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A Silent but Mighty River: The Costs of Women’s Economic Migration
is occurring at a faster rate today than at any other point in history, and currently there are an estimated 175 million people living outside their country of birth, approximately 49 percent of whom are women (IOM 2005). Women’s involvement across all forms of migration is growing, both in terms of the number of female migrants and in the role women play in utilizing migration strategies to improve the economic well-being of the family. For instance, the majority of persons trafﬁcked are women, and women account for about 70 percent of the estimated 25 million persons internally displaced by conﬂict (Alicea and Toro-Morn 2004; IOM 2005). Increasingly, women are also exercising career and economic choices that involve movement from rural to urban areas and also to other countries. Emergent labor shortages in richer countries—which are linked to improved options for women in those countries, with more women opting out of jobs with low status and undesirable hours—have resulted in the speciﬁc targeting of women workers from poorer countries. In some countries women make up the greatest percentage of migrant workers; for example, the majority of workers migrating from the Philippines to the Middle East are women (IOM 2005). Set against realignments in world politics, facilitated by globalization, and fueled by social and personal factors, the migration of women workers also reﬂects new directions for women’s agency. For example, as an increasing number of women take on the lead-migrant role
nterregional and international migration “A silent but mighty river,” a phrase inspired by the 2006 State of World Population Report (UNPF 2006), describes the global impact of a growing female migrant workforce, otherwise termed the feminization of migration.
[Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2008, vol. 33, no. 4] ᭧ 2008 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0097-9740/2008/3304-0007$10.00
Symposium: Gendered Migrations
within their families, they are reconﬁguring gender relations and challenging the structures that have traditionally positioned them not as independent subjects in immigration proceedings but as legal appendages of husbands (Mohanty 1991).
The language of migration
Typologies of migration—economic, forced, displacement, exile, asylum, undocumented, and trafﬁcking—like the phenomena they seek to describe, are subject to dominant political forces and hegemonic discourses. Although these typologies are generally presented as gender- or valueneutral terms about which there is universal understanding, categorizing the experiences and motives of migrants is contested territory. It is always necessary to examine whose interests such deﬁnitions serve and to understand that the conceptual landscape these terms construct is embedded within speciﬁc historical, political, and geographical terrains. Migration categories expedite policy formulation. However, they also have the effect of reducing complex phenomena—the hybrid identities and the multilayered transition and social transformation processes created by the movement of people across geographic, national, and cultural boundaries—to an inert set of descriptors. Different patterns of migration produce different diasporic communities and give rise to different migrant identities. Rather than reﬂecting situated subjectivities, migrant categories ascribe an externally deﬁned meaning to these experiences, based on perspectives loaded with political intent. So, for example, the child born in the United Kingdom to a nurse who is a migrant worker from Guyana is likely to be delineated from other British children by the descriptor “second-generation immigrant,” a term that captures nothing of the child’s subjective transitional experience yet forever ﬁxes the child in the position of outsider. That the ofﬁcial language of migration is inextricably wedded to popular discourses that frame migrants in pathologizing ways is well documented. This, the parallel market in which the currency of migration terms circulates, reveals implicit racialized and gendered codes (and, increasingly, those based on religion) that serve to separate out a nation’s outsiders (Davies 1996; Jones 2001). This discursive construction of the alien other is a prevailing theme in migration. Avtar Brah (1996), writing from her perspective as an Indian woman migrant, describes the ways in which this other is also inferiorized. In developing this theme further, it must be understood, however, that inequality is itself unequal and, indeed, that inferiorization is not an essential characteristic of being
S I G N S
an outsider but rather is inscribed by gender, class, ethnicity, race, and postcolonial positioning. For example, the British engineer working for a multinational oil company in Trinidad is a British expatriate and the French man in his Dominican tax haven a tax exile; these constructs signify outsider but not inferiorized other. However, the female factory worker from Aruba who migrates to Holland to work is constructed as other and is inferiorized.
Migration policy: Institutionalizing patriarchy
The coterminous discourses of nationalisms and migration that underpin migration policy are clearly not benign. They are rooted in patriarchal ideologies that are constituted or reconstituted depending on the historical, political, and social context (Charles and Hughes-Freeland 1996; Davies 1996; Alicea and Toro-Morn 2004). Hannah Arendt’s analysis of the origins of totalitarianism provides a convincing argument to show how ideologies of race, gender, and class have come to be institutionalized within the political and social structures of society (1968). Migration policy, as an organizational determinant of social and economic relations, is widely acknowledged as a key element of the structures Arendt refers to. It is perhaps unsurprising, therefore, that perspectives on migration, discursively conﬁgured in relation to patriarchal values, are translated into institutional practices that perpetuate gender inequality. In her analysis of British immigration law, Chandra Talpade Mohanty identiﬁes the ways in which women are deﬁned only in relation to men and how immigration laws are used to sustain heteronormative patriarchal familial arrangements (1991). This is an example of what Dorothy Smith calls “the operation of the relations between the discursive paradigm and discursive practice” (1990, 177). No discussion of women’s migration is complete without acknowledgment of women migrants’ struggles for rights recognition; however, this essay is concerned largely with structures of inequality within the sphere of migration, and the focus is thus primarily on the interconnection and institutionalization of these structures, or relations of ruling (Smith 1990). It is important, however, to point out that oppositional migration politics is a ﬁeld of dynamic and progressive social action about which feminist scholars have written extensively. I turn now to examining some of the ways in which methodologies for analyzing migration contribute to the minimization of women’s experience and the roles that women play.
Symposium: Gendered Migrations
Analyzing migration analysis: The case for a gendered approach
Macroeconomic analysis (a dominant approach in many studies of global labor migration) treats female migration simply as a by-product of the overall increase in service work as a share of the global market (Thomas, Hosein, and Yan 2005). Economists argue that worker mobility from poorer to richer countries maximizes the value of labor resources, thus promoting global production. Other studies have focused on the economic beneﬁts of migrant labor, not only for host countries but also for originating countries, especially in relation to remittances and the skills and investments of returnees (UNPF 2006). In many poor countries, not only do remittances outstrip international development funds, but they can also be more effective in reducing poverty because they directly target families, meet needs identiﬁed by the recipients themselves, and produce trickle-out beneﬁts to communities. Such is the persuasiveness of these arguments that managed migration strategies are increasingly centered on poverty reduction policy (although there is little evidence that migration reduces poverty overall; DFID 2007). What these studies have in common is that they represent a hegemonic stranglehold on methodologies that privilege economic factors over social and political ones. As economists act together with policy makers and international organizations, the dominance of these approaches is afﬁrmed, and the experiences of female migrant workers are reduced to cost/beneﬁt analyses, with inadequate attention being paid to gender issues. This is despite the fact that, as Brah points out, “the emergent new international division of labor depends quite crucially upon women workers” (1996, 49). It must be pointed out, however, that some writers have addressed the gender dimensions of migrant labor. For example, Judith van Doorn points out that although women migrants generally earn less than men and are more likely to occupy lower paid jobs, women overall remit a greater proportion of their earnings. She also argues that as women’s earnings are more likely to be spent on health care, daily living needs, and education, women make a greater contribution to development than men, who typically spend their money on consumer items and investments (van Doorn 2002). In foregrounding the role of women in development, van Doorn makes an important contribution to knowledge in this area; however, even this analysis is based on an economic model. The signiﬁcance of gender relations in the study of migrant labor, however, is not simply that women and men circulate differently in the global economy (Kofman et al. 2000), that more women have economic freedom, or that there are gender-speciﬁc economic outcomes, but that it is through the intersection of gender, poverty, and global capitalism that the feminization
These losses are taking place within a context in which major demographic and epide- .S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 765 of migration is occurring. estimated at between US$15 and $20 million per annum. since it constitutes not only a loss of social and professional contributions but also a loss of government investment in their education and training. however. both because of the costs involved in lengthy specialist training and because any reduction of specialist nurses (e. there are increasing cancellations in elective surgery and a general decline in the availability of specialist services (PAHO 2001). This review showed that the impact of this nurse vacancy is wide ranging. a country with a high percentage of its population living in rural areas. The Pan-American Health Organization (PAHO) review also highlights concerns about the declining quality and reductions in health care services in the region and attributes this to a 35 percent nurse vacancy rate across the public sector as a direct consequence of migration. economic migration generally beneﬁts receiving countries more than sending countries. particularly since the provision of health care in the Caribbean is heavily dependent on nurses. The loss of specialist nurses creates particular problems.g. 28). In addition. especially for very small countries. intensive care nurses) can undermine a country’s health care provision. since immigration policy is largely set up to facilitate the movement of educated and skilled persons. most health care is provided by nurses (Anderson and Isaacs 2007.. The need to focus on the role of gender is thus made more pressing not only because of the growing number of female migrant workers but also because their experience is likely to differ from that of men (Taran and Geronimi 2003). the PAHO review concludes that across the region there are now insufﬁcient nurses to deliver even essential health services. In light of the importance of gender to a complete understanding of the migrant experience. In Guyana. 394). for instance. and that health worker emigration was undermining the health care systems in the region (2005. Nurse migration: Some macrolevel and microlevel implications Although there are some exceptions. The migration of Caribbean nurses poses some speciﬁc challenges to the development of the region. the ﬁnal section of this essay uses a gender-centered approach to explore some of these issues in relation to a speciﬁc group of migrant workers: Caribbean nurses. In 2005 the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) reported that nurse migration had led to losses in government investments in nurse education. many hospitals have had to merge patient care units.
76). health services. The current migration rate of health workers has set back health sector reform in many Caribbean countries. In the Caribbean.766 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations miological changes in the region call for increased. Caribbean nurses who migrate are more likely to be older. While nurses who migrate to richer countries often receive additional professional training in the host country. therefore. to examine the broader gender issues and the social costs of nurse migration for the nurses themselves. it is also the case that fewer nurses return than migrate. and there are escalating health challenges related to HIV/AIDS as the Caribbean grapples with an advanced HIV epidemic that is second in prevalence only to that in sub-Saharan Africa (UNAIDS 2006). and there are clearly potential beneﬁts for Caribbean countries when they return. migration is economically and socially beneﬁcial for them and their families. with children and older dependent relatives remaining in the home country. and Caribbean nurses who migrate to more economically advanced countries may ﬁnd themselves subject to a process of inferiorization. and migration thus often results in longterm family separation. female responsibility for family life does not cease but rather is changed (Bach 2003). and it is estimated that 40 percent of households are headed by women (Barrow 1998. Changes in immigration regulations in host countries and the short-term nature of contracts make family relocation very difﬁcult. and of those who do. Yet little is known about the emotional and psychological effects on women who manage transnational families or the strategies used in sustaining longdistance parenting. For many Caribbean nurses. and thus questions must be raised about the ability of these countries to meet Millennium Development Goals (ECLAC 2003). not reduced. set against these beneﬁts are costs that are often concealed. married. 2005). for instance. For example. James Buchan and . as in most parts of the world. there is a growing population of elderly people with chronic health care needs. In these situations. In line with the ﬁndings of a recent study of migrant nurses in the United Kingdom. There are also implications for women themselves that need to be considered. The working environment in the host country may also contain hidden costs that can affect health and well-being. women carry the major responsibility for family care. and they are also more likely to be the main breadwinners in their families (Buchan et al. nursing in the Caribbean is overwhelmingly a female-dominated profession. nurses from Australia and New Zealand. There is need. Studies of the migration of nurses from the Caribbean tend to regard the subject as if it were a nongendered phenomenon even though. However. very few return to work in the public health care system (Byron 1998). and/ or heads of family households than.
it is other women. This process of inferiorization is institutionalized through negative stereotyping and a career structure that disadvantages nurses not trained in the United Kingdom (Allan et al. create a pivotal point around which women negotiate and manage their changed responsibilities. and it is clear that migration can result in increased economic freedom for women. 79). Conclusion Gender matters. and an article on institutional racism (Allan et al. and in the lived realities created by the migratory experience. Gender matters in migration at the level of ideology. culture. elderly people. a grandmother. The link between women who migrate to work as caregivers and nurses and those who have increased caregiving responsibilities in the home country as a consequence has been conceptualized as a “global care chain” (Yeates 2004. How gender matters is different for men and for women. and language. 16). 2004) suggests that nurses from overseas are made to feel different because of their color. and the sick. Highlighting this link is important because it increases the visibility and contribution of women’s labor more widely and sheds some light on the pressures women face at both ends of the migration experience. this essay has focused speciﬁcally on how gender matters for women migrant workers. When a nurse migrates and leaves her family behind. Another area in which the gender implications of nurse migration are underacknowledged is in the surrogate care of children. and undermines the potential gains to be made. It is around this pivotal point that the strain is being felt by many Caribbean women. and when Caribbean nurses are nursing sick people elsewhere. policy. discourse. underscored by versions of patriarchy that are inscribed by Caribbean histories and cultures. Centre for Applied Childhood Studies University of Huddersﬁeld . While it is important to uphold the right of women to travel and work freely across the world. by and large. the failure to address gender inequality as a central issue in migration processes both reﬂects and contributes to the marginalization of migrant women’s voices. 2004). it is usually another woman (a female friend. or another female relative) who provides care for her family in her absence. masks hidden social costs for women.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 767 coworkers’ study of international nurses in the United Kingdom indicates that migrant nurses experienced discrimination within their work environment (2005. who step in to meet needs neglected because of underresourced health care services. These global familial networks.
Christine. Adele. London. Kingston: Ian Randle. London: Andre Deutsch. 1968. http:// www. eds. ———.iom. DFID (Department for International Development). New York: Routledge. Helen T. eds. 156–79. “Simply Not There: The Impact of International Migration of Nurses and Midwives—Perspectives from Guyana. and Felicia Hughes-Freeland. 1998. Davies. and Ruth Hutt. http://www.pdf.768 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations References Alicea. John A.eclac. London: Routledge. Geneva. 1998.” Caribbean Expert Group Meeting on Human Rights and Development in the Caribbean. Migration and Immigration: A Global View.int/jahia/Jahia/cache/offonce/pid/1674?entryIdp932. ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean). Trinidad and Tobago—a Case Study. DFID. 2007. IOM. and Maura I.” Journal of Social Work 1(3):253–71. Hannah.” Diversity in Health and Social Care 1(2):117–26. Mary Chamberlain. Karen Bryan.54.” ECLAC. Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities. . “Emigration of Nurses from the Caribbean: Causes and Consequences for the Socio-economic Welfare of the Country. “Moving Out of Poverty—Making Migration Work Better for Poor People. IOM (International Organization for Migration). Avtar.. Jones. and Pam A. Internationally Recruited Nurses in London: Proﬁle and Implications for Policy. Charles. 2005. London: Routledge. James. 2005. 2007. 2003. Bach. Buchan. 2005. Allan. Barrow.” Report. Stephen. Toro-Morn. 2004. Anderson. Byron. Barbara A.” Report. 1996. Nickie. Port of Spain. 217–31. Practising Feminism: Identity. “World Migration 2005: Costs and Beneﬁts of International Migration. International Labour Ofﬁce. Westport.cl/ publicaciones/xml/9/23209/L. Brah. Work and Gender: The Case of Post-war Labour Migration from the Caribbean to Britain. The Origins of Totalitarianism.” Working paper no. 2003. “Migration in the Caribbean—What Do We Know? An Overview of Data. London: King’s Fund. 1996. CT: Greenwood. “The Social Reproduction of Institutional Racism: Internationally Recruited Nurses’ Experiences of the British Health Services. 2001. Pippa Gough.” Journal of Midwifery and Women’s Health 52(4):392–97. Port of Spain. “Child Asylum Seekers and Refugees: Rights and Responsibilities. 2004. 209. Difference. “Nationalism: Discourse and Practice. Renu Jobanputra. Power. Policies and Programmes at the International and Regional Levels to Address Critical Issues.” In Charles and Hughes-Freeland 1996. “Migration. “International Migration of Health Workers: Labour and Social Issues.. ed. Marixsa. Smith. Isaacs. Margaret. Geneva. Family in the Caribbean: Themes and Perspectives. Charlotte Aull. and Alexander A. 1996. Arendt.” In Caribbean Migration: Globalised Identities. Larsen.
Chandra Talpade. Roger Hosein. Gender and International Migration in Europe: Employment. van Doorn. Smith. Facts.” Feminist Review 77(1):79–95. DC. Yeates. Mohanty. 1– 47. PAHO (Pan-American Health Organization). 1991. 2005. Nicola. New York: Routledge. and Migration: Protection is Paramount. “Report on Technical Meeting on Managed Migration of Skilled Nursing Personnel. 1990. Texts.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 769 Kofman. “A Dialogue with ‘Global Care Chain’ Analysis: Nurse Migration in the Irish Context. and Jean Yan.” In Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism. Thomas. Eleonore.” Report.org/celade/ noticias/paginas/2/11302/PTaran. Geneva. United Nations. 2006. 2006. New York. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.pdf. 2001. Remittances and Development. CARICOM and Pan-American Health Organization.eclac.ilo. “Cartographies of Struggle: Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism. “Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic 2006. and Rosemary Sales.” United Nations.org/public/english/dialogue/actrav/ publ/129/8. Chandra Talpade Mohanty.” State of World Population Report. . 2004. and Lourdes Torres. Taran.. International Labour Ofﬁce. Patrick A. http://www.unaids. UNPF (United Nations Population Fund). and Eduardo Geronimi. Welfare.” Report prepared for the Caribbean Commission on Health and Development. Labour. Dorothy E. Annie Phizacklea. http:// www.org/en/HIV_data/2006GlobalReport/default. New York. and Femininity: Exploring the Relations of Ruling. “Globalization.asp. “Migration. Bridgetown.pdf. London: Routledge. 2003.” Labour Education 4(129):48–53. Perspectives on Labour Migration 3E. Parvati Raghuram. 2000. and Politics. “Assessing the Export of Nursing Services as a Diversiﬁcation Option for CARICOM Economies. Clive. 2002. Ann Russo. ed. http://www.” PAHO Caribbean Ofﬁce. “A Passage to Hope: Women and International Migration. Washington. UNAIDS (Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS). Judith.
GCIM 2005. took place in Brussels. for example.. are less likely to accept patriarchal gender orders and claim their own property and income (Dannecker 2005). Even though the effects may be contested locally and some sending countries still ban the out-migration of women (e. on average. chap. Bangladesh). and Sjo ¨ blom 2007. such as changed attitudes and knowledge transfers.1 Social remittances. not welcomed by everybody in the societies of origin. no. 2. [Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2008. In these meetings and in their publications. however. which stand for immaterial transfers. a new topos has entered center stage: the sacriﬁcing heroine. 33. All rights reserved. 72 percent of their earnings (UNFPA 2006. In July 2007 a follow-up event. international agencies and commissions emphasize the positive effects of remittances sent by migrants to their countries of origin in general and the increasing number of female migrants and their overall positive role in this process in particular (e. the intergovernmental Global Forum on Migration and Development. UNFPA 2006). This may trigger changes in gender relations and in intimate and family relationships. An often-quoted ﬁgure is that female migrants in the Middle East remit. are signiﬁcant as well. In this moment of heightened attention to female migrants.770 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations Beautiful Victims and Sacriﬁcing Heroines: Exploring the Role of Gender Knowledge in Migration Policies Helen Schwenken ecently several international agencies and commissions have met to discuss the role of migration and particularly to depict the nexus between migration and development. women send home more money from their salaries than men. vol.. The recently mushrooming number of publications on the gender dimension of remittances all move in the same direction: authors argue that it is time to acknowledge female migrants as agents because. and they channel the money into longterm investments such as education and health care (not spending it for negatively connoted consumption and to raise their status. as men tend to do). The UN High-Level Dialogue on Migration and Development was held in September 2006 in New York. the inter- R Compare UNFPA 2006. Women return migrants. 4] ᭧ 2008 by The University of Chicago. who is characterized through her transmission of both monetary and social remittances. percentage wise.00 1 . Morrison.g. 0097-9740/2008/3304-0012$10.g. they send it for a longer period of time. Schiff. 29). UN-INSTRAW 2006. World Bank 2005. and in autumn 2008 the process will be continued by a Global Forum in Manila.
for example. and of the “sacriﬁcing heroine. are powerful in deﬁning current perceptions of female migrants. Bourguignon 2006. analyzed the antitrafﬁcking campaigns of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Middle and Eastern Europe. Even policy entrepreneurs such as the World Bank that deal mainly with economic issues are all of a sudden proposing antitrafﬁcking measures in their gender-related policy recommendations (e. the White-Slave Trafﬁc Act (also known as the Mann Act) in 1910. particularly by feminists. namely. Yet.2 The antitrafﬁcking campaigns work with visual techniques such as using the image of woman as human marionette or by displaying pictures in which the suffering of the women is aestheticized and eroticized. 150ff.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 771 national development community—among them international organizations. The IOM collaborates with local women’s organizations and is a major donor in that ﬁeld. antitrafﬁcking campaigns often build upon a simplistic dichotomoy of the innocent female victim and the male criminal (Andrijasevic 2007a). and nongovernmental organizations—regard the temporary migration of women as economically beneﬁcial for the sending countries and as a factor contributing to the modernization of these societies. 31). that of the trafﬁcked migrant woman. Those who understand female migrants as victims—considered to be deprived of agency—support ac- 2 Rutvica Andrijasevic (2007a). continues to remain important. The campaigns imply that it is safest for women to stay home (Andrijasevic 2007a. 12). of voluntary and forced migrations and have criticized the role some women’s advocacy organizations took—often unintentionally—in buying into repressive immigration policies when combating trafﬁcking. They reﬂect and are linked to certain approaches in the governance of migration. Some voices have argued that there is a continuum. women in the countries of origin and the smuggling and trafﬁcking industry.. not a dichotomy. Parallel to this new topos. A considerable number of today’s political measures targeting female migrants are speciﬁcally aimed at ﬁghting the trafﬁcking of women.) and led to the ﬁrst antitrafﬁcking (and at the same time antiprostitution) regulations in the United States. antitrafﬁcking policies have the effect of actually pushing women into (other) dangerous ways of migrating. donor agencies.” on the other. The images both of the “beautiful victim. . Despite more nuanced research that ﬁnds complex relations between the parties involved. The controversies revolving around (anti)trafﬁcking policies have been discussed and written about extensively.g.” on one hand. a rather old topos. This topos dates back to debates in the early twentieth century about “white slavery” (see Rupp 1997. paradoxically.
Second. Rather. 175). Do ¨ lling 2005). and normative concepts about correct gender relations and natural divisions of labor between men and women (Andresen and Do ¨ lling 2005. Two dimensions of gender knowledge can be identiﬁed: First. power. Thus Do ¨ lling and Andresen’s concept of gender knowledge can be embedded in a broader poststructuralist perspective in which the generation of knowledge and the relations between knowledge. academia.772 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations tions such as antitrafﬁcking measures. at the level of the individual the term encompasses biographical forms of knowledge that are rooted in collective knowledge but have been appropriated individually and thus in different ways (175). The concept of gender knowledge The analytical tool to examine assumptions about gender in policies and organizational behavior is drawn from the German social scientists Irene Do ¨ lling and Su ¨ nne Andresen. if we analyze the underlying gender knowledge in the constitution of public perception and policy processes. therefore. policies. be it academic knowledge or everyday knowledge about causal relations. A key assumption in the concept of gender knowledge is that every form of knowledge. and popularized knowledge that is . who introduced the concept of “gender knowledge” (Geschlechter-Wissen. At ﬁrst glance these images do not seem to be congruent. However. For others. currently move between two obsessions: articulating outrage about the plight of trafﬁcked women and at the same time praising the unselﬁshness of women sending home large amounts of their incomes earned overseas. Policy and media engagement with female migrants. striking similarities between both images are revealed. Gender knowledge does not mean that someone knows about gender in a factual way. and gender are central. who imagine migrants as sacriﬁcing heroines. or law. “Knowledge” here is not understood as being something objective. it refers to the social construction of meaning and to explicit and implicit negotiations about those meanings and about gender relations in society. at the macro level it refers to collective knowledge on the binarity of and difference between the two sexes. 50). as the women are considered neoliberal entrepreneurs. is based upon a speciﬁc knowledge about gender (Do ¨ lling 2005. Andresen and Do ¨ lling 2005. appropriate reforms include lowering how much it costs to transfer money back home. Both of these dimensions can be found in three forms of knowledge: tacit and unreﬂected everyday knowledge and knowledge of experience. knowledge and meanings generated by institutions such as religion. the reasoning about the self-evidence of those differences.
Gender knowledge: Beautiful victim and sacriﬁcing heroine In both portrayals of female migrants—as a beautiful victim or sacriﬁcing heroine—clear distinctions between the sexes are assumed even though the distinctions may be counterfactual. Even if the experiential knowledge of the trafﬁcked women is included in discourses around women’s migration.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 773 dispersed through media. not enjoying her life. However. it is only in very speciﬁc ways. Both types of migration are part of the same capitalist logic: expropriation of labor. Women’s remittance sending is represented as a natural extension of motherhood. Unclear stories may be either not used (they don’t work on a poster) or streamlined. she is still the pennypinching housewife. among other forces. Yet. Also. Interestingly. besides the partial closeness of both images. which are often deeply rooted in hegemonic knowledge systems about gender and gender relations. Second. guidebooks. there is a tension between these images and women’s changing roles and aspirations about staying or leaving. and if a woman migrates. no relation is made between the two images. the experiences of labor migrants are less frequently cited in . while men invest in business or want to display their social status. and that often links everyday and expert knowledge (Do ¨ lling 2005. Approaching the oppositions in the portrayal of female migrants from the analytical perspective of gender knowledge allows ﬁrst an explanation of the background of such contradictions. and social movements. Nevertheless. attention to individuals’ particular backgrounds would be more telling in explaining motivations for remittance sending. rethinking the modes of the production of gender knowledge is an important component of agency and is necessary for changing existing gender orders. the normative knowledge about “correct” gender relations that underlies both representations reveals a similar traditional image: staying home is safe (what about domestic violence?). it is assumed that women are the ones being trafﬁcked and men are the criminal trafﬁckers. in representations of the beautiful victim. 50–52). even though the line between trafﬁcked and “not trafﬁcked but just-the-regular-kindof-exploitation” (Anderson 2007) is thin. it is assumed that women and men have different attitudes toward money. Their stories are transformed into standardized narratives. Meanwhile. For instance. why is it that the forced labor of male migrants (in construction work or slaughterhouses) is not scandalous? Moreover. why is it that women working in the trafﬁcking business are not examined? In the case of the sacriﬁcing heroine.
). Organizations feel compelled to supply them. The domination of the antitrafﬁcking approach in policies and in the public is thus stabilized through institutions and popularized knowledges. subsuming all kinds of migrations under trafﬁcking and referring to problematic statistics. The estimation that 120. which tend to analyze quantitative data on ﬁnancial ﬂows and thereby to disembody migrants. 838). is in the trafﬁcking discourse very inﬂuential and produced via documentaries. a tendency very well described in the studies of governmentality (e. lending false precisions and spurious authority to many reports” (UNESCO Bangkok n. European Commission 2000. but it became truth through constant repetition from ostensibly authoritative sources.3 On the nature of ﬁgures. A visible expression in Europe is the widespread “Natasha-discourse. the third form of gender knowledge in Do ¨ lling’s and Andresen’s concept. In the case of the remitting wife and mother the discursive effects are less clear because it is a more recently popularized image. UNESCO Bangkok states: “When it comes to statistics. Dean 1995). trafﬁcking of girls and women is one of several highly emotive issues which seem to overwhelm critical faculties. often with little inquiry into their derivations. In the ﬁeld of trafﬁcking.774 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations studies about remittances. institutions also contribute to the production of gender knowledge. especially those run by Filipinas. popularized knowledge. law and research have been inﬂuential. and so on. 3 The UNESCO Trafﬁcking Project collected and compared the trafﬁcking estimates of different international organizations (UNESCO Bangkok 2003).d. used it in order to build up a different image of female migrants. modernization. It will be interesting to observe if and how far “the female migrant” becomes a neoliberal subject. Many women migrants’ organizations.” labeling female migrants from the former Soviet Union as (trafﬁcked) sex workers (Andrijasevic 2007b. An analysis of gender knowledge indicates that present-day images of female migrants are rooted in similar but also partly contested narratives of gender difference and normative gender relations. gaining acceptance through repetition. demand numbers. Also. Numbers take on a life of their own.. any number. until recently. an alternative representation of women’s migration that tied women’s migration to men’s. Journalists.000 women from Eastern Europe have been trafﬁcked annually to Western Europe and between 2 and 4 million worldwide is highly questionable (cf. GAO 2006). Gender relations are embedded in struggles about voice. Beyond international agencies and commissions. . bowing to the pressures of editors. campaign posters.g. retraditionalization. The independent female labor migrant was.
ostmittel. ———.” Paper presented at the United Nations High-Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development. and Jochen Oltmer.und Su ¨ deuropa seit den 1980er Jahren” [East-. Frankfurt am Main: Campus. “Governing the Unemployed Self in an Active Society. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart [Encylopedia of migration in Europe from the seventeenth century to today]. . Emmer. New York. “Ost-. Su ¨ nne.compas. Rutvica. Migration and Representation in Anti-trafﬁcking Campaigns. Dannecker. Petra. In Was bewirkt Gender Mainstreaming? Ansa ¨ tze der Evaluierung durch Policy-Analysen [What impact does gender mainstreaming have? Approaches for the evaluation through policy analysis].S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 775 and neoliberal concepts of the self. Policy and Society. 1995.” Current Sociology 53(4):655–74. Apple Pie and Slavery: Reﬂections on Trafﬁcking Debates. 2005.ox.uk/publications/ Working%20papers/Bridget%20Anderson%20WP0748. Ute Behning and Birgit Sauer. Department of Social Sciences University of Kassel References Anderson. 2006. 2007a. ed. “Motherhood. Paderborn and Munich: Ferdinand-Scho ¨ ninghVerlag/Wilhelm Fink Verlag.pdf. 2007.and southeast-European sex workers in Western. Bade. Centre on Migration. Nord. 171–87.” Economy and Society 24(4):559–83.” Working Paper 48. University of Oxford. http://www. In Enzyklopa ¨ die Migration in Europa vom 17. Dean. Francois J. As gender knowledge in its traditional forms is quite persistent.” Feminist Review 86:24–44. Andresen. September 14–15. 835–38. Andrijasevic. “Transnational Migration and the Transformation of Gender Relations: The Case of Bangladeshi Labour Migrants. From a feminist perspective it would be too optimistic to equate the interest in female migrants with a step toward the realization of the agendas of feminists and migrant advocates in the international ﬁeld. not to speak of the interests of local and transnational immigrant women’s communities. ed. it is important to trace its history and its present-day incarnations in order to create spaces to change it. Mittel-. 2005.und su ¨ dosteuropa ¨ische Prostituierte in West-. Leo Lucassen. and Irene Do ¨ lling. Central. Pieter C. Trends and Impacts of the International Migration of Women. “Women on the Move: Magnitudes. Bridget. Northern and Southern Europe since the 1980s]. Mitchell. Bourguignon. “Umbau des Geschlechter-Wissens von ReformakteurInnen durch Gender Mainstreaming?” [Is gender mainstreaming reconﬁguring the gender knowledge of reform actors?]. Klaus J. “Beautiful Dead Bodies: Gender. east central. 2007b.ac.
” Report.776 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations Do ¨ lling. November 20–21. Women and International Migration. GAO (United States Government Accountability Ofﬁce).unfpa.org/index.d. New York. ———.” Report. NJ: Princeton University Press. UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund).html. The International Migration of Women. Migration. “Trafﬁcking in Women: The Misery behind the Fantasy.unescobkk.org/ ﬁleadmin/user_upload/culture/Trafﬁcking/project/Graph_Worldwide_Sept_ 2004. http://ec. 2005. Andrew R. 2006.. “Gender. “Global Economic Prospects 2006: Economic Implications of Remittances and Migration.” Paper presented at the Fifth Coordination Meeting on International Migration. Washington. Remittances and Development.htm. 2007. http://www. World Bank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTDECPROSPECTS/ GEPEXT/EXTGEP2006/0. 1997.org/esa/ population/meetings/ﬁfthcoord2006/P02_INSTRAW. “State of World Population 2006: A Passage to Hope.” Report. Zeitschrift fu ¨ r Frauenforschung und Geschlechterstudien [Journal of women and gender studies] 23(1+2):44–62. Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan. 2003.” UNESCO Bangkok. 2006. DC: GAO. http:// www. New York: UNFPA. and Mirja Sjo ¨ blom. Morrison. Leila J.” Brussels: European Commission.pdf. GCIM (Global Commission on International Migration). Princeton. Irene. Maurice Schiff.org/swp/2006/pdf/en_sowp06.S.. 2005.contentMDK:20709766˜menuPK:1026823˜page PK:64167689˜piPK:64167673˜theSitePK:1026804. http://www.un.eu/justice_home/news/ 8mars_en.items/d06825. 2000.gao .pdf.gov/new. eds.europa. http://www. ❙ .pdf. Rupp. “Trafﬁcking Statistics Project. 2005.org/attachements/gcim-complete-report-2005. DC: World Bank. “Data Comparison Sheet #1: Worldwide Trafﬁcking Estimates by Organizations.pdf.00. “Migration in an Interconnected World: New Directions for Action. and Reporting Needed to Enhance U. http://www.php?idp1022. http:// www. 2006. http://econ . “‘Geschlechter-Wissen’—ein nu ¨ tzlicher Begriff fu ¨ r die ‘verstehende’ Analyse von Vergeschlechtlichungsprozessen?” [“Gender knowledge”—a useful concept for the “interpretative” analysis of engendering processes?]. “Human Trafﬁcking: Better Data. Washington. Antitrafﬁcking Efforts Abroad.unescobkk. From Poverty to Sex Slavery: A Comprehensive European Strategy. European Commission.” Geneva: GCIM. Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women’s Movement.gcim.” UNESCO Bangkok. n. Strategy. UNESCO Bangkok. UN-INSTRAW (United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women).worldbank.pdf.
many were economically active and had higher rates of employment than Australian-born women. no. an extremely diverse migration program that processes people from all regions of the world. 33. particularly through their active involvement in employment and in sustaining their families and local communities. community child care and support. [Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2008. it was in the 1970s that they began to make their voices more independent. vol. low-skilled work. Working conditions. in 1973. Migrant women during this period. Turkish. compared to 36 percent for Australian-born married women. the ﬁgure was more than 60 percent (Alcorso 1993. although this activism has not always been recognized by the mainstream Australian women’s movement. they have traditionally been viewed as a disadvantaged group in Australian society. and poverty. sexism. All rights reserved. and related issues. and Yugoslav women. were concentrated in low-paid. including Italian. Migrant women have made enormous contributions to modern Australia. However. including within unions and ethnic community organizations. For example. employment. 4] ᭧ 2008 by The University of Chicago. being from primarily working-class backgrounds.00 . with activism focusing on racism. For some migrant groups. ustralia has a long history A Beginnings: Migrant women’s activism in the 1970s and 1980s While migrant women have been involved in political activity since the early postwar period. currently. The challenges they have faced in their daily lives have underpinned their political organizing. 48 percent of married women from non-English-speaking backgrounds were in the workforce. from the eighteenth-century British colonization of the country to the more recent postwar mass migration from Europe and. 49). pay. This article documents the rise of migrant women’s activism since the 1970s and examines why there has been a decline in political activity in the last two decades. Greek.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 777 Diversifying Feminism: Migrant Women’s Activism in Australia Christina Ho of receiving new arrivals. Collins 1991). confronting racism. 0097-9740/2008/3304-0005$10. Although migrant women in the postwar period were often stereotyped as homebound and under patriarchal control. particularly in manufacturing (Storer 1982.
127. 194). This was not for lack of involvement on the part of migrants themselves. The 1980s marked the high point of migrant women’s activism in . and Hong Kong. 72). Kaplan 1996. It is not surprising then that in the 1980s. Despite the substantial presence of migrant workers in highly unionized industries. These efforts were largely separate from the activities of the trade union movement. the Philippines. largely middle-class Australian feminist movement. 124). In her history of the women’s movement in Australia. and community services. 132. Martin 1991). the Australian union movement was generally not very receptive to the issues confronting migrants. who historically had high levels of union membership (Alcorso 1993. Gisela Kaplan notes that “migrant women of different linguistic backgrounds were by and large not welcomed in the women’s movement” (1996. “arguably. Bulbeck 1998. health. particularly those confronting women. At the same time. established in 1986. some groups. 42. particularly those relating to employment. and the Association of Non–English Speaking Background Women of Australia (ANESBWA) in 1987. critics like Ien Ang argue that nonwhite women were recognized only to a certain extent: feminism functioned as a nation.778 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations and equity issues therefore featured highly in their political activism. the ﬁrst occasion when feminist concerns combined with ethnic rights multiculturalism to highlight the precarious position” of migrant women in the workforce (NFAW 2007). Nor were migrant women’s issues well recognized by the Anglo-dominated. the newly established Working Women’s Centre in Melbourne also provided support for migrant women on employment issues (Kaplan 1996. Even when Australian feminists began to address issues of difference in the 1980s. The project produced signiﬁcant reports such as the 1976 “But I wouldn’t want my wife to work here” report (Storer 1976) documenting the appalling pay and working conditions of migrant women in Melbourne factories. which was. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s both were active in putting migrant women’s issues on the national political agenda. she argues. one that invited “other” women to join as long as they did not disrupt the ultimate integrity of that nation (1995. Italy. 55). see also Kalantzis 1990. were relatively vocal in unions and other political organizations (Ganguly 1995. breaking away from both the women’s movement and male-dominated ethnic associations. including women from the Indian subcontinent. migrant women began to organize their own independent associations. South America. Two of these organizations were the New South Wales Immigrant Women’s Speakout Association. One example was the Migrant Women Workers Project (1974–75). domestic violence.
they are more commonly concerned with the downward mobility often experienced by professional women. reﬂecting the shift in Australia’s migration policies in the 1980s toward skill-based admissions. Issues of employment and domestic support are still paramount for the current cohort of migrant women. “change for migrant women and their descendants lagged about ﬁfteen years behind that for women in general” (1996. Chapman and Iredale 1993. moreover. women are less likely to be in professional jobs after migration. and gender identity Compared to their counterparts in the early postwar period. Hawthorne 1994. highly skilled migrants. Issues for migrant women today: Work. In part. and. 125).S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 779 Australia. family. overall. the gender gap between men and women’s occupations appears to widen after migration (Ho and Alcorso 2004). however. as evidenced in the rise of the “femocrats.2 In terms of occupational attainment. Nevertheless. this reﬂected a national political culture under a federal Labor government that was particularly receptive to women’s issues. 1 Evans and Kelley 1986. among primary applicant migrants arriving in Australia in the early 1990s. during which time they were most successful in sustaining strong and independent organizations and in gaining governmental and public recognition of the challenges migrant women faced in Australian society. women’s employment rates fall dramatically after migration to Australia and are signiﬁcantly lower than those of their male counterparts. 2 A primary applicant migrant is the person in whose name an application for migration is based and who is often the head of a household. women’s employment rates fell from 63 percent prior to migration to just 39 percent after three and a half years in the country.” feminist bureaucrats who had secured considerable inﬂuence in federal and state government departments (see Eisenstein 1996). problems with the recognition of overseas qualiﬁcations. a governmentcommissioned study of more than ﬁve thousand migrants arriving between 1993 and 1995 (DIAC 2006). . Friedberg 2000.1 There is much evidence that migrant women face particular difﬁculties transferring their skills across borders. As many researchers have documented. For example. The data about women’s employment rates come from the ﬁrst Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia. Even among recent. today’s migrant women are more likely to be educated and middle class. and discrimination often result in highly skilled migrants working in lower-status jobs or withdrawing from the workforce altogether. Kaplan argues that. Iredale 1997. language barriers.
Bulbeck 1998. There have been no signiﬁcant new initiatives such as those documented above. 40). stop working. Where is migrant women’s activism today? While these experiences point to an urgent need to improve migrant women’s access to employment. many migrant women experience a feminization in identity. particularly at the level of the professions. 3 . women’s labor force participation has been lower in Australia than in many of the countries from which migrants have come. As a result of downward occupational mobility and reduced domestic support. An extended discussion is beyond the scope of this article. middle-class migrants have had less of a history of organizing around employment issues and may feel even more distant from trade unions than earlier migrants (there are some important exA notable exception is the moral panic around so-called oppressed Muslim women. While a newfound domestic orientation can bring many rewards. and migrant women’s issues rarely feature in media or scholarly debates. have babies. as well as to the need to increase the availability of child care and other family-friendly work arrangements. Not surprisingly.780 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations It is no surprise that issues around access to work remain signiﬁcant for migrant women. this is a result of the changing demographics of migrants to Australia. for example. as mentioned earlier. the lack of child care facilities (Alcorso 1993. 194). As one migrant woman expressed it. . but see Christina Ho (2007) for more details. and watch TV all day. migrant women have found that the predominance of the nuclear family model and traditional breadwinner-housewife arrangements in Australia restrict women’s opportunities for employment because of. “Australian girls work only till they are about 25. get fat. A continuing theme in research on migrant women is their surprise at the more traditional female roles undertaken by Australian-born women. Contrary to their expectations of an advanced Western country. . Historically. .3 Partly. there is comparatively little activism or advocacy on the part of migrant women in Australia today. it also reﬂects life choices that are based on limited opportunities and is an ironic outcome of a migration policy that aims to maximize all migrants’ contributions to the national workforce. reorienting them away from the world of work and careers and toward the family sphere (Ho 2006). then they get married. There’s no child care facilities because there’s no need for them: women don’t want to work” (quoted in Ganguly 1995. 50. with regular debates concerning the relative merits of the headscarf and other facets of Muslim women’s lives.
. More signiﬁcantly. the decline in migrant women’s activism reﬂects the decline of the women’s movement more generally in Australia. women’s organizations were not well equipped to deal with the shift. In this climate. The Immigrant Women’s Speakout Association is one example of an organization that has been largely reduced to providing services to migrant women. stated in 2002 that Australia was in the “post-feminist stage of the debate” because for young women. feminist commentator Anne Summers (2003) wonders whether we are seeing the “end of equality. like many Western nations. As many feminist scholars have noted.” arguing that the goal of gender equality has been pushed off the list of public priorities for improving Australian society. were often beneﬁciaries of relatively generous state funding and to some extent were incorporated into the mechanisms of policy making. at the expense of projects involving political advocacy or lobbying. one that is challenging many of the victories of the feminist and other progressive movements. carving out a new and rewarding life as a full-time mother is possible for those whose partners are able to ﬁnancially support the household through their sole income. Australia.g. In practical terms. whether through actual or threatened withdrawal of public funds or by funding only direct service delivery. For example. Under the two Labor governments of the 1970s and 1980s–90s. e. is currently in the grip of a ﬁercely conservative political culture. With so much effort directed at maintaining relationships with government bureaucracies. The collapse of this political organizing arguably reﬂects Australian women’s organizations’ traditional overdependence on the state. Although these services are obviously vital. in the mid- . Thus. what has been lost is the lobbying and political organizing capacity that characterized the association’s earlier years. outspoken organizations such as the Women’s Electoral Lobby and ANESBWA have lost their government funding altogether. Meanwhile. which can function as an alternative to collective action. nongovernment organizations are confronting a political onslaught from a government intent on “silencing dissent” (Hamilton and Maddison 2007). Middle-class women are also in a position to negotiate more individualized solutions to problems. 45). like many community associations.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 781 ceptions. for example. among migrant nurses). John Howard. those facing domestic violence. even when issues of multiculturalism and cultural diversity are so consistently in the national spotlight. The prime minister. and groups that do receive public funds do so on the condition that they will not issue press releases without ﬁrst notifying the government (Summers 2005). the “battle has been won” (quoted in Hewett 2002. women’s organizations. migrant women’s voices are rarely heard in political debates.
“Economic Stocktake: Trends and Issues for Non–English Speaking Background Women since 1982. ed. “I’m a Feminist but . Jock.” In Transitions: New Australian Feminisms. DIAC (Department of Immigration and Citizenship). Collins. Re-orienting Western Feminisms: Women’s Diversity in a Postcolonial World. Ang. Barbara Caine and Rosemary Pringle. 2006. Sydney References Alcorso. whether in the form of the women’s movement. or others. has largely replaced publicly funded service delivery programs with volunteer-driven advocacy and public education campaigns around issues such as the headscarf and the role of women in Islam. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences University of Technology. Caroline. Bulbeck. 1998. as mentioned above. 1993. the locus of much activity may have shifted toward other spheres. 1991. there is emerging evidence that although women’s organizing activity has fragmented. Conclusion Although this is a relatively bleak portrait of the current state of affairs among migrant women’s organizations. and Robyn R. In particular. Migrant Hands in a Distant Land: Australia’s Post-war Immigration. Bruce. civil liberties groups. to a conservative government profoundly suspicious of progressive movements. 57–73. “Immigrant Qualiﬁcations: Recognition and Relative Wage Outcomes. Chilla. Arab and Muslim women are under unprecedented scrutiny in national debates and policy making. 1993. .” Australian Feminist Studies 18 (Summer): 49–66. : ‘Other’ Women and Postnational Feminism. Iredale.782 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations 1990s. Such efforts are testimony to the continued resilience of migrant women in Australia and to their active contribution to a society that continues to display an uneasy relationship with cultural diversity. The Longitudinal . and this has generated an upsurge in women’s organizing to address racism and Islamophobia. Chapman.” International Migration Review 27(2): 359–87. Sydney: Pluto. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. trade unionism. 1995. The Sydneybased United Muslim Women Association is one example of a group that. Ien. despite having suffered substantial funding cutbacks.
” In Playing the State: Australian Feminist Interventions. Friedberg. NFAW (National Foundation for Australian Women). Skills Transfer: International Migration and Accreditation Issues. ———.htm. Canberra: Australian Government Publication Service.info/biogs/AWE2125b.” Sydney Morning Herald. 1997.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 32(3):497–514. 1974–1975. Wollongong: University of Wollongong Press. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Rachel M.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 783 Survey of Immigrants to Australia. “Muslim Women’s New Defenders: Women’s Rights.” Research report for International Women’s Year. Silencing Dissent: How the Australian Government Is Controlling Public Opinion and Stiﬂing Debate. London: Verso. “‘But I wouldn’t want my wife to work here’: A Study of Migrant Women in Melbourne Industry. Mary. and Islamophobia in Contemporary Australia. ed. “The Mothers’ Club. and Jeannie Martin. 2007. Robyn R. Jennifer. Indrani.” Hecate 21(1):37–52. 110–31. Melbourne. “Migrant Women Workers Project. ed. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 1976. 2007. Hamilton. ed.” Women’s Studies International Forum 30(4):290–98. and Sarah Maddison. 2004. Iredale. 2000. 39–60. Marie de Lepervanche. and Jonathan Kelley. Christina. Canada. “Migration as Feminisation? Chinese Women’s Experiences of Work and Family in Australia. Hester.” Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 22(2):187–207. Mariah D. Gisela. A Comparative Study of Australia. “Immigrants’ Work: Equality and Discrimination in the Australian Labour Market. Des. 1995. 1996. Labour Market Barriers for Immigrant Engineers in Australia. Evans.. Eisenstein. 1990. 1994. 2006. “Ethnicity Meets Class Meets Gender in Australia. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Hewett. Kaplan. “Exploring the Differences: Feminist Theory in a Multicultural Society. http://www. Melbourne.gov. Lesleyanne. Ganguly. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. 1950s–1990s. Sophie Watson. Nationalism. Storer.au/media/research/ lsia/index. The Meagre Harvest: The Australian Women’s Movement. “Multiculturalism and Feminism. Jeannie. Gill Bottomley.womenaustralia.” Journal of Labor Economics 18(2):221–51. R. “Migrants and Employment: Challenging the Success Story. 2002. 2007. Ho. 1991. Clive. Ho. Christina. Kalantzis. Martin.immi. Hawthorne. http://www. September 7. eds. “You Can’t Take It with You? Immigrant Assimilation and the Portability of Human Capital. and Caroline Alcorso. Centre for Urban Research and Action. Inside Agitators: Australian Femocrats and the State. Britain.” Journal of Sociology 40(3):237–59.” In Intersexions: Gender/ Class/Culture/Ethnicity. and the United States. New Zealand. 1996. 1986.” Australian Women’s Archives Project. .htm.
au/publications/papers/118. Summers. A number of women spent brief periods of time in another country. however. “Migrant Workers and Structural Change. In recalling these perceptions I do not intend to suggest that Brazilian women’s international migration is mainly associated with the sex industry or with the blurred space in which sex and marriage markets are superposed. when I was doing ﬁeldwork in Fortaleza. 2003. 0097-9740/2008/3304-0010$10. frequently marrying foreigners they met in Brazil (Piscitelli 2004. Some women left the city in order to work in the sex industry in Europe. returning disappointed with their experiences. [Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2008. 2005.labor. the idea that they are bearers I would like to thank Albertina de Oliveira Costa. Trying to understand the impact of tourism on the local population’s sexual and affective choices. Anne. is well known for its beautiful beaches and is considered one of Brazil’s so-called sex tourism destinations. http://evatt.” Migration Action 6(2): 20–25.and lower-middle-class local women frequently traveled abroad accompanying or invited by foreign tourists. 4] ᭧ 2008 by The University of Chicago. recently integrated into international tourism circuits. I observed that middle. Many others. The End of Equality: Work. in the northeast of Brazil. Sydney: Random House.html. 33. no. and Women’s Choices in 21st Century Australia.784 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations ———. ———. ❙ Looking for New Worlds: Brazilian Women as International Migrants Adriana Piscitelli T he connection between transnational notions of Brazilianness and women’s migratory experiences ﬁrst caught my attention at the beginning of 2000. However. remained overseas. Nonetheless.” Sydney: Evatt Foundation. Babies. 1982. Mariza Corre ˆ a. 2007c). This sunny city. “Where Have All the Women Gone? The End of Equality.00 . the racialized and sexualized notions about Brazilian styles of femininity that attract sex tourists to the country also mark female international migrants. vol. and Roseli Golfetti for their comments and support. living as spouses with men they met in Fortaleza. The vast majority of these out-migrants do not participate in the sex industry.net. All rights reserved.
These conceptualizations vary in migratory contexts that have different historical relationships with Brazil and also according to the women’s social class and “color. Consulate agents in Spain and Italy state . Since 2005 Mexico has required a visa from Brazilian citizens. forthcoming). In terms of international migration. and joyfully committed to domesticity and maternity. Portugal. Portugal (100. following the United States and Argentina.e.800.1 In the 1980s. Brazilian women on the move Like other countries marked by acute regional inequalities. combined with ambiguous notions of Brazilian women as feminine. This process has changed to a certain degree in recent times. Padilla 2006.2 A large number live as “irregulars” (i. affects them all (Pontes 2004. the migration ﬂux directed toward European countries appears to have increased (Secretaria Nacional de Justic ¸ a 2007). in the context of a serious economic crisis. 126). The effects of this shift include an increase in transnational links among smugglers and an increase in the risks and economic costs migrants face trying to clandestinely cross more than one border. the major receiving countries were the United States (1. sheltering immigrants mostly from Italy. Japan (250. In the past four years.7 percent of the total population) were living outside the country in 2006 (Magno 2006). border. when part of this migration has been redirected abroad (Azevedo 2004. Between 1908 and 1940 they were joined by Japanese immigrants and by citizens of other European countries (Seyferth 2000–2001). Brazil has witnessed an enormous internal migration from the poorest to the richest states and from rural areas into cities. and Spain (Menezes 2001.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 785 of an intense natural disposition for sex and a propensity to prostitution. At the present time. have fed the emigration ﬂux.000). the cultural translation of the subaltern place that Brazil occupies in transnational relationships has a major effect on Brazilian women’s gendered experiences. reduced labor opportunities and prospects for social mobility. Brazil receives mostly immigrants from other Latin American countries. undocumented 1 According to migration studies. Governmental reports estimate that around 3 million Brazilians (1. 2 According to Joa ˜o Magno’s 2006 report. Brazil was considered a major receiving country in the very recent past.S. particularly in Southern Europe. between the 1890s and World War I Brazil was third among receiving countries in the Americas.000). Rios-Neto 2005.000). Costa. submissive. Paraguay (450. Since then. and the United Kingdom (100. Piscitelli 2007c). Brazilian migration has signiﬁcantly expanded in certain parts of the world.000). making it harder to arrive at the U..000). particularly for sectors of the middle class. As a result. for the ﬁrst time the country showed a large emigration.” With the ﬂux of Brazilian women toward rich countries in North America and Europe.
2007). Piscitelli 2007a). educational. and taking care of children or the elderly (Messias 2001. Particularly in Southern Europe. or pardas. cleaning. in their twenties and thirties. humiliated. The majority are single or divorced. 2007b). in 2005 women represented around 30 percent of the persons sent back from foreign countries. in a country that values whiteness. But. but the vast majority are those women whose entry was refused in countries that do not require visas from Brazilian tourists. with no reason other than police disbelief with regard to their tourist status (Secretaria Nacional de Justic ¸ a 2006. Although only a fraction of Brazilian women are occupied in this sector. In these places. Oliveira 2006). 2007). “color” is deﬁned according to the subject’s self-classiﬁcation. like women from other third-world countries. 3 In the Brazilian census. almost half of them have children and. which affects the possibility of obtaining accurate statistics. According to the Brazilian Federal Police. however.3 Economic motivations are the main reason for their migration. mostly at European airports. and health services. and sometimes sexually harassed.786 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations immigrants) abroad. frequently labeled prostitutes. which they may undertake either individually or in cooperation with their families. they also work in the sex industry (Mayorga 2006. young darker Brazilian women who look poor in the eyes of the migration police are detained for one or more days. These proﬁles. These aspects interfere with the class positions women hope to obtain in their migratory trajectories. they are mostly occupied in domestic services. However. The scant attention paid to gender in data gathering poses further difﬁculties in estimating the numbers of female Brazilian migrants. cannot be generalized. Recent governmental reports about deported women suggest that they are mostly from the lower-middle class (Secretaria Nacional de Justic ¸a 2006. . these women’s international displacements appear to be signiﬁcant. they mostly consider themselves brown (morenas. the expression used in the National Census for mixed-race persons). Brazilian women work in commerce. This includes deportees. the most frequently used native term. In different receiving contexts. Scholarly studies about Brazilian gendered international migration point to diversity in terms of migrant women’s educational and class backgrounds and skin colors. the relevance of this activity is ampliﬁed by press that they are offering services to a much larger number of Brazilian residents than was the case four years ago (Piscitelli 2005. in administrative. and as small entrepreneurs (Cavalcanti 2006). as well as in academic research.
However. . They constitute more than 60 percent of the Brazilians living in Spain and approximately half of the Brazilian population in Portugal (Servic ¸ o de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras 2005). It also happens in the Brazilian borders with Suriname and in the triple frontier: in the borders with Argentina and Paraguay (Figueiredo and Hazeau 2006. for the years 2005 and 2006 (http://www. Spain. supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. like other migrants.un. mostly women. In Italy. far from being forced or deceived and/or used as bound or forced labor. to Italians (Istituto Nazionale de Statistica 2005). Having (or not having) residence and work permits and job opportunities.ine. See the INEbase database at the Instituto Nacional de Estadı ´stica. these studies also show that there are women who. there are cases of women who are trafﬁcked in the context of international migration. Brazil was the main non-European country furnishing foreign spouses. the strikingly few transnational marriages involving Brazilian men suggest that Brazilian women acquire a particular value in the marriage market.es). according to the Palermo Protocol.5 And in these countries. see http://untreaty. issued by the United Nations in 2000.pdf.org/English/ TreatyEvent2003/Texts/treaty2E. Especially Women and Children.4 This happens in travels toward rich countries in Europe and North America. Secretaria Nacional de Justic ¸ a 2006. the Protocol to Prevent. as well as in Italy. decide to work in this sector in rich countries. mostly being exploited as domestic or sexual servants. and they also constitute one of the main groups of foreign women married to national men. Research reports allow us to perceive that. 5 In 2006 Brazilian female spouses were the second-largest group of foreign women marrying Spanish men. they are considered to be signiﬁcant in the sex industry. For the text of the protocol. With this objective. For nontrafﬁcked sex workers as well as for Brazilian women engaged in other economic activities. driven in part by notions about Brazilian femininity that mark it with sensuality but also with the valorization of domesticity and an interest in motherhood. Magno 2006). they mobilize social and familial support networks in order to travel abroad (Ministe ´ rio da Justic ¸ a 2004. Suppress and Punish Trafﬁcking in Persons. Women’s presence is particularly striking in the Brazilian communities of Southern Europe. In these countries. Piscitelli 2007a).S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 787 coverage that frequently merges international displacement for the purpose of working in the sex industry with trafﬁcking of persons. 4 The Palermo Protocol is the short name for the most important contemporary international legal disposition regarding trafﬁcking of persons. according to an analysis of the 2001 census. their main concerns are related to the possibility of obtaining papers in order to legalize their status abroad and to labor conditions that can be highly exploitative for undocumented migrants (Juncks 2004).
subjectivities connected to these regions are frequently coded as tropical. associated with racial blends that bring to mind African traces. Piscitelli 2005. Brazilian. both in the labor and marriage markets (Pontes 2004. These negotiations are depicted in studies that show how Brazilian . joyful domesticity. Colombian. According to the context. It could be thought that. and countries in different ways. In the frame of the unequal relationships between North and South. these borders affect women from distinct ethnicities. Nevertheless. Images of Brazilianness Stating that women from diverse backgrounds are affected by the images connected to Brazilian styles of femininity means considering that.S. Brazil. exotic. both in the United States and in Southern Europe. rejecting but also using postcolonial images to negotiate their positions in unequal migratory contexts. However. and Cuban women are also considered signiﬁcant in both the sex and the marriage markets in some Southern European countries. the differences among women from the global South are frequently translated into attributes that evoke ethnosexual frontiers (Nagel 2003). Latino/a identities and cultures. In an interplay that reinforces certain stereotypes while weakening others. The effects of these notions are more attenuated among the Brazilian women who attain better class positions in the receiving countries. Beserra 2007). and giving birth to children in the migratory contexts are major differences that distinguish one Brazilian woman’s experiences from those of another. racialized and sexualized notions of femininity mainly affect women from certain countries. “tropicalizations” (Aparicio and Cha ´ vez-Silverman 1997) might impinge on any Latin American person. regions. in the United States. research points to the fact that. While Latin American women from different nationalities are occupied as domestic workers and more broadly in service work. although women from the global South get conﬁned to speciﬁc occupations. women (no matter their background) locate themselves among positions of overt resistance and apparent complicity at various times.788 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations marrying men who are citizens of the receiving countries. cleanliness. and hypereroticized sexually. they do not constitute a homogeneous category. Cuba. and Colombia. the connections of female Brazilianness with friendliness. In the system of ideological ﬁctions with which the dominant (Anglo and European) cultures trope Latin American and U. and natural propensity for care and even sensuality are turned into part of the arsenal these women implement in their struggle for a better place in those harsh new worlds. are among them.
For Brazilian women. Some try to disconnect the representation of Brazil from the sexualized image of its women created through music and carnival (Beserra 2007). who feel it helps them attract clients. and sensuous wives eager to be mothers. However. who are subjected to more intense degrees of inequality and racism. particularly for those with fewer resources. “Mixed” marriages expose women to risks. enterprises that offer what women consider to be a well-paid and autonomous activity (Assis 2004). The ethnic sex appeal is conceived as an asset for undocumented women working in the sex industry. while . However. the major beneﬁts that women who do not work in the sex industry obtain by embodying sensuality appear to be related not to the labor but to the marriage market. these weddings are most desired since they offer women the main way to obtain residence permits in the context of highly restrictive migration policies. and special care are set out in order to attract clients for their own housecleaning agencies. it also seems to be strategically performed. performing the image of sweet. performing this combination of notions opens the way for desired marriages. Piscitelli 2005. In these cases. These “ethnic” attributes are activated with the aim of opening small enterprises in which Brazilian immigrant women sometimes function as bosses of males who are their kin or part of their social networks. American and Southern European husbands seem to perceive relationships with these women as an opportunity to recreate traditional patterns of masculinity with the additional spice of enjoying a particular style of sexuality (Assis 2004. where Brazilian women’s openness. some migrants even lie about their national origin (Beserra 2007). The connection between Brazilianness and sensuality annoys women. But it is also perceived as offering beneﬁts for diversely positioned Brazilians. whether documented middle-class women in the academy in Los Angeles (Beserra 2007) or public service workers in Lisbon (Pontes 2004). joyfulness. Beserra 2007). International migration and feminist activism Brazilian women living in foreign countries organize themselves in groups that suggest feminist concerns but work with different objectives. In order to avoid it. submissive. domestic. caring. women combine sensuality with other attributes. And these marriages are also valued as symbolic resources that contribute to achieving cultural citizenship abroad.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 789 women deploy some of these attributes in order to obtain access to privileged levels of paid domestic work in Boston. Nonetheless. who are frequently harassed in several milieus.
which are threatened when they divorce in some countries (Zingaropoli 2003). two of them prepared by Brazilian activists. It also engages with some of the matters that affect migrant women abroad. The almost exclusive focus on trafﬁcking of persons in terms of emigration has the effect of effacing other signiﬁcant difﬁculties while at the same time posing the risk of reinforcing a one-dimensional and stigmatized vision of Brazilian women as international migrants.sof. in terms of international emigration. Frances R. Hanover. But these issues. Working with other human rights groups. However.6 At this moment. the latter is one of the major working themes of important Brazilian women’s coalitions.org.br/. migration. 6 The program of the tenth Feminist Latin American and Caribbean Meeting that took place in Sa ˜o Paulo in 2005 included three panels. especially in terms of legal rights over their children. eds. NH: University Press of New England. 7 See Confere ˆ ncia Nacional de Mulheres Brasileiras 2002 and Sempreviva Organizac ¸˜ ao Feminista at http://www. The limitation of their right to free movement under the accusation of being prostitutes is only one of them. acknowledged abroad. the feminist movement has successfully interfered in the ofﬁcial sexualized marketing of Brazil in the international tourism sector. mainly by discussing and rejecting the traveling notions of a sexualized Brazilianness. are not yet included in the main activist concerns in Brazil. Tropicalizations: Transcultural Representations of Latinidad. 1997.790 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations others intend to empower migrant women by helping them to learn the new language and obtain jobs and intend to protect them from the domestic violence that particularly affects married women and to support them in divorce processes. the scholarly production and governmental reports about gendered emigration point to an array of acute problems faced by women. Center for Gender Studies University of Campinas References Aparicio.7 While trafﬁcking is indeed one of the most serious violations of women’s rights. related to these issues and also a panel connected to prostitution but none related to female migration at large. and trafﬁcking.. and Susana Cha ´ vez-Silverman. . the main feminist concerns are related to the trafﬁcking of persons and to the connections between sex tourism. Feminist activism in Brazil is particularly vigorous in diverse issues connected with women’s rights in internal migration.
gov. Cavalcanti.articulacaodemulheres. Repu ´ b- . 2005. “O protagonismo empresarial imigrante a partir de uma perspectiva de ge ˆ nero: O caso das brasileiras nas cidades de Madrid e Barcelona” (Migrants’ entrepreneurial protagonism from the perspective of gender: The case of Brazilian women in the cities of Madrid and Barcelona). August 28–30. 2004. http://www. Figueiredo.br/CD/download/4_traﬁco_seres_humanos. “Brasileiros no exterior” (Brazilians abroad). 2006. “Migrac ¸˜ ao e tra ´ ﬁco de seres humanos para Suriname e Holanda” (Migration and trafﬁcking of human beings to Suriname and Holland).pdf. Congresso Nacional. Campinas: Papirus. Confere ˆ ncia Nacional de Mulheres Brasileiras (National conference of Brazilian women). Ka ´ tia Regina. Cadernos pagu 38 (January–June): 313–44. Gla ´ ucia de Oliveira. Fo ´ rum da Amazo ˆnia Oriental.pdf. Gli stranieri in Italia: Analisi dei dati censuari (Foreigners in Italy: Analyses of census data). 2007. “Algumas considerac ¸o ˜ es sobre imigrantes brasileiros na jurisdic ¸˜ ao do Consulado Brasileiro de Nova York” (Some considerations about Brazilian migrants in the Brazilian Consular District of New York). “La fomacio ´ n histo ´ rica de la clase obrera en la Barcelona del siglo XXI: Un pequen ˜ o dia ´ logo con E.org. Juncks. Azevedo. “Plataforma polı ´tica feminista” (Feminist political platform). PhD dissertation. Joa ˜o. Brası nica. Thompson). “Relato ´ rio ﬁnal da Comissa ˜o Parlamentar de Inque ´ rito” (Final report of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry). Magno.faor. Brasilia).org. Universidad Auto ´ noma de Barcelona. P. National Congress. MA dissertation. “De Criciu ´ ma para o mundo: Rearranjos familiares e de ge ˆ nero nas vive ˆ ncias dos novos migrantes brasileiros” (From Criciu ´ ma to the world: Family and gender rearrangements in the life experiences of new Brazilian migrants). P. Istituto Nazionale de Statistica (Italy). Costa.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 791 Assis. Congresso Nacional. ed. Forthcoming. http://www. http://www2. Bela Feldman-Bianco and Carlos Vianna. Beserra. In Brasileiros no exterior: Caminhos da cidadania (Brazilians abroad: Paths to citizenship). Santa Catarina. Brasilia: Comissa ˜o Parlamentar Mista de Inque ´ rito de Emigrac ¸˜ ao. 2004. 2006.pdf. Paper delivered at the Semina ´ rio Internacional Fazendo Ge ˆ nero 7. 2002. University of Campinas.camara. Bernadete. Maria Tereza Paulino da. http:// www.it/istat/eventi/stranieri/volume_stranieri. Legislative Area XVIII Consultancy. Nota Te ´ c´ rea XVIII. Istituto Nazionale di Statistica. “Sob a sombra de Carmen Miranda e do carnaval: Brasileiras em Los Angeles” (Under the shadow of Carmen Miranda and carnival: Brazilian women in Los Angeles). Leonardo. and Marcel Hazeau.istat.br/. Thompson” (The historical formation of the working class in twenty-ﬁrst-century Barcelona: A brief dialogue with E. Consultoria Legislativa da A ´lia (Technical report.br/internet/publicacoes/estnottec/tema3/pdf/ 2004_3518. De ´ bora B. 2004. 2006. Danielle Lima de.
2004. In Migrac ¸˜ oes internacionais contribuic ¸o ˜es para polı ´ticas (International migrations: Policy contributions). Adriana. Hilﬁnger. Mayorga. 2007a.revues. New York: Oxford University Press. Lena ´ Medeiros de. “On ‘Gringos’ and ‘Natives’: Gender and Sexuality in the Context of International Sex Tourism in Fortaleza. Brazil. August 28–30. “Integrac ¸˜ ao dos ‘imigrantes brasileiros rece ´ m-chegados’ na sociedade portuguesa: Problemas e possibilidades” (Integration of recently arrived Brazilian immigrants in Portuguese society: Problems and possibilities).vibrant. Claudia. 2006. 2003. migration. Beatriz. “Transnational Perspectives on Women’s Domestic Work: Experiences of Brazilian Immigrants in the United States. August 28–30.gov.pdf. “Corporalidades em confronto: Brasileiras na indu ´ stria do sexo na . Brası ´lia: Ministe ´ rio da Justc ¸ a.” Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 1(1/2):87–114. DeAnne K. ———. Paper delivered at the Semina ´ rio Internacional Fazendo Ge ˆ nero 7.br/portugues/ artigos2004. Paper delivered at the Semina ´ rio Internacional Fazendo Ge ˆ nero 7. http://www. migrac ¸˜ ao e ge ˆ nero: O caso de mulheres brasileiras prostitutas em Madrid” (Identity. 2004.org. Nagel. “Brasileiras na indu ´ stria transnacional do sexo” (Brazilian women in the transnational sex industry).br/web/comissoes/CPI/ Emigracao/RelFinalCPMIEmigracao. 2006. Nuevo Mundo—Mundos Nuevos 7. “Identidade. Joane. Santa Catarina. 2006. http:// nuevomundo. 19–42. 2001. ed. “Mulheres imigrantes no sul da Florida: Um estudo de caso revelando diferenc ¸ as” (Immigrant women in southern Florida: A case study revealing differences). Tra ´ ﬁco de seres humanos no Brasil (Trafﬁcking of human beings in Brazil).senado. Padilla.org/document3744. In Um mar de identidades: A imigrac ¸a ˜ o brasileira em Portugal (A sea of identities: Brazilian immigration in Portugal). Migrations Socie ´ te ´ : La revue du CIEMI (Centre d’information et d’e ´ tudes sur les migrations internationales) 17(102):105–25.” Women and Health 33(1–2):1–20. Brası ´lia: Comissa ˜o Nacional de Populac ¸˜ ao e Desenvolvimento/CNPD. Igor Jose ´ de Reno ´ Machado. and gender: The case of Brazilian prostitutes in Madrid). Santa Catarina. and Sexuality: Intimate Intersections. Messias. Menezes. ———.htm. Forbidden Frontiers. Race. “Inte ´ re ˆ t et sentiment: Migration de bre ´ siliennes en Italie dans le contexte du tourisme sexuel international” (Interest and emotions: Migration of Brazilian women in Italy in the context of international sex tourism). Piscitelli. Sa ˜o Carlos: Edufscar. “Movimentos e polı ´ticas migrato ´ rias em perspectiva histo ´ rica: Um balanc ¸ o do se ´ culo XX” (Migratory movements and policies from a historical perspective: A summary of the twentieth century). Ethnicity.html. ———.792 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations lica Federativa do Brasil. Mary Garcia Castro. http://www. Adriana Capuano de. 2007b. Oliveira. Ministe ´ rio da Justic ¸ a/Nac ¸o ˜ es Unidas/Escrito ´ rio Contra Drogas e Crime. 123–37. ed. 2005. 2001.
2005. Part 2: Report on the signs of people trafﬁcking among deportees and those refused entry who return to Brazil through the Guarulhos airport). 2004. Eduardo. Com cie ˆ ncia. Rios-Neto. “Imigrac ¸˜ ao no Brasil: Os preceitos de exclusa ˜o” (Immigration in Brazil: Prescriptions of exclusion). 2007. “Relato ´ rio: Tra ´ ﬁco internacional de pessoas e tra ´ ﬁco de migrantes entre deportados(as) e na ˜o admitidos(as) que regressam ao Brasil via o aeroporto internacional de Sa ˜o Paulo. Pontes. Lisbon: Servic ¸o de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras. ❙ .comciencia. Servic ¸ o de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras (Border Control and Immigration Service). Brası ´lia: Ministe ´ rio da Justic ¸ a. Seyferth. revista eletro ˆ nica de jornalismo cientı ´ ﬁco 16 (December–January). Cadernos Pagu 23 (July–December): 229–57. dados de 2005” (Statistics: Resident foreign population in Portugal. http://www . ———. por nacionalidade segundo o sexo. Luciana. “Estatı ´sticas: Populac ¸˜ ao estrangeira residente em Portugal. Parte 2: Relato ´ rio indı ´cios de tra ´ ﬁco de pessoas no universo de deportadas e na ˜o admitidas que regressam ao Brasil via o aeroporto de Guarulhos” (Research on people trafﬁcking.htm. “Mulheres brasileiras na mı ´dia portuguesa” (Brazilian women in the Portuguese media).php?idp370. data from 2005). Secretaria Nacional de Justic ¸ a (National Secretary of Justice). 2003. ———. according to nationality and sex.br/reportagens/migracoes/migr03.” (Report: International people trafﬁcking and the trafﬁcking of migrants among deportees and those refused entry who return to Brazil through the Sa ˜o Paolo international airport). 2007c.” Sexualities 10(4):489–500. Zingaropoli. Brası ´lia: Ministe ´ rio da Justic ¸ a. Managing Migration: The Brazilian Case.net/articolo. 2006. Musibrasil 3(9). Silvia. Giralda.musibrasil. Revista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais 22(64):17–33. 2005.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 793 Espanha” (Confronting corporealities: Brazilian women in the transnational sex industry in Spain). 2000–2001. Belo Horizonte: UFMG/Cedeplar. “Shifting Boundaries: Sex and Money in the North-East of Brazil. “Tutela per le brasiliane in Italia” (Tutoring Brazilian women in Italy). http:// www. “Pesquisas em tra ´ ﬁco de pessoas. Interview with Rosa Mendes.
however. From a macrostructural perspective. Malaysia. Other scholars have focused less on these broader macrostructural analyses and more on the peculiarities of gendered and racialized labor demand in speciﬁc national labor markets to understand the globalization of Filipinas. Consequently third-world women. have resulted in new kinds of demands for a wide range of care work around the world. distributing. child-care providers. including Filipinas. 62. 33. The Philippine state—acting as a labor broker—plays a critical role in producing. no. nurses—are ubiquitous in core and newly industrialized countries throughout the world today. are increasingly ﬁnding themselves doing the care work—whether as domestic workers. Singapore. Qatar. along with the entrance of more and more women into the labor force. Rochelle Ball’s (2004) comparative study of the demand for nursing labor in the United States and Saudi Arabia ﬁnds that in the United States. 4] ᭧ 2008 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. vol. while the labor to ﬁll these demands is located in poorer economies. Canada.794 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations The Labor Brokerage State and the Globalization of Filipina Care Workers Robyn Magalit Rodriguez F ilipina migrant workers in care-related occupations—domestic workers. feminist scholars of globalization have argued that the rise of neoliberalism and the concomitant reduction and dismantling of social services by erstwhile welfare states. Italy. see also Parren ˜ as 2000). For instance. or nurses—around the globe. demand for nurses has to do in part with American [Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2008. and Taiwan. The liberal individualist premises of market discourses suggest that the overseas migration of these women workers is a result of individual decisions and actions facilitated by globalization’s encouragement of labor mobility. gendered understandings that deﬁne women as most suitable for performing care work continue to exist across the globe. What has emerged. These demands often arise in relatively more privileged countries in the world system. 0097-9740/2008/3304-0011$10. according to Rhacel Salazar Parren ˜ as is an “international transfer of caretaking” (2001. There are other factors at play. and regulating Filipinas as care workers across the globe. nannies.00 . in Filipinas’ migration to countries as widely varying as the United States. Moreover.
these studies of domestic workers. While set in very different countries. This lack of interest in the ﬁeld creates the nursing shortages that Filipinas then ﬁll. to ﬁll nursing jobs. Wong 1996.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 795 women’s reluctance to go into the ﬁeld of nursing. generally examine the labor markets of labor-receiving states as well as employers’ constructions of domestic labor in order to explain preferences for Filipinas. since the institutionalization of labor export became a developmental policy in the 1970s. My work aims to address this gap in the scholarship .g. it still cannot adequately explain why it is that Filipinas migrate and why they generally do so as care workers. which they see as being very difﬁcult (due to factors such as the reorganization of health care necessitated by neoliberalism as well as to Americans’ lack of health insurance). including Filipinas. gendered ideologies that restrict local women from particular kinds of education and employment limit their participation in the labor market generally. A number of studies have been especially focused on Filipina domestic workers and caregivers in different national contexts (see. Although all of the research on Filipina migrants offers important interventions in understanding transformations in the global order and although these transformations affect speciﬁc national contexts to explain the worldwide deployment of Filipina migrants. Saudi Arabia has. yet they do not supply the world’s reproductive labor in the way that the Philippines does. Although localized studies of Filipinas in different national contexts reveal that they are typically deﬁned in socially marginalized ways that conﬁne them to lower salaries and the status of racialized noncitizens. In Saudi Arabia. they cannot explain the racialization and gendering of Filipina migrants in remarkably similar ways around the world. e. hence. I suggest that to answer these questions requires a close analysis of the Philippine state in structuring the globalization of Filipina migrants. While most scholars of Filipina migration agree that the Philippine government. depended on the labor of foreigners. Indeed. is important in facilitating the outmigration of workers. therefore. Constable 1997. American women also see the nursing profession as limited in terms of opportunities for upward mobility. few studies have examined the practices of the Philippine state and therefore have not theorized its role in structuring Filipinas’ globalization. cannot explain exactly why Filipinas are doing a good deal of care work around the world. Many other economies occupy similar or worse locations in the global order.. it is precisely this sort of perspective that is missing in all of these accounts. Macrostructural analyses of the international transfer of care. like Ball’s. however. The Philippines is certainly not alone in its positioning as a peripheral economy. Chin 1998).
skilled workers guarantees the Philippine 1 Ricardo Casco.”1 Through this transnational state apparatus. in fact. positioned as it is in the global order.g. These desks . as well as in the Philippine embassies and consular ofﬁces around the world (e. 2 Stella Banawis. while more focused research in particular countries examines which speciﬁc industries are experiencing shortages of labor and/or whether those particular countries offer visa categories that would allow Philippine migrants to enter for employment. This apparatus comprises numerous government agencies based in the Philippines (including the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration.. or ILAS). Philippines. e.g. Mandaluyong City.796 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations through a focus on the labor-sending state. are tasked with promoting the speciﬁc skills of Filipino workers. Choy 2003). research is conducted to determine broad. POEA. interview by the author. and medical workers. construction.”2 On the one hand. the Philippines has a long history (since the American colonial period) of nurses’ out-migration and hence has long-established training and education programs that prime women to work as nurses and other kinds of care workers (see. . June 2000. . International Labor Affairs Service. interview by the author. negotiates labor demands as they are constituted in speciﬁc national contexts and by broader global processes. Philippines. and political dislocations that have resulted from its adherence to neoliberalism. or POEA). As one POEA ofﬁcial describes it. Even as state agencies attempt to locate demand for Philippine labor broadly. At the same time. entertainers. have ofﬁcials speciﬁcally tasked to identify demand for different kinds of care workers. they do. Indeed. Welfare and Employment Division ofﬁcial. the migration bureaucracy is “an LMI [labor market information] institution. economic. the out-migration of better-paid. global demands for Philippine labor. Indeed.. The state takes advantage of labor demands engendered by contemporary processes of globalization to place its citizens in overseas jobs through a highly developed transnational migration apparatus. . The task of agencies like POEA and ILAS is not only to address but also to create worldwide demand for Philippine labor. June 2000. The Philippine state has increasingly come to rely on the export of labor to contain the social. shipping. I learned through interviews with an ofﬁcial in the POEA’s marketing branch that the POEA has “skills desks for special job categories including domestic helpers. generating various statistical and qualitative data which deal with the temporary migration or contract employment of Filipino human resources around the globe. Mandaluyong City. my work complements existing research by examining how the Philippine state.
”3 Training and education programs ensure that Filipinas will exhibit these putatively natural traits. visa requirements). embassy and consular staff from the department of foreign affairs become important. Formal bilateral relations such as labor agreements or memorandums of understanding have been a key mechanism by which the Philippine government facilitates ﬂows of Philippine labor overseas. my research on training and education programs for nurses and care workers reveals that these programs are also the channel through which the state attempts to discipline prospective women migrants to conform to acceptable norms around gender and sexuality. which placates Philippine civil society actors’ fears that lack of skills as well as their employment in gender-typed jobs expose Filipinas to sexual abuse and exploitation. Moreover.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 797 government higher remittance returns. The Philippine government’s role in marketing Filipina workers and engaging in diplomatic relations with foreign governments is for the purpose of promoting the deployment of migrants both through Philippinebased private recruitment agencies and through its own government 3 Lorna Fajardo. Filipinas have a warmth and care that people like. One POEA ofﬁcial commented that despite the fact that the United Kingdom was increasingly securing Chinese nurses while the United States was securing Indian nurses. by training women workers. in the sense that workers are subject to particular kinds of regulations (i. Because labor is less mobile than other kinds of commodities. as Philippine migration ofﬁcials describe it. the state ensures that Filipinas possess some level of skill before departure. November 2000. for instance. By formalizing the transfers of Filipina workers through labor diplomacy. Hence. POEA. to “promote” or “market” Filipina labor. it attempts to negotiate bilateral labor agreements with labor-importing states to help ease the migration of Filipinas.e. the Philippine state ultimately assents to host states’ gendered and sexualized forms of regulating Filipinas that require. Mandaluyong City. she believed that “the Philippines is still top. if it aims to continue to export labor to existing and new markets. . Moreover. Contract Employment Branch. interview by the author. both informal and formal. On the other hand.. comprises the more formalized state-to-state relations the Philippine state engages in to develop markets for Philippine labor. the Philippine state necessarily has to engage in diplomatic relations. women’s proof of marriage and mandatory pregnancy testing. Philippines. Labor diplomacy. The Philippines has a stake in initiatives taken by labor-importing states to introduce new visa categories that allow the legal inﬂux of migrant labor into their countries.
We can’t recommend private recruiters. In a marketing mission in 1998 to the United Kingdom. the state ensures that workers are properly trained and certiﬁed and offers convenience for foreign governments. the Government Placement Branch (GPB). Ibid. the Philippines explored the possibilities of deploying Filipina nurses to meet the demand for what is estimated to be ﬁfteen thousand vacancies for nurses. like business corporations. Rather than allowing private recruitment agencies access to potentially huge foreign government clients. Mandaluyong City. the GPB has twenty-eight government clients (POEA 2003. The GPB had twenty foreign government clients in 2000–2001. . are increasingly outsourcing labor. Filipinas’ positioning as care workers around the world is ultimately a consequence of the ways in which the Philippine state has historically drawn on the labor of Filipina women for developmental aims. The fact that the GPB has so many government clients suggests that there is a dimension of state privatization that is seldom noted in the scholarship on labor migration. the GPB steps in. “the commodiﬁcation of women’s bodies for multinational space and work on the global assembly line is not removed from the transnational circuits that deliver women’s bodies across state borders 4 5 Fely Romero. The GPB is the agency that foreign states deal with to secure migrant labor for government-to-government hiring. States. The biggest demand from these clients. 16). interview by the author. “when there are foreign diplomatic dealings and foreign labor ofﬁcials request labor of the President. the Philippine state positions itself as the provider of labor for these government labor contracts. Neoliberalism is creating demands for labor that states like the Philippines increasingly ﬁll by facilitating the migration of its nationals to other countries.798 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations recruitment facility. As Jan Jindy Pettman argues. July 2000. for instance. Philippines. eliminating employment for their own citizens and nationals while securing workers from other countries. According to Fely Romero. the GPB provides physical therapists to the United States and information technology workers to Singapore.5 The GPB also has some private-sector clients.”4 The state sees itself as being a more ideal provider of migrant labor to foreign governments than private recruitment agencies because the transfer of labor between governments is a diplomatic matter. Romero indicates. In addition to the ones mentioned by Romero. which are spared the effort of trying to locate appropriate recruitment agencies. Today. Furthermore. is for medical personnel in government hospitals.
2004. Filipinas’ construction as caring. docile. Overseas employment serves as the only means of survival for many women.S. 1998. especially the body of ‘the Asian woman’” (1998). at least temporarily. colonial administration’s own aims. Their labor during the American colonial period required their travel abroad. At the same time the Philippine state draws on women’s gendered and sexualized labor to bear the economic and political burdens of neoliberalism. “Divergent Development. similar to other strategies of development engaged in by the Philippine state. Christine B. ﬁght for more just alternatives to globalization. such as export-oriented production or tourism. Department of Sociology Rutgers University References Ball. relies on particular representations of women’s labor. New York: Columbia University Press. N. the state is ensured of a steady inﬂux of remittances and is able to contain social upheaval. Catherine Ceniza. but also processes nationalising and racialising gendered bodies. docile. Choy.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 799 for domestic and sex work. women and men. as more and more people. These constructions of Filipinas can. furthermore. . meticulous factory workers or workers in the tourism industry in the Philippines. meticulous migrant care workers abroad is congruent with their construction as caring. be tracked to earlier colonial histories that mobilized Filipinas’ labor as nurses for the U.” Women’s Studies International Forum 27(2):119–33. Labor brokering as a developmental strategy. Chin. Empire of Care: Nursing and Migration in Filipino American History. Women’s international migration to work as care workers or even “entertainers” in the contemporary moment is an extension of their employment in the Philippine labor market. it is not only gender which marks women’s bodies for particular kinds of work. In Service and Servitude: Foreign Female Domestic Workers and the Malaysian “Modernity” Project. Racialised Rights: Globalised Labour Markets and the Trade of Nurses—the Case of the Philippines. Rochelle E. Export-oriented production and tourism within the Philippines prove to be unable to absorb the unemployment and underemployment that are exacerbated by the state’s aggressive pursuit of neoliberal economic policies. Durham. 2003. NC: Duke University Press. By brokering workers. In both cases.
they would probably describe a man. However. Jan Jindy. ———. NY: Cornell University Press. from the late 1800s South Africa used the wider southern sk people to describe [Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 2008. 2003. is complicated by South Africa’s racially exclusionary past. “Annual Report. CA: Stanford University Press. in this imaginary (especially if imagined as white) he might be accompanied by a wife and even by children as part of his luggage. Wong. 33. However. Ithaca. though. he would usually be imagined as traveling alone. Migration.” Global Society: Journal of Interdisciplinary International Relations 12(3):389–405. 2001. Nicole. Pettman. ed. 1998. 2000. vol. ❙ The Invisible Woman: Gender Blindness and South African Immigration Policies and Legislation Sally Peberdy A a migrant in South Africa. Diana. no. Parren ˜ as. But. http://www. as in many parts of the world.” In Asian Women in Migration. both past and present. “Women on the Move: Globalisation and Labour Migration from South and Southeast Asian States.gov. For the majority of South Africa’s history. his partner is imagined waiting at home for him to return from his workplace in another country.800 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations Constable. 1997. and in South Africa the place of male and female cross-border migrants in the national imaginary. Quezon City: Scalabrini Migration Center. gendered imaginaries of migrants are more than pictures of the mind. “Migrant Filipina Domestic Workers and the International Division of Reproductive Labor.poea. Maid to Order in Hong Kong: Stories of Filipina Workers. POEA (Philippine Overseas Employment Administration). 0097-9740/2008/3304-0009$10. 87–108.00 .” POEA. Rhacel Salazar. and Domestic Work. 1996. “Foreign Domestic Workers in Singapore. Servants of Globalization: Women.ph/AR2004/AnnualReports/ AR2003.pdf. notwithstanding these restrictions. Stanford. Mandaluyong City. All rights reserved.” Gender and Society 14(4):560–80. Reﬂecting the long history of male circular migration to work in South Africa from the rest of southern Africa. and. 4] ᭧ 2008 by The University of Chicago. Graziano Battistella and Anthony Paganoni. More often. only white people were allowed to immigrate to the country.
2 To this could be added the categories of “immigrant” and “migrant.” and administrative procedures and practices (1992. 22. 456). the modern state itself—are shot through with gender. since women could enter the country even if they were illiterate or not economically active. whose Act No. 3 The secondary literature on immigration to South Africa is similarly silent about the migration of white women.3 White women appear regularly in ofﬁcial letters and memoranda on immigration only immediately following the introduction of the 1913 act and in the 1960s and 1970s (Peberdy 1999). when the state was trying to encourage immigration. Thus. as stabilizing forces. they were in fact historically constructed and reproduced as masculine categories” (Manicom 1992. from the ﬁrst immigration act of 1913 following the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910 (which in one form or another remained in force until 1990). see Bozzoli (1983). 22. Immigrants Regulation Act. 4 Section 5(d). As she contends.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 801 African region as its labor market to develop the mines and commercial agricultural sectors. 1913. Peberdy 1999). white women are conspicuously absent in ofﬁcial debates around migration (Dodson 1998. The state imagined white women immigrants as wives and mothers. 2 For South African critiques of constructions of women and gender. the meaning of the categories “woman” and “man” are not static but are historically situated. Act No. Thus. with the exception of Swaisland (1993). 444. Immigrants Regulation Act. black (male) contract mine workers and black farm workers (both male and female) could enter legally as temporary sojourners and under speciﬁc conditions. Gaitskell and Unterhalter (1989). immigrants were generally seen as white men and white women as their silent spouses. . in “commission reports. As Linzi Manicom argues. 125–26).1 In addition. The 1913 act gave married and dependent women privileges that were not given to men. Acts promulgated before May 1961 were passed by the Union of South Africa and after May 1961 by the Republic of South Africa. see also Anthias and YuvalDavis 1993. 1 . laws. . “the very fundamental categories of state and politics—like citizen. men and women are “deﬁned and constructed within the particular discourses and practices of ruling. and Walker (1990). parliamentary debates. worker. secret side deals between the governments of South Africa and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) as well as South Africa and Portuguese East Africa (now Mozambique) allowed for clandestine (or irregular) migration between the signatory countries (Peberdy 1999). To the state.4 White women reappeared in debates around immigration in the early 1960s. . 1913.” specifically.” Despite South Africa’s long history of white immigration.
Hansard.802 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations contentment was essential to the male migrants’ decision to stay. 23. The amended 1949 Act was repealed and replaced by Act No. is settled in and feels at home and happy. April 28. a woman who married a man with a different nationality lost her Debates. 7. 1993. Debates. 18. 1995. 1978. vol. saying of the woman immigrant. 1986. “she is the key to the whole success of it. col. June 4.”6 Black women migrants and immigrants were almost completely silenced by the apartheid state and its predecessors. British Nationality in the Union and Naturalisation and Status of Aliens Act.” for “if the immigrant wife in South Africa. South African Citizenship Amendment Act. 1990. 41.8 Until 1949. 1963. 44. Act No. a special brochure titled “The Immigrant Housewife in the RSA [Republic of South Africa]” was produced. 1997).5 In the early 1970s. 1949. and Cockerton (1996. 30. and farm workers.7 Even more than their male counterparts’. but usually as domestic workers caring for white people (Bozzoli 1983). 112. 64. 70. More rarely black women were seen as nurturers. Black male migrants did not ﬁgure in ofﬁcial migration debates. repealed and replaced the 1926 Act. the family is settled in. 1973. 43. in contrast to white women immigrants. when they did appear in debates around migration and urbanization. 1910. the then–minister for home affairs articulated this position. However. 5459 (Pretoria: Government Printer). 6 5 . 40. except as temporary sojourners. Act No. 53. col. Peberdy 1999). 1971. South African Citizenship Amendment Act. 1927. mine workers. men. 1962. 1980. see also Stichter 1985. 33. 69. Act No. in a 1960s attempt to encourage migration. 132. South African Citizenship Amendment Act. Hansard. 4. Cockerton 1997). 88. Act No. Act No. 1996). Act No. So. as “undesirable women” (Bonner 1990. 8 See Act No. the mother. replaced by Act No. Act No. South African Citizenship Act. Union Nationality and Flags Act. Bonner (1990). South African Citizenship Amendment Act. black. 7238 (Pretoria: Government Printer). South African Citizenship Amendment Act. Application of Certain Laws to Namibia Abolition Act. and Act No. Naturalization of Aliens Act. 1984. The 1949 act was amended by Act No. 1991. Matters concerning Admission to and Residence in the Republic Amendment Act. Miles (1991. Act No. 1926. non–South African women migrants. South Africa’s construction of the relationship among women. and as part of the larger apartheid project of racially segregated spaces (Robinson 1996. Act No. their entry and exit went unrecorded. 53. South African Citizenship Amendment Act. General Fourth Act. vol. were largely portrayed as contaminators and disrupters of the social order. Commonwealth Relations Act. and citizenship was embedded in the state’s citizenship legislation. Residence in the Republic Regulation Act. 1964. South African Citizenship Act. 1961. 7 Some exceptions in the secondary literature include Stichter (1985). Act No. Act No.
1949. these debates do not reﬂect the increasing feminization of migration streams to and from South Africa. nationality. there has been increasing recognition. the restructuring of the gold-mining industry has led to massive retrenchments among black male mine workers. or immigration status. particularly from Lesotho. of migration as a gendered process. Although there are indications that women constitute an increasing proportion of migrants. where See Act No. This change may reﬂect the role of women in the nation-building myths of Afrikaner nationalism (see Brink 1990). sexuality. Rather. South African women could not confer citizenship on their children. mothers. 9 . and bearers of future citizens in state discourses around migration. The silencing of women immigrants and the construction of a gendered South African citizenship followed inevitably. the constitution was ratiﬁed. However. 2). Recent research suggests that about 80 percent of those who migrate for work are men. a woman. Pendleton et al. In 2004. sex. become citizens in their own right through naturalization. women who took their partners’ nationality had to actively renounce their South African citizenship (Act No. Although current debates around migration remain largely gender blind. and more than in the past women are seen as migrants in their own right. and no doubt did. in 1996. South Africa’s ﬁrst democratic government was elected. Dodson and Crush 2006).S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 803 citizenship. South Africa’s constitution is one of the most progressive in the world. South African Citizenship Act. although 44 percent of migrants from Zimbabwe were found to be women (Pendleton et al. from the earliest years. sec. non–South African women who married South African citizens became South African citizens upon marriage. migration ﬂows to South Africa from southern Africa are still dominated by men (Dodson and Crush 2006. Under the 1961 South African Citizenship Amendment Act. 2006.9 Similarly. their inclusion as wives. Although single women immigrants could. 2006). Until 1995. In 1994. citizenship was essentially constructed as a privilege granted to women through men. and the deﬁnition and determination of women’s citizenship through men reﬂects the way that South African national identity was. regardless of race. 64. although not extensive. protecting the human rights of all. Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula. The conﬂation of women immigrants with the baggage of their male counterparts. 44. particularly the ﬂows from the rest of southern Africa (Dodson 1998. succeeding the male leader of the opposition Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) who had held the position for the previous decade as part of the government of national unity. was appointed minister of home affairs. However. citizenship was awarded to children through their fathers and grandfathers. constructed as male (and until the 1990s as white). 11).
Those making short visits may travel more than once a week (Peberdy 2007).10 No existing research examines the impact of this migration on household formation and gender roles. and Crush 2007). little mention is still made of women migrants. 11 Crush 2000. 2006. will make it illegal. Research on migration for speciﬁc occupations has also uncovered some information about the experiences of women migrants.407 health workers were practicing in ﬁve Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries. Under the Immigration Act of 2004. Dodson and Crush 2006). although exact numbers are hard to ﬁnd (Rogerson 2007). residence is granted only In 2001. Ostensibly gender blind. while more friendly to female migrants. but the Children’s Amendment Bill currently under discussion. Men. This has meant that women form an increasing proportion of both internal and cross-border migrants in and from Lesotho (Ulicki and Crush 2000). who are more likely to qualify as skilled workers. when promulgated. therefore have easier access. Dinat and Peberdy 2007. Peberdy and Dinat 2005. remains problematic with its associated regulations (Dodson and Crush 2006).5 million border crossings into South Africa each year. the 2004 Immigration Amendment Act (Act No. Ulicki and Crush 2000. The majority are women who travel to South Africa for stays of between one to two days and three to four weeks.11 Post-1994 migration-related legislative changes came slowly. Women are most likely to appear in ofﬁcial debates around migration as emigrants and as victims of human trafﬁcking. particularly as nurses and teachers. cross-border traders comprise a signiﬁcant amount of the over 8. 23. Women emigrants make up an increasing component of the brain drain from South Africa. Williams. The act largely prevents semiskilled and unskilled workers from entering South Africa but still allows for the entry of male mine workers and male and female seasonal farm workers. 2002. South Africa has no legislation on trafﬁcking as yet. Although it now seems that they are more visible in post-1994 debates around migration.844 were nurses/midwives (Rogerson 2007. 10 . with the exception of the extraordinary skills category. Peberdy et al. of whom 6. 16). although some studies have disaggregated data by sex as well as attempted some gendered analysis (Dodson 1998. Research is largely gender blind. However. 13) was passed in 2002 and was amended in 2004. 19). or informal sector.804 ❙ Symposium: Gendered Migrations employment fell by over 50 percent in the 1990s (Peberdy. no measures are currently in place to deal with victims of trafﬁcking. The ﬁrst ever Refugee Act was passed in 1998 (coming into force only in 2000). Small-scale. A new Immigration Act (Act No.
and Nira Yuval-Davis. Elsabe. irrespective of colour. 22). Prostitution and the Migration of Basotho Women to the Rand. Bonner. . This makes it difﬁcult for women (or men) in abusive relationships to leave them. 221–50. Nation. cross-border traders who travel frequently and who are most likely to be women (Peberdy 2007. However. Published ofﬁcial statistics are rarely broken down by sex. and their children. may no longer be seen as luggage. Time restrictions on visitors permits restrict the movements of small-scale. in the foreword to the report on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.” In Walker 1990. 1983. post-1994 national identity. Camilla M. 1850–1930. gender-blind policies and legislation and debates around migration mean that policies fail to address the changing households of southern Africa as well as the implications of gender for migration and for migrants and their households. “Marxism. traveling with spouses may be difﬁcult. “Man-Made Women: Gender. Feminism and South African Studies. Colour and Class and the Anti-racist Struggle. Cockerton. Post-1995 citizenship legislation accords men and women.” In Walker 1990. the Reverend Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu.” Journal of Historical Geography 22(3):291–307. 1990. said South Africa was moving to a future “founded on the recognition of human rights. Bozzoli. Racialized Boundaries: Race. 1920–1945. is inclusive. Echoing the constitution. Philip. Floya. “Less a Barrier. suggesting a shift by the postapartheid state toward an inclusive citizenship regardless of gender.S I G N S Summer 2008 ❙ 805 to applicants and not automatically to their spouses or families. Notwithstanding these limitations. Brink. forthcoming). belief or sex” (Tutu 1998. 1996. “‘Desirable or Undesirable Basotho Women?’ Liquor. 273–92. class. equal access to citizenship. London: Routledge. as constructed by the state. Class and the Ideology of the Volksmoeder. whether male or female. Graduate School of Public and Development Management University of the Witwatersrand References Anthias.” Journal of Southern African Studies 9(2):139–71. Belinda. 1990. while the spouses of temporary residents. race. 1993. People granted permanent residence under the partnership clause (marriage is not a requirement) have to remain in the relationship for ﬁve years following the granting of residence. Thus. democracy and peaceful co-existence and development opportunities for all South Africans. More a Line: The Migration of Bechuanaland Women to South Africa. Gender.
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