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and Joanna Wojtkowiak Section IV The Varieties of Ritual Experience Edited by Jan Weinhold and Geoffrey Samuel II 2010 2010 Harrassowitz Verlag· Wiesbaden Harrassowitz Verlag· Wiesbaden . Alexandra Heidle. and Udo Simon Body. Jorg Gengnagel. Performance. and Event Edited by Silke Leopold and Hendrik Schulze Section III The Body and Food in Ritual Edited by Eric Venbrux. and Experience Including an E-Book-Version in PDF-Format on eD-ROM Section I Ritual and Agency Edited by Angelos Chaniotis Section II Ritual. Thomas Quartier. Bernd Schneidmiiller.Ritual Dynamics and the Science of Ritual General Editor Axel Michaels Editorial Board Michael Bergunder. Agency. Performance.
is protected by copyright... hu h__ 21 0..de. 0.. drawing. _L_'---_'---_~ _ .. and Pleasure in Greek Rituals Reinhard Strohm Memories of Ancient Rituals in Early Opera 87 109 For further information about our publishing program consult our website http://www. __n • ._.. __.___ 35 Claudia Weber Prescribed Agency . Picture credits:: »bpk I RMN I Bulloz" Table of Contents Section I: Ritual and Agency Edited by Angelos Chaniotis Angelos Chaniotis Introduction: Debating Ritual Agency u u u _ 3 9 Alexis Sanderson Ritual for Oneself and Ritual for Others u u uu _ Thomas Widlok What is the Value of Rituals? Effects of Complexity in Australian Rituals and Beyond Christian Meyer Performing Spirits: Shifting Agencies in Brazilian Umbanda Rituals Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikarion in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie.. KG...de abrufbar..___ .. Bibliotheque Nationale de France. Printing and binding: Memminger MedienCentrum AG Printed in Germany ISBN 978-3-447-06202-2 0...0.. microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet at http://dnb. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie. translations.d-nb. Wiesbaden 2010 This work. ••• •• .. in the Ballet »Royal de Ie Nuit" by Jean-Baptiste Lully (1653). Any use beyond the limits of copyright law without the permission of the publisher is forbidden and subject to penalty.. after 1653.....C...d-nb. _.. ·. detaillierre bibliografische Daten sind im Internet tiber http://dnb.harrassowitz-verlag. Performance.. Performance. This applies particularly to reproductions. Cover: The young Louis XIV in the role of Apollo. 0. .. Printed on permanent/durable paper...•• .de © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co.A Contradiction in Terms? Differences between the Tantric adhikara Concept and the Sociological Term of Agency hh u_________________________ _ 59 Section II: Ritual. and Event Edited by Silke Leopold and Hendrik Schulze Andrea Taddei Memory.) u uu uU hu_ 127 . including all of its parts. Publication of this volume has been made possible by the generous funding of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft.___ _ U h hh Angela Bellia Music and Rite: Representations of Female Figures of Musicians in Greek Sicily (Sixth-Third Centuries B. . Original in Paris...
practical guides. This new Śaivism is known in Indian sources as the Mantramārga or “Path of Mantras”. the old ritual order based on the archaic Vedic tradition became progressively complemented and overshadowed by another. and Jainism reacted by developing new ritual systems along Śaiva lines: Pañcarātra. Buddhism. as opposed to the purely ascetic “Atimārga” or ‘Path Outside the World’ of the preceding period. Vaiṣṇavism. From the seventh century onwards. The Śaiva literature. responding to Śaivism’s success by incorporating. there emerged a learned tradition of commentaries on what were then the principal works of this scriptural corpus. but in much greater abundance from the ninth. worshipped either as Bhairava’s consort or on their own.Alexis Sanderson Ritual for Oneself and Ritual for Others During the early medieval period of the Indic world. Saurism. and the long established Brahmanical substrate. and the Jain Mantravāda. In the first centuries of the Christian era the activities of these theistic sectarians were mostly restricted to brahmin celibate ascetics. and Vaiṣṇavism. though I prefer to avoid this expression. By the seventh century. and to some extent expurgating. Jainism. from the sixth to the thirteenth centuries. in more esoteric and transgressive texts. the Mantramārga had emerged into a position of dominance. claiming to be rooted . creating in this process a new repertoire of rituals. comprises in the first instance a huge body of scriptural compositions from the fifth or sixth century onwards. Buddhism. teaching the procedures for the propitiation of Śiva and. The Indological term Tantric Śaivism may also be used to refer to it. which set out systematically the procedures of ritual. and this was supplemented by the production of lucid. but around the beginning of our period we find the first evidence that Śaivism had developed new forms that had moved beyond these narrow confines to propagate themselves in the broader society. of the god Bhairava and a variety of ferocious goddesses. which we are still in the process of discovering. the Buddhist Mantranaya. forms of Śaivism in its ever-growing corpus of scriptural texts. attracting widespread royal patronage. because the term Tantric has become contaminated by notions that apply only to certain forms that were mostly outside the mainstream of the Mantramārga. developed and propagated by devotees of the god Śiva. The Brahmanical tradition was also deeply influenced. and from this time onwards exerted a profound influence on all the other religious systems that had to compete with it for patronage: Śāktism. Śāktism and Saurism were largely subsumed by Śaivism as it rose to prominence.
and some from the ninth and tenth. is one of rituals for personal religious benefit. and then raised it with his own up the central channel of his vital energy. Many works which seemed to have been lost. which was my starting point and remained the basis of most discussion of Śaivism until recent years. by passing through a ceremony of initiation in which Śiva himself. since it was initiation itself that guaranteed salvation. and out through his cranial aperture to fuse it with the deity. or the Goddess. and. developing their own standardised procedures. would gain one the goal that other systems offered only at the cost of intense asceticism and disengagement from the social world. a mass which was. and then united with his deity through a visualisation in which the officiant drew the candidate’s soul into his own. Thereafter. the problem of maintaining commitment to this exacting routine between the time of initiation and . shifting the emphasis of those texts. so far achieved in advance on a subliminal level. and many others besides. it provided the only avenue of access to what was then a largely impenetrable mass of discordant scriptural texts and manuals. allowing the survival of numerous manuscripts copied in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries. both calendrically fixed and incidental. performed or commissioned for the purpose of salvation at death. while one remained a passive presence. would destroy the soul’s bonds. where the climate has been much kinder to palm-leaf than in other parts of the subcontinent. as well as homogenising their content. Ritual performed by an officiant. principally in the Kathmandu valley. combined with the regular study of scripture and the performance of yet more elaborate rituals on special occasions. However. the initiate was bound to observe a discipline which entailed the regular performance of a complex and time-consuming ritual of worship of his initiation deity. being known only by name or through citations in the learned commentaries. conceived not as the attainment of some heaven. became fully manifest simply through the natural process of death. for all its shortcomings. was a religion for which ritual was everything. much vaster than I then imagined. then. at least once a day and ideally thrice. or Bhairava. The great selling-point of this religion was that it promised that this liberation could be attained effortlessly. since. the learned literature of commentary and systematisation was the natural starting point of my investigations. freed of his bonds through the offering of many oblations into fire. were still awaiting recognition in manuscript collections. Thereafter one had only to perform regular rituals of worship until that goal. The world of ritual presented in this exegetical literature of commentaries and ritual manuals. to a large extent. When I entered this terra incognita in the 1970s. but in reality drawing eclectically on various scriptural sources. acting through the person of an initiated and consecrated officiant. who enacted an elaborate sequence of rites in which the individual was introduced before the Maṇḍala of his initiation deity.10 Alexis Sanderson in this or that scripture. until his death. Here. but the final cessation of rebirth through the attainment of liberation. in fact.
did Śaiva ritual survive. and how did Śaiva ritual succeed in exerting such a tremendous influence in early medieval India. thereby opening up the possibility that an élite among initiates could. Ritual for Others The difficulty arises from the fact that the élite literature which has formed our natural point of entry into the study of Śaivism provides an entirely inadequate . they were ultimately doomed to failure. How. through their rituals. or. affecting all the other religions. and I examined these strategies in 1995 in my study Meaning in Tantric Ritual. for some. They substituted knowing for doing in the first strategy. inspiring reading. and in the second by stressing that the purpose of the transgressive elements of ritual observance was to awaken an inner experience they opened the way to the substitution of non-ritual and non-transgressive means of producing the same effect. which offered as justification for adherence to its own ritual obligations the realistic view that they were to be performed simply out of a sense of duty and adherence to tradition. then. allowing the possibility of liberation in life through knowledge alone. thinking Śaiva but regressing on the level of rites to the received brahmanical traditions of their caste. outside this community. But while these strategies make fascinating and. without waiting for death. as we might wish to translate this.Ritual for Oneself and Ritual for Others 11 death was acute. as it did. duly abandoned all its rituals. such as the consumption of meat and wine and ritualised sexual intercourse as a means of activating an inner aesthetic of transcendence of the inhibited norms of brahmanical life. The problem was to keep alive a sense that these obligatory rituals have a higher purpose than those of the brahmanical mainstream. the Śākta Śaiva exegetes of Kashmir in the ninth to eleventh centuries. In later centuries the brahmins of Kashmir among whom this Śākta Śaiva tradition had become dominant. when the presentation of ritual in this learned literature with its high soteriological purpose seems to promise a very different trajectory? The purpose of the rest of my address is to propose answers to these questions. experience liberation here and now. whose literature forms such a conspicuous part of high Śaiva culture? What is it that set that community apart. The most intellectually brilliant of the Śaiva theoreticans. adopted two strategies to this end. one wonders. One was to read meaning into the rituals in such a way that their performance could be presented as a liturgical contemplation of the reality that would be realised at death. to maintain one’s credentials as an observant member of one’s caste. Theoreticians strove to construct theoretical justifications for what appeared to be redundant. thereby resisting a welldocumented trend to eliminate these elements as these traditions became routinised. and the other was to support this mystical trend by insisting on the preservation of the transgressive and ecstatic elements of their tradition. to avoid the sin of their omission. reverting to the brahmanical duality of doing without knowing and knowing without doing.
and it was equally vital for their disciples. however difficult it may have been to justify theoretically. an élite whose social identity was already sufficiently established by its conformity to the brahmanical stratum of its observance. as the professional activity of officiants who operated outside the narrow confines of self-cultivation. What mattered to these Śaivas was verifiable qualification. rather than a necessity. was a professional necessity. therefore. and therefore objective. compromising this in several ways as they adapted their rituals to strengthen their hold on society. the traditionalist theoreticians. developed a system of rituals that eventually died out in India but survives to this day in Nepal. Śaiva officiants were professional ritualists who. was ritual for others. revealed both by the Śaiva literature that has been coming to light in recent times and by the epigraphical record. It was the visible. the officiant is presented as a spiritual guide acting for the benefit of liberation-seekers. They largely conceal from us. and was therefore always in danger of evaporating in favour of a purely devotional or gnostic Śaiva identity. an élite for whom distinctively Śaiva ritual was a supererogatory adornment. that threatened to undermine their pre-eminence. and Japan. succeeded in modifying its core rituals to create a repertoire of ritual services that made it increasingly attractive to royal patrons. None is more striking than the astonishing efflorescence of Tantric Buddhism during this period. tend to keep them out of the picture that they present. an outstanding example of how inventive and adaptable the propagators of ritual systems can be in the drive to extend the power. Mongolia. and influence of their faith. rather than spiritual charisma based on unverifiable mystical experience. and enabled it to exert this influence. A reputation for learning and spiritual insight could greatly heighten the appeal of an officiant to a royal patron. proof of their qualification to apply modifications and elaborations of these rituals for the benefit of their clients. conformity to the post-initiatory discipline. In the broader reality. following the lead of the Śaivas. For them. to maintain the theoretical coherence of the doctrines of their faith. while insisting on the superior spiritual character of their religion. but Gurus who claimed that learning and insight were sufficient were the enemies of their profession. Tibet. But the Vaiṣṇavas. Southeast Asia. as we might expect. For these officiants. it was gnosis not ritual that was the supererogatory adornment. In extending their influence by these means. What kept Śaivism alive. In the élite literature. certificates of ritual entitlement bestowed by recognised officiants. which. wealth. It privileges the Śaivism of a social élite conforming to the brahmanical ideal of personal religious self-cultivation. they showed little concern. too. Accordingly. and the Far East. while no doubt fully aware of these developments. a creativity that in this case set in motion waves of competitive innovation in the religions around them that completely changed the character of Indian religion and thence that of Inner Asia. who are best seen as officiants in waiting. addressing themselves to a learned élite that likewise held itself apart from these changes.12 Alexis Sanderson representation of the historical realities of the religion. made strenuous .
Moreover. In this way the monarch was incorporated as a new kind of Śaiva office-holder: while others were to be consecrated for purely Śaiva functions. namely that it extended and adapted its ritual repertoire to legitimate. In a recently published study. political. entitled The Śaiva Age. early in the development of the Mantramārga. were exonerated from doing so. and in this capacity empowering and legitimating the monarch’s rule by granting him Śaiva initiation (Śivamaṇḍaladīkṣā). which in his case were principally to support the religion and its institutions. the king’s initiation was to be followed by a Śaiva modification of the brahmanical royal consecration ceremony. and therefore all the more appealing to rulers in their role as the guardians of the brahmanical social order. the king was to be consecrated to take up office as the “head of [the brahmanical social order of] the casteclasses and religious disciplines” (varṇāśramaguruḥ). and to sponsor and appear in conspicuous ceremonies in the civic domain. and supraregional levels. both on the subcontinent and in Southeast Asia. From the seventh century onwards. However. as we have seen. no doubt in order to extend their recruitment and hence their influence. I shall end by summarising these innovations. according to prescriptive sources.Ritual for Oneself and Ritual for Others 13 efforts in this direction. He was therefore required to adhere only to the obligations of an uninitiated devotee of Śiva. or promote the key elements of the social. It might be thought that this would have been an unappealing step for any but the most reclusive and ineffectual of kings. and I have offered an hypothesis that seeks to explain this success. since. the role already assigned to him by brahmanical prescription. both on the Indian subcontinent and in Southeast Asia. and economic process that characterises the early medieval period. empower. Initiating the Monarch The first of these key elements is the spread of the monarchical model of government through the emergence of numerous new dynasties at subregional. admitted a category of initiates who. in consideration of the fact that they were incapable of taking on these onerous duties. I have set forth the innovations that brought Śaivism to its position of dominance during the early medieval period. inscriptions and prescriptive religious texts reveal that Śaiva Brahmin Gurus were holding the position of royal preceptor (rājaguruḥ) in numerous new kingdoms. the Śaivas. regional. . producing an entirely new ritual system closely modelled on the Śaiva and enshrined in the scriptures of the Pañcarātra. The king was considered to qualify for this less arduous route to liberation by reason of his royal obligations. after initiation Śaivas were obliged to adhere to a complex and time-consuming programme of daily and occasional rituals. while at the same time taking steps to integrate itself with the brahmanical substrate in ways that rendered it accessible and acceptable to a far wider constituency.
“in order to remove all obstacles and to ensure victory in battle”. an injunction supported by the promise that. as on many others. As in the brahmanical consecration of a king.14 Alexis Sanderson As the function of the Śaiva consecration is modified in this case. invigorative. That Gurus should have needed the means of warfare may surprise those whose expectations are conditioned by the prescriptive literature. now entails the additional requirement that he should ensure that the authority of brahmanical prescription be subsumed within. weapons. Just as this brahmanical rite is subsumed within the Śaiva process of initiation and consecration. fly-whisk. rājacihnāni). the king’s entitlement to rule as guardian of the brahmanical social order. fly-whisk. such as the inclusion of the royal banners. horse. so at the time of a Guru’s consecration he received from his predecessor the non-martial symbols of sovereignty (rājāṅgāni. incorporates distinctive non-Śaiva elements appropriate to its mundane and brahmanical aspects. implying that by neglecting to do so he would bring about their collapse. parasol. palanquin. the epigraphical record shows the limitations that that literature imposes. crown. though in general Śaiva. and jewels. he would guarantee the stability of his rule and kingdom. for example. horse. and to frustrate their enemies. was imbued with the numen of royalty. so its outcome. elephants. as Śiva’s agent among men. They also developed an array of apotropaic. and armour in the objects of worship. that of the Śaiva scriptures. in which the royal astrologer was to provide him with the royal elephant. an arsenal for the storage of weapons of war. so the Śaiva rites by which the Guru assumed his office ensured that he. a blatant but effective amnesia of the rite’s purely salvific character. and soldiers of the army with the water from the vase of the Weapon-Mantra (astrakalaśaḥ). But on this point. and hostile Mantra-rites that could be performed on demand for the benefit of the realm. throne. Nor was it only the theory that was adjusted to suit their patrons. according to the prescriptions of the Śaiva scriptures. Just as the Guru imbued the king through these ceremonies with the numinous power of Śivahood in the exercise of his sovereignty. and subordinate to. so its form. such as the turban. sword. The Śaiva Guru was to close the initiation ceremony by sprinkling the horses. by enforcing this hierarchical relationship. Furthermore. It included. the residence to be built for the Guru by his royal disciple was in many respects similar in its layout to the royal palace. parasol. For a twelfth-century inscription from the Kalacuri kingdom in Central India reveals that the activities of the Rājaguru Kīrtiśiva extended beyond the spiritual to those of a successful military com- . elephant. to promote the success of royal patrons. and throne. one of the two main vases prepared in the course of the ceremony. bow. chariots. The Śaivas also adapted the theory of their ritual practice to enable them to claim that those rulers who underwent their initiation ceremony would be empowered in their efforts to maintain their supremacy and extend it through conquest.
and weapons of war. thus facilitating the expansion of their institutions into new areas. new settlements. it appears that the Śaivas did not rest with this. These adapations inevitably entailed loss of status for those that implemented them. The great majority of these temples enshrined Śiva. We see here one of several instances in which the Śaivas used their authority to colonise downwards. The Consecration of Royal Temples The second element of the early medieval process that I have in mind is the proliferation of land-owning temples. but we should understand that this did not affect those of the summit of the clerical hierarchy. and this largesse enabled these Gurus to behave like royal patrons themselves. The Śaivas of the Mantramārga soon extended their operations into this territory too. to empower through lustration (nīrājanam) the king’s elephants. to celebrate the major annual royal festivals of the Indrotsava and Mahānavamī. Clearly the Śaiva Rājaguru had become a far grander figure than the king’s brahmanical chaplain. named after the king (svanāmnā). For the Netratantra shows the existence of a new class of Śaiva officiants who were to function in almost all the areas traditionally reserved for that officiant: the performance of the king’s recurrent duties to worship the various deities on the days assigned to them. to restore them to health after illness. and to protect the king with apotropaic rites before he eats. the king-like Rājagurus. and engages in his regular practice of martial skills. both in the subcontinent and in Southeast Asia. gave material form to the legitimacy and solidity of their power by building grand temples in which images of their chosen God were installed. sleeps. and endowed with land and officiants to support their cult. In this way there developed a farreaching network of interconnected seats of Śaiva learning. Figures at the summit of this clerical hierarchy therefore exercised a transregional authority whose geographical extent was greater than that of any contemporary king. horses. but sought also to encroach on the territory of that lesser office. the Rājapurohita.Ritual for Oneself and Ritual for Others 15 mander. All but the most ephemeral sovereigns during this period. and further monasteries. producing modifications of their ritual procedures for this purpose. Yet. animated. who expanded his monarch’s realm and thereby added to his own through the appropriation of temples in the territories gained. in the form of the Liṅga. making land-grants to brahmins and founding temples. who was tied to the service of a single king and was unambiguously his subordinate. Kings rewarded their Śaiva Gurus for initiations and other rituals with lavish gifts. most notably with grants of the revenue from designated lands and the donation or construction of monasteries (maṭhaḥ). to protect the royal family through rites to ward off ills. providing . but only the humbler clones that extended their authority into domains that those Gurus would not deign to enter. to ward off or counter the assaults of dangerous supernaturals.
like the deities he established. The epigraphical record demonstrates that any king of substance felt it incumbent upon him to demonstrate his sovereignty. who considered any brahmin who derived his living from serving as a priest to have fallen from the caste of his birth. covered in early Śaiva scriptural sources and all the early manuals up to at least the twelfth century. The creation of new settlements entailed the provision of the means of irrigation. that the temple worship was in the hands of officiants of a different kind. The Temple Priesthood The involvement of the Śaivas of the Mantramārga in the temple cult. They prescribe the layout of the royal palace in detail. the Pratiṣṭhātantras. not only by the building of temples. devoted exclusively to this domain. Thus. well before the Śaiva literature was prepared to admit this fact. step-wells (vāpī). were already provided by the . The texts are silent on the nature of the worship that would be performed before those images once the Śaiva Guru had completed his task. Rituals for the consecration (pratiṣṭhā) of wells (kūpaḥ). and the design includes a section of the palace for teachers of the Śaiva Mantramārga. the texts lagged behind reality in this regard. we find the Śaivas involving themselves in what I consider to be the third key element of the medieval process. does not extend beyond the performing of the rituals necessary to initiate the cult by consecrating the images and the temples that house them. there had appeared yet another class of Mantramārgic officiants. Settlements. working as the priests that performed the regular rituals in the Śaiva temples. which. For at some point. but also by the creation of new urban settlements (puram). complete with markets and segregated areas for the dwellings of the various castes and artisans. namely the creation of numerous new urban settlements from above. However. and developing. were generally named after him. The Consecration of Palaces. Moreover. the officiant who specialises in the installation of images and the consecration of temples. extended to the creation of the palaces of their royal patrons. the layout of the palace taught in these Pratiṣṭhātantras is only part of the layout for an urban settlement to be established by the king around the palace. and reservoirs small (puṣkariṇī) and large (taḍāgaḥ). with instructions for the size and plan of these dwellings determined by caste status. in the course of time.16 Alexis Sanderson the specialised officiants and rituals to establish these Śivas following Mantramārgic models. It would appear. a secondary body of scriptural authorities. a function that entailed a serious loss of status in the eyes of orthodox brahmins. and Irrigation Works The early Śaiva Pratiṣṭhātantras show that the authority of the Śaiva Sthāpaka. therefore.
his consecration. at least in certain contexts and to a greater or lesser extent. and providing a means of articulating a social unity that transcended. There is no trace of irrigation rituals in the early Śaiva scriptures. but rather Śaivism and . the religion of the king manifest in his initiation. Śaiva ascetics were allowed a degree of choice in this matter. and while the Saiddhāntikas came to initiate only members of those communities classed as Śūdra who had already been assimilated by brahmanical culture to the extent that they had abjured alcohol. also served as the means of assimilating the local deitycults of the territories being drawn within this Śaiva-brahmanical culture through the expansion of state-formation at the subregional level. but also that their injunctions are as binding on Śaivas after their initiation as they were before it. while extending its influence beyond the confines of the orthodox brahmanical world. and his royal temples. But though it thereby asserted. Moreover. the Śaivism of the Mantramārga sought to guard itself against dissociation from that world. if they remained in that domain as active members of society. The religion of the Śaivas. the rigid mutual exclusions of the brahmanical social order. but householders were not. was not Śaivism alone. the non-Saiddhāntika traditions of the worship of Bhairavas and the Goddess. thus mirroring and validating the incorporative structure of the state’s power. it was careful to insist not only that the brahmanical scriptures that govern this observance are exclusively valid in their own domain. at least in theory. then. thus enabling the integration of powerful agriculturalist communities classed as Śūdra. opening initiation even to those that brahmanism considered untouchable. including the Pratiṣṭhātantras. For the Śaivas opened initiation to candidates from all four casteclasses. while perfectly adapted to support kings in the aggressive or punitive aspect of their function. that were often dominant in the countryside. the limited nature of the brahmanical observance that formed the lowest level and broad base of this hierarchy. But in due course Śaiva officiants. The Integration of Brahmanism Finally. Social Inclusivity The last respect in which I believe that the Śaiva Mantramārga can be seen to have played an active role in the historical process is that of the assimilation of the communities that were caught up in the extension of the reach of the state that characterises this period. It elaborated an inclusivist model of revelation that ranked other religious systems as stages of an ascent to liberation in Śaivism.Ritual for Oneself and Ritual for Others 17 brahmanical tradition. especially in its Śākta forms. the Śākta Śaivas had no such reservations. seeking to add this important domain to their ritual repertoire. produced their own versions.
and especially the Śrāddhas. would have heightened its appeal to kings by enabling it more easily to be perceived as a transcendent means of legitimation. Conclusions As Śaivism advanced by developing these strategies. This accommodation of Brahmanism no doubt gave Śaivism a distinct advantage over those religions. and the integration of regional traditions. it achieved a transregional organisation and a consequent standardisation of its rituals and doctrines. since initiates are held to attain liberation as soon as they leave their bodies. It was by virtue of its great success in attracting royal patronage that it came to exert such a pervasive influence on the religions around it. To this end. with the consequence that scholars who have at- . and it was also on the basis of this success that it could construct the impressive edifice of a literature that. empowerment. they created a Śaiva ritual of cremation and a series of rituals to mirror the numerous brahmanical postmortuary rituals in which the deceased receives offerings first as a hungry ghost (pretakriyā) and then in Śrāddha rituals as an ancestor. Moreover.18 Alexis Sanderson Brahmanism. I propose. a fact borne out not only by their literature. is almost entirely silent about these vital but less elevated rituals for others. that had denied outright the authority of the brahmanical scriptures. but also in the fact that they extended their own ritual repertoire in order to bring it into greater congruence with the brahmanical. but also by biographical data and the epigraphic record of the activities of Śaiva kings. and this transregional uniformity. in its focus on ritual for oneself. as an essential part of a pan-Indian socio-religious order that each kingdom sought to exemplify. the latter predominantly through the Śakta Śaiva systems – while at the same time maintaining their legitimacy in their ancient role as the protectors of the brahmanical social order. once they had moved to extend recruitment beyond the inevitably restricted circle of ascetics into the more numerous ranks of married householders. and therefore should require no ceremonies designed to ensure their well-being after death. and there can be little doubt that this would greatly have increased its acceptability in the eyes of kings. It is clear that the creators of these additions were motivated by nothing but the desire to be seen to conform to the norms of brahmanical society. After all. make no sense in strictly Śaiva terms. such as Jainism and Buddhism. these rituals. the determination of the Śaivism of the Mantramārga to be fully embedded in the brahmanical tradition is manifest not only in this rule that initiates should maintain their brahmanical obligations. after his incorporation with the immediate ascendants of his patriline (sapiṇḍīkaraṇam). who could thus draw on the power of the new religion to sanctify their rule and enhance their might – the former predominantly through the Siddhānta.
the bibliography. .1 1 Most of the arguments presented here in outline have been presented by me in detail elsewhere. cf.Ritual for Oneself and Ritual for Others 19 tempted to read this literature have mostly neglected to look in and beyond it for evidence of the factors that enabled and sustained this high-cultural efflorescence.
— 2007a. Essais sur le Rituel III: Colloque du Centenaire de la Section des Sciences religieuses de l’ École Pratique des Hautes Études. — 2009. Indo-Iranian Journal 47: 229–300. — 2004. In: Anne-Marie Blondeau & Kristofer Schipper (eds. Genesis and Development of Tantrism. — 2003–2004. “Swami Lakshman Joo and His Place in the Kashmirian Śaiva Tradition”. “The Śaiva Exegesis of Kashmir”.). — 2007b. . “The Šaiva Religion Among the Khmers (Part I)”. Bulletin de l’École française d’Extrême-Orient 90–91: 352–464.). New Delhi: D. In: Dominic Goodall & André Padoux (eds.20 Alexis Sanderson References Sanderson. 551–582. LouvainParis: Peeters: 15–95. Alexis 1995. In: Bettina Bäumer & Sarla Kumar (eds. Saṃvidullāsaḥ. Printworld: 93–126.). Tokyo: University of Tokyo: 41–349. “The Śaiva Age: The Rise and Dominance of Śaivism During the Early Medieval Period”.K. Pondicherry: Institut français d’Indologie / École française d’Extrême-Orient: 231–442. In: Shingo Einoo (ed.). “Meaning in Tantric Ritual”. Mélanges tantriques à la mémoire d’Hélène Brunner. “Religion and the State: Śaiva Officiants in the Territory of the Brahmanical Royal Chaplain with an Appendix on the Provenance and Date of the Netratantra”.
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