crossing beyond the main entrance and which later was adopted in Quairawan mosque. Finally, Ukhaidir elaborated the defensive technique found in Raqqa by introducing whats known as chemin de ronde along the ramparts. The introduction of arrow slits in its walls enabled defence against attackers. Meanwhile, the four gates, consisting each of a chamber with an inner wall and an outer portcullis which could be lowered in case of assault trapping the attackers inside, provided another defensive architectural technique, again transmitted to Europe through the crusaders. Figure 6: Ukhadir Palace (720-800) showing the pointed arch and barrel vault of the Great Hall.
Source: Hattstein and Delius (2000), p.100.

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Muslim Architecture under The Abbassid Patronage (750-892AD) January 2002

6. Abbassid architectural contribution From this brief outline, one can appreciate the architectural changes developed by the Abbassids, which can be grouped in a number of key elements including the following. The pier as we have seen was first introduced in the Great Mosque of Al-Mutawakkil (Samara) and later spread through Ibn Tulun Mosque. The rejection of the traditional column was due to the shortage of columns as Muslim constructions stretched over an area involving three continents. The cost and effort involved in the transport of these columns was also another motivator for the invention of the pier. Sources indicate that first European adoption of the pier was in the beginning of the tenth century, inspired by Ibn Tulun. The extensive use of the pointed arch as well as the pointed vault as found in Ukhaidir was another major development. In case of Baghdad Gate at Raqqa, the introduction of the four centred pointed arch made of two rings one inside the other was a technical innovation. The introduction of the pointed arch to Europe did not take place until the 11th century when some Amalfitans familiar with Muslim architecture rebuilt Monte Cassimo in Italy. The Al-Malwiya helical type of minaret symbolised a wish to desire to pry into the secrets of heaven. A sign of Muslim quest for knowledge which intensified under the Abbassid patronage. The polilobed form of archs appeared in the Abbasside Caliphate, in Samara, and largely in North Africa and Andalusia where it decorated most Moorish buildings especially Cordoba Mosque. Since the tenth century, Europeans fell in love with this form of arches and adopted it in their buildings, plans, and arts. The inspiration of Cordoba in this respect is well maintained. The extensive use of Umayyad six and eight lobed rosettes decorating the facades of most Christian churches. Finally Samara decorative styles which incorporated vegetal forms (especially vines) and abstract geometry paved the way for the development of Muslim arabesque.
(figure 7)

resulting in their dissemination in

the Muslim world and later reached Europe in the form of six or eight lobed rosettes windows

Figure 7: Stucco decoration from Samara showing a stucco panel of six lobed rosette.
Source: Hattstein and Delius (2000)

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Notes:
1 2 3 4 5 6

Such as the famous "Bayt-al-Hikma" (house of wisdom) which was set up by El-Mamoun (813-833). Al-Mamuns mother was also Persian Abu Nuwas (d.between 813-815) poetry can provide a glimpse of the luxury of this period. According to Herzfel (1948), it was built by Harun Al-Rashid (786-809) Built by Isa Ibn Musa around 778 halfway between Kufa and his Ukhaidir palace. There were other additions and modification carried out in successive periods, but here we are concerned Today the largest mosque is Hassan II Mosque in Casablanca. Such views deny any Muslim creativity and always attempt to connect their achievement to previous We remind the reader that building activity and techniques were at their lowest point at this time in

solely with Abbassid works. For a complete view on Al-Aqsa, please consult our forthcoming articles.
7 8

civilisations and other cultures despite the lack of evidence.


9

Europe. The continent was in black intellectual and artistic recession known as the Dark Ages. Buildings were a few and mostly made of wood under the influence of the Barbarians. Roman building tradition was lost and relations with Byzantium in Constantinople were at their worst. exchange.
10

The only proper contact with

civilisation Europe had was with the Muslims by virtue of the above as well as the close proximity and trade In addition to the pointed arch, the introduction of the pier to Europe was the second major step towards the architectural recovery in the continent. A nephew of al-Mansur who was exiled by the Caliph due to a dispute about the succession to the throne. References: Creswell, K.A. (1958) A short account of early Muslim architecture, Harmondsworth, Middlesex; Baltimore : Penguin Books. Hattstein and Delius (2000) 'Islam Art and Architecture', Konemann, Cologne. Herzfel, E (1923) Die Ausgrabungen von Samara , D. Reimer/E. Vohsen,. - (Forschungen zur

Islamischen Kunst, Berlin. Jairazbhoy, R. A. (1972) An outline of Islamic architecture'. Asia Publishing House, Bombay & London. Kritzeck, James (1959) The world of Islam : studies in honour of Philip K. Hitti, Macmillan. London. Lethaby, W.R. (1904) ` Medieval Art: from the peace of the church to the eve of the renaissance', Duckworth and Co London, Charles Scribner's Sons New York, Vol.IV, pp100-111. Marais, G. (1954) 'L'architecture musulmane d'occident : Tunisie, Algrie, Maroc, Espagne et

Sicily ', Arts et mtiers graphiques, Paris. Porter, K.A. (1909) ` Medieval Architecture, its origin and development', Volume 1, the Baker &

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Taylor Company, New York. Rice, D.T. (1979) Islamic art, Thames & Hudson, Norwich. Richmond, E. T. (1926) Moslem Architecture; 623-1516 some causes and consequences', The Royal Asiatic Society, London. Rivoira G.T. (1918) ` Moslem Architecture: its origin and development', translated by Rushforth, G. Oxford University Press.

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Aspects of the Islamic Influence on Science and Learning in the Christian West (12th-13th century)

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Husamaldin Tayeh March 2003 4040 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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ASPECTS OF THE ISLAMIC INFLUENCE ON SCIENCE AND LEARNING IN THE CHRISTIAN WEST (12TH-13TH CENTURY)
The history of science and civilisation according to traditional Western writing and narration, by an overwhelming majority, can be summarised as follows: All Western, and hence our modern, civilisation is derived from the Greek heritage (roughly 6th BC to 1st 2nd century AD). This heritage was lost during the Dark Ages (5th-15th AD), recovered during the Renaissance (16th-17th centuries), dusted off, and so was revived for our modern world. As it was difficult to explain how such learning could be lost for nearly fifteen centuries, but recovered, Western historians gave that role to the Muslims: it was they, who, by chance, preserved it, keeping it for Western genius to arise again, before it was re-claimed and developed by that genius. One of the `illustrious historians to defend this point, followed by hordes of modern `historians who today crowd history departments, is the Frenchman Duhem who states:

The revelations of Greek thought on the nature of the exterior world ended with the Almagest'' (of Ptolemy) which appeared about A.D. 145, and then began the decline of ancient learning. Those of its works that escaped the fires kindled by Mohammedan warriors were subjected to the barren interpretations of Mussulman commentors and, like parched seed, awaited the time when Latin Christianity would furnish a favourable soil in which they could once more flourish and bring forth fruit. 1
Some modern historians go further than Duhem, and even deprive the Muslims of this modest role of guardianship; one such historian, at a recent conference on the subject,2 seemingly able to interpret the unknown, confidently asserted that had the Muslims not preserved such heritage, it would have been recovered by Western scholarship anyway. One could write whole volumes on these and similar fallacies and abundant inanities which fill Western history. Not the place here, though. Briefly, however, one or two comments on the previous statement on the Greek role to highlight how ridiculous such an argument can be before moving on. First and foremost, the learning recovered, or found, or available, at that so-called Renaissance of the 16th17th (another illogically based notion of Western history) bears no resemblance to anything left by the Greeks. The mathematics, the medicine, the optics, the chemistry, the astronomy, geography, mechanics etc. of the 16th is centuries ahead of that left by the Greeks. Any person with the faintest knowledge of any such subjects can check this by looking at what was left by the Greeks and compare it with what was available in the 16th century, and even with what was available centuries up to the 14th). Anyone can thus question this notion of Greek learning recovered during the Renaissance.

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Aspects of the Islamic Influence on Science & Learning in the Christian West March 2003

Furthermore, even supposing the Greeks had made some contribution in some of the sciences cited, what is the Greek contribution to the invention of paper, printing, farming techniques, irrigation, windmills, the compass, industrial production, glass making, cotton production, the system of numerals, trade mechanisms, paper money and the cheque? Modern finance as a whole, gardens, flowers, art of living, urban design, personal hygiene, and many more manifestations that compose our modern civilisation? As for the notion that Greek learning had disappeared, this is another preposterous point repeatedly made by Western historians. Greek learning was available throughout the so-called Dark Ages in Byzantium and even in the West.3 Western historians never fail to insist that the Muslims sought that Greek learning from Byzantine sources, and yet say that it has disappeared, which is impossible to square. Now, if such learning was available all along, why did Western scholars have to wait until they conquered Islamic lands in Sicily (11th), Toledo (Spain) (in the 11th) and in the east during the Crusades (11th-12th) before they started acquiring such `Greek learning? Why wait? And above all, why did Western translators of the 12th century, to whom we will return further on, chose to translate such learning from Arabic, then turn it into Latin rather than go to the Greek and even Latin sources? This is never explained by those historians who select miniscule or fragmentary pieces of evidence, often concoctions of their own, to build extensive theories (i.e the Pirenne theory, the burning of the Alexandria Library etc). The real evidence from history shows that where the Greeks had left off, the Muslims had continued thus setting up the foundations of modern science and civilisation. Before looking, albeit briefly, at some aspects of Muslim decisive influences, this author, like other Muslim historians, first and foremost, never ceases to acknowledge that, although the Muslims had made such contributions, the Islamic mind and soul stresses that science and civilisation are God given gifts to all people of equal abilities. The reason why the Muslims excelled at the time they did, and played the part they did is not due to any special status (as others appear to recognise as their own), but simply to circumstances current then, i.e spur of Islamic values, which were very strong; driven by faith, Muslims were able to accomplish what they could never achieve under other circumstances as history has shown. Moreover, the Muslims had their own contributions but never denied their inheritance from other civilisations; particularly from the Chinese with whom they always had excellent relations. In the Muslim civilisation, opportunities were always available to others. Muslim history is crowded with instances of slaves, and their descendants of whatever ethnic mix who became great scientists, men of letters, leaders and even rulers. The multi-faith and equalitarian nature of Islamic civilisation has not be equalled by even the so-called most open multi-cultural societies of today. Even when the whole Islamic land was threatened with extinction by both crusaders and Mongols (mid 13th century), decimated populations of Muslim lands in their hundreds of thousands (800,000 deaths in Baghdad alone in 1258),4 minorities whether Jewish or Christian (even when allies of the crusaders) still survived within Islamic jurisdictions, with all their powers, privileges, and wealth intact. These instances highlight the true character of Islamic civilisation, a characteristic completely alien to their successors. Thus, in respect to the issue debated here, it is no surprise that such successors, whilst benefiting from Islamic learning, still chose to obliterate their debt, and re-write that history in the ways indicated above. Such observations are not conjured up by the present author to pursue his own agenda. They can be found amidst some of the best but often inaccessible and thus obscure Western historians, or men of renown. Thus, Glubb states:

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The indebtedness of Western Christendom to Arab civilisation was systematically played down, if not completely denied. A tradition was built up, by censorship and propaganda, that the Muslim imperialists had been mere barbarians and that the rebirth of learning in the West was derived directly from Roman and Greek sources alone, without any Arab intervention. 5
Draper, too, notes:

the systematic manner in which the literature of Europe has contrived to put out of sight our scientific obligations to the Muhammadans (Muslims) Injustice founded on religious rancour and national conceit cannot be perpetuated forever... The Arab has left his intellectual heritage on Europe as, before long, Christendom will have to confess' 6
The Islamic influence is herein partly acknowledged in this extract.

General Aspects of the Islamic Influence


A general picture of the legacy of the East before and during Islamic times is described by Wickens:

In the broadest sense, the West's borrowings from the Middle East form practically the whole basic fabric of civilisation. `Without such fundamental borrowings from the Middle East, he adds, `we should lack the following sorts of things among others (unless, of course, we had been quick and inventive enough to devise them all for ourselves): agriculture; the domestication of animals, for food, clothing and transportation; spinning and weaving; building; drainage and irrigation; roadmaking and the wheel; metal-working, and standard tools and weapons of all kinds; sailing ships; astronomical observation and the calendar; writing and the keeping of records; laws and civic life; coinage; abstract thought and mathematics; most of our religious ideas and symbols. And he concludes that, `there is virtually no evidence for any of these basic things and processes and ideas being actually invented in the West. 7
To go through the Islamic impact on modern science and civilisation in detail demands so vast a book that nobody has written yet, and it is much beyond the capability of this author to address this issue as extensively as he would wish. Notwithstanding just some overall observations and points are raised here. In order to highlight the true scale of the Islamic impact, it is crucial to look, however briefly, at the condition of Western Christendom during those so-called Dark Ages, when, such were the contrasts, and such was the envy of Western Christians of life in the Muslim world, that, for Europeans, as Menocal puts it, it must have at times appeared that wealth and comfort went hand in hand with the ability to read Arabic. 8 Whilst universality of learning was a fundamental element in Islamic civilisation, science was the `hobby of the masses, with paupers and kings competing to obtain knowledge 9 whereas in Western Christendom, as Haskins observes, relatively few could read and write, these being chiefly ecclesiastics and, save for the very moderate attainments of an individual parish priest, men of education were concentrated in certain definite groups separated one from another by wide stretches or rural ignorance.10 As Draper puts it, when `Europe was hardly more enlightened than Caffraria is now, the Saracens were cultivating and even creating science. Their triumphs in philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, chemistry,

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medicine, proved to be more glorious, more durable, and therefore more important than their military actions had been.11Draper goes on to say, that whilst `the Christian peasant, fever stricken or overtaken by accident, journeyed to the nearest saints shrine and expected a miracle; the Spanish Moor relied on the prescription or lancet of his physician, or the bandage and knife of his surgeon.'12 `The Spurious medicine of the time, as practised under the sanction of the Holy See, Scott adds, `had raised up a herd of ignorant and mercenary ecclesiastical charlatans. These operated by means of chants, relics, and incense; and their enormous gains were one of the chief sources of revenue to the parish and the monastery, and a corresponding burden on the people.13 Urbanity and wealth also belonged to the Muslims, at that time. In tenth century Cordova, there were 200,000 houses, 600 mosques, 900 public baths, the streets were paved with stones, and were cleaned, policed, and illuminated at night, water was brought to the public squares and to many of the houses by conduits.14 Islamic cities, as a whole with their mosques and madrassas, their churches, synagogues, and schools, their bathhouses and other amenities, contained all that was needed for leading a religious and cultured life.15 Such Islamic cities boasted huge expanses of gardens.16 Basra in Iraq was described by the early geographers as a veritable Venice, with mile after mile of canals criss-crossing the gardens and orchards;17 Damascus with its 110,000 gardens, 18 and in Turkey, Ettinghausen says flowers were a `devotion, if not mania.19 Whilst in Islamic towns and cities, trade flourished in all directions, 20 and the wealth of its land were the objective of the preying and attacks of Christian pirates, 21 the view from Western Christendom was hardly flattering. So big was the contrast, as Scott puts it, that the magnificent architectural works of `Arab genius were attributed to an infernal agency, as beyond the efforts of unaided human power; an opinion still entertained by the Spanish peasantry, who firmly believe that the Moslem palaces `were constructed by evil spirits.22 This account by Draper tells that:

as late as 16th century England, there were highwaymen on the roads, pirates on the rivers, vermin in abundance in the clothing and beds... The population, sparse as it was, was perpetually thinned by pestilence and want.. 23
A similar state of wretchedness prevailed everywhere else. Scott tells how:

In Paris there were no pavements until the thirteenth century; in London none until the fourteenth; the streets of both capitals were receptacles of filth, and often impassable; at night shrouded in inky darkness; at all times dominated by outlaws; the haunt of the footpad, the nursery of the pestilence, the source of every disease, the scene of every crime. 24
In the Spanish Asturias at the time of the Muslim arrival (early 8th century), Scott states that, `the dwellings were rude hovels constructed of stones and unhewn timber, thatched with straw floored with rushes and provided with a hole in the roof to enable the smoke to escape; their walls and ceilings were smeared with soot and grease, and every corner reeked with filth and swarmed with vermin. The owners of these habitations were, in appearance and intelligence, scarcely removed from the condition of savages. They dressed in sheepskins and the hides of wild beasts, which, unchanged, remained in one family for

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many generations. The salutary habit of ablution was never practised by them. Their garments were never cleansed, and were worn as long as their tattered fragments held together. 25 From this alone, it seems extremely odd how, instead of gratitude, Western historians, including Albornoz 26 and Spanish historians of his ilk, deny the Islamic influence. How did many aspects of Islamic civilisation pass on the West can be seen now. Western scientific awakening and emergence out of barbarism mainly took place during the 12th century. Most serious historians now accept this. The idea of the Renaissance of the 16th-17th century now belongs either to past history, or primarily to the mass media where amateur historians working for the BBC and similar channels occasionally delve into history as one would engage into an enjoyable, but still far from mastered, hobby. Universities, like cathedrals and parliaments are products of the Middle Ages, says Haskins, who adds that, `The Greeks and the Romans, strange as it may seem, had no universities in the sense in which the word has been used for the past seven or eight centuries.27 Also belonging to the 12th century were new architectural styles, windmills, hospitals, many sciences and scientific works etc. In the 12th century two major elements entered into play, both linked to the Muslim world: First: The Western Christians established themselves into lands formerly Muslim, such as Sicily which had been retaken from the Muslims during the last decade of the eleventh; Spain, where the Muslims lost their main northern town of Toledo; and of course, the 12th century being (until the rise of Imad al-Din Zangi in the 1140s who inflicted the first major defeat on the Crusaders) a major period when the Crusaders followed their onslaught begun in 1097, and conquered the whole of Palestine and nearly the whole of todays Syria. From these three regions as will be seen the Westerners derived plenty, or should one say the essentials of what makes modern civilisation. Second: In the 12th century took place the greatest translation effort of sciences ever seen, and that was primarily of Islamic science in the town of Toledo, northern Spain. Before delving into the role of Sicily and the Crusades, it is very important to note that, without any exception, any region that first witnessed a scientific revival in Western Christendom, and began to emerge into modernity, was the area related to Islamic learning in one way or the other. Obviously, the overwhelming majority of Western historians always recognise the fact that these regions were first places of learning in the Christian West, but they never, with the exceptions of such historians as cited here see, recognise the Islamic link between these places. These Western historians have lost sight of the basic scientific principle, that similar effects have similar causes: that in the presence of similar phenomena, one should look for a similar link; However they dont, hence proving their methodology is not scientific in any way. Briefly here on such places, the first one in Western Christendom to awaken to science, astronomy and mathematics, principally, and which in turn diffused such sciences is Lotharingia, known today as Lorraine

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in north eastern France. It is the first place that had links with Muslim Spain via its ambassador John of Gorze, ambassador, but also scholar.28 The other place that came out of darkness in the south was Catalonia. Catalonia was the adjacent to Muslim Spain, the main centre of European science The Abbey of Ripoll was the destination of most scientific manuscripts coming from Cordova, where even Latin scholars went to examine and even collect such manuscripts.29 The towns and cities from which learning first spread include Salerno, the location of the first medical faculty, of which more will be said. It was Salerno to which Constantine arrived from Tunisia with his library of medical lore. Montpellier, equally was crucial to the development of learning in the Christian west, since Montpellier was the centre from which all sorts and forms of learning from the land of Islam, medical learning particularly, came whether from Muslims, or Jews, who also acted as the major disseminators of Islamic science. It was Montpellier, which gave some of the earliest renowned Western men of sciences, such as Arnau de Villanova.30 The School of Chartres, which was one of the principal points of departure of the intellectual movement in Europe was the work and the inspiration of people such as Fulbert (of Chartres) who was one of Gerbert of Aurillac's (d.1003) students, Gerbert, himself was the first true Arabist of all Western scholars.31 The Norman court in England was a thriving centre where Islamic learning, astronomy most particularly, found the largest place courtesy of the first English scholars of Muslim thought viz. Petrus Alphonsi, Walcher of Malvern, and Adelard of Bath.32 The birth of Western mathematics began with Fibonaccis Liber Abacci (1202), whose early studies were done in the city of Bejaia, in todays Algeria. 33 It is needless of course to extend this survey further, the field being open for any curious researcher who can pick on any place, or figure of learning, during the 11th to 15th centuries (and locate the Islamic link, often hidden, but nonetheless always there.

The Role of Sicily


The role of Sicily has been well studied by Michelle Amari, but unfortunately the work, although extremely old has remained inaccessible because it is only available in Italian.34 Haskins has touched a little on the role of Sicily, but other modern historians, on the whole, have worked hard to reformulate many of the conclusions arrived at by Haskins and Amari, by reducing mention of Islamic influence to its bare minimum. Hence, unless Amaris work is translated, the true place of the Muslim influence via Sicily will not be grasped, especially as the process of revisionism of history continues unabated. One must refer, albeit but briefly to some aspects of such Sicilian influence, mainly via the role of Frederick II (1194-1250). Frederick had from his infancy grown up using Arabic, the language of his court. He was both a cultural convert and a proselytizing patron of the then current Islamic culture. 35 It was Frederick II who encouraged Plato of Tivoli and Fibonacci, `the founders of European mathematics,' to gather Muslim and Jewish scholars to undertake translation of every available Arabic book, and he himself sent Michael Scot to Cordoba to obtain works by Ibn Sina to distribute copies to existing schools.36 Frederick himself conducted

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extensive correspondence with learned Muslims and Jews from both Al-Andalus and the cultural centres of the Middle East. His court was the intellectual capital of a world already in upheaval because of the translations of Islamic science which were spreading from Spain throughout the north. 37 Due to his preference of surrounding himself with Muslim rather than Christian influence, he was half Muslim in his own ways, states Sarton.38 It was under his rule, Briffault explains, that Muslim culture on the island reached its height and had `a great and far reaching civilising influence over barbaric Europe.' 39 During the reign of Frederick the University of Naples in 1224, the first university of Europe which was founded at a definite time, and by a definite charter,40 was founded. And following the traditional Muslim model the university was fitted with a considerable collection of Arabic books.41 Frederick also established universities in Messina and Padua, and renovated the old medical school of Salerno `in accordance with the advances of Arab medicine.'42 Frederick himself was widely respected, admired, and even envied in certain circles. But Frederick was anathema to the Church. Like al-Andalus itself, he was viewed with astonishment, admiration, and envy combined with fear and suspicion. 43At the Council of Lyon, Pope Innocent III made it clear that his association with heretics (to Frederick they were simply scholars and learned men) had caused Frederick's own heresy. 44 Sicily both before and during Fredericks rule never ceased to act as a magnet for literati and intellectuals from the rest of Western Christendom. Northern scholars visited the island in large numbers, and `wished to carry back some specimen of that eastern learning whose fame was fast spreading in the lands beyond the Alps.'45From the island was derived the English fiscal system, similar to the name it has today: The Exchequer, introduced by Thomas Brown (Qaid Brun) when he transferred his services from Roger II in Sicily to Henry II in England.46 The best known translator in Sicily was Michael Scot, whose translation in 1217 of Al-Bitruji (alpetragius) On The Sphere literally revolutionised the study of astronomy particularly the planets.47 Finally a few words on the islands contribution to the advances made in geography and cartography, courtesy of Al-Idrisi, who graced the courts of Roger II in Palermo, and on whose geography was built so much subsequent knowledge of the world.48

The Crusades
The best work on the influence of the Eastern Islamic thought on Western Christendom during the Crusades is by a German: Prutzs Kulturgeschichte der kreuzzuge. 49 The most unfortunate thing is, again, unlike many of the hollow books covering Islamic history and civilisation, and which have been eagerly studied and translated, this work has been left untouched, never translated into any other language. Extracts here and there offer a fairly good image of the Crusaders impact, though. Cochrane gives some brief idea on the Crusades impact through her study of the career and life of Adelard of Bath, the first English scientist, who travelled eastwards during the Crusades. 50 Cochrane, relying on the works by Harvey in particular,51 shows such Muslim influence on Western construction techniques during the times of the Crusades. 52 She explains how pre Norman churches in England, so many of which had skew chancels, revealed the builders' difficulty to achieve true rectangles. In the development of the so called Gothic style, she hails the use of the pointed arch, which was made possible via the contacts with the Muslims during the Crusades. Harvey, to whom she refers, quotes Christopher Wren's `the new architecture should be called Saracenic rather than Gothic.'53 Whilst the new geometry that was then introduced in the West could have played a part, Cochrane points out that the transition was rapid following the First Crusade. Local builders employed by the Crusaders revealed the solutions to the problems of construction orally or by demonstration. Talbot Rice points out that in the area dominated by the Seljuk Turks during the Crusades there was building work

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`involving fine stone masonry, pointed arches, elaborate voussoirs and defensive conceptions which were to follow in Romanesque and Gothic architecture a generation or so later.'54 And to support the notion further, the proportioning of the arches in the Islamic world is, `basically similar to early Gothic. The system had the advantage of deriving its ratios from the perfect square, a favoured shape in Islamic buildings century after century.'55 Cochrane also points out that it was not just via the Crusades that the influence worked but also in their former territories of Europe, where, as she explains, the first impetus towards a new style came with the defeat of the Muslims in Spain and Sicily.56 Higher learning, in the way it is organised today also found its way to the West via the Crusades mainly, although as shown previously Spain had provided an impact, too. Makdisi57 outlines yet another excellent work which remains mostly inaccessible on the history of learning, that is Riberas excellent Disertaciones Y Opusculos, in which Ribera gives his views on the Muslim source of modern university learning.58 Ribera states that the rise of European universities followed Oriental universities, and that the channels of communication was opened by the Crusades. In justification Ribera cites three phenomena: 1) The swiftness of the universities appearance and propagation, without slow and gradual transformation of the organisation of studies. 2) The contrasts which prevailed in the customs and organisation of these universities, `betraying a fusion of opposing tendencies of two distinct civilisations.' 3) The custom of granting certificates or degrees that has no precedent in the Christian Middle Ages, or in Rome, or in Greece, but that was prevalent in the Muslim world, where masters were already doing so `for three or four centuries in that form used in the beginning by university professors, to be converted later in Europe into monopolistic patents and surviving down to the present day.
58

The crusades offered much else that it is too long to discuss here, and belong, hopefully to future works, including in this respect: the practice of bathing, sugar and glass production, many branches of textile manufacturing, the art of castle fortification, the spirit of chivalry, and so on and so forth.

Translations of Islamic Sciences


Although translations of Islamic science were undertaken in Barcelona, Tarazon, Segovia, Leon, Pamplona, Toulouse, Beziers, Narbonne and Marseille, the chief centre of translation remained: Toledo. Re-conquered by the Christians in 1085, after being almost four centuries (702-1085) in Muslim hands, Toledo, the ancient Visigoth capital, soon became the ideal place from where Muslim science was to be transferred north. It was in Toledo that possibly the greatest translation effort in the history of science took place. Throughout the early stages of the 12th century Toledo was the focal point, which attracted every single minded scholar and translator of the Christian West.59 DAlverny explains how:

Following the steps of the Christian armies, students from all countries rushed to Spain to lay hands on the treasures of science piling in the `armaria of the Infidels, 60
Scholars from all Christian lands rushed to that place to translate Muslim science, and thus start the scientific awakening of Europe. Many of course were Spaniards: John of Seville, Hugh of Santalla, and those

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working under the patronage of King Alfonso; another translator was Herman from Dalmatia; two came from Flanders, Rudolph of Bruges and Henry Bate; many from southern France: Armengaud son of Blaise, Jacob Anatoli, Moses ibn Tibbon, Jacob ben Mahir, and from Italy: Plato of Tivoli, Gerard of Cremona, Aristippus of Catania, Salio of Padua, John of Brescia.61 From the British Isles will arrive Robert of Chester, Daniel of Morley, M. Scot, and possibly Adelard (of Bath), and others, including the intermediaries who helped transfer Islamic science from Arabic into Latin or local languages. Amongst such translators the most prolific of all was the Italian Gerard of Cremona, who translated about 87 works amongst which included the Toledan tables of al-Zarqali Canones Arzachelis and Jabir ibn Aflah's Islah al Majisti (correction of the Almagest of Ptolemy.) His other translations include The Banu Musas Liber trium fratrum,62 Al-Khwarizmis: De jebra et elmucabala, Abu Kamil: Liber qui secundum Arabes vocatur algebra et almucabala, Abu'l Qasim Al-Zahrawi: Liber Azaragui de cirurgia (treatise on surgery)63 AlFarabi: De scientiis,-Al-Kindi'sworks on physics and mechanics: De aspectibus; followed by De umbris et de diversitate aspecturm, 64 Ibn al-Haytham's work on physics: De crepusculis et nubium ascensionibus, 65 AlKindis: De gradibus medicinarum (on medicine).66 Amongst the translations made by the Jew turned Christian, John of Seville, are Al-Battanis Treatise on astronomy and other works; Thabit ibn Qura: De imaginibus astronomicis; Maslama ibn Ahmed al Majriti: De astrolabio; Al-Farabi: Ihsa al-Ulum; Abu Ma'shar: Al-Madkhal ila `ilm ahkam al-nujum; Al-Ghazali: Maqasid al-falasifa; Al-Farghani: Kitab fi harakat al-Samawiya wa jawami' ilm al-nujum It is not necessary to list all the translations since they can be found in greater detail, together with their successive editions, and a vast bibliography relating to them in G. Sartons Introduction.67 Every science was affected by the translation movement. The list and variety of seminal Muslim medical works that were translated at Toledo and used for inspiration is endless. Campbell,68 and by far the best work on the subject by Leclerc69 remain very good sources of reference for any curious mind on this matter. Just to mention briefly here, that it was a Tunisian born named Constantine, who introduced modern medicine into Europe through the southern Italian town of Salerno making it the first medical centre of Europe from which medical learning radiated north to Padua, Montpellier etc. Constantine had, indeed, carried with him vast amount of knowledge from Qayrawan northwards to Europe, following which arose `a generation of prominent medical teachers.'70 Constantine's best known translation is that of Ali Abbas alMajusti's Kitab al-Malaki, known under the Pantegni.71 One does not need to dwell here on the many translations and editions up to the 18th century of the works of Ibn Sina and Al-Razi, and other medical works by Ibn Zuhr, Ibn Rushd, etc.. However it must be stressed that the Muslims pioneered and had an early impact in the sphere of mental health. It was in fact the direct contribution of Al-Razi, who set up an exclusive ward for the mentally ill in Baghdad. And it was the Muslims, who, as Syed explains,72 `brought a refreshing spirit of dispassionate clarity into psychiatry.' And as they were free from `the demonological theories' which were sweeping over the Christian world, they could make clear cut clinical observations about such diseases.73 Modern surgery owes about everything Al-Zahrawi (d.1013). Al-Zahrawi's chapter on surgery from Kitab alTasrif is `particularly outstanding' due to the frequent illustration of instruments and `its pervading sense of personal experience.'74 Most of the instruments were devised and made by al-Zahrawi himself, and their introduction and use was a major breakthrough at the time, 75 and had a lasting influence. His surgical techniques were also revolutionary, and Smith gives very good illustrations of them. 76 For calculus in the

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urethra, for instance, Al-Zahrawi introduced the technique of using a fine drill inserted through the urinary passage. In the case of tonsillectomies, whilst he held the tongue by a tongue depressor, he removed the swollen tonsil holding it by a hook, and then removed it with a scissor like instrument with transverse blades which cut the gland, whilst holding it for removal from the throat. Al-Zahrawi also described how to connect sound teeth to those that were loose by gold or silver wire. In gynaecology, his work, alongside that of other pioneering Muslim surgeons, included instructions on training midwives to perform unusual deliveries, ways of extracting dead foetuses, the removal of the afterbirth, the design and introduction of vaginal dilaters, the description of forceps, and the use of caesarian methods. The surgical part of Al-tasrif was translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona, and various editions were published at Venice in 1497, at Basel in 1541 and Oxford in 1778, and for centuries, it remained the manual of surgery in all early medical universities such as Salerno and Montpellier, whilst the illustrations of his instruments laid the foundations for surgery in Europe. 77 Muslim surgeons also, as Smith observes, displayed a sensible and humane reluctance to undertake the riskiest and most painful operations, and were also aware of the discomfort they inflicted on patients. This could be seen as a decisive breakthrough in the relationship between the surgeon and the patient. 78 The Muslim influence on pharmacy is similarly considerable. Levey gives a very good account of such influence.79 According to him, many influential Latin works of the `Renaissance' and thereafter are just compilations and slightly altered works of previous Muslim treatises. Belonging to such recensions is Johannes of St Awands Expositio Supra Nicolai Antidotarium written in 1250 and published in Venice in 1495, 1599 and 1602. Conciliator and De Venenorum remediis by Albano (professor in Padua from 1306 to 1316), while extensive extracts from Ibn Rushd and Al Maradini80 were repeatedly printed over the years. An important work on pharmacy in the modern sense, Levey maintains, is greatly influenced by the works of Ibn Sinna, Ibn Sarabiyun (known in Latin as Serapion), Al-Zahrawi and Ibn Masawaih (al-Maradini) in form and content was written by Saladin of Ascolo, a well known physician of the 15th century, and called Compendium aromatariorum.81 Divided into seven parts, this work follows exactly Muslim categorisation of subjects: examination of the pharmacist, the qualities desired for the pharmacist, substitute drugs, care of simple and compound drugs, etc. Another work that also greatly influenced European pharmacopoeias using material from Muslim treatises on simple drug substitutes, preservation of drugs, lists of little known drugs, etc, was that by Ludovico dal Pozzo Toscanelli, a physician of Florence who was authorised to do so by the Florentine College of Physicians, and from which compendium various editions were made. 82 Pharmacopoeias in German, French, English and Spanish also showed Muslim influence,83 whilst a later edition of the London Dispensatory, in the late 17thcentury, in its list of botanicals, minerals, simple / compound drugs for external and internal uses, oils, pills, cataplasms, etc, reflects influence.
84

the extent of Muslim

Most Muslim material was in fact used until late in the nineteenth century, and Levey concludes

that there is much to be learned yet from their early drug treatises. 85 In chemistry, the works of Jabir and Al-Razi set the foundations to the modern science. Jabir, known as Geber in Latin, described the preparation of many chemical substances: sulphide of mercury, oxides, arsenics etc. He made applications that led to major industrial transformations, including the refining of metals, dyeing of clothes (crucial for the textile industry some centuries later,) the use of manganese in glass making (to become another fundamental industry in Europe,) use of pyrites, and gave an exact description of processes such as calcination, crystallisation, solution, sublimation and reduction. 86 Al-Razis work is wary of using the mystical and even occult elements which affect so much of Jabirs and his predecessors works. His Secret of Secrets, in Latin Liber secretorum bubacaris, describes the chemical

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processes and experiments conducted by him, and which can be identified as equivalent to modern processes ranging from distillation to calcination, crystallization etc.87 Al-Razi also divided substances into animal, vegetable, and mineral.; the mineral substances include mercury, gold, silver, pyrites, glass etc: vegetable substances were mainly used by physicians; whilst animal substances divided into hair, blood, milk, eggs, bile etc.88 Al-Razi was also a practical chemist gaving laboratory work pre-eminence over theoretical observations. Hill points out that Al-Razi's Book of Secrets `foreshadows a laboratory manual' and deals with substances, equipment and processes.89 Al-Razi's laboratory includes many items still in use today: crucible; decensory; cucurbit or retort for distillation (qar) and the head of a still with a delivery tube (ambiq, Latin alembic); various types of furnace or stove etc.90 Some of Al-Razi's revolutionary experiments, derived from his Secret of Secrets, 91 include ways of smelting metals, the sublimation of mercury, the preparation of caustic soda, the use of the mercury ammonium chloride solution as a dissolving reagent, and the preparation of glycerine from olive oil. Al-Razi's lead in careful experimentation and observations demonstrated, as Holmyard put it: `that a by-product of alchemy was a steadily increasing body of reliable chemical knowledge, a trend which Al-Razi did most to establish and for which he deserves the gratitude of succeeding generations.'92 Still on chemistry, Hill also notes that works by many Muslim chemists included recipes for products that had industrial or military uses.93 He points out that the discovery of inorganic acids was of crucial importance for the history of chemistry. These acids were produced during chemical experiments but became valuable agents for industrial applications. 94 In optics, the works of the Muslims set up the foundations for all that was to follow. Excellent extracts can be found in Lindbergs study of the Islamic impact on Latin optics in Rasheds Encyclopaedia.95 The Islamic role is highlighted by their demolition of the previous Greek erroneous assumptions of optical theory. Hunain ibn Ishaq, first, followed by al-Kindi, criticised the Greek theory a critique outlined by Lindberg.96 It was, however, Ibn al-Haytham who revolutionised the whole science, determining by experimentation many optical phenomena. Ibn al-Haytham's achievements, as summarised by Lindberg,97 show that he did not just explain the principal facts of visual perception but also managed to establish the intromission theory of vision beyond all doubt and dispute for good. He `fundamentally' altered the aims and scope of the optical theory, and also managed to integrate into his theory anatomical and physiological claims of the medical theory. Thus, as Lindberg concludes, he was able `to draw together the mathematical, physical and medical traditions into a single comprehensive theory.... He created a new optical tradition and established the aims and criteria of optics which would prevail, though not without rivals, until Kepler and beyond.'98 Further achievements of Ibn al-Haytham include developing precision instrumentalisation, expounding for the first time the use of the camera obscura, and writing treatises on the halo and rainbow. 99 Hill states, `unquestionably, the most important work on physics to reach the West in medieval times was Kitab alManazir.100 The influence of this work, with its intromission theory of vision and its completely new methodology had a profound impression on others, particularly Roger Bacon and Witelo.101 The foregoing is just the briefest of outlines of the Islamic influence which brought about the revival of science and learning in Western Christendom, and eventually our modern civilisation based on such Western learning.

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Conclusions
There are many excellent works that can serve future researchers interested in this subject. Sartons Introduction to the History of Science can be a beginning for anyone interested to sift through the thousands of pages of his voluminous work, looking not just under the term Islamic but also `European/Latin Christendom to understand how Christians of the Middle Ages acquired their sciences via Islamic sources. Rasheds Encyclopaedia has also a volume, on the Islamic impact on European science and learning, which is very useful.102Other works include those cited above, most particularly those by Ribera, Leclerc, Amari, and Prutz to understand the role of the Islamic impact on the field of university learning, medicine, the Sicilian impact and that of the Crusaders. To gather how the Muslims influenced Western trade, and how the Islamic economic power was broken by both European pirates and papal policies, there is nothing better than Heyds Levant Trade cited above. To comprehend the Islamic role in mechanics and physics, the best sources are German, especially Widemanns,103although Hill, until his death, in 1994, has somehow rehabilitated the subject in English. Suter has given excellent indications of the Islamic role in astronomy and mathematics.104 Sezgin is by far one of those who have done so much these days to revive the interest in Islamic science and its impact, and again, the most unfortunate fact is that, like all excellent works, his is only available in German. 105 Amongst the English writing authors who can enlighten the reader further on the Islamic impact are Eugene Myers,106 D. Metletzki,107 Turner 108 and Menocal. In French Aldo Mielis work on the role of Islamic science in the awakening of modern science, as the title suggests is a must. 109 In Spanish, there are excellent works by Vernet 110 and Millas Vallicrosa, 111 and of course Castro. 112 Then, of course, there are the many works and articles, which either this author has not cited, or failed to access, or even are difficult to access with thousands of them, many gathering dust in the depths of libraries for decades- or over a century- and containing by far the best information of all on the subject. Modern works filling the shelves of libraries, and the readily available volumes on the history of science, in their overwhelming majority have very little to offer since the history of science and civilisation continues to be classically and Eurocentrically driven.

Bibliography
-R. Allen: Gerbert Pope Silvester II; The English Historical Review: 1892: pp 625-68. -M.T. DAlverny: Deux Traduction Latines du Coran au Moyen Age in Archives dhistoire doctrinale et litteraire du Moyen Age; 16; Paris; Librairie Vrin; 1948; in La Connaissance de lIslam dans lOccident Medieval; edt by C. Burnett. Varorium; 1994; pp 69-131. -A. Amari: La Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, 3 vols, Revised 2nd edition by C.A. Nallino, Roma. (1933-9). -G. Anawati: Science, in The Cambridge History of Islam, vol 2, edt P.M. Holt, A.K.S. Lambton, and B. Lewis, Cambridge University Press, 1970, pp 741-779. -F.B. Artz: The Mind of the Middle Ages; Third edition revised; The University of Chicago Press, 1980. -C. Bouamrane-Louis Gardet: Panorama de la Pensee Islamique, Sindbad; 1-3 Rue Feutrier; Paris 18 (1984). -F.Braudel: Grammaire des Civilisations; Flammarion, Paris; 1987. -R. Briffault: The Making of Humanity, George Allen and Unwin Ltd, London 1928. -C. Burnett and D. Jacquard: eds Constantine the African and `Ali ibn al-Magusti: The Pantegni and related texts, Leiden, 1994. C. Burnett: The Introduction of Arabic learning into England. The Panizzi Lectures, 1996. The British Library, London, 1997.

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C. Burnett: Michael Scot and the transmission of scientific culture from Toledo to Bologna via the court of Frederick II Hohenstaufen, in Micrologus: Nature, Sciences and Medieval Societies, Science at the Court of Frederick II. Brepols, 1994.pp 101-126. -D.Campbell: Arabian medicine, and its influence on the Middle Ages; Philo Press; Amsterdam; 1926; reprinted 1974. -A. Castro: Espaiia en su historia. Cristianos, moros y judlos. Buenos Aires: Losada, 1948, 709 pp. See The Structure of Spanish History, English translation with revisions and modifications by Edmund L. King. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954, 689 pp. A.Castro: La Realidad historica de Espana. 2ed. Edited by Paulino Garagorri with additions and corrections from Castros papers. Madrid: Alianza-Alfaguara, 1974. -L.Cochrane: Adelard of Bath; British Museum Press; 1994. -D.M. Dunlop: Arab Civilisation, to AD 1500, Longman, Librarie du Liban, 1971. -J.W. Draper: A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe; 2 Vols: London, 1875; revised ed; Vol 2. -P. Duhem: Medieval Physics, in R. Palter edition: Toward Modern Science; The Noonday Press; New York; 1961; Vol 1; pp 141-159; Quote at p. 141; This article is a reprint from `Physics, history of,'' Catholic Encyclopedia, XII (1911), pp 47-52. -W. Durant: The Age of faith, Simon and Shuster, New York; 6th printing; 1950. -Al-Duri: Tarikh al-Iraq; Baghdad; 1948. -I.R. and L.L. Al Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas of Islam; Mc Millan Publishing Company New York, 1986. -R. Folch Andreu: Influensso Italiano sull'evoluzione della farmacia,' raccolta di scritti in onore di Guilio Conci a cura di A.e. Vitolo (Pisa, 1953), pp 167-77. -D. J. Geanakoplos: Medieval Western Civilisation, and the Byzantine and Islamic Worlds, D.C. Heath and Company, Toronto, 1979. -Sir John Glubb: A Short History of the Arab peoples, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1969, p.289. -H.Harant and Y. Vidal: La medecine Arabe et Montpellier; pp. 60-85; In Cahiers de Tunisie; Vol 3. -J.H. Harvey, The origins of Gothic Architecture,' Antiquaries Journal 48 (1968). pp 87-99; -C.H. Haskins: The Rise of Universities: New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1923. C.H. Haskins: The Renaissance of the twelfth Century, Harvard University Press, 1927. C.H. Haskins: Studies in the History of Medieval Science; Frederick Ungar Publishing; New York; 1967. C.H. Haskins: England and Sicily in the 12th century; The English Historical Review: Vol XXVI (1911) pp 433-447 and 641-665. -W. Heyd: Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter 1, 1879 p. 104 ff. Fr edt: W.Heyd: Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Age; Leipzig; 1885-6; reedit;Amsterdam 1967. -D.R. Hill: Islamic Science and Engineering; Edinburgh University press; 1993. -E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; Oxford at the Claredon Press, 1931. -N.L. Leclerc: Histoire de la medecine Arabe; 2 vols; Paris; 1876. -M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1973. -D.C. Lindberg: The Western reception of Arabic optics, in Encyclopedia, op cit; pp 716-29. D.C. Lindberg: The Science of optics, in Science in the Middle Ages, D.C. Lindberg ed. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago and London. 1978; pp. 338-68. -George Makdisi: The Rise of Colleges, Edimburgh University Press; 1981. " : On the origin and development of the college in Islam and the West, in Islam and the Medieval West, ed. K. I. Semaan, State University of New York Press/Albany. 1980. Pp: 26-49. -Maria Rosa Menocal: The Arabic Role in Medieval Literary History, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1987.

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-D. Metlitzki: The Matter of Araby in Medieval England, Yale University press, 1977. -Max Meyerhof: Science and medicine, in The Legacy of Islam, edt Sir Thomas Arnold and Alfred Guillaume; first edition, Oxford University press, 1931. -A.Mieli : la Science Arabe et son role dans levolution scientifique mondiale, Leiden, E.J Brill; 1938. -E.Myers: Arabic thought and the Western world in the golden age of Islam. New York: Ungar, 1964. -H. Prutz: Kulturgeschichte der kreuzzuge; Berlin, 1883. -R Rashed: editor: Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science 3 Vols.; Routledge, London and New York: 1996. -J. Ribera: Disertaciones Y Opusculos, 2 vols. Madrid 1928, 1, pp. 227-359. -E Savage-Smith: Medicine, in Encyclopaedia of the History of Arabic Science vol 3; Edt R. Rashed; Routledge; London; 1996: pp. 902-962. -G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science; In 3 vols; The Carnegie Institution of Washington; Baltimore, 1927-1947. -S.P. Scott: History of the Moorish Empire; in 3 vols; The Lippincot Company; Philadelphia; 1904.. -F.Sezgin: Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums; Leiden; 1967-84. -Ibrahim B. Syed: Medicine and Medical Education in Islamic History, in Islamic perspective in medicine, edt Shahid Athar, American Trust Publication, 1993, pp 45-56. -H. Suter: Die mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke; APA, Oriental Press, Amsterdam, 1982. -J. W. Thompson: Introduction of Arabic science into Lorraine in the tenth Century,'' Isis 12 (1929): 187-91. -H.R.Turner: Science in medieval Islam, Austin Texas, 1997. -Jose M. Millas Vallicrosa: Estudios sobre historia de la ciencia espanola, Barcelona, 1949. Jose M. Millas Vallicrosa: Nuevos estudios sobre historia de la ciencia espanola, Barcelona, 1960. -A.L. Udovitch: Urbanism; in The Dictonary of the Midle Ages; Vol 12; pp 306-10. -J.Vernet: Ce que la culture doit aux Arabes d'Espagne, translation by Gabriel Martinez Gros, 1985, Paris; German translation, die spanisch arabische Kultur in Orient und Okzident, 1984, Zurich/Munich. -A.Watson: AgriculturalIinnovation in the early Islamic World; Cambridge University Press; 1983. -W.M. Watt: The Influence of Islam on Medieval Europe, Edinburgh University Press, 1972. -M. C. Welborn: `Lotharingia as a center of Arabic and scientific influence in the eleventh century,' Isis 16 (1931) pp.188-99. -G.M Wickens: `What the West borrowed from the Middle East, in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976. pp 120-5. -E. Wiedemann: -Beitrage zur Geschichte der Natur-wissenschaften. X. Zur Technik bei den Arabern. Erlangen, 1906. -`Zur mechanik und technik bei der Arabern' in Sitzungsherichte der physikalisch-medizinischen Sorietat in Erlangen (38), 1906. -Yaqut: Muaajam al-Buldan; vol iv. -G. Ziboorg: A History of MedicalPpsychology, W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 1941, p. 123.

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References
1 P. Duhem: Medieval Physics, in R. Palter edition: Toward Modern Science; The Noonday Press; New York; 1961; Vol 1; pp 141-159; Quote at p. 141; This article is a reprint from `Physics, history of,'' Catholic Encyclopaedia, XII (1911), pp 47-52. 2 Manchester Metropolitan University 27 October 01. 3 See for instance: D. J. Geanakoplos: Medieval Western Civilisation, and the Byzantine and Islamic Worlds, D.C. Heath and Company, Toronto, 1979. W. Durant: The Age of faith, Simon and Shuster, New York; 6th printing; 1950. G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science; In 3 vols; The Carnegie Institution of Washington; Baltimore, 1927-1947. 4 Sir Thomas W. Arnold: Muslim Civilisation during the Abbasid Period; in The Cambridge Medieval History, Cambridge University Press, 1922 (1936 reprint):Vol IV: Edited by J. R. tanner, C. W. Previte; Z.N. Brooke, 1923. pp 274-298; at p.279. Sir John Glubb: A Short History of the Arab Peoples; Hodder and Stoughton, 1969; p. 207. 5 Sir John Glubb: A Short History of the Arab Ppeoples, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1969, p.289. 66 J.W. Draper: A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe; 2 Vols: London, 1875; revised ed; Vol 2; p. 42. 7 G.M Wickens: `What the West borrowed from the Middle East, in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976. pp 120-5. At p.120. 8Maria Rosa Menocal: The Arabic Role in Medieval Literary History, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1987; p.63. 9 I.R. and L.L. Al Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas of Islam; McMillan Publishing Company New York, 1986. p.232. 10 C.H. Haskins: The Renaissance of the twelfth Century, Harvard University Press, 1927: 32-4. 11 J.W. Draper: A History: Vol I; op cit; p. 412. 12 J.W. Draper: History, op cit, vol II, p. 40. 13 S.P. Scott: History; op cit; p. 26. 14 F.B. Artz: The Mind of the Middle Ages; Third edition revised; The University of Chicago Press, 1980. pp 148-50. 15A.L. Udovitch: Urbanism; in The Dictonary of the Midle Ages; Vol 12; pp 306-10.at p. 310. 16 A.Watson: Agricultural Innovation in the early Islamic World; Cambridge University Press; 1983. p.117. 17 Al-Duri: Tarikh al-Iraq; Baghdad; 1948 pp; 26.28. 18 Yaqut: Muaajam al-Buldan; vol iv; p. 787. 19 R.Ettinghausen: R.Ettinghausen: The Islamic garden; in The Islamic Garden, in The Islamic Garden, Edt by E.B. Macdougall and R. Ettinghausen; p.5. 20 W. Heyd: Geschichte des Levantehandels im Mittelalter 1, 1879 p. 104 ff. Fr edt: W.Heyd: Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Age; Leipzig; 1885-6; reedit;Amsterdam 1967. 21 F.Braudel: Grammaire des Civilisations; Flammarion, Paris; 1987. 22 S.P. Scott: History of the Moorish Empire; in 3 vols; The Lippincot Company; Philadelphia; 1904. Vol II; p.223. 23 J. Draper: History, Vol II; op cit; p. 230: 24 S.P. Scott: History; op cit; Vol 3; pp 520-2. 25 S.P. Scott: History; op cit; Vol 1; p.339. 26 Sanchez Albornoz, C. L'Espagne Musulmane, French translation of earlier Spanish version, Paris, 1985. 27 C.H. Haskins: The Rise of Universities: New York, Henry Holt and Company, 1923:p. 3 28 J. W. Thompson: Introduction of Arabic science into Lorraine in the tenth Century,'' Isis 12 (1929): 18791. M. C. Welborn: `Lotharingia as a center of Arabic and scientific influence in the eleventh century,' Isis 16 (1931) pp.188-99. 29 R. Briffault: The Making of Humanity, George Allen and Unwin Ltd, London 1928; p. 207. 30 H.Harant and Y. Vidal: La medecine Arabe et Montpellier; pp. 60-85; In Cahiers de Tunisie; Vol 3. D.Campbell: Arabian medicine, and its influence on the Middle Ages; Philo Press; Amsterdam; 1926; reprinted 1974.

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C. Burnett: The Introduction of Arabic learning into England. The Panizzi Lectures, 1996. The British Library, London, 1997. 33 W.M. Watt: The Influence of Islam on Medieval Europe, Edinburgh University Press, 1972.; pp. 63-4. 34 A. Amari: La Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, 3 vols, Revised 2nd edition by C.A. Nallino, Roma. (1933-9). 35 M Rosa Menocal: The Arabic Role; op cit; p.63. 36 R. Briffault: The Making; op cit; p. 213. 37 M Rosa Menocal: The Arabic Role; op cit; p.61. 38 G. Sarton: Introduction, op cit, Vol 2;P. 575. 39 R. Briffault: The Making, op cit, p. 212. 40 G. Sarton: Introduction, op cit, p. 575. 41 G. Sarton: Introduction, op cit, vol 2; p. 575. 42 R Briffault: the Making, op cit, p. 213. 43 M Rosa Menocal: The Arabic Role; op cit; p.63. 44 M Rosa Menocal: The Arabic Role; p.63. 45 C. H. Haskins: Studies, op cit, pp 156-7. 46 C.H. Haskins: England and Sicily in the 12th century; The English Historical Review: Vol XXVI (1911) pp 433-447 and 641-665. 47 See C. Burnett: Michael Scot and the transmission of scientific culture from Toledo to Bologna via the court of Frederick II Hohenstaufen, in Micrologus: Nature, Sciences and Medieval societies, Science at the Court of Frederick II. Brepols, 1994.pp 101-126. 48 For a brief, but good outline, see for instance D.M. Dunlop: Arab Civilisation, to AD 1500, Longman, Librarie du Liban, 1971. 49 H. Prutz: Kulturgeschichte der kreuzzuge; Berlin, 1883. See for the briefest but most useful summary: L.Cochrane: Adelard of Bath; British Museum Press; 1994. J.H. Harvey, The origins of Gothic Architecture,' Antiquaries Journal 48 (1968). pp 87-99; L. Cochrane: Adelard of Bath, op cit, pp. 63-4; 68-9. In Cochrane: Adelard of Bath, op cit, p. 64. David Talbot Rice: Islamic Art, London, 1965, pp 59, 86-89, 165-8. in L. Cochrane: Adelard of Bath, op cit, p. 68. 55 L. Cochrane: Adelard of Bath, op cit, p. 69. 56 L. Cochrane: Adelard of Bath, op cit, p. 64. 57George Makdisi: The Rise of Colleges, Edimburgh University Press; 1981. " : On the origin and development of the college in Islam and the West, in Islam and the Medieval West, ed. K. I. Semaan, State University of New York Press/Albany. 1980. Pp: 26-49. 58 J. Ribera: Disertaciones Y Opusculos, 2 vols. Madrid 1928, 1, pp. 227-359. 59 C.H. Haskins: Studies in the History of Medieval Science; Frederick Ungar Publishing; New York; 1967. G.Sarton: Introduction; op cit. 60 M.T. DAlverny: Deux Traduction Latines du Coran au Moyen Age in Archives dhistoire doctrinale et litteraire du Moyen Age; 16; Paris; Librairie Vrin; 1948; in La Connaissance de lIslam dans lOccident Medieval; edt by C. Burnett. Varorium; 1994; pp 69-131. at p.70. 61 G. Sarton: Introduction; Vol II, op cit; p.6 62 Edited by Max Curtze (Halle 1885). 63First printed together with Guy Chaulliac's Latin surgery (Venice 1498). 64 Edt: A. Bjornbo and Seb. Vogl (Leipzig, 1912). 65 Printed in Lisbon in 1542, and in Basle in 1572. 66 Printed with the Latin translation of Ibn Butlan's Tacuinum (Strasbourg 1531). 67 G. Sarton: Introduction; op cit. 68 D.Campbell: Arabian medicine, op cit. 69 N.L. Leclerc: Histoire de la medecine Arabe; 2 vols; Paris; 1876. 70 Max Meyerhof: Science and medicine, in The Legacy of Islam, edt Sir Thomas Arnold and Alfred Guillaume; first edition, Oxford University press, 1931. p. 351.

31 R. Allen: Gerbert Pope Silvester II; The English Historical Review: 1892: pp 625-68. 32 D. Metlitzki: The Matter of Araby in Medieval England, Yale University press, 1977.

50 51 52 53 54

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71C. Burnett and D. Jacquard eds: Constantine the African and `Ali ibn al-Magusti: The Pantegni and related texts; Leiden, 1994. 72 Ibrahim B. Syed: Medicine and Medical Education in Islamic History, in Islamic perspective in medicine, edt Shahid Athar, American Trust Publication, 1993, pp 45-56: at p. 55. 73G. Ziboorg: A History of Medical psychology, W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 1941, p. 123. 74 Emilie Savage-Smith: Medicine, in Encyclopaedia of the History of Arabic Science vol 3; Edt R. Rashed; Routledge; London; 1996: pp. 902-962. at p. 943. 75Chikh Bouamrane-Louis Gardet: Panorama de la Pensee Islamique, Sindbad; 1-3 Rue Feutrier; Paris 18 (1984), p. 232. 76 E.S. Smith, Medicine, op cit, pp. 945-48. 77 P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs, MacMillan, London, 1970; p. 577. 78 E. S. Smith: Medicine, op cit, p. 948. 79 M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1973. pp 175-6. 80 H. Schelenz, Geschichte der Pharmazie, Berlin, 1904, p 329, in M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, p 375. 81 M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, p. 175. 82 Ibid, p. 176. 83 R. Folch Andreu: Influensso Italiano sull'evoluzione della farmacia,' raccolta di scritti in onore di Guilio Conci a cura di A.e. Vitolo (Pisa, 1953), pp 167-77, in M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, p. 177. 84 M. Levey: Early Arabic, op cit, p. 177. 85 Ibid. 86 G. Anawati: Science, in The Cambridge History of Islam, vol 2, edt P.M. Holt, A.K.S. Lambton, and B. Lewis, Cambridge University Press, 1970, pp 741-779, at p. 776. 87 E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; Oxford at the Claredon Press, 1931. 88 Georges C. Anawati: Arabic Alchemy, in Encyclopedia, op cit, pp. 853-85. at p. 869. 89 D.R. Hill: Islamic Science and Engineering; Edinburgh University press; 1993; p. 83. 90 D.R. Hill: Islamic Science, op cit, p. 83. C. Singer: Short History of Scientific Ideas. Op cit; p. 185. 91 E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; Oxford at the Claredon Press, 1931. 92 Holmyard quoted in G. Anawati: `Science', op cit, at p. 777. 93 D.R. Hill, Islamic Science, op cit, p. 85. 94 Ibid, p. 88. 95 David C. Lindberg: The Western reception of Arabic optics, in Encyclopedia, op cit; pp 716-29. 96 D.C. Lindberg: The Science of optics, in Science in the Middle Ages, D.C. Lindberg ed. The University of Chicago Press. Chicago and London. 1978; pp. 338-68, at pp. 342-5. 97 D.C. Lindberg: The Science of Optics, op cit, pp 347-9. 98 D. C. Lindberg: Science of optics, op.cit, p. 349. 99 D.R. Hill, Islamic Science, op cit, pp. 73-4. 100 D.R. Hill, Islamic Science, op cit, p. 224. 101 G. Anawati: Science, op cit, p .755. 102 Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science 3 Vols. Edited by R Rashed; Routledge, London and New York: 1996. 103 E. Wiedemann: -Beitrage zur Geschichte der Natur-wissenschaften. X. Zur Technik bei den Arabern. Erlangen, 1906. -`Zur mechanik und technik bei der Arabern' in Sitzungsherichte der physikalisch-medizinischen Sorietat in Erlangen (38), 1906. 104 H. Suter: Die mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke; APA, Oriental Press, Amsterdam, 1982. 105 F.Sezgin: Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums; Leiden; 1967-84. 106E.Myers: Arabic thought and the Western World in the Golden Age of Islam. New York: Ungar, 1964. 107 D. Metlitzki: The Matter of Araby in Medieval England, Yale University press, 1977. 108 H.R.Turner: Science in Medieval Islam, Austin Texas, 1997. 109 A.Mieli : la Science Arabe et son role dans levolution scientifique mondiale, Leiden, E.J Brill; 1938. 110 J.Vernet: Ce que la culture doit aux Arabes d'Espagne, translation by Gabriel Martinez Gros, 1985, Paris; German translation, die spanisch arabische Kultur in Orient und Okzident, 1984, Zurich/Munich.

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111 Jose M. Millas Vallicrosa: Estudios sobre historia de la ciencia espanola, Barcelona, 1949.

Jose M. Millas Vallicrosa: Nuevos estudios sobre historia de la ciencia espanola, Barcelona, 1960.

112 A. Castro: Espaiia en su historia. Cristianos, moros y judlos. Buenos Aires: Losada, 1948, 709 pp. See
The Structure of Spanish History, English translation with revisions and modifications by Edmund L. King. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954, 689 pp. A.Castro: La Realidad historica de Espana. 2ed. Edited by Paulino Garagorri with additions and corrections from Castros papers. Madrid: Alianza-Alfaguara, 1974.

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The Contribution of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) to the development of Earth Sciences

Author: Chief Editor: Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Munim M. Al-Rawi PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Ahmed Salem BSc November 2002 4039 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

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The Contribution of Ibn Sina to the development of Earth Sciences November 2002

THE CONTRIBUTION OF IBN SINA (AVICENNA) TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF EARTH SCIENCES


by Munim M. Al-Rawi PhD

Abstract / Highlights
The Muslim Civilization was outstanding in its natural look towards the universe, man and life. Muslim scientists thought and wondered about the origin of minerals, rocks, mountains, earthquakes and water, etc. Ibn Sina (981 - 1037 C.E.), better known in the West as Avicenna, has a leading contribution in his famous Encyclopaedia of Philosophy and Natural Sciences Kitab AI-Shifa (the Book of Cure, Healing or Remedy from ignorance). In Part 2, Section 5, the Article on Mineralogy and Meteorology, he presented a complete coverage of knowledge on what happens on the Earth in six chapters: 1. Formation of mountains; 2. The advantages of mountains in the formation of clouds; 3. Sources of water; 4. Origin of earthquakes; 5. Formation of minerals; 6. The diversity of earths terrain. His knowledge on Meteorology, or what happens above the Earth, is also covered in six chapters: 1. Clouds and rain; 2. Causes of rainbow; 3. Features associated with sun reflection on clouds, and rainbow; 4. Winds; 5. Thunder, lighting, comets and meteorites; 6. Catastrophic events which effects the surface of the earth. In Kitab Al-Shifa, Avicenna had presented fundamental principles of Geology in terms of Earth processes, major events and long geologic time. Those principles were later known in the Renaissance of Europe as the law of superposition of strata, the concept of catastrophisim, and the doctrine of uniformitarianism * . Those concept were embodied in the Theory of the Earth by James Hutton in the Eighteenth century C.E. Kitab AI-Shifa, was also known in the Renaissance of Europe. It was an inspiring source of thought to the founders of geological thought in Europe (such as Leonardo Da Vinci and Steno in the Seventeenth C.E., and most probably later on James Hutton in the Eighteenth C.E.).

* Uniformitarianism: is the concept that the earths surface was shaped in the past by gradual processes, such as erosion, and by small sudden changes, such as earthquakes, rather than by sudden divine acts, such as Noahs flood.

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Introduction
It can be rightfully said that Ibn Sina (Avicenna, 981 - 1037 C.E.) was a true product of the Muslim Civilization in its climax of scientific growth. He contributed to natural sciences (which he called it Attabieyat) along with other natural philosophers such as Ikhwan AI-Safa, AI-Biruni and many others. Avicennas work in Kitab AI-Shifa (the Book of Cure, Healing or Remedy from ignorance), the famous Encyclopaedia of Philosophy and Natural Sciences had influenced European scientists during the Renaissance because of its being in a comprehensive and encyclopaedic form. Although Avicenna is better known in Medicine and Philosophy, he was less known in Earth Science. This is because of the nature of the Earth Science itself, and its history of development in Europe. Earth Science was only known as "Geology" in Europe since the Seventeenth century C.E. The purpose of this rather concise account is to highlight Avicenna's contribution to the development of Earth sciences, and seeking to answer the following points: 1. 2. 3. To close the gap in the history of Geology, which reflects human thought upon the nature of the Earth. To show that Avicenna's original contribution was not the product of an earlier Greek thought. To show that fundamental principles of Geology were put forward many centuries before the Renaissance in Europe. It is intended to present Avicenna's principles of Earth Science as he put it in Kitab Al-Shifa, Part 2, Section 5, the Article on Mineralogy and Meteorology, the chapter on Origin of Mountains. Those principles were already known by some historians of Geology, such as Adams (1938), Dennis (1972), Kemmel (1973) and among historians of science such as Sabra (1976) and Wickens (1976). Unfortunately, some historians of Geology attributed Avicenna's knowledge of Earth science to the Greek science, such as Kemmel (1973). However, in a rather philosophical account titled the Discovery of Time, Toulumin and Goodfield (1965), have acknowledged Avicenna's contribution in the field of geologic time:

"Around A.D. 1000, Avicenna was already suggesting a hypothesis about the origin of mountain ranges, which in the Christian world, would still have been considered quite radical eight hundred years later".

***

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Avicennas contribution to Earth Sciences


Avicenna's area of study is located in the Former Soviet Republic of Uzbakistan, North of Afghanistan (Figure 1). It comprises the mountainous area around the Amur Darya River (previously known as the Oxus River or the Ancient River Gihoun). The area presently stretches along the northern mountains of Afghanistan and Turkmenistan, as well as Western Uzbakistan. Geologically, the area studied consists of sedimentary rocks belongs to different geological ages, and Recent alluvium deposits along the Amur Darya River. As Adams (1938, p.333-335) put it;

Avicenna's views concerning the origin of mountains which, as will be noted, have a remarkably modern tone, may be best presented in a translation of his own words by Holmyard and Mandeville (Avicennae de Congelatione et Conglutinatione Lapidum, being sections of the Kitab al-Shifa. Librairie Orientaliste, Paul Geuthner, 1927, p. 18) ": We shall begin by establishing the condition of the formation of mountains and the opinions that must be known upon this subject. The first (topic) is the condition of the formation of stone, the second is the condition of the formation of stones great in bulk or in number, and the third is the condition of the formation of cliffs and heights.
In other words, Avicenna had established the fact that for the formation of mountains, we have to understand the ways that stones (rocks) are formed, then the manner of which rock sequences are formed, and finally the process of which mountains are formed after uplift and erosion. It is worthwhile then, to elaborate on Avicennas description on the origin of mountains as it fundamental principle in the formulation of geological sciences in Europe. Figure 2 illustrates Avicenna's field observations and interpretations. 1. Formation of Stones (Rocks): Avicnna has established three origins for the formation of stone (rock), being from water (chemical), mud (detrital) or fire (igneous). Presently, these origins are known as sedimentary and igneous. Avicenna did not know the third metamorphic origin (alteration from sedimentary and igneous rocks), because it was only known after the advent of microscope in Europe.

We say that, for the most part, pure earth does not petrify, because the predominance of dryness over (i.e. in) the earth, endows it not with coherence but rather with crumbliness. In general, stone is formed in two ways only (a) through the hardening of clay, and (b) by the congelation of waters... Stone has been formed from flowing water in two ways (a) by the congelation of water as it falls drop by drop or as a whole during its flow, and (b) by the deposition from it, in its course, of something which adheres to the surface of its bed and (then) petrifies. Running waters have been observed, part of which, dripping upon a certain spot, solidifies into stone or pebbles of various colours, and dripping water has been seen which, though not congealing normally, yet immediately petrifies when it falls upon stony ground near its channel. We know therefore that in that ground there must be a congealing petrifying virtue which converts the liquid to the solid.... Or it may be

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that the virtue is yet another, unknown to us.... Stones are formed, then, either by the hardening of agglutinative clay in the sun, or by the coagulation of aquosity by a dessicative earthy quality, or by reason of a desiccation through heat.
Regarding fossils, which were found within stones, Avicenna gave an explicit explanation of their origin from the petrifaction of plants and animals by mineralizing and petrifying virtue within stones:

If what is said concerning the petrifaction of animals and plants is true, the cause of this (phenomenon) is a powerful mineralizing and petrifying virtue which arises in certain stony spots, or emanates suddenly from the earth during earthquakes and subsidences, and petrifies whatever comes into contact with it. As a matter of fact, the petrifaction of the bodies of plants and animals is not more extraordinary than the transformation of waters
2. Formation of Stones Great in Bulk (Rock Sequences): Translation by the author from the Arabic by Montasir et al (1965), of the chapter on the origin of mountains in Kitab Al-Shifa, which is not included in Adams (1938):

The formation of stones in abundance is either at once due to intense heat (probably referring to arid climate) over vast mud area; or little by little through sequence of days. most probably from agglutinative clay which slowly dried and petrified during ages of which we have no record. It seems likely that this habitable world was in former days uninhabitable and, indeed, submerged beneath the sea. Then becoming exposed little by little, it petrified in the course of ages the limits of which history has not preserved; or it may have petrified beneath the waters by reason of intense heat confined under the sea. It is for this reason, i.e. that the earth was once covered by the sea, that in many stones when are broken , are found parts of aquatic animals, such as shells, etc. It is not impossible that the mineralizing virtue was generated there, i.e. in the petrifying clay, and aided the process, while the waters also may have petrified, (probably referring to the
chemical precipitation of cement from interstitial water). Avicenna has clearly recognised that the formation of rocks in bulk is a slow process. 3. Formation of Cliffs and Heights (Mountains): Avicenna went into describing the process of uplift and erosion in the formation of mountains, after the formation of stones and rock sequences:

The formation of heights is brought about by (a) an essential cause and (b) an accidental cause. The essential cause (is concerned) when, as in many violent earthquakes, the wind which produces the earthquake raises a part of the ground and a height is suddenly formed. In the case of the accidental cause, certain parts of the ground become hollowed out while others do not, by the erosive action of winds and floods which carry away one part of the earth but not another. That part which suffers the action of the current becomes hollowed out, while that upon which the current does not flow is left as a height. The current continues to penetrate the first-formed hollow until at length it forms a deep valley, while the area from which it has turned aside is left as an

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eminence. This may be taken as what is definitely known about mountains and the hollows and passes between themThe abundance of stone in them is due to the abundance, in the sea, of clay, which was afterwards exposed. Their elevation is due to the excavating action of floods and winds on the matter which lies between them, for if you examine the majority of mountains, you will see that the hollows between them have been caused by floods. This action, however, took place and was completed only in the course of many ages, so that the trace of each individual flood has not been left; only that of the most recent of them can be seen.
Avicenna then summarises his views on the origin of mountains:

At the present time, most mountains are in the stage of decay and disintegration, for they grew and were formed only during their gradual exposure by the waters. Now, however, they are in the grip of disintegration, except those of them which God wills should increase through the petrifaction of waters upon them, or through floods which bring them a large quantity of clay that petrifies on them.
Finally, Avicenna outlines the fundamental principle of superposition of strata, which later in the history of Geology became the Law of Superposition of Strata by Nicolaus Steno in the Seventeenth century C.E.:

It is also possible that the sea may have happened to flow little by little over the land consisting of both plain and mountain and then have ebbed away from it. ... It is possible that each time the land was exposed by the ebbing of the sea a layer was left, since we see that some mountains appear to have been piled up layer by layer, and it is therefore likely that the clay from which they were formed was itself at one time arranged in layers. One layer was formed first, then at a different period, a further layer was formed and piled, upon the first, and so on. Over each layer there spread a substance of different material, which formed a partition between it and the next layer; but when petrifaction took place something occurred to the partition which caused it to break up and disintegrate from between the layers (possibly referring to unconformity). As to the beginning of the sea, its clay is either sedimentary or primeval, the latter not being sedimentary. It is probable that the sedimentary clay was formed by the disintegration of the strata of mountains. Such is the formation of mountains.

***

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The Development of Earth Sciences in Europe


The Development of Geology as a distinct science in Europe, was a product of the development of certain principles and concepts on Earth in about three stages. 1. 2. 3. The Pre-Christian stage. The Formative stage between Fourteenth to Seventeenth centuries C.E. The development of geologic theories during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries C.E.

During formative and development stages, the scientific debate formulated the following principles and concepts: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Meaning of fossils. The continuation of geological processes or the doctrine of uniformitarianism. Law of superposition of strata. Long geologic time. Concept of catastrophisim.

The history of Geology in Europe sees Leonardo Da Vinci (1452-1519), as a near universal genius:

"Da Vinci's notebook show that he clearly appreciated the nature of fossils, of erosion, transport and deposition, and of shifting of seas and land. Free from dogmatic misconceptions, he was a naturalist far ahead of his time. Unfortunately, his geologic ideal were lost for several centuries",
(Mears 1978) Those very ideas were embodied in Avicennas work in Kitab Al-Shifa and the work of many other Muslim natural scientists, such as Ikhwan Al-Safa and Al-Biruni. Nicolaus Steno (1638-1687) supposedly came with the early fundamental concepts of Historical Geology, the law of superposition of strata. "Steno's conclusion to the formation of a stratigraphic succession can be condensed as follows (Kummel 1973):

1. A definite layer of deposit can form only upon a solid base; 2. The former stratum must therefore be consolidated before a fresh deposit is precipitated upon it; 3. Any one stratum must either cover the whole earth or be limited laterally by other solid deposit; 4. Since, while a deposit is accumulating, only the water from which it precipitated is above it, the lower layers in a series of strata must be older than the upper".
The Eighteenth century C.E. saw the applications of the law of superposition of strata, as well as some controversial views on the earth's history. Abraham Werner (1749-1817) came with a theory that relates the origin of all rocks to water. That theory was also known as the Neuptunist theory, which had an overwhelming, support at that time in Europe. During that time, another distinguished investigator, James Hutton (1726-1797) who contributed some fundamental concepts, which are very important in the history of Geology.

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Hutton demonstrated the plutonic origin of granite and recognised the significance of angular unconformities. A few scientists before him had reasoned in uniformitarian terms, but it was Hutton who and his followers at Edinburgh, though vehemently attacked for decades, who introduced the necessary concept that "the present is the key to the past", into the mainstreams of geologic thinking", (Mears, 1978)
The Nineteenth century C.E. saw further development in the geological mapping of Britain and Europe, and the subdivision of the stratigraphic record. Charles Darwin (1809-1882) Theory of Evolution gained scientific acceptance in the West with its application to the history of life on Earth. In the middle of that century, direct drilling into the subsurface strata in USA discovered oil in 1857. The developments in the search for oil enhanced the development of stratigraphic principles and many other aspects of geologic thinking to the present time. The debate on geological concepts and theories is a continuous process, which is being carried out even during the last Twentieth century C.E. The latest plate tectonic theory brought many pro and against scientists to it, as also between the creationists and the evolutionists.

Synthesis
In the discussion of Avicenna's contribution to the development of Earth Sciences, we must answer the previously outlined points: 1. Avicenna's contribution in Kitab Al-Shifa fills the gap in the history of Geology by bridging the PreChristian natural sciences with that of the Renaissance. It proves also, that mankind had already known a great deal of the nature of the Earth, many centuries than it was known in Europe. 2. There is no argument in the suggestion that Avicennas work is attributed to the Greek. If this argument is true, then modern Geology was born at the Greek time, not in the Renaissance of Europe, which is untrue. 3. The fundamental principles of Geology, such as the law of superposition of strata and uniformity in geologic processes were the products of Avicenna's time in the Eleventh centuries C.E. Avicenna's methodology of field observation was original in Earth Sciences. The field observation constitutes an essential part in any geological investigation, especially in an area, which was never studied before. Avicenna's method of reasoning his field observations to reach an interpretation is another original method. He clearly distinguished between the processes of erosion, transportation, deposition, uplift and unconformities (the time separation between layers). Furthermore, he recognised the sequence of those events in long span of time, which stretches beyond human lifetime, to form mountains. In other parts of Kitab Al-Shifa, Avicenna went beyond mountains and rocks, he wrote on meteorology, water salinity and other aspects of the earth, particularly the concept of formation and disintegration or decomposition. His ideas, taken collectively, constitute a natural philosophy of the Earth such as that constituted by James Hutton later in the Eighteenth century C.E. Huttons Theory of the Earth had basically called for the recognition of the fact that earth processes are continuous on Earth. This lead to the doctrine of uniformitarianism or the Present is the Key to the Past.

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Recent studies by Porter (1977) on the History of Earth Science in Britain raised some points on the nature of Hutton's Theory of the Earth as being alien to the traditional school of thinking in Britain. The nature of that theory as being formulated from certain concepts before it was applied in the field. It was also alien due to the belief, that is being brought by it's founder who spent sometime studying Medicine and Law in Leiden in Holland and Paris in France, which housed large volumes of Islamic manuscripts before the Fifteenth century C.E. It is not intended here to prove or disprove how much Hutton was influenced by Avicenna's thinking? But to any researcher in the field of History of Science could see the impact of Avicenna's work in Medicine, Philosophy and Natural Sciences in the West. To conclude this discussion, it is appropriate to quote again Toulmin and Goodfield (1965) on the Discovery of Time:

"For the time being (Avicennas time), these insights were not followed up, and the full antiquity of the world remained unsuspected".
Finally, it is suggested that certain effort should be made towards the publication of all parts of Avicennas Kitab AI-Shifa, in a modern form together with elaboration on it's value in the influence of philosophy and natural sciences in Europe. Supplementing this effort by visiting Avicennas field studied areas in the mountains around Amur Darya River in Afghanistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbakistan so that its real antiquity could be appreciated.

Figures and References to follow.

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Figure 1: Location Map of Central Asia, after http://www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/uzbek.html

Figure 2: Illustration of Avicennas Sequence of Events to the Formation of Mountains, after Al-Rawi, 1983c.

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SELECTED REFERENCES
1. 2. Adams, F. D., 1938. The birth and development of geological sciences. First published by Williams & Wilkins Co., Baltimore. 506 P. Reprinted in paper pack by Dover Publication, New York, 1954. Aldo Mieli, 1962. Arab Science and its importance in the development of world science. Translated to Arabic by Al-Naggar, A.H. and M.Y. Mosa, and edited by Fawzi, H. from the original French text. Dar Al-Qalam, Cairo, Egypt. 3. Al-Rawi, M. M., 1977. A concise account on the history of Arabic Earth Sciences. In: Proceedings of the First Symposium for the History of Arabic Science, University of Aleppo, Syria. First Volume in Arabic, p. 187-209, with abstract in English. 4. Al-Rawi, M. M, 1979. A comparative study between "Al-Ma'adin Wal Athar AI-Ulwiyah" of Avicenna (Ibn Sina) and the principles of modern geology. Paper presented in Arabic to the Second International Symposium for the History of Arabic Science, April 1979, University of Aleppo, Syria, 27 p. with abstract in English. 5. Al-Rawi, M. M., 1983a. The contribution of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) to the development of earth sciences in Europe. Paper presented to the conference on the Impact of Arab and Islamic Civilisation, December 1983, Oxford University, England. 6. Al-Rawi, M. M., 1983b. The concept of hydrologic cycle and underground water in the Arabian science and its impact on agricultural development. Paper presented in Arabic to the Third International Symposium for the History of Arabian Science, Dec. 1983. Kuwait, 14 p. with abstract in English. 7. Al-Rawi, M. M., 1983c. The contribution of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) to the Development of Earth Science in Europe. Proceedings of the Oxford University Conference on the Influence of the Arab and Islamic Civilisation. St. Anthony's College, Oxford, England, December 17-18, 1983. 8. 9. Al-Rawi, M. M., 1984. Principles of Geology in "Al-Maadin Wal Athar Al-Ulwiyah" of Ibn Sina. (In Arabic). Journal of the Institute of Arabian Manuscripts. Kuwait. Vol. 28, Part 2, p. 547-564. Al-Rawi, M. M., 1988. Geology and Mineralogy. Chapter 2, in Volume 4: Science in Islam. UNESCO, Paris, France, MS 31 P. Currently 2002 under publication by UNESCO, see www.unesco.org/culture/aic/index/html 10. Al-Shahat, A. A., 1968. Abu'l Rayhan Al-Biruni: life, publications and scientific research. Dar Al-Ma'arif, Cairo, Egypt. (In Arabic). 11. Al-Sukari, A. A., 1973. The Arabs and Geology. El Maaref Establishment, Alexandria, Egypt, 108 p. with 15 p. (In Arabic with summary in English). 12. Al-Ward, A. A. and I. J. AL-Fadhl., 1977. The Arab origin of earth science (Geology). In: Proceedings of the First International Symposium for the History of Arabian Science. University of Aleppo, Syria. First Volume in Arabic, p. 347-387. 13. Conant, J. B., 1963. History of Science. Translated and edited to Arabic by Zaki, A. Dar Al-Maarif, Cairo, Egypt. 14. Dennis, J. C., 1972. Structural Geology, 1. Historical Survey, P.9. The Ronald Press Co., N.Y. 15. Dean, D. R., 1979. The word "Geology". Annals of Science, Vol. 36, No. 1, p. 35 - 43. 16. Eicher, D. L., 1976. Geologic time. 2nd edition. Prentice Hall International, Inc., London. 150 p. 17. Ferroukh, 0., 1970. The History of Arabian Science. Dar Al-Ilm, Beirut, Lebanon. (In Arabic). 18. Gould, S. J., 1967. Is Uniformitarianism Useful? Journal of Geological Education, Vol. 15, p. 149-150. 19. Hubbert, K. 1967. Critique of the Principle of Uniformity. In: Uniformity and Simplicity (GSA Special Paper 89) edited by C. C. ALBRETTON, Jr., p. 3-33, The Geological Society of America.

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20. Ibrahim, M. M., 1957. Iajaz Al-Quran Fi IlmT'abaqat Al-Ardh (The un-challengeable Quran in the science of earths stratigraphy). Kostathomas & Co. Printers, Cairo, Egypt. 21. Ikhwan Al-Safa, 1957. Rasal Ikhwan Al-Safa". Volume 2 on Natural Objects. Beirut and Sadr Publishing Houses, Beirut, Lebanon. (In Arabic). 22. Kennedy, E. S. et al, 1983. Studies in the Islamic Exact Sciences. American University of Beirut, Lebanon, 771 p. 23. Kennedy, E. S., 1970. Al-Biruni (or Beruni). Abu Rayhan (or Abul Rayhan) Muhammad ibn Ahmad. Directory of Scientific Biography, Vol. 2, p. 148-158, New York. Reprinted in KENNEDY, E. S. et al above p. 562-572. 24. Kummel, B., 1973. History of the Earth. An Introduction to Historical Geology, 2nd Edition. W.H. Freeman of Co., San Francisco, USA 25. Mears, B. Jr., 1978. Essentials of Geology. D. Van Nostrand Co., New York. 26. Montasir, A. H., et al, (Editors), 1965. "Al-Shifa" of Ibn Sina. Natural Sciences, Part 5 on Minerals and Meteorology. Amiri Publication, Cairo, Egypt. 94 p. (In Arabic with summary in French). 27. Morani, H. and Montasir, A. H., 1974. Readings in the History of Arabic Sciences. University of Mousil, Iraq. (In Arabic). 28. Nasr, S. H., 1976. Islamic Science. World of Islam Festival Publishing Co. Ltd, England, 273 p. 29. Potter, R., 1977. The Making of Geology. Earth Science in Britain 1660-1815. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 288 p. 30. Qassim, M., (Editor), 1969. "Al-Shifa" of Ibn Sina, Natural Sciences, Part 2 on Earth and Heavens, Part 3 on Formation and Decomposition, and part 4 on Actions and Reactions. Arab Book Publishing House. Cairo, Egypt. (In Arabic). 31. Sabra, A.H., 1976. The Scientific Enterprise. In: Lewis, B., (Editor). The World of Islam. Thames and Hudson, London, P.181-200. 32. Seyfert, C.K. and L.A. SIRKIN, 1979. Earth history and plate tectonics. 2nd edition. Harper & Row Publishers, New York. 33. Shell International Petroleum Co., 1966. The Petroleum Handbook. 5th Edition. Shell Centre, London SE1, 318 p. 34. Sokolov, V., 1972. Petroleum. Translated from the Russian by V. Purto. Mir Publishers, Moscow, 335 p. 35. SPEIZER, E.A., 1951. Ancient Mesopotamia: A Light That Did Not Fail. The National Geographical Magazine, Vol. XCIX, No. 1, p. 41-105. 36. Steno, N., 1669. An Early Statement of Ordering Principles in Earth History. University of Michigan, Humanistic Studies, Vol. XI, part 2, p. 229-230. 37. Toulmin, S. and Goodfield, 1965. The Ancestry of Science: The Discovery of Time. Hutchinson & Co. (Publishers) Ltd., London. 38. Whitehead, A.N., 1925. The origins of modern Science. In: Science and the Modern World, The Macmillan Co., renewed 1953 by E. WHITEHEAD. 39. Wickens, G. M., 1976. The Middle East as a World Centre of Science and Medicine. In: Savory, R.M. (Editor), Introduction to Islamic Civilisation, Chapter 10, P.111-119. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. 40. Zahoor, A., 2002. Abu Ali Al-Hussain Ibn Abdallah Ibn Sina (Avicenna). In: http://users.erols.com/zenithco/sina.html 41. Zahoor, A., and Haq, Z., 2002. Quotations from famous historians of Science. In: http://users.erols.com/zenithco/sina.html (Copyright 1990, 1996, 1997 All Rights Reserved).

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A review on

Mosque Architecture

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Rabah Saoud BA, MPhil, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc January 2002 4029 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

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A review on Mosque Architecture January 2002

A R EVIEW ON

MOSQUE ARCHITECTURE
Abstract The mosque originates from the word Mesjid , meaning the place where people prostrate to God. It is also referred to as the House of Allah. That is where Allah is worshipped. It occupies the heart of Muslim life and the centre of its settlement. Its importance has been heavenly emphasised and its form has been divinely guided. The function is clearly established in Sura 24, Aya 36:

"In houses which Allah has permitted to be exalted and that His name may be remembered in them, there glorify Him therin in the mornings and the evenings. (24:36)
Another verse establishes the building principle:

"Certainly a masjid founded on piety from the very first day is more deserving that you should stand in it; in it are men who love that they should be purified; and Allah loves those who purify themselves." (9:108)
Meanwhile, books of " Seerah ", the life of the Prophet Mohammed (pbuh), refer to the divine guidance in his (Muhammed) major works including the construction of the mosque in Medina. This first embryo soon developed into a complex building equipped with a number of functional and decorative elements and incorporating spatial arrangements considerably different from buildings of earlier religions. The symbolic meaning given to these components is also important. This brief article explores the process of development of the physical and functional characters of the Mosque through time and geographical variation. In its first section, the article provides a general background to the importance of the mosque in Muslim life. In the second, it examines the morphological components of the mosque and follows the process of their development. In the last section, the article examines the design and functional types of the mosque providing a morphological and functional classification.

Introduction The mosque represents the heart of Muslim religion and community. It is the House of Allah Beit Allah where two of the five pillars of Islam are conducted namely the five daily prayers and Friday Salah . Additionally, a large number of Peligrimage Hajj rituals are also carried out in the mosque, in Al-Harem As-Sharif (Kaabah). Such importance is further emphasised by the Quran in numerous verses (16 times in singular form and 5 times in plural), indicating And that the mosques are Allahs therefore call not upon anyone with Allah (72:18). In terms of community, the mosque is the place where members (the faithful) meet at least five times a day, united in the worship of one God, and stand equal in rows facing the direction of Kaabah. The Mosque also embraced other functions in the past including:

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A learning school for all types of religious, literary and scientific subjects. A court where justice was carried out. A political forum where citizens discussed their problems with the Khalifa. The tradition indicates that the ruler (whether a Khalif or an Emir) led the congregational prayer, discussed the affairs of the state, and often Friday Khutba contained political speeches ending with the community renewing allegiance.

Within these conditions, the Mosque was the nucleus that created the characteristics of the Muslim society. Morphological components of the Mosque The above features and functions forced the Muslim architect to adapt his structural, spatial and decorative designs to accommodate them in one remarkable entity. We find, for example, the dualism of dome and minaret achieved a perfect expression of the submission to Allah, which became central element of Muslim religious architecture. The dome, popular in most cultures, had two main symbolic interpretations in Islamic architecture involving the representation of the vault of heaven and a symbol of divine dominance engulfing the emotional and physical being of the faithful. In functional terms, it is used to externally define the Qibla and internally lighten it (Dekkie, 1978). The most common forms of the dome are the semi-circular, which is the oldest, and most spread (figure 1). The bulbous dome (also called the onion shaped dome) was favoured particularly by the Mugals who spread it in Persia, the Indian sub-continent and Asia. Concerning the size, the earliest domes were small and often erected on the crossing before the Mihrab as seen in Quairawan (670-675), Umayyad Mosque in Damascus (705-707) and Cordoba (756-796) (figure 2). They progressively grew in size and number and were later used in various areas including the centre and some times covering the entire roof as seen in Mausoleums, tombs of founders or of holy men. Under the Ottomans, in particular, the size of the dome evolved to cover the entire sanctuary area preceded laterally with smaller and numerous domes as seen in Suleymania Mosque. Figure 1: Umayyad Mosque (Damscus), a hypostile mosque showing the semicircular dome, and the arcades of the courtyard.

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Figure 2: The dome over the Mihrab in the Mosque of Cordoba, internal view.

The minaret is used to call for prayers (Adhan). Its height is mainly determined by how far the call is heard, a method which until recently did not require the modern amplifier. The minaret is also given a symbolic meaning giving the highest position to the declaration and attestation of faith, "Shahada ". The declaration of "Allah is the greatest " and "there is no God except Him and Mohammed (pbuh) is His messenger", and the rest of the wording of Adhan is in fact a daily confession of Islam of that particular community or city. This noble meaning has been undermined by the articulation of skyscrapers, which dominate Muslim urban landscape including the city of Makkah itself. The shape of the minaret varied substantially between regions, reflecting local taste and tradition. The square minaret evolved in Syria starting from the Great Umayyad Mosque and was developed under the Almoravids who ruled North Africa between (1031-1150). Examples of this include the three world famous minarets of Kutubia Madrassa (Morocco 1164-1184), Great Mosque of Telemcen (Algeria 1172) and Giralda (Spain 1184-1196). Finally, the spiral form dominates the Persian connection spreading to India and Turkey while the cylindrical and polygonal or combination of these styles is found in the rest of Muslim world. The other feature in the mosque is the use of courtyard (Sahn) furnished with a fountain providing a space for ablution and under its covered arcades ( Riwaqs) sheltered its visitors especially the poor. The edifice is generally oriented towards the "Qibla" complying with the regulation provided by Sura 2 Ayah 145, which states that:

And now We will turn you indeed towards a Qibla which shall please you. So turn your face [in prayer] toward the Sanctified Mosque, and ye [o Muslims] wheresoever ye find yourselves, turn your faces [likewise] toward it. (2:145)
The sanctity of Qibla was further emphasised by the introduction of "Mihrab ", a niche used to mark such

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direction, and in private houses bedrooms and bathrooms are deliberately disoriented as a mark of respect. This leads us to raise an issue that many non-Muslims confuse with other religions thinking that Muslims attach special regard to the " Mihrab" like the Christians do to the Altar . The sanctity of the "Mihrab" does not come from the shape per se but from the direction it indicates (Qibla), in other words the Kaabah. This meaning had been clearly expressed in Turkey where some fragments of stones of the Kaabah were included in the " Mihrab" of Sokollu Mehmet Pasa mosque at Kadirga in Istanbul as well as the representation of Kaabah underneath the arch of "Mihrab" in some Ottoman Rugs (Dickie (1978). Furthermore, there are other hypotheses, which we cannot ignore. The Quran explicitly spoke of "Mihrab" in Surah 3, Ayah 39 referring to Prophet Zakaria being praying in front of Mihrab when he was promised the son Yahia (John):

Then the angels called to him as he stood praying in the sanctuary (Mihrab): that Allah gives the good news of Yahiya verifying a word from Allah, and honourable and chaste and a Prophet from among the good ones. (3:39)
In Ayah 37 of the same Surah, Maryam (Mary) is the one described as praying in the Mihrab:

whenever Zakariya entered the sanctuary (mihrab) to (see) her, he found with her food. (3:37)
The Mihrab here was translated as sanctuary rather than the niche. The meaning of niche is also introduced in Surah 24, Ayah 35:

Allah is the light of the heavens and the earth, a likeness of His light is as a niche in which is a lamp, the lamp is in a glass, (and) the glass as it were a brightly shining star, lit from a blessed olive oil tree, neither eastern nor western, the oil whereof gives light though fire touch it not, light upon light, Allah guides to His light whom He pleases. (24:35)
The word niche here has been transmitted in the symbolic form of Mihrab where traditionally Muslims put candles and lanterns reflecting the divine description and later was expressed in the use of this lamp under the arch of the Mihrab in most prayer rugs and carpets. Such symbolism extended to the lavish use of light in other parts of the mosque. In spatial terms, the mosque, unlike Christian church, is wider than deep. The selection of this spatial form was intended to give more worshippers the chance to get nearer to the Qibla wall which is known for its heavenly merits. The first to come and sits in the front rows near the Mihrab is better rewarded than the one comes last and sits in the rear. Morphological and functional categories of the Mosque The mosque plan was developed through a process of change and modification resulting in the emergence of four main forms reflecting the main periods of Islamic attainment (see Scerrato, 1976). These were the dates when Islamic World and sometimes regions were under the control of righteous and strong leadership. In this respect, the period of early Khalifs and their progressive successors developed the first type of Mosque. Being the earliest and most spread, this type had the form of hypostile hall consisting of a main hall composed of a number of parallel aisles defined by arcades of columns and pillars. In addition to

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creating a beautiful and emotional atmosphere which envelops the faithful as he enters the sanctuary, the extension of rows of pillars and arcades on all directions emphasises the limitlessness of the space, a symbol of the infinity of the Divine. This is further expressed in the system of organisation of prayers which consists of longitudinal rows of worshippers facing the qibla wall, and side ways forming a lateral expansion. The area near the Mihrab is defined by special treatment emphasising its sanctity. The use of dome in the square (crossing) in front of the Mihrab and the widening of the nave leading to it as well as the aisle closest to the Qibla wall are some of the main spatial arrangements introduced for this purpose. Further demarcation of this area is also defined by some stucco, floral, geometric and calligraphic decoration with intended meditation messages. Born in Medina from the Prophets Mosque and developed in Iraq and Syria, the hypostyle mosque soon entered North Africa, Andalusia, Sicily and Persia and countries of South Asia. The eleventh century saw the rise of Seljuk Caliphate as a reaction against deteriorating conditions and weakening state of the Fatimids in Syria and Palestine and Ghazanavids in Persia and northern provinces of Azerbijan, Tajikstan etc This had far reaching consequences as the success of these early Turkish people to the throne of Caliphate left its imprints on the general architectural and artistic character of Islam and set forth processes for the establishment of the Ottoman power. Under the patronage of Suljuk princes, Iran (Persia) developed new style of mosques known as "Iwan " mosque. Here, a high vaulted hall was built to function as a great entrance leading to the sanctuary and domed area before the Mihrab and sometimes leading to the Sahn . The roof of the Iwan is vaulted and commonly covered with "Muqarnas". Historic sources established the first appearance of this style about 890 in Friday Mosque of Shiraz as well as in Friday Mosque (Masjid-I juma) in Niriz in Fars built about 970 (Scerrato, 1076, p.58). Persians historically knew the Iwan as they used it under the Sassanian rule as a ceremonial forum. Later, it spread to the rest of the Muslim world especially to northeastern parts of Islam, which had strong connection with Persia. The

Iwan was successfully adapted to other building forms such as in educational buildings known as "Madrassa " where it served as lecturing hall and on its sides rooms were converted providing rooms for
students. Another useful adaptation of the Iwan plan was in hospitals and caravanserais, which spread in Iran, Syria and Anatolia. The popularity of this type of Mosques in Persia reached its peak in 11th century leading to the introduction of the four Iwan mosque (figure 3) which first appeared in Isfahan Friday Mosque (11th century). The succession of the Ottomans to the Caliphate in the 14th century, at the hands of their founder Othman (d.1326) and reaching its apogee in the 16th century, resulted in the introduction of new features to the design and construction of the Mosque. Under the Ottomans the mosque evolved from the traditionally horizontal space to a vertical structure rising into the sky through its domed roof, which was arranged in a number of small domes rising progressively like steps towards the main dome of the central nave. In this type, the infinity is expressed through verticality and hence the dome became the dominating skyline of Muslim mosques, probably influenced by Hagga Sofia as many Western academics would suggest. Furthermore, this mosque stressed another important symbol involving the oneness of God, conceptualised by Al-Tawhid, which forms the essence of Muslim faith. The perfect centralisation of the space under the main dome affirmed its unity and confirmed the symbol of one God. In the view of Davies (1982, p.127):

The interior is then one unit to be perceived in its entirety at a single view. Its reality is not to be found in the domes and arcades but in the cavities they define. Plenitude of space ... majestic space ... continuous space ... tawhid (the consciousness of divine Unity) made visible.

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Ottoman domed mosques themselves displayed a variety expressed in the style and number of domes employed. At first, the roof was made of a number of small domes sometimes combined with a central larger one (mother). The first of these is the Yesil Cami Mosque (Bursa) which was founded by Mehmet I (1403-1421) in 1419. The Mosque was located in a complex site that included a bath, a tomb, and a Medrassa. Typical of Ottoman mosques, Yesil Cami was dominated by its domes, which covered most of the interior space.

Figure 3: Masjid-I- Jami, Isfahan (11th century), the first four Iwan Mosque.

Figure 4: Sinans Sulaimanya Mosque (1550-1557), Istanbul.

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The fame of the Mosque is connected to its Persian made blue and green tiles decorating its walls which were made by artisans from Tabriz city (Hoag, 1969, p.42). The general decor and ornamentation of the mosque recall that of Hall of the Ambassadors at Alhambra. It is a mixture of both late Suljuk and early Ottoman art as seen in the style of its entrance which clearly emphasised the Suljuk tradition of extensive use of Muqaranas . These cupolas later increased in size and number first in Bayzid II Mosque in Istanbul (1501-1506) built by Kheyruddin and then at Suleymaniya Mosque (1549-1557), Sinans masterpiece (figure 4). The second feature of the Ottoman mosque is the pointed slender minaret, which differs greatly from the rest of the Muslim world. The fourth type of Mosque is the one developed by the Mugal dynasties in the Indian subcontinent. Here, a successful combination of the three above styles evolved into a fascinating new style consisting of a horizontal hypostyle hall area for the practice of rituals, covered with flat roof incorporating large onion shaped (bulbous) dome, and a large porch entrance recalling the Persian Iwan as seen in Delhi's Jami Masjid (India between 1644 and 1658) (figure 5).

Figure 5: Jami Masjid in Delhi, India (1644-1658), a combination of hypostyle and iwan styled mosque with bulbous domes

In addition to the formal and design styles, mosques were also categorised in terms of function and status in similar fashion to that of prayers. The five daily prayers are attributed to the individual and performed in the Mesjid. This is the first category mosque providing daily congregational prayer for the local community (district for example). Although daily prayers can be individually performed but in congregation they have higher merit up to 27 times. The Friday prayer, is performed once a week gathering the whole community in one bigger place that is called Jami, an Arabic reference to gathering the faithful from all corner of the built up area, and sometimes even from neighbouring villages and hamlets. The Jami has the highest status

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locally (nationally) and comes after the Kaaba, Al-Quds in Jerusalem and Prophets mosque in Medina (Saudi Arabia). The third type of prayer is the Eid Prayer which is done twice a year in Eid Al-Fitre and Eid

Al-Adhha. Here, the whole town goes out to pray in an open surface known as Mussala. Lastly, the one life
time prayer (at least) in Kaabah during Pilgrimage which gathers an enormous populous of Muslim world to circumcirculate around the Kaabah and to stand on the Mount of Arafat near Makkah. Outside these categories, we find other small mosques having other functions rather than congregational prayer. Among these are the Mausoleum mosques, which are structures built as burial places for important people such as rulers, holy men and other personage. These are usually located outside towns with modest size, but some have monumental character as in Gur-i-Mir mausoleum (Samarkand) and Taj-Mahal (India). The Madrassa is a collegiate mosque used for teaching as well as praying as in Al-Azhar mosque. The

Zawyia, however, is a monastic mosque where the devoted faithful could retire from this world into a holy environment. Zawyia is also used as a boarding teaching base for student followers of a particular scholar,
fulfilling the role of Madrassa. We have to note here that monasticism in Islam differs greatly from that of Christianity. The Itikaf tradition as set by the Prophet (pbuh), allows devotees to go into retreat but for no more than 10 days a time.

References: Hoag, J.D. (1968) Western Islamic architecture, Studio Vista, London. Davies, J.G. (1982) `Temples, churches and mosques, Basil Blackwell, Oxford Dickie James (Yaqub Zaki)(1978) Allah and Eternity: Mosques, Madrasas and Tombs, in Mitchell, G. et al. (eds.), Architecture of the Islamic world : its history and social meaning, Thames and Hudson, London. Scerrato Umberto (1976) Islam, Monuments of Civilisation, The Readers Digest Association Ltd., London.

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A review on

Muslim Contribution to Agriculture

Author: Chief Editor: Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Professor Talip Alp Ahmed Salem BSc August 2002 4018 FSTC Limited 2002, 2003

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A R EVIEW ON

MUSLIM CONTRIBUTION TO AGRICULTURE


Introduction History usually conveys the notion that the agricultural revolution took place in recent times in the form of rotation of crops, advanced irrigation techniques, plant improvements, etc some such changes only taking place in the last couple of centuries in Europe, and some even taking place nowadays. It is explained that such revolutionary changes fed the increasing European population, released vast numbers from the land and allowed agriculture to produce a capital surplus, which was invested in industry, thus leading to the industrial revolution of the 18th-19th century. This is the accepted wisdom until one comes across works on Muslim agriculture and discovers that such changes took place over ten centuries ago in the Muslim world, some such changes being the foundations of much of what we have today. Watson, Glick and Bolens, 1 in particular, indeed, show that the major breakthroughs were achieved by Muslim farmers on the land, and by Muslim scholars with their treatises on the subject. Thus, as with other subjects, prejudice distorts history, Muslim achievements of ten centuries ago covered up; a point raised by Cherbonneau, who holds: `it is admitted with difficulty that a nation in majority of nomads could have had known any form of agricultural techniques other than sowing wheat and barley. The misconceptions come from the rarity of works on the subject If we took the bother to open up and consult the old manuscripts, so many views will be changed, so many prejudices will be destroyed.2 The Agricultural Revolution As early as the ninth century, a modern agricultural system became central to economic life and organization in the Muslim land. The great Islamic cities of the Near East, North Africa and Spain, Artz explains, were supported by an elaborate agricultural system that included extensive irrigation and an expert knowledge of the most advanced agricultural methods in the world. The Muslims reared the finest horses and sheep and cultivated the best orchards and vegetable gardens. They knew how to fight insect pests, how to use fertilizers, and they were experts at grafting trees and crossing plants to produce new varieties. 3 Glick defines the Muslim agricultural revolution in the introduction of new crops, which, combined with extension and intensification of irrigation, created a complex and varied agricultural system, whereby a greater variety of soil types were put to efficient use; where fields that had been yielding one crop yearly at most prior to the Muslims were now capable of yielding three or more crops, in rotation; and where agricultural production responded to the demands of an increasingly sophisticated and cosmopolitan urban population by providing the towns with a variety of products unknown in Northern Europe. 4 Whilst for Scott, the agricultural system of the Spanish Muslims, in particular, was `the most complex, the most scientific, the most perfect, ever devised by the ingenuity of man. 5 Such advancement of Muslim farming, according to Bolens, was owed to the adaptation of agrarian techniques to local needs, and to `a spectacular cultural union of scientific knowledge from the past and the present, from the Near East, the Maghreb, and Andalusia. A culmination subtler than a simple accumulation of techniques, it has been an enduring ecological success, proven by the course of human history.' 6 Fertilisers, in their variety, were used according to a well-advanced methodology; whilst a maximum amount of moisture in the soil was preserved. 7 Soil rehabilitation was constantly cared for, and

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preserving the deep beds of cropped land from erosion was, according to Bolens, again, `the golden rule of ecology, and was `subject to laws of scrupulous careful ecology. 8 For Scott, the success of Islamic farming also lay in hard enterprise. No natural obstacle was sufficiently formidable to check the enterprise and industry of the Muslim farmer. He tunneled through the mountains; his aqueducts went through deep ravines, and he leveled with infinite patience and labor the rocky slopes of the sierra (in Spain). 9 Watson sums up. 10 To him, the rise of productivity of agricultural land and sometimes of agricultural labour owe to the introduction of higher yielding new crops and better varieties of old crops, through more specialised land use which often centred on the new crops, through more intensive rotations which the new crops allowed, through the concomitant extension and improvement of irrigation, through the spread of cultivation into new or abandoned areas, and through the development of more labour intensive techniques of farming. These changes, themselves, were positively affected by changes in other sectors of the economy: growth of trade, enlargement of the money economy, increasing specialisation of factors of production in all sectors, and with the growth of population and its increasing urbanisation. Irrigation, from Andalusia to the far East, from the Sudan to Afghanistan, remained central, `the basis of all agriculture and the source of all life. 11 The ancient systems of irrigation the Muslims became heirs to were in an advanced state of decay, and ruins.' 12 The Muslims repaired them and constructed new ones; besides devising new techniques to catch, channel, store and lift the water, and making ingenious combinations of available devices. 13 All of the Kitab al-Filahat (book of agriculture), whether Maghribi, Andalusian; Egyptian, Iraqi; Persian or Yemenite, Bolens points out, insist meticulously on the deployment of equipment and on the control of water.14 Agricultural Machines and Construction Water that was captured through a variety of ways was then successively channelled, stored and lifted using the different techniques and varied devices for each operation. Irrigation became cheap, affecting lands previously impossible or uneconomic to irrigate. 15 Irrigated fields yielded as many as four harvests yearly, 16 which, as in Spain, laid the foundations for the countrys prosperity. 17 Damming of rivers to provide households, mills with power, and for irrigation, was also widespread. 18 The introduction of the noria (a water lifting device) in any district has always had revolutionary consequences upon agricultural productivity, too. And because it was relatively inexpensive to build and simple to maintain, the noria enabled the development of entire huertas that were intensively irrigated. 19 In Cordoba, al-Shaqundi (thirteenth century) speaks of 5000 norias (possibly including both lifting and milling devices) on the Guadalquivir. 20 Some are still in use, as at La Nora, six km from the Murcia city centre, where although the original wheel has been replaced by a steel one, the Muslim system is otherwise virtually unchanged. 21 In general, these Islamic irrigation techniques that were transferred to Spain were adapted to specific natural conditions. 22 The Muslims, Forbes holds, should be credited with important developments of irrigation in the Western Mediterranean. And they did not just extend the irrigated area in Spain and Sicily, but also knew how to drain rivers and how to irrigate their fields by systems of branch channels with an efficient distribution of the available water. 23 Other than that, they also captured rainwater in trenches on the sides of hills or as it ran down mountain gorges or into valleys; surface water was taken from springs, brooks, rivers and oases, whilst underground water was tapped by creating new springs, or digging wells. 24

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Water Management Water, so precious commodity in a more Islamic aware age, was managed according to stringent rules, any waste of the resource banned, and the most severe economy enforced. Thus, in the Algerian Sahara various water management techniques were used to make the most effective use of the resource. The Foggaras, a network of underground galleries, conducted water from one place to the other over very long distances so as to avoid evaporation. Although the system is still in use today, the tendency at present is for over-use and waste of water. Still in Algeria, in the Beni Abbes region, in the Sahara, south of Oran, farmers used a clepsydra to determine the duration of water use for every user in the area. 25 This clepsydra regulates with precision, and night and day, the amount going to each farmer, timed by the minute, throughout the year, and taking into account seasonal variations. Each farmer is informed of the timing of his turn, and summoned to undertake necessary action to ensure effective supply to his plot. 26 In Spain, the same strict management was in operation. The water conducted from one canal to the other was used more than once, the quantity supplied accurately graduated; distributing outlets were adapted to each soil variety, two hundred and twenty four of these, each with a specific name. 27 All disputes and violations of laws on water were dealt with by a court-whose judges were chosen by the farmers themselves, this court named The Tribunal of the Waters, which sat on Thursdays at the door of the principal mosque. Ten centuries later, the same tribunal still sits in Valencia, but at the door of the cathedral. 28 Globalisation Crops Elaborating on the Islamic agricultural revolution, Watson holds 29that the picture that emerges is that of `a large unified region which for three or four centuries, and in places still longer, was unusually receptive to all that was new. It was also unusually able to diffuse novelties: both to effect the initial transfer which introduced an element into a region and to carry out the secondary diffusion which changed rarities into commonplaces. Attitudes, social structure, institutions, infrastructure, scientific progress and economic development all played a part in the making of this medium of diffusion. And not only agriculture but also other spheres of the economy-and many areas of life that lay outside the economy- were touched by this capacity to absorb and to transmit. Indeed, as the Muslims advanced, Forbes explains, they introduced methods and machinery of the Ancient Near East, and also certain crops which could not have been grown with the typically classical agricultural methods. The Romans had imported rice but had never grown it on a large scale. The Muslims started to grow it on irrigated fields in Sicily and Spain, whence it came to the Pisan plain (1468) and Lombardy (1475). 30 In the words of Wickens, Spain received (apart from a legendary high culture), and what she in turn transmitted to most Europe, all manner of agricultural and fruit-growing processes, together with a vast number of new plants, fruit and vegetables that we all now take for granted. 31 These new crops included sugar cane, rice, citrus fruit, apricots, cotton, artichokes, aubergines, saffron... Others, previously known, were developed further.32 Muslims also brought to that country rice, oranges, sugar cane and cotton,33 and sub-tropical crops such as bananas and sugar cane were grown on the coastal parts of the country,34 many to be taken later to the Spanish colonies in the Americas. Also owing to the Muslim influence, a silk industry flourished, flax was cultivated and linen exported, and esparto grass, which grew wild in the more arid parts, was collected and turned into various types of articles. 35 In Sicily, crops and techniques introduced by the Muslims still constitute up till now the foundations of the economy. 36 Much of the transfer of such crops often owes to the enthusiasm of individual persons. Hence, Abd al-Rahman I, out of nostalgia for the Syrian landscape was personally responsible for the introduction of several species, including the date palm. 37 A variety of pomegranate was introduced from Damascus by

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the chief judge of Cordoba, Mu`awiya b Salih, and a Jordanian soldier named Safar took a fig cutting and planted it on his estate in the Malaga region. This species, called safri after the soldier, subsequently became widely diffused. 38 It was also the Muslims who had introduced sugar cane into Ethiopia, and who made the East African island of Zanzibar famous for its high quality sugar. 39 In general, `it would make a whole book, Baron Carra de Vaux observes, `and not the least interesting, on the history of flowers, plants and animals that had come from the Orient, and which are used in agriculture, pharmacy, gardens, luxury trade, and arts.' 40 He lists tulips, hyacinths, narcissi, Lilacs, jasmine, roses, peaches, prunes, sheep of `barbary' lands, goats, Angora cats, Persian coqs, silk, cotton, plants and products used for dyeing, etc. 41 Farming Manuals Muslim farming manuals conveyed much of the expertise that was available. 42 Ways and methods for increasing production and productivity, and maintaining soil fertility were explained alongside detailed descriptions of soils, and their requirements. Soils were classified, and so was water according to its quality. It was explained how to enrich the soil by various methods, and methods of ploughing (normal and deep), hoeing, digging and harrowing. 43 Ibn Bassals treatise distinguished between ten classes of soil, each assigned with a different life sustaining capability, according to the season of the year. He was insistent that fallow land be ploughed four times between January and May and, in certain cases (for example, cotton, when planted in the thick soils of the Mediterranean coast), he recommended as many as ten ploughings. 44 Ibn al-Awwam's treatise was published in a Spanish translation and a French version between the end of the eighteenth and the middle of the nineteenth as its contents were of particular interest in both Spain and Algeria. 45 This Kitab al-Filaha (the book of agriculture), 46 has 34 chapters dealing with agriculture and animal husbandry. It covers 585 plants, explains the cultivation of more than fifty fruit trees, makes observations on grafting, soil properties, manure, and plant diseases and their treatments. Ibn al-Awwam studies gardening, irrigation, affinities between trees, grafting, animal husbandry and bee keeping. Al Ichbilis Kitab al-Filaha goes in the same direction in giving precise instructions to farmers about nearly every matter of concern. Extracts from it 47 show in minute detail how to grow olive trees, the treatment of diseases, grafting, harvesting olives, properties of olives, refining olive oil, conditioning of olives And the same with respect to other crops, including cotton, the required soil properties, the tasks preceding the planting, soil preparation, use of manure, and what sort; ploughing techniques, their frequency, the time for sowing and the manner it is done, watering after sowing, and during growth, maintenance of plants, harvesting etc. A wealth of information is also found in the `Calendar of Cordova of 961. 48 Its technical accuracy is `remarkable, and much of what it contains was to be found in subsequent geography books and farming treatises. Each month of the year had its tasks and time table, March, for instance, was when fig trees are grafted; and early cereals begin to rise. It was the time to plant sugar cane, and when pre-season roses and lilacs begin to come out. Quails appear; silk worms hatch; from the sea, mullets journey up rivers. That is also the time to plant cucumbers, and saw cotton, safron, and aubergines. During this month are sent to provincial tax officials mail orders to purchase horses for the government; locusts begin to appear and their destruction is ordered; time to plant lime and marjoram, too. It is also the mating season of many birds. 49 To illustrate the wide interest of a variety of writers regarding one single crop, one takes the example of rice. 50 Ibn Bassal, for instance, advises on the choice of terrain, plots that face to the rising sun. The thorough preparation of the soil is well recommended as well as the addition of manure, and how it is to be done. Sowing is advised between February and March. Al-Ichbilli gives the specific amount of rice that

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needs to be sown on any given surface, and how that should be carried out. Ibn al-Awwam speaks at length of the watering process, that land should be submerged with water up to a given height, then sowing the rice. Once the soil had absorbed the water, the seeds are covered with earth, and the land submerged with water again. All details on irrigation and ways of drainage once the plants grow are given. Fighting parasites, clearing weeds, and the means used for that also attract much attention from the writers. Ways of harvesting and for safe storage are explained, too. Use of rice as a food commodity takes many forms. Ibn al-Awwam specifies that the best way of cooking and eating rice is with butter, oil, fat and milk. An anonymous author of the Almohad dynasty51 also wrote a recipe book called Kitab al-Tabkh fi-l

Maghrib wal Andalus, which includes many recipes, five of them with rice, all sounding most appetising.
The loss of Ecological Balance `With a deep love for nature, and a relaxed way of life, classical Islamic society,' Bolens concludes, `achieved ecological balance, a successful average economy of operation, based not on theory but on the acquired knowledge of many civilized traditions.' 52 It was colonialism, she recognises, which subsequently and seriously upset the traditional agricultural balance in order to increase profitability for the colonizers. 53 The decline of agriculture as the destruction of other aspects of Islamic civilisation had, however, begun with the various invaders, from the Crusaders to the Mongols, from the Banu Hillal to the Normans and Spain's conquistadors in the West. Such invasions caused the ruin of irrigation works, destroyed permanent crops, closed down trade routes, and caused farmers to take flight. 54 The Muslim farmers also became over taxed by their new masters in Christian Spain and Sicily, and were exterminated in those countries; their system perishing with them. 55 The later colonisers, the French, only finished off whatever was left. No better place to see that than in Algeria, where the French on arrival in 1830 found a much greener country than the one they left 130 years later, and a population living more or less in harmony with its environment. In their wars of devastation against Algerian resistance, the French destroyed the garden rings that surrounded towns and cities, cutting trees and orchards. After that, they deforested whole regions to exploit timber, and took all fertile lands from their Muslim owners, forcing them to subside on arid lands, and in the vicinity of forests causing their degradation. Later, during the war of independence 1954-62, the French set ablaze millions of acres of forest lands; and then departed, leaving a legacy of bareness and hostility to greenery from which the Algerians have not recovered yet. 56

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References:
1

-A.M Watson: Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World, Cambridge University Press, 1983. -A.M Watson: `The Arab agricultural revolution and its diffusion,' in The Journal of Economic History 34

(1974). -T.Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages , Princeton University Press, New Jerzey, 1979. -T.Glick: Irrigation and hydraulic technology: Medieval Spain and its legacy, Varorium, Aldershot, 1996.

-L.Bolens: Les methodes culturales au moyen age d'apres les traites d'agronomie andalous:

traditions et techniques. Geneva, 1974.


-L. Bolens, Agronomes Andalous du Moyen Age, Geneva/Paris, 1981. -L.Bolens: L'Eau et l'Irrigation d'apres les traites d'agronomie Andalus au Moyen Age (XI-XIIem siecles),

Options Mediterraneenes , 16 (Dec, 1972). 2 A. Cherbonneau: Kitab al-Filaha of Abu Khayr al-Ichbili, in Bulletin dEtudes Arabes, pp 130-44; at p. 130. 3 Frederick. B.Artz: The Mind of the Middle Ages; Third edition revised; The University of Chicago Press,
1980, p, 150.
4 5

T.Glick: islamic, op cit, p. 78. S.P. Scott: History of the Moorish Empire in Europe. 3 Vols, Vol 3; J.B. Lippincott Company, London, 1904; L.Bolens: `Agriculture in Encyclopedia of the history of Science, technology, and Medicine in Non

p. 598.
6

Western Cultures , Editor: Helaine Selin; Kluwer Academic Publishers. Dordrecht/Boston/London, 1997. pp
20-2, at p. 20.
7 8 9

T. Glick: Islamic, op cit, p. 75. L.Bolens: Agriculture, in Encyclopedia, op cit, p. 22. S.P. Scott: History, op cit, p.604. A.Watson: Agricultural innovation, op cit, pp 2-3. Lucie Bolens: Irrigation: in Encyclopedia, op cit, pp 450-2; at p. 451. A.M. Watson: Agricultural innovation, op cit, p. 104. Ibid, pp. 109-10. L. Bolens, Irrigation, op cit, p. 451. A.M. Watson: Agricultural innovation, op cit, p. 104. T.Glick: Islamic, op cit. P. 75. D.R. Hill: Islamic science and Engineering, Edimburgh University Press, 1993; p. 161. Ibid, pp 159-69. T.Glick: islamic, op cit, p. 74. Al-Saqundi, Elogio del Islam espanol, p. 105; in T.Glick: Islamic, op cit, p.75. D.R. Hill: Islamic Science, op cit, pp. 97. E. Levi Provencal: Histoire de lEspagne Musulmane; 3 vols; Maisonneuve, Paris, 1953; vol iii, p. 279. R.J. Forbes: Studies in Ancient technology ; vol II, second revised edition, Leiden, E.J Brill, 1965, p. 49. A.M. Watson: Agricultural innovation, op cit p. 107. L. Goonalons: La Clepsydre de Beni Abbes, in Bulletin dEtudes Arabes, vol 3, 1943, pp 35-7: Ibid, p. 37. S.P. Scott: History, pp 602-3.

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

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28 29 30 31

Ibid, pp 602-3. A.Watson: Agricultural innovation, op cit, p.2 R.J. Forbes: Studies, op cit, p. 49. G.M. Wickens: What the West borrowed from the Middle east, in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation , M. Watt: The Influence of Islam on Medieval Europe, Edimburgh University Press, 1972; pp 22-23. A. Pacey: Technology in World Civilization, a thousand year history, The MIT Press, Cambridge, E.Levi Provencal: Histoire, op cit, p.283. W.Montgomery Watt: The influence, op cit, pp 22-3. Francesco Gabrieli: Islam in the Mediterranean World, in The Legacy of Islam, edited by J.Schacht T.Glick: Islamic, op cit, p. 76. Ibid. A. Pacey: Technology, op cit, p. 15. Baron Carra de Vaux: Les Penseurs de l'Islam, vol 2, Paris, Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1921, vol 2, Chapter at p. 306. Ibid, pp 309-19. Most particularly: d'In al-Awwam, tr. from Arabic by J.J. Clement-Mullet, Vol. I,

edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976, pp 120-5; at p. 125.
32 33

Massachusetts, 1990, p. 15.


34 35 36

with C.E. Bosworth, 2nd edition. Oxford Clarendon Press, 1974. pp 63-104, at p. 75.
37 38 39 40

x: Les Sciences Naturelles, Histoires Naturelles.


41 42

-Ibn Al-Awwam: Le Livre de l'Agriculture Paris 1864.

-Ibn Bassal: Libro de agricultura, Jose M.Millas Vallicrosa and Mohammed Azinan eds, Tetuan: instituto Muley al-hasan, 1953.
43 44

Derived from A.M. Watson: Agricultural, op cit, chapter 23. Millas Vallicrosa, `Sobre la obra de agricultura de Ibn Bassal,' in Nuevos estudios sobre historia de la

ciencia espanola (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1960), pp 139-40. 45 J. Vernet and J. Samso: Development of Arabic Science in Andalusia, in The Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Sciences, edt Roshdi rashed, Routledge, London, 1996, Vol 1, pp 243-76; at p 263. 46 Ibn Al-Awwam: Le Livre de l'Agriculture, op cit,. 47 In A Charbonneau: Kitab al-Filaha of Al-Ichbili, in Bulletin dEtudes Arabes , vol 6 (1946); pp 130-144;
48 49 50

Details of which in E.L. Provencal: History, op cit, pp. 289-90. Ibid. Derived from V. Lagardere: La Riziculture en Al Andalus (VIIIem-Xvem siecles), in Studia Islamica, vol 83, A Berber dynasty that went into Spain from Morocco, defeated the invading Christian forces and

1996, pp 71-87.
51

preserved the Islamic status of the Peninsula for over a century. When the Almohads were defeated, eventually, it was the end of Muslim Spain, the Muslims losing within a few years from each other (in the 1240s): Seville, Cordova, Valencia, and other territories, only retaining Grenada which would fall in 1492.
52 53 54 55

L.Bolens: Agriculture, in Encyclopaedia, op cit, p. 22. Ibid. See final Chapter by A. Watson: `Agriculture in retreat, in A. Watson: Agricultural. Op cit. See Charles H. Lea: A History of the Inquisition in Spain , in four volumes, The MacMillan Company, New
56

York, 1907, volume three, pp 317-410. Good accounts of such French devastation can be found in the following:

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-Charles.R. Ageron: Histoire de lAlgerie contemporaine, 3 vols, Presses Universitaires de France, 1979. -Charles.A. Julien: Histoire de lAlgerie Contemporaine, Presses Universitaires de France, 1964. -Henry Aleg et all: La Guerre dAlgerie, Temps Actuels, Paris, 1981. Bibliography -Charles.R. Ageron: Histoire de lAlgerie contemporaine, 3 vols, Presses Universitaires de France, 1979. Henry Aleg et all: La Guerre dAlgerie , Temps Actuels, Paris, 1981. -Frederick. B.Artz: The Mind of the Middle Ages; 3rd edition revised; The University of Chicago Press, 1980.

-L.Bolens: Les methodes culturales au moyen age d'apres les traites d'agronomie andalous:

traditions et techniques. Geneva, 1974.


-L. Bolens, Agronomes Andalous du Moyen Age, Geneva/Paris, 1981. -L.Bolens: L'Eau et l'Irrigation d'apres les traites d'agronomie Andalus au Moyen Age (XI-XIIem siecles),

Options Mediterraneenes , 16 (Dec, 1972). -L.Bolens: `Agriculture in Encyclopedia of the history of Science, technology, and Medicine in Non Western Cultures, Editor: Helaine Selin; Kluwer Academic Publishers. Dordrecht/Boston/London, 1997. pp 20-2. -Baron Carra de Vaux: Les Penseurs de l'Islam , vol 2, Paris, Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1921, vol 2, Chapter x:
Les Sciences Naturelles, Histoires Naturelles. -A.Cherbonneau: Kitab al-Filaha of Abu Khayr al-Ichbili, in Bulletin dEtudes Arabes, pp 130-44. -R.J. Forbes: Studies in Ancient technology; vol II, second revised edition, Leiden, E.J Brill, 1965. -Francesco Gabrieli: Islam in the Mediterranean World, in The Legacy of Islam, edited by J.Schacht with C.E. Bosworth, 2nd edition. Oxford Clarendon Press, 1974. pp 63-104. -T.Glick: Islamic and Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages , Princeton University Press, New Jerzey, 1979. -T.Glick: Irrigation and hydraulic technology: Medieval Spain and its legacy, Varorium, Aldershot, 1996. -L. Goonalons: La Clepsydre de Beni Abbes, in Bulletin dEtudes Arabes, vol 3, 1943, pp 35-7. -D.R. Hill: Islamic science and Engineering, Edimburgh University Press, 1993. -Ibn Al-Awwam: Le Livre de l'Agriculture Paris 1864. -Ibn Bassal: Libro de agricultura, Jose M.Millas Vallicrosa and Mohammed Azinan eds, Tetuan: Instituto Muley al-Hasan, 1953. -C..A. Julien: Histoire de lAlgerie Contemporaine, Presses Universitaires de France, 1964. -V. Lagardere: La Riziculture en Al Andalus (VIIIem-Xvem siecles), in Studia Islamica, vol 83, 1996, pp 7187. -Charles H. Lea: A History of the Inquisition in Spain , in four volumes, The MacMillan Company, New York, 1907, volume three. -E. Levi Provencal: Histoire de lEspagne Musulmane ; 3 vols; Maisonneuve, Paris, 1953; vol iii. -Millas Vallicrosa, `Sobre la obra de agricultura de Ibn Bassal,' in Nuevos estudios sobre historia de la d'In al-Awwam, tr. from Arabic by J.J. Clement-Mullet, Vol. I,

ciencia espanola (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1960). -A.Pacey: Technology in World Civilization, a thousand year history, The MIT Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1990. -S.P. Scott: History of the Moorish Empire in Europe. 3 Vols, Vol 3; J.B. Lippincott Company, London, 1904. -J. Vernet and J. Samso: Development of Arabic Science in Andalusia, in The Encyclopedia of the History of

Arabic Sciences , edt Roshdi rashed, Routledge, London, 1996, Vol 1, pp 243-76. - M. Watt: The Influence of Islam on Medieval Europe, Edimburgh University Press, 1972.

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-A.M Watson: Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World, Cambridge University Press, 1983. -A.M Watson: `The Arab agricultural revolution and its diffusion,' (1974). -G.M. Wickens: What the West borrowed from the Middle east, in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation , edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976, pp 120-5. in The Journal of Economic History 34

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A review on

Muslim Contribution to Astronomy

Author: Chief Editor: Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Professor Talip Alp Ahmed Salem BSc August 2002 4019 FSTC Limited 2002, 2003

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A R EVIEW ON

MUSLIM CONTRIBUTION TO ASTRONOMY


Obscuring Islamic Astronomy Like others who dealt with the history of science, Kevin Krisciunas 1 could hardly fail to notice the generalised black-out imposed on Muslim astronomy. His opening statement of chapter two went as follows:

`It is a common misconception that astronomical research fell into a dazed slumber following Ptolemy (the Greek scientist who lived long before Islam), not to reawaken until the time of Copernicus. I have briefly sketched in the previous chapter the efforts on the part of various Greeks in preserving their astronomical science. These efforts continued up to the time of the conquest of Egypt by the Arabs, who were not the book burning fanatics that some have made them out to be. Those who think that these Arabs made no contributions of their own have not investigated the subject.
Kruisciunas then points that during the Middle Ages the principal astronomers were Moslems, Jews, and some Christians, and what they had in common was that they wrote in Arabic. `This was the principal language of astronomy of the ninth through the eleventh centuries, just as English is today. 2 Obscuring Muslim astronomy is common to the treatment of all Muslim sciences as expertly pursued by a number of historians, some `illustrious and others less so. This obscuring of the Muslim achievements is, of course, today, complemented with a blowing out of proportion of anything negative about the Muslims, or distorting facts against them, something that can be observed all the time around us. In the field of history of science, as a whole, many instances regarding such obscuring can be seen. Here, one in the field of mathematics as pointed by the authors of the Mac Tutor site at the University of St Andrews in Scotland, who state: 3

`There is a widely held view that, after a brilliant period for mathematics when the Greeks laid the foundations for modern mathematics, there was a period of stagnation before the Europeans took over where the Greeks left off at the beginning of the sixteenth century. The common perception of the period of 1000 years or so between the ancient Greeks and the European Renaissance is that little happened in the world of mathematics except that some Arabic translations of Greek texts were made which preserved the Greek learning so that it was available to the Europeans at the beginning of the sixteenth century.
The authors pursue, stating:

`That such mathematics mathematics Duhem that:

views should be generally held is of no surprise. Many leading historians of have contributed to the perception by either omitting any mention of Arabic/Islamic in the historical development of the subject or with statements such as that made by `Arabic science only reproduced the teachings received from Greek science.

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Recent research, however, the authors add, is painting a very different picture of the debt that we owe to Arabic/Islamic mathematics, recognising that modern mathematics is closer to Muslim mathematics than the Greek, and as they also put it:

`Certainly many of the ideas which were previously thought to have been brilliant new conceptions due to European mathematicians of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are now known to have been developed by Arabic/Islamic mathematicians around four centuries earlier.
In the particular field of astronomy so many examples of distortions can be cited. Thus, the two guiding lights of Western historians of astronomy, Neugebauer 4 and Delambre, 5 both find nothing to report about Islamic astronomy. It is as if it never existed, and no Muslim ever looked at the sky, or measured whatsoever. For Duhem, 6 the inspiration for all scholars wishing and willing to find only doom, gloom, and chaos with Islam, things went as follows:

`The revelations of Greek thought on the nature of the exterior world ended with the `Almagest,'' (by Ptolemy) which appeared about A.D. 145, and then began the decline of ancient learning. Those of its works that escaped the fires kindled by Mohammedan warriors were subjected to the barren interpretations of Mussulman commentors and, like parched seed, awaited the time when Latin Christianity would furnish a favourable soil in which they could once more flourish and bring forth fruit.
If Duhem is to be followed, the Muslims are responsible for one thing, and for its total opposite, both at once. Indeed, according to him the Muslims were fanatic, rampaging hordes, burners of Greek science, and also pale imitators, copiers of the Greeks. They cannot be both, though. How can you copy a book that you have burnt; or convey a science that you have destroyed on first contact? Incidentally, both these conflicting opinions can be found not just with Duhem, but also with his crowd of followers, who pursue the same aberrations of history. More recent amongst these is another Frenchman, J.P. Verdet,7 who in a History of astronomy, manages to jump from Ptolemy to Copernicus, skipping nearly 1500 years, as if in his whole lifetime, and a scholar with access to tens of libraries, he never came across one single work dealing with Muslim astronomy. Browsing through our modern means of communication, the web, also gives an early impression that the Muslims never looked at the sky, or put a pen on anything approaching that science called astronomy. Thus at http://w3.restena.lu/al/pub/indivs/wagnjean/astronomy.htm medieval what one finds is that Greek astronomy was transmitted to the Arabs; and although `compiling new star catalogs, and developing tables of planetary motion, the Arabs made few useful contributions; and that the Arabic translations of Ptolemy Almagest filtered into Europe. And that was it. On this last point, anybody without sufficient knowledge would believe that Ptolemys Almagest was the only work translated from Arabic into Latin. The Almagest was, indeed, one of hundreds of translations from Arabic into Latin by Christian scholars assisted by Jews. Amongst such translations that led to the awakening of Europe from its dark slumber were the astronomical works of Al-Khwarizmi, Al-Battani, Al-Fargani, MashAllah, Al-Zarqali, Al-Bitruji, Jabir Ibn Aflah, and so on.

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Moving further on the web, reveals other sites such as http://dmoz.org/Science/Astronomy/History. Nothing surprising here either. Out of the so many astronomical topics listed not a single reference to Muslim astronomy. Another site http://homepages.tcp.co.uk/~carling/astrhis.html, and nothing, again. The author just jumps from Ptolemy to Copernicus, skipping those 1500 years. One would search in vain for a paragraph on the Muslims, or the Chinese (the greatest scientists of all times, and the other major victims of historical distortions) but nothing. The author, however, laments the burning at the stake of Giordano Bruno for adopting Copernican beliefs that were viewed with hostility by the Church. Also on the web is the site of the International Astronomical Union (IAU) at: http://www.astro.unibonn.de/~pbrosche/iaucomm41. The union was founded in 1919 with the aim of `promoting the science of astronomy through international cooperation. Commission 41 of the union and devoted to the History of Astronomy was created at the 1948 General Assembly, with Otto Neugebauer as its first President. From a look at the activities of such an organisation, the conferences it held, and also the membership of the current officers (years: 2000-3), nothing could be found regarding Islamic astronomy. The Real Story Yet, against what has just preceded, reality in relation to astronomy is considerably different. It will be impossible to go through even a summarised version of Muslim achievements here. The briefest of mentions will be made of different aspects of the science, some of which will hopefully be developed at a future stage. It also belongs to Muslims and others with minimal honest intentions to go through the abundant, old reference material, of primary and secondary sort, now being eagerly buried, and give a much truer picture of the Muslim contribution to this science, a reality that some try to hide for eternity. Sources for writing on Muslim astronomy exist in large abundance in German in particular, the work of Germans and also of others who expressed themselves in German. Heinrich Suter, for one, has numbered over 500 Muslim astronomers and mathematicians, giving for each of these the titles of their works that are known, and their still extant manuscripts. 8 Since Suter more have been added by Brockelmann 9 and Sezgin 10 (all in German). George Sarton in his voluminous Introduction to the History of Science 11 (already referred to abundantly) gives a very thorough picture, too, of the vast array of Muslim works in astronomy as in other sciences. Sedillot 12 (in French) and Nalino 13 (in Italian) have delivered plenty good information in the same field, too. Closer to us, David King, Julio Samso, George Saliba, E.S. Kennedy, W. Hartner and A.I. Sabra have added more regular contributions, King, in particular, providing a gigantic contribution to the subject. Other scholars have given very good summaries of Muslim astronomy, first amongst whom being Baron Carra de Vaux 14 and Aldo Mieli, 15 scholars of great repute from earlier in the century, Aldo Mieli founding one of the two greatest reviews on the history of science ARCHEION, (the other being ISIS by George Sarton.) Incidentally, both De Vaux and Mieli are being pushed into oblivion by second or third rate modern scholars who today fill departments of history of science. Before leaving the subject on contributions, Rashed, 16 again, managed in volume one of his Encyclopaedia of Arabic science to gather a number of excellent contributions to this science, on top of providing an extensive bibliography at the end, very useful for whomsoever wishes to go deeper into the matter.

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Before addressing other aspects of astronomy, and first and foremost, to the many pseudo historians who keep stating and re-stating that Muslim astronomers merely copied their Greek predecessors, no better evidence to the contrary than the many articles by George Saliba, 17 following Sedillot, much earlier, dealing with the corrections made by Muslim astronomers to Greek astronomy. And for Braudel, Ptolemys errors were too glaring to escape Muslim scholars, who were better equipped with precision instruments. 18 To have a very thorough picture of the contribution of various ethnic groups to astronomy in general, the Chinese, above all, no better work than Sarton, of course, but also the more recent excellent work by Hetherington: A chronicle of pre-Telescopic astronomy. 19 In it the author surveys each and every single achievement in the science, and every event of importance, year by year, from the very ancient times until our times; Hetherington, to his credit, not leaving the thousand years from 500 to 1500 blank as is customary with others. Observation of the sky and observatories in Muslim times have been expertly dealt with by Sayili 20, following Sedillot, just cited. Kruiscinas, 21 too, gave ample account of Islamic observations. Hartner, for his part, corrects Neugebauers remark 22 that colossal observational instruments stood only at the end of the Muslim civilisation (14th-15th century). These were already in use as early as Al-Mamuns reign (9th century) and remained in use throughout the centuries.23 Hartner also notes that it was only in the seventeenth century, thanks to Brahe, that high standards of Islamic observation were reached again by the Europeans. 24 On the specific point of instruments for observation it is useful to mention one amongst many contributions by R.P. Lorch on Jabir ibn Aflah and the Torquetom. 25 Nautical Astronomy In nautical astronomy, and to correct the erroneous views so abundant in the field, no better source than Steinschneider, a source suffering constant attempts by modern writers to erase it. 26 Joaquim Bensaude27 has kept Steinschneider alive, just for himself to be blotted out as well. 28 Duhem, 29 again, holds that the use of the baculus was introduced among the Portuguese navigators by the German scientist Behaim towards the end of the fifteenth century, whilst Bensaude (just cited) had demonstrated that the baculus was known in Portugal long before the time of Behaim. Dreyer also raises one of the so many contradictions proper to Duhem, that he (Duhem) quotes this book (Bensaudes) in a footnote without noticing that it demolishes what he had just stated in the text. Also contrary to assertions made by Duhem, that some revival was begun in France, the studies of Bensaude have shown that `the scientific light spread by the Arabs in spain and Portugal had never been put out, which amongst others impact considerably on navigation to the Indies and the New World. 30 Another contribution of interest to this very subject is by Howse, and can be found in the Journal of Renaissance and Modern Studies. 31 The Astrolabe The astrolabe is described as `the most important astronomical calculating device before the invention of digital computers and was the most important astronomical observational device before the invention of the telescope. 32 Its uses are varied, and not just in astronomy, but also in surveying and navigation. 33 In astronomy, it was used to calculate the altitude and azimuth (an Arab term) of the sun, the moon, stars and planets. It was also used to measure distances and heights. 34Of all the works on the astrolabe, by far

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the best is by A.L. Mayer on Islamic astrolabists and their works. 35 It describes and gives all names of those who made astrolabes through the ages of Islamic history, their places of birth and work, dates, and also the whereabouts of such astrolabes throughout the museums of the world and various international collections. Bibliographies about such makers and their works are also added, a very thorough work, indeed. The Globe Earth A point of crucial importance is raised by Dreyer 36 on a matter which is possibly the most blacked out of all, and that is the spherical shape of the earth, a notion which until the modern times led its authors to burning at the stake. In the world of Islam, Dreyer, however, holds, there was no such hostility to science, and there exists no record of any Muslim being persecuted for stating that the earth was a sphere that was capable of being inhabited all over; and that it was also very small compared to the size of the universe. 37 Muslim Astronomers Muslim scholars who worked on the subject of astronomy receive a good treatment in The Dictionary of Scientific Biography. 38 There are also, of course, Suter, Brockelmann, Sezgin and Sarton for more details on each of such astronomers. Amongst these astronomers was Al-Battani (d 929) who wrote The Sabian tables (al-Zij al-Sabi), a very influential work for centuries after him.39 Al-Battanis work also includes timing of the new moons, calculation of the length of the solar and sideral year, the prediction of eclipses and the phenomenon of parallax.' 40 Al-Battani also popularised if not discovered the first notions of trigonometrical ratios used today, 41 and made serious emendations to Ptolemy. 42 Al-Sufi (903-986) made several observations on the obliquity of the ecliptic and the motion of the sun (or the length of the solar year.) 43 He also made observations and descriptions of the stars, setting out his results constellation by constellation, discussing the stars positions, their magnitudes and their colour, and for each constellation providing two drawings from the outside of a celestial globe, and from the inside. 44 Al-Sufi also wrote on the astrolabe and its thousand or so uses. Al-Biruni (973-1050) claimed that the earth rotated around its own axis. 45 He calculated the earth circumference, and fixed scientifically the direction of Makkah (Mecca) from any point of the globe. Al-Biruni wrote in total 150 works, including 35 treatises on pure astronomy, of which only six have survived. 46 Ibn Yunus (d 1009) made observations for nearly thirty years (977-1003)using amongst others a large astrolabe of nearly 1.4 m in diameter, determining more than 10,000 entries of the sun's position throughout the years. 47 Al-Farghani was one of Caliph Al-Mamuns astronomers. He wrote on the astrolabe, explaining the mathematical theory behind the instrument and correcting faulty geometrical constructions of the central disc, that were current then.48 His most famous book Kitab fi Harakat Al-

Samawiyah wa Jaamai Ilm al-Nujum on cosmography contains thirty chapters including a description of the
inhabited part of the earth, its size, the distances of the heavenly bodies from the earth and their sizes, as well as other phenomena. 49 Al-Zarqali (Arzachel) (1029-1087) prepared the Toledan Tables and was also a renowned instrument maker who constructed a more sophisticated astrolabe: a safiha, accompanied by a treatise. 50 Jabir Ibn Aflah (d. 1145) was the first to design a portable celestial sphere to measure and explain the movements of celestial objects. Jabir is specially noted for his work on spherical trigonometry. Al-Bitrujis work Kitab-al-Hayah was translated by the Sicilian based Michael Scot, and bore considerable influence thereafter.

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On how the works of various Muslim astronomers have been used, or relied upon by scholars who followed them has received attention by many of the sources already cited. There remains many matters of contention as can be expected. Indeed, if it is easy for many historians of science to find the Greek origin in many Islamic works, however flimsy the evidence, the other way round, that is recognising the Muslim origin of any breakthrough of significance amongst the likes of Copernicus, Galileo, etc, is denied even when the evidence is beyond the glaring. No better instance than Copernicus theories based on those of Nasir al-Din al-Tusi and Ibn Shatir. Pedersen, for instance, noting the resemblance, still finds no line of transmission. 51 This line of transmission North bluntly states it, holding that Greek and Latin materials that made use of alTusis device were circulating in Italy at about the time Copernicus studied there. 52 And North does not hesitate to add that Copernicus made repeated uses of al-Tusis and his followers devices. 53 On this issue see also works by Gingerich, 54 and above all the masterly delivery by George Saliba, which explains all about this matter at http://www.columbia.edu/~gas1/project/visions/case1/sci.1.html The Transmission of Muslim Astronomy to Christian Europe How Muslim scientific knowledge, in general, and astronomical, in particular, passed to the west is abundantly studied. Haskins, 55 Sarton, Myers, Mieli etc have described that in great detail. Spain played a major part in such a passage. It was from Catalonia that the early treatises on the astrolabe travelled north of the Pyrenees in the late 10th century via Gerbert of Aurillac (later Pope Silvester II). It was also to Toledo where flocked in the 12th century, in particular, scholars from all Christian lands to translate Muslim science, and start the scientific awakening of Europe. Amongst such translators were the Italian Gerard of Cremona, who amongst others translated the Toledan tables of al-Zarqali and Jabir ibn Aflah's Islah al Majisti (correction of the Almagest of Ptolemy). The Jew turned Christian, John of Seville, also made translations of the astronomical works of al-Battani, Thabit ibn Qurra, al-Qabisi, and al-Majriti. And later on, when Alfonso of Castille sought to construct an armillary sphere, `the finest and best that had yet been made', he turned to the Muslim scholars. 56 Charles Burnett has given ample details on how such Muslim science entered England. 57 Burnett explains the early penetration of texts on the astrolabe, and also how al-Khwarizmis tables were adapted to English locations. He also dwells on the education of King Henry II, and the influence of his Muslim inspired entourage. Most certainly the first English scientist ever was Adelard of Bath, the most `Arabist of all scientists, hence his lack of popularity amongst todays `learned circles, despite his considerable scholarly achievements, with a few exceptions, though. 58 Adelard's main works include the astronomical tables of AlKhwarizmi, as revised by Maslama at Cordoba. Another Englishman, Robert of Chester, made an adapted version of al-Battani and al-Zarqali's tables in 1149. Petrus Alphonsi, another Jew convert to Christianity, served both Spanish and English royal courts, and is accredited with the introduction of Muslim astronomy into England. Also incomer to England in 1091 from Lotharingia (modern day Lorraine) was Walcher of Malvern, who had come into possession of the astrolabe, and who, for the first time, in Latin Europe, on 18 October 1092, used such instrument to determine the time of lunar eclipse that he had observed in Italy. 59 In France, Muslim learning was mostly concentrated in the Southern Languedoc-Provence region and

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towns. By the 13th century, Montpelier was a well known centre of Muslim astronomy and also medicine. Marseilles, too, played its part, when a certain Raymond sought to adapt the astronomy of Muslim Spain north of the Pyrenees, declaring himself the first Latin `to acquire the science of the Arabs.' 60 His inspirations were al-Battani, Mash-Allah, and above all Al-Zarqali from whose astronomical canons his works are largely drawn. 61 Final Remarks In view of the so many sources just cited, the fact that books such as Verdets in the 1990s, and the various http://www still ignore the Muslim contribution to astronomy is beyond the credible. It just serves to show the darker side of `scholarship meant to be universal and devoid of prejudice. Hartner had already noticed this a while back; stating that in the writing of history:

`Our time witnesses a most unfortunate tendency to write prententious `syntheses' on the basis of either of a wholly unsufficient factual knowledge or of preconceived theories-religious, philosophic, sociological maintained only by twisting and suppressing facts at the author's pleasure. 62
On the same matter, T.F. Tout has recognised that:

`Our (Western-European-British)) civilisation is not merely national but world-wide, and that neither Great Britain, nor even Greater Britain, can be understood, unless we know something about our neighbours and associates, our enemies even more than our friends. 63
Tout adds:

`It is from the Middle Ages that our civilisation proceeds. If we could understand modern civilisation, we cannot make a fresh start a hundred or a hundred and fifty years ago. 64
And he concludes:

`Europe did not go to sleep in the Middle Ages, and then woke up, open her eyes, and see light at some date, previously marked out as 1453, 1492, or 1494 by eminent authorities. In the long story of European evolution the Middle Ages form an integral part, and unless you make allowance for them, you see modern history all askew. The men of the Renaissance, like the men of the Age of Reason, despised and ignored the Middle Ages. It is painful to find that there are still people who believe that you can hop straight from the Periclean or the Augustan ages to the times of the Medici and Louis XIV... It is good to begin at the beginning, but we must on no account stop at an arbitrary time, jump over hundreds of years, and then start afresh. 65

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References:
1 2 3

K. Krisciunas: Astronomical Centers of the World; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1988; at p. 23. Ibid. Created by John J O'Connor and Edmund F Robertson at: In the chapter devoted to: Arabic

http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/history/index.html mathematics: a forgotten brilliance.


4 5

Astronomy and History; Verlag, 1983. Histoire de l'Astronomie Ancienne; Johnson Reprint Collection; New York, 1965. 6 P. Duhem: Medieval Physics, in R. Palter edition: Toward Modern Science ; The Noonday Press; New York; 1961; Vol 1; pp 141-159; Quote at p. 141; This article is a reprint from `Physics, history of,'' Catholic Encyclopedia, XII (1911), pp 47-52. 7 J. P. Verdet: Une Histoire de l'Astronomie, Le Seuil, Paris, 1990: 8 H. Suter: Die mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke; APA, Oriental Press, Amsterdam,
1982.
9

C. Brockelmann: Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur ; Weimar, 1898; reedited 1949. F.Sezgin: Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums (vol vi for astronomy); 1978. 3 Vols; Published for the Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1927-1948. Sedillot: Memoire sur les instruments astronomique des Arabes, Memoires de lAcademie Royale des

10 11 12

Inscriptions et Belles Lettres de lInstitut de France 1: 1-229; Reprinted Frankfurt, 1985. 13 Nallino, C.A: Raccolta di scritti Editi e Inediti, Roma, 1944.
14

Baron Carra de Vaux:

-Les penseurs de lIslam, Geuthner, Paris, 1921. -Astronomy and mathematics, in The Legacy of Islam, edt Sir Thomas Arnold and Alfred Guillaume, first edition, Oxford University Press, 1931., pp 376-397.
15 16

A. Mieli: La Science Arabe et son role dans lEvolution scientifique mondiale, Leiden, 1938. R. Rashed (with collaboration of R. Morelon): Encyclopedia of the history of Arabic science, 3 vols, G.Saliba: A 16th century Arabic critique of Ptolemaic astronomy: the work of Sham's al-Din al-Khafri;

Routledge, London and New York, 1996.


17

Journal for the History of Astronomy , Vol 25 (1994) pp 15-38;


G.Saliba: Critiques of Ptolemaic astronomy in Islamic Spain; in Al-Qantara , Vol 20, 1999; pp 3-25.
18 19 20 21 22 23

F. Braudel: Grammaire des civilisations , Flammarion, 1987, at p. 113. Published by John Wiley and Sons, Chichester, 1996. Aydin Sayili: The Observatory in Islam, Turkish Historical Society, Ankara, 1960. K. Krisciunas: Astronomical Centers of the World, op cit. P.9 of his work. Essay review by W. Hartner of O. Neugebauer: A History of Ancient mathematical astronomy, Verlag, 1975; 3 Ibid, p. 211, note 20. R.P. Lorch: The Astronomical Instruments of Jabir Ibn Aflah and the Torquetom; Centaurus, 1976; vol

vols; in Journal for the History of Astronomy; 9; pp 201-212; at p. 202.


24 25

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20; pp 11-34.
26

In order to revive the works of that great scholar before they are condemned to eternal oblivion, see as

an instance: M. Steinschneider: -Etudes sur Zarkali; Bulletino Boncompagni; vol 20.

-Notice sur les tables astronomiques attribuees a pierre III dAragon, Rome, 1881. - Vite dei mathematici arabi; Roma, 1874. - Die europaischen Ubersetzungen aus dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhundert (1904-5), repr. 27 J. Bensaude: L'Astronomie Nautique au Portugal, Meridian Publishing, Amsterdam, 1967. 28 J.L. E. Dreyer: Mediaeval Astronomy; In M. Palter edt, Toward Modern Science, Vol I, 1961, pp 235-256;
at p. 253,
29 30 31

(in Volume iv, p. 40 of his Systeme du Monde) Dreyer: Medieval, op cit p. 256. D. Howse: Navigation and Astronomy the first three thousand years; in Journal of Renaissance and Modern Montgomery College's Planetarium home page. Web page by H. Alden Williams. See: W. Hartner, `The Principle and use of the astrolabe,' in W. Hartner, Oriens-Occidens, Hildesheim, 1968, pp. C. Ronan: Arabian Science, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Worlds Science; Cambridge University A.L. Mayer: Islamic astrolabists, Albert Kundig edition, Geneva, 1956. J.L.E. Dreyer: A History of Astronomy from Thales to Kepler ; Dover Publications Inc, New York, 1953, at Ibid.

studies, vol 30; pp 60-86;


32 33

287-318; and J. D. North: ``The Astrolabe,'' Scientific American 230, No 1, 1974, pp 96-106.
34

Press, 1983; pp 201-44; at p. 209.


35 36

p. 249.
37 38

Dictionary of Scientific Biography ; C.C. Gillispie editor in chief, Charles Scribners Sons, New York, 1970Regis Morelon: Eastern Arabic Astronomy, in Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science, op cit, pp 20-57 at pp. G.M Wickens: The Middle East as a world centre of science and medicine; in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation, P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs, tenth edition, Mac Millan St Martin's Press, 1970, at p. 572. Ibid; p. 376 R. Morelon: Eastern Arabic, op cit, p. 50. C. Ronan: The Arabian Science: op cit, p. 213. M. A. Kettani: Science and Technology in Islam: The underlying value system, in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of

1980.
39

46-7.
40

edited by R.M. Savory; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976; pp 111-8.


41 42 43 44 45

Midas; Science, values, and environment in Islam and the West; Manchester University Press, 1984, pp 66-90; at p.
76.
46 47 48 49 50 51

R. Morelon: Eastern Arabic, op cit, p. 52. C. Ronan: The Arabian Science, op cit p. 214. Ibid, p. 207. R. Morelon: Eastern Arabic astronomy, op cit, p. 24. Carra de Vaux: Astronomy and Mathematics, op cit, p. 394. O. Pedersen: Early Physics and astronomy , Cambridge University Press, 1974, at pge 273. This

unfortunately is not Pedersens (whose title of professor of history of science comes glaring on the title

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page,) shortcoming. His whole work is to be set aside as one of those designed to rewrite another history of astronomy and physics than the real one. His treatment of Islamic contribution to both sciences hardly expresses what can be found in works in the bibliography he had at his disposal; and his justification in the preface of his work for omitting other contributions to such sciences, can at best be seen as a pathetic attempt to cover up for what sort of scholarship he represents.
52 53 54

John North: Astronomy and Cosmology; Fontana Press, London, 1994; at p. 195. Ibid. See for instance A Gingerich: A Tusi Couple from Shoner's de Revolutionibus?; see Journal for the History of

Astronomy, Vol 15 (1984); pp 128-132. 55 C.H. Haskins: Studies in the history of Mediaeval science ; Frederick Ungar Publishing Co.; New York;
1967 ed.
56 57

Carra de Vaux: Astronomy, op cit, at p. 396. C. Burnett: The Introduction of Arabic Learning into England; The Panizzi Lectures, 1996; The British See:

Library; 1997.
58

-L. Cochrane: Adelard of Bath, British Museum press, 1994. -C. Burnett: Adelard of Bath , Warburg, London, 1987.

-B.G. Dickey: Adelard of Bath, unpublished Thesis, University of Toronto, 1982. 59 O. Pedersen: Astronomy, in Science in the Middle Ages, edt D.C. Lindberg; The University of Chicago Press,
Chicago, 1978, pp 303-37; at p. 312.
60 61 62 63

C.H. Haskins: Studies, op cit, p. 98. P.K. Hitti: History, op cit, p. 571. Essay review by W. Hartner of O. Neugebauer: A History, op cit at p. 201. T.F. Tout: The place of the Middle Ages in the teaching of history, History, New series, Vol 8 (1923-4); pp 1-18; at Ibid, p. 7. Ibid; p.8.

p.2.
64 65

Bibliography: -J. Bensaude: L'Astronomie Nautique au Portugal, Meridian Publishing, Amsterdam, 1967. -F. Braudel: Grammaire des civilisations , Flammarion, 1987. -C. Brockelmann: Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur ; Weimar, 1898; reedited 1949. -C. Burnett: The Introduction of Arabic Learning into England; The Panizzi Lectures, 1996; The British Library; 1997. -C. Burnett: Adelard of Bath, Warburg Insitute, London, 1987.

-L. Cochrane: Adelard of Bath, British Museum Press, 1994. -J.Delambre: Histoire de l'Astronomie Ancienne; Johnson Reprint Collection; New York, 1965. -De Vaux (Baron Carra): Les penseurs de lIslam, Geuthner, Paris, 1921. -De Vaux (Baron Carra): Astronomy and mathematics, in The Legacy of Islam, edt Sir Thomas Arnold and Alfred
Guillaume, first edition, Oxford University Press, 1931., pp 376-97. -B.G. Dickey: Adelard of Bath , unpublished Thesis, University of Toronto, 1982.

-Dictionary of Scientific Biography; C.C. Gillispie editor in chief, Charles Scribners Sons, New York, 19701980.

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-J.L. E. Dreyer: Mediaeval Astronomy; In M. Palter edt, Toward Modern Science, Vol I, 1961, pp 235-56. -J.L.E. Dreyer: A History of Astronomy from Thales to Kepler ; Dover Publications Inc, New York, 1953. -P. Duhem: Medieval Physics, in R. Palter edition: Toward Modern Science; The Noonday Press; New York; 1961; Vol 1; pp 141-159; A reprint from `Physics, history of,'' Catholic Encyclopedia, XII (1911), pp 47-52. -A Gingerich: A Tusi Couple from Shoner's de Revolutionibus?; see Journal for the History of Astronomy, Vol 15 (1984); pp 128-32. -W. Hartner: A History of Ancient mathematical astronomy, Verlag, 1975; 3 vols; in Journal for the History of

Astronomy; 9; pp 201-12.
-W. Hartner, `The Principle and use of the astrolabe,' in W. Hartner, Oriens-Occidens, Hildesheim, 1968, pp. 287318. -C.H. Haskins: Studies in the history of Mediaeval science; Frederick Ungar Publishing Co.; New York; 1967 ed. -B. Hetherington: A Chronicle of Pre-Telescopic Astronomy; John Wiley and Sons; Chichester; 1996. -P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs, tenth edition, Mac Millan St Martin's Press, 1970, at p. 572. -D. Howse: Navigation and Astronomy the first three thousand years; in Journal of Renaissance and Modern studies, vol 30; pp 60-86; -M. A. Kettani: Science and Technology in Islam: The underlying value system, in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of

Midas; Science, values, and environment in Islam and the West; Manchester University Press, 1984, pp 66-90. -K. Krisciunas: Astronomical Centers of the World; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1988; at p. 23. -R.P. Lorch: The Astronomical Instruments of Jabir Ibn Aflah and the Torquetom; Centaurus, 1976; vol 20;
pp 11-34. -A.L. Mayer: Islamic astrolabists, Albert Kundig edition, Geneva, 1956. -A. Mieli: La Science Arabe et son role dans lEvolution scientifique mondiale, Leiden, 1938. -R. Morelon: Eastern Arabic Astronomy, in Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science, op cit, pp 20-57. -C.A.Nallino, C.A: Raccolta di scritti Editi e Inediti, Roma, 1944. -O. Neugebauer: Astronomy and History; Verlag, 1983. -J. D. North: ``The Astrolabe,'' Scientific American 230, No 1, 1974, pp 96-106. -J. North: Astronomy and Cosmology; Fontana Press, London, 1994. -John J O'Connor and Edmund F Robertson at: http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/history/index.html -O. Pedersen: Early Physics and astronomy, Cambridge University Press, 1974. -O. Pedersen: Astronomy, in Science in the Middle Ages, edt D.C. Lindberg; The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1978, pp 303-37. -R. Rashed (with collaboration of R. Morelon): Encyclopedia of the history of Arabic science, 3 vols, Routledge, London and New York, 1996. -C. Ronan: Arabian Science, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Worlds Science; Cambridge University Press, 1983; pp 201-44. -G.Saliba: A 16th century Arabic critique of Ptolemaic astronomy: the work of Sham's al-Din al-Khafri;

Journal for the History of Astronomy , Vol 25 (1994) pp 15-38;


-G.Saliba: Critiques of Ptolemaic astronomy in Islamic Spain; in Al-Qantara, Vol 20, 1999; pp 3-25. -G. Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science; 3 Vols; Published for the Carnegie Institute of Washington, 1927-1948. A. Sayili: The Observatory in Islam, Turkish Historical Society, Ankara, 1960. -L.Sedillot: Memoire sur les instruments astronomique des Arabes, Memoires de lAcademie Royale des

Inscriptions et Belles Lettres de lInstitut de France 1: 1-229; Reprinted Frankfurt, 1985.

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-F.Sezgin: Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums (vol vi for astronomy); 1978. M. Steinschneider: Etudes sur Zarkali; Bulletino Boncompagni; vol 20.

Notice sur les tables astronomiques attribuees a pierre III dAragon, Rome, 1881.
Vite dei mathematici arabi; Roma, 1874.

Die europaischen Ubersetzungen aus dem Arabischen bis Mitte des 17. Jahrhundert (1904-5), repr.
-H. Suter: Die mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke; APA, Oriental Press, Amsterdam, 1982. -T.F. Tout: The place of the Middle Ages in the teaching of history, History, New series, Vol 8 (1923-4); pp 1-18. -J. P. Verdet: Une Histoire de l'Astronomie, Le Seuil, Paris, 1990. -G.M Wickens: The Middle East as a world centre of science and medicine; in Introduction to Islamic

Civilisation , edited by R.M. Savory; Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976; pp 111-8.

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A review of Early Muslim Control Engineering

Author:

Professor Dr Mohamed Mansour Emeritus Professor of Control Engineering ETH Zrich, Switzerland Ahmed Salem BSc March 2002 4035 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

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A REVIEW OF EARLY MUSLIM CONTROL ENGINEERING


During the period of Islamic-Arabic extraordinary activity in Science and Technology (9th-13th century) there are some recorded contributions to the area of Automatic Control mainly in the development of water clocks using float valve regulators, different level controls using float valves or combination of syphons and the development of On-Off control. The Islamic Arabic Automatic Control Technology had as a basis the Greek Technology of two scientists namely Philon of Byzantium (Rhodes and Alexandria) of the second half of the third century BC (his book pneumatica was translated from Arabic into French and German in 1902 and 1899 respectively) and Heron of Alexandria of the first century AD (his book pneumatica was translated from Greek into English and German in 1851 and 1899 respectively). It is noted in Greek technology the language is Greek but the scientists need not be Greek as in the case with Islamic-Arabic technology. It is known that there are hundreds of thousands of manuscripts dealing with Islamic Science and Technology to be edited and it is assumed that some of them deal with technology. This report is based on the following references [1-6].

PART I - AUTOMATIC CONTROL IN WATER CLOCKS 1. The work of Archimedes on the Building of Clocks This is an Arabic book whose arabic author is called pseudo-Archimedes with the earliest reference to it in The Fihrist of Al-Nadim (died 955 AD). From the literary style and the technique of its drawings this clock book seems to be an Islamic work based on Greek-Roman technology as mentioned in 1. This clock used a float level regulator, which makes it a feedback device. A large float drove the whole apparatus. The description of the complicated clock is so thorough that it could be reconstructed almost completely. This book did have considerable influence on the two great horological books of Al-Jazari and Ibn Al-Saati and other Arabic authors like Ibn Al-Akfani. 2. Al-Jami bain Al-Ilm by Al-Jazari5 This book was written in 1206.Al-Jazari is from Al-Jazira the area between Tigris and Euphrates. Sarton 6 mentions This treatise is the most elaborate of its kind and may be considered the climax of this line of Muslim achievement The distinctive feature of the book is its practical aspect. The book is rich in minute discription of various kinds of devices. Hill3 maintains It is impossible to over-emphasize the importance of Al-Jazari`s work in the history of engineering. Until modern times there is no other document from any cultural area that provides a comparable wealth of instructions for the design, manufacture and assembly of machines Al-Jazari did not only assimilate the techniques of his non-Arab and Arab predecessors, he was also creative. He added several mechanical and hydraulic devices. The impact of these inventions can be seen in the later designing of steam engines and internal combustion engines, paving the way for automatic

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control and other modern machinery. The impact of Al-Jazari`s inventions is still felt in modern contemporary mechanical engineering. Hill4 translated the book to English in 1974. A German translation was made in 1915.The chapter on water clocks describes 10 water clocks, the first two of them use float valve regulators. The various time-indicating mechanisms are propelled by a float .The other clocks are regulated differently. Al-Jazari mentions an old machine, which he inspected, in which a musical automaton was powered by a vertical water wheel. In his comments on this machine he clearly implies that he knew how to control the speed of such a wheel by means of an escapement. 3. Book on the Construction of Clocks and their Use, Ridwan b.Muhammad Al-Saati AlKhurasani (1203) This book describes the monumental water clock built by Ridwan`s father at the Jayrun gate in Damascus. A German translation was made in 1915. A large float drives the clock, float valve regulator and the device for varying the length of the hours are incorporated. 4. The Book of Secrets about the Resulte of Thoughts, Al-Muradi of Andalusia(11th century) This is the earliest description in Arabic of water clocks. This book deals with water clocks and other devices using automata. The treatise consists of 31 models of which 5 are essentially very large toys similar to clocks in that automata are caused to move at intervals, but without precise timing. The prime movers are water wheels that can be overshot or undershot depending on the intensity of flow. There are nineteen clocks, all of which record the passage of the temporal hours by the movements of automata. The power came from large outflow clepsydras provided with concentric siphons. This power was transmitted to automata by very sophisticated mechanisms, which included segmental and epicyclic gears and the use of mercury. These are highly significant features; they provide the first known examples of complex gearing used to transmit high torque while the adoption of mercury reappears in European clocks from the thirteenth century onwards. Unfortunately, the only known manuscript of this work is badly defaced and it is not possible to understand exactly how the clocks worked .A weight driven clock with a mercury escapement appears in Libros del Saber a work written in Spanish at the court of Alfonsos of Castille about 1277 and consisting of translations and paraphrases of Arabic works A novel feature in this treatise is the use of mercury in balances. Al-Zarquali built two large water clocks on the banks of the river Tagus at Toledo in 11th century2. 5. Kitab Mizan Al-Hikma (The Book on the Balance of Wisdom), Al-Khazini (1121-1122) 2 The eighth treatise of this work described two steelyard clebsydras. The main one, called the Universal Balance, was designed for 24-hour operation, and consisted of an iron beam divided into unequal arms by a fulcrum. An outflow clepsydra equipped with a syphon was suspended on the end of the short arm, and two movable weights, one large and one small, were suspended from the long arm, which was graduated into scales. As water discharged from the clepsydra, the weights were moved along the scale to keep the beam in balance. At any moment the hour of the day could be told from the position of the large weight, its minutes from the position of the small one.

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Part II - Automatic Control of Banu Musa Kitab Al-Hiyal (The Book of Ingenious Devices) by Banu Musa bin Shakir (9th century). The three sons of Musa organized translation and did original work in Bayt Al-Hikma(House of Wisdom) which is the science academy in Baghdad the greatest scientific institution since the Museum and Library of Alexandria. Banu Musa were the main supporters of the translation movement which gathered momentum as that important epoch of the Islamic scientific awakening reached fruition in the 9th century. They extended their patronage to Thabit Ibn Qurra, to Hunain Ibn Ishaq and to many other translators and scholars. They have more than 20 works which are known including the seminal engineering book Kitab Al-Hiyal translated into English by Donald Hill in 1979 and parts of it into German by Wiedemann and Hauser in 1918 and Hauser in 1922.The book was edited in Arabic by Ahmad Al-Hassan in 1981. The written Arabic heritage in mechanical technology begins with the Banu Musa book. It is possible they knew Hero`s mechanics written in Alexandria in the first century and translated by Qusta Ibn Luqa at the time of Banu Musa.Heros other books may have been known to the brothers for he enjoyed great fame among Arabic scholars in the 10th century. Banu Musa describe hundred ingenious devices. Hill identified twenty five devices resembling the ones of Hero and Philo(3rd century BC)books. There exist also other parts of the Banu Musa machines which resemble certain elements in Hero and Philo work. There are Banu Musa machines which bear no resemblance to either Hero or Philo. These include the fountains and dredging machine designed to salvage submerged objects from the bottom of rivers and seas and so on. Banu Musa made use primarily of the principles of the science of hydrostatics and aerostatics. Banu Musa use of automatic valves, delayed-action systems and their application of the principles of automatic control testify of creative mentality. Hill notes the use of crankshafts for the first time in the history of technology. In two models, they used a mechanism similar to the modern crankshaft, thus outstripping by 500 years the first description of the crankshaft in Europe. Mayr 1 mentions that they use syphons, float valves, Philon`s oil lamp, water wheels, etc. Some control systems work with nonmoving parts combining the principle of Philon`s oil lamp with some cleverly arranged syphons. They have contributions in technological refinements and new applications. They install throttling valves directly in the pipe requiring no constant force to keep them closed. These appear first in the book of Banu Musa. Also they introduce improvements on Philon`s oil lamp by ingenious combination of syphons added to the original system. Most important is the use of On-Off control with upper and lower limit for the controlled variable. Systems of this class are widely used in modern technology. The float valve used by Banu Musa, Al-Jazari and other Arabic engineers emerges again in the middle of the 18th century in Europe and in England.

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References 1 - Otto Mayr The Origins of Feedback Control, M.I.T. Press, 1970 2 - Ahmad Y.Al-Hassan & Donald R.Hill Islamic Technology, Cambridge University Press and Unesco, 1986 3 - Donald R.Hill Arabic Water Clocks, University of Aleppo, 1981. 4 - Kitab Al-Hiyal(The Book of Ingenious Devices) by Banu Musa Bin Shakir (9th century),edited by Ahmad Y. Al-Hassan, University of Aleppo,1981.

5 - Al-Jami bain Al-Ilm wal-Amal Al-Nafi fi Sinaat Al-Hiyal(A Compendium on the Theory and Practice of the Mechanical Arts) by Ibn Al-Razzaz Al-Jazari (1206),edited by Ahmad Y.Al-Hassan, University of Aleppo,1979.

6 - George Sarton Introduction to the History of Science, vol. 2,1931.

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A review on

Muslim Contribution to Chemistry

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc December 2001 4017 FSTC Limited 2001, 2002

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A review on Muslim Contribution to Chemistry December 2001

A REVIEW ON MUSLIM CONTRIBUTION TO CHEMISTRY


First, it is worth pointing out the excellent web page on the history of chemistry by Prof. H.A. Ead of the Cairo Science Heritage Centre, at: http://www.frcu.eun.eg/www/universities/html/shc/index.htm. Some reliance will be made upon his material in the work below; and our audiences are advised to consult and make good use of his site. There is also an excellent page on the subject, but in French, this time, at: http://kdolma.phidji.com/sciences/sciences.asp For the rest, the web betrays the usual bareness when it comes to this science, although some Islamic sites, A Zahoors in particular, at: http://users.erols.com/zenithco/index.html have touched on the subject, and above all on the scholars who dealt with it. Thus no need in the work below to go on about the lives of Islamic scholars involved the science, Zahoors site amply fulfilling the task. Non Islamic sites, as per usual, have completely ignored the matter. ALCHEMY OR CHEMISTRY? Before addressing the subject of Muslim chemistry, however, one crucial matter needs to be raised. It concerns the use of the word Alchemy instead of chemistry. This is another instance of historical corruption fooling so many who have no perception of the depths some scholarship can descend to in order to convey distorted images of aspects of history, such as that of Islamic science. Alchemy, indeed, is a corrupt translation of the Arabic word Chemia (chemistry,) preceded by the article Al (which means: the), and which the Arabs always use (like the French and others for that matter) in front of their subject such as AlTib (medicine) al-Riyadiyat (mathematics) etc If this was applied to other subjects, it would become almedicine; al-mathematics, al-geography and so on Only Baron Carra de Vaux had had the presence of mind to pointing to this, however briefly. 1 Somehow al-Chemy should be translated literally The Chemistry and not Alchemy in English; and La Chimie and not l'alchimie in French. The fact that only Westerners translated or dealt with the subject, followed by rather very respectful or shy Muslim scholars means that this corrupt word of al-chemy has remained, and has become the norm. The reason why alchemy is used instead of chemistry might have another motive behind it. Chemistry means a modern science; alchemy means the amateur, the occult, the second or third rate. Alchemy belongs to the Muslims; chemistry, of course, does not; instead is the realm of the good. This notion conveyed by some Western historians, that alchemy ended with the Muslims and chemistry began with the Westerners has no historical ground. The reason is simple: all sciences began in some part of the world, most likely China or the Ancient Middle East, or India, at level: 1, the most basic, and then graduated to levels 2, 3, 4, and higher, through the centuries, until they reached us at the level they are, and will evolve in different places in the future. This is the story of every science, and of every sign of our modern world. Thus, it was not that we had alchemy at one point, and then, with the Europeans it became chemistry. This is a crass notion like much else coming from those holding such a view. Chemistry began under one form, associated with occult and similar practices, and then evolved, gradually becoming more refined through the centuries until it took our modern forms and rules. Many elements concourse to support this point. Here they follow.

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INDUSTRIAL CHEMISTRY First and foremost many of the products or discoveries made by the Muslims have become part of our modern chemical world; in fact were revolutions in the advance of the science.
2

Mathe summarises the

legacy of Muslim chemists, which include the discovery of alcohol, nitric and sulphuric acids, silver nitrate and potassium, the determination of the weight of many bodies, the mastery of techniques of sublimation, crystallization and distillation. Muslim chemistry also took many industrial uses including: tinctures and their applications in tanning and textiles; distillation of plants, of flowers, the making of perfumes and therapeutic pharmacy. More specifically, some such advances that have revolutionised our world are expertly raised by Multhauf. 3 Thus in the De aluminibus, 4 composed in Muslim Spain, (whose author Multhauf does not recognise) but could be Al-Majriti, are described experiments to obtain the chloride of mercury, corrosive sublimate (Hg Cl2), process and outcome which mark the beginning of synthetic chemistry. Multhauf notes indeed that the chloride of mercury obtained did not just become part of the chemists repertoire but also inspired the discovery of other synthetic substances. Corrosive sublimate is capable of chlorinating other materials, and this, Multhauf, again, notes, marks the beginning of mineral acids. 5 In the field of industrial chemistry and heavy chemicals, Multhauf notes again that one of the greatest advances of the medieval times was the manufacture of alum from `aluminous rocks, through artificial weathering of alunite, which he describes. And in the same context the Muslims managed to perform the crystallisation of `ammonia alum (ammonium aluminium sulphate). 6 Multhauf, however, falls in the same trap as many of his colleagues, asserting in his conclusion 7 that it was European Renaissance which gave chemistry a secure and significant place in science, and that with the Muslims all that was, was `alchemy; and Multhauf states this in full contradiction of what he had just described, and so expertly, and he had himself classified under modern chemistry. HOLMYARD'S CONTRIBUTION One who from the initial point gave Islamic chemistry its due, and hardly failed to call it so, was Holmyard. 8 Holmyard, indeed, has the right qualifications to discuss Islamic chemistry, and more than any other, with the exception of Ruska, and also Levey. Holmyard is indeed both a chemist with great reknown, and also an Arabist in training, rightly qualified to look at the science from the expert angles, unlike others, who are either Arabists and so understand little in chemistry, or are experts in chemistry and understand nothing in Arabic. Holmyard notes that the rise and progress of Islamic chemistry is given very little space, and whatever information exists is erroneous and misleading, a fact due partly to Kopps unfavourable opinion of Islamic chemistry, and the hasty conclusions drawn by Berthelot from his superficial studies of Islamic material. 9 And neither Kopp, nor Berthelot were Arabists, which, as Holmyard notes, makes their conclusions on Muslim chemistry unable to stand the test of criticism as more information is available. 10 Of course, todays historians can always ignore evidence that has come out since Kopp and Berthelot, and still stick with their misinformation, errors, or distorted statements, and blame such on either one of them. This tactic is in fact very common amongst those writing in any field of history, who shape and reshape events at will and have all the necessary sources and references to justify their writing. Some historians even go as far as blaming the material in the library of their university, stating in their preface or conclusion that any shortcoming in their work was the result of their access to such limited material. To return to Holmyard, in his Makers of Chemistry, tracing the evolution of the science from the very early times until our century, and even if not having at his disposal the vast amount of information that many

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have today, he produced an excellent and encompassing, thorough work. It includes none of the usual gaps of centuries one finds with other historians; nor does it include the discrepancies caused by `sudden, `enlightened `miraculous breakthroughs out of nothing. THE ADVENT OF EXPERIMENTAL CHEMISTRY One of the points raised by Holmyard, which was fundamental to chemistry, and to the development of science in general, is the development of its practical side, that is experiment. This, in fact, is one of the most sticking points in the history of science, a fact that has suffered much from the distortions of scholarship dealing with the history of science. Experiment is what differentiates Muslim science from Greek speculation (called science). Experiment also began with the Muslims, centuries before the likes of Grosseteste, whom scores of scholars, 11 in their usual short-sightedness, behind which lurks dishonesty, or incompetence, or both at once, keep attributing to. Indeed, Holmyard notes how Jabir Ibn Hayyan (722815), one of the earliest Muslim scientists, and the promoter of chemistry (not to use that silly word many of our scholars tend to use: father; as if a science has a father and a son) was acquainted with chemical operations of crystallization, calcination, solution, sublimation, reduction, etc, and, above all, that he describes them. Of greater interest even, as Holmyard notes, Jabir seeks to understand the changes that take place during the process, besides giving opinions to their aims; for instance, explaining how the aim of calcination is to remove impurities from metals, and how metals are calcinated in different ways. 12 Jabir also describes processes for the preparation of steel, the refinement of other metals, for dyeing cloth and leather, for marking varnishes to waterproof cloth, for the preparation of hair-dyes, etc.. He also gives recipes for making a cheap illuminating ink for manuscripts, and mentions the use of manganese dioxide in glass making. He was also acquainted with citric acid and other organic substances, and so on. 13 On the crucial role of experiment, Jabir had this to say: 14 `The first essential in chemistry is that thou shouldest perform practical work and conduct experiments, for he who performs not practical work nor makes experiments will never attain to the least degree of mastery. But thou, O my son, do thou experiment so that thou mayest acquire knowledge. Scientists delight not in abundance of material; they rejoice only in the excellence of their experimental methods. Jabirs overral achievements are elsewhere summarised by Al-Faruqi. 15 Some of his writing includes Al

Khawass al-kabir (the Great Book of Chemical properties), al-Mawazin (Weights and measures), Al-Mizaj (Chemical combination, and Al-Asbagh (Dyes). On top of that, he built a precise scale that weighed items 6,
480 times smaller than the ratl (approx 1 kg.) Before John Dalton by ten centuries, he defined chemical combinations as a union of the elements together, in too small particles for the naked eye to see, without loss of character. And he invented a kind of paper that resisted fire. Jabir's other achievements 16 include his perfecting of chemical processes already cited of sublimation, liquefaction, purification, amalgamation, oxidation, crystallization, distillation, evaporation, and filtration. He also identified many new products, including alkalines, acids, salts, paints and greases. He prepared sulphuric acid, nitro-hydrochloric acid (used to dissolve some metals), caustic soda and a multitude of salts such as sulphates, nitrates and potassium and sodium carbonates. Jabir's works with metals and salts subsequently helped develop foundry techniques and glazing processes for tiles and other ceramics. 17 Thus are illustrated Jabirs achievements in the science. However, instead of focusing on his pure scientific contribution to chemistry, many non Muslims dealing with `Alchemy', 18 prefer to dwell on the rather tedious, obscure, and un-scientific aspects

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of his work of the fanciful and folkloric sort of Greek and ancient origins (aspects which both Ibn Sina and Ibn Khaldoun instead denounce very much). AL-RAZI AND AL-MAJRITI Nearly a century had elapsed after Jabir before flourished another Muslim maker of modern chemistry: alRazi (b. 866). Al-Razi maintained the excellence began by Jabir, and gave chemistry foundations it kept up to our day. In his work Secret of Secrets, 19 he made the very useful classification of natural substances, dividing them into earthly, vegetable and animal substances, to which he also added a number of artificially obtained ones such as lead oxide, caustic soda, and various alloys. He went further in the cataloguing and description of his experiments, describing first the materials he used, then the apparatus, and methods and conditions of his experiments. 20 Al-Razi also set up the laboratory in the modern sense, designing, describing and using more than twenty instruments. Both Anawati and Hill provide a good account of such laboratory, 21 the precursor of the modern laboratory, of which many parts are still in use today (to which Hill points out, whilst Anawati does not.) 22 Al-Razi does not just list the instruments used in chemistry, he also gives details of making composite pieces of apparatus, and provides the same sort of information as can be found today in manuals of laboratory art. 23 Also his systematic classification of carefully observed and verified facts regarding chemical substances, reactions and apparatus, all in very clear language, further contribute to make Al-Razi of `exceptional importance in the history of chemistry, according to Holmyard. 24 These are, indeed, symbols of modern science; hence, the obvious conclusion that modern science, in practice and methodology, and not just chemistry, found roots in the works of Muslim scientists; Muslim chemistry itself proving to be no occult practice that ended with the European Renaissance. Al-Majriti (950-1007), from Madrid, hence his name, and already cited briefly, was particularly noted for his work Rutbat Al-Hakim (The Rank of the Wise), which amongst other things gives formulae and instructions for the purification of precious metals. This was collected and put together in the year 1009, two years after his death. In this work, Al-Majriti was also the first to prove the principle of conservation of mass, credited eight centuries later to the French Lavoisier, 25 the so called father of chemistry. PHARMACOLOGY IN THE MAKING Advances in Islamic chemistry led to the development of Islamic pharmacology, Al-Razi, for instance, acting to promote the medical uses of chemical compounds.
26

Sabur Ibn Sahl (d 869), it was, however, who was

the first physician to initiate pharmacopoeia, describing a large variety of drugs and remedies for ailments. Al-Biruni (d 1051) wrote one of the most valuable Islamic works on pharmacology entitled Kitab al-Saydalah (The Book of Drugs), where he gave detailed knowledge of the properties of drugs and outlined the role of pharmacy and the functions and duties of the pharmacist. Ibn Sina, too, described no less than 700 preparations, their properties, mode of action and their indications. He devoted in fact a whole volume to simple drugs in his Canon . 27 Of great impact were also the works by Massawayh al-Maridini of Baghdad and Cairo, and Ibn al-Wafid of Spain, both of which were printed in Latin more than fifty times, appearing as De

Medicinis universalibus et particularibus by `Mesue' the younger, and the Medicamentis simplicibus by
`Abenguefit'. 28 Peter of Abano (1250-1316) translated and added a supplement to the work of al-Maridini under the title De Veneris. In this area, however, it was al-Zahrawi (of Spain) who played a determining role, pioneering in the preparation of medicines by sublimation and distillation. His Liber servitoris is of particular interest, Sherwood Taylor explains, 29 because its purpose is to tell the reader how to prepare the

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`simples from which were compounded the complex drugs then generally used. Al-Zahrawi also gives methods of preparing litharge, white lead, lead sulphide (burnt lead), burnt copper, cadmia, marcaside, yellow arsenic and lime, the various vitriols, salts, natron etc. He also gives a considerable number of recipes for distilled products, though not alcoholic ones, the beginning of distillation as a means of preparing drugs, perhaps the most significant feature of all according to Sherwood Taylor. 30 Abu al-Mansur al-Muwaffaqs contributions in the field are also pioneering. Living in the tenth century, he wrote The

foundations of the true properties of Remedies, amongst others describing arsenious oxide, and being
acquainted with silicic acid. He made clear distinction between sodium carbonate and potassium carbonate, and drew attention to the poisonous nature of copper compounds, especially copper vitriol, and also lead compounds. For the story, he also mentions the distillation of sea-water for drinking. 31 It is to Levey that credit goes for reviving this (medical) aspect of Islamic chemistry in his comprehensive

Early Arabic Pharmacology. 32 According to Levey, the Muslims were expert organisers of knowledge; their
pharmacological texts directed carefully along lines that were useful to the apothecary and medical practitioner. These treatises as a result generally are more or less within well-delineated groups. Some of the major types of Muslim pharmacological he list go as follows: 33 1) Medical formularies which include many kinds of compound drugs, pills, pastilles, powders, syrups, oils, lotions, toothpastes... 2) Books on poisons. 3) Synonymatic: treatises, in which are found lists of simples usually in alphabetical order to help the reader to identify the drug in other languages. 4) Tabular, synoptic texts, whereby long texts are turned into tabular work for quick usage, and abstracts made of some treatises for the same purpose. 5) Lists of materia medica which include therapeutic considerations and opinions of various writers on the subject, preparations of the drugs and descriptions 6) Substitute drugs in case one drug for whatever reason was not available, a substitute was provided. 7) Works on medical specialities available either as separate treatises or as sections of large encyclopaedias of medicine. CHEMICAL TECHNOLOGY Leveys contribution was also instructive in other branches of Islamic chemistry. A good series of articles of his, unfortunately not gathered in a sort of varorium, can be found scattered in various medical journals. But the best revue to acquaint us with Leveys work is Chymia, 34 edited by H.M. Leicester. In Volume 7 (1961) of this review, Levey deals with inks, glues, and erasure fluids, making a preliminary survey of Islamic chemical technology (pp 57-72). Levey brings to knowledge the pioneering works of the Tunisian scientist Ibn Badis (1007-1061), who in his Umdat al-Kuttab (Staff of the Scribes) in twelve chapters, writes amongst others on: the excellence of the pen, the preparation of types of inks, the preparation of colored inks, the coloring of dyes and mixtures, secret writing, the making of paper, and so ona remarkable list indeed. In the same issue Levey also looks at the development of the Islamic atomic theory (pp.40-56). In volume eight, he considers Al-Kindis views of Aqrabadhins (pharmacists) (pp 11-20), whilst in volume nine, he considers the crucial matters of chemical technology and commercial law in Early Islam (pp 19-25). In the latter, Levey looks at the office of the Muhtassib (censor of customs), where the practice of the law comes into contact with the commercial chemical applications; the muhtassib enforcing what was legally

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right, and preventing what was illegal; and checking weights and measures, inspecting apothecaries, demanding the purity in the manufacture of goods, preventing the use of inferior dyes, and so on. Finally, in volume 11 of the same revue (pp 37-44), Levey looks at the chemical formulary of a scientist not considered in this paper, but so deserving it: al-Samarquandi. TRANSMISSION OF CHEMISTRY TO EUROPE Of course Muslim chemistry, like other sciences was heavily translated into Latin, and also into local languages, which explains its spread to Europe (more on this in the chapter on the transfer of Muslim science to Europe). Many of the manuscripts translated have anonymous authors. Of the known ones, Robert of Chester (12th Century), translated Liber de compositione alchemise . At about the same time, Hugh of Santalla made the earliest Latin translation of lawh azzabarjad (the Emerald table). Alfred of Sareshel translated the part of Ibn Sinna's Kitab al-Shiffa (the Book of Healing) that deals with chemistry. It is, however, as per usual, the Italian, Gerard of Cremona, who made the more valuable translations of AlRazi's study and classification of salts and alums (sulphates) and the related operations the De aluminibus et salibus , whose Arabic original is preserved. 35 The many versions of this work had a decisive influence on subsequent operations in the West, more generally on mineralogy; 36 as did others in the formation of the foundations of such science. In fairly recent times, Holmyard, Kraus, and above all Ruska, have devoted considerable focus to Muslim chemistry, much of which, unfortunately, is not accessible to non German speakers, 37 who thus will be deprived from forming a truest picture of Islamic chemistry. CONCLUSION After such an expose, however brief, should we still consider Muslim chemistry as an occult practice called alchemia? Are not many aspects of such science exactly what we have in our modern chemistry? And if this is not enough, here is what Muslims thought of the occult alchemia. Both Ibn Sina and Ibn Khaldoun attacked the experimentalists who sought to turn ordinary metals into precious ones, gold in particular. Ibn Sina, for instance, in The Book of Minerals, denounces the artisans who dye metals in order to give them the outside resemblance of silver and gold. He asserts that fabrication of silver and gold from other metals is `practically impossible and unsustainable from a scientific and philosophical point of view.'38 Ibn Khaldoun, for his part, 39 denounces the frauds who apply on top of silver jewelry a thin layer of gold, and make other manipulations of metals. To Ibn Khaldoun, the Divine wisdom wanted gold and silver to be rare metals to guarantee profits and wealth. Their disproportionate growth would make transactions useless and would `run contrary to such wisdom.' 40 It is, thus, time to give Muslim chemistry its due place in history. For that to happen, the concentrated effort of Arabic speaking, able scholars, with some honesty, ought to get on with the task of writing truest accounts of Islamic chemistry in history, do for this science what Rashed, Djebbar and Yuskevitch did for Islamic mathematics, or what al-Hasan and Hill did for Islamic engineering, and what King, Saliba, Kennedy and Samso seek to do for Islamic astronomy, bringing Islamic chemistry out of the slumber others have dug in for it.

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References
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Baron Carra de Vaux: Les Penseurs de l'Islam, (5 vols), Geuthner, Paris, vol 2, at p. 374. Jean Mathe: The Civilisation of Islam, tr. by David Macrae, Crescent Books, New York. R.P. Multhauf: The Origins of chemistry ; Gordon and Breach Science Publishers; London, 1993. De aluminibus was translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in Toledo, Spain, in the 12th century. R.Multhauf: The Origins, op cit, at pp 160-3; Ibid, p 339. At p. 351. E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; Oxford at the Claredon Press, 1931. E.J. Holmyard: Chemistry in Islam; in R. M. Palter edition: Toward Modern Science ; Noonday Press, New Ibid. That include that so `illustrious Crombie, whose book: `Robert Grosseteste and the origins of E.J. Holmyard: Makers, op cit; p. 59. Ibid at pp 59-60; Ibid, p. 60. I, and L. Al-Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas of Islam; Mc Millan Publishing; New York; 1986; at p. 328. Most particularly from A. M. Kettani: Science and Technology in Islam; in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of

York, 1961; in Vol 1, at pp. 160-70. At pp 160-1.


10 11

experimental sciences , 1953, conveys this sort of (and other) distortions.


12 13 14 15 16

Midas; Manchester University Press; 1984; pp 66-90; at 78, and Carra de Vaux: Les Penseurs de l'Islam, op
cit.
17

G.M. Wickens: The Middle East as a world centre of science and medicine,' in Introduction to Islamic

Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory; Cambridge University press; Cambridge; 1976; pp. 111-18, at p. 113. 18 For instance: Georges Anawati, Arabic alchemy, in Encyclopaedia of the History of Arabic Science; Edited by R. Rashed, 3 vol; at pp. 865-7; and C. Ronan: The Arabian science, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Worlds Science; Cambridge University Press, pp 201-244, at p.p 237-8.
19 20 21

Translated by Gerard of Cremona. M. Ali Kettani: Science, op cit, p. 79. G. Anawati: Arabic, op cit, at p. 868; D.R. Hill: Islamic Science and Engineering; Edimburgh University This fact is highly important as it demonstrates how Muslim science is still valid in many respects today. E.J. Holmyard: Makers, op cit, at p. 66. Ibid; p. 64. M. Ali Kettani: Science, op cit, p. 79. C. A. Ronan: The Arabian, op cit, p. 239. Volume ii includes the names of simple drugs arranged in alphabetical order. Max Meyerhof: Science and medicine, in The Legacy of Islam, edited by Sir T. Arnold and A. Guillaume;

Press; 1993; at p. 84.


22 23 24 25 26 27 28

first edition, Oxford University Press, 1931; pp 311-55; at pp 331-2. (Worth mentioning here that the second edition of the Legacy of Islam is abysmall in comparison with the first).
29

F.Sherwood

Taylor : A History of Industrial chemistry: Heinmann, London, 1957; pp 140-1. Sherwood

Taylors writing is however very dismissive of Islamic chemistry; generally tending to refer to any Islamic breakthrough in the shortest wording possible permitted by the English language.
30

Ibid, p. 141.

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31 32 33 34 35

In Holmyard: Makers, op cit, at p.68. Leiden, 1973. M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology; E. J. Brill; leiden, 1973; at 68-70. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. J. Ruska: Das Buch der Alaune and salze , Berlin, 1935, mentioned in R. Halleux: The Reception of Arabic R. Halleux: The Reception, op cit, p. 892. See for instance:

Alchemy in the West, in the Encyclopedia of the history, op cit, pp 886-902, at p. 892.
36 37

-P. Kraus: Jabir Ibn Hayyan . Textes choisis, Paris, Cairo, 1935. -J.Ruska: `Al-Rasi (Rhases) als Chemiker', Zeitschrift fur Angewandte Chemie 35, 1912, pp 719-24. -J. Ruska: `Die Alchemie des Avicenna,' Isis 21, 1933: 14-51. -J.Ruska: `Die Alchemie ar-Razi's', Der Islam 22, 1935, 281-319. -J.Ruska: Das Buch der Alaune und Salze , Berlin, 1935.
38

Georges Anawati: Arabic Alchemy, op cit, p.877. One has to be careful of Anawati's article, though.

Whilst Ibn Sinna and Ibn Khaldoun never attacked the science of chemistry and true scientists, but just the crooked versions of it, Anawati, like others, eagerly generalises and accuses them of attacking the science itself. There is absolutely in neither Ibn Sinna's work, who was himself a chemist to large extent, or in Ibn khaldoun's, one single instance of an attack on the science itself.
39 40

For greater detail on Ibn Khalduns view of alchemy, see Prof Eads site referred to above. G. Anawati: Arabic, op cit, p. 881.

Bibliography -Georges Anawati, Arabic alchemy, in Encyclopaedia of the History of Arabic Science; Edited by R. Rashed, 3 vol; Routlege, London, 1996 at pp. 865-7.

-Chymia, Quarterly review devoted to the history of chemistry; edited by H.M. Leicester. University of
Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. -A.C Crombie, whose book: ` Robert Grosseteste and the origins of experimental sciences, Oxford, 1953.

-De aluminibus was translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona in Toledo, Spain, in the 12th century. -Baron Carra De Vaux: Les Penseurs de l'Islam , (5 vols), Geuthner, Paris, vol 2. -I, and L. Al-Faruqi: The Cultural Atlas of Islam; Mc Millan Publishing; New York; 1986.
-R. Halleux: The Reception of Arabic Alchemy in the West, in the Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic science. pp 886-902. -D.R. Hill: Islamic Science and Engineering; Edimburgh University Press; 1993. -E.J. Holmyard: Makers of Chemistry; Oxford at the Claredon Press, 1931. -E.J. Holmyard: Chemistry in Islam; in R. M. Palter edition: Toward Modern Science; Noonday Press, New York, 1961; in Vol 1, at pp. 160-70. -A. M. Kettani: Science and Technology in Islam; in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of Midas; Manchester University Press; 1984; pp 66-90. -P. Kraus: Jabir Ibn Hayyan . Textes choisis, Paris, Cairo, 1935. -M. Levey: Early Arabic Pharmacology; E. J. Brill; Leiden, 1973. -Jean Mathe: The Civilisation of Islam, tr. by David Macrae, Crescent Books, New York.

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-M. Meyerhof: Science and medicine, in The Legacy of Islam, edited by Sir T. Arnold and A. Guillaume; first edition, Oxford University Press, 1931; pp 311-55. -R.P. Multhauf: The Origins of chemistry; Gordon and Breach Science Publishers; London, 1993. -C. Ronan: The Arabian science, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Worlds Science; Cambridge University Press, 1983; pp 201-44. -J. Ruska: Das Buch der Alaune and salze, Berlin, 1935. -J.Ruska: `Al-Rasi (Rhases) als Chemiker', Zeitschrift fur Angewandte Chemie 35, 1912, pp 719-24. -J. Ruska: `Die Alchemie des Avicenna,' Isis 21, 1933: 14-51. -J.Ruska: `Die Alchemie ar-Razi's', Der Islam 22, 1935, 281-319. -J.Ruska: Das Buch der Alaune und Salze , Berlin, 1935. -G.M. Wickens: The Middle East as a world centre of science and medicine,' in Introduction to Islamic Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory; Cambridge University Press; Cambridge; 1976; pp. 111-18. http://www.frcu.eun.eg/www/universities/html/shc/index.htm http://kdolma.phidji.com/sciences/sciences.asp http://users.erols.com/zenithco/index.html

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A cursory review of

Muslim Observatories

Author: Chief Editor: Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Professor Talip Alp Ahmed Salem BSc August 2002 4020 FSTC Limited 2002, 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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A cursory review of Muslim Observatories August 2002

A CUR S OR Y R EVIEW OF

MUSLIM OBSERVATORIES
Most eminent Muslim astronomers include Al-Battani, al-Sufi, al-Biruni, and Ibn Yunus. Al-Battani (d 929) known to the Latins as Albategni or Albatenius was the author of the Sabian tables (al-Zij al-Sabi), a work which had great impact on his successors, Muslim and Christian, in equal measure. 1 His improved tables of the sun and the moon comprise his discovery that the direction of the sun's eccentric as recorded by Ptolemy was changing. This, in modern astronomy, means the earth moving in varying ellipse. 2 He also worked on the timing of the new moons, the length of the solar and sideral year, the prediction of eclipses, and the phenomenon of parallax, carrying us `to the verge of relativity and the space age,' Wickens asserts.3 Al-Battani also popularised, if not discovered, the first notions of trigonometrical ratios as we use them today. 4 During the same period, Yahya Ibn Abi Mansour had completely revised the Zij of Almagest after meticulous observations and tests producing the famous Al-Zij al Mumtahan (the validated Zij). For details on his work see the proceedings of the 23rd Annual Conference on the History of Arabic Science 23rd-25th October 2001, Aleppo, Syria. Belonging to the same era, Abd-al Rahman al-Sufi (903-986) made several observations on the obliquity of the ecliptic and the motion of the sun (or the length of the solar year.) 5 He became renowned for his observations and descriptions of the stars, their positions, their magnitudes (brightness) and their colour, setting out his results constellation by constellation, for each constellation, providing two drawings, one from the outside of a celestial globe, and the other from the inside (as seen from the sky). 6 Al-Sufi also wrote on the astrolabe, finding thousands of uses for it. En par with other learned Muslims, he also pinpointed shortcomings of Greek astronomy. Ibn Yunus (d 1009), in his observation endeavours used, amongst others, a large astrolabe of nearly 1.4 m in diameter, and made observations which included more than 10, 000 entries of the sun's position throughout the years. 7 His work, in French edition, 8 was centuries on the inspiration for Laplace in his determination of the `Obliquity of the Ecliptic' and the `Inequalities of Jupiter and Saturn's.' Newcomb also used his observations of eclipse in his investigations of the motions of the moon. 9 Observation Observation of the sky had begun in earnest in Islam. The observatory 10as a distinct scientific institution for observation, and where astronomy and allied subjects were taught, also owes its origin to Islam. 11 The first to be set up was the Shammasiyah observatory, which Caliph Al-Mamun had built in Baghdad around 828. It was associated with the scientific academy of Bayt al-Hikma (House of Wisdom) (also set up by AlMamun.) The astronomers made observations of the sun, the moon and planets, and results were presented in a book called the Mumtahan (Validated or Tested) Zij, see Yahya Ibn Abi Mansour above. In the same century more observations were made by the Banu Musa brothers mostly in Baghdad. Their accomplishments included the study of The Ursa Major (or the Great Bear). They also measured maximum and minimum altitudes of the sun, and observed lunar eclipses. Ibn Sina, Al-Battani, Al-Fargani, and scores more also devoted much of their attention and focus to observation and study of the sky.

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In the eleventh century, the Seljuk Sultan Malik Shah (ruled 1072-1092) built a more advanced observatory, which functioned for almost 20 years. Two centuries later, approximately, was built the Maragha Observatory in Azerbaidjan. It was fitted with a large library (over 400,000 books) and also with instruments capable of greater performance (hence of large size). Maragha was managed by no less than Nasir Al-Din Al-Tusi (d. 1274) and Qutb Al-Din Al-Shirazi. Al-Tusi was the author of the IL-Khani Tables and the catalogue of fixed stars that were to rule for several centuries throughout the world. Maragha also became an institution for research, and an academy for scientific contacts and teaching. It lasted until at least the beginning of the fourteenth century. Today, however, all that remain are the foundations of it. Further advance in the construction of observatories is observed at Samarqand, in 1424, the work of Uluh Beg. It was a `monumental' building equipped with a huge meridian, made of masonry, symbol of the observatory as a long lasting institution.12 A trench of about 2 metres wide was dug in a hill, along the line of the meridian, and in it was placed the segment of the arc of the instrument. Built for solar and planetary observations, it was equipped with the finest instruments available, including a Fakhri sextant, with a radius of 40.4 metres, which made it the largest astronomical instrument of its type. The main use of the sextant was to determine the basic constants of astronomy, such as the length of the tropical year. Other instruments included an armillary and an astrolabe. Uluh Beg also assembled the best-known mathematicians of his day among whom was al-Khashi, who wrote an elementary encyclopaedia on practical mathematics for astronomers, surveyors, architects, clerks and merchants. 13 Observations were quite advanced for their time, and so the stellar year was found to be 365 days, 6 hours, 10 minutes and 8 seconds, (only 62 seconds more than the present estimation). The observatory at Samarqand remained active until nearly 1500 A.D, 14 but was later reduced to ruins, and apparently disappeared, until the archaeologist V. L. Vyatkin found its remains in 1908. Amongst the remains was a fragment of the gnomon of large size used to determine the height of the sun from the length of the shadow. There were also remains of a building of cylindrical shape with a complex interior plan. 15 It is also known through Abd-al-Razak that one could see a portrayal of the ten celestial spheres with degrees, minutes, seconds and tenths of seconds, the spheres of rotation, the seven moving planets, the fixed stars and the terrestrial sphere, with climate, mountains, seas, deserts etc. 16 Samarqand, in the early decades of the fifteenth century, Krisciunas observes, was `the astronomical capital of the world. And for such, `it is deserving of further study. 17 Construction and Instrumentation of Observatories The last, or some of the last observatories built by Muslims were by Jai Singh, Maharajah of Jaipur, who constructed observatories in Delhi, Jaipur, Ujjain and other Indian cities. The one in Delhi, the Jantar Mantar, was built in 1724 at the request of the Mughal ruler Muhammad Shah. Generally, the instruments found were based on those found at Maragha and Samarquand, although in architectural terms, the Indian observatory represented a major accomplishment as seen from current photographs. The construction of an advanced observatory, early it was realised, was no mean undertaking; not least on the financial front. It was, hence, only natural such an institution demanded the patronage of kings, princes, or very wealthy people. As a matter of fact, the observatory soon took on the prerogative as a royal institution. 18 Al-Mamun gave the lead; Uluh Beg, centuries later was wholly, and personally involved in

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A cursory review of Muslim Observatories August 2002

the undertaking (more than in the running of stately affairs). The Buwayyids, another instance, supported the use of advanced, larger and heavier equipment. Other than finance, observatories also required the cooperation of well trained astronomers and engineers, for the success of their operations. 19 In all cases, however, the instruments gradually became bulkier, the aim being to minimise error as much as possible. 20 Each piece was also devoted for a particular class of observations. 21 At Maragha, the ecliptical consisted of five rings, the largest of which being twelve feet across. 22 Included, too, was a meridian armillary consisting of a graduated bronze ring in the shape of an alidade set upon the meridian to measure solar altitudes in zenith distance; a large stone sundial accurately aligned to the meridian and used only for determining the obliquity of the ecliptic; an equatorial armillary made in the form of a bronze ring set firmly parallel to the plane of the equator; and a parallactic instrument, a type of transit used to measure the zenith distance of a star or the moon at culmination. 23 To gain the required rigidity, instruments were built of masonry when the foundations of the structure could be made secure, as at the Indian observatories. The impact of Al-Battani on European Astronomy Observation in Islamic times reached beyond what much of scholarship gives it credit for. Many aspects of it were pioneering as can be observed from few extracts on the life and works of al-Battani by Carra de Vaux. 24 The merit of al-Battani, the author points out, is to pioneer the use of trigonometry in his operations. Al-Battani is also quoted saying:

`after having lengthily applied myself in the study of this science, I have noticed that the works on the movements of the planets differed consistently with each other, and that many authors made errors in the manner of undertaking their observation, and establishing their rules. I also noticed that with time, the position of the planets changed according to recent and older observations; changes caused by the obliquity of the ecliptic, affecting the calculation of the years and that of eclipses. Continuous focus on these things drove me to perfect and confirm such a science.
More crucially, al-Battani, once pinpointing and demonstrating operations, by providing mathematical support, summoned others after himself: `to continue observation, and to search, saying that it was no impossibility that with the passing of time, more was found, just as he himself added upon his predecessors. `Such is the majesty of celestial science, so vast, that none could ever encompass its study by himself. Al-Battani also used the widest variety of instruments: astrolabes, tubes, a gnomon divided into twelve parts, a celestial globe with five armillaries, of which, likely, he was the author, parallax rules, a mural quadrant, sundials, vertical as well as horizontal. And, understandably, he opted for the largest instruments; the measures taken by the parallax rules relate to a circle of no less than five meters in diameter; and the quadrant was no less than one meter. So great was al-Battanis impact, De Vaux observes, that subsequent observation bore his mantel. Thus, Jewish scientists, Ibn Ezra, Maimonides, Levi Ben Gerson, and others, who through the centuries scattered Islamic learning in all regions of Europe, made al-Battanis calculations the foundations of theirs. Amongst the Christians, Robertus Cestrensis (Retinensis) devised tables of the celestial movements for the meridian of London for the year 1150 after him. Albertus Magnus, Alphonso X, Regiomontanus, Nicolas Cusanus,

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Copernicus, and Tycho Brahe are amongst others, on whom, al-Battani, in one way or another impacted. It was left to Nallino, who most recently edited al-Battanis work in Arabic with a Latin translation. Krisciunas on Uluh Beg On the web, are very few articles devoted to the subject of Muslim observatories. One of such by Kevin Krisciunas is on The Legacy of Uluh Beg, and can be found at: http://www.ukans.edu/~ibetext/texts/paksoy-2/cam6.html Without going into the detail of such article, but just to add to some points already made, Krisciunas reminds us that Uluh Beg is to be remembered not for his princely role, but for his role as patron of astronomy, an astronomer, and observatory builder. His distinction was that he was one of the first to advocate and build permanently mounted astronomical instruments. The importance of his observatory is further enhanced by the large number of astronomers, between sixty and seventy, involved in observation and seminars. Of crucial importance, too, is that observations were carried on a systematic basis for lengthy periods of time, as from 1420 to 1437. The reason, as Krisciunas makes clear, why observations are not completed in one year but instead require ten or fifteen years, is:

`the situation is such that there are certain conditions suited to the determination of matters pertaining to the planets, and it is necessary to observe them when these conditions obtain. It is necessary, e.g., to have two eclipses in both of which the eclipsed parts are equal and to the same side, and both these eclipses have to take place near the same node. Likewise, another pair of eclipses conforming to other specifications is needed, and still other cases of a similar nature are required. It is necessary to observe Mercury at a time when it is at its maximum morning elongation and once at its maximum evening elongation, with the addition of certain other conditions, and a similar situation exists for the other planets. `Now, all these circumstances do not obtain within a single year, so that observations cannot be made in one year. It is necessary to wait until the required circumstances obtain and then if there is cloud at the awaited time, the opportunity will be lost and gone for another year or two until the like of it occurs once more. In this manner there is need for ten or fifteen years. One might add that because it takes Saturn 29 years to return to the same position amongst the stars (that being its period of revolution about the Sun), a period of 29 years might have been the projected length of the Samarkand programme of observations.
In his article, Krisciunas, although recognising the crucial role of Islamic observation, still finds sources of disagreement with the notion that the Samarqand observatory exerted decisive influence on Europe. That, of course, is exactly the matter which plagues most minds of Western scholarship, refusing to acknowledge the Eastern impact (not just Islamic, but also Indian, and above all Chinese) on their civilisation. Krisciunas is not just one of the most fair minded, but also one of the most able scholars in the field. And his point of view has to be addressed on equal academic reasoning.

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A cursory review of Muslim Observatories August 2002

Final Remarks It was under Islam that modern astronomy took shape. The Muslims gave names (still with us) to stars and constellations. They also devised maps and astronomical tables that were used in both Europe and the Far East in subsequent centuries. Early in the ninth century, on the orders of Caliph Al-Mamun (813-833), Muslim astronomers had also measured the earth's circumference at 40, 253.4 kms, (the exact figures being 40, 068.0 km through the equator, and 40, 000.6 km through the poles.)25 That was six hundred years before in Europe it was admitted the planet was not flat.26

Endnotes:
1

Regis Morelon: Eastern Arabic Astronomy, in Encyclopaedia of the History of Arabic Science, edited by C. Singer: A short History of scientific ideas to 1900; Oxford University Press, 1959; p. 151 G.M Wickens: The Middle East as a world Centre of science and medicine, in Introduction to Islamic

Roshdi Rashed, Routledge, London, 1996, pp 20-57 at pp. 46-7.


2 3

Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, pp 111-118, pp 117-8. 4 P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs , tenth edition, Mac Millan St Martin's Press, 1970, at p. 572.
5 6

R. Morelon: Eastern Arabic, op cit, p. 50. C. Ronan: The Arabian Science, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Worlds Science; Cambridge Ibid, p. 214. Edition Caussin De Perceval, Paris, 1804. S. M. Ziauddin Alavi: Arab Geography in the ninth and tenth centuries, Published by the Department of For the most comprehensive study on Muslim observatories, see: Aydin Sayili: The Observatory in Islam , L.A. Sedillot: Prolegomenes des tables Astronomiques d'Ouloug -Beg, texte, Chrestomathie Persane, vol A. Sayili: The Observatory, op cit, p. 271. C.A. Ronan, op cit. p 223. Sedillot, 1853, in R. Morelon, General Survey of Arabic Astronomy, in Encyclopaedia, op cit, vol 1, pp 1Francoise Micheau: The Scientific Institutions in the Medieval Near East, in Encyclopaedia, op cit, vol 3, Ibid. Kevin Krisciunas: The Legacy of Uluh Beg; at http://www.ukans.edu/~ibetext/texts/paksoy-2/cam6.html A. Sayili: The Observatory in Islam; op cit, p. 121. Ibid, P. 329.

University Press, 1983, pp 201-244 at p. 213.


7 8 9

Geography, Aligrah Muslim University, Aligrah 1965, p. 36.


10

Turkish Historical Society, Ankara, 1960.


11

1, 1847, p. CVII.
12 13 14

19; p 14.
15

pp. 985-1007. at pp. 1003-4.


16 17 18 19

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20 21

G.M Wickens: The Middle East, op cit at p. 117. Baron Carra de Vaux: Astronomy and mathematics, in The Legacy of Islam, edt Sir Thomas Arnold and Ibid. Instruments of Indian and Islamic origin, in

Alfred Guillaume, first edition, Oxford University Press, 1931., pp 376-397; at p. 396.
22 23

Dictionary of the Middle Ages; ed; Joseph Strayer; New

York, Scribner, 1982-1989.


24

Barron carra de Vaux: Les Penseurs de lIslam, Paris; Geuthner, 1921.Vol 2; pp 208-13.

Bibliography: -S. M. Ziauddin Alavi: Arab Geography in the ninth and tenth centuries , Published by the Department of Geography, Aligrah Muslim University, Aligrah 1965. -Barron carra de Vaux: Les Penseurs de lIslam, Paris; Geuthner, 1921.Vol 2. -Baron Carra De Vaux: Astronomy and mathematics, in The Legacy of Islam, edt Sir Thomas Arnold and Alfred Guillaume, first edition, Oxford University Press, 1931., pp 376-397.

-Dictionary of the Middle Ages ; Instruments of Indian and Islamic origin, ed; Joseph Strayer; New York,
Scribner, 1982-1989. -Sir John Glubb: A Short History of the Arab Peoples; Hodder and Stoughton, 1969. -P.K. Hitti: History of the Arabs , tenth edition, Mac Millan St Martin's Press, 1970. -M. Ali Kettani: Science and technology in Islam: the underlying value system, in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of Midas; Science, values, and environment in Islam and the West. Manchester University Press (1984); pp 66-90. -Kevin Krisciunas: The Legacy of Uluh Beg; at http://www.ukans.edu/~ibetext/texts/paksoy-2/cam6.html -F. Micheau: The Scientific Institutions in the Medieval Near East, in Encyclopaedia, op cit, vol 3, pp. 9851007. -R. Morelon: Eastern Arabic Astronomy, in Encyclopaedia of the History of Arabic Science, edited by Roshdi Rashed, Routledge, London, 1996, pp 20-57. -C. Ronan: The Arabian Science, in The Cambridge Illustrated History of the Worlds Science; Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp 201-244. -Aydin Sayili: The Observatory in Islam, Turkish Historical Society, Ankara, 1960. -L.A. Sedillot: Prolegomenes des tables Astronomiques d'Ouloug -Beg, texte, Chrestomathie Persane, vol 1, 1847, p. CVII. -C. Singer: A short History of scientific ideas to 1900; Oxford University Press, 1959. -G.M Wickens: The Middle East as a world Centre of science and medicine, in Introduction to Islamic

Civilisation, edited by R.M. Savory, Cambridge University Press, pp 111-118.


References: M. Ali Kettani: Science and technology in Islam: the underlying value system, in Z. Sardar edt: The Touch of Midas; Science, values, and environment in Islam and the West. Manchester University Press (1984); pp 66-90 at p. 75.
26 25

Sir John Glubb: A Short History of the Arab Peoples; Hodder and Stoughton, 1969; p. 109.

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Muslim Rocket Technology

Author:

Professor Dr Mohamed Mansour Emeritus Professor of Control Engineering ETH Zrich, Switzerland Ahmed Salem BSc July 2002 4036 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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Muslim Rocket-Technology July 2002

MUSLIM ROCKET-TECHNOLOGY
In the 13th century a Syrian scholar, Hassan Al-Rammah wrote a remarkable book on military technology, which became very famous in the west. The first documented rocket is included in the book, a model of which is exhibited at the National Air and Space Museum in Washington D.C. The author visited Washington in September 2000 where he obtained more information not only on the rocket but also on its fuel. Later, he acquired an edited copy of the book from the editor Ahmad Al-Hassan. This report depends on references [1-6].

Gunpowder The Chinese knew gunpowder in 11th century but did not know the right proportions to get explosions and did not acheive the necessary purification of potassium nitrate. The first Chinese book, which details the explosive proportions, was in 1412 by Huo Lung Ching1 . Al-Rammah's book is the first to explain the purification procedure for potassium nitrate and described many recipes for making gunpowder with the correct proportions to acheive explosion. This is necessary for the development of canons. Partington 3 says "the collection of recipes was probably taken from various sources at different times in the author's family and handed down. Such recipes are described as tested." Al-Razi, Al-Hamdany and an Arabic-Syriaque manuscript of the 10th century describe potassium nitrate. Ibn Al-Bitar describes it in 1240. The Arabic-Syriaque manuscript of the 10th century gives some recipes of gunpowder. It is assumed that these were added in the 13th century.

The Latin book "Liber Ignium" of Marcus Graecus is originally Arabic (translated in spain) gives many recipes for making gunpowder the last four of which may have been added to the book in 1280 or 1300.6 "Did Roger
Bacon derive his famous cryptic gunpowder formula in his Epistola of ca.1260 from the crusader Peter of Maricourt, some other traveller or from a wide range of reading from Arabic and alchemical books". The references 1 ,
3

and

doubt the correctness and the effectiveness of the recipe of Bacon.

The German scientist Albert Magnus obtained his Information from "Liber Ignium" originally an Arabic book translated in Spain. Evidence of the use of gunpowder during the crusades in Fustat, Egypt in 1168 was found in the form of traces of potassium nitrate. Such traces were also found in 1218 during the siege of Dumyat and in the battle of Al-Mansoura in 12491 . Winter 6 mentions "the Chinese may have discovered saltpeter (i.e. gunpowder) or else that discovery may have been transmitted to them by the Muslims whom they had plenty of opportunities of meeting either at home or abroad. Sarton is referring to Arab-Muslim traders to China, as well as Arab inhabitants in China. As early as 880 an estimated 120,000 Muslims, Jews and Persians lived in Canton alone."

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Muslim Rocket-Technology July 2002

Canons and Rockets There are four Arabic Manuscripts (Almakhzoun-manuscripts) one in St Petersburg, two in Paris and one in Istanbul)in 1320 describing the first portable canon with suitable gunpowder. This description is principally the same as for modern guns. Such canons were used in the famous battle of Ain-Galout against the Mongols(1260) 1 . The Mamlouks developed the canons further during the 14th century. In Spain, the Arabs used canons defending Seville (1248), in Granada 1319, in (Baza or Albacete) 1324, in Huescar and Martos 1325,in Alicante 1331 and in Algeziras 1342-1344. Partington 3 says the history of artillery in Spain is related to that of the Arabs. Partington 3 mentions Arabic accounts suggest that the Arabs introduced firearms into Spain, from where they passed to Italy, going from there to France, and finally Germany. Also reported by Partington 3 "Hassan Al-Rammah describes various kinds of incendiary arrows and lances and describes and illustrates what has been supposed to be a torpedo. This is called 'the egg, which moves itself and burns' and the illustration and text suggest at least that it was intended to move on the surface of water. Two sheet iron pans were fastened together and made tight by felt; the flattened pear-shaped vessel was filled with "naphtha, metal filings, and good mixtures (probably containing saltpetre), and the apparatus was provided with two rods (as a rudder?) and propelled by a large rocket".

A conceptual model of the floating rocket described by Hassan Al-Rammah 3, created by FSTC Ltd.

Ley4 "But Hassan Al-Rammah adds one unsuspected novelty: a rocket-propelled torpedo consisting of two flat pans, fastened together and filled with powder or an incendiary mixture, equipped with a kind of tail to insure movement in a straight line, and propelled by two large rockets. The whole was called the 'selfmoving and combusting egg' but no instances of its use are related"

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Muslim Rocket-Technology July 2002

Winter 6 "The Arabs, in any event, appear to have been the first to inherit (and possibly originate) the secret of the rocket and it was through Arabic writings - rather than the Mongols--that Europe came to know the rocket. Two notable examples of Arabic knowledge of the rocket are the so-called "self-moving and combusting egg" of the Syrian Al-Hassan Al-Rammah (d.1294-1295), details of which may be found in Ley's popular "Rockets, Missiles and Space Travel" and physician Yusuf ibn Ismail Al-Kutub's description (1311) of saltpeter ("they use it to make a fire which rises and moves, thus increasing it in lightness and inflammability").

References 1-Kitab Al-Furusiyya wa Al-Manasib Al-Harbiyya (Book of Military Horsemanship and Ingenious War Devices) by Najm Al-Din Hassan Al-Rammah(1280), edited by Ahmad Yusuf Al-Hassan, University of Aleppo publications,1998. 2-Ahmad Y. Al-Hassan and Donald R.Hill, Islamic Technology, Cambridge University Press and Unesco,1986 3-J.R.Partington, A history of Greek Fire and Gunpowder, The John Hopkins University Press, 1999 4-Willey Ley, Rockets, Missiles, and Space Travel The Viking Press, 1958 5-Joseph Needham, Science and Civilization in China Cambridge University Press, 1960 6-Frank H.Winter The Genesis of the Rocket in China and its spread to the East and West", Proceedings of the 13th History Symposium of the American Academy of Astronautics, Munich, September 1979,published by the American Astronautical Society, 1990

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An introduction to

Islamic Social Sciences

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc August 2002 4023 FSTC Limited 2002, 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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An introduction to Islamic Social Sciences August 2002

A N INT R ODUCT ION T O

ISLAMIC SOCIAL SCIENCES


Introduction The title above is by no means an accurate representation of what contents and subjects this section will include. Here, indeed, will be incorporated subjects that would otherwise form their own heading; i.e trade, social, legal and economic organization, political administration etc Many subjects might also be objected to for their placement under such a heading, seeming rather alien; necessity obliges, though. Technical requirements more than any other reason, at present, necessitate such a procedure. Ultimately, some items might find their own, or other headings. Also some issues raised here could normally find their place under headings considered elsewhere (i.e geography, historiography), or will touch upon disciplines seemingly un-related. It is very difficult, though, to keep matters within a strict set of corridors; nothing scholarly works in such a way. In the meanwhile, no compromise will be made in the matter of strict adherence to rules of scholarship in terms of contents included here. Amongst items to be included under this subject are writings by Muslims on social sciences. Master of the discipline is, of course, Ibn Khaldun. Nothing, indeed, in the annals of history precedes the quality of his work; whilst much follows him, including those well-known treatises by the so called masters of social sciences such as Montesquieu and Rousseau. Ibn Khaldun, it was, indeed, who shaped the whole subject, setting up foundations upon which his successors built, not just in terms of methodology and contents, but also structure and approach. Before Ibn Khaldun, however, other Muslims, although less accomplished, started raising matters and making studies of subjects, which Ibn Khaldun corrected, improved, and developed. These people and their achievements will also be looked at. Under this heading, finally, will also be considered the matters debated by those scholars; matters which include trade, social organization, living conditions, etc, and how they evolved in the land of Islam, and through the times. In this introductory article, will be considered one of the earliest Muslim scholars, Al-Muqaddasi, who touched on various subjects of interest to this subject, and also seen is Ibn Khalduns position on taxing farmers.

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Social scientists of Islam prior to Ibn Khaldun would not, if a rigorous modern methodology or approach was pursued, be included in the same realm as modern social scientists. Their writing, indeed, evolved, often, outside a structured methodology. This, however, is the case of every science, beginning first with rougher edges, and then gradually accepting the refinements of time and labour of the multitude. Al-Muqaddasi Al-Muqaddasi (or Al-Maqdisi) 1, (b.946-d.end of 10th century), originally from Al-Quds (Jerusalem), hence his name, is by far one of the most instructive of all early Islamic writers on the society of Islam. His works, generally, can be found under the subject of geography. His best known treatise Ahsan at-Taqasim fi Ma'arifat Al-Aqalim2 (the best divisions in the knowledge of the Climes) was completed around 985. A good summary of it is given by Kramers,3 extracts of which can be found in Dunlops Arab Civilisation.4In this work, Al-Muqaddasi gives an overall view of the lands he visited, and gives the approximate distances from one frontier to the other. Then, he deals with each region separately. He divides his work in two parts, first enumerating localities and providing adequate description of each, especially the main urban centres. He then proceeds to other subjects: population, its ethnic diversity, social groups moves onto commerce, mineral resources, archaeological monuments, currencies, weights etc, and also the political situation. This approach is in contrast with his predecessors, whose focus was much narrower, whilst Al-Muqaddasi wanted to encompass aspects of interest to merchants, travellers, and people of culture.5 Thus, it becomes no longer the sort of traditional `geography, but a work that seeks to understand and explain the foundations of Islamic society, and not just that, the very functioning of such society. Out of this, excellent information, regarding many subjects can be gleaned. Water as a social indicator On water management and hydraulic technology, much can be learnt from Al-Muqaddasis treatise. In Egypt, it is the description of the Nilometer, which grabs attention most, which goes:6

`It is a pond in the middle of which is a tall column whereon are the marks in cubits and fingers; in charge of it is a superintendent, and around it are doors that fit together tightly. A report is presented to the ruler every day of the amount the water has risen, whereupon the herald proclaims, `God hath augmented today the blessed Nile by so much; its increase last year on this day was so much; and may God bring it to completeness! The rise is not proclaimed until after it has reached twelve cubits, it is announced to the ruler only, for at twelve cubits the water does not extend to the cultivated villages of the countryside. However, when the height of the water reached fourteen cubits, the lower portion of the region is watered; but if it reaches sixteen cubits, there is general rejoicing, for there will be a good year.
In Biyar, in the Al-Daylam region, he notes the scarcity of water, pointing out that water is distributed by waterclock, whilst the millstones are below ground, and the water flowing down. This being the desert, he observes, there is no other choice.7 And in Al-Ahwaz, in Khuzistan he notes:8

`On the stream is a number of wheels which the water turns, and they are of a kind called na`ura. Here also the water flows in raised canals to reservoirs in the town. Some channels flow to the gardens. The main stream flows from beyond the island about shouting distance to a reservoir, remarkably built from the rock, and here it forms a pool. On the reservoir are gates which are opened when the water rises. At

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the lower portion at a place called Karshanan, whence the boats sail to Al-Basra. There are some remarkable mills on the river
Still on water, but on a more anecdotal note, Al-Muqaddasi makes the following observation:9

`Should you want to assess the water of a place, visit their clothmakers and druggists, and scrutinize their faces. If you see water in them, you may know that the excellence of the water is in proportion to the freshness of countenance; if they appear to you like the faces of the dead, and you see their heads are drooping, make a hasty retreat from there!
Fiscal Issues and Finance Currency, its uses, and its users, as well as its fluctuations, constitutes a major aspect of interest for Al-Muqaddasi. Dinar, Dirhem, their multiples, and sub-multiples, as well as each regions local currencies are dealt with in their most intricate functions. Thus, for the Maghrib region, Al-Muqaddasi states:10

`The coinage: in all the provinces of this region, as far as the boundaries of the province of Damascus, the standard is the dinar, which is lighter than the mithqal by a habba, that is to say a grain of barley. The coin bears an inscription in the round. There is also the small rub`, (quarter of a dinar); these two coins pass current by number, [rather than the weight]. The dirham also is short in legal weight. A half dirham is called a qirat; there is also the quarter, the eighth part, and the sixteenth part which is called a kharnuba.. All of these circulate by number [rather than by weight], but their use thus does not bring any reduction in price. The sanja (counterpoise weights) used are made of glass, and are stamped just as described about the ratls. The ratl of the city of Tunis is twelve uqiya (ounce), this latter being twelve dirhams (weight).
Quotations from one currency to the other also receive attention from the author, as well as their emission, control, regulations, and much else. The wealth of those involved in currency dealing is also garnered. Prices, their fluctuations, varying in relation to size and wealth for every market place, are considered; Cairo, a place, which Al-Muqaddasi notes, has so low prices as to surprise him deeply. Al Muqaddasi could hardly ignore taxes, he himself being a trader on occasions, finding them light and bearable in some places, and perverse and disastrous in others. Thus, in parts of the Arab peninsula, we can observe that:11

`At Adan, merchandise is appraised in terms of Zakawi dinars, then one tenth of the value is exacted in Athari dinars. It is estimated that one third of the wealth of the merchants reaches the treasury of the ruler, for here the inspection is strict. The levies at places on the coast are light, except at Ghalafiqa. Tolls are levied by land: on the caravans going between Judda and Makka, at Al-qarin, and batn marr-at each place half of a dinar The ruler of Saada does not levy a tax on anybody, except that he takes the quarter of the tithe from the merchants. In Uman a dirhem is levied on every date palm tree. I have found in the work of Ibn Khurradadhbih that the

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revenue of Al-Yaman is six hundred thousand Dinars; I do not know what he means by this, because I did not see it in Kitab Al-Kharaj (the Book of Tribute). In fact, rather, it is well known that the Peninsula of the Arabs is on a tithing system. The province of Al-Yaman formerly was divided into three departments, a governor over Al-Janad and its districts, another over Sanaa and its districts, and a third over Hadhramawt and its districts. Qudama bin Jaafar Al-Katib has noted that the revenue of Al-Haramayn (the two sacred cities) is one hundred thousand dinars, of Al-Yaman six hundred thousand dinars, of Al-Yamam and AlBayrayn five hundred thousand dinars,and of Uman three hundred thousand dinars.
Weights and Measures For weights and measures, Al-Muqaddasi shows the same attention to specific detail. For each province, he names, measures, compares and explains fluctuations and variations each measure and weight applies to. He would also dwell on the history of each; and so minute it all becomes in the detail, it ends like the finance page of a broadsheet newspaper, with values, stocks and shares exhibited in all their minute variations, so tedious for the general reader, fascinating to the expert.12 City and Urban Developments The Islamic urban setting, its evolution, diversity, complexity, economy and politics is what attracts most of the attention of Al-Muqaddasi. It re-occurs in each chapter, for every region and place he visits. A. Miquel,13 in French, though, offers an excellent summary of Al-Muqaddasis interest in the subject. Al-Muqaddasi differentiates between town and city by the presence of the great mosque, and its minbar, symbols of Islamic authority. In connection with this, he states what follows:14

`Now, if someone should say: `Why have you considered Halab the capital of the district, while there is a town bearing the same name? I reply to him: `I have already stated that the capitals are compared with generals and towns with troops. Hence it should not be right that we assign to Halab, with all its eminence, and its being the seat of government and the location of the government offices, or to Antakiya with all its excellence, or to Balis, with its teeming population, the position of towns subordinate to a small and ruined city.
Al-Muqaddasi delves most particularly on the defensive structures of every city. Walls, their height, thickness, distances between each, fortifications, access in and out, their location according to the general topography, and in relation to the rest, artificial obstacles, in particular, draw his attention. And so do daily concerns as trade and exchanges, markets and the urban economy as a whole. Al-Muqaddasi studies markets, their expansion and decline, providing also a bill of health for each, the revenues derived from them, both daily and monthly, and how such revenues are distributed.15 How a location is run, and its citizens act, he also studies carefully, dwelling most particularly on such factors as order, cleanliness, morality and state of learning, all of which he considers for each and every place visited. Considering the links between topography and urban expansion, he notes that in places such as Arabia, it is the sea alone that explains the presence of towns and people, opening up frontiers beyond the sea itself for trade and exchange.16 Thus on Adan, in the Yemen, he notes:17

`It is the corridor of Al-Sin, the seaport of Al-Yaman, the granary of Al-Maghrib, and entreport of various

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kinds of merchandise. There are many mansions in it. It is a source of good fortune to those who visit it, a source of prosperity to those who settle in it. The Prophet-Gods peace and blessings be upon him, gave his blessing to the markets of Mina and Adan.
The impact of space and climate on physical features are well observed, too, the author noticing that colder places, such as Ferghana and Khwarizm, thicken beards and increase amounts of fats in bodies. But it is some local customs which form a major point of his interest, one from Pre-Islamic and Newly Islamised Egypt of very good interest, and which Al-Muqaddasi narrates:18

`It seems that when Egypt was conquered, its people came to Amr Ibn Al-As during the beginning of the month of Bawna and they said: `Oh Prince, regarding this Nile of ours there is a practice embodied in tradition without which it will not flow. On the twelfth night of this month we select a virgin girl who is the firstborn to her parents, and we recompense them both. We dress her in jewellery and raiment the best there are, then we cast her into the river. Said Amr to them, `This will not come to pass, ever, because Islam supersedes what was there before it. So they waited that month, and the next month, and the following month, but the Nile flowed with not a little and not a lot. As a result the people were on the point of emigrating, on seeing which Amr wrote to Umar bin Al-Khattab on the matter. He replied, `you acted correctly in what you did, for Islam supersedes whatever preceded it, and he sent a slip of paper within his letter, saying to Amr, `I have sent you a slip of paper which you should throw into the Nile. When the letter arrived, Amr opened it and perceived what was on the slip of paper: `From the servant of God, Umar, Commander of the Faithful, to the Nile of Egypt, now then! If you flow by your own power alone, then flow not! If, however, it be the One God, the Conqueror, that causes you to flow then we ask Him-exalted be He-to make you flow. Amr threw the paper into the Nile before the festival of the Cross, for the people had been preparing to emigrate. But when they arose on the morning of the Festival of the Cross, God had caused the river to flow so that it reached a height of sixteen cubits. God had thus prohibited that evil custom among them to this day.
Diets, clothing, dialects, discrepancies of all sorts, form other elements of study for the many ethnic groups of the vast Muslim land. A diversity in union, which Miquel notes in his conclusive words, was to be completely shattered by the Mongol irruption.19

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Ibn-Khaldun on Taxes Nearly four centuries would elapse after Al-Muqaddasi before Ibn-khaldun enters the frame of Islamic scholarship, associating both intellectual might and near perfect organisational skills to set the foundations for our modern social, economic, historical and political sciences. No need to go into the life and works of Ibn Khaldun here; so much exists already, and is of very good quality. There are a couple of web-sites devoted to him, some of which quite good, and a few excellent. In this particular instance, it is looked at Ibn-Khalduns attitude towards taxing farmers, a simple text, and yet perfection as to the aims and the construction of the argument.
Extracts from Ibn khalduns Muqqadima on his passage on the cause which increases or reduces the revenues of empire, in Bulletin dEtudes Arabes, Vol 7, pp 11-15, extracted from De Slanes edition, vol II, pp 91-4;

In an empire that has just been founded, taxes are light, and yet bring much revenue. However, when it (the empire) approaches its end, they become heavy and bring very little revenue. Here is the reason: if the founders of the empire follow the road of religion, they only apply the taxes authorized by Divine law, that includes Zaquat (alms), Kharaj (land tax), and Djizyia. The amount of each is not too hard to bear, as everybody knows that tax on corn and livestock is not heavy; it is the same for Djizia and Kharaj. The rate of such taxes is fixed by law and so cannot be raised. If the empire is founded on a tribal system and conquest, civilisation must have been first that of a nomadic sort. The impact of such civilisation is to engage the rulers towards kindness, forbearance, and indifference towards the acquisition of wealth, except in rare cases. Thus, taxes and personal duties which finance the revenues of the empire are light. This being the case, the subjects carry their tasks with energy and enthusiasm. Work on the land grows because everyone wants to make the most of the lightness of the taxes, and this in turn raises the numbers of those engaged in the task, hence raising the revenues of the state. When the empire has endured a rather long period, under many successive sovereigns, the heads of states acquire more ability in their business, and lose with their habits (links with) nomadic life. Then simplicity of manners, forbearance, and casualness which characterised them hitherto disappear. The administration becomes more demanding and harsh; sedentary customs promote shrewdness amidst state employees, and they become more able men of business. And as they experience well being and pleasure, they also indulge in a life of luxury, and acquire new needs. This drives them to raise taxes on all, including farmers. They want taxes to bring in more revenues to the state. They also impose duties on farm products on sales in towns and cities. Expenditure on luxuries gradually rise in the government, and as the needs of the state increase, taxes rise further, and become heavier to bear by the people. This charge appears, however, as an obligation due to the fact that the increase has been imposed gradually, without it being too much noticed, and who did it remaining unseen. The increase, thus, taking the form of an obligation long accustomed to. With time, taxes grow beyond the bearable, and destroy in farmers the urge and love for work. When they compare their charges and expenses with what their profits, they become disheartened; and so many leave farming. This leads directly to a fall in taxes collected by the state, which affects its revenues. Sometimes, when the heads of states notice such a fall, they believe they can resolve it by raising taxes further, and so they do more and more until the point is reached whereby no profit could any longer be made by farmers. All charges and taxes leave no hope whatsoever of any profit. In the meantime, the government is still raising taxes. Farming is now abandoned. Farmers leave the land which has become worthless.

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All ill consequences fall upon the state The reader thus gathers that the best way to make agriculture prosper is to reduce as much as possible the charges that the state imposes. Then farmers work with enthusiasm knowing the great benefits they derive-and God is the Master of all Things.

References
1 2

Not to be confounded with George Maqdisi, a scholar of our time, and the expert on the madrassa. Al-Muqaddasi: Ahsan at-taqasim fi Ma'rifat al-Aqalim; is in M.J. de Goeje ed., Bibliotheca geographorum arabicum,
nd

edition., III (Leiden, 1906); a partial French translation is by Andre Miquel, Institut Francais de Damas,

Damascus, 1963. There are also English and Urdu versions of the work.
3 4 5

J.H. Kramers: Analecta Orientalia, i, 182-3. D.M. Dunlop: Arab civilisation to AD 1500; Longman, 1971. S.M. AhmadL Al-Maqdisi, in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, C.C. Gillispie editor in Chief, Charles Al-Muqaddasi: The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions , a translation of his Ahsan by B.A. Ibid. at p. 314. Ibid, at pp. 365-6. Ibid, at p.93. Ibid at p. 215. Ibid;, pp 95-6. For more and nearly everything on the subject of Islamic weights and measures, see the article by

Scribners Sons, New York, , Vol 9; at p. 88.


6

Collins, Centre for Muslim Contribution to Civilization, Garnet Publishing Limited, Reading, 1994. At p.189.
7 8 9

10 11 12

Eliyahu Ashtor: Levantine Weights and standard parcels, A contribution to the Metrology of the later Middle Ages, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 45, 1982; pp. 471-88.
13

A. Miquel: La Geographie Humaine du Monde Musulman, Vol 4, Ecole des hautes Etudes en Sciences Al-Muqaddasi: The Best Divisions, tr B.A. Collins, op cit, at p. 143. A. Miquel: La Geographie, op cit, pp 237-9. Ibid, at, p. 221. Al-Muqaddasi, the Best Divisions, op cit, at p.83. Ibid at p. 190. A. Miquel: La Geographie, op cit, p. 347.

Sociales, Paris, 1988.


14 15 16 17 18 19

Bibliography -S.M. AhmadL Al-Maqdisi, in Dictionary of Scientific Biography , C.C. Gillispie editor in Chief, Charles Scribners Sons, New York, , Vol 9. -Eliyahu Ashtor: Levantine Weights and standard parcels, A contribution to the Metrology of the later Middle Ages, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 45, 1982; pp. 471-88. -D.M. Dunlop: Arab civilisation to AD 1500; Longman, 1971. -Ibn Khaldun: Muqqadima:On the cause which increases or reduces the revenues of empire, in Bulletin dEtudes Arabes, Vol 7, pp 11-15, extracted from De Slanes edition, vol II, pp 91-4; -J.H. Kramers: Analecta Orientalia, i, 182-3. A. Miquel: La Geographie Humaine du Monde Musulman, Vol 4, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences

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Sociales, Paris, 1988. -Al-Muqaddasi: Ahsan at-taqasim fi Ma'rifat al-Aqalim; is in M.J. de Goeje ed., Bibliotheca geographorum arabicum, 2nd edition., III (Leiden, 1906); a partial French translation is by Andre Miquel, Institut Francais de Damas, Damascus, 1963. There are also English and Urdu versions of the work. -Al-Muqaddasi: The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions, a translation of his Ahsan by B.A. Collins, Centre for Muslim Contribution to Civilization, Garnet Publishing Limited, Reading, 1994.

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ARCHTECTURE

The Arch That Never Sleeps

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Rabah Saoud BA, MPhil, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc May 2002 4031 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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The Arch That Never Sleeps May 2002

A R CHIT E CT UR E

THE ARCH THAT NEVER SLEEPS


Abstract Perhaps no culture mastered the design and use of the arch more than the Muslims. Inheriting earlier arch forms from the Greeks and the Romans, Muslims developed a variety of new shapes including the horseshoe, multi-foil, pointed and the ogee arches. The passion they had for this motif is due to the regularly mystical/ symbolic meanings associated with it, as well as its functional advantages. Their architecture uses it as a major structural and decorative feature. The arch soon spread to all cultures progressively becoming a global architectural motif. This article explores the significance of the arch, Muslims' understanding of it, and its transfer to Europe.

1. Introduction The arch was an essential element of the architecture of early civilisations. The Egyptians and the Greeks used lintels, but the Romans and later the Byzantines adopted the semi-circular arch. Structurally the thrust, in a simple arch, is exerted vertically by the weight of the masonry and any other superimposed loads above the arch, and horizontally by the cumulative wedge action of the voussoirs. This action gives the arch elasticity, which enables it to reach a balance corresponding to the thrust. This condition is comparable to that of a hanging load chain; " the arch stands as the load chain hangs". In the Muslim world this characteristic is better described by the proverb " the arch never sleeps ". On the other hand, these characteristics reduced the thrust on a few points, but these could be easily enforced by other means. This relieved support to other areas and permitted the construction of lighter walls and vaults, saving a considerable amount of material. Visually the arch was an important decorative feature that was transmitted from architectural decoration to other forms of art, especially furniture. 2. The Muslim Adoption and Mastery of the Arch The Muslims mastered the use and design of the arch more than any other civilisation. Scot (1904) related their love for this motif to their love of the palm tree. They imitated the curve of its graceful branches in their constructions. Nevertheless, one cannot ignore the mystic meaning derived from the spherical nature of the universe and the divine symbolism of the dome from which the arch is derived. The Muslims' knowledge of geometry and laws of statics must also have played a leading role in their choices of various types of arch. The arch was first employed for structural and functional purposes but progressively it became used for decorative purposes. 2.1 The Horseshoe Arch The first Muslim adaptation and modification of the design of the arch was the invention of the horseshoe arch. This was first employed in the Umayyad Mosque of Damascus (706-715, figure 1) (Briggs, 1924). There is a suggestion that the horseshoe arch was derived from the symbolic use of the horseshoe in earlier ages where it represented a superstitious emblem for many societies (Jairazbhoy, 1973). The use of

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the horseshoe as a protector against the evil eye in North Africa is maintained to the present day. They are often mounted onto front doors of houses. A similar symbolic use is manifest in India and many other parts of the world. However, this suggestion should be dismissed because Islam categorically rejected such superstitious beliefs; they could not have been an inspiration to the early Muslims when they designed this arch. The horseshoe arch allowed more height then the classical (semi-circular) arch as well as better aesthetic and decorative use. Muslims used this arch to develop their famous ultra-semicircular arch, around which the whole of Muslim architecture evolved 1. Figure1. Horseshoe arches, Umayyad Mosque in Damascus.

The introduction of the horseshoe arch into the Great Mosque of Cordoba in Spain (Great Mosque 756-796, figure 2) opened the way for its transmission to Europe through the northern Christian regions of Andalusia. This process started with the Mozarabs (Spanish Christians living in Andalusia) migrating between Andalusia and Northern Christian areas of Spain. Among these were artists, scholars, builders and architects who brought with them Muslim methods of building and architectural forms and motifs including the horseshoe arch (Trend, 1931). The result was the appearance, in northern Spanish regions, of a large number of religious edifices in a Moorish style with horseshoe arches. For instance, St Miguel de Escalada, near Leon, was built by monks arriving from Cordoba in 913. Among the features it had were the melon shaped domes and the horseshoe arches (Dodds, 1994). The horseshoe arch had also been illustrated by Mozarabs in their illuminated manuscripts such as the one of Beatus of Lebana. Historic sources indicate that the illuminator of this manuscript, named Magins, worked at the monastery of St Miguel de Esacalda. The church of St Cebrian de Mazote, also founded by Mozarab Cordoban monks in 921, reveals similar planning, structural and decorative elements of that of St Miguel de Escalada with a basilica plan, horseshoe arches, tripartite choir and horseshoe shaped apses (Dodds, 1994).

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Figure 2. The horseshoe and the cinqfoil arches on main faade, Cordoba Mosque.

2.2 The Transverse Arch Further development came in the 8th century when Muslims used, for the first time, the transverse arch in the Palace of Ukhaidir (720-800) setting precedent for its universal use. After the adoption of the pier as a replacement of the classical column, Europe embraced this arch in the 11th century. Here, the arch was thrown from each pier of the arcade to the wall of the aisle ( figure 3). There is no clear evidence on how and when this arch was transmitted to Europe where it is considered to be the first step revolutionising the way churches were built. The use of the transverse arch over the nave not only provided greater safety and durability but also gave the final shape of the nave especially in terms of height and roof. This feature represents a fundamental structural step in the process of development of Gothic. It led to the adoption of ribbed vaulting which progressively enabled the vaulting of the nave and evolving the compound. Figure 3. Arcade of transverse arches in Mahdia Mosque (Tunisia, 11th century).

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2.3 The Pointed Arch Rivoira (1914) believed that the pointed arch first occurred in India, carved out of some solid blocks in some seventh century temples concurring with Havell (1913) who related the pointed arch to the niches of early Buddhist temples. They pointed out that Indian artists are known to have worked for Harun-ar-Rashid in Baghdad and Indian merchandise was sent to Egypt and Syria. However, Indian origin of the pointed arch and its passage to Syria and Egypt through Sassanid Iran has been already dismissed by Hill (1993), who rightly believed in the Muslim origin of the pointed arch. The first appearance of the pointed arch in the Muslim World was traced to the Al-Aqsa Mosque 2 (780, figure 4), the Ukhaidir Palace (Iraq, 778), the Ramlah Cistern (789) and the Jussaq Al-Khaqani Palace (Samara, 836), all of which where Abbassid buildings. However, the Ibn Tulun Mosque (Egypt, 879) remains the first building where the pointed arch was used constructively and systematically. The main advantage of the pointed arch was that it concentrated the thrust of the vault on a narrow vertical line that could be supported by flying buttresses, a major feature of European Gothic architecture. The pointed arch enabled reduction of the lateral thrust on the foundations. In Gothic architecture, it enabled architects to lighten the walls and buttresses, which had to be massive to support earlier semicircular arches 3. Additionally, it resolved the difficulty of achieving level crowns in the arches of the vault, allowing the vault to become suitable for any ground plan. To tackle the problem of height, Muslims employed a variety of techniques, in addition to the pointed arch. The method used in Kairawan Mosque 4 (836) is revealing. Here, in order to gain a crown level of height, masons have raised the arcade of narrow areas above the arcade of wider areas as shown in figure 5 . In the Great Mosque of Cordoba, a more impressive method consisting of intersecting arches and the construction of a second arcade on top of a first lower level arcade was introduced ( figures 6 & 7). These clearly show the genius as well as the rational thinking in addressing various architectural problems.

Figure 4. The Al-Aqsa Mosque inspired the Crusaders to imitate the Muslim pointed arch in Europe.

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Figure 5. Raised arcades, Kairawan method.

Figure 6. Raised semi-circular arches, Cordoba Mosque.

Figure 7. Trifoil and semi-circular arches, Cordoba Mosque.

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3. Transmission of the Pointed Arch Historic sources indicate that Sicily played the role of intermediary for the transmission of many Muslim motifs including the pointed arch. Conant (1954) established the Sicilian connection through Amalfitan merchants who had trade links with Egypt where the pointed arch of the Ibn Tulun Mosque (figure 8) must have been the source. White (1971) endorsed this theory 5 suggesting that it was transmitted to Amalfi in 1000 through commercial and trade ties with Egypt. It was first used in the porch of the Abbey of Monte Cassimo in 1071. This challenges the idea widely accepted in Europe that the pointed arch, on which Gothic architecture was based, was an invention of European architects in their efforts to overcome the static problems in Romanesque vaulting. It is worth noting that while works were being carried out, Monte Cassimo became the retiring place for the Tunisian Christian scholar, Constantine the African. A physician and a distinguished scholar in mathematics, science, and theology, with large experience of Muslim building techniques and forms in Fatimid North Africa, Constantine would have undoubtedly advised on the building process. Furthermore, according to Meyerhof (1931), Constantine had an assistant Arab monk nicknamed "the Saracen" who helped him in translating Arabic books. Such connections give credibility to this theory.

Figure 8. Ibn Tulun Mosque was a source for the transfer of the pointed arch to Europe.

In 1083, St. Hugh, the Abbot of Cluny (Southern France) visited Monte Cassimo, five years before the work on the third Church of Cluny started (1088-1095). Conant (1954) revealed that the new church of Cluny used some 150 pointed arches in the aisles. Other Muslim features included the use of catenary vaulting, polyfoil cusps framing the triforium arches, and the rectangular frame enclosing the arch of the gate (1109-1115), known as Ijmiz, (destroyed in 1810). In 1130, Abbot Suger visited Cluny and between 1135 and 1144 he and his engineers built St Denis, the first Gothic building.

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The adoption by Cluny and Monte Cassimo, the two most influential churches in Europe, of the pointed arch and other Muslim forms encouraged the rest of Christian Europe to adopt it leading to its rapid spread across much of France, especially the south; later to Germany in the mid 12th century (Heer 1962, p.332), and eventually to the rest of Europe. 4. Conclusion This brief story is an example of the way a great number of Muslim architectural elements found their way to Europe where they provided solutions to many practical and intellectual problems. The Muslim arch was described as to never sleep due to its structural and decorative functions as well as its universal adaptability. A survey of world architecture would show its widespread use whether in the form of a semicircular, horseshoe, pointed, ogee, cusped or multi-foil arch. The arch demonstrates the positive contribution of Muslim architects to human civilisation.

Notes: 1 The Romans were the first to use it but the Muslims improved its form. 2 Al-Aqsa was built by Omar ibn al-Khattab, the second caliph of Islam in 632. It was later improved in 780. 3 The semi-circular vaulting caused some static problems in covering such large and irregular areas. 4 Originally built between 670-675. 5 She also traced the pointed arch to India in the second century AD. According to her, it was transmitted to Persia and then to Syria and Egypt. References: Arnold, T. et al. (1931), The Legacy of Islam , Oxford University Press. pp.155-179. Briggs, M.S. (1924) Muhammadan Architecture in Egypt and Palestine, Clarendon Press, Oxford. Conant, K. (1954) Medieval Academy Excavations at Cluny , Speculum, Vol.39. Dodds, J.D. (1994) Architecture and Ideology in early Medieval Spain, Pennsylvania State University Press, USA. Havell, E.B. (1913) Indian Architecture: its psychology, structure, and history from the first', J.Murray, London. Heer, F. (1962) The Medieval World- Europe 1100-1350, Translated from German by Janet Sowd Heimer, Weidenfield & Nicholson, London. Hill, D. (1993) Islamic Science and Engineering , Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh. Jairazbhoy, R.A. (1972) An Outline of Islamic Architecture, Asia publishing House, Bombay.

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Meyerhof, M. (1931) Science and Medicine , Arnold, T. et al. (1931), The Legacy of Islam, Oxford University Press, pp.311-355. White Lynn Jr. (1971) Cultural Climates and Technological Advances in the Middle Ages, Viator, Vol.2, pp.171-201 Richmond,E.T. ((1926) Moslem Architecture, 623-1516: some causes and consequences, The Royal Asiatic society, London. Rivoira, G.T. (1914) Moslem architecture: its origins and development', Oxford University Press, London; H. Milford, New York. Scott, S. P. (1904) History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, 3 volumes, J. B. Lippincott company. Trend, J.B. (1931) Spain and Portugal, T. Arnold et al. (eds), The Legacy of Islam, Oxford University Press, pp.1-39.

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Urinary Stone Disease in Arabian Medicine

Author: Chief Editor: Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

A M Dajani, F.R.C.S(Glas.) Consultant Urologist, Amman, Jordan Professor Salim Al-Hassani Professor Talip Alp Ahmed Salem BSc August 2002 4040 FSTC Limited, 2002 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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Urinary Stone Disease in Arabian Medicine August 2002

URINARY STONE DISEASE IN ARABIAN MEDICINE


ABSTRACT Urinary stone disease (urolithiasis) was discussed in great detail in Arabian Medicine. Explanations given by Ibn Qurrah, Al Razi, Ibn Sina and Al Zahrawi about the formation and growth of urinary stones do not basically differ from our modern concepts. Pain and findings on uroscopy were carefully discussed and explained. Differential diagnosis between colitis and kidney stone, and between kidney and bladder stones was very clearly made. Some operations on bladder stones were described and the first lithotriptor to break an obstructing urethral stone was invented by the great Muslim surgeon Al-Zahrawi. To prevent recurrence of stones they advised diuretics and plenty of fluids, avoiding heavy foods and in particular dairy products. Finally, Arabian Medicine pharmacology and pharmacopeia are rich in drugs and compounds prescribed for the treatment and breaking of urinary stones. Includes 2 figures, 3 tables and 12 references

Introduction Urinary stone disease had been known in the Middle East since time immortal. A stone was found in an Egyptian mummy
(1)

and Elliot Smith discovered a stone in the pelvis of a skeleton at El Amarah in Egypt
(2)

more than 7,000 years old

. Description of stone disease and operations on bladder stones appeared in


(1)

Hindu civilisation in the form of great poems called Vedas or Samhitas

. More advanced and documented

material is found in Greco-Roman medicine and Galen tops the list of the physicians of that period. Muslim and Arabian physicians studied the treasures of ancient medicine, especially the Greek legacies, and by diligent work they added their own observations, experiments and deductions. During the golden age of Islamic civilisation (9th-12th C), medicine and health sciences flourished. It was during that period that the great physicians of Arabian medicine had lived and their well-documented studies about urinary stone disease had appeared. Aetiology of stones: The explanations given by Ibn Qurrah (d.901), Al Razi (Rhazes, d.932), Ibn Sina (Avicenna, d.1037)and Ibn Zuhr (Avezoar, d.1162) about the formation of stones, were all basically similar. All agreed that heavy food stuffs, dairy products and poor kidney function could be a cause Al-Qanun Ibn Sina
(5) (3,4,5,6)

. In his

explains

"A stone is formed by both a sticky stuff 'mucus, pus or blood'... and an
(5)

active force 'fever'.., the precipitates are caught together within whatever reaches from the filtrate... The inflammatory process petrifies the precipitate into a stone" cause, and that there was a familial tendency nowadays. Describing urine of a stone-former, they said "there may be a lot of deposit, reddish or yellowish gravel, the clearer it is and the less is the deposit, the harder is the stone" obstruct the mouth of the bladder"
(4) (5) (5)

. They thought outflow obstruction was also a

All these explanations are similar to what we know

... the patient passes blood with large

or coarse stone, but not with the small and soft one. Dysuria is more with the small one because it may and "the patient may urinate unconsciously... and rubs the tip of his
(4,5)

penis... and likes to urinate again because the bladder is irritated."

. Retention of urine... "precedes


(4)

filling if due to a urethral stone, while with bladder obstruction it occurs after filling"

Muslim physicians

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excelled in differential diagnosis. Table I shows the differentation between kidney and bladder stones, and ( Table II) shows the differences between colitis and renal pain. Graziani
(7)

thought that Ibn Jazlah (d.1080) had carried out research on kidney diseases at Al Adudi He dried up, weighed and examined the constitution of different stones. "A stone

Hospital in Baghdad.

weighed more than 33 Dirhams i.e. 100.61 gm when removed from the bladder, three days later when it was dry, it weighed 4.46 gms." Treatment of stone disease: Muslim physicians differentiated between treatment of pain by analgesics and the definitive treatment by drugs which disintegrate stones or facilitate their passage... Arabian pharmacopia is rich in drugs, single or compound, used for treatment of stones ( Table III). We failed to find any description of surgical treatment of kidney stones, though the discouragement by Ibn Sina to operate may indicate that some sort of surgery was practised. However, Wickham and Miller
(8)

quoted Wolfgang Gosche (1556) attributing the first operation of PCNL to the Arabian physician Ibn Serabion who...(is said to have removed a kidney stone by pushing a red hot iron bar into the loin of a patient and delivered the kidney stone out through the tract) According to Ibn al Quff more easily felt. In case of retention by bladder stones Ibn Sina
(5) (9) (8)

, surgical treatment of large bladder stones was easier than that of small ones

because the large one either stops in the urethra or is always in the cavity of the bladder.., and it can be

explains "If the patient lies on his back and his buttocks

are raised and he was shaken, the stone moves away from the passageway... urine streams out, it may also be easy to push away the stone by a finger in the rectum... If that does not work, use a catheter to push the stone back If it was difficult to be passed do not push hard." This is quite similar to how modern urologists handle an obstructing posterior urethral stone. They push it back either by a catheter or endosciopically. Al Zahrawi
(10)

(d.1013), otherwise known as Alzahravius or Albacasir, according to Springle

(11)

was the first

to perform transvaginal cystolithotomy. He devoted Chapter LX and Chapter LXI of his great book (Al Tasreef) for removal of stones. However, the operation to remove bladder stones or "The Lesser Operation" (Apparatus Minor) as it was called in the Middle Ages which he described was essentially similar to the one in the Sushruta Samhita in Hindu Medicine. Both Al Razi and Al Zahrawi stressed that the inner incision should be smaller than the external one to prevent leakage of urine; the stones should not be pulled out but extracted by forceps, and the big one should be broken and then delivered out bit by bit. This demonstrates their care to avoid damage to the tissues, excessive bleeding and formation of urinary fistula, most likely following the advice of Hindu Medicine; and to prevent its reformation every piece should be removed (...because even if one is left it will increase in size) Ibn Al Quff
(9) (4)

, an advice we stress upon nowadays!

the Jordanian-born surgeon, pointed out the difficulty of surgery in a woman "because she

may be a virgin, or shy, and a finger cannot be pushed into her vagina in search of the stone, or a big incision may be needed... and that is dangerous, or she may be pregnant and surgery will endanger her pregnancy."

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Urinary Stone Disease in Arabian Medicine August 2002

Al Zahrawi devised an instrument "Al Meshaab" ( Figure 1) for crushing an obstructing urethral stone: He describes "take a steel rod with a triangular sharp end ....tie a thread proximal to the stone lest it slips back. urine. Introduce it gently 'till it reaches the stone, turn it round to perforate it.... urine comes out If you do not succeed then do cutting." Commenting on this, Lewis and Spink
(12)

immediately, press on the stone from outside and crush it by your finger, it breaks and comes out with describes the originality of the instrument "This device of Albucasis does seem to have been in a manner a true lithotriptor many centuries earlier than the modern era and completely lost sight of and not even mentioned by the great middle-era surgeons Franco and Pare' nor by Fre're Come the doyen of genitourinary surgery." Ibn Zuhr
(6)

( Figure 2) improved on that device by fixing a diamond at the end of the steel rod

(6)

In

addition to the Meshaab, Al Zahrawi manufactured a knife to perform cystolithotomy ( Figure 2).

Figure 1: The Mibthaa (scalpel) for bladder stones.

Figure 2: The Meshaab for breaking an obstructing urethral stone.

Both Al Zahrawi and Al Razi advised pulling the skin forward before incising over a urethral stone... preventing the formation of a fistula, and advised meatotomy for a stone stuck at the tip... avoiding forceful extraction ...to avoid stricture formation. Prevention of recurrence: Arabian physicians advised against eating heavy and rich foods and thick heavy drinks. As we do nowadays they advised drinking plenty of fluids and diuretics.

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Urinary Stone Disease in Arabian Medicine August 2002

Closing remarks This review of some of the contributions of Arabian Medicine to urinary stone disease is far from being complete and is a small part of the voluminous works of Muslim and Arabian physicians. We believe that civilisation had developed and advanced and is progressing by the continuous contributions of the different nations and races.

Table 1 Differentiation between kidney stone and bladder stone Kidney stone Description Softer, smaller, reddish Bladder stone Harder, larger, grey-greyish white, coarse, maybe small particles, may be multiple. Difficult to break. Patient Pain Obese, elderly Worse during formation or migration to bladder. Radiation to groin means migration, stops when in bladder Urine Turbid, clears later, or remains turbid with deposit Usually thin (boys), Infancy - adolescence Less, unless causing retention. itching and pain along the penis and its base, the child plays with his penis. Pain in hypogastrium. Lighter colour, deposit, may contain gravel. Bloody if stone is big/coarse. Frequency+dysuria with small one (at neck). Associated complaint Parsthesias over hpsilateral thigh and testis Prolapse of rectum?

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Table 2 Differentiation between colonic pain and renal plain Colonic Severity Site Severe Begins down on the right, extends up to the left, more in front and lower abdomen Time Radiation Chills Medicines to fragment stones and fluids Stools Accompanying complaint: Pain-lower limbs & back Anorexia, bikiary vomit, drowsiness Relief by vomiting Borborygmi/Constipation Turbid urine Causes: Diet and overeating More More Precede Precedes, present Dehydration Less Less Less More Hard scybala, or like dung of cows May be no constipation Sudden, worse with food, eases on defecation To any part of the abdomen Absent No effect Renal Little, pricking like thorns Begins high in the back, with difficult urination, extends slightly downwards, pain in ipsilateral testicle Gradual, sever at the end, may become worse on defecation Steady in its place Frequent May help

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Table 3 Herbs and plants used by Muslim Physicians Diuretics Artemesia absenthium Ammoniacum resina Cucumis melo var. flexuosus (seeds) Ficus carica Oppanax Eroca sativa Mill Ceratonia siliqua Punica grantum Crocus sp. Andropogon nardus Sagapenum Fumaria officinalis Alkekenge Struthium Malva sylvestris Apium graveolen Cuminum syminum Water of chick peas Prunus amygdalis Prunus mahaleb Capparis Alkekenge rubus sanctus Anethum graveolens Disintegration of stones Solidago vira Aurea Cucumis melo Juglans regia Matricaria chamomlla Dribbling of urine Dysuria To increase sperms Phoenix dactylifer

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References 1-Herman,J.R.: Urology A View Through Retrospectroscope, Medical Department, Harper and Row Publishers, New York, Evanston, SanFrancisco, London, 1973. 2-Riches,E.: The History of Llithotomy and Lithotrity. Annals of The Royal College of Surgeons of England(1988),185-199. 3-Ibn Qurrah,T.: "Al Thakhira Fi Tib".Cairo Press,1928,p.107. 4-Al Razi,M.A.:"Al Hawi Fi Tib".New Series,Ottoman Department of Education,4,10.1st Ed.,Hydar Abad Deccan,Vol.X,pp125,140,144 &146. 5-Ibn Sina: "Al Qanun"Vol.2.Dar Sader, Beirut. 6-Ibn Zuhr,Abu Marwan ibn A/M.: "Al Tayseer fil Mudawat wat Tadbeer,1stEd.,Tx FKRMGS4115sy, 1983, p.297. 7-Graziani,J.S. :Arabic Medicine in the Eleventh C.As Represented in TheWorks of Ibn Jazlah.Hamdard Academy,Hamdard Foundation,Pakistan,Karachi18,1980,pp37 &139. 8-Wickham J.E. and Miller, R.A.: Percutaneous Renal Surgery. Churchill, Livingstone, Edinburgh, London ,Melbourne, NewYork.(1983),Chapter 5,p.108. 9-Ibn Al Quff: "Al Omdah fil Geraha".Ottoman Department Of Education,!st Ed.,Haydar Abad

Deccan,Vol.II,p.209. 10-Al Zahrawi A.: "Al Tasreef".Microfilm 610,956, Jordan University Library,A mman, Jordan. 11-Springle,cited by Khairallah,A.: "Introduction to Study of Contribution of Arabs To Medicine and Related Sciences".American Press,Beirut,1946. 12-Spink,M.S.and Lewis,G.L.: Albucassis on Surgery and Instruments.London,Wellcome Institute of History of Medicine ,Vol.Xii,NewSeries,1973.p.411.

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Piri Reis
World Maps and Kitab I-Bahriye (The Book of Sea Lore)

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Ahmed Salem BSc July 2002 4022 FSTC Limited 2002, 2003

IMPORTANT NOTICE: All rights, including copyright, in the content of this document are owned or controlled for these purposes by FSTC Limited. In accessing these web pages, you agree that you may only download the content for your own personal non-commercial use. You are not permitted to copy, broadcast, download, store (in any medium), transmit, show or play in public, adapt or change in any way the content of this document for any other purpose whatsoever without the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. Material may not be copied, reproduced, republished, downloaded, posted, broadcast or transmitted in any way except for your own personal non-commercial home use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of FSTC Limited. You agree not to adapt, alter or create a derivative work from any of the material contained in this document or use it for any other purpose other than for your personal non-commercial use. FSTC Limited has taken all reasonable care to ensure that pages published in this document and on the MuslimHeritage.com Web Site were accurate at the time of publication or last modification. Web sites are by nature experimental or constantly changing. Hence information published may be for test purposes only, may be out of date, or may be the personal opinion of the author. Readers should always verify information with the appropriate references before relying on it. The views of the authors of this document do not necessarily reflect the views of FSTC Limited. FSTC Limited takes no responsibility for the consequences of error or for any loss or damage suffered by readers of any of the information published on any pages in this document, and such information does not form any basis of a contract with readers or users of it.

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Piri Reiss World Maps and Kitab I-Bahriye July 2002

PIRI REISS WORLD MAPS AND KITAB I-BAHRIYE


Introduction The Turkish navy are famous for their endless battles fought for Islam, from around the late eleventh century to the twentieth, from the most further western parts of the Mediterranean to the Indian Ocean and the Straight of Hormuz. 1 There is, however, another aspect of Turkish naval activity, that is their contribution to the wider subject of geography and nautical science. This aspect, however, like much else of Islamic science has been completely set aside. Hess puts it that European historians were only preoccupied with the identification of their own history. They first unravelled `the dramatic story of the oceanic voyages, their discoveries, and their commercial and colonial empires, and only stopped to consider how Muslim actions influenced the course of European history. Once such questions were answered, the study of Islamic history became the task of small, specialized disciplines, such as Oriental studies, which occupied a position in the periphery of the Western historical profession. 2 And the successful imperial expansion of Western states in Islamic territories during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Hess adds, `confirmed for most Europeans the idea that the history of Islam, let alone the deeds of Ottoman sultans, had little influence on the expansion of the West. 3 Although Hess observes one or two improvements by the time he was writing, the picture was still the same as nearly a decade later after him, Brice and Imber in a note addressed to the Geographical Journal, observed that although European charts of the Mediterraneen have received much focus, none has seriously considered similar Turkish maps. 4 Even worse, European scholars have dismissed Turkish works as being of Italian origin imported into the Ottoman Empire, or the work of Italian renegades, which Brice and Imber went on to demonstrate was without any foundation of veracity. 5 Turkish nautical science was much in advance of its time, though. Hess notes that in 1517 Piri Reis presented his famous map of the New World to the Sultan, giving the Ottomans, well before many European rulers, an accurate description of the American discoveries as well as details about the circumnavigation of Africa. 6 Salman Reis, a year later, added more
7

onto

that.

Goodrich,

in

pioneering work, also went a long way to correct the overall impression, giving excellent accounts of the Ottoman descriptions of the New World as it was then being discovered in all its strangeness, variety and richness.
http://www.prep.mcneese.edu/engr/engr321/preis/afet/afet0.htm

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Amidst the Turkish men of the sea of great repute, Piri Reis is by far the one with the greatest legacy. There are two entries on him in the Encyclopaedia of Islam. The first by F. Babinger 8 and the second by Soucek. 9 By far, Souceks entry is much richer, more informative and competently written. That of Barbinger, also out-dated, still offers a good variety of notes of primary sources likely to serve a devotee or researcher. There is a further entry on Piri Reis in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography by Tekeli. 10 On the web, there is an excellent contribution by professor Afetinan, pages of text complemented by some first class maps at http://www.prep.mcneese.edu/engr/engr321/preis/afet/afet0.htm one such map, a very glossy Piri Reis oldest map of America at: http://www.prep.mcneese.edu/engr/engr321/preis/afet/pmapsm.jpg Piri Reis the Naval Commander Piri Reis was born towards 1465 in Gallipoli. He began his maritime life under the command of his, then, illustrious uncle, Kemal Reis toward the end of the fifteenth and early centuries. He fought many naval battles alongside his uncle, and later also served under Khair eddin Barbarossa. Eventually, he led the Ottoman fleet fighting the Portuguese in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean. In between his wars, he retired to Gallipoli to devise a first World map, in 1513, then his two versions of Kitab I-Bahriye (1521 and 1526), and then his second World Map in 1528-29. Mystery surrounds his long silence from between 1528, when he made the second of the two maps, and his re-appearing in the mid 16th as a captain of the Ottoman fleet in the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. 11 The World Maps Piri Reiss first World Map in 1513, of which only one fragment is left shows the Atlantic with the adjacent coasts of Europe, Africa and the New World. The second World map from 1528-29, of which about one sixth has survived, covers the north western part of the Atlantic, and the New World from Venezuela to New Found Land as well as the southern tip of Greenland. The fragment of the first World map discovered in 1929 at the Topkapi Museum palace, signed by Piri Reis, and dated Muharram 919 (9 March-7 April 1513) is only part of the world of the map which the author handed over to the Sultan Selim in Cairo in the year 1517. The German scholar, P. Kahle, had made a thorough analysis and description of it 12, observing that Piri Reis was an excellent and reliable cartographer. Kahle also points out that the whole picture of Columbus has been distorted, as nearly all the important documents related to him, and in particular his ships journal, have been preserved not in their original but in abstracts and edited works, mostly by Bishop Las Casas. 13 Long after Kahle, in the mid 1960s, Hapgood returned to the subject of the Topkapi map, 14 but amazed by the richness of the map, and so convinced he was that Muslim cartography was poor, he attributed it to an advanced civilization dating from the ice age. 15 Hapgoods position seems now to edge on the ridiculous, not just for its exuberant assertions, and his stretching of evidence to beyond the fictional, but also in view of recent works on the history of mapping. The recent voluminous work by Harley and Woodward, by far the best on the subject, shows in rich detail, the meritorious role of Muslim cartography and nautical science. 16 As for Kahles original find, one regret he expresses, was that the fragment found in the Topkapi Museum was only one from an original map, which included the Seven seas, (Mediterranean, India, Persia, East Africa, the Atlantic Ocean, and the Red Sea), thats the world in its vastness, and at a very early date. The search for the other parts has remained fruitless. 17

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Kitab I-Bahriye The matter of Piri Reis World Map, however exciting, can be the object of a subsequent study; here, focus will be placed on his Kitab i-Bahriye. Kahle, again, pioneered the study of this work in two volumes. 18 His version is in German only, but there have been some very good contributions to the subject by Soucek most of all. 19 Mantran also brought his contribution, looking at the Kitab i-Bahriyes description of the coasts of Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia and France. 20 Esin made a good task of the Tunisian coast, 21 but on this latter country, it is Souceks account which really gives most satisfaction. 22 There are a few Italian contributions by Bausani devoted to the Italian coast, 23 and of specific parts of it, the Venetian coast, the Adriatic and Trieste. 24 The Indian Ocean, too, is subject of interest.25 And Goodrich informs that the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism has recently (1988-91) published a four volume book of such Kitab. 26 It includes a colour facsimile of the said manuscript, each page being a transliteration of the Ottoman text into the Latin alphabet, a translation into modern Turkish, and one into English. 27 Kitab I-bahriye has also aroused the interest of archaeologists, geographers, historians, linguists. 28 There are two versions of the Kitab. The first dates from 1521 and the second from five years later. There are many differences between the two. The first was primarily aimed for sailors, the second, on the other hand, was rather more a piece of luxury; which Piri Reis offered as a gift to the Sultan. It was endowed with craft designs, its maps drawns by master calligraphers and painters, and even seen by wealthy Ottomans of the sixteenth as an outstanding example of bookmaking. 29 For a century or more manuscript copies were produced, tending to become ever more luxurious, prized items for collectors and gifts for important people. 30 Its luxury aspect apart, this version also gives good descriptions of matters of maritime interest such as storms, the compass, portolan charts, astronomical navigation, the worlds oceans, and the lands surrounding them. Interestingly it also refers to the European voyages of discovery, including the Portuguese entry in the Indian Ocean and Columbuss discovery of the New World. 31 This version also includes two hundred and nineteen detail charts of the Mediterranean and Aegean seas, and another three of the Marmara Sea without text.32 There are around thirty manuscripts of the Kitab al-Bahriye scattered all over libraries in Europe. Most manuscripts (two third) are of the first version. Soucek gives an excellent inventory of the location and details of both versions, 33 amongst which are the following:

First version:
Istanbul Topkapi Sarayi, Bibliotheque, ms Bagdad 337 Istanbul Bibliotheque Nuruosmaniye, ms 2990 Istanbul Bibliotheque Suleymaniye, ms Aya Sofya 2605 Bologna, Bibliotheque de lUniversite, collection marsili, ms 3612. Vienna, Nationalbibliothek, ms H.O.192. Dresden, Staatbibliothek, ms. Eb 389. Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, suppl.turc 220. London, British Museum, ms. Oriental 4131. Oxford, Bodleian library, ms Orville X infra. USA, private collection.

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2nd version:
Istanbul, Topkapi sarayi, Bibliothque, ms. Hazine 642. Istanbul, Bibliotheque Koprulu Zade fazil Ahmad pasa, ms. 171. Istanbul, Bibliotheque Suleymaniye, ms Aya Sofya 3161. Paris Bibliotheque nationale suppl. Turc 956.

Nautical instructions in Kitab I-Bayrye

Kitab-i balhriye translated by Hess as Book of Sea Lore, 34 is what is commonly known as a portulan, i.e a
manual for nautical instructions for sailors, to give them good knowledge of the Mediterranean coast, islands, passes, straits, bays, where to shelter in face of sea perils, and how to approach ports, anchor, and also how provides them with directions, and precise distances between places. 35 It is the only full portolan, according to Goodrich of the two seas (Mediterranean and Eagean Seas) ever done, and caps both in text and in charts over two hundred years of development by Mediterranean mariners and scholars. 36 Whilst Brice observes that Kitab-I Bahriye provides `the fullest set known to us of the kind of large scale detailed surveys of segments of coast which, by means of joining overlaps and reduction to a standard scale, were used as the basis for the standard Mediterranean Portolan outline. 37And in his introduction, Piri Reis mentions that he had earlier designed a map of the world which deals with the very recent discoveries of the time, in the Indian and Chinese seas, discoveries known to nobody in the territory of the Rum. 38 He also gives reasons for making his compilation: 39 `God has not granted the possibility of mentioning all the aforementioned things (i.e cultivated and ruined places, harbours and waters around the shores and islands of the Mediterranean, and the reefs and shoals in the water) in a map since, when all is said and done, [a map] is a summary. Therefore experts in this science have drawn up what they call a `chart with a pair of compasses according to a scale of miles, and it is written directly on to a parchment. Therefore only three points can fit into a space of ten miles, and there are places of less than ten miles. On this reckoning only nine points will fit into a space of thirty miles. It is therefore impossible to include on the map a number of symbols, such as those showing cultivated and derelict places, harbours and waters, reefs and shoals in the sea, on what side of the aforementioned harbours they occur, for which winds the harbours are suitable and for which they are contrary, how many vessels they will contain and so on. If anyone objects, saying, `Is it not possible to put it on several parchments? the answer is that the parchments would become so big as to be impossible to use on board ship. For this reason, cartographers draw on a parchment a map, which they can use for braod stretches of coast and large islands. But in confined spaces they will a pilot. And whilst Piri Reis notes that his Kitab will supply enough good detail to obviate the need for a pilot, this passage also shows his familiarity with small scale portolans of the Mediterranean, his kitab being designed to overcome their shortcomings. 40 The contents of Kitab-I Bahriye are organised in chapters, 132 of them in the first version, and 210 in the second. Each is accompanied by a map of the coast or the island in question. In Harleys, alongside

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Souceks article, are beautiful maps and charts of the island of Khios, the Port of Novograd, the city of Venice, the Island of Djerba etc 41 It was, indeed, Piri Reiss recurrent emphasis that text and map complement each other. 42 In places, Piri Reis follows his predecessors that include Bartolomoeo de la Sonetti (himself having found inspiring himself in previous Islamic sources). On the whole, though, Piri Reis brings many improvements. 43 The copy at the Walters Art gallery of Baltimore in the USA (W.658), which includes sixteen supplemental maps, attracts much focus by Goodrich. 44 Maps one, two, three and four bear an extraordinary beauty, and map three (f.40b) World Map in a Double Hemisphere, appears in no other manuscript. Furthermore, this map, Goodrich observes, 45 is very similar to the `Mappe Monde of 1724 by Guillaume de LIsle. 46 Map Four (f.41a) is the Oval World Map with the Atlantic Ocean in the Center. Goodrich also notes 47 that a later map (from 1601), Anoldo di Arnoldis two sheet world map, an oval projection called `Universale Descrittone Del Mondo is almost exactly the same as Piri Reis. 48 The wealth of information in Kitab I-Bahriye is articulated in the series of articles on the Mediterranean coasts. The French coast , 49 here briefly summarized, includes four maps, and delves on some important locations such as the city of Nice, or Monaco, which Piri Reis observes, offers good possibilities for anchorage. Marseilles, its port and coastline, receive greater focus; and from there, it is said, French naval expeditions are organized and launched. The Languedoc region, from Cape of Creus to Aigues Mortes, is inventoried in every single detail, too: its coastline, water ways, ports, distances, and much more. Kitab IBahriye thus offering, not just accurate information to sailors, but also pictures of places of times long gone to readers and researchers. The southern shores of the Mediterranean, however, capture even greater focus. They were the natural base of the Turks led by Kemal rais, and amongst whom was also Piri Reis. The description of the Tunisian coast, in particular, deserves thorough consideration. Mantrans50 study although adequate is less worthy than Souceks, which is here relied upon. 51 Soucek uses the term Tunisia but recognises that Ifriqyah is more correct (note 16, p. 132) as the focus stretches from Bejaia (todays Algeria in the West) to Tripoli (Libya) in the east. At the time, though, both places were under the Hafsid dynastic rule. The Muslims of North Africa, as a rule, welcomed the Turks not as aliens but as allies (p. 130.) At the time, the inhabitants of North Africa were, indeed, under constant threat of attacks by European pirates, who often came disguised as Muslims in order to capture Muslims (note 4, p. 161). Turkish seamen used those southern shores to rest between their expeditions to the north and to the West, and often wintered in one of the harbors or islands, and this is how Piri Reis became familiar with these shores (p. 130). 52 First describing Bejaia, he states that it was a handsome fortress situated on a pine tree covered mountain slope with one side on the shore. The citys ruler was called Abdurrahman, related to the Sultan of Tunis, a family descendant from Ommar Ibn al-Khatab, he holds (p.149). He observes that among all the cities of the Maghreb, none would offer a spectacle comparable to it. Piri Reis must have seen the Hammadite palaces and was so impressed by them before they were destroyed by the Spaniards when they took the city (note 2 page 160). When the Spaniards, indeed, took the city in 1510, they forced the population to flee to the mountains, settled part of it, and razed the rest (p.151). 53 Piri Reis moves onto Jijel and the region around, noting that it was under the rule of Bejaia (prior to the Spanish take over), under the protection of Aroudj Barbarosa (p. 157). Further to the east, his attention is caught by Stora, (now part of Skikda), its ruined fortress, and the large river which flows in front of its harbor, its water, he notes, tasting like that of the Nile. Before crossing into todays Tunisia, Piri Reis notes the presence of lions in the Bone (Annaba) region (p.169), people often falling victims to their hunger.54 Piri Reis begins his exploration of Tunisia proper with Tabarka, drawing attention that safe anchorage is on the western side, where it was navigable, and water

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deep enough. South of the island of Calta (Galite), he notes great danger when southern winds blow. The island, he points out has exceptionally good quality water `tasting of rose-water, (p.177), and includes innumerable flocks of wild goats. 55 Bizerte, on the other hand, impresses for its sturdy fortress, its good port for anchorage, and abundance of fish (p.185). Further on, at Tunis, great interest is in its climate, commerce, its rulers and their rivalries. The city has fifty thousand houses, each `resembling a sultans palace (p.197), and orchards and gardens fringe the city. In each of these gardens, were villas and kiosks, pools and fountains, and the scent of jasmine overpowering the air. There were water wheels, too, and so many fruit people hardly paid any attention to them. The city was visited by venitians and Geonese traders, their ships loading with goods before departing; their site of anchorage in the port nine miles in front of the city (p.197). The harbor of Tunis itself is a bay which opens toward the north, and anchorage, he points out, is seven fathoms deep, the bottom even, and the holding ground good. Further safety of the port is secured from enemy fleets by the means of a tower with a canon guarding it (p.199). To Cape Cartage, also called cape Marsa, uninterrupted anchorage is secure, and ships can winter all over the ports. Danger lies, however, in the vicinity of the island of Zembra, which is exposed most particularly to southerly winds, whilst rocks often covered by water (p 201) can be very treacherous. Along the Hammamet coast, the sea has shallow waters, an even bottom and white sand. The depth in the open sea, one mile offshore, is four to five fathoms. (p. 219). Continuing to Sousse, he points to the large fortress on the coast facing the North east; in front of it is a harbor built by `infidels; a man made breakwater, as in the Khios harbor, protecting it on the outer side. Water, however, is too shallow for large vessels (p.221). The island of Kerkena offers excellent anchorage conditions regardless of the severity of the sea storms; hence an ideal place for wintering (p.235). The same goes about Sfax. Around Kerkenna, however, he notes, is the constant threat of European pirates, especially where waters are deep enough to allow the incursion of their large boats. The island of Djerba, of all places, is what attracts most attention (pp 251-267). Piri Reis goes into the detail of its people, history, customs, economy, and, of course, of the sailing conditions close and around the island, including anchorage, nature of currents, tides, and risks to sailors. The focused attention on Djerba is the result of his earlier experiences, when, with his uncle Kemal, he conducted rescues of Muslim and Jewish refugees as they were being cleansed out of Spain following the Christian Re-conquest. 56 Now entering Libya, heis focus falls on Tripoli (pp. 273-285), its history, commerce, and its thriving port. He indicates how to sail there using a mountain as landmark. Anchorage at the city port is good, he notes, three islets on the northern side of the harbor, cutting down the wind velocity. By that time he is describing the city, though, it had already fallen into Spanish hands, something that aggrieved him so much. It was the loss of the place, of course, that of fellow companion seamen, and above all the destruction of the city fortress that compounded such grief. He notes (p.273) that in the Maghreb, no fortress was as handsome as Tripolis, all its towers and battlements as if cast from bees wax, and the walls painted in fresh lime. The fortress had fallen on July 25, 1510; and so much joy there was in Spain as in the rest of Christendom, that Pope Julius II went on a procession of thanks giving. 57

References
1

See For instance:

-M Longworth Dames: The Portuguese and Turks in the Indian Ocean in the 16th century in Journal of the

Royal Asiatic Society , 1921, pp 1-28.


-D.Ross: The Portuguese in India and Arabia between 1507 and 1517, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic

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Society 1921, pp 545-62.


-D. Ross The Portuguese in India and Arabia 1517-38; in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1922; pp 118.
2

A.C. Hess: The Evolution of the Ottoman Seaborne Empire in the Age of Oceanic Discoveries, 1453-1525; Ibid. W.Brice, and C. Imber: Turkish Charts in the Portolan Style, The Geographical Journal, 144 (1978); pp Ibid. A.C. Hess: The evolution, op cit, p. 1911. T.D. Goodrich: The Ottoman Turks and the New World; Wiesbaden , 1990. F. Babinger: Piri Reis, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, first edition (1913-30), vol vi; Leiden. E.J. Brill, pp 1070S. Soucek: Piri Reis, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, New edition, 1995, Vol VIII, Leiden, Brill, pp 308-9. S. Tekeli: `Piri Reis in Dictionary of Scientific Biography , vol 10; Editor C.S. Gillispie, Charles Scribners S.Soucek: A Propos du livre dinstructions nautiques de Piri Reis, Revue dEtudes Islamiques, Vol 41, pp P. Khale : Die verschollene Columbus-Karte von 1498 in einer turkishen Weltkarte von 1513, Berlin, 1933. Ibid; introduction. C. Hapgood: Maps of the Ancient sea Kings, Philadelphia, 1966. Ibid, p. J.B. Harley and D. Woodward: The History of Cartography, (vol two, book one: cartography in the P. Kahle: The lost, op cit, p.4. P. Kahle: Piri Reis, Bahriye, Berlin 1926, 2 vols. S. Soucek: A propos, op cit.

The American Historical Review,Vol 75, 1969-70, pp 1892-1919, at p. 1892.


3 4

528-529 at p. 528.
5 6 7 8

1
9 10

Sons, New York, 1974, pp 616-9.


11

241-55, at p. 242.
12

In English: P. Kahle: The Lost map of Columbus .


13 14 15 16

traditional Islamic and South Asian societies;) The University of Chicago Press, Chicago London, 1992.
17 18 19

-S. Soucek: Islamic Charting of the Mediterranean; in J.B. Harley and D. Woodward edt: History, op cit, vol 2, book one, pp 263-92.
20

Robert Mantran: La Description des cotes de lAlgerie dans le Kitab-I Bahriye de piri Reis, in Revue de

lOccident Musulman (ROM), Aix en Provence, Vol 15-16, 1973; pp 159-68.


R. Mantran: La Description des cotes de la Tunisie dans le Kitab I-Bahriye de Piri Reis, ROM, 23-24 (1977), pp 223-35. R. Mantran: Description des cotes Mediterraneene de la France dans le Kitab I Bahriye de Piri Reis, ROM, vol 39 (1985); pp 69-78. -R. Mantran: La Description des cotes de lEgypte de Kitab I-Bahriye: Annales Islamologiques, 17, 1981 pp. 287-310.
21 22 23 24

E. Esin: La Geographie Tunisienne de Piri Reis, in Cahiers de Tunisie, 29, (1981), pp. 585-605. S.Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reis, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol 5, pp 129-296. Bausani A: LItalia nel Kitab I-Bayriye di Piri Reis, Il Vetro, 23 (1979), pp 173-96. Bausani A: Venezia e lAdriatico in un portolano Turco, Venezia e lOriente a cura di L.Lanciotti; Florence:

Olschki, 1987, pp 339-52. Bausani. A: La Costa Muggia-Triesto-Venezia nel portolano (1521-27) di Piri Reis, Studi Arabo-Islamici

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acura di C. Sarnelli Lergua. Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1985, (1988); pp 65-9.
25

Allibert. C: Une Description Turque de lOceon Indien au XVIem Siecle: LOcean indien Occidental dans le Thomas.D. Goodrich: Supplemental maps in the Kitab-I bahriye of Piri Reis, in Archivum Ottomanicum,

Kitab-I Bahriye de Piri Reis; Etudes Ocean Indien , 10 (1988); pp 9-51.


26

Vol 13 (1993-4), Verlag, Wiesbaden, pp 117-35.; at p. 119.


27

Kitab-I Bahriye, Piri Reis , 4 vols, ed., Ertugrul Zekai Okte, trans, Vahit Cabuk, Tulay Duran, and Robert

bragner, Historical research Foundation-Istambul Research Centre (Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tourism of the Turkish Republic, 1988-91).
28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48

P. Kahle: the Lost, op cit, p,2 T.Goodrich: Supplemental, op cit, at p.116. Ibid, p. 117. S. Soucek: Islamic Charting, op cit, at p. 272. T. Goodrich: Supplemental, op cit, p.117. A. Soucek,, A propos, op cit, pp 244-5. A.C. Hess: The Evolution, op cit. S. Soucek: A propos, op cit, pp 242. T. Goodrich: Supplemental, op cit, at p.117. W. Brice: Early Muslim Sea-Charts, in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1977, pp 53-61, at p.56. P. Kahle: The Lost, op cit, p. 2. Derived from W.Brice-C. Imber: Turkish Charts, op cit, p 528. Ibid, p.529. S. Soucek: Islamic, op cit,, pp 277-80. Ibid at 277. See fig 1 in W. Brice: early Muslim sea-charts, op cit, at p. 57 T.Goodrich: Supplemental, op cit, p. 120. T.Goodrich, Supplemental, op cit, p.122. See R.V. Tooley: French mapping of America, London: Map Collectors Circle, 1967. T.Goodrich: Supplemental, op cit, p.122. See Rodney W.Shirley: The Mapping of the World, Early Printed World maps, 1472-1700; London; The R.Mantran: Description des cotes Mediterranneenes de la France, op cit. R. Mantran: La Description des cotes de la Tunisie op cit. S.Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reis, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol 5, pp 129-296. With respect to this `Tunisian coast, Soucek notes, it is the first version of the Kitab which is much Bejaia was to be retaken forty five years later, in 1555 by Salah Reis, beylerbey of Algiers, but following In 1891, the French killed the last lion of North Africa between Bone and Bizerte (Tunisia) (Note 5, p. That is until the French exterminated them all (Lavauden, op cit, pp 18-19.) S. Soucek: Islamic Charting, op cit, p 267. Note 8, p. 287 in Soucek., Source Sanuto Diarii, v, fol.109.

Holland Press, 1984, no 228 and plate 180.


49 50 51 52

richer than the second.


53

the Spanish entry, it never regained its former glory.


54

180. Source in Soucek: L. Lavauden: La Chasse et la faune cynegetique en Tunisie, Tunis, 1924, p. 9.
55 56 57

The city was retaken from the Spaniards in 1551 by Sinan Pasha and Turgut.

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Bibliography -C.Allibert. C: Une Description Turque de lOcean Indien au XVIem Siecle: LOcean indien Occidental dans le Kitab-I Bahriye de Piri Reis; Etudes Ocean Indien , 10 (1988); pp 9-51. -F. Babinger: Piri Reis, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, first edition (1913-30), vol vi; Leiden. E.J. Brill, pp 10701. -A. Bausani: LItalia nel Kitab I-Bayriye di Piri Reis, Il Vetro, 23 (1979), pp 173-96. -A.Bausani: Venezia e lAdriatico in un portolano Turco, Venezia e lOriente a cura di L.Lanciotti; Florence: Olschki, 1987, pp 339-52. -A.Bausani: La Costa Muggia-Triesto-Venezia nel portolano (1521-27) di Piri Reis, Studi Arabo-Islamici acura di C. Sarnelli Lergua. Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1985, (1988); pp 65-9. -W.Brice, and C. Imber: Turkish Charts in the Portolan Style, The Geographical Journal , 144 (1978); pp 528-529. -W. Brice: Early Muslim Sea-Charts, in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1977, pp 53-61. -E. Esin: La Geographie Tunisienne de Piri Reis, in Cahiers de Tunisie, 29, (1981), pp. 585-605. -T.D. Goodrich: The Ottoman Turks and the New World; Wiesbaden , 1990. -Thomas.D. Goodrich: Supplemental maps in the Kitab-I bahriye of Piri Reis, in Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol 13 (1993-4), Verlag, Wiesbaden, pp 117-35. -C. Hapgood: Maps of the Ancient sea Kings, Philadelphia, 1966. -J.B. Harley and D. Woodward: The History of Cartography, (vol two, book one: cartography in the traditional Islamic and South Asian societies;) The University of Chicago Press, Chicago London, 1992. -A.C. Hess: The Evolution of the Ottoman Seaborne Empire in the Age of Oceanic Discoveries, 1453-1525;

The American Historical Review,Vol 75, 1969-70, pp 1892-1919.


-P. Khale : Die verschollene Columbus-Karte von 1498 in einer turkishen Weltkarte von 1513, Berlin, 1933. In English: P. Kahle: The Lost map of Columbus . -P. Kahle: Piri Reis, Bahriye, Berlin 1926, 2 vols. -M Longworth Dames: The Portuguese and Turks in the Indian Ocean in the 16th century in Journal of the

Royal Asiatic Society , 1921, pp 1-28. -Kitab-I Bahriye, Piri Reis, 4 vols, ed., Ertugrul Zekai Okte, trans, Vahit Cabuk, Tulay Duran, and Robert
bragner, Historical research Foundation-Istambul Research Centre (Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tourism of the Turkish Republic, 1988-91). -L. Lavauden: La Chasse et la faune cynegetique en Tunisie, Tunis, 1924. -R. Mantran: La Description des cotes de lAlgerie dans le Kitab-I Bahriye de piri Reis, in Revue de

lOccident Musulman (ROM), Aix en Provence, Vol 15-16, 1973; pp 159-68.


-R. Mantran: La Description des cotes de la Tunisie dans le Kitab I-Bahriye de Piri Reis, ROM, 23-24 (1977), pp 223-35. -R. Mantran: Description des cotes Mediterraneene de la France dans le Kitab I Bahriye de Piri Reis, ROM, vol 39 (1985); pp 69-78. -R. Mantran: La Description des cotes de lEgypte de Kitab I-Bahriye: Annales Islamologiques, 17, 1981 pp. 287-310. -D.Ross: The Portuguese in India and Arabia between 1507 and 1517, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic

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Society 1921, pp 545-62.


-D. Ross The Portuguese in India and Arabia 1517-38; in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1922; pp 118. -Sanuto Diarii, v, fol.109. -Rodney W.Shirley: The Mapping of the World, Early Printed World maps, 1472-1700; London; The Holland Press, 1984, no 228 and plate 180. -S. Soucek: Piri Reis, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, New edition, 1995, Vol VIII, Leiden, Brill, pp 308-9. -S.Soucek: A Propos du livre dinstructions nautiques de Piri Reis, Revue dEtudes Islamiques, Vol 41, pp 241-55. -S. Soucek: Islamic Charting of the Mediterranean; in J.B. Harley and D. Woodward edt: History, op cit, vol 2, book one, pp 263-92. -S.Soucek: Tunisia in the Kitab-I Bahriye of Piri Reis, Archivum Ottomanicum, Vol 5, pp 129-296. -S. Tekeli: `Piri Reis in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, vol 10; Editor C.S. Gillispie, Charles Scribners Sons, New York, 1974, pp 616-9. -R.V. Tooley: French mapping of America, London: Map Collectors Circle, 1967.

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Ibn Hazms Philosophy and Thoughts on Science

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Professor Salim Al-Hassani Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Husamaldin Tayeh November 2003 4045 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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Ibn Hazms Philosophy and Thoughts on Science November 2003

IBN HAZMS PHILOSOPHY AND THOUGHTS ON SCIENCE


Abstract
What fixes and preserves a nations language, as well as its sciences and its history, Ibn Hazm holds, `is simply the strength of its political power, accompanied by the happy welfare and leisure of its inhabitants.1 Abu Muhammad Ali Ibn Ahmad Ibn Said Ibn HAZM, ( November 994August 1064) grew up in the period of final collapse of Ummayad rule in Spain as the nation disintegrated into often conflicting local states. That period of turbulence and his early education by women, in whose midst he grew, far from the company of other children,2 were to have profound effects on Ibn Hazms thoughts and character. As a scholar, Ibn Hazm had a great reputation, and was one of the most original theologians and literati of Muslim Spain. He was a master of many disciplines, including history, grammar, poetry, genealogy, and logic, and wrote works of enduring importance in Islamic theology and law.3 He is the author of over 400 works, and was greatly reputed for his vast capacity to memorize both lines and random facts.4 Carra de Veaux seems to bear little recognition for Ibn Hazm, though, stating amongst others that his production, although vast, was hardly devoid of errors.5 Ibn Hazm, however, in his Book of Introduction, Kitab al-Taqrib, which is now extant, states that `science consist in knowing with certainty something according to what it really is, or by an evident proof which hence helps reach certitude 6. This theme frequently occurs in his works. This paper seeks to look into this aspect as well as his philosophy and thoughts on science, its merits and its relationship to morals.

Prelude
Nothing more appropriate to open this paper on Ibn Hazms thoughts on science than some of his sayings. According to him,7

What fixes and preserves a nations language, as well as its sciences and its history, is simply the strength of its political power, accompanied by the happy welfare and leisure of its inhabitants.
In Kitab al-Akhlaq wal Siyar,8 he says: Compare yourself, for wealth, status and health to those lower to you. For faith, science, and virtue, compare yourself to those who are higher than you. And:

Sciences are like powerful drugs, which suit the strong and exhaust the weak. Likewise, complex sciences enrich a vigorous mind, and keep it off evil, but exhaust the mediocre mind.

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Life Synopsis
IBN HAZM, ABU MUHAMMAD 'ALl IBN AHMAD IBN SA'ID was born in November 994, and died in August 1064. The Ibn Hazm family came from the city of Cordoba itself. Their earlier origins are much less clear, although evidence shows that they were of indigenous Iberian stock from Labla West of Seville a few miles from the Atlantic shores. One of the ancestors of Ibn Hazm was converted to Islam from Christianity.9 Ibn Hazm's father, Abu 'Umar Ahmad ibn Sa'id ibn Hazm (d. 1012) held the function of vizier (Minister) at the court of al-Mansur. Al-Mansurs reign had been one of the greatest moments of Islamic Spanish history. Al-Mansur had enriched the kingdom economically and financially, and had led Muslim armies into victories of un-precedent scale against their Christian foes. At his death, though, ridden with intrigues, divisions, and conflict between numerous factions, the once most powerful state collapsed into chaos, and was never to recover. Aware of, and also part of such disintegration, Christian armies seized their chance to carve up the Islamic dominion. This, they would gradually achieve, only held up on two occasions during the Almoravid, first, and then the Almohad intrusions, which slowed the Christian advance by about two centuries. Early in the thirteenth, after the final defeat of the Almohads, Cordova, Valencia, Seville, and other Islamic strongholds all fell. Granada alone was to remain Muslim, until, it too, ridden with intrigues and divisions, finally fell in 1492. The Muslims were to be eliminated completely from Spanish soil not long after. The life, and thoughts of Ibn Hazm are both good illustration and product of the chaos and collapse of the Muslim state. Such collapse had direct impact on Ibn Hazm who was at the center stage of events. He held positions of power and prestige, followed by demise and disgrace following the political fortunes or misfortunes of his patrons. Hence, in 1016, for instance, Caliph Sulayman was overthrown, and Ibn Hazm, suspect for his Umayyad sympathies, was first imprisoned and then banished. Three years later, he returned to Cordoba, and four years after became the vizier of 'Abd al-Rahman V, whose rule, though, only lasted for seven weeks before he was assassinated, and Ibn Hazm was again put in prison.10 Ibn Hazm, who had already been terribly affected by the demise of his own father before him, following earlier upheavals, now suffered even more and directly the effects of political chaos. That may account for his acerbic and harsh temperament, which made him both famous and feared for his sharp tongue, and it became well known that "The tongue of Ibn Hazm and the sword of al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf [the severe Umayyad governor of Iraq] are brothers.
11

The upheavals of his political career may also account for Ibn

Hazm withdrawal from public life to devote himself to study, teaching, and writing. For Asin Palacios, however, much influence on Ibn Hazms character and writing was the result of his education by women as he grew up in his fathers harem, isolated from children of his age and from men, which shaped his personality considerably.12

His Thought and Accomplishments


Ibn Hazms early learning, understandably, had a dramatic impact, too. He received an `exceptionally wide-ranging education, which, more than likely in his future years, impacted on his wide and diverse learning. His thinking extends to all stretches of Islamic sciences, grammar, lexicology, the science of the Quran, tradition and commentaries, canon law or fiqh, theology Thus to study him, according to Arnaldez, `one has to be first well aware of matters which Muslim thinkers have addressed.13 He was also seen as:

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One of the most original theologians and literati of Muslim Spain. a master of many disciplines, including history, grammar, poetry, genealogy, and logic, and wrote works of enduring importance in Islamic theology and law.14
Ibn Hazms intellectual force is also recognized by Castro,15 who states, that whilst the Muslims felt a `lively curiosity about everything religious, Ibn Hazm was the first religious historian ever. His `Critical History of Religions, whose Arabic title (Al-Fassl Fil Millel Wel Ahwai wel Nihal) reads in English `The Decisive word on sects, heterodoxies and denominations (translated into Spanish by Asin Palacios as `Historia Critica de las Ideas Religiosas,) is regarded16 as:

The first of its genre, and it is surprising that it was written in the 11th century when nothing like it existed in Christian Europe. Ibn Hazm proceeds like a scholar and a theologian who is acquainted through his own study and experience with the religion s of his time and he analyses them in detail, quoting their texts.
According to Yaqut and Al-Qifti, two of the main Muslim biographers, Ibn Hazm has written nearly four hundred works, amounting to nearly 80,000 pages. Amongst his surviving works are: -Kitab al-Ihkam fi usul al-Ahkam (of the perfect knowledge of the foundations of jurisprudence). The manuscript can be found in the National Library of Cairo, where it has been edited in two vols. -Kitab jamharat al-Arab (on the Arab genealogy), known through the Cairo critical edition made by Levi Provincal in 1948. -Risala fi fadl al-Andalus wa dikr rijaliha (a letter on the merits of al-Andalus and the memory of its men) which was kept by al-maqqari in his Nifh al-Tib (vol4). -Kitab al-Akhlak wal siyar (The book of morals and behaviour): edited for the first time in 1908, although cited by Yaqut and al-Maqqari. The manuscript was discovered by Dr Ritter alongside other works. Amongst the Arabic sources of Ibn Hazm are: -Al-Dabbi: Bughyat al-Multamis. Madrid 1885. -Hajji Khalifa: Kesf al-zounoun edt. Constantinople, 1941. -Ibn Bashkuwal: Kitab as-Sila; Madrid, 1882-3. -Ibn Khallikan: Wafayat al-ayan. Cairo, 1275 H. -Ibn Qasim B.Said: Tabaqqat al-Umam. Ed. L. Cheikho. Beyrouth; 1902. -Al-Maqqari: Analectes. Leyde; 1855-61. -A-Marrakushi: Histoire des Almohades. Trad. Fagnan; Algiers, 1893. -Yaqut al-Hamawi:Mojam al-Oddaba; Edt Rifai Bey; Cairo; Vol Xii. Today, the literature on Ibn Hazm is rather scant amongst English sources. There is a good entry on Ibn Hazm in the Encyclopedia of Islam by Arnaldez. But Arnaldez, like many with interest in Ibn Hazm, writes in French. The main work of Ibn Hazm that has retained the attention of English speaking scholarship is Tawq al-Hamama translated by A.J. Arbery, London 1953. Otherwise, most information on Ibn Hazm is gleaned from French sources, and of course, Spanish sources. Asin Palacios, more than any other, has written considerably, most particularly his well known, and lengthy: Abenhazem de Cordoba.

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Ibn Hazms writing has been looked at from many perspectives, and from many directions. Arnaldez, already cited, one of the students of Levi Provencal, the authority on Spanish history, had devoted his doctoral thesis to Ibn Hazm. Arnaldez has also given an excellent overview on Ibn Hazms theories on Jihad and scores of other contributions. On the influence Ibn Hazm had on post Islamic Spanish literature and thought, no better source than A. Castros Structure of Spanish History. Ibn Hazms writing and views on science have, however, been generally set aside. Possibly, as in the view of Barron Carra de Vaux, despite Ibn Hazms prolific output, and his prodigious ability to memorize texts and facts, it is because his writing is not devoid of errors.17 De Vaux also finds his work bearing an anti intellectual trait, suppressing speculation, narrowing considerably the frontiers of jurisprudence, depriving jurists of freedom of conscience etc. 18 Arnaldez, however, observes that Ibn Hazm in the Book of Introduction, Kitab al-Taqrib, which is no longer extant, states that science consists in knowing with certainty something according to what it really is, or by an evident proof which hence helps reach certitude.19 Arnaldez further compares Ibn Hazm with Descartes, with whom he shares a love for certainty; and like him seeks it in proof; and like him suspecting that all that edges away from proof becomes close to error.20 Maybe De Vauxs criticism stems from the fact that Ibn Hazm does not accept the notion of knowledge for its own sake; that satisfaction with independent knowledge just out of curiosity; traits that have distinguished the Greeks and their science. In Islam, science and knowledge have practical aims, and are according to Ibn Hazm shaped, or affected, by revelation. The object of science, for him, is to understand Divine orders.21 Ibn Hazm further adds: Our faculties of discerning and comprehending are helped by Divine grace, but on condition to use them as God wishes us to, and where he wants us to.22 And regarding the role of experiment and observation, crucial to scientific advance, Ibn Hazm has this to say:

We know with certainty that never could man have acquired the sciences and arts by himself guided only by his natural abilities and without the benefit of instruction. (this applies, e.g., to) medicine, the knowledge of the physiological temperaments, the diseases and their causes, in all their numerous varieties, and the invention of adequate treatment and cure of each of them by drugs or preparations, which could never have been actually tried out. For how could anyone test every prescription on every disease since this would take tens of thousands of years and necessitate the examination of every sick person in the world?23
Arnaldez, above, compared Ibn Hazm and the French philosopher-rationalist, Descartes. Perhaps more appropriately, comparisons should have been drawn between Ibn Hazm and the other French philosopherscientist: Pascal (1623-62). Indeed, like Ibn Hazm, Pascal is both scientist, and also highly imbued with faith, at all steps seeking to reconcile them, the moral aspect of each issue always imposing itself in the end. Moreover, Pascal, in his work, Les Pensees (Thoughts) (de Pascal) also seeks to order his thoughts, a sort of listing found in Ibn Hazm, whereby each thought carries a function, and conveys a specific injuction, or idea. All thoughts are related, coherently assembled in batches, and all aiming at one and single end: the cohabitation, or the working together of science and high, God inspired morality.

Virtues of Science
Ibn Hazms most extensive philosophy and thoughts on science are to be garnered from his Kitab al-Akhlaq wal siyar which was translated into French under UNESCO sponsorship by N. Tomiche, and which is used here as a source of reference. The English texts are the present authors own translation from the French. Science in Ibn Hazms thought is by no means a single entity devoid of any moral dimension, nor the most

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Ibn Hazms Philosophy and Thoughts on Science November 2003

important moral outlet in life. He constantly asserts the real meaning of life, how all worldly things are of lesser value in comparison to the spiritual and moral. Thus (p.17), he says:

I have come across most people- with the exception of those that God most High has protectedthey rush into misery, worry, the exhaustion of this world, and amassing terrible sins, that will earn them hell-fire, gaining nothing in pursuing their evil deeds And they know that their evil intentions will neither fulfill their wishes, nor bring any gains; and that with purer intentions they will obtain great rest for their souls.
He adds (p.18):

Whoever harms his kinship and his neighbors is worse than them. Whomsoever returns ill that he receives from them is like them. Whomsoever does not return ill done to him is the master, the best and most virtuous amongst all.
And (p.116):

Whomsoever rises above things of this world, in front of which you kneel is much stronger than you.
And also (p.22):

Blame from a man with a corrupt soul in opposing him, and refraining from evil deeds is better for you than his esteem if you did evil.
Having, thus, declared his moral stands, he finds the adequate room for science, and looks at it in different contexts and situations. First, he gives it its real due, stating (p. 19):

Should the merit of science being fear of the ignorant, and love and honour for the scholars, that alone should encourage striving for it. What then about its other virtues in this world and the other.
And:

If science, and devoting oneself to it, had no other use than avoiding exhausting temptations, rushes of hope that give worry, and thoughts that sadden the soul, that alone should give us reasons to seek it Kinglets have sought distraction in chess, wine, music, hunting and much else that only bring harm in this world and the other.

Territoriality of Science
Science, in the mind of Ibn Hazm has some territoriality, which itself has a number of dimensions. Hence, on one hand, Ibn Hazm, has a word of warning against those who intrude in the realm of science whilst not being worthy of it, saying (p.22):

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There is no worse calamity for science and for scholarship than those intruders who are foreign to them. They are ignorant and yet think they know; they ruin everything whilst convinced they are fixing all.
In the same vein, Ibn Hazm warns those who stretch themselves beyond what they are capable of, stating (p.21):

Whomsoever has a natural leaning towards a science, even if it was less noble than another, should not abandon it for the other because if he did he would be like someone who would be growing coconuts in al-Andalus and olive trees in India, crops that would never fructify.

Fundamental Duties of the Scholar


Ibn Hazm is not satisfied with scholars who are only contented with their own self fulfillment. The duty of the scholar is to enlighten others; hence he observes (p.21):

Whomsoever is miserly with the gift of his knowledge deserves more blame than whomsoever is miserly with his money, because the man miserly with his money fears exhausting what he has, but the one miserly with his science is with an object which does not become exhausted with use, and that he would lose nothing in sharing it.
And humility amongst men of science is what he praises most (83-4):

If you pride yourself with your science, then you must realize that you have no merit; science is a gift that God has granted you. Thus do not acknowledge it in a way that angers the Highest, because he could erase it from your head through an illness of some sort.
Ibn Hazm reinforces this statement with the following:

Also be aware that many men eager for science, read, study, and research with application, but derive no fruit. The man of science must realize that if application alone was enough, many other men would be superior to him. Science, thus, is certainly a gift from the Highest. What place is left for pride, thus? We can only accept in humility, and give thanks to God, asking him to increase his bounty, and beg him not to deprive us of it.

The Perfect Sciences


Crucial for Ibn Hazm is that not all knowledge and science are acceptable. He states that clearly (p.21):

The most noble sciences, are those which bring us closer to the Creator; those which help us be pleasing to Him.
And in (p.23)

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Whomsoever wishes for happiness in the other life, wisdom in this world, equity in their deeds, having all moral qualities, the practice of all virtues, ought to follow in his deeds the example of Mohammed (PBUH) the Messenger of God.
Ibn Hazm takes great care to make parallels between knowledge and science on one hand, and the practice of good and evil:

The use of science in the practice of virtue, he says (p.24), `is considerable: the man who knows the beauty of virtue will follow it, however possible. Knowing the evil of wrong, he will avoid it, however possible. He listens to worthy praise, and keeps his distance from unworthy praise. From this is derived that science has a part in every virtue, and that ignorance has one in every vice. Man who is illiterate and who still practices virtue must be extremely pure, a virtuous being. This is the state of Prophets (PBUH) because God had conveyed goodness to them without they acquiring it from men.
And he points out (p.24):

I have seen men who had studied the sciences, who knew the messages of the Prophets, the recommendations of the wise, and yet who surpassed the most evil men in their worse deeds, and their depravation. This is very frequent, and so I have understood that these two moral attitudes were favours granted or denied by the Most High.

Conduct of Men of Science in Disputations


Then, as now, discussions and disputations, used to take place between scholars. Ibn Hazm, in the last chapter of his book, Kitab al-Akhlaq wal Siyar, delves on this matter, and `On the manner to attend study sessions. He begins by saying (p.114):

If you attend a study session, only behave like a man wishing to expand his knowledge and seeking a higher reward from God. Do not act like a man contend with what he holds, who is waiting for a weakness (from someone) to criticize (it or him), or an oddity to raise. This will be acting like vile people who have never mastered science. If you attend with good intentions you will obtain the best results. Otherwise just stay at home, awarding yourself rest, a good morality, and a salutary outcome in front of God.
And (in pp 114-5):

If you attended (a study session) strictly adopt three attitudes; there is no fourth. First : You can lock yourself in the silence of ignorance. Second: If you do not behave as such, ask for the questions a man seeking to learn asks. This man will ask only about what he does not know, not about what he knows. Asking about matters one knows is making proof of ineptitude; this is only ranting, waste of time for everyone. If the person you are questioning does not give satisfactory answers, stop questioning Third: You can answer like a scientist, refuting clearly the others arguments. If you are not capable of that, do not insist.

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Ibn Hazm also warns (p.116) against those who:

Ask questions stubbornly, very proud men who seeing themselves right without knowing anything about the matter. This shows lack of piety, a tendency to ranting, a weak mind, and excessive vanity. And `If you hear, or read writing (you object to), do not react with violence until you have proof that what is expressed is wrong. Do not accept that with the enthusiasm of the credulous man either until being wholly convinced of that. In both situations you blind yourself and drift away from truth Act like a person who has no preconceived views, one ready to know and accept what is right and reject what is wrong.

Classification of Science
Ibn Hazms thoughts and philosophy on science have also another dimension. It is common with Islamic scholars, such as Al-Ghazali, to classify sciences, to provide some sort of division that helps in their understanding, study and promotion. This division, gradually has led to our modern learning system in departments, faculties, and courses (Prior to the Muslim classifications, sciences were a bulk of knowledge, somehow like the precious stone mingled with rough metals, and earth. Indeed, there were no such a boundaries and it was thus easy to find the chemist dabbling with the magician, and the philosopher. It was extremely hard to stop one side, the non scientific taking over the scientific, and the science often stagnated, or diverted into inappropriate directions because of that). Ibn Hazm did not make the classification of sciences as such. Instead, he provided the boundaries, and the rules within science as a whole. He brings in all dimensions looked at above. He does, moreover, which is quite important, provide the seeker of science indications of how to go on about it, integrating the highly complex, abstract, moral and also the most down to earth, such as the prudent conduct in scientific gatherings.

On Natural Sciences
In addition to his vast contribution to Philosophy, Religious dialogue, Jurisprudence, Literature, Theory of Knowledge and Social Sciences, Ibn Hazm had commented on Natural Sciences. His views are scattered throughout his books and it would require a special task to collect them in a cohesive manner. However, much of his comments on Natural Science can be found in his (I) al-Taqreeb,(ii) al-fassl fil milal, and (iii) Response to Al-Razi (objecting to his views on the origin of the universe) . Below we give excerpts on various sciences.

Sciences of Numbers and Geometry


Like Pythagoreans, Ibn Hazm has especial and significance to the numeral 1. He maintains that

1 is not a number, because there is no other number like it. If you split it, it becomes a fraction ( hence looses its Oneness)and therefore, it becomes necessary that the True One is Allah, the starter of all creation and He (Allah) is not several but all creations are24

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On geometry, again like Pythagoreans, he defines the line, as the ultimate edge of any surface ad defined a point as the crossing between two lines. Al-Taqreeb p.47. He also commented on the concept of infinity or limitless and the limited. In Al-Taqreeb p. 128, he refers to the universe as limited and bounded, because it was created and because the universe is made of limited parts, it will follow that, it will also be limited. He also refers to the present objects and living creatures and plants, as limited, yet the ones which have not yet been created (such as humans who are not yet born) are unlimited.

On Dynamics
A very interesting notion on the nature of motion of bodies is found in Al-Fassl Fil Millel, vol 5, pp 55. He explains, there are mobile objects and stationary objects, but there is no motion nor staticness.

On Astronomy
Ibn Hazm refutes astrologers who believed that stars and planets had souls and minds and influence people. He maintains, Al-Fassl Fil Milleh, vol 5, pp 35-39,

that the stars are celestial bodies with no mind or soul. They neither know the future nor affect people. There effect on people however can be through their physical characteristics, such as the effect of the suns heat and rays on the planets and the effect of the moon on the tides of seas.
He explains that Saturns orbit takes 33 years (Al-Fasl Fil Milleh, vol 5, pp. 34). He actually meant the orbit around the Earth, which is wrong. Todays astronomy recognises Saturns orbit around the Sun (not the Earth) taking 29 years. In vol 2 pp 101, he argues against those who believe that the Sun sets in one of the seas on Earth. He questions how is it the larger Sun, sets in the smaller Earth? He says vol 2 pp 98,

the Earth is spherical despite what is popularly believed the proof is that the Sun is always vertical to a particular spot on Earth.
Ibn Hazm considers shooting stars to be hot fires that conglomerate into stars and that they eventually lose their light by burning. Obviously Ibn Hazm was not aware of present theory of supernovas and formation of stars and Black Holes. We do not believe that he knew about the relationship between matter and energy and the conversion between one to the other. In his Al-Taqreeb pp 141 and in Al-Fassl Fil Milleh, vol 2 pp 105 106. He challenges all theories on the age of the Earth. He says, we Muslims do not have definite knowledge yet of the age of the Earth. It could be many multiples of the ages suggested by others.

On Physics
Ibn Hazm did not seem to know about the discoveries of Al-Hasan Ibn Al-Haytham, (b. 965-1039). Ibn Hazm was nearly 40 years when Ibn Al-Haytham died, yet he still believed in the old Greek understanding of vision in that, the eye produces rays which illuminate the object which make it visible. Communications of learning at the time being slower, most particularly in times of turbulence as in Spain . Ibn Al-Haytham, of course was the first to prove that light is reflected from the object and passes through the eyes which is a spherical hollow ball that has a sensitive inner service, that detects the light (image). He proved that the

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angle of incidence equals the angle of reflection. He constructed a dark box with one pin hole on its side (called it camara-camera) to prove his theory. Ibn Hazms views on sound is that it travels at specific speeds. He gave examples to prove this. Such examples include reference to the interval between lightening and the thunder that follows it. In this, he implicitly believes that lightening causes thunder.

On Life Sciences
Ibn Hazm expresses views on the development of life and species. He classified them into categories according to the process of their inception and development. He goes into details of various insects (such as lice and flies) and animals (such as frogs).

Conclusions
Much of Ibn Hazms work(400 nearly 80,000 pages) is still in Arabic. Although there are numerous Spanish and French translations of some of his books, there are very few in English. This paper attempted to review, in all three languages, his philosophy and thought on science, its virtues, territoriality, methods of its instruction and acquisition. The paper alludes to some of his ideas on natural and physical sciences. Analdez, likened Ibn Hazm to the French philosopher-rationalist, Descartes. Perhaps more appropriately, comparisons should have been drawn between Ibn Hazm and the other French philosopher-scientist: Pascal (1623-62): the cohabitation, or the working together of science and high, God inspired morality. Ibn Hazms thoughts and philosophy on science have also another dimension. It is common with later Islamic scholars, such as Al-Ghazali, in classifying sciences, to assists in their understanding and promotion. He drew the boundaries, and the rules within science as a whole. He moreover, which is quite important, provided the learner indications of how to go on about it, integrating the highly complex, abstract, moral and also the most down to earth, such as the perfect behaviour at a scientific gathering. This classification, gradually perfected has led to our modern learning system. Any scholar, imbued with science, often at odds with themselves, and the hows, and above all the whys of their science, have to return to Ibn Hazm. He has cleared massive ground needless, and very much impossible for someone to do now; just read and somehow, follow. And, Ibn Hazm, en par with most Muslim scholars of the time, knowledgeable and pious, usually ends his work with the following:

May God make us amongst those he allows to do good, and to practice it, and those who see the right path as none of us is without weakness; whomsoever sees his weakness will forget those of others. May God make us die in the faith of Muhammad. Amen, Oh Master of the Universes.

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Bibliography
T.W. Arnold: The preaching of Islam. A History of the Propagation of the Muslim faith, Archibald Constable, Westminster, 1896. Chevallier dArvieux: Memoires; R. P. Labat; 6 Vols; Paris; 1735. C. Bennett: Victorian Images of Islam; Grey Seal; London; 1992. Denise Brahimi: Opinions et regards des Europeens sur le Maghreb aux 17em et 18em siecles; SNED; Algiers; 1978. P. Coles: The Ottoman impact on Europe; Thames and Hudson, London; 1968. Y. Courbage, P. Fargues: Chretiens et Juifs dans l'islam Arabe et Turc, Payot, Paris, 1997. R.P. Dan: Histoire de Barbarie et de ses corsairs; Paris; 1637 N. Daniel: The Cultural Barrier, Edimburgh University Press, 1975. N. Daniel: The Arabs and Medieval Europe; Longman Librarie du Liban; 1975. N.Daniel: Islam and the West; Oneworld; Oxford; 1993. J.Davenport: An Apology for Mohammed and the Koran; J. Davy and Sons; London; 1869. W.Durant: The Age of Faith; Simon and Shuster, New York, 1950. Sixth printing. J.W. Draper: A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe;Vol I; Revised edition; George Bell and Sons, London, 1875. P.Earle: Corsairs of Malta and Barbary; London; 1970. M.Emerit: Le Voyage de la Condamine a Alger; Revue Africaine; 1954. M. Esperonnier: Les Echanges commerciaux entre le Monde Musulman et les pays Slaves d'apres les sources Musulmanes medievales; Cahiers de Civilisation Medievale vol 23. pp 17-27. R. Finucane: Soldiers of the Faith; J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd; London, 1983. C.Forster: Mohametanism unveiled; London; James Duncan and John Cochran; 1829. F. Gabrieli: Arab Historians of the Crusades; London; Routledge; 1957. Sir John Glubb: A Short History of the Arab Peoples; Hodder and Stoughton, 1969. A. Gunny: Images of Islam in eighteenth century writing; Grey Seal, London, 1996. C.Hillenbrand: The Crusades, Islamic Perspectives, Edimburgh University Press; 1999. C.Imber: The Islamic Legal Tradition; Edimburgh; 1997; G. Le Bon in (La Civilisation des Arabes;) IMAG; Syracuse; Italy; 1884. E. Levi Provencal: Histoire de lEspagne Musulmane; 3 vols; Maisonneuve, Paris, 1953. B. Lewis: Cultures in Conflict; Oxford University Press; 1995. V.J. Parry: Renaissance Historical Literature; in Historians of the Middle East; Edt by B. Lewis and P.M. Holt; Oxford University Press; London; 1962; pp. 278-289. Sir Edwin Pears: The Ottoman Turks to the Fall of Constantinople. In The Cambridge Medieval History, Cambridge University Press, 1923; Vol IV: Edited by J. R. Tanner, C. W. Previte; Z.N. Brooke, 1923. , pp 653-705. M. Rodinson: Europe and the Mystique of Islam; trsltd: R. Veinus; I.B. Tauris and Co Ltd; London; 1988. M. Rodinson: La Fascination de lIslam; Maspero; Paris; 1980. G.Sarton: Introduction to the History of Science; 3 vols; The Carnegie Institute of Washington; 1927-48. J.J. Saunders: edt: The Muslim World on the Eve of EuropesEexpansion; Prentice Hall Inc; New Jersey; 1966. S.P. Scott: History of the Moorish Empire in Europe; 3 vols; J.B. Lippincott Company, 1904. R.B.Smith: Mohammed and Mohammedanism; London; Smith Elder; 1876 edt; Laugier de Tassy: Histoire du Royaume dAlger; Amsterdam; 1725.

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Ibn Hazms Philosophy and Thoughts on Science November 2003

D.M. Traboulay: Columbus and Las Casas; University Press of America, New York, London, 1994. A.Thomson: Barbary and Enlightenment: Brill; Leiden; 1987. Baron Tott: Memoires sur les Turcs et les Tartares; Amsterdam; 1785. J.Van Ess: Islamic perspectives, in H. Kung et. al: Christianity and the world religions; Doubleday; London, 1986. D.Vaughan: Europe and the Turk; Liverpool University Press; 1954; C. Chasseboeuf (Volnay): Voyage en Egypte et en Syrie paris, Mouton and Co; 1959 edt. G. Von Grunebaum: Medieval Islam; The Chicago University Press; 1969. Rodrigo de Zayas: Les Morisques et le racisme d'etat; Edt Les Voies du Sud; Paris, 1992.

References:
1 M. Asin in Al-Andalus; 1939; Vol IV; p. 278. 2 Asin Palacios: Abenhazam de Cordoba, 5 Vols, Madrid.1927. 3 In Dictionary of the Middle Ages; Vol 6. Edited by J.R. Strayer; Charles Scribners Sons, New York; 1980,
at pp 117-8.

4 Barron Carra de Veaux: Les Penseurs de lIslam. Vol 3. Paris, Geuthner, 1922. at p. 333. 5 Ibid. 6 R.Arnaldez: Grammaire et Theologie chez Ibn Hazm de Cordoue; Doctoral Thesis, Paris; Librairie
Philosophique J.Vrin; 1956; at p. 105.

7 M. Asin Palacios in Al-Andalus; 1939; IV; p. 278. 8 Trsltd by N. Tomiche under the title: Epitre Morale, Collection UNESCO, Beyrouth, 1961, p.21. 9 Dictionary of the Middle Ages; Vol 6. Edited by J.R. Strayer; Charles Scribners Sons, New York; 1980, at
pp 117-8.

10 R.Arnaldez: Grammaire et Theologie chez Ibn Hazm de Cordoue; Doctoral Thesis, Paris; Librairie
Philosophique J.Vrin; 1956.

11 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, op cit; at p.117. 12 M.Asin Palacios: Abenhazam de Cordoba.; 5 vols; Madrid, 1927. Vol 1. 13 R.Arnaldez; Grammaire, op cit, Introduction p.1 14 Dictionary of the Midde Ages, op cit, p.117. 15 A.Castro: The Structure of Spanish History; Trsltd by E. King. Princeton University Press; 1954; p.140. 16 Ibid, p. 291. 17 Barron Carra de Veaux: Les Penseurs de lIslam. Vol 3. Paris, Geuthner, 1922. at p. 333. 18 Ibid, at p. 334. 19 R.Arnaldez: Grammaire et Theologie chez Ibn Hazm de Cordoue; Doctoral Thesis, Paris; Librairie
Philosophique J.Vrin; 1956; at p. 105.

20 Ibid, at p.106. 21 Ibid at p.193. 22 Ibid at p. 194. 23 Ibn Hazm: Kitab al-fisal fi'l-milal wa-l-ahwa wa-l-nihal, 5 parts in two vols; Cairo, 1899 and 1903; Vol I,
p.72.

24 Ibn Hazm: al- Taqreeb..,p.52

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Islamic Coins during the Umayyad, Abbasid, Andalusian and Fatimid Dynasties

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Islamic Coins during the Umayyad, Abbasid, Andalusian and Fatimid Dynasties

ISLAMIC COINS DURING THE UMAYYAD, ABBASID, ANDALUSIAN AND FATIMID DYNASTIES
Wijdan Ali, PhD. Dean, College of Art and Design, University of Jordan & President of the Royal Society of Fine Art, Jordan.

This article is reconstructed from the book by Wijdan Ali, The Arab Contribution to Islamic Art from the 7th-15th Centuries, The American University in Cairo Press & The Royal Society of Fine Arts, Jordan.1999.

The Umayyad Coins (661-750CE)


During the early years of their reign, the Umayyads continued to use silver Sassanian coins in Iran and Iraq, and gold and copper Byzantine coins in Syria and Egypt (figure 1). As part of his policy to unify the various regions under Islamic rule, Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (685-705CE) introduced the first Umayyad gold coins at a time of discord between the Umayyads and Byzantines over the merits of Islam and Christianity. The early coins were struck either in 691 or 692; the Byzantine emperor was angry and refused to accept the new Arab gold currency, renewing the war between the Arabs and the Byzantines. The new Islamic currency that was first coin to carry an Arabic inscription was called a dinar and was similar, in both size and weight, to the Byzantine solidus. On the obverse, there were three standing figures of unknown identities, as on the Byzantine coin, which had on its obverse the figures of Heracles, Heraclias Constantine, and Heraclonas; on the reverse, the Byzantine cross was replaced by a column placed on three steps topped with a sphere. In the margin surrounding the design the testimony of Islam was written in Arabic: "In the name of God, there is no deity but God; He is One; Muhammad is the messenger of God." The new Arab-Byzantine coin stressed the unity of God to counter the Christian Trinitarian doctrine, and made no mention of the caliph. The Byzantine emperor Justinian II responded to this challenge by striking a new solidus with the head of Christ on the obverse and on the reverse an image of himself robed and holding a cross.

Figure 1. Early Umayyad coins, 691/692CE.

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Caliph Abd al-Malik's response was to issue a new dinar in 693 (figure 2). On its obverse was the upright figure of the caliph, wearing an Arab headdress and holding a sword, with the testimony of Islam inscribed in the margin. The reverse bore the same column on three steps and the sphere, but a new legend appeared around the margin: "In the name of God this dinar was struck in the year four and seventy" Only eight of these early Arab-Byzantine dinars, dated according to the new Islamic calendar, have survived. Once more, the Byzantine emperor responded by striking a new coin similar to that of the Arabs, which greatly displeased Abd al-Malik. In 697 the caliph decided to abandon all traces of iconography and introduced the first Islamic coin devoid of figurative representation (figure 3). On both sides of the new dinar were inscribed verses from the Qur'an, expressing the message of Islam and making each piece an individual missionary of the faith. After he introduced this coin, Abd al-Malik issued a decree making it the only currency to be used throughout Umayyad lands. All remaining Byzantine and Arab-Byzantine pieces were to be handed to the treasury, to be melted down and re-struck. Those who did not comply faced the death penalty. The new gold dinars weighed a bit less than the solidus and the state controlled the accuracy of its weight along with the purity of the gold. Umayyad gold coins were generally struck in Damascus, while silver and copper coins were minted elsewhere.

Figure 2. Umayyad coins, 693CE.

Figure 3. Umayyad coins, 697CE.

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During the rule of the caliphs who followed, coins of one-half and one-third of a dinar were struck; they were smaller than the dinar in size and weight, and carried shorter inscriptions in the margin denoting the value of each coin. After conquering North Africa and Spain, the Umayyads established new mints in their western provinces where dinars similar to the early half-dinars were struck; these included the name of the city and date of minting. According to the Qur'an, which commands, "When you measure, give an exact measure and weigh with an accurate scale" (Surah 17:35), the caliphs were responsible for ensuring the purity and weight of the coins, established by the shari'a as seven mithqals of gold to ten dirhams of silver. Obsolete coins, whether from foreign countries or previous governments, and gold and silver bullion were brought to the mint to be refined and struck into a new currency. At the mint, the bullion was first examined to determine its purity, and then it was heated and refined to conform to the established alloy standards. After smelting and casting, the ingots were rolled out and cut into discs. Each disc was then placed on the obverse die and the reverse die placed on top. Finally, the top side of the die was struck one or more times with a mallet so that the design was impressed clearly on both sides of the coin. This method is called die-sinking; these dies were usually made of bronze and could manufacture several thousands of coins before they had to be discarded. Generally, Islamic coins indicate the place and date of their mint, the name of the ruler, his father's name, and that of his heir-apparent or envoy. When a new caliph came to power, he had a new coin struck in his name to make the change of rule official. When a revolt took place in some part of the Islamic empire, the leader of the uprising would establish himself by immediately substituting his own name on newly minted coins. Through the study of Islamic coins historical events could be traced with a certain amount of accuracy.

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The Abbasid Coins (750-1258CE)


It is likely that the earliest Abbasid gold dinars, minted in 750 and extremely rare, were struck either in Damascus before the Umayyad mint was closed down, or in Kufa, the first Abbasid capital (figure 4). When Caliph al-Mansur built Baghdad (762), the gold mint was moved to the new capital, and it was in this period that names of persons responsible or the coins first began to appear on silver coins called dirhams.

Figure 4. Early Abbasid Dinar, AH135/AD752-53.

When Caliph Harun al-Rashid came to power in 786, he minted dinars with the names of the governors of Egypt. During this period, at least two mints were active in the empire, one in Baghdad and the other in Fustat, the seat of the governor of Egypt. The Egyptian mint was particularly active, and the dinars bearing the names of governors and a dedication to the caliph must have come from there. Caliph al-Ma'mun (813-33), Harun al-Rashid's son, experimented with different kinds of coins. With his highly developed artistic taste, he improved the appearance of the coins by using a more elegant form of Kufic script. New gold mints were opened, viziers' and governors' names appeared on coins, and the legends and the size of the legends on the dinars were changed. The new dinars were struck on broader and thinner discs so that they could include two marginal legends (figure 5). The style begun in this period continued to be used for several centuries under the Abbasids and other dynasties that followed.

Figure 5 Abbasid Dinar, Struck under Al-Ma'mun, AH 207/AD 822.

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From 833 to 946, no important changes in calligraphy or style occurred on the Abbasid dinar. Because of the weakening of the caliph's authority and the carelessness of the local officials responsible for the mint, the weight and quality occasionally deviated from the high standard of the early Abbasid years. As the power of the caliph weakened, he was forced to add to his coins the names of those governors, heirs apparent, powerful brothers, commanders-in-chief of the army, or strong viziers who imposed their will upon him. Semi-independent dynasties such as the Tulunids in Egypt, the Saffarids (867-c.1495) and Samanids (819-1005) in Iran, and the Ikhshidids (935-69) in Egypt and Palestine all minted coins independently, yet they followed the Abbasid model, acknowledging the nominal leadership of the caliph. Thus, through the coins of the period, we get more detailed information about the weakening of the caliphal power and the development of the different small dynasties all over the empire. From 946 to 1055, the Abbasid caliphs lived in Baghdad as hostages of the Buwayhids, who had occupied the capital. Following them, the Seljuks marched in and took over, while in Egypt, the Fatimids formed an independent dynasty. Although only a few coins were minted in the name of the caliph during this time, true Abbasid coins could only have been minted in Baghdad, which was the sole city where the caliphs enjoyed any authority. The legends on all the coins were the standard text of al-Ma'mun's dinar, except for a blessing upon the Prophet and his family added on the reverse. Toward the end of the Abbasid reign, from 1160 to 1258, a series of poorly struck, light- weight coins were issued in Baghdad. Most of these coins were, in effect, no more than coin ingots and were not consistent with any definite monetary standard. Some of them bore attractive decorations, while all their legends followed previous texts (figure 6). The only addition was a longer blessing upon the Prophet (peace be upon him and his family) on the reverse side.

Figure 6 Late Abbasid coin, 1160.

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The Andalusian Coins (711-1494CE)


In contrast to earlier Arab conquests, where coins from previous regimes continued to be used, the Muslims minted their first gold coins when they entered Spain in 711. The new coins were modelled in size and design after the Arab-Byzantine coins of North Africa struck by the Muslims shortly after the second conquest of Carthage in 699, and were similar to those already in use by the Byzantines. Their inscriptions are in Latin and, like the ones from North Africa they translate Muslim religious formulas, often in blundered adaptations of the shehada, and give the name of the mint and the date. A large star in the centre of the obverse field distinguished the Islamic Spanish coin from the Arab-Latin one. A new, handsome, bilingual dinar was struck in 716 bearing an Arabic legend on the obverse that read "Muhammad is the Apostle of God," and in the margin around it, "This dinar was struck in al-Andalus in the year eight and ninety"; its reverse bore a Latin legend. In 720, the first purely Arab gold coins appeared. The style and wording of the legends were copied from the North African Arab dinars struck the year before. They were a copy of the half-dinar minted in Damascus in 719 and included the name of the mint in al- Andalus. Those coins, which were issued regularly until 728, and the ones that followed until 732 are extremely rare. No gold coins have reached us from the time of Abd al-Rahman I, most probably because he continued to use the same coins minted earlier. The first new Umayyad gold coin appeared during the reign of Abd al-Rahman III in 929, after his break from Abbasid authority. From then until the end of the Umayyad period in Spain, each caliph placed his name and titles on the reverse field along with the name of the mint and the year. In addition to the dinar, Abd al-Rahman III minted quarter-dinars following Aghlabid and Fatimid models. The weight of the Andalusian Umayyad coin was less accurate than that of the classical eastern Umayyad dinar, and the dies were rather careless. The names of subordinate officials in the government appeared below the obverse and reverse fields. After 1010, during the years of Umayyad decline, various local rulers began to mint their own coins. Many of them copied those of the Umayyads, including the names of former caliphs. Later on, some of the more powerful dynasties of the Taifa Kings (1030-1086), such as the Abbadids in Seville, placed their own names and titles on the coins. These were mostly fractions of a dinar of low quality gold, which indicates the deteriorating economic and political conditions of the time. Almoravid (1088-1145) coins saw an unexpected flowering. From the plentiful and well-struck series of dinars from that time, we gather that the Almoravid reign must have been a period of great prosperity for both Morocco and al-Andalus. Their first Andalusian mint was in Cordoba, followed shortly after by one in Seville. Between 1096 and 1116, mints expand~ ed rapidly into practically every important town under Almoravid rule. What is of interest during the Almohad period (1145-1232) is the coin struck by King Alfonso VIII of Castile, who wanted to challenge the Muslim rulers of Spain. He issued a Christian coin with Arabic script, and instead of copying the coins of the Almohads, he chose those of their rivals, the recently conquered Amirs of Murcia. These remarkable dinars were minted in Toledo, the first Islamic city to fall to the Christians. As we see below, their close resemblance is remarkable. The remarkable feature is that the Christian coin has Arabic characters rather than Latin ones, and King Alfonso, in imitation of Prince Abd Allah, calls himself Prince of the Catholics and invokes the assistance of

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God. Both coins are called 'dinar' and mention their mint centre and date. The Pope is given the Arabic religious title Imam. Finally, the Bible verses quoted imitate the use of Qur'anic verses on the Islamic coin. Such coins were called maravedis, the name in Spanish of the gold dinars of the Almoravids. The last Islamic gold coins to be minted in al-Andalus were made in Nasrid Granada (1238-1492) (figures 7 & 8). Relatively heavy, they were carefully struck and bore long legends containing passages from the Qur'an and genealogies of the rulers. None of the Nasrid coins show a date, but they are identifiable by their motto "None victorious save God." Meanwhile, in the Christian kingdoms of the north, Arab and French currency were the only ones used for nearly four hundred years, from the early thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries.

Figure 7. Silver Nasrid Dirham of Muhammed I, Granada.

Figure 8. Gold Nasrid Dirham of Muhammed XII, Granada.

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Islamic Coins during the Umayyad, Abbasid, Andalusian and Fatimid Dynasties

Comparison between Muslim and Christian coin inscriptions: ISLAMIC COIN CHRISTIAN COIN

FRONT FACE OF COIN

OBVERSE FIELD: There is no god but God Muhammad is the Apostle of God the Prince Abu Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Said May God protect him. MARGIN: In the name of God this dinar was struck in Mursiya in the year six and sixty and five hundred.

OBVERSE FIELD: The Prince of the Catholics Alfonso son of Sanja May God assist him.

MARGIN: This dinar was struck in the city of Tulaytula {Toledo) in the year twelve and two hundred and one thousand safar.

REVERSE FACE OF COIN

REVERSE FIELD: The Imam Abd Allah Commander of the Faithful the Abbasid. MARGIN: And whoso seeketh as religion other than Islam it will not be accepted from him and he will be lost in the Hereafter.

REVERSE FIELD: The Imam of the Church Commander of the Faithful of the Messiah, Pope of Rome the Great. MARGIN: In the name of the Lord and the Son and the Holy Spirit, the One God, whosoever believes in Him and is baptized will be saved.

Sura 3:85

Mark 16:15

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Islamic Coins during the Umayyad, Abbasid, Andalusian and Fatimid Dynasties

The Fatimid Coins (909-1171CE)


The first three caliphs, who ruled from their respective capitals, Quayrawan, al-Mahdiya, and SabraMansuriya, issued gold and silver coins that carried purely orthodox Sunni' legends. The early dinars of alMahdi followed the Aghlabid model in size and design, and only the mint name of Quayrawan was added to it. After 912, slightly larger dinars with a distinctive Kufic script were introduced. In 922, the mint was moved to al-Mahdiya and later to al-Mansuriya. Other mintless dinars were struck either in Sijilmasa, Fez, or a transient army base. The name of the mint and the date were omitted from quarter-dinar denominations. In 934, al-Qa'im was the first caliph to totally change the design and adopt a handsome monumental Kufic script (figure 9). Quarter-dinars were also struck in Sicily, probably in Palermo, and carried the mint name 'Siqilliya' Early Fatimid coins (909-53) are much rarer than those from later periods.

Figure 9. Early Fatimid coins, Al-Mahdiya, 949.

In contrast to coins of the first three Fatimid caliphs, the later ones emphasized their Shi'i identity by declaring their bond to Ali. In 953, Caliph al-Mu'izz issued dinars with a clear Shi'i message and a new design: a short, one-line legend was ringed by three concentric circular legends reading from the inner to the outer bands. The wording, which read "And Ali ibn Abi Talib is the Nominee of the Prophet and the Most Excellent Representative and the Husband of the Radiant Chaste One [i.e., Fatima, daughter of the Prophet]," expressed the essence of the Isma'ili doctrines; but as it offended the Sunni population it had to be abandoned (figure 10). The second and more lasting type of coin omitted the field inscriptions entirely and moderated the strength of the Isma'li idioms. The coins issued under later caliphs varied between three and two circular legends and single and double marginal lines. Between 1014 and 1020, the caliph's heir apparent's name was added to the dinar. After al-Mu'izz, Caliph al-Mustansir was the first to change the design of his coins. His dinars were similar to al-Zahir's, but with the unit and date formula put in the reverse margin. Between 1048 and 1077, he adopted the three-circle type first used by al-Mu'izz. They are such close copies that it is difficult to tell one from the other. After 1078 the standard of die-sinking became of poorer quality and remained so until 1094. During the third period of the Fatimid dynasty (1094-1171) an experimental dinar was minted that kept the design of al- Mustansir's last coins. Although their marginal legends were still in Kufic, the field legends

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Islamic Coins during the Umayyad, Abbasid, Andalusian and Fatimid Dynasties

were in a flowing Naskhi script. This was the first time in Egypt that a long Naskhi script appeared on a coin, and it did not reappear until 1227. In 1096 al-Musta'li (1094-1101) introduced a style that remained in use for the next 120 years: a handsome adaptation of al-'Aziz's two-circle type with brief inscriptions in the small field in the centre of the die. On the obverse the words "ali ghaya" were placed to indicate the coin's 'extremely high' quality.

Figure 10. Fatimid coin with Isma'ili Doctrine, Egypt, AH386/AD 996.

On the reverse was the caliph's title and given name along with his other titles of honour. Toward the end of the Fatimid period, when child caliphs succeeded one another and the viziers took over the actual power, coins were struck in 1130 and 1132 in the name of a nonexistent Fatimid prince. In 1133, a coin was struck in the name of the long-awaited imam, al-Mahdi, who according to Shi'i belief should appear at an undisclosed date in the future. Fatimid coins were of such high quality and so abundant that they became the most wide-spread trade coins of the Mediterranean world. When the Crusaders captured Palestine, they copied the contemporary Fatimid coins instead of striking their own. The Crusader coins ranged from excellent imitations of the original to crudely engraved and sloppily struck pieces that shared only their overall design with their Islamic

prototypes.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The Foundation for Science Technology and Civilisation would like to thank HRH Princess Wijdan Ali for her support in producing this publication.
REFERENCES

This article is reconstructed from the book by Wijdan Ali, The Arab Contribution to Islamic Art from the 7th-15th Centuries, The American University in Cairo Press & The Royal Society of Fine Arts, Jordan.1999.

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The Mamluks in History

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salah Zaimeche BA, MA, PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Tamanna Rahman February 2004 4047 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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The Mamluks in History February 2004

There are one or two misconceptions when Mamluk history is looked at. One is that the Mamluk presence ended in 1516, and that it ended with the Ottoman victory over the Mamluks. Neither are entirely true. The story of the Mamluks begins long before 1240. Ayalon provides a very good study on their appearance, rise to power, and their whole institution. 1 The Mamluks did not disappear in 1517 as most works on them state, but long after, in the 19th, broken mostly by Muhammad Ali of Egypt, after they were weakened by the French years before. 2 Furthermore, as rightly pointed by Ayalon, the unique or almost unique importance, dimension, impact, vitality and durability of the Mamluk institution was, on the whole, greatly ignored. The reason being that no parallel worthy of its name to that institution existed in any civilization other than Islamic civilisation. Another was a negative appreciation to what it represented and to its achievements. 3 Before looking at these and other aspects related to Mamluks history, one or two issues cleared first, besides looking at the Mamluk contribution in art and civilisation. Mamluk, in the words of Humphreys, means: "one who is owned, hence a slave, but it is hardly ever used in its general sense, for which the usual word is 'abd. Instead, it functions as a technical term, referring to a soldier who had been enslaved as a youth, trained to the profession of arms (and converted to Islam) under the supervision of his master (who was either the ruler or a senior military officer), and registered as a member of the standing professional forces of the realm." 4 A Mamluk, once purchased, he was cut off from his land of origin, his country is Egypt; his father the master who purchased him; and his brothers: his companions in arms. 5 These recruits came from every region bordering the Islamic world, most especially from the vast Turkic lands beyond the Oxus River, a major reservoir of military manpower for the Muslim rulers. The Turks were an esteemed military force for their toughness, their racial pride and sense of solidarity, and their uncanny skill in the art of mounted archery. 6 In his book of government 7, Nizam al-Mulk (the Seljuk Visier, founder of the Madrassa) singles out the Mamluks for being superior to any other form of military organisation, and so, for himself, he built a Mamluk army whose frugality; discipline; thorough training and skill, he lauds.8 The Mamluk great merit is also seen by Ibn khaldun who recognises that by the mid thirteenth, the Islamic state had fallen into decline and was unable to resist, and: "It was by the grace of God glory be to Him, that He came to rescue the true faith by reviving its last breadth and restoring in Egypt the unity of the Muslims, guarding His order and defending His ramparts. This He did by sending to them, out of this Turkish people and out of its mighty and numerous tribes, guardian amirs and devoted defenders who are imported as slaves from the lands of heathendom to the lands of Islam."9 First slaves, the mamluk assumed power themselves, in fact, as noted by Humphreys, from its first appearance in the mid ninth century, down to the end of Abbasid independence, the Turkish Mamluk generals were among the most visible and powerful figures at the caliphal court. 10 From Egypt, between the 13th and 19th centuries they ruled over territories in India, Iraq, Syria, Arabia, Libya, and even the Sudan. The Mamluks were an institution of one-generation nobility, though, which excluded their sons. The fear was that amidst power and wealth the children would be unable to preserve the military qualities of

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their parents, and the latter might intervene to promote their sons to power. As a result there had to be a constant supply of fresh recruits to replenish the system. Many aspects of Mamluk art and history can be found in the Encyclopaedia of Islam. The two entries on the Mamluks in such Encyclopaedia provide excellent information, as well as a dynasty tree of Mamluk rulers from 1240- 1517. 11 The term "dynastv", however, as Humphreys rightly notes 12, is actually a misnomer, for few of the major sultans in this long sequence were blood relatives. The leading emirs, he explains, from among whom the sultans were typically chosen, were almost always men who in their youth had been military slaves hence the name of the dynasty). Having been manumitted by some previous sultan on the completion of their training, they were then promoted by him to high military and executive office. In a real sense, therefore, the army was the state; soldiers determined policy and directed administration, while the senior officials of the realm retained not only military rank but also active field command. In the Mamluk state, civilian officials were mere functionaries, working under close military supervision and control.13 And Ibn Khaldun comments that the Mamluks could be appointed to high offices of state, and that "Even sultans are chosen from them who direct the affairs of the Muslims, as has been ordained by the Providence of Almighty God and out of His benevolence to His creatures. Thus one group of Mamluks follows another and generation succeeds generation and Islam rejoices in the wealth. Which it acquired by eans of them and the boughs of the kingdom are luxuriant with the freshness and verdure of youth." 14 This system, as recognised by Ayalon, even if having its drawbacks and limitations, it was far superior to any other conceivable socio-military system and far more beneficial to Islam (this will be confirmed by historical developments below). 15 The Mamluks were not just rulers and fighters, both features that will be further developed in great detail below. They were masters of great art and civilisation. The Mamluks were renowned for their patronage of the arts. Atil provides an excellent summary of Maluk art 16, which continued to influence Islamic art up to the twentieth century. Hundreds of edifices were erected in Cairo, the capital, as well as in the provinces. The buildings were lavishly decorated with carved stone, stucco, and marble mosaics and panels, and had metal and wood furnishings, inlaid with precious materials. Some outstanding features of Mamluk architecture are soaring tiered minarets, massive carved domes and entrance portals, and marble mihrabs. The distinct Mamluk character is obvious in the elaborate floral and geometric patterns of carved stonework. The Mamluk patrons also donated Korans to religious establishments, with exquisite calligraphy and

Pierced globe (brass: inlaid with silver, circa 1270) was made for Badr al-Din Baysari, a Syrian Amir of the early Mamluk period.

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dazzling illuminations, bound in leather and with stamped, tooled, and filigreed decorations. Also celebrated in Mamluk art were brass bowls, basins, ewers, trays, and pen boxes inlaid with silver, gold, and copper.. Artists also created remarkable mosque lamps, bottles, bowls, and goblets. Mamluk textiles and rugs were in great demand in the West, and wool carpets with geometric designs, dating from the end of the fifteenth century, are among the oldest extant rugs. The Mamluk defence of Islam is the basis of their whole ideology. In the Mamluk view, Humphreys explains: "The sultan (theirs) is designated by the caliph to be his executive agent in all matters pertaining to the well-being of Muslims in this life and the next. The sultan is first of all a warrior in the path of God. As such, he defends Islam against the foreign infidel and strives to extend its sway; he also tramples down heresy and rebellion within his domains. To ensure that his subjects know and obey the divine commandments, the sultan must uphold sound religious scholarship and orthodox doctrine, which he accomplishes through close supervision and lavish patronage. It is the sultan's duty, finally, to bring justice to all who live in his dominions by the energetic enforcement of the shari'a (sacred law), by whose provisions all receive their due; and the weak are protected from oppression. The Mamluk sultan claims to be the preeminent king of his age, superior to all others in status and power; therefore he must show himself to be the very model of Islamic kingship." 17 Throughout their history, the Mamluks lived to those standards and descriptions, and at various epochs. The Mamluk first and most crucial contribution in defence of the banner of Islam was the battle of Ain Jalut (1260) won against the Mongols. In a few words, that victory had saved Islam. The Mongols had devastated the whole eastern side of the Islamic Caliphate, slaughtered altogether around two million Muslims in their advance, left no city or town standing, and devastated trade and farming. Sir Thomas Arnold holds: "Muslim civilisation has never recovered from the destructions which the Mongols infliected upon it. Great centres of culture, such as Herat and Bukhara, were reduced to ashes and the Muslim population was ruthlessly massacred..... Under the command of Hulagu, they appeared before the walls of Baghdad (1258), and after a brief siege of one month the last Caliphe of the Abbasid house, Mustasim, had to surrender,and was put to death together with most of the members of his family; 800,000 of the inhabitants were brought out in batches from the city to be massacred, and the greater part of the city itself was destroyed by fire." 18 The Mongols inflicted the same treatment onto Syria, and turned West, aiming to break the last barrier of Islam: the Mamluks, and advancing as far as Morocco west. Surrender was alien to the Mamluks. Fighting was not. At Ain Jalut they crushed the Mongol army. Whatever remnants of the Mongol army escaped slaying there was finished off in their flight. The Mamluks, unlike Salah Eddin al-Ayyubi, for instance, were not known for their clemency to invaders. Ain Jalut was only a start. The Mamluks, led by Baibars, literally wiped off all enemy forces of Islam. In the space of three decades after Ain Jalut, the last of all Ismaili, Mongol, Armenians and Franks had been eliminated from castles, fortresses, towns and cities they held. Their campaigns are faithfully and remarkably well described by the Egyptian historian Ibn al-Furat. Ibn al-Furat (1334-1405) wrote his book, Tarikh al-Duwal wal Muluk, after the events themselves, but it includes excellent information. The treatise

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survives, in part, in the National Library of Vienna, and also in a part at the Vatican Library, which Le Strange described in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 19 Parts of Ibn al-Furats work have been selected and translated by U and M.C. Lyons 20 in two volumes, the first of which being the Arabic text, the second its translation. Ibn al-Furats work contains excellent extracts on the rise of, and campaigns of Baybars, and his crushing of both Mongols and Franks, and the recovery of Jeruslaem, Tiberias, Ascalon, and other places from the Franks. Many events are related by Ibn al-Furat such as the arrival of the invading forces led by the Kings of France, England, Barcelona, Navarre and many more, and how Baibars conducted his wars against them, all in very minute detail. Further accounts from other historians on the Mamluks are well expressed by the example Little gives of historians who wrote on Malik an-Nasir Muhammad ibn Qalaun, about forty years of his reign (1293-1341). 21 The decline of Mamluk power is well captured by Humphreys description.22 Indeed, soon after the thirteenth century apogee, and after the mid fourteenth in particular, began a period of progressive economic and demographic decline. This was the outcome as diverse as the plague, naval attacks by Venice and Genoa, the sack of Alexandria by the crusader Kingdom of Cyprus in 1365, as well as Cypriot naval raids against the Syrian coast in the years following. The Black Death (1347-1349) spared no group of the population, but the Mamluks, who were strangers to the land were worst hit, with extremely high death rates amongst the young Mamluks. 23 The Mamluks kingdom was further wrecked by Timur (Tamerlane), who in 1400, overwhelmed Aleppo, pillaged it and put it to the torch; and so was Damascus. Following that, naval raids of Marshal Jean Boucicaut on the port cities of Syria in the summer of 1403 inflicted further damage. Egypt and Syria were bled, and never recovered the solid prosperity of the early fourteenth century. 24 The final period of Mamluk rule, from 1496 to 1517 was one of constant crisis, and little capacity to cope with it, partly due to poor leadership. Qansuh al Ghawri (1501-1516), the last major sultan, was too old, and faced the Portuguese who in the Indian Ocean were causing immense damage to traditional mamluk sea trade. The rise of the Safawids also made the Ottoman sultan Selim decide to move against the Mamluk empire so as to secure what he thought a unified Islamic land to face the new dangers.At Marj Dabiq, north of Aleppo, the Mamluk army was cut to pieces by Ottoman firepower in August 1516. Qansuh al Ghawri died in the course of the fighting. A new army under Tuman Bay was crushed again outside Cairo in January 1517. 25 However, this hardly meant end of the Mamluks, or Ottoman-Mamluk enmity. Egypt was then subject to the authority of a Turkish representative, the pasha, but actual power remained in the hands of Mameluk beys, or governors of districts or minor provinces. Instead, as Holt explains, although Selim had extinguished the Mamluk sultanate and annexed Egypt to his dominions, the degree of ottomanisation which immediately followed was very limited indeed. The Mamluks were not extirpated, nor did their recruitment cease. A kind of symbiosis between the mamluks and Ottoman elements in the ruling and military elite developed over the course of the years. It is therefore less of a paradox than it might seem that Selim, the destroyer of Qansawh and Tuman Bay, appears in later mamluk legend as something of a folk hero. 26 The Grand Visier reproached Selim for his favour to Khair Bey and the mamluks saying: "Our wealth and our troops are wasted, while you surrender their land to them! Thereupon Selim summoned the executioner, who struck off the Grand Visiers head. Later the sultan declared: `We covenanted with them that if they gave us possession of thei rland, we should continue them in it, and make them its commanders. Could we break the convenant and prove

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false? What if we have put their children into our army: they are Muslims, the sons of Muslims, and will be jealous of their homes." 27 By the late eighteenth century, Islamic power was approaching its end; the Ottomans, attacked on all fronts, were suffering serious defeats; the treaty of Karlowitz caused them very great losses. They could no longer stand to defend the Islamic realm as they had done centuries before. By now the English were expanding further into India at the expense of the weak Mughals. The French were following suite. Egypt and its vicinity were their prime target. Power in Egypt was then in the hands of Mamluk Circasians, from Georgia, mostly. Power was in the hands of two Mamluk Beys, the Amir al-Bilad (Commander of the Land), responsible for law and order, and Amir al-Hajj (Commander of Pilgrimage to Mecca). Just prior to the time of the French invasion, the Amir al-Bilad was Murad Bey (from Tbilisi, originally), whilst Amir al-Hajj was Ibrahim Bey (from the same part). 28 Both were going to constitute the major force of opposition to the French. On 1 July 1798 a French expeditionary force under the command of Napoleon disembarked near Alexandria. His proclamation for the people of Egypt on 2 July 1798 included the following: "For very long the Beys who rule Egypt have insulted the French nation, and have covered its tradesmen with insults. Now has arrived the hour of punishment. For very long, this collection of slaves (the Mamluks), purchased from Georgia and the Caucasus has inflicted its tyranny upon the most beautiful part of the world, but God, on which all depend has ordered that their reign ends. People of Egypt I have come to restore your rights, punish the usurpers, and more than the Mamluks I respect God, his Prophet and the Quran" 29 Napoleon added he came to defend Egypt against the rapacious Mamluks. The reasons, though, for his intervention, were different, considered briefly here. The French, Holt recognises, had long been perceptive of the strategic significance and commercial potential of Egypt. Many schemes had been considered since for the conquest and occupation of the country by French statesmen at intervals. 30 The French hoped to occupy Egypt permanently and to profit from its agriculture and trade, while `liberating the Egyptians from Mamluk rule.31 Complaints by French merchants calling for the French intervention were to serve as pretext for Bonapartes expedition. 32 They held: "It is beyond belief that in a country where the ruler is allied to France, that French citizens are treated as indignantly as this, trambling under the yoke of despotism, and only opurchase goods by ruinous scarifices and a precarious existence." 33 The first call being unsuccessful, the residents made a new one in 1793: "The prolongation of this scandalous situation will be outrageous for a republic which make the laws for Europe and whose name is terror for tyrants."34 They explain that the expedition will be paid for by the loot, and whatever compensation from the Egyptians, and conclude their call:

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"We need urgent rescue, because our ills are at their worst. Tell the lawmakers, so human they are, to uphold their works and listen to the suffering humanity. Tell these wreckers of tyrants that whilst they break the chains of people, some French suffer under despotism and call upon their country to give them rescue which it gives to foreigners." 35 Once they landed at Alexandria, the French were met by an initial resistance which they crushed. They took the city of Alexandria, granting its population safe conduct but soon raised an impost for the upkeep of their army. 36 From there, they advanced on Cairo. They met and defeated a Mamluk force under Murad bey at Shubrakhit. He was again defeated in the decisive battle of Inbaba, opposite the capital (the so called battle of the Pyramids) on 21 July 1798. Al-Jabarti dwells on the episode, and shows very little kindness to the irresolute, divided Mamluk forces which explained their defeat. 37 The Mamluks were not finished, though. After the initial chaos, they fought back at battle of Salahieh (11 August). Here, their bravery was extolled: "I have not seen anything like Mamluk bravery nor agility in the manipulation of arms; the same hand that fired also cut off with the sword." Said the chief of brigade Detroye.38 So fierce was Mamluk resistance and attacks, especially in october 1798, when the French were forced to leave their wounded behind, clinging to fleeing survivors. 39 Mamluk resistance continued, especially as they received support of Meccans and Tunisians and Algerians in early 1799. The Mamluk allies crossed to Jedda and Yambo on boats, and landed at Kosseir; crossed the desert and joined Murad bey on the Nile.40 The fighting now became more embittered. 41 The French army was still able to move forward, taking the city of Jaffa which had surrendered to them on 7 March. The French first looted the city before massacring the population. Commandant Malus speaks "of soldiers, everywhere slitting throats of men, women, children, old people, Christians, Turcs, all that had a human figure. Father thrown upon the corpse of the son; the daughter raped on the corpse of her mother; smoke from charred bodies burnt alive; the smell of blood." 42 On the 8th-9th of March 1799, the Turkish defenders, 2800 men were shot in cold blood. 43 Further French misdeeds were in Egypt itself. They levelled off areas of Cairo that stood in the way of their fortifications, and executed eminent Islamic figures in public to instore a sort of terror to help them rule. 44 Other instances of French tyranny are narrated by a traveller Vivant Denon. 45 Poor merchants were often seen as bandits, and would be shot and their merchandise looted, and their beasts taken. Profits were generally shared by the French and their allies. The soldiers plundered. The French further imposed extremely ruinous taxes on the population, upon which Al-Jabarti elaborates: "The French levied taxes including Khulaf (impost for the upkeep of the military) and tafarid (appointed taxes) of the country In implementation of this they appointed tax collectors (sarrafs) who went into the country like rulers wreaking havoc among the Muslims with arrests, beatings, insults, and ceaseless harassment in their demands of money. Furthermore

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they terrorized them with threats of bringing in the French soldiers if they did not pay the determined amount quickly." 46 On 19 March 1799 the French siege of Acre began. Against all expectations the town did not fall, and Bonaparte found himself pinned down on the coast. He sought his Muslim allies (Bashir al-Shihab) and the son of Zahir al-Umar, seeking to give him support but they did not. The Ottoman fleet brought reinforcements to the city, and the siege proved very costly to the French. In retaliation for Jaffa, every French prisoner was decapitated, every French head exchanged for prize money. 47 The French raised siege after very severe losses, and began their retreat back to Egypt, burning and looting on their way, but leaving their wounded behind. 48 They entered Egypt on 13 June 1799, A short while after Napoleon left the country, leaving command in the hands of General Kleber. Kleber was assassinated by a Syrian Muslim and command went to Abdallah Jacques Menou a French convert to Islam. Further attacks on the French forced them to capitulate on 2 September 1801 . The French intervention, although ended, still had weakened the Mamluks considerably. Then, when the French departed in 1801, the Ottoman sultan appointed a new governor of Egypt: Muhammad Ali. Muhammad Ali was born in 1769 in the Macedonian town of Kavalla. He became Viceroy of Egypt in 1805. His rise to power was also helped by the death of Murad Bey in 1801.The Mamluk were as often divided into factions among themselves, too. 49 In 1805, Muhammad Ali began to take steps to eliminate the Mamluks. He had some leaders decapitated. Then, in 1811, he resorted to incredible treachery to eliminate all of them. He invited their leaders on 1 march 1811 to the Citadel to attend the investment of Ahmad Tusun pasha, his son. The beys and their followers were shot down as they passed in procession down a rocky passage. Simultaneously their houses were sacked and those Mamluks who had not attended the ceremony were hunted down, as far as upper Egypt. A small group escaped beyond the Third cataract, and established their camp on the west bank of the Nile, where now stands the town of new Dongola.50 The last Mamluk leader, Daud, in Baghdad (1816-31), had initiated some modernization policies, that included clearing canals, military training, founding industries etc... His rule, though was finished by a combination of flood and plague which devastated Baghdad. Soon the Ottomans reasserted their sovereignty over the country.

Endnotes:

D.Ayalon: Aspects of the Mamluk phenomenon in Der Islam: Vol 53; 1976; pp 196-225. p. 216. See G. Hanotaux: Histoire de la Nation Egyptienne; Paris; Librarie Plon; 1931. Vol 5: By H. Deherain. 3 D.Ayalon: Aspects; op cit; p. 196. 4 R.S. Humphreys: The Mamluks; in Dictionary of the Middle Ages; Charles Scribners Sons; New York; 1980; p.68. 5 G.Hanotaux: Histoire; op cit; P. 52 6 R.S. Humphreys: Mamluks; opc it; p. 68. 7 N.Al-Mulk: Book of Government; trsltd by H.Darke; London; 1967. 8 D.Ayalon: Aspects; op cit. at p. 216.
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Ibn Khladun: Kitab al-Ibar; v; Cairo: Dar al-Taba al-Amira; 1867-8; pp 379-72 (from D. Ayalon) Mamlukiyyat: Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 1980; 340. 10 R.S. Humphreys: Mamluks; op cit; p. 68. 11 P.M.Holt: Mamluks:Encyclopaedia of Islam; Vol 6.2nd ed; Leiden; Brill; pp 321-331; pp 328-9. 12 R.S. Humphreys: mamluks; op cit; p.70. 13 Ibid. 14 In D.Ayalon: Mamlukiyyat; op cit; p. 346. 15 D.Ayalon: Aspects; opc it; p. 196. 16 E.Atil: Mamluk art; in Dictionary of Middle Ages; op citl p. 70. 17 R.S. Humphreys: Mamluks; op cit; p.70-1. 18 T. W. Arnold: Muslim Civilisation during the Abbasid Period; In The Cambridge Medieval History,:Vol IV: Edited by J. R. tanner, C. W. Previte; Z.N. Brooke, 1923. Cambridge University Press, 1922 (1936 reprint); pp 274-298. at p.279: 19 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 32, 1900, p.295. 20 U. and M.C. Lyons: Ayyubids, Mamluks and Crusaders, selection from the Tarikh al-Duwal wal Muluk of Ibn al-Furat; 2 vols, W. Heffer and Sons Ltd, Cambridge, 1971. 21 D.P. Little: An Introduction to Mamluk Historiography; Verlag; Wisbaden, 1970. 22 R.S. Humphreys: Mamluks; op cit; pp. 71-6. 23 Ibid; p. 74. 24 Ibid; p. 75. 25 Ibid; p. 76. 26 P.M.Holt: Egypt and the Fertile Crescent: 1522-1922 . Cornell paperbacks; Ithaca; New York; 1966. p.45: 27 Chronicles of al-Ishaqi; in P.M.Holt, p. 45. 28 To know more about the two figures, and comrades, see al-Jabarti: Al-Jabartis chronicle of the first seven months of the French occupation of Egypt. Edt and trsltd by S. Moreh; Leiden, 1975. pp 33-5, and related bibliography. 29 G.Hanotaux:Histoire; op cit; p.254; for lengthy details of this proclamation see al-Jabarti op cit; pp 39-47. 30 P.M. Holt: Egypt; op cit; p.155. 31 Ibid; p.156. 32 Ibid; p.155. 33 In G.Hanotaux: Histoire; op cit; p. 208 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid; p.209. 36 Al-Jabarti: Al Jabarti. Op cit; pp 36-7. 37 Ibid; pp 48-52. 38 G.Hanotaux: Histoire; op cit; p.272 39 Ibid; p.376. 40 Ibid; p. 61 and p.379. 41 For more detailed account, see Al-Jabarti: Al-Jabartis chronicle; op cit. 42 In G.Hanotaux: Histoire; op cit; pp 406-7. 43 Brigadier Detroyes Journal, in G. Hanotaux: Histoire; op cit; p. 407. 44 In P.M. Holt: Egypt; op cit; p. 157. 45 In N.Daniel: Islam, Europe and Empire, Edinburgh University Press; 1966; p. 105. 46 Al-Jabarti: Al-Jabarti, op cit; pp 67-8. 47 G.Hanotaux: Histoire; op cit; p.421. 48 Ibid; pp. 425-6. 49 P.M.Holt: Egypt; op cit; p. 162. 50 Ibid; p.178.

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Bibliography - W. Arnold: Muslim Civilisation during the Abbasid Period; In The Cambridge Medieval History,:Vol IV: Edited by J. R. tanner, C. W. Previte; Z.N. Brooke, 1923. Cambridge University Press, 1922 (1936 reprint); pp 274-298. - D.Ayalon: Aspects of the Mamluk phenomenon in Der Islam: Vol 53; 1976; pp 196-225. - N.Daniel: Islam, Europe and Empire, Edinburgh University Press; 1966. - Encyclopaedia of Islam; 2nd edition; Vol 6; Leiden; Brill. - J..G.Glubb: Soldiers of Fortune: The Story of the Mamluks (1973). - G. Hanotaux: Histoire de la Nation Egyptienne; Paris; Librarie Plon; 1931. Vol 5: By H. Deherain. - P.M. Holt: Egypt and the Fertile Crescent: 1522-1922. Cornelll paperbacks; Ithaca; New York; 1966. - R.S.Humphreys: The Mamluks; in Dictionary of the Middle Ages; Charles Scribners Sons; New York; 1980. - Al-Jabarti: Al-Jabartis chronicle of the first seven months of the French occupation of Egypt. Edt and translated by S. Moreh; Leiden, 1975. - Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 32, 1900. - Ibn Khaldun: Kitab al-Ibar; v; Cairo: Dar al-Taba al-Amira; 1867-8. - D.P. Little: An Introduction to Mamluk Historiography; Verlag; Wisbaden, 1970. - U. and M.C. Lyons: Ayyubids, Mamluks and Crusaders, selection from the Tarikh al-Duwal wal Muluk of Ibn al-Furat; 2 vols, W. Heffer and Sons Ltd, Cambridge, 1971. - N.Al-Mulk: Book of Government; trsltd by H.Darke; London; 1967. - W. Muir: The Mameluke, or Slave Dynasty of Egypt, 1260-1517 (1896; repr. 1973).

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SPAIN'S ISLAMIC LEGACY: A MUSLIM'S TRAVELOGUE

Author: Editor: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Professor S.M. Ghazanfar Dr. Rabah Saoud Lamaan Ball MPhys Husamaldin Tayeh March 2004 4050 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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Spains Islamic Legacy: A Muslims Travelogue March 2004

SPAIN'S ISLAMIC LEGACY: A MUSLIM'S TRAVELOGUE


This paper originally appeared in a number of publications and websites to describe a journey in December 1998. It has now been modified by the author especially for www.MuslimHeritage.com This article is a travelogue of impressions from a recent visit to Spain by Professor Ghazanfar1. For a Muslim who has some familiarity with Islamic history in the Iberian Peninsula, a visit to Spain is almost like a pilgrimage. However, unlike the pilgrimage to Mecca, such a visit can be spiritually and emotionally agonizing, for one is overwhelmed by manifestations of European Islam in Spain (Al-Andalus, as it was then known). That was the era of the Golden Age of Islam, from early eighth to late fifteenth century, coincidental with Dark Ages in the rest of Europe, when Al-Andalus was the centre of global civilisation. Its capital Cordoba was Europe's largest city--the city of books, of patrons of great literary men, scholars and explorers. There existed no separation between science, wisdom, and faith; nor was East separated from the West, nor the Muslim from the Jew or the Christian. It was here that the European Renaissance began and flourished beyond. For decades I had longed to visit Spain, not only for its legendary charm and picturesque beauty but, more importantly, to witness the heritage of almost 800 years of Islamic presence. In December 1998, I travelled to Spain as a participant in a colloquium, sponsored by the Paris-based International Society for the Study of Arab and Islamic History and Science (in conjunction with Spanish universities). The conference theme pertained to the contributions of Cordobas most distinguished intellectual, Ibn Rushd (1126-1198; known as Averroes in the West) in commemoration of the 800th anniversary of his death. The trip also provided me with an opportunity to experience Spain's Islamic heritage. That heritage, indeed, has reminders in every nook and cranny of contemporary Spain, especially in the province of Andalucia. That is where the two most prominent cities of Islam's legacy are located: Granada (Arabic Gharnata) and Cordoba (Arabic Qurtaba); both are United Nations monuments of "Heritage of Humanity". Conveniently these cities are well-maintained by the Spanish Government for, among other things, their huge significance for tourism, notwithstanding the many attempts in times past by Catholic fanaticism to eliminate any remnants of Islamic past. Soon after landing in Madrid (Arabic Majrit, a kind of a breeze), I took a night train to Granada, arriving there the next morning.

Grandeur of Granada
When Muslims (Arabs and Berbers) arrived in Spain, during early eighth century, they thought they had discovered heaven on earth. Water, which had been somewhat of a luxury for them, was found in abundance in the snowy mountain peaks. By a series of intricate channels, they transported it into the palace grounds and onto the plains below. Still today in Granada one gets a glimpse of paradise (so described by many visitors and travellers before) in the majesty of Alhambra Palace and adjacent Generalife Gardens (Arabic Janna Al- Rafia'a, the Garden of the Architect).

Small streams carry water to various fountains and ponds, even rushing over a stone stairway. One observes and hears water splashing and gushing, under the conifers, roses, lilies, jasmines, etc with great displays of

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colour. Aside from the luxury of the Palace itself, there are the courtyards shaded by a variety of exotic trees and cooled by fountains and underground water channels.

Figure 1. The Generalife garden (Janna al Rafia'a) meaning "the garden of lofty paradise" imitating that described in the Quran containing wonderful orchards, pastures, and flower beds. It is part of a Nasrid palace built in the 13th century.

Figure 2. A beautifully golden decorated arched window from the interior of the Torre de las Infantas opening into a paradise garden

All through one feels the presence of God Almighty, for there are Qur'anic verses inscribed on the walls, the most prominent and ubiquitous being: "Wa la ghalib illa Allah" (There is no victor but Allah). As one walks through Alhambra and the Gardens, one vicariously absorbs into the past and begins to experience an enormous sense of pride and awe at the glory that was Islam. But as I walked through the Palace, the tour-guide pointed out, among others, the "Ambassador's Hall," where the Muslim ruler, Abu Abdallah ("Boabdil," as the guide referred to him) had signed the treaty on November 25, 1491 for the eventual surrender of Granada in January 1492 to the Catholic King Ferdinand and Queen Isabel. I recalled the painful scene I read about sometime ago when Abu Abdallah shed tears and cried out, "Allah O'Akbar," his mother said to him, "Cry you like a woman over a lost kingdom that you could not defend like a man." Thus one feels the pain of an inglorious end to a glorious past, intensified further by one's knowledge of a divided and impoverished present world of Islam, subject to Western hegemony almost since the Crusades.

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There are numerous other reminders of historic Islam in Granada. There are several smaller palaces and there is the historic Albaican quarter (the Muslim quarter, where some Muslims still live and where the former mosque stands as Church of El-Salvador). Many churches whose roofs were decorated with domes, crosses and bell-towers instead of the former crescent and the Muezzin's Ada'n, clearly revealed their former status. There is the Gothic Cathedral, which once was the Great Mosque of Granada and where the two Catholic monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, are buried. As I visited the Cathedral, I saw a multitude of statues and paintings of Catholic icons, reminding me of at least one of the reasons for the 16th century Protestant split in Christianity.

Figure 3. Court of Myrtles in the Comars Palace

Figure 4. The court of the Lions showing the famous fountain and the slender marble columns of the galleries of the courtyard.

One giant painting/sculpture that covered a large wall was most painful to absorb. It depicted a warrior on a horse and a dead man with his neck crushed, lying under the horse's feet. The guide explained, "It is Santiago and his horse, slaying a Muslim." When I asked further, she said, "It is the Apostle Santiago who helped in the Christian victory over Islam." When I pointed out the implied hate-message, she was slightly taken aback and wondered if I was a Muslim, and when I affirmed, she apologetically replied, "well, it is just a painting." Since that experience, I have learnt a little about the legend of St. James ("Santiago" in Spanish). Under continuous infiltration of Christian warriors from Leon (North of Spain) causing destruction and insecurity in neighbouring Muslim provinces, the Muslim commander, Ibn Abi Amir (also known as "Al-Mansur bi Allah," meaning "victorious through God's grace;" and "Almanzor" in the West), decided to fight them to bring back security and

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peace to these provinces. He captured Leon in the tenth century and his troops reached the Church of Santiago de Compostela. Christian claims of the wide destruction Almansur's army caused, including the demolition of St. James, need to be taken with great caution as neither the Islamic teaching which forbid destroying life and killing innocents nor the good character of this Caliph allow such brutality. Instead, Al-Mansur is known to have preserved the shrine of the Christian apostle St. James in that structure. Later, as the Muslims lost ground, the myth of St. James was cultivated, and Santiago "Matamoros" ("Santiago the Moor-slayer") became known as the inspiration for the Christian victory; thus becoming Spain's patron-saint.

Cordoba's Grand Mosque and Surroundings


From Granada, I proceeded by bus to Cordoba. Through the journey I could sense the conspicuous presence of Muslims, former mosques in every little town we passed, and forts and castles standing pretentiously on almost every mountain top, though displaying Christian symbols I could see flashbacks of Muslims tending to their olive groves, developing new crops and agriculture technology, and living peacefully side-by-side with their non-Muslim neighbours. Yet I could also imagine them hiding behind the hills and mountains, trying to escape the wrath of the 16th century Inquisition, when they had to choose between forced "baptized" (and thus, be "saved") expulsion (but children to be left behind), or risk brutal death.

Figure 5. The genius of Muslim architecture appears in this strange but functional arcade. The imposition of one arcade on top of another not only gave the space a greater height but also added to its majesty. The polychrome colouring added another decorative quality to this Great building.

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Among the various monuments of Islamic Spain, the most intense yearning of my soul was the Grand Mosque (Le Mezquita) of Cordoba, built in the 8th century by Emir Abdul Rehman I, but now called The Holy Cathedral. Immediately after arriving at my hotel in Cordoba, on December 8th, I was able to join a guided tour that included a visit to the Mosque. As a Muslim, visiting this landmark was an overwhelmingly therapeutic, as I could witness the great achievements of Islam with a sense of pride and admiration for its majestically enlightening message. In the open compound, there were ornate rows of orange trees, with the Cathedral's bell-tower on one side, once the muezzin's minaret. As we entered the Mosque, I noticed the sixteenth century Cathedral standing in the heart of the Mosque clearly symbolising the Christian victory. While the construction of the Cathedral was controversial, it helped to preserve the Grand Mosque from complete destruction at the hands of the new rulers. While standing in the Mosque, I felt spiritually immersed in its serenity and grandeur of its majestic arches and columns and by the symmetry of chandeliers in all directions, abruptly interrupted by the presence of the Cathedral.

Figure 6. The Mihrab of the Great Mosque of Cordoba built by Al-Hakem II between 966-969. Notice the use of the great" horseshoe arch and the Ijmiz which denotes the square frame around the arch. Both features were imitated by medieval Europe.

Figure 7. AL-Maqsura at the great Mosque of Cordoba is located in front of the Mihrab and was built by the Caliph Al-Hakem II as part of his extension of the Mosque between 962 and 966.

The Mihrab was the masterpiece which attracted my soul amidst intensely spiritual emotions. A metal fence enclosed it, but I could see several Qur'anic verses on the walls, beautifully inscribed in Arabic calligraphy, intertwined with coloured tiles. Such beautifully inspiring mosaic was painfully disturbed by the imposing

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presence of Christian statues and crosses above. Again, it was easy to flashback--and I could see myself standing in prayers, shoulder to shoulder, along side such Muslim intellectual giants of Cordoba as Ibn Hazam, Al-Qurtubi, Al-Maqqari, Al-Ghafiqi, Ibn Tufayl, Ibn Rushd, Ibn Al-Arabi, and others who once made Cordoba the supreme intellectual centre of the world. On the architectural merits of the Mosque the tour guide, to my surprise and dismay, was painstakingly linking the beauty of the Mosque more to the Romans than the centuries of Muslim presence. During interactions with the guide, someone inquired about the origins of bullfights in Spain. The tour guide, either by ignorance or perjury, linked this violent sport to Muslims (Arabs), confidently stating, Oh, the Arabs brought that sport here." This fabrication bothered me considerably, as I had heard several explanations of the origins of bullfighting, but that was not one of them. So I politely interjected and referred to some Catholic legends as to the origins. The story dates back to the time when the Virgin Mariam (Mary puh) was pregnant with Prophet Issa (Jesus Christ; puh), there was an incident in which a bull was indignant to Mariam (puh), so the bull became a beast to be fought back. The tour guide denied any knowledge of such a story. However, to my surprise and satisfaction, a Catholic couple from the group confirmed my story. I do not know how authentically this explanation is but, certainly contemporary bull fighting did not originate with the Muslims (Arabs). After this incident I encountered a most painful experience in Cordoba's Grand Mosque. As the tour was in progress, I felt the urge to perform tahiyat al-masjid prayer which is a Suna, voluntary prayer practised by Prophet Mohammed (puh), consisting of two short Rak'at So I chose a remote corner away from the group and began my prayers. However, as I was ecstatically engaged in my prayers, during the second raka'at, an angry man, trembling with rage, approached me, literally breathing into my face, screaming in Spanish, "No Muslim prayers...No Muslim prayers" (so I understood). At first I resisted the pressure of the security guard; but I had to break my prayers. . Despite my protests (and the protest of the guide and other members of the group), the guard tightly held my arm and escorted me out of the Mosque. Once outside the Mosque, I could not escape feeling the pain of this hate and intolerance. The agony of my defeat added to my sadness provoked by memories of the downfall of the Muslim Caliphate in this land; I could not restrain my tears. Then I recalled the late Allama Iqbal (1873-1938) of the Indian sub-continent who visited this Mosque in 1932 (with special permission from England, for until not long ago, Muslims and Jews were forbidden to enter Spain). Having encountered similar experiences, he expressed his anguish in his epic poem, "The Mosque of Qurtaba," where he bemoaned: Oh Holy Mosque of Qurtaba, the shrine for all admirers of art Pearl of the one true faith, sanctifying Andalusia's soil Like Holy Mecca itself, such a glorious beauty Will be found on earth, only in a true Muslim's heart These verses and his other poems provided me with some comfort as I recollected the legendary tolerance and protection that Islam has historically extended to other faiths. During the next day or so, I returned to the Mosque, accompanied by a Muslim colleague from France; and cautiously, I was able to absorb its quiet spirituality more thoroughly.

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Besides the Great Mosque, Islams legacy in Cordoba has more to offer. Guided by a city map, I decided to explore more by walking. Echoes of Cordoba's grandeur remain strong in the area, especially around the Mosque. Like other Muslim towns, Cordoba contains small palaces built around watered courtyards, and to explore these streets is to encounter ecstatic bliss: glimpses through open doors reveal beautiful tiled and flower-filled patios. The use of Arabic names for streets, buildings and places is still much in common use, such as. "Alfaros, the name of the hotel where I stayed, with some of its luxurious rooms also named in Arabic (e.g., "Salon Al-Zahra"). Buildings such as churches, castles, and fortresses still testify to their Islamic past, either by their design or by their inscriptions. As I walked along the banks of Guadalquivir (derived from Al-

Wadi Al-Kabir, or Great River, in Arabic), I saw the picturesque ruins of three Muslim flour-mills, with a Roman
bridge standing in the background. On the other side of the bridge stood an historic fort, the Tower of Calahorra (Arabic Qalah Al-Horrah, or The Fort of the Freed Lady), which houses a small but excellent Arabfunded Islamic Museum, that provides a good introduction to Islamic legacy. The most spectacular sight, however, was that of a ninth century waterwheel (Spanish noira, from Arabic Al-Na'urah) still standing in the river. For many centuries, under Islam, this wheel was the main water machine supplying the Great Mosque and the whole Cordoba city with drinking water. Near the Mosque is the Alcazar (A-Qasr in Arabic), built in the eighth century, the residence of the first Ummayad emir, Abdur Rehman. Also, nearby there was the statue of Ibn Rushd whom I paid homage before leaving this area.

Figure 8. The Statute of Ibn Rushd (Averroes, 1126-1198) stands in pride as a reminder of the contribution of the Muslims not only to Spain but to the whole of Europe.

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Friday approached quickly and I needed to locate a mosque where Friday prayer takes place. Upon some investigation I located the newly-founded Ibn Rushd Islamic University in the vicinity of the Great Mosque. The University has a mosque within it; and I went there for Friday prayers, on December 11th. It was such a moving experience to hear the sound of adhan on the Spanish soil, where once the hostility to Islam could have resulted in a dreadful death. . A further irony is this: the university and its mosque are located at the site almost exactly where so much of the Islamic past was destroyed-- religious scriptures and thousands of books written by Islamic scholars. This was also one of the sites where Muslims who refused to convert to Christianity were burnt at the stake. Those who thus converted, by force, became known as Moriscos. Most inhabitants of todays Andalucia region are believed to hold that Morisco past, though over the centuries their identity is thoroughly lost amidst the new Spanish Christian society. The Jews, though a minority, had suffered similar fate, and those "baptized" were known as Conversos. In the University's mosque, I met some native young Spaniards (including three women) who, having discovered their roots and/or having formally studied comparative religion, had embraced Islam. In fact, it was most moving to hear the Friday Khutba (lecture ceremony) from a young Spanish Muslim, who spoke fluent Arabic, and even provided translation in Spanish and English. Then, at the University, I met the Rector of the University, Dr. Ali M. Kettani, a well-known Moroccan scholar. And it was a pleasant surprise, for he and I had briefly known each other in the 1980s when we were both located in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. I have not met many people with the dedication and enthusiasm to the cause of Islam that I observed in Dr. Kettani. With his strenuous commitment and efforts, he founded, almost singlehanded, this small university in an environment which, though officially tolerant, still exudes Catholic fanaticism; I was told the university and mosque doors have to be locked all the time, for there have been instances of violence and vandalism. The University currently enrols a number of Muslim and non-Muslim students with ambitious plans for expansion. However, there is also a desperate need for financial resources (anyone willing to contribute may contact the author or the University Rectorinformation available on the internet). I also learnt at the University of a most gruesome tragedy that a prominent Muslim lady, Sabora Uribe, had suffered. Professionally a psychiatrist, wife of the President of the Federation of Spanish Muslim Entities and mother of five children, Sabora had embraced Islam twenty years years ago. She was the founder of the Women's Spanish Muslim Association (called "Al-Nisa"). This noble lady was brutally murdered in a town near Cordoba on October 28, 1998. Some fanatics entered the house at night and stabbed her to death, the apparent motive being hatred for her Islamic faith and activities. The University has named one of its classrooms in her memory. One of her children attends the Islamic University in Cordoba.

Seville: A Detour
At the end of the Ibn Rushd colloquium and having absorbed as much of Cordoba as I could within the time available, a colleague and I decided to make a quick visit to Seville Seville, pronounced Sevellya in Spanish, is a derivation from the original Arabic, Ishibiliya, arabised from the Roman name "Hispalis". Incidentally, one of Ishibiliyas famous twelfth century scholars was the Muslim botanist, Abu Zakariyah al-Ishibili, who had identified nearly 600 plants and developed methods of grafting in order to grow improved varieties. In the

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usual Arabic fashion, he is named Ishibili, after the city of his residence. But there is more of Islamic past in Seville, submerged in the famous relics of the Alcazar and the Cathedral/La Giralda. Like Alhambra Palace, Seville's Alcazar (Al-Qasr) is another architectural jewel from the early days of Islam. It was built in the eighth century and expanded in the ninth. Later the Christian rulers made further additions mostly in Gothic style. The entire structure remains, however, essentially Islamic and follows the Islamic tradition of halls and open courts with water fountains. The walls are covered in painted stucco and glazed tiles. The blue and white inscription proclaims the same message seen in Alhambra above: "wa la ghalib ill Allah". Over the vestibule doors are elongated voussoirs which make a nice introduction to more fantasies. Multi-lobed arches support facades of a network of lace-like stone and foliage in which lurk human faces besides the shields of Castile (added under the Christian rule). The most prestigious rooms of the Alcazar are the "Hall of the Kings" and the "Hall of the Ambassadors". The Hall of the Kings is a wide room decorated with fine woodwork, a triple horseshoe-arched arcade and deep alcoves. The Hall of the Ambassadors, with its similar triple arcades, is sharply cut while the ornament is so lavish that it would numb the senses were it not for the vistas beyond. The dome is starlit above subdued muqaranas (stalactites) squinches which catch and reflect the light. One of the most elaborate plaster designs in one of the halls is a foliate lattice inset with pine cones, some of which seemed crushed into thistle heads and others conjured into three-dimensional shells. After absorbing the interior wonders of the Alcazar Palace, I walked through the well-trimmed hedges in the exterior, sat on the tiled benches and enjoyed the beautiful flowers as the Muslim emirs and their entourage would have done. In the midst of this beauty I could not but wonder: If only Muslim architects would come here, to the land of their forefathers, to learn from this beautiful Andalusian architecture, then our Muslim cities would regain their identity, beauty and functionality and rid ourselves from the monotony and ugliness of modern concrete blocks imposed upon various Islamic environments by the so called "modern architects". I also wondered how the sons of the Arabian desert became such excellent gardeners and farmers, something that still mystifies historians and scholars. It was the civilization of Islam which transformed such people into those genius architects, designers, scientists, gardeners and politicians. The Quran established this as it declares:

"Those who believe, and work righteousness,- their Lord will guide them because of their faith: beneath them will flow rivers in gardens of bliss. (This will be) their cry therein: "Glory to Thee, O Allah." And "Peace" will be their greeting therein! and the close of their cry will be: "Praise be to Allah, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the worlds!" (The Quran: 10:9-10)
That's how such people introduced to Spain and the whole Western world so many different types of plants, such as: lemons, oranges, apricots, artichokes, dates, rice, sugarcane and so on. And then we walked to Seville's famous Cathedral and its La Giralda (The Minaret)--the grandest of the minarets, rivalled only by its mother minaret, the Kutubiyya of Marrakesh. The Cathedral is now where the Great Mosque of Seville was built in 1172; and the original minaret was built in 1198. The mosque was first converted into a church in 1248, later it was demolished to give way to the Cathedral which was built during the fifteenth century. Only the dome and minaret of the original mosque escaped demolition. Apart from the visible dome and the minaret (both now "Christianised,"), an astute visitor can also see the Cathedral's Islamic past in two other

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manifestations: The Arabic-inscription, disclosing the name of the name of the Caliph "Abu Yusuf Ya'qub" who financed and ordered the erection of the mosque, as one enters the minaret. The huge entry gate whose wooden doors not only have the Islamic design but also twelfth century Arabic inscriptions. There is nothing inside the Cathedral that would suggest its Islamic past. There is the thoroughly Gothic architecture inside, with dozens of statues and paintings of Christian icons and other symbols. Yet, I was impressed by the Cathedral's interior, not only for its grandeur and richness but also for the serene and solemn atmosphere and the religious sanctity that it conveyed, much more than I felt in Granada's Cathedral. In the Cathedral there is also the tomb of Christopher Columbus, who, after the fall of Islamic Granada in 1492, was charged by Isabella and Ferdinand to seek out India. But one factor that persuaded him to travel West was the Ottoman presence in the East. Guided by well-experienced Muslim navigators, he "discovered" the Americas in the same year (of course, many dispute and despise his adventures).

Some Concluding Remarks


While such impressive monuments of Islamic history that one encounters in Spain represent a tangible legacy of this great civilisation, there are many others that are less tangible as they are part of daily life and therefore often taken for granted. Perhaps the most telling example of continuing Islamic influence is the survival of myriad Arabic words and phrases in the Spanish language, such as Almirante (Al-Amir), Al-Mohade (Al-

Mohtasub), arroz (Al-Ruz), Guitarra (Al-Guitara), aceituna (Al-Zaytuna), and many others. Further, famous
words such as Ole'! Ole'!" during the Flamenco dances and Spanish bullfights, are unwitting reference to "Allah! Allah!", while the Spanish/ Portuguese word "Oj'ala'" (God willing) is uttering the distorted version of Arabic "Insha-Allah." This is to list only a few examples as there is so much more to describe, including many customs and traditions that are closely linked to the Islamic past, despite the attempts on the part of the Inquisition authorities to eradicate them. Contemporary Spain vigorously promotes Alhambra and other monuments of Al-Andalus as major tourist attractions. Yet, the promoters, including the tour-guides, do not quite point out that these are legacies of nearly eight centuries of Islamic presence in Spain during which they planted the roots of European Renaissance through unparalleled transfer of knowledge in almost every known field. In other words, while Spain and the West are happy to inherit and benefit from the legacy of Islamic Spain (with its own assimilation, to be sure, of the rediscovered Greek reservoir of knowledge), there is the historic reluctance to acknowledging how that legacy contributed to Europe's awakening. The American traveller, Washington Irving, observed this paradox when he visited Spain during early 18th century. The Spanish, he remarked, considered Muslims only as "invaders and usurpers;" and that still seems to be the case today. Following the new freedom of religion policy which was adopted recently in Spain, Islam was officially accepted as a religion in 1989. However, there are still occasions when fanaticism and racism resurface, such as the murder case of the Muslim woman mentioned earlier. According to information available from the Islamic University of Cordoba, there is now about half a million Muslims living in Spain of whom only a fifth are citizens the rest are migrants. Of the citizens, about twenty thousand are converts, the rest are naturalised. The new Muslims live in various regions of Spain although the

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majority is concentrated in the Andalucia region. There are about two hundred mosques in Spain today, fifty of them in the Andalucia region. At one time, of course, there were over 1600 mosques in Cordoba alone! Finally, while I have had the good fortune of having done some travelling here and there, none--except my visits to Mecca and Medina--surpasses the spiritual and emotional experience that I felt upon being immersed for a few days into Spain's Islamic past. There is indeed a sense of pride and humility about the glorious age of my forbearers in faith. This personal exposure to Islamic legacy, as well as my other recent academic explorations into Islam's intellectual contributions and their impact in the making of the West, are in the nature of spiritual medicine, a sort of a therapy for the soul. Such encounters enable me to escape into history books and thus help me in overcoming the sense of grudging humiliation that haunts me as a Muslim; I suspect I am not alone. Again I am recalling a verse from Allama Iqbal's poem, Hispania: Indeed, my eyes observed and absorbed Granada; but My soul is at peace neither from travelling, nor stopping Saw so much, absorbed so much; told so much, heard so much; Yet, solace to the heart is neither from seeing, nor from hearing While one can seek solace in such lamentations of the late Allama, yet one also yearns for a brighter Islamic future, as visualized in the writings of such universal intellectual giants as Ibn Sina (980-1037), Al-Ghazali (1058-1111), and Ibn Rushd (1126-1998). The meaning of life and its goal in Al-Andalus during its Islamic apogee directed each act of daily living, as well as scientific explorations. Such explorations were not set apart from wisdom and faith, and none can express this delicately-balanced bliss better than Ibn Rushd. Thus, during my visit to Cordoba's Islamic Museum, I noted this message from a recorded tape of Ibn Rushd's remarks from his book, On the Harmony of Science and Religion: (i) science, founded on experience and logic, to discover reason; (ii) wisdom, which reflects on the purpose of every scientific research so that it serves to make our life more beautiful; and (iii) revelation, that of our Qur'an, as it is only through revelation that we know the final purposes of our life and our history; Amen. Indeed, it is the gift of "reason" that the then civilized Islam, through Ibn Rushd and others, gave to the then primitive Europe. And it was their impact that the late Allama mentions in his poem, "The Mosque of Qurtaba:" Those whose vision guided the East and the West; Who showed Dark Europe the path of Enlightenment.

Dr. Ghazanfar is a long-time resident of the U.S.A, born in pre-partitioned India, migrated to Pakistan in 1947 and moved to the USA as a student in 1958; having served as Professor and Chair, Department of Economics, University of Idaho, Moscow, Idaho 83843 (USA). Presently, he is professor-emeritus (retired, 2002)

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The Muslim Carpet and the Origin of Carpeting

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Dr Rabah Saoud Professor Salim Al-Hassani Lamaan Ball April 2004 4053 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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THE MUSLIM CARPET AND THE ORIGIN OF CARPETING

Abstract
The Muslim carpet has long been a luxury commodity sought by textile museums, rich collectors and wealthy merchants all over the world. The fame of the flying carpet of 'Al'a Al-Din added some emotional mystery and value to its already exceptional beauty and tangible quality. It is not surprising that carpets still represent one of the most valuable art items obtained by museums and wealthy families of the West. Furthermore, carpeting is becoming one of the essential ingredients of today's living standard in the modern world. Modern sophisticated manufacturing has made it one of the cheapest available flooring methods enabling carpeted floors to invade all houses, apartments and offices. Meanwhile its comfort and warmth has increased its popularity becoming the largest used flooring system replacing the ceramics and mosaics. What are the origins of this tradition? What is the Muslim contribution to this subject? This brief account initially provides an historical background to the appearance and development of Muslim carpet making. Later, it follows the trail of its transfer to the West so gradually setting up a western carpeting tradition.

Background
Muslims regard the carpet with special esteem and admiration. For the traditional Bedouin tribes of Arabia, Persia and Anatolia the carpet was at the centre of their life being used as a tent sheltering them from the sand storms, a floor covering providing great comfort for the household, wall curtains protecting privacy and useful items such as blankets, bags, and saddles. It was indeed a resourceful inspiration to make use of the abundant wool produced by their herds. With Islam, another significant value was added to the carpet, being a furniture of Paradise mentioned numerous times in the Quran. For example in Surah 88 the carpet is counted as one of the riches the believer will be rewarded in the Hereafter:

(Other) faces that Day will be joyful, Pleased with their striving, In a Garden on high, Where they shall hear no (word) of vanity: Therein will be a bubbling spring, Therein will be Thrones (of dignity), raised on high, Goblets placed (ready), And cushions set in rows, And rich carpets (all) spread out. Do they not look at the Camels, how they are made?- And at the Sky, how it is raised high?- And at the Mountains, how they are fixed firm?- And at the Earth, how it is spread out? " (Surah 88: 8-20).
There is a considerable material dealing with the history, nature and character of the Muslim carpet. Such material is published under three main themes; the Oriental carpet, the Muslim carpet, or under regional classification such as Turkish carpet, Persian carpet and the like. Historic sources from this material have established that the carpet tradition is a very old custom practised by early civilisations. Recent discoveries (1949) of a carpet in the tomb of a Scythian prince in Pazyryk in the Altai Mountains (southern Siberia) date back to the sixth century B.C. This carpet, now in the Hermitage Museum in Leningrad, is the oldest extant knotted carpet. . From a study of its knotting technique, as well as its decoration, it appeared clearly that
1

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the so-called "Pazyryk carpet" had a Persian origin . The next evidence, in the early development of the carpet, available consists of small sixth century C.E.
3

fragments from Turfan (east Turkestan), on the old

silk road, which were discovered between 1904 and 1913. From these two evidences it appears clear that the carpet was first made in the region of what was to become later a substantial part of the Muslim world. The earliest surviving Muslim carpet, however, are fragments found in Al-Fustat (old Cairo). The oldest of these belonged to ninth century (821 C.E.), while the remaining were dated to 13 th, 14th and 15 th centuries . Based on the form of their knots and decorative designs, these fragments were classified into two types. The first group included fragments having a knot similar to a later Spanish knot (knotted onto a single warp) and decorated with geometrical design similar to Spanish (Andalusian) carpets of the fifteenth century from Alcaraz .
5 4

Therefore, these were considered to be the first prototype of the latter Spanish

design. The other category of fragments incorporated stylised animal presentations and were considered to be of Anatolian typology of fourteenth and fifteenth centuries when animal decorative designs were the fashion. The similarity to the Spanish and Anatolian carpets has made some historians think they were only Fatimid imports. argued :
6

However, the fame gained by the so-called

"Cairene carpets" during the seventeenth

century can only refer to the refinement reached by the Fustat carpet tradition. Rice confirmed this as he

"The fact that similar designs inspired the woodwork of the middle period in Egypt, as well as the known competence of Egyptian weavers in other veins in early times, tends to support the existence of a local carpet industry, and that, if it existed at all, it was probably established as early as the eighth or ninth century."
Under the Seljuks Muslim carpet reached a high degree of proficiency of technique and high quality of design. Descending from Anatolian origins the Seljuks brought with them the talent and tradition of carpet making and other arts as they spread their reign to Persia and Baghdad by the eleventh century. Ettinghausen , and many others, considers the Seljuks to be the real originators of the Muslim carpet. A study of two specimens of this period, found in Museums of Turco-Islamic art in Istanbul and Konya, revealed the characteristics of the Seljuk carpet art. Carpets in Istanbul Museum belonged to Ala'-Al-Din Mosque of Konya, were dated back to thirteenth century when the Mosque was first built and Konya was the capital of the Seljuk of Rum (1081-1302). The carpets of Konya Museum, however, were originally made for Eshrefoglu Mosque at Beysehir, built in 1298. designs of stars framed by a band of calligraphy. By the collapse of the Seljuk Caliphate under the invasion of the Mongols who by 1259 took Persia, Syria and Baghdad, carpet manufacturing seems to halt for a while. The barbarity of the Mongol attack wiped out any artistic production, inevitably affecting the development of the carpet industry. There are no recorded examples of this period but historic sources indicate that carpet manufacturing recovered after a short period. The famous traveller Ibn Buttuta (1304-1377), for example, talked of the quality of Anatolian carpets, which he found in the hospice to which he was invited , and in his travels Marco Polo (1254-1324) praised them
10 9 8 7

The carpets incorporated beautiful geometrical

Historic sources talked of the spread of stylised animal designs during this period (14 th However, the only evidence available is found in some European paintings made by

century) (figure 1).

artists of this period who made contact with some of these carpets. The first painting, of "Saint Ludovic

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crowning Robert Angevin" made by Simone Martini (circa 1280-1344) in 1317, which is kept at the Capodimonte Museum in Naples, depicted a carpet with geometrical patterns and eagles under the throne. More paintings of carpets having stylised animal motifs were executed including; "The marriage of the Virgin" of Nicolo of Buonaccorso
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(1348-1388), the "Madonna and Child with Saints" of Stefano de

Giovanni, or that of Anbrogio Lorenzetti "Madonna and Child Enthroned with Saints".

Figure 1. Anatolian Prayer- Rug (pre-15


th

century) showing stylised animal motifs in symmetrical rectangles.

The origins of the depiction of animals have been traced back to ninth century Egypt as excavations at Fustat (Cairo) have revealed the existence of such designs in Cairene carpets. There is also a Turkish
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element in these carpets, as shown in these paintings, exhibiting similar traditional knotting techniques Sometime in the fifteenth century, carpets with animal motifs ceased to exist but

so far no concrete

explanation has been established. It might be due to the rise of more religious Ottomans who could have prohibited the depiction of such animals, which depiction is Islamically discouraged. Consequently, a return to abstract geometrical forms took place signalling the beginning of the Ottoman art. The Ottomans gave great impetus to art as reflected in the quality of various works they produced, especially in architecture and textile. Ottoman carpets gradually became renowned for their proficient Historic treatment of plant motifs, in addition to the sophisticated geometrical and colour schemes.

evidence gathered from European paintings, produced around the second half of fifteenth century, shows the eminence and distinction which the Muslim carpet reached under these leaders. The most famous of these paintings are those of the renowned Holbein brothers after them the "Holbein carpets".
13

These two German brothers, especially

Hans Holbein the Junior, dedicated their paintings to Muslim (Ottoman) carpets that they became named These carpets are characterised by their geometrical design which consists of a repeated number of squares as the main frame and octagons as the border followed by a band of "S" pattern and calligraphic designs. The arabesque is used in abundance to fill the squares and the rest of the area. In the seventeenth century, and under the influence of the Persian carpets, the Ottomans adopted a new style consisting of the inclusion of star medallion and prayer niche patterns, features which extended to most Ushak carpets
14

(Figure 2). The design and presentation of these elements varied considerably; in

some instances the carpet was dominated by the central medallion, and in others smaller medallions and scrolls were arranged in particular patterns or in a band around the main theme of the centre. It is worth noting that such designs coincided with the appearance of the Baroque and later Rococo art styles which

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appeared in Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries respectively.

These styles, which were

based on arabesque forms organised around geometrical frames and medallions, influenced the development of these two art forms. This is confirmed by Sweetman, 1987 in his statements:

If we look back from here to 1660 at the fortunes of Islamic and Islamic-inspired art in France and England, we have an overwhelming impression of the importance of decorative arts. The style had a part to play at the Baroque courts of EuropeIn England, under later Stuarts, as under the Tudors, the brilliance of Islamic textiles and the captivating intricacy of the arabesque found a happy correspondence with existing tastes and also made notable contribution to them
15

The Baroque, especially in architecture, is highly ornamented with medallions and irregular shapes as the word Baroque means. Historians admitted its connection with the Muslims, at least in language format, as Baroque came from the Portuguese Barueco and Italian Barocco which is derived from Arabic meaning irregular shaped pearl. The Rococo, however, used light and linear rhythms together with natural shapes like shells, corals and ammonites breaking form the formalities of the Baroque style. The Rococo was developed in France at a time when it had strong contacts with the east as explained earlier under the reign of Louis the fourteenth, a time when the Turqueries and Turkish themes were highly appreciated in France.

Figure 2. Ottoman Rug, Ushaq type, (16-17 th centuries) Berlin Museum. The niche carpets were mainly rugs destined for Muslim prayers, which explains the inclusion of the directional niche (Mihrab) in their centre sometimes with pendulum of light hanging from its arch. This development is a clear sign that the Muslim artist develops his themes from religious as well as natural sources. The use of the mihrab and the lantern in the carpet was highly symbolic reflecting that part of the mosque which locates the direction of the holy Ka'aba as well as translating the Divine meaning of the niche as defined in Surah 24, Ayah 35:

"Allah is the light of the heavens and the earth, a likeness of His light is as a niche in which is a lamp, the lamp is in a glass, (and) the glass as it were a brightly shining star, lit from a blessed olive oil tree, neither eastern nor western, the oil whereof gives light though fire touch it not, light upon light, Allah guides to His light whom He pleases." (24:35)

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The next development in carpet chronology is the contribution of Mamluk Egypt (1250-1570).

Although

there are only a few specimen left of the Mamluk carpet, the oldest dates back to only the fifteenth century which leaves a considerable period from which no samples are extant. However there is some evidence that these carpets became renowned for their quality and rich dcor
16

. They were generally characterised by

their geometrical designs which included stars, octagons, triangles, rosettes and so on, often arranged around a large central medallion. Once more we find arabesque and floral motifs being successfully inserted to fill around these shapes giving the design the unity it requires. centuries until the present day. Besides the Ottoman (Turkish) carpet, no other carpet reached the status and popularity of the Persian carpet. As mentioned above, the Persians had a long carpet tradition extending back to the Sassanian times. However, the earliest surviving evidence of carpet manufacturing in Muslim Persia are dated to Carpets were clearly knotted, comprising a fifteenth century mainly through illustrations in miniatures. of various widths
17

The Mamluk carpets set a design

tradition that continued to be influential in most Egyptian carpets of the eighteenth and nineteenth

rectangular centre dominated by a medallion and a border which sometimes took the form of several bands (figure 3).

Figure 3. Perisan carpet from Azerbijan, late 19th century with large central medallion bordered with "S" pattern band.

The earliest surviving specimen, however, are only dated to sixteenth century, the period of the reign of the Safavids when the production of carpets became a state enterprise as these rulers developed trade relations with Europe and carpet exporting was at the centre of this trade
18

. Carpets were also considered

as valuable gifts, exchanged during diplomatic missions to Europe. Under Shah Abbas I (1587-1629), in particular, carpet export and the silk trade became the main sources of income and wealth for the Safavid state. The production took on a wholesale dimension as manufacturers were receiving orders from
19

European consumers. Carpet making became a professional art requiring designers to draw patterns first on paper before translating it into woven designs . Persian craftsmen from Tabriz, Kashan, Isfahan and Kerman produced eye dazzling and mesmeric designs ranging from the medallion centred carpets, mihrab carpets (figure 4) and vase carpets to personalised carpets bearing the coat of arms of a number of European rulers. Besides these carpets, the Persians excelled in the execution of carpets depicting human and animal scenes, a new style unparalleled in the Muslim world. By early nineteenth century the carpet

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industry started to decline partly due to historic events and conflicts which lost Persia its stability and security in addition to the decline of carpet export as Europeans established their own manufacturing. Table 1 Comparison between Turkish and Persian carpets.

Features Knot form and technique

Turkish In the Turkish (or Ghiordes) knot the yarn is taken twice around two adjacent warp threads and the ends are drawn out between these two threads. Turkish carpets are prominent in the treatment of plant motifs, using rich colours.

Persian In the Persian (or Sinneh) Knot, the wool thread forms a single turn about the warp thread. One end comes out over this thread and the other over the next warp thread. Persian carpets use more human and animal figures and often refer to landscape elements, using dominant delicate interplay of red and blue colours

Decorative design

The above brief is not exhaustive as other parts of the Muslim world such as Andalusia, North Africa, Afghanistan, and India made also their own contributions to the richness and quality of the Muslim carpets. The concentration, however, has been on these regions for their lasting impact on European art.

Figure 4. Beautiful mihrab Persian prayer rug from Azerbaijan, late 19th century.

Europe before the carpet.


How did Europe manage before the arrival of the Muslim carpet? Historic sources indicate that the earliest floor covering in Europe consisted of rushes. scattered over the floor and renewed from time to time
20

Rushes were

. This practice continued up to the second half of

the fifteenth century. The evidence is found in the illumination in a MS. At Lambeth Palace (The Dictes and

Sayings of the Philosophers) depicting King Edward IV (1461-83) receiving a copy of it form its translator

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William Caxton

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. The King was seated in a room strewn with bright green rushes. Hampton Court is said
22

to have had its rushes changed daily on the orders of Cardinal Wolsey

Erasmus (1466-1536) revealed that these rushes were sometimes left too long that he condemned their use:

"The doors are, in general, laid with white clay, and are covered with rushes, occasionally renewed, but so imperfectly that the bottom layer is left undisturbed, sometimes for twenty years, harbouring expectoration, vomiting, the leakage of dogs and men, ale droppings, scraps of fish, and other abominations not fit to be mentioned. Whenever the weather changes a vapour is exhaled, which I consider very detrimental to health. I may add that England is not only everywhere surrounded by sea, but is, in many places, swampy and marshy, intersected by salt rivers, to say nothing of salt provisions, in which the common people take so much delight I am confident the island would be much more salubrious if the use of rushes were abandoned, and if the rooms were built in such a way as to be exposed to the sky on two or three sides, and all the windows so built as to be opened or closed at once, and so completely closed as not to admit the foul air through chinks; for as it is beneficial to health to admit the air, so it is equally beneficial at times to exclude it"23.
In a later stage rushes were woven into mats and widely used in Europe in this form. A miniature in the

Book of Hours in the Chateau at Chantilly entitled," Tres riches Heures du Duc de Berri" depicts the Duke
(1340-1416) seated at a table under which the floor is covered with rush matting
24

. The miniature is dated

to early fifteenth century. Another miniature, found in Bibleotheque Nationale de Paris, shows the Duke of Burgundy, John the Fearless (13711419), receiving a book in a room displaying rush-matting floor. Even at times of Queen Elizabeth I floor rush-matting was still used in England. till the reign of Charles I (1625-49)
25

Evidence from a portrait of

William, Earl of Pembroke (d. 1570) shows the persistence of this practice. In fact rush matting continued .

The Muslim carpet and Europe.


The European fascination with Muslim textile products goes back to the Middle Ages when contacts with the Muslim world, made during the Crusades and trade, resulted in the import of oriental art items including textiles. Such products were so valued that the Pope SilvesterII
26

was buried in luxurious Persian silk cloth.


27

The reader may appreciate the significance of this if he learnt that Queen Eleanor, the Castilian Bride of King Edward I, brought to England Andalusian carpets as precious items of her dowry in 1255 . However, the earliest recorded English contact with Muslim textiles was in the twelfth century when the grandson of William the Conqueror who lived in the Abbey of Cluny in the that century gave an Islamic carpet to an English church
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Figure 5. The Ambassadors. 1533. Oil on wood. National Gallery, London, UK

In France, as expected, Muslim carpets were known much earlier and were particularly popular at the time of Louis IX (1215-70 ) under the name tapis Sarrasinois and in 1277 there were trade privileges for this

tapis in Paris

29

. A silk cope from a Mamluk sultan of Egypt was inscribed on it the learned Sultan dating

from the fourteenth century was found in St. Marys Church at Danzig. This is not surprising as the famous geographer and philosopher, Al- Idrisi (c.1096 - 1166), revealed that woollen carpets were produced in the twelfth century in Chinchilla and Murcia (both now in Spain) and were exported all over the world. In addition to these historical facts, there is another source which provides credible evidence enabling us to evaluate the extent of use and the position of the Muslim carpet in Europe. The study of paintings made in late medieval period supplied considerable information on how and where these carpets were used and how they were regarded. The earliest occurrences of carpets in European paintings go back to early 1300s, starting with the painting of the Italian Simone Martini, Nicolo of Buonaccorso, Stefano de Giovanni, or that of Anbrogio Lorenzetti (see above). In addition to the depiction of stylised animals, there was also a Turkish element in these carpets which consisted of using similar knotting technique
30

In Renaissance paintings one can easily notice a considerable increase in the popularity of Muslim carpets, particularly the Turkish and Persian makes. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries growing trade relations and increasing prosperity of Europe resulted in more importation of Muslim artistic and luxurious goods as European society (i.e. the educated and wealthy) started to experience a more comfortable life. Large quantities of rugs, ceramics and other items formed an essential part of this trade, as confirmed by Mills: "By 1500 we reach a time when certain Turkish products were being produced and exported to the West in large number, and pieces evidently

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belonging to the same group are to be found represented by painters both of Italy and Northern Europe"
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Portraits of important dignitaries from Italy, France, Germany, Holland and Belgium illustrated the luxurious usage of these carpets. Examples of these are those portrayed in the work of the German Hans Holbein, the Junior (1497-1543). He chose large patterned carpets, centrally decorated with octagons and framed within a pseudo-Kufic inscription. His painting known as French Ambassadors, for example, depicts two wealthy men standing in front of a table topped with an Ottoman carpet (figure 5). There other instances where Ottoman carpets were present in Christian themes i.e. depicting the Virgin Mary in a setting displaying Ottoman textiles (figures 6&7).

Figure 6. Virgin and Child with the family of Burgomaster Meyer, 1528 Oil on wood Schlossmuseum,Darmstadt, Holbein the younger.

In Belgium similar processes took place as carpets were subjected to similar privileged treatment. examples may suffice here including the works of Van Eyck (1390-1441) and Hans Memlinc. artists, like Holbein, incorporated the Muslim carpet in their drawings with holy and noble themes.

Two Van

These two

Eyck's painting of the Virgin and Child with St. Donatian, St. George and Canon Van der Paele (figure 8), which he painted in 1436 at Bruges, shows Mary (puh) seated on a carpet with geometrical shapes essentially circles drawn around rosettes combined with lozenges and eight pointed star motifs. used those Anatolian patterns very closely resembling the carpet of Eshrefoglu at Beysehir
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His fellow

artist Hans Memlinc in his Mystical Marriage of St. Catherine (1479) and The Virgin Enthroned (figure 9) . In Italy, the earliest evidence of carpets is traced to the end of twelfth century, appearing in increasing number of paintings of this period, either below the throne of the Madonna (as in the work of Martini above) on the floor of sacred rites, or hanging from windows of homes on feast days. By the fifteenth

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century, carpets gained more popularity as they began to appear in documents showing that they were used as table carpets (tapedi de tavola), and desk carpets (tapedi da desco). Venice
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These were both tapedi

damaschini, Damascus carpets, and tapedi ciaiarini, Cairo carpets, which invaded the trading markets of
.

Figure 7. Details of Figure 6. Here we have medallions made up of diamond and squares. The main border is a connected "S" pattern that is more common as a minor or guard border. In other occasions, Muslim carpets formed fashionable diplomatic gifts, especially the stylish Mamluk carpet from Egypt
34

. The portrait of Husband and Wife of Lotto (1480-1556) shows the use of the "S" pattern for

inner border combined with a delightful arabesque followed by another wider border made essentially of vine leaves (figures 12&13). The painting of the Venetian Cittore Carpaccio, "St. Ursula taking leave of her

father" shows the popularity of rugs appearing on the boat and on balcony of the tower. It is said that
these carpets (of the painting) were made by Turkish artists living in Venice in the "Fondaco dei Turchi" which provides another light on how the reproduction of Muslim/Turkish carpet, transformed into the so called "Venetian Carpaccio", took place
35

. In late fifteenth century paintings show the "Venetian Carpaccio From this time, the representation of carpets in paintings

hanging from the windows and balconies of houses as well as thrown on table tops and places where they can be more visually seen and appreciated. spread to Spain, Germany and France
36

The first arrival of this Ottoman/Turkish carpet to England was recorded in 1518 when Cardinal Wolsey ordered seven from Venice and another 60 Damascene carpets were dispatched to him in 1520 Henry VIII (1509-47) of England is known to have owned over 400 Muslim carpets
38 39 37

. King

. A portrait made for while Arabesque is

him by Holbein in 1537 shows him standing on a Turkish carpet with its Ushak star

bordering his garment, and other Muslim interlacing patterns appear on the curtains (figure 10). In another portrait showing the King and Princess Mary (later Queen 1553-8) seated at a table on which a Turkish carpet is spread (figure 11). Records also show that the Earl of Leicester, Robert Dudley, (1532-1588), who lived during the time of Elizabeth I (1558-1603), left a total of 46 Turkish carpets and one Persian
40

Turkish carpets were also acquired by Hardwick Hall, formerly Bess of Hardwick which was built by Elizabeth of Shrewsbury in the 1590s. An inventory of the halls will of 1601 counted 32 carpets
42 41

Records also show that the Hall purchased in 1610 two Turkish carpets for the price of 1315 coffers, by households with prestige.

. Thus when

they were first introduced to England, carpets were used in display places, such as tables, desks, and

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Figure 8. Van Eyk: Virgin and child with ST. Donatian, St.George and Canon Van der Paele, Burges (1436). Muslim carpets continued to decorate most of Tudor Englands tables, chests, and walls. It was not until the Victorian period (18 th century) that they were used on floors. There is evidence suggesting that some carpets were made specifically for Europeans customers. The presence of round shaped carpet that could be used for tables and other cross- shaped carpets that were produced in Egypt can only be suggestive of a European destination Poland. It is quite clear that the Ottoman carpet reached an unprecedented position in European high society, as confirmed by Ettinghausen who wrote:
43

In other carpets the figure of the crucifixion was inserted in floral motifs, while

others carried the European coat of arms of which some were sent to King Sigismund III (15661632) of

"There is no doubt that carpets exerted a great fascination on would-be buyers and owners, whatever their social position-whether they were Hapsburgs or members of the royal house of Sweden, princes of the church, the nobility, or were just well-to-do members of the bourgeoisie. Their esteem can be gauged by the fact that they served as the setting for coronations and other important festive occasions. They became what is now called a status symbol"
44

In the seventeenth century, the carpet fashion took off strongly as records reveal the existence of many types of carpets; foot carpet, table carpet, cupboard carpet and window carpet despite the fierce competition from the Chinese carpets (table 2).
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Such overwhelming

popularity continues till the present day while the import of carpets from Islamic countries continues strong

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Table 2. Imports of Oriental (Muslim) carpets. Country Austria Belgium Canada Denmark France Great Britain Holland Sweden Switzerland USA 1929 425 600 300 295 1967 355 170 720 70 100 340 510 1960 90

Source: Wirth, E. (1976) Der Orientteppich und Europa, Heft 37, Gedruckt inder universitatsbuchdruckerei Junge & Sohn, Erlangen, p.337.

Figure 9. Hans Memling Flemish (c.1440-1494), The Virgin Enthroned, Belgium.

Figure 10 Holbein the Junior, Henry 8th (c.1540) showing the Ushaq carpet.

Europe's Imitation of the Muslim Carpet.


The first imitation of Muslim carpets in Europe was undertaken under the sponsorship of English patrons
46

Attempts to introduce the craft of weaving carpet into England were made as early as the times of Elizabeth I. A Victoria and Albert Museum publication reports that a chapter in Hakluyt's Voyages, entitled " Certaine directions givento M. Morgan Hubblethorne, Dier sent into Persia, 1579" refers to a plan to import Persian carpet makers into England: "In Persia you shall find carpets of course thrummed wool, the best of the

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world, and excellently coloured: those cities and towns you must repair to, and you must use means to learn all the order of the dyeing of those thrums, which are so dyed as neither rain, wine, nor yet vinegar can stain.If before you return you could procure a singular good workman in the art of Turkish carpet making, you should bring the art into the Realm and also thereby increase work to your company" produced in 1570 at Gorhambury. other copies made in Britain.
47

According to Sweetman, the earliest carpet made in Europe was that of Verulam carpet which was Other three carpets were in the collection of Duke of Buccleuch at Boughton bearing the dates of 1584 and 1585. There are other suggestions which point to the existence of

Figure 11. Holbein the Senior, lost Mural at Whitehall. Between sixteenth and seventeenth centuries smaller objects such as chair covers, cushion covers and the like, some of which can be found in Norwich Cathedral, were reproduced in similar knotting patterns as those of the Turkish carpets
48

In seventeenth century small panels to cover cushions upholstery were An oak chair dated in 1649 and covered with such panels is to be

produced using Turkish techniques. found in Victoria and Albert Museum.

By the eighteenth century the carpet industry was established in Britain. middle of eighteenth century. covers
49

A certain French man with the

name Pavisot made carpets, imitating the Savonnerie carpets, at Paddington moving to Fulham by the However most of his production was destined to fulfil orders for furniture . Later, in 1751, the Royal Society of Arts promoted the establishment of successful carpet The

manufacturing "on the Principle of Turkey Carpets" through subsidies and awards. For example between 1757 and 1759, the Society spent 150 as awards for the best Turkish imitated carpets. Whitty at Axminster, Passavant at Exeter, and William Jesser of Frome
50

manufacturers benefiting from these awards were Thomas Moore in Chisewell Street, Moorfield, Thomas .

In France a similar approach was followed. In 1604 King Henry IV promoted a certain Monsieur Fortier and made him "tapissier ordinaire de sa Majeste en Tapiz de Turquie et facon de Levant" to make copies of Turkish and Eastern carpets. A year later, 1605, a company Savonnerie, was set up by Pierre du Pont to do this copying. Later, in 1750 the company expanded into England, two Frenchmen from Savonnerieat

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Chaillot moved to London and set up a carpet factory first in Westminster and later expanded into Paddington and Fulham
51

as outlined above.

Figure 12. Husband and Wife, Lorenzo Lotto, c. 1543.

Figure 13. Close up of carpet in Husband and Wife. Details of the octagonal design on the tapestry.

Other countries followed suit.

In 1634 Polish companies were set up in Brody by a certain Hetman


52

Stanislaw Koniecpolski to produce Turkish and eastern styled carpets

Summary and Conclusion.


From the above it appears that the European perception of Muslim carpeting has developed over time from being a rare luxurious item gifted to the holy and saintly figures to being possessed only by the rich and ultimately to the establishment of local carpet industries thus making it available to a wider public. In this process one can distinguish five phases: ! Carpets were first reserved to holy rituals as seen in paintings which incorporated them in the depiction of the Virgin (puh), Jesus (puh), the saints and other holy scenes. between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. ! ! In late fifteenth century the carpet reached the landed gentry becoming a status symbol to be displayed from such as windows and balconies (as seen in the "Venetian Capaccio"). In the seventeenth century, carpets were a popular decorative item covering tables, as seen in the Dutch paintings. This period also saw the appearance of foot carpet, table carpet, cupboard and window carpets. ! ! The eighteenth century marked the start of the carpet manufacturing. The last two centuries have seen a wider spread of carpet spreading reaching most houses and offices of the Western world. This contribution shows the humane dimension of Islam in catering for the comfort and well being of people through the development and spread of carpets. An insignificant item maybe, if compared to those higher intellectual achievements in such as science, literature, poetry and the like, but undoubtedly a useful contribution. This took place

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Notes.
Gans-Ruedin, E. (1975), Antique Oriental Carpets, From the seventeenth to the early Twentieth century, translated from, le tapis de l'Amateur, by Richard and Elizabeth Bartlett, Thames and Hudson, London, p.10. 2 Ibid, p.12. 3 Ibid, p.13. 4 Ibid, p.14 5 Spuhler, F. (1978),Islamic Carpets and Textiles in the Keir Collection, Faber and Faber ltd., London, p.27. 6 Rice, D.T. (1975), islamic Art, Thames and Hudson, Norwich, p.139. 7 For more on the Seljuk Caliphate please see Muslim Architecture Under Seljuk Patronage (10381327), Muslimheritage.com. 8 Ettinghausen, R. (1974), The Impact of Muslim decorative arts and painting on the Arts of Europe, Schacht Joseph and Boswoth, C. E. ed., The Legacy of Islam, 2nd Edition, The Clarendon Press, Oxford, p.300. 9 Ibn Battuta: Travels in Asia and Africa 1325-1354. Translated and selected by H.A.R. Gibb. Edited by Sir E. Denison Ross and Eileen Power, Robert M. McBride & Company, New York, p.126. 10 t'Sterstevens, A. (1955),Le Livre de Marco Polo, Albin Michel, Paris, p.73. 11 Which contains a floor carpet with octagons depicting eagles, now at the National Gallery of London. 12 Mills, J. (1975),Carpets in Pictures', Publications Department National Gallery, London, pp.4-5. 13 Hans Holbein (1497-1543) the Junior, and Holbein the Senior 14 Spuhler, F. (1978), Islamic Carpets and Textiles in the Keir Collection, op, cit., p.47. 15 Sweetman, 1987, pp.71-72. 16 Gans-Ruedin, E. (1975), Antique Oriental Carpets, From the seventeenth to the early Twentieth century, op.cit., p.21. 17 Elke Niewohner (2000)Iran: Safavid and Qajars; Decorative arts, M.Hattstein & P. Delius eds, Islam: Art and Architecture, Konemann, Cologne, pp.520-529. 18 Blair, S. & Bloom, J. (2000),Islamic Carpets, M.Hattstein & P. Delius eds, Islam: Art and Architecture, Konemann, Cologne, pp.530-533. 19 Ibid., p.532. 20 Scott, S.P. (1904), History of the Moorish Empire, Vol2, The Hippincot Company, Philladelphia. 21 The book was translated from French "Les ditz moraulx des philosophes" by Guillaume de Tignoville. Apparently it was the first book to be published in England in 1477. 22 Victoria and Albert Museum, op., cit., p.59. 23 Cheyney, E.P. (1908)," Readings in English History", Ginn and Company, New York, pp. 316-317. 24 Victoria and Albert Museum, op., cit., p.59. 25 Ibid. 26 Reigned 999-1003; also called Gerbert. Born at or near Aurillac, Auvergne, France, about 940-950, of humble parents; died at Rome, 12 May, 1003. Gerbert entered the service of the Church and received his first training in the Monastery of Aurillac. He was then taken by a Spanish count to Spain, where he studied at Barcelona and also under Arabian teachers at Cordova and Seville, giving much attention to mathematics and the natural sciences 27 Sweetman, (1987) 28 Boase, T.S.R. (1953)`English Art 1100-1216, p. 170.). 29 Sweetman, 30 Mills, J. (1975), op.cit., pp.4-5. 31 Ibid., p.16. 32 Gans-Ruedin, E. (1975), op., cit., p.20. 33 Victoria and Albert Museum (1920), op.cit. 34 Erdmann, K. (1962), Europa und der Orinetteppich,, Mainz, Berlin, pp.11-17 . 35 Mills, J. (1975), op.cit., p.17. 36 Victoria and Albert Museum (1920) Guide to the Collection of Carpets, HMSO, London. p.3. 37 Beattie, M. (1964)` Britain and the Oriental Carpet, in LAC 55, and Mills, J. (1983) the coming of the carpet to the West, in ARTS cat., the Eastern Carpet in the Western World.
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38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

King, D. (1983)`the inventories of the carpets of King Henry 8, in Hali 5,pp.287-296. The Ushak star consists of eight point indented star motif alternating with lozenge shapes. Ettinghausen, (1974) , op. cit., p.301. Beattie, M.H. (1959) Antique Rugs at Hardwick Hall, in Oriental Art, vol. 5, pp.52-61. Ibid. Ettinghausen, 1974, op.cit., p301. Ettinghausen (1974) op.,cit., p. 301. Victoria and Albert Museum, op., cit., p.9. Sweetman, 1987, op. cit., p.16. Quoted by Victoria and Albert Museum, op., cit., p.62. Victoria and Albert Museum, op., cit.,p.63. Ibid., p.64. Sweetman, 1987, op. cit., note 39, p.274,. Also see Victoria and Albert Museum, op., cit., p.64. Ibid., note 39, p.40. Ettinghausen, (1974), op., cit., p.302.

References

Ettinghausen, R. (1974), The Impact of Muslim decorative arts and painting on the Arts of Europe, Schacht Joseph and Boswoth, C. E. ed., The Legacy of Islam, 2nd Edition, The Clarendon Press, Oxford, pp.292-317. Gans-Ruedin, E. (1975), Antique Oriental Carpets, From the Seventeenth to the early Twentieth century, translated from, le tapis de l'Amateur, by Richard and Elizabeth Bartlett, Thames and Hudson, London. Hattstein, M. & Delius, P.eds (2000),Islam: Art and Architecture, Konemann, Cologne. Hunke, S.(1969), Shams Al'arab Tast'a 'ala al-Gharb, 2nd edition, The trading Office for Prinitng Distributing & Publishing, Beirut, Lebanon. Mills, J. (1975),Carpets in Pictures' , Publications Department National Gallery, London. Rice, D.T. (1975), islamic Art, Thames and Hudson, Norwich. Spuhler, F. (1978),Islamic Carpets and Textiles in the Keir Collection, Faber and Faber ltd., London, p.27. Victoria and Albert Museum (1920) Guide to the Collection of Carpets, HMSO, London. Wirth, E. (1976) Der Orientteppich und Europa, Heft 37, Gedruckt inder universitatsbuchdruckerei Junge & Sohn, Erlangen.

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Science and Related Institutions within the Ottoman Administration during the Classical Period

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Salim Ayduz PhD Professor Salim Al-Hassani Nadeem Anwar April 2004 4054 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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SCIENCE AND RELATED INSTITUTIONS WITHIN THE OTTOMAN ADMINISTRATION DURING THE CLASSICAL PERIOD
The Ottomans conserved the fundamental features of Islamic civilization in their scientific institutions as they also did in social and cultural areas. Three of the six Ottoman state scientific institutions dealt with here are in the area of astronomy and the other three have to do with medicine. These scientific-based institutions functioning within the state administrative organization were established not for the purpose of governance but rather to provide state support for the pursuit of theoretical and applied scientific activities and allow the central government to monitor these. Of the scientific institutions within the Ottoman state apparatus, those dealing with medicine are divided into three separate bodies: the Office of Chief Physician (hekimbashilik), the hospitals and the Sleymniye Medical Madrasa. All three of these institutions came into being at different times. The hospitals, which were institutions concerned with public health, were the first to be established. Because of the increasing number of hospitals, which had come to exist in the empire, both those inherited from the Seljuks and the newly constructed ones, there arose a need to administer and monitor these as well as both the Palace doctors and those working in the hospitals. An Office of Chief Physician was established at the Palace for this purpose. Based on available information, we know that the Office of Chief Physician emerged during the reign of Byezd II. The Sleymniye Medical Madrasa was opened at a later time to train physicians and was put under the administrative aegis of the Office of Chief Physician. The fact that the establishment of some of these institutions in Ottoman society took place during a rather late period despite the fact that such bodies were to be found in earlier Islamic societies, can be attributed to the Ottomans tendency to create new institutions based on a felt need in society. The scientific institutions, which we shall examine in the field of astronomy, are the chief astronomers office, the muvakkithnes and the Istanbul Observatory. Though one can find original works and those in translation in the fields of astronomy and astrology from the early period on, the first calendar works were only begun during the time of Sultan Murd II. Such original studies, translations of works from other languages and the preparation of calendars were on the increase during the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror and became quite widespread during the time of Byezd II. Because the Ottoman state did not possess an observatory, with the exception of Takiyeddins, the astronomers were only able to pursue their work at Muvakkithanes and in their own homes. The establishment of the chief astronomers office, an institution which emerged to administer the growing number of Muvakkithanes set up in the Ottoman Empire and especially in Istanbul following the conquest and to manage astronomical and astrological activities at the palace, most probably took place during the reign of Byezd II. The short-lived Istanbul Observatory later established alongside the Muvakkithanes was also under the administrative control of the Chief Astronomers Office. In contrast to the sultan astronomers of earlier Islamic states, the Chief Astronomers Office continued to function with a rather large staff and broad responsibilities as a wellorganized institution engaged in its particular activities until the late period.
i

Adnan Adivar. Osmanli Trklerinde Ilim, 5th ed. Ed. Aykut Kazancigil and Sevim Tekeli. Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1983.

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Office of Chief Physician


As was the case in all Turkish and Islamic states, there was an Ottoman Office of Chief Physician with responsibilities in the first instance for the health of the sultan and that of the personnel of the palace as well as for managing all state health institutions. There is some debate about the first establishment of the Chief Physicians Office and the identity of the first chief physician. There were, from the time of Orhan Gz to that of Sultan Byezd II, private physicians in attendance looking after the health of the sultan and his family. For example, during the reign of Murd II Seyh Sinan, and that of Mehmed the Conqueror Kutbeddin Efendi and Ykub Celebi, there were no chief physicians, but rather private doctors of those sultans. The first chief physician to take responsibility in a general sense for health services in the country was the chief physician during the reign of Byezd II, Izmitli Mehmed Muhyiddin Efendi (d. 1504-05). The chief physicians, dignitaries in the Outer (Birn) Service of the palace, were referred to in official documents as ras al-etibb. Because they carried the responsibility for the health of the sultan and the imperial family they were also known by such names as ser etibb-yi sultn, ser etibb-yi hassa, and among the public at large as hekimbashi efendi. Among the Ottoman bureaucracy they were referred to variously as: the most accomplished chief physician , the pride of specialist physicians, the elect of knowledgeable doctors, the Hippocrates of his age, the Galen of his time, the recipient of Gods divine gifts. (One of the Ottoman Chief Physcian paint see Figure 1.)

Figure 1 - One of the Ottoman Chief Physcian paintings Chief physicians would be selected from among well-educated individuals of the ulema (members of the Muslim learned) class with credentials in the medical sciences. Beginning in 1836, doctors from outside of the ulema class also began to be appointed to the position. The person appointed as chief physician would For the appointment of chief physicians see Topkapi Palace Museum Archives (TSMA), no. E. 668; Prime Ministry Archives (BOA), M. Cevdet Tasnifleri, Sihhiye, no. 8; no. 135, Saray, no. 408; no. 7072; Mehmet Sreyya, Sicilli Osmani Tezkere-i Mesahir-i Osmaniyye , 4 vols., (Istanbul 1308-1315 R) 4:721; Ali Seydi Bey, Tesrifat ve Teskilat-i Kadimemiz, (Istanbul, n.d.), 119-123; C. Ceyhun, Hekimbasilar Imparatorluk Devrimizin Saglik Bakani Yetkili Kisileridir, Ege Universitesi Tip Fakltesi Mecmuasi (EUTFM) 9, no 3, (Izmir, 1970): 557-559; M. Z. Pakalin, Osmanli Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Szlg, 3 vols., (Istanbul, 1970), 1: 795-796; F. N. Uzluk, Hekimbasi Mustafa Behcet, (Ankara 1954), 26.
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take part in a ceremony where he was to wear a sable coat. This hilat (wearing of the robe of honor) ceremony, at which time the appointment would be announced, would take place in the presence of the grand vizier during the early period, later in that of the drssade agasi (chief aga of the Harem) and toward the end of the eighteenth century in the presence of the sultan himself. Chief physicians thus appointed would later be registered in the ruus ledger. The chief physicians took last place in the order of protocol. From the early years of the empire, if the sultan were to die of natural causes, the chief physician would be fired under the assumption that the sultan died as a result of the neglect or of an error on the part of the physician. If, however, the sultan were deposed or otherwise gave up the throne, the chief physician would continue in his position.iii Chief physicians working in positions such as teacher or kadi could rise as high as the rank of chief judge (kazasker) of Anatolia or Rumelia. Up until the nineteenth century chief physicians who worked at Topkapi Palace in a place known as the Baslala Kulesi used as the physicians office and pharmacy, were under the orders of the baslala (chief tutor) and in the retinue of the custodian of the sultans weapons (silhdr aga). The medicines used for the sultan and his associates would be prepared at the palace pharmacy by the pharmacist according to the prescription of the chief physician, this being monitored by the Janissary guard assigned to the chief tutor (baslala kullukcusu) and another palace guard (zlfl baltaci). After the medicines which had been prepared were put in bowls, cups or boxes and wrapped, instructions for their use would be written on them and they would be sealed by the chief tutor. The daily wage of the chief physician in the sixteenth century was 80 akces and the monthly salary 2360 akces and was provided by the Hazne-i mire. During more recent periods this salary rose as high as 6500 akces and after 1837 began to be paid from the Mansre Treasury. The chief physicians and palace physicians, whose rus were registered by the piyde kalemi, would receive their wages on a monthly basis. Chief physicians would also receive a payment for winter and summer clothing (kislik ve bahriye avidi) from the exchequer. The chief physicians would from time to time, upon the orders of the sultan, look after statesmen who were not well and receive payments and various gifts from them. The chief physicians had at their service officers of the court (muhzirlar), sultanic ushers (hnkr kapicisi), Janissarys keeper of the garments (Yeniceri cuhadari), halberdiers (baltacilar) and 100 inner palace officials (ic hademesi). The chief physician had various duties both within the palace and outside. His primary duty within the palace was to look after the health of the sultan and the members of the imperial family. He would pay special attention to the preservation of the sultans health and to keeping him from contracting an illness and he would never leave his side even at meal times. The chief physician would also accompany the sultan wherever he went. If the sultan set out on a military campaign the chief physician would accompany him and as a result would receive travel allowances. The chief physician would also serve as consultant to the sultan on matters of health. In addition to their having medicines prepared for the sultan when he was ill, chief physicians also had the responsibility for preparing various herbal or medicinal potions and mixtures for strengthening the body and increasing appetite. The chief physician was also responsible for the preparation of candles, soaps, perfumes, nisan suyu, incenses for the palace and also for the medicated mixes of sugar (mcunlar) prepared in the sweets kitchen (helvahne). Every year on the day of Nevrz (21 March) the chief physician would also have a fragrant red-colored mix known as nevrziye prepared from

iii

Ali Haydar Bayat, Osmanli Devletinde Hekimbasilik Kurumu Ve Hekimbasilar, Ankara : Atatrk Kltr Merkezi, 1999.

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an extract of ambergris, opium and numerous fragrant plants, and have this mix placed in porcelain dishes and wrapped with expensive fabrics. He would present the mix to sultan and to all the princes and princesses, the distinguished women of the palace, the grand vizier and other high palace officials at a ceremony. At this ceremony at which the chief oculist (kehhlbashi), chief surgeon and astronomer would be present, the chief astronomer would present the calendar for the new year and all of these individuals would in return be given furs to wear and receive various gifts. The chief physician, who was in charge of the palace pharmacies and five hospitals, was also administrative chief of the palace physicians (etibb-yi hassa), the palace surgeons (cerrhn-i hassa), the Jewish palace physicians (etibb-yi Yahudiyn-i hassa), the palace eye-doctors/oculists (kehhln-i hassa) and astronomers, a group totaling 21 persons. The chief physician would be responsible for selecting these individuals, monitoring their activities and appointing and dismissing them. The chief physician was also responsible for managing all health-related matters throughout the country. Because all medical and healthrelated institutions within the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire were administratively connected to the chief physician, all appointments to hospitals and mental institutions as well as of all surgeons, eye-doctors and pharmacists were his responsibility. All students with diplomas from medical madrasas, medical schools (Mekteb-i Tibbiye) and hospitals would register with the chief physician upon graduation and would then await appointment to a medical institution.iv The chief physician would appoint new doctors to vacant posts and would approve the promotion of those recommended for such. In addition, physicians or surgeons who wished to open a private practice, especially in Istanbul, would have to get permission from the chief physician. The chief physician was responsible for all medical education and instruction both within the Palace and outside. Occasionally he would, along with the chief surgeon and chief eye-doctor, inspect and examine Muslim and non-Muslim doctors, surgeons, eye-doctors and herbalists and would close the shops of those without diplomas, licenses, or who were otherwise unqualified to practice their professions and prohibit them from practicing. Those who were qualified would receive a work permit carrying the seal of the chief physician. A number of chief physicians wrote important works in the field of medicine. A work titled Enmzec al-tibb by Murd IVs famous physician Emir Celebi (d. 1638-39) who studied medicine in Cairo and served as chief doctor at the Cairo Kalavun Hospital was used as a reference book by Ottoman physicians for quite a long time. The chief physician Slih b. Nasrullah (d. 1670-71) served in that position for a very long time and wrote and translated numerous medical works. In particular his book titled Gyet al-bayn f Tedbr-i Badan al-insn and his translations of the works of Paracelsus, which initiated the development of a concept of a new medicine (tibb-i cedd), ensured him an important place in the field of medicine. A medical work written in Turkish titled al-Risil al-msfiye fi al Emrz al-mskila by the chief physician Haytizde Mustafa Feyzi Efendi (d. 1691-92) composed of five treatises had a great impact during that period. The chief physician Subhizde Abdlazz Efendi (d. 1782) was one of the more important physicians trained during the eighteenth century. He translated the Aphorisms of the Dutch Hermann Boerhaave (1668-1738) into Turkish as Kitat-i Nekave f Tercma-i Kalimt-i Boerhave, an important contribution to Ottoman medical literature. The chief physician Mustafa Behcet Efendi (d. 1834)v is well known for a few short though important treatises as well as for his leadership in getting the modern Medical School opened. His

iv E. Ihsanoglu and M. Kacar, Ayni Mnasebetle Iki Nutuk: Sultan II Mahmudun Mekteb-i Tibbiye Ziyaretinde Irad Ettigi Nutkun Hangisi Dogrudur? Tarih ve Toplum no. 83 (Kasim 1990): 44-48; E. Ihsanoglu and F. Gnergun, Tip Egitimin Trkcelesmesi Meselesinde Bazi Tespitler, Trk Tip Tarihi Yilligi= Acta Turcica Histoirae Medicinae, I. Uluslararasi Tip Tarihi ve Deontoloji Kongresine Sunulan Tip Tarihi ile Ilgili Bildiriler, ed. Arslan Terzioglu, Istanbul, 1994, 127-134.

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most important works are Cicek Asisi Rislesi (A Treatise on Smallpox Vaccination) and Risle-i Illet-i Efrenc (A Treatise on Syphylis).vi During the Westernization process, which began with the Tanzimat, the office of the chief physician slowly began to lose its function as the body responsible for all health and medical concerns in the country and came to be confined solely to health matters within the palace. With the establishment in 1837 of a Health Office (Sihhiye Diresi) within the Ministry of War (Bb-i Serasker/Harbiye Nezreti) and then in 1850 the founding of the Imperial Medical School (Mekteb-i Tibbiye-i hne) and the Department of Civilian Medical Affairs (Umr-i Tibbiye-i Mlkiye Nezreti) and the passing of laws, rules and regulations pertaining to health matters, the chief physician ceased to have any control over civilian health matters. Henceforth he would serve solely as palace physician. In 1844 the title of the chief physician (hekimbashi) was changed to chief imperial physician (ser-tabb-i sehriyr). The last chief imperial physician was Dr. Resd Pasha. During the late Ottoman period health matters were under the administration of a general directorship under the aegis of the minister of the interior. This office was done away with in 1923 with the abolition of the sultanate. During the Republican period, a Ministry of Health and Social Assistance was established and has persisted to this day, though now known as the Ministry of Health. Based upon information we have been able to obtain to date, 44 physicians served as chief physician between 1484 and 1844. Some of these served two or three terms in the office.
vii

Hospitals (ifhneler)
ifahanes or Dr al-Shifs carried out the same functions as hospitals do today. As wakf institutions they were concerned with the public health of all social strata. They also offered medical education organized along apprenticeship lines. Such hospitals first began to be established during the Umayyad period and were at that time largely referred to with the term bmaristn. Such hospitals began to excel for the first time during the period of the Abbasid caliphs. Numerous famous hospitals were established during that time. No remaining ruins of any Islamic hospitals have, however, been discovered for the period prior to the time of the Seljuks. Many hospital buildings constructed during the Seljuk years continued to function during the Ottoman period as they had earlier, without any changes in their charter regulations. In this sense it can be said that the Seljuk hospital and medical tradition had a major impact on the Ottomans. The first hospital known to have been built in the Islamic world was the bmaristn constructed in Damascus in 706-707 by the Umayyad caliph Veld b. Abdlmelk. At the beginning of the tenth century, during the period of the Abbassid caliphs, numerous hospitals (bmaristn) were constructed in Baghdad in particular. The oldest Turkish-Islamic hospital that has been identified so far is the bmaristn built in Damascus by Atabeg Nureddin Zengi in 1154-1155 and known by his name. In addition, the Syrian Seljuk Emir Alemddin Sencer established a hospital in Kerek, and Dukak, the son of Tutus (d. 1095) had one built in Damascus.

F. N. Uzluk, Hekimbasi Mustafa Behcet, Ankara 1954. N. Sari and B. Zlfikar, The Paracelusian Influence on Ottoman Medicine in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, in Transfer of Modern Science & Technology to the Muslim World, ed. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu (Istanbul, 1992), 157-179. vii Osman Sevki, Bes Bucuk Asirlik Trk Tababeti Tarihi, Istanbul 1925.
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The first hospital founded by the Seljuks was built by Alparslans (1063-1072) vizier Nizmlmlk in Nishapur. Subsequent to that the Seljuks built hospitals beginning in 447/1055-1056 in Baghdad, iraz, Berdesir, Kasan, Ebher, Zencan, Harran and Mardin. Nothing remains of those hospitals today. The following hospitals have survived to the present day: Nureddin Hospital in Damascus, Gevher Nesbe Dr alShif and Giyseddin Keyhusrev Madrasa (1205-1206) in Kayseri, Izzeddin Keykvus I Dr al-Shif (12171218) in Sivas, the Aleddin Keykubad I Dr al-Shif (1220-1237) in Konya, the Konya Kemleddin Karatay Dr al-Shif (1255), the Dr al-Shif (1228) built by Behramsahs daughter Turan Melek of the Mengcikler, the Cankiri Atabeg Ferruh Dr al-Shif (1235-1236), Amasya Dr al-Shif (1308), the Amasya Torumtay Dr al-Shif (1265-1266), the Muneddin Pervne Dr al-Shif (1275-1276) in Tokat and the Pervneoglu Ali Dr al-Shif (1271-1272) in Kastamonu. In addition, the following are hospitals constructed by other states in Anatolia: the Aksehir hospital (thirteenth centuries), the Erzincan Dr al-Shif (date of construction unknown), the Erzurum Dr al-Shif (1147), the Dr al-Shif constructed by the Ilkhanid ruler Olcaytu (1308), the Bmaristn-i Fruk constructed in the city of Meyyafarkin (Silvan) in Diyarbakir by Nasrddevle of the Skmenler and the Dr al-Shif built in Mardin by Emineddin, the brother of Necmeddin Ilgz (11081122) of the Artukids. All of these are famous hospitals, the names and we know builders of which. Some of these continued to be active as hospitals during the Ottoman period.
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In the Ottoman literature, the buildings where health-related activities were carried out were known variously as Dr al-Shif, drssihh, sifhne, bmaristn, bmarhne and timarhne.
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Beginning in the

early nineteenth century under the influence of the new western-style medical institutions, which were emerging, the term hospital began to come into use. The chief physician who was responsible for palace and state health matters undertook the administration of all hospitals among the Ottomans. The chief physicians would maintain a register containing the names and other information pertaining to public service doctors. When there was a need for a doctor anywhere they would appoint one in the appropriate order, that is, based on the availability of physicians of a particular rank and qualification. There was a hierarchy of hospitals. The highest-ranking hospital was the Sleymaniye Dr al-Shif. Byezd I in Bursa constructed the first hospital built in Anatolia during the Ottoman period. This hospital, which was built on 12 May 1400 in the eastern part of the city at the foot of Mount Olympus adjacent to the mosque, is no longer extant today. Its charter had been written on 12 May 1400 by Molla Fenr Mehmed b. Hamza, the kadi of Bursa. While at first there was only one section for mental patients, at a later date it became devoted solely to the mentally ill. It continued to function as such until the end of the nineteenth century.
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There were a large number of hospitals founded during the Ottoman period, particularly in Istanbul. The first of these was the Dr al-Shif in the Ftih complex (1470). This hospital containing 70 rooms and 80 domes and had separate sections for female patients. Music was used in the treatment of mentally ill patients. There are few traces left of this hospital which continued to function until 1824.

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Esin Kahya, Anadolu Selcuklularinda Bilim, Erdem (AKM), 5 (13), 1990, pp. 53-79. ix Arslan Terzioglu, Trk-Islam Hastaneleri Ve Tababetinin Avrupada Tibbi Rnesansa Etkileri, Istanbul: Ciba-Geigy, 1992. x On Drt ve On Besinci Yzyillarda Bursadaki Bilimsel Hayattan Bazi Ornekler, Uluslararasi Tarih Kongresi, (Bilkent Universitesiyle Uludag Universitesi Birlikte), Bursa 1997, ss. 362-368.

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The Byezd Dr al-Shif constructed by Sultan Byezd II in Edirne in 1488 was well known for the treatment of the mentally ill and of diseases of the eye. (For the The Byezd Dr al-Shif of Edirne see Figure 2). The building, which is really an historical monument, is especially notable among Turkish hospitals in an architectural sense. The structure was designed in an especially attractive way and had an impact on the design of European hospital buildings. Evliy Celebi in his Seyahatnme (Travels) discusses how mentally ill patients were treated with music. Though it is said that this hospital just treated the mentally ill, there is neither any evidence supporting that assertion either in its charter or in works written at a later time. Perhaps this mistaken impression can be attributed to the special emphasis placed in the various sources on the methods used to treat the mentally ill there.
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Though some have argued that the madrasa connected by a passageway to the courtyard of the hospital was a medical madrasa, there is no evidence either in its charter or in any other sources that medical instruction took place there. However, Evliy Celebi does make mention of a medical madrasa located there. He refers to the madrasa as the Madrasa-i Etibb (Physicians Madrasa) and indicates that medical students were to be found in the madrasa rooms, that they were becoming specialized in one branch of medical science and that they were reading numerous valuable books in the field. However, he does not provide any information about the educational curriculum of the pupils resident at the Madrasa-i Etibb. Though at first the hospital was established for the treatment of a variety of illnesses, it later came to specialize in mental illnesses. It was abandoned in 1912-1913 as a result of the Balkan Wars.

Figure 2 - The Byezd Dr al-Shif of Edirne The hospital (bmristn) constructed in Manisa in 1522 by Ayse Hafsa Sultan, the mother of Sultan Sleymn the Magnificent and the wife of Sultan Selm I, continued despite its small size, to care for mentally ill patients until the late nineteenth century. It was one of the hospitals where the mentally ill were treated with music. The building was later abandoned and is now a museum. It has a charter dating from 1523. The charter of the hospital (1550) located in the western corner of the Sleymniye complex refers to it as a mristn (var. of bmristn). This hospital, a large structure that contained two courtyards and 30 rooms, was the highest ranking of all hospitals in the Ottoman system. Students studying at the medical madrasa would receive theoretical instruction four days a week and would get their applied subjects and do
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Evliya Celebi, Evliya Celebi Seyahatnamesi, 10 vols. (Istanbul, 1314), p. 468.

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their internship at the hospital. There was a separate section in the hospital for mentally ill patients in this institution that treated illness of all types. The hospital was, however, later entirely devoted to the mentally ill and continued to be used as such (as a bmristn) until it was shut down in 1861. (For a medical treatment of an Ottoman physician see Figure 3) The Haseki Dr al-Shif, constructed in 1550 by Haseki Hrrem Sultan, the wife of Sleymn the Magnificent, as a fully-equipped hospital was later devoted solely to women. In 1884 it was assigned only to mentally ill male patients and continued to function in that capacity until 1916. The district in which it was located is named after the hospital that continues to function to this day as Haseki Hospital. The Vlide-i Atk Dr al-Shif, constructed in skdar by Mimar Sinan for Nr Bn Sultan (d. 1583), the mother of Murd III and the wife of Selm II as a hospital treating all types of illnesses was, from 1858 to 1927, allocated for the treatment of the mentally ill. The Sultan Ahmed Dr al-Shif was constructed in 1617. As this hospital, a part of the last mosque complex constructed in Istanbul, was under the administration of the kizlar agasi, it was managed in quite an exceptional way. The building, which was especially devoted to the treatment of mentally ill patients, is no longer extant.

Figure 3 Dental treatment of an Ottoman physician The hospital located in the Topkapi Palace and known as the Criyeler Hospital functioned as a continuation of the Seljuk Palace hospital tradition. The chief physician administered the hospital, built for the members of the Palace. Newer types of hospitals were built as the westernization movement began to take hold in the Ottoman Empire. The first European style hospital was opened in 1805 at the Imperial Dockyards (Tersne-i mire) in Kasimpasa.
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A medical school was also opened there to train physicians and surgeons. The Tersne

Medical School, which was opened in 1806, was not very long-lived. In contrast to that, the hospital continued to function until 1822. A fire, occurred that time ruined the building. Following that in 1827 an Imperial Medical School (Tibhne-i mire) and an Imperial Surgical School (Cerrahhne-i mire) were opened. Later, in 1836 these two institutions were united. In 1839 an Imperial School of Medicine (Mekteb-i

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A. Ihsan Gencer, Trk Denizcilik Tarihi Arastirmalari (Istanbul, 1986), 54-63.

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Tibbiye-i Adliye-i hne) and a school hospital offering modern medical education were opened in Galatasaray. (For the Galatasaray Medical School Building see Figure 4) Beginning with the Tanzimat, the functions once assumed by clinical hospitals (Dr al-Shif) supported by the wakf system began to pass to modern hospitals (hastahne) funded from the state budget and established along European lines, a process that was part of the new modernizing approach which was taking over the Ottoman state apparatus and social life.

Figure 4 - The Galatasaray Medical School Building

Sleymniye Medical Madrasa (Sleymniye Tip Madrasasi)


The fact that the first Ottoman hospital, the Bursa Yildirim Byezd Dr al-Shif, recruited its chief physician from Egypt is an indication that there were not many physicians capable of performing that function in Ottoman cities at that time. Those physicians who were available had come from the Seljuks or from other states. That was because the Ottoman state had just been founded and it did not have any institutions or doctors available for training physicians. In later years we also encounter many doctors who had come from other countries as in the early period. For example, Mehmed the Conqueror made the Iranian Kutbeddin and the convert Ykub Pasha his private physicians. Sleymn the Magnificent employed the Jewish eye doctor Msa b. Hamun as his private physician. There were also many other Jews who worked as doctors in the Palace. That there were also a number of converts or physicians who came from abroad serving as chief palace physician during later years leads one to surmise that insufficient numbers of highly qualified physicians were being trained in Ottoman institutions, especially up until the time when the Sleymniye Medical madrasa was founded.
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The medical school, which consisted of a section of the Sleymniye complex built by Sleymn the Magnificent and is described in the charter as the good madrasa which will house the science of medicine was the first medical madrasa built by the Ottoman Turks (1555). This medical madrasa which resembled those encountered in certain earlier Islamic states differed from them in being part of a larger mosque complex and in providing education in a more systematic fashion for nearly three hundred years. The medical madrasa was established to train specialized physicians and occupies a very important place in the field of Ottoman medical education in terms of medical specialization. That is because medical education, which had previously taken place in hospitals, acquired an independent institutional structure with the founding of this school. The entrance to the medical school, which is located across from the hospital, only the southwestern wing of which has survived to this day, opens out onto Tirykiler Market. The For the charter of the Sleymaniye Medical Medrese, see Sleymaniye Vakfiyesi, ed. K[Emal] E[dib] Krkcoglu (Ankara, 1962), 32-33.
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northeastern wing of the structure is located above the arches and shops of the market. According to the charter of the Sleymniye complex, the medical madrasa had a staff of eleven persons. The instructor at the madrasa earned 20 akces per day (7300 per year) and there were eight students (dnismend) who received two akces each as well as other staff members. School was Ahmed Celebi who received 60 akces per day. We still do not have exact or detailed information about the educational system or classes offered at the Sleymniye Medical School. According to Sheyl nver, instruction in anatomy was also offered there.
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The first teacher at the Sleymniye Medical

In

addition, it is assumed that basic medical texts such as Ibn Sinas al-Qanun were also taught there. The education given at the school differed from that offered at other madrasas in that it was associated with applied training. Accordingly, the theoretical part of the medical training was offered at the madrasa and the applied part at the hospital. A student who wished to study at the Sleymniye Medical madrasa would first have to complete his course of education at the primary exterior (ibtid-yi hric) and interior (dhil) madrasas. Following that, the student wishing to study medicine would enroll in the Sleymniye preparatory (tetimme) schools. Students completing their education there would receive the title of fellow ( mlzim). Classes there were held four days a week. It is likely that one of the days not allocated for classes was a holiday, the other two devoted to work as an intern at the hospital. All practicums required during the course of their training were undertaken at the hospital. Those who completed their internships at the hospital would receive a sealed document called a sealed title (memhr temessk) rather than a diploma. The students would be given diplomas (iczet) based on the classes they had taken and the works they produced and, depending on the rank they achieved upon graduation, could become teachers or kadis. The teachers at Sleymniye would be offered lower order judgeships (mahrec mevleviyeti ) for periods of one year as a matter of course. They would leave those posts after having served for one year. Every year four people serving in that capacity would be given pyes (posts) in Egypt, Damascus, Bursa and Edirne and one of them would be given the office of kadi of Istanbul. Because it was also customary to give the chief judgeship of Anatolia (Anadolu

kazaskerligi) to the former Istanbul kadi, many of the doctors who graduated from the school rose to high political positions within the government, to the position of seyhlislm and even to a grand viziership. Persons who were trained at the Sleymniye Medical madrasa or who had taught there might also serve as
chief physicians at the palace or work at other medical institutions. In the final analysis it can be said that with the opening of the Sleymniye Medical madrasa a more systematic kind of medical education had begun in the country. Theoretical medicine had become institutionally separated from applied medicine. The building where the medical school was located is still extant and is being used as a maternity ward. The school most likely continued to train students until the middle of the nineteenth century, until, that is, sometime after the new medical school (tibbiye) opened.

. L. Barkan, Sleymaniye Camii ve Imareti Tesislerine Ait Yillik Bir Muhasebe Bilancosu, 993-994 (1585-1586), VD no. 9 (1971): 109-161. xv Sheyl Unver makes reference to the importance of the school and states that, it has been indicated that some of our surgeons who wished to be appointed to positions elsewhere came here to learn anatomy so as to increase their desirability. He does not, however, indicate any source for the statement. S. Unver, Tip Tarihi, Tarihten nceki Zamandan Islm Tababetine ve Islm Tababetinden XX. Asra Kadar, parts 1 and 2, (Istanbul, 1943), 114, 118-119.

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The Office of the Chief Astronomership (Munajjimbashilik)


The institution, which dealt with matters of astronomy and astrology as they pertained to the sultan and the state, was referred to as the Office of the Chief Astronomer (Munajjimbashilik). The word munajjim is derived from the Arabic word necm (star) and is used to refer to a person who is occupied with the science of the stars. (For a constellation star picture, which made by an Ottoman astronomer see Figure 5). The person who held the position of administrative head of those who were occupied with the science of the stars or astronomy was called the chief astronomer. This institution, which emerged toward the end of the fifteenth, beginning of the sixteenth centuries is not to be found in earlier Islamic Turkish states. The astronomers found at the palaces of the Abbasid caliphs or affiliated with the Seljuk sultans just prepared calendars and served as advisors on astrologic matters. (For a colour calendar page which made by an Ottoman chief astronomer see Figure 6)

Figure 5 - A constellation star picture constructed by an Ottoman astronomer

Among the Ottomans this institution emerged as a body concerned with the preparation of calendars and with astrologic matters as well as with the administration of the countrys Muvakkithanes. Both the Istanbul Observatory in the sixteenth century and the School of Astronomical Sciences (Mekteb-i Fenn-i Ncm), which opened in the nineteenth century to train astronomers and timekeepers, were attached to the office of the chief astronomer. The astronomers, who were considered part of the Outer (birn) Service at the Ottoman Palace, were in actuality members of the learned class (ilmiye sinifi) selected from among astronomers who had been trained at and graduated from madrasas. Affiliated with the head astronomers were those known as second-level astronomers (munajjim-i sn) and four or five astronomers known as clerks (ktip). Such astronomers could rise to the positions of second-level astronomer or head astronomer depending upon their efforts and abilities
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xvi

Salim Aydz, Osmanli Devletinde Mneccimbasilik ve Mneccimbasilar. M.A. thesis, Istanbul University, 1993.

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The chief astronomers were Palace officials and members of the ulema class. As they were affiliated with the chief physician who was administratively connected to the custodian of the sultans weapons (silhdar

aga), their appointments and dismissals were handled by him. In their appointments, in addition to
signatures and decrees of the sultan, those of the seyhlislm and the grand vizier were also to be found. The appointments of the chief astronomers would be registered in the rus registers. The chief astronomers prepared the calendar for the Palace in the sixteenth century for which they were paid a fee of 2000 akces, while the astronomers were paid 1000 akces. In addition, the chief astronomers would receive fifteen akces on a daily basis and the astronomers ten as provender (ulfe). In the seventeenth century the chief astronomers received 1000 akces for the calendars they prepared and in the eighteenth century 6000 akces. The chief astronomer Hseyin Hsn Efendi (d. 1840) requested that this figure be raised to 7500 akces and indeed had the calendar fee increased. The provenders received by the head astronomers and their staff were paid on a monthly basis in contrast to the tri-monthly basis used for other members of the military ( asker ) class.
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The most important duty of the chief astronomer was the preparation of calendars.

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Up until 1800

calendars were prepared based on the Ulug Bey Zci (Ulug Bey Astronomical Tables) and henceforth according to the Jacques Cassini Zci (Cassini Astronomical Tables). In addition, the astronomers were, among other things, responsible for determining the hours when the fast was to begin (imskiye) prior to the beginning of Ramazan and for preparing horoscopes (zyice) or astronomical tables. The astronomers and occasionally the second-level astronomers would be responsible for determining propitious times for various important and unimportant occasions.

Figure 6 - A colour calendar page which made by an Ottoman chief astronomer The astronomer would interpret the horoscopes of sultan and various men of state. There were, however, sultans such as Abdlhamd I (1774-1789) and Selm III (1789-1807) who did not believe in the idea of propitious times or horoscopes. Because the practice of arranging ones actions in terms of propitious times had become such a common practice, these sultans were not able to do away with it despite their disbelief.

Salim Ayduz, Chief-astronomership institute in the Ottoman State, Journal of Ottoman Science Researches (editor: F. Gnergun), Istanbul 1995, pp. 159-207, English Summary: pp. 370-371. xviii Salim Ayduz, The Significance of the Munajjim-bashis Calendars as Historical Resources, Cogito, Journal of Thought, Istanbul spring 2000, pp. 132-144.

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The astronomers would also follow important astronomical events such as the passing of comets, earthquakes, fires and eclipses of the sun and moon and other extraordinary events and would inform the palace of these along with their interpretations of the events. The astronomers were also responsible for the management of the Muvakkithanes. Furthermore, Takiyeddin el-Rsid was responsible for the management of the Istanbul Observatory (1577-1583) while the head astronomers Hseyin Hsn and Sdullah Efendi were responsible for the School of Astronomical Sciences (1839-1845). There were a total of thirty-seven individuals who served as head astronomers for the Ottoman state. Of these, Takiyeddin el-Rsid (d. 1585) was well known for founding the observatory in Istanbul and the Muneccimbashi Dervish Ahmed Dede (d. 28 February 1702) for the history he wrote in Arabic titled

Camid-dvel. Hseyin Efendi was famous for the predictive success of his horoscope readings. Because
the head astronomers were members of the learned class they also filled such positions as teacher and

kadi.
The Office of Chief Astronomer continued in existence until the last head astronomer, Hseyin Hilmi Efendi, died in 1924. A new head astronomer was not appointed at that time and the position was abolished and replaced in 1927 with the Office of the Chief Time Keeper.

Time keeping houses (Muvakkithneler)


In Islamic cultures persons who were engaged in the determination of the correct time were referred to as timekeepers (muvakkit). Places devoted to the determination in particular of the appropriate times for prayer were called Time Keeping houses (Muvakkithanes). Such centers, the first of which was constructed during the Umayyad period (661-750) at the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, continued in existence and developed up until the Ottoman period, when they assumed their final form.

Figure 7 - An Ottoman mechanical clock picture The earliest available information about the first Muvakkithane in Istanbul dates from the reign of Mehmed II (1451-1481). Subsequent to the conquest such centers were constructed adjacent to mosques or as separate buildings in various places in the country though especially in Istanbul. In Ottoman times

Muvakkithanes could be found in almost every city and town next to a mosque as a one or two room
structure. These institutions were administered by the wakf of the complex of which they were a part. The

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first Muvakkithane constructed in Istanbul was at the Ftih Mosque built in 1470 and numerous others were also constructed there. The most famous of these was the Byezd Mosque Muvakkithane built during the sixteenth century. Evliy Celebi attributes its fame to the precision of the clocks For an Ottoman mechanical clock picture see Figure 7). Among the other famous Muvakkithanes in Istanbul were those located at the Yavuz Selm, Ftih ehzdebasi and Eminn mosques.
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At those Muvakkithanes especially founded to determine the appropriate daily prayer times, the task would be undertaken with sundials. In addition, timekeepers would give simple astronomy lessons to interested parties. Some timekeepers would prepare yearly calendars and determine the time of day to begin the Ramazan fast. Almost all of them knew how to use simple astronomical equipment and there were even some who were qualified to write treatises in the field. (As astronomical equipment for Astrolabe see Figure 8)

Figure 8 - An astronomical equipment for Astrolabe The Muvakkithanes were, depending upon the knowledge of the timekeeper, both places where training in astronomy was given and at the same time simple observatories. It is for that reason that some

Muvakkithanes in Istanbul played an important role in the training of astronomers. Certain timekeepers rose to the position of chief astronomer as a result of their successful work at their Muvakkithanes.
Though the administration of these bodies and the salaries of their personnel were the responsibility of the

wakf with which they were affiliated, the chief astronomer made appointments. The son of a deceased
timekeeper could be appointed in his place. If the timekeeper did not have a son, interested parties would be appointed after having taken an examination. Concern was shown to ensure that those appointed, as timekeepers were qualified for the position. This matter was specified in the charter. The Muvakkithanes continued in existence until the very end of the Ottoman Empire despite the widespread use of mechanical clocks in the nineteenth century. Following the founding of the Republic, the

Muvakkithanes were transferred to a new body known as the Basmuvakkitlik (Office of the Chief Timexix

Salim Ayduz, Small observatories in the Ottoman Empire: Time-keeping houses (Muvakkithanes), Osmanli (Ed. Guler

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Keeper) (1927) until it was finally shut down on 20 September 1952. Though some Muvakkithane buildings are still extant today, most are in serious disrepair or are being used for other purposes.
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The Istanbul Observatory (Istanbul Rasathanesi)


The first Ottoman observatory was established in Istanbul during the reign of Sultan Murd III (1574-1595) by Takiyeddin el-Rsid
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. Takiyeddin, who was born in Damascus in 1526, worked for a time as a kadi and

a teacher after completing his education in Damascus and Egypt. During that time he produced some important works in the fields of astronomy and mathematics. In 1570 Takiyeddin came to Istanbul from Cairo, and one year later (1571-1572) was appointed as chief astronomer upon the death of the Chief Astronomer Mustafa b. Ali. Takiyeddin maintained close relations with many important members of the

ulema and important statesmen, primary of whom was Hoca Sdeddin, and was presented to Sultan Murad
III by the Grand Vizier Sokullu Mehmed Pasha..
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Takiyeddin informed Sultan Murd III, who had an interest in astronomy and astrology, that the Ulug Bey

Astronomical Tables contained certain observational errors and that they had resulted in errors in
calculations made on the basis of those tables.
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Figure 9 - Istanbul Observatory miniature Takiyeddin indicated that these errors could be corrected if new observations were made and proposed to the sultan that an observatory be built in Istanbul for that purpose. Sultan Murd was very pleased to be the patron of the first observatory in Istanbul and asked that construction begin immediately. He also provided all the financial assistance required for the project. In the meantime, Takiyeddin was pursuing his studies at the Galata Tower, which he then continued, in 1577, at the partially completed new observatory

Eren and others), Ankara 1999, volume VIII, pp. 664-675. xx A. S. Unver, Osmanli Trkleri Ilim Tarihinde Muvakkithneler, Atatrk Konferanslari V, 1971-1972 (offprint) (Ankara, 1971), 34. xxi Sayili, Aydin. The Observatory in Islam. Ankara: Publications of the Turkish Historical Society, 1960. xxii Ahmet S. Unver, Istanbul Rasathanesi, Ankara 1985. xxiii Salim Ayduz, Ulug Bey Zicinin Osmanli Astronomi Calismalarindaki Yeri ve Onemi (the place and significance of Ulug Bey Zici in the studies of Ottoman astronomy), Bilig, Bahar 2003, sayi 25, pp. 139-172.

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called Dr al-Rasad al-Jadd (the New Observatory). (For Takiyeddin al-Rasid and the Istanbul Observatory miniature see Figure 9) The observatory, consisting of two separate buildings, one large and one small, was constructed at a location in the upper part of Tophane in Istanbul. Takiyeddin had the instruments used in the old Islamic observatories reproduced with great care. In addition, he invented some new instruments, which were used for observational purposes for the first time. There was also a library at the observatory largely consisting of books on astronomy and mathematics. The observatory had a staff of sixteen persons, eight of whom were observers ( rsid); four were clerks and the other four assistants. For the Istanbul Observatory staffs and observers miniature see Figure 10) At the same time, Takiyeddin invented new instruments, which were added to the array of those already in use for observation purposes in the Islamic world. Among the instruments used by Takiyeddin in the observatory were the following: 1) an armillary sphere (an ancient instrument consisting of an arrangement of rings all of which are circles of the same sphere, used to show the relative positions of the celestial equator, ecliptic and other circles on the celestial sphere) invented by Ptolemy; 2) a mural quadrant; 3) an azimuthally quadrant, an instrument used for the measurement of azimuths and elevations; 4) a parallactic ruler; 5) a ruler-quadrant or wooden quadrant; 6) an instrument with two holes for the measurement of apparent diameters and eclipses; 7) an instrument with chords for the determination of equinoxes, invented by Takiyeddin and replacing the equinoctial armillary at the observatory; 8) a mushabbaha bil-manatiq, another new instrument invented by Takiyeddin, the nature and function of which is not clearly explained; 9) a mechanical clock with a train of cogwheels, and 10) a sunaydi ruler, apparently a special type of instrument of an auxiliary nature, the function of which was indicated by Al al-Din al-Mansur. Takiyeddin used a mechanical clock, which he made himself for his observations and a wooden wall dial, which he set up in the observatory.
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Figure 10 - Istanbul Observatory staffs and observers miniature He described the clock as follows: we built a mechanical clock with a dial showing the hours, minutes and seconds and we divided every minute into five seconds. This is a more precise clock than clocks used
xxiv

Ismet Miroglu,. Istanbul Rasathanesine Ait Belgeler. Tarih Enstits Dergisi 3:7582, 1973.

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previously and is, as a result, considered to be one of the more important inventions in the area of applied astronomy developed during the sixteenth century.
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Takiyeddin integrated the Damascus and Samarkand traditions of astronomy. (For the Samarkand Observatory see Figure 11). His first task at the observatory was to undertake the corrections of the Ulug

Bey Astronomical Tables. In addition, he also undertook various observations of eclipses of the sun and the
moon. The comet, which was present in the skies of Istanbul for one month during September of 1578, was observed ceaselessly day and night and the results of the observations were presented to the sultan. Takiyeddin was, as a result of the new methods he developed and the equipment he invented, able to approach his observations in an innovative way and produce novel solutions to astronomical problems. He also substituted the use of a decimally based system for a sexagesimal one and prepared trigonometric tables based on decimal fractions. He determined the ecliptic degree as 23 28' 40", which is very close to the current value of 23 27' . He used a new method in calculating solar parameters. He determined that the magnitude of the annual movement of the suns apogee was 63 seconds. Considering that the value known today is 61 seconds, the method he used appears to have been more precise than that of Copernicus (24 seconds) and Tycho Brahe (45 seconds). Takiyeddin also wrote the first Ottoman book on automatic machines titled el-Turuks-Seniyye.

Figure 11 - The Samarkand Observatory The observatory was witness to a great deal of activity within what was a rather short period of time. Observations undertaken there were collected in a work titled Sidratu Muntahal-Afkr f Malakut al-Falak al-

Davvr. When compared with those of the contemporary Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) who
also built an observatory, Takiyeddins observations are more precise. Furthermore, some of the instruments, which he had in his observatory, were of superior quality to Tycho Brahes. The observatory was torn down on 22 January 1580. Though rooted in certain political conflicts, religious arguments were put forth to justify the action. The sayh al-Islam issued a legal opinion (fetv) and Admiral Kilic Ali Pasha carried out the orders of the sultan to destroy the building.
xxvi

Sevim Tekeli,. Nasirddin, Takiyddin ve Tycho Brahenin Rasad Aletlerinin Mukayesesi. Ankara Universitesi, Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakltesi Dergisi 16 (34): 301393, 1958. xxvi A. Sayili, The Observatory in Islam and its Place in the general history of the Observatory (Ankara, 1960), 289-305; Sayili, Alauddin Mansurun Istanbul Rasathanesi Hakkindaki Siirleri, Belleten 20, no. 79 (Temmuz 1956): 425; J. H. Mordtmann, Das Observatorium des Taqi ed-Din zu Pera, DI 13, (1923): 82-96.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adivar, Adnan, Osmanli Trklerinde Ilim, 5th ed. Ed. Aykut Kazancigil and Sevim Tekeli. Istanbul: Remzi Kitabevi, 1983. Ali Seydi Bey, Tesrifat ve Teskilat-i Kadimemiz, (Istanbul, n.d.), 119-123. Ayduz, S., Chief-astronomership institute in the Ottoman State, Journal of Ottoman Science Researches (editor: F. Gnergun), Istanbul 1995, pp. 159-207, English Summary: pp. 370-371. Ayduz, S., Small observatories in the Ottoman Empire: Time-keeping houses (Muvakkithanes), Osmanli (Ed. Guler Eren and others), Ankara 1999, volume VIII, pp. 664-675. Ayduz, S., The Significance of the Munajjim-bashis Calendars as Historical Resources, Cogito, Journal of

Thought, Istanbul spring 2000, pp. 132-144.


Ayduz, S., Ulug Bey Zicinin Osmanli Astronomi Calismalarindaki Yeri ve Onemi (the place and significance of Ulug Bey Zici in the studies of Ottoman astronomy), Bilig, Bahar 2003, sayi 25, pp. 139-172. Aydz, S., Osmanli Devletinde Mneccimbasilik ve Mneccimbasilar. M.A. thesis, Istanbul University, 1993. Barkan, , L., Sleymaniye Camii ve Imareti Tesislerine Ait Yillik Bir Muhasebe Bilancosu, 993-994 (15851586), VD no. 9 (1971): 109-161. Bayat, Ali Haydar, Osmanli Devletinde Hekimbasilik Kurumu Ve Hekimbasilar, Ankara : Atatrk Kltr Merkezi, 1999. Ceyhun,C., Hekimbasilar Imparatorluk Devrimizin Saglik Bakani Yetkili Kisileridir, Ege Universitesi Tip

Fakltesi Mecmuasi (EUTFM) 9, no 3, (Izmir, 1970): 557-559.


Evliya Celebi, Evliya Celebi Seyahatnamesi, 10 vols. (Istanbul, 1314), p. 468. Gencer, A. Ihsan, Trk Denizcilik Tarihi Arastirmalari (Istanbul, 1986), 54-63. Ihsanoglu E. and M. Kacar, Ayni Mnasebetle Iki Nutuk: Sultan II Mahmudun Mekteb-i Tibbiye Ziyaretinde Irad Ettigi Nutkun Hangisi Dogrudur? Tarih ve Toplum no. 83 (Kasim 1990): 44-48. Ihsanoglu E., and F. Gnergun, Tip Egitimin Trkcelesmesi Meselesinde Bazi Tespitler, Trk Tip Tarihi

Yilligi= Acta Turcica Histoirae Medicinae, I. Uluslararasi Tip Tarihi ve Deontoloji Kongresine Sunulan Tip Tarihi ile Ilgili Bildiriler, ed. Arslan Terzioglu, Istanbul, 1994, 127-134.
Kahya, E. Anadolu Selcuklularinda Bilim, Erdem (AKM), 5 (13), 1990, pp. 53-79. Mehmet Sreyya, Sicilli Osmani Tezkere-i Mesahir-i Osmaniyye , 4 vols., (Istanbul 1308-1315 R) 4:721. Miroglu, Ismet,. Istanbul Rasathanesine Ait Belgeler. Tarih Enstits Dergisi 3:7582, 1973. Mordtmann, J. H., Das Observatorium des Taqi ed-Din zu Pera, DI 13, (1923): 82-96. On Drt ve On Besinci Yzyillarda Bursadaki Bilimsel Hayattan Bazi Ornekler, Uluslararasi Tarih Kongresi, (Bilkent Universitesiyle Uludag Universitesi Birlikte), Bursa 1997, ss. 362-368. Osman Sevki, Bes Bucuk Asirlik Trk Tababeti Tarihi, Istanbul 1925. Pakalin, M. Z., Osmanli Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Szlg, 3 vols., (Istanbul, 1970), 1: 795-796. Sari, N. and B. Zlfikar, The Paracelusian Influence on Ottoman Medicine in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, in Transfer of Modern Science & Technology to the Muslim World, ed. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu (Istanbul, 1992), 157-179. Sayili, A., Alauddin Mansurun Istanbul Rasathanesi Hakkindaki Siirleri, Belleten 20, no. 79 (Temmuz 1956): 425. Sayili, A., The Observatory in Islam and its Place in the general history of the Observatory (Ankara, 1960), 289-305.

Sleymaniye Vakfiyesi, ed. K[Emal] E[dib] Krkcoglu (Ankara, 1962), 32-33.


Tekeli, Sevim, Nasirddin, Takiyddin ve Tycho Brahenin Rasad Aletlerinin Mukayesesi. Ankara

Universitesi, Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakltesi Dergisi 16 (34): 301393, 1958.

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Terzioglu, Arslan, Trk-Islam Hastaneleri Ve Tababetinin Avrupada Tibbi Rnesansa Etkileri, Istanbul: CibaGeigy, 1992. Unver, S. Osmanli Trkleri Ilim Tarihinde Muvakkithneler, Atatrk Konferanslari V, 1971-1972 (offprint) (Ankara, 1971), 34. Unver, S. Istanbul Rasathanesi , Ankara 1985. Unver, S., Tip Tarihi, Tarihten nceki Zamandan Islm Tababetine ve Islm Tababetinden XX. Asra Kadar, parts 1 and 2, (Istanbul, 1943), 114, 118-119. Uzluk, F. N., Hekimbasi Mustafa Behcet, Ankara 1954.

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The Madrasas of the Ottoman Empire

Author: Chief Editor: Production: Release Date: Publication ID: Copyright:

Professor Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu Professor Salim Al-Hassani Faaiza Bashir April 2004 4055 FSTC Limited, 2003 2004

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THE MADRASAS OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE


Introduction Pre-Ottoman Madrasas
The structure of the madrasa system when examined from the perspective of the history of its founding rests on a legal foundation defined, interpreted and preserved by experts in the field of Islamic jurisprudence (fkh). In terms of the organization of the madrasas, priority was given in the educational curriculum to fkh and all fields auxiliary to it. In contrast, fields based on the rational (natural) sciences 1 (akl ilimler) were not included in the curriculum. The primary objective for founding madrasas was to offer instruction in the science of jurisprudence (fkh). In the eleventh century the Nizmiye madrasas were founded solely for the purpose of training jurists in fkh (known as fakh). Among these madrasas there were those, which had, separate madrasas and teachers for each of the four Sunni schools of law (mezheb), there were also madrasas where several schools of law or, on occasion even all four schools, were taught. In the first Nizmiye madrasas, classes were offered in fkh and Arabic language subjects such as morphology (sarf) and syntax (nahiv), but there is no information in particular about whether instruction was given in the rational sciences (ulum-i akliye). Later, in the thirteenth century, in Egypt and Damascus, in addition to the fkh madrasas, separate madrasas such as the Medris al-hadis, Medris al-tafsir and Medris al-nahiv for the study of the Hadith (prophetic traditions), commentary on the Quran and syntax respectively were established. The madrasa system and organizations such as those of the social service and religiously oriented institutions in the Islamic world such as mosques, hospitals, soup kitchens, caravanserais, commercial houses and baths were established as pious foundations (vakfs). As these institutions all had a religious aspect to them, their vakfs had to be in conformance with Islamic law (ser-i serf). Though not much information is available about the nature of the education offered in the Anatolian Seljuk

madrasas or about the lessons given and their subject matter, it is quite clear that fkh, religious studies
and complementary lessons in literary studies were offered. From the charters, which are available for these madrasas, we learn that classes were given throughout the week with the exception of Tuesdays and Fridays and that the full course of education was limited to a period of five years. Madrasa students known as fakh were at first referred to as beginners ( mbted), then later as intermediate (mutavasst) and in the end, when they were in a position to write their own opinions based on inference, were referred to as advanced (mstedl). The rich, extensive accumulation of knowledge and education inherited from the 2 Seljuks in Anatolia provided the necessary foundation for Ottoman advances in this area. In the charter of the Altun-Aba Madrasa in Konya (prior to 1196-1197), one of the madrasas established in Anatolia during the Seljuk period, reference is made to one teacher and one assistant (mud) as well as to

1 For a comprehensive and detailed discussion of this subject see G. Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West (Edinburgh, 1981). 2 For pre-Ottoman madrasas in Anatolia see A. Quran, Anadolu Medreseleri-I (Ankara, 1969); M. Szen, Anadolu Medreseleri, Selcuklu ve Beylikler Devri, 2 vols. (Istanbul,1970-1972), 2: 19, 83.

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thirty-eight students.

In the charter of the madrasa-established in Amasya in the year 1209-10 by Mbariz

al-din Halifet Gazi, reference is made to one teacher, two assistants and twelve students. The teacher was 4 to have taught Hanefi fkh for a salary of 1200 fine silver dirhems per year . In the charter of the madrasa established in 1224 in Antalya by Mbriz al-din Er-Tokus, while making 5 reference to the teacher and students, no mention is made of the nature of the education offered. In the same way, in the charter of the Sivas Gk Madrasa established by Shib At Fahreddin Ali in 1295, reference is made to housing being provided for the fakhs, experts in jurisprudence (mtefakkha), scholars, and students in order that they may undertake the study of fkh and the complementary studies 6 of canonical law (ser ) and religious prescriptions (din hkmleri) . In the charter of the Karatay Madrasa established in Konya in 1251-52 by Vizier Jall al-din Karatay it is specified that it is imperative that teachers at the madrasa be qualified and suitably prepared in the study of the Serat, Hadith, interpretation, legal theory and methodology (usl), inheritance (fur) and polemics 7 (hilf). It appears that there was no ranking of the pre-Ottoman madrasas; they achieved their fame based on the qualities of the teachers affiliated to them. Following the completion of their basic education, students who wished to specialize in a particular field of study would select instructors well known in that area, take lessons and obtain a license (iczet) from them. It was the teacher who was the fundamental element in the license, a document that would indicate the nature of the study completed and the pedigree of the teachers issuing the degree, though not in the name of the madrasa where the education had taken place. In contrast, in the universities established in Europe in the twelfth century the diplomas issued to graduates would be issued in the name of the university where the student undertook his studies. In other words, in the madrasa it was the instructor and in the university the institution which was in the forefront. Large numbers of students were educated in this way in the madrasas and, under the instruction of famous scholars, came to constitute a new community of the learned in the Islamic world. While such scholarly activities were flourishing in the Ottoman Empire, one observes the persistence of similar activities in other Turkish states in Anatolia. For example, in Konya-Aksaray that was under the rule of the Karamanogullar, the teachings of Jaml al-din al-Aksary at the Zincirli Madrasa were very famous. In the same sense, when Molla Semseddin al-Fenr had a falling out with Sultan Byezd I, he was received with great respect 8 by Karamanoglu, and it is of note that Byezd insisted that al-Fenr return to Bursa. The attraction of scholars from other countries to Anatolia and the tradition of sending students to other countries for their education continued during the Ottoman period. Such scholarly travel is an indicator of cultural dynamism. For example, Ekmeleddin al-Bbert who was born in Bayburt (d. 1384-85) first went to Aleppo, then to Cairo to study with Sayf al-din el-Isfahn and then rose to the position of teacher at the O. Turan, Selcuklu Devri Vakfiyeleri- I, 197-235. R. Yinanc, Selcuklu Medreselerinden Amasya Halifet Gazi Medresesi ve Vakflar, VD no. 15 (Ankara, 1982): 5-22. 5 O. Turan, Selcuklu Devri Vakfiyeleri-II, Mbarizeddin Er-Tokus ve Vakfiyesi, Belleten 11, no. 43 (1947): 415-429. 6 S. Bayram and A. Karabacak, Sahib Ata Fahruddin Alinin Konya Imaret ve Sivas Gkmadrasa Vakflar, VD no. 13 (1981): 31-70. 7 O. Turan, Selcuklu Devri Vakfiyeleri-III, 79.
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famous al-Azhar Mosque in Cairo instructing numerous students there. Among those students were such famous Ottoman scholars as Hac Pasa (d. 1413 or 1417), Seyh Badr al-din (d. 1420) and Molla Fenr (d. 9 1430-31). During the reign of Murd II, Molla Yegn (d. 1436), one of the pupils of Ekmeleddin al-Bbert, met with Molla Grn in Cairo and brought him to the palace, presenting him to the sultan. The sultan treated Molla Grn with great respect and favour and appointed him as the teacher of Prince Mehmed (the Conqueror) when he was serving as the governor of Manisa.

Madrasa Education during the Early Ottoman Period


The madrasas of the early Ottoman period can be considered as institutions continuing in the established educational tradition that had been practiced in such pre-Ottoman cities as Amasya, Konya, Kayseri, Karaman and Aksaray. Such scholarly activity in Anatolia was made possible by the contributions of scholars coming from the most important cultural centres of the time in Egypt, Syria, Iran and Turkestan. The madrasa system inherited from the Seljuk Turks continued in existence augmented by the contributions of the Ottomans. The construction of a mosque and alongside it a madrasa had become a tradition in places conquered by the Ottomans, an integral part of their policy of conquest. This tradition was geared both to the provision of the necessary religious, scientific and educational services for the society and the state as well as for training administrative and legal personnel for the state administration. It was in this fashion that the Ottoman state was able to provide itself with educated personnel for its activities, individuals who were both knowledgeable in their areas of competence and at the same time able to perform their duties both in terms of the requirements of Islamic jurisprudence and customary practice. This tradition ensured that the central administration of the state was well founded and strong. The first Ottoman madrasa was established in Iznik (Nicea) by Orhan Gz. This ruler had a new madrasa 10 building constructed there immediately after the conquest of the city (1330-31). After Orhan Bey had arranged to have a sufficient number of vakfs attached to the madrasa to meet its financial needs, he appointed as teacher and trustee Mevln Dvud al-Kayser (d. 1350-51) who had completed his education in Egypt. Great scholars of the period such as Dvud al-Kayser and his successors, Tceddin al-Krd and 11 Aleddin Esved (d. 1393) all taught at this madrasa. Until the time when the scholars educated at the Ottoman madrasas were in a position to be appointed as teachers, the first teachers at the Ottoman madrasas were either those who were born and raised in other parts of Anatolia, or those who were born in Anatolia and were educated in Islamic cultural centres such as Egypt, Iran and Trkistan (Turkestan) and then returned to Anatolia, or those who were born and educated outside of Anatolia and who later came to the Ottoman country. Of the 115 scholars who were determined to have received education in Anatolia or in other Islamic countries between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries, the percentages according to countries or regions are as follows: Iran is in first place with 43.3 percent, Egypt is in second place with 23.4 percent, followed by Anatolia with 14.7 percent, Transoxiana with 8.6 percent, Syria with 7.8 percent and Iraq with 1.7 percent. During the same centuries, when the countries of the authors of the thirty-three textbooks taught on various subjects at the Ottoman madrasas

8 9

M. C. Baysun, Osmanl Devri Medreseleri, IA, 8: 71-75. Ibn-i Hacer el-Eskaln, el-Drer el-Kamine, fi Ayan el-mae el-Samine (Haydarabad, 1972-1976), 4: 250. 10 skpasazade, Tevrh-i l-i Osmandan, skpasazde Tarihi, ed. Ali Bey (Istanbul, 1332): 42. 11 M. Bilge, Ilk Osmanl Medreseleri (Istanbul, 1984), 64.

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are examined, it is observed that various Islamic cultural centres were the source of the development of Ottoman education. According to a statistical research made on this subject Iran was still in first place with 39.3 percent. Egypt was in second place with 30.3 percent. It is observed that Transoxiana, Iraq, Khorezm 12 and Fergana each had 6.06 percent and that Anatolia and Khorasan had 3.03 percent.

Figure 1. Typical Window of Yesil Madrasa - Bursa

It appears as if the education offered in the madrasas was left entirely up to the initiative of the teachers appointed who would, following the tradition, be obliged to proceed within the framework of the conditions laid down by the vkf (the founders of the vakf). For example, in the charter of the Iznik Orhan Bey

Madrasa, other than the prescription that instruction should be given on a daily basis to the students
there appears to be no other restrictive statement. 13 In the charter of the Bursa Lala Shin Pasha Madrasa, founded in 1348, it is stated the teacher should be very knowledgeable and articulate and must not miss any classes without a legitimate excuse other than on holidays. In addition to a specification by Murd II in Edirne to the kind of lessons to be given at the Dr al-Hadis Madrasa, it is also indicated that the
12

M. H. Lekesiz, Osmanl Ilmi Zihniyetinde Degisme (Tesekkl-Gelisme-zlme XV-XVII. Yzyllar), (Master Thesis, Hacettepe University, Department of History, Ankara, 1989), 27-28, 65. 13 M. Bilge, Ilk Osmanl Medreseleri, 297-298.

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The Madrasas of the Ottoman Empire April 2004

instructors should be giving lessons in Hadith and complementary studies, but that in particular they should 14 not be occupying themselves with philosophical studies in their classes. In the charter of the Akmadrasa established in 1415 by Karamanoglu Ali Bey in Nigde, it is stated that

this madrasa is devoted to fakhs and mtefekkhas (jurists and students of jurisprudence) engaged in Islamic legal studies (ulm-i seriyye) and to married persons, bachelors, boarding students and day students who are engaged in literary studies required for religious studies and to teachers and tutors instructing according to the Hanef and Shafi schools of law. The teacher should lecture every day on the subjects of fkh and legal theory and methodology (usl-i fkh) as well as on matters pertaining to canonical law and other higher studies, whereas the tutor should go over the lessons with the students every day, engaging them in discussion
15

These statements are important in terms of bringing some clarity to the basic features of the traditional

madrasa system prior to the Sahn-i Samn madrasas founded by Mehmed the Conqueror.

Figure 2. The Garden of Yesil Madrasa Bursa As is quite clear from the examples given above, education in Seljuk madrasas and those pre-dating Mehmed the Conqueror was pursued in terms of the traditions of the Nizmiye madrasas. Their major goals were the teaching of religious studies and in particular fostering the study of fkh. However, the fact that hospitals were established alongside certain Seljuk madrasas and that sites for astronomical observation have been found next to others, gives us some indication that there was an interest in medicine and astronomy in those madrasas. Education in philosophy, mathematics and the natural sciences, which do not fit in the category of religious studies, was, during the Seljuk and pre-Mehmed II period, given in the homes of scholars or at hospitals following a tradition of great longevity. There is also some indication that some of these sciences were taught as extra curricular activities in Anatolian Seljuk madrasas. From the beginning of the fourteenth century until the beginning of the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror there were a total of forty-two madrasas in the major cities: twenty-five in Bursa, thirteen in Edirne and four in Iznik.

14 15

Ibid., 229-233, 303-304.

I. H. Uzuncarsl, Nigde Karamanoglu Ali Bey Vakfiyesi, VD no. 2 (Ankara, 1942): 59-60.

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The Madrasas of the Ottoman Empire April 2004

During the same period we note the existence of forty madrasas in smaller cities.

16

In short, the fact that

between the years 1331-1451, during the period when higher education in the Ottoman Empire was in its initial stages, a total of eighty-two madrasas were founded, is an indication of just how rapidly the worlds of education and the sciences were developing in Ottoman society. This would mean that on an average at least two madrasas were being established every three years. As the numbers of madrasas grew in particular cities, a need began to arise to rank the institutions in relation to each other. The ranking of

madrasas according to their status in the period prior to Mehmed II (the Conqueror) made more apparent
the differences among those institutions.

Figure 3. Fatih Mosque and the Complex of Sahn-i Semn Madrasas

Ranking of the madrasas


Following the conquest of Istanbul, Mehmed the Conqueror initiated a campaign of construction so as to give the city a new character. He also encouraged those around him to participate in this effort. As a result of these efforts numerous Byzantine buildings were transformed into mosques, madrasas and dervish lodges. In order to transform the new capital into a centre of learning (dar al-ilm) he had a mosque complex (klliye), which was later to take his name, constructed on the crest of one of the hills of Istanbul.

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The Madrasas of the Ottoman Empire April 2004

Within the complex he had madrasas built which could be considered as expressions of his centralized approach and policies in the areas of scholarship-science and education. According to the charter prepared for the madrasas in the Fatih Mosque Complex, the Samniye madrasas were composed of eight higher madrasas surrounding the Fatih Mosque and of eight smaller madrasas behind these known as Tetimme. Thus there were a total of sixteen madrasas on both sides of the mosque. In addition to these, a Dar al-talim (primary school) was constructed on the side facing the western door. Furthermore, from the charter we learn that this complex was conceived as a total educational centre of the highest quality and that in this light, institutions such as a hospital, a library and a 17 soup kitchen were established to provide food, drink, shelter and medical treatment. In certain contemporary studies undertaken up until quite recently it has been argued that the Samniye

madrasas constructed under Mehmed IIs orders resembled European universities and that Ali Kuscu, Vizier Mahmd Pasha and Molla Hsrev developed a curriculum for the Madrasa. However, the most recent research on the subject has attempted to correct this mistaken impression about the Fatih madrasas and
their resemblance to a modern university and the claims put forth about their supposed curricula.

Figure 4. Arial View of the Fatih Mosque Complex and Sahn-i Semn Madrasas

A new era in Ottoman education was initiated with the establishment of the Fatih madrasas and the hierarchical structure of the madrasas was reorganized. Indeed, it has been generally accepted in historical studies of the madrasa since Uzuncarsl that, based on information provided by l, the academic levels of the madrasas were determined during the reign of Mehmed II according to the salaries paid to the teacher 18 heading the institution and in terms of the basic required textbook in use at the school. Based on the information provided by l, it seems that there had been a number of traditions and customary rules (generally referred to as Kann) governing education since the time of Byezd I, that a number of these continued to be implemented until the reign of Mehmed the Conqueror and that they were then collated 19 and restructured within a single framework during that period.
16 17

M. Bilge, Ilk Osmanl Medreseleri, 65-207; C. Baltac, XV.-XVI. Asrlar Osmanl Medreseleri (Istanbul, 1976), 20-21. E. Ihsanoglu, Osmanl Medrese Tarihciliginin Ilk Safhas (1916-1965)-Kesif ve Tasarlama Dnemi-, Belleten 64, no 240 (Agustos 2000): 541-582. 18 I.H. Uzuncarsl, Osmanl Devletinin Ilmiye Teskilat, 2nd ed. (Ankara, 1984), 11-12. 19 Gelibolulu Mustafa l, Knhl-Ahbar, Istanbul University Library (IMK), Turkish Manuscrripts (TY) no. 5959, fol. no.

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When we examine the charters of the madrasas from the period prior to Mehmed II we observe that by and large it is religious studies that are emphasized. By contrast, in the charter of the Fatih madrasas we encounter for the first time the requirement that teachers to be appointed to the madrasas must include both those who are knowledgeable both in religious studies and in the rational sciences, which included logic, philosophy and mathematics. Further, the charter indicates in literary language that the foundation of the madrasas rested on the rules of hikmet (wisdom, frequently used to refer to philosophy) and that they were established based on the rules of geometry, thus differentiating them from earlier madrasas. In our opinion, this is where one may find the influence of Ali Kuscu. The influence of Ali Kuscu, who came from Samarkand where he was associated with Ulug Bey and scientific circles largely concerned with mathematics and astronomy, can be seen in the requirement of the charter, which set the framework for these madrasas, that the rational sciences are to be taught along with religious studies. It is possible to observe this influence after the period of Mehmed II up until the time of the Sleymniye madrasas. In the Fatih Teskilt Kannnmesi (legal code), we find in the section regarding the appoi