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HANNAH HÖCH, TIL BRUGMAN, LESBIANISM, AND WEIMAR SEXUAL SUBCULTURE

by JULIE NERO

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Art History and Art CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2013

CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES

We hereby approve the dissertation of __________Julie Nero_____________ candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree*.

_____________ Anne L. Helmreich _____________ (Chair of the committee) ______________ Ellen G. Landau _______________ _____________ Catherine B. Scallen _____________ _____________ T. Kenny Fountain ______________

September 10, 2012

*We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents List of Figures Acknowledgements Abstract Introduction Chapter I Dada’s “Good Girl” and her Recurring Obsessions Introduction Hannah Höch’s early life and career Höch and the Dadaists Photomontage: Conflict and Rupture Höch and her Contemporaries: Aesthetic and Technique Words not Pictures: Language and Sexism? The 1920 Dada Fair and Höch’s Cut with the Kitchen Knife Beyond Berlin: Höch and her Contemporaries Höch and the Human Hybrid Der Vater and Dada-Ernst: Höch and Female Sexual Agency The Lighter Side of the New Woman: Höch’s Da-Dandy and Die Mädchen Höch’s ‘fluid’ Sexual Identity? 20 24 29 31 34 37 40 46 48 51 60 63 iii ix xxi xxii 1

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Chapter II The Lesbian in Weimar and Hannah Höch’s Russian Dancer and English Dancer Representations of Lesbians in Weimar Mädchen in Uniform Lesbian Books and Magazines and Popular Weimar Culture Weimar Lesbian Representations of Female Nudity Lesbian Subculture and Weimar Körperkultur Berlin Lesbians and Weimar Entertainment and Dance Culture Pornography, Sexual Depravity, and Lesbian Representation Lesbian Ecstasy Depicting Lesbianism: Mirroring The Contribution of Weimar Lesbian Print Media Conclusion Chapter III Lesbian Representation, Weimar Ethnography, Politics, and Hannah Höch Visual Contrast and Lesbianism Jeanne Mammen and Weimar Lesbian Representation Weimar Ethnography and Lesbian Representation Exoticism and Eroticism Weimar Ethnography and the Russian The Russian Ballet Ballet and Weimar Eugenics
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71 75 78 83 85 88 92 97 102 103 110 111

112 113 117 118 120 126 128

The Healthy Weimar Lesbian: the ultimate New Woman Hannah Höch’s Liebe Dreams and Utopia: Höch, Lesbian Representation, and the Rise of Nazism Chapter IV Hannah Höch and Til Brugman: Creative Collaboration, Social Critique, and Political Resistance Introduction Til Brugman Til Brugman and the avant-garde The literary Grotesque Gender and the avant-garde Hannah Höch and Til Brugman: A Lesbian Couple Repression and Censorship “Brave or foolish:” Höch hides Brugman’s Manuscripts Hannah Höch and Til Brugman: Joint Commercial Projects “Von Hollands Blumenfelder” Scheingehacktes “Scheingehacktes” “Schaufensterhypnose” Weimar Sexism: Brugman’s female Victims and Höch’s disturbed Brides Brugman’s “Himilia” Höch’s English Dancer and “Himilia” The Fetishization of the Female Body in Weimar and Höch’s Marlene
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130 132 137

144 146 147 149 151 156 160 165 169 170 180 183 186 188 189 194 197

Conclusion Chapter V Hannah Höch’s Tamer, Sexology, and Weimar Sexual Subculture Introduction The New Woman Nineteenth-century Sexology: Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Carl Westphal, and Richard von Krafft-Ebing Magnus Hirschfeld Hirschfeld and Sexual Intermediacy Hirschfeld: Sexology and Photography Hirschfeld’s Transvestites, 1910 Sexual Deviancy and Weimar “Life through the eyes” Weimar Culture and the Cross-dresser The Feared Masculinization of Women and the Garçonne Bearded Women and “Terrifying News” Weimar Subculture and the Cross-dresser Gertrud Liebherr’s “Moderne Fotokunst” The Weimar Transvestite Voo-Doo and Höch’s Tamer Sexual Intermediacy and Höch’s Tamer Höch’s Tamer and Weimar Criminology Conclusion

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203 204

207 212 215 218 220 221 222 226 229 230 231 234 235 239 241

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Chapter VI The Wonders of Weimar Endocrinology: Höch’s gender-hybrids and Brugman’s literary Grotesques Introduction Eugen Steinach and Surgical Rejuvenation Der Steinach Film Hannah Höch’s Strong Men Til Brugman and Weimar Sexology “Revision am Himmel” “Warenhaus der Liebe” Weimar Sexology and “Extreme Transvestites” Gender Reassignment Surgery Gender Reassignment and the Weimar Print Media Hannah Höch’s Sweet One: The Surgical Construction of Gender? Einar Wegener: “Aus Mann wird Frau” Einar becomes Lili: Constructing Femininity Transsexuals, Homosexuals and Gender Montage Conclusion Chapter VII Conclusion Hannah Höch’s Nazi-era Oeuvre: Nature Studies and Abstraction “Ich fühlte die Freiheit—die Freiheit!” Certain recurring Obsessions: Höch and the ‘new’ New Woman
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243 245 248 252 256 257 257 263 267 269 271 273 275 279 280

283 292 297 299

Figures Bibliography

303 445

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LIST OF FIGURES

1.1 Hannah Höch, 1915. Hannah Höch Archiv (HH Archiv), Berlinische Galerie, Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst, Fotografie und Architektur, Berlin. 1.2 Til Brugman, ca. 1905. HH Archiv, Berlinische Galerie. 1.3 Hannah Höch, Dada-Puppen (Dada-Dolls), 1916-1918. Cloth and diverse materials, c. 60 cm. Berlinische Galerie. 1.4 Hannah Höch, Entartet (Degenerate), 1969. Collage, 34. 4 x40.5 cm. Collection Landesbank Berlin AG. 1.5 Entwurf für das Denkmal eines bedeutendes Spitzenhemdes (Design for a Memorial for an Important Lace-Shirt) 1922. Collage, 27.6 x 17 cm. Hamburger Kunsthalle. 1.6 Raoul Hausmann, Photo Hannah Höch, 1919. Berlinische Galerie. 1.7 Hannah Höch, Oz, der Tragöde (Oz, the Tragic Actor) 1919. Photomontage, dimensions unknown. Lost. 1.8 Raoul Hausmann, ABCD, 1923-24. Photomontage, 40.6 x 28.6 cm. Musée National d’Art Moderne, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris. 1.9 Kurt Schwitters, Miss Blanche, 1923. Collage, 15.9 x 12.7 cm. Collection Dr. Werner Schmalenbach, Düsseldorf. 1.10 Hannah Höch, Collage (Dada), 1922-24. Collage, 24.7 x 32.8 cm. Collection Merrill C. Berman, Scarsdale, New York.

303 304

305

306

307 308

309

310

311

312

1.11 George Grosz and John Heartfield, Sonniges Land (Sunny Land), 1919. Photographic reproduction, dimensions and whereabouts of original unknown. Berlin, Akademie der Künste, John Heartfield Archiv. 313 1.12 Hannah Höch, Schnitt mit dem Küchenmesser Dada durch die letzte weimarer Bierbauchkulturepoche Deutschlands (Cut with the Kitchen Knife Dada through
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Mixed media on paper. Cadavre Exquis. 1. 324 1.17 Johannes Baargeld. 321 1. Neue Nationalgalerie Staatliche Museen. Der Vater (The Father). 341.6 cm. Stiftung Arp. 114 x 90 cm.6 cm. 322 323 1. Gouache on photographic enlargement of photomontage. 1921. 37.16 Max Ernst. Photomontage.18 Max Ernst. 1919-20. Jean Hatchet and Charles the Bold. 46 x 55 cm. Collection Vera and Arturo Schwarz. Photomontage. Private Collection. Collage. 1.6 x 23. 316 1.23 Gustave Courbet. Da-Dandy. 34 x 20 cm.19 Marcel Janco. Sophie Taeuber-Arp. Collection Düsseldorf WestLB.6 x 16. Lost.14 Hannah Höch. 317 318 319 320 1. Photomontage. Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin. 18.the last Weimar Beer Belly Cultural Epoch of Weimar Germany). 1.20 Hannah Höch. Stuttgart. Photomontage. Photomontage. 1930). Oil on Canvas. dimensions unknown. 30.15 Hannah Höch. L’Origine du Monde (1866). 1963. 314 315 1.21 Hannah Höch. Grotesque. 1919. Kunsthaus Zürich. Typical Vertical Misrepresentation as a Depiction of the Dada Baargeld (Self-portrait). Galerie Berinson. Dada-Ernst (Dada-Serious/Grave). Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde auf Grund dreissigjähriger Forschung und Erfahrung bearbeitet (Stuttgart: Julius Püttmann Verlagsbuchhandlung. Rolandseck. Milan. Musée d’Orsay.22 Abtreibungsinstrumente (Abortion-instruments). Jean Arp. Vol. 30 x 23 cm. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Oscar Dominguez. Die Mädchen (The Girls). 1937. Cleveland Museum of Art. Le Cygne est bien paisable (The Swan is quite Peaceful). 1920. 1920. 4. Paris. 1920. Berlin. 21 x 29 cm. Photomontage. 25 x 17 cm. 1. 1920-21. 325 x . 1929.13 Hannah Höch. 1.1 x 31 cm. Magnus Hirschfeld.

2. p. Berlinische Galerie. no.7 x 18 cm.5 x 22. 2. Corbel in the Church of St. Photomontage.5 x 20.1 Hannah Höch. vol. 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 2. Equilibre (Equilibrium). Film Still. 1925. Liebende Frauen. The Great Cosmic Mother of All (San Francisco: Harper and Row.24 Sheela-na-Gig.M. David. Tate Gallery. Kunstmusem des Landes Niedersachsen. Rüssische Tänzerin (Russian Dancer).. Lady Troubridge. 1926).25 Max Ernst. ca. Stuttgart. 1. 30. 23. Jg. Les Hommes n’en Sauront Rien (Of this Men Shall Know Nothing). undated. 3. 2. 2. 2. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. 1987).3 Romaine Brooks. 1933. 1925]. Ministerium des Innern. London. 36 (1927). Photomontage.5 cm. Abegg. Una. 1923.5 Hannah Höch. Stuttgart.6 Hannah Höch. Mary and St. 335 2.7 Nacktkultur im Film..26 Eric von Stroheim as Count Karamzin. Oil on Canvas. Pictured in Monica Sjöö. 39.4 cm. Sept. Englische Tänzerin (English Dancer). Photomontage. Polizei und Sitte: Die Polizei in Einzeldarstellungen. 1928. Album (Scrapbook). August 8.B. Ireland. Universal Jewel (1922). 81 x 64 cm. Die Freundin 7. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Smithsonian American Art Museum. 2. Wege der Kraft und Schönheit. 2. Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museums Braunschweig. 9. Oil on canvas.H. 320.2 Hannah Höch. Staatssekretär im Preussischen Ministerium des Innern (Berlin: Gersbach und Sohn Verlag G. 1923. Aus der Zeitschrift: Schönheit [Wilhelm Prager. 30. 1928.4 Anonymous cover photograph (Three Nude Women).3 x 76.. mit Genehmigung des Preuss. 336 337 xi . 1931. Foolish Wives. no. 326 1. Albert Moll. unpaginated. Herausgegeben von Dr. Die Freundin.9 Anonymous cover photograph (Three Nude Women on a Beach). p.. Tänzerinnen (Female Dancers). 1927. 127. Kilpeck. 31.1.. 12th-century.3 cm. Jg. 16. W.8 Kupfer und Meyer.

2012). Selbstbegrüssung (Greeting Oneself) 1927-33.13 Heinz von Perchkhammer. My heart cries once again). Paul Getty Museum. Die Dame. Die Badenden (The Bathers). Mon couer pleure d’autrefois (Along with Gregoire the King. 1928.4 x 19. 15.10 Anonymous cover Illustration.de/list.20 Franz Roh. 6. whereabouts unknown. Die Freundin.15 Anonymous photograph. Los Angeles. Avec Gregoire le Roy.17 Anonymous.21 Claude Cahun. 1928). 342 2. Berlins lesbische Frauen. 2.3. Die Freundin 4. Marie-Renée Mecke-Daumas. 1928). 1924). Edle Nacktheit in China mit 32 Originalaufnahmen von Heinz von Perckhammer (Berlin: Eigenbrödler Verlag. no. Ecstasy. no. http://www. Colored pencil and white chalk on paper. 2. 2. (Leipzig: W. 11. Photograph.com/tagged/heinz-von-perckhammer?before=1307366646 (accessed January 5.19 Fernand Khnopff. Ideale Schönheit (Ideal Beauty).tumblr.8 cm. xii 348 349 . Borngräber. 1928. Die klugen Jungfrauen.11 Otto Hahn. 1920s. 2. 338 339 340 341 2. 347 2.. 4. Novemberheft (Berlin). 179 mm x 237 mm. 3. Jg. 1930.14 Heinz von Perchkhammer. mit einem Vorwort von Dr. Photograph. eine Sittenbild aus Berlin W.delcampe. Magnus Hirschfeld (Leipzig: Bruno Gebauer Verlag für Kulturprobleme. 1928.16 Anonymous. Jersey Heritage Trust/1995/00030/g. 1929. 8.. Die Tänzerinnen Schwestern Karolewna (The Dancing Sisters Karolewna). The J.. Private collection. p. Gelatin silver print. no.12 Foto Angela. Heliogravure. Feb. April 16.2. 5 (1928). Jg.18 Anonymous erotic postcard. Photograph. Photograph. 2. 2. cover Illustration.php?cat=7894&searchMode= all&searchTldCountry=net&searchInDescription=Y Seite 4 (accessed March 1. 343 344 345 346 2. 1889. 2. Frauen-Liebe 3 Jg. 2012). Ruth Margarete Roellig. dimensions. Self-Portrait in Mirror. www.

Studie russischer Tänzerinnen (Study of Russian Dancers). 3.13 Young Girl with Wings.” The Illustrated London News.7 Rudolf Koppitz.var. Vienna.3 Jeanne Mammen. Die Freundin. Postcard. 1930. 21 x 21.language. Face-painting Haussa-woman of West Sudan). http://www.delcampe.Libelleoriginele-foto-rond-1915. no.6 S’ent Marona.4 x 17.2 Jeanne Mammen.. Gesichtsbemalung einer Indianerin aus Arizona. 39 x 34 cm. undated. Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde. 3. undated.de/list. 3. National Gallery of Australia. Des Moines Art Center. Des Moines. Gesichtsbemalung der Haussa-Frauen im Westsudan (Face-painting of an Arizona Indian. p. Watercolor and pencil. orientalische Tänzerin (oriental Dancer). Canberra. 1931. Vol.768. Jg. 350 351 352 353 3.5 Magnus Hirschfeld. Postcard. Photomontage. March 5. ca. 4. 2012).delcampe..8 Anonymous photograph (Entwined Figures). ca. 354 3.8 cm. Lydia Sokolova “Queen of English Dancers.1 Masculine/feminine lesbian sartorial configuration. Watercolor and pencil. Postcard.html (accessed March 1. 33. Liebe (Love).12 Libellule. 3. 48 x 36 cm. 1926. 1928. 4.9 cm. Bromide Print. 1930.php?searchString=libellule&cat7894&searchMode=all&searchTldCountry=net&searchInDescription=Y (accessed March 9.10 Hannah Höch. http://www. Hirschfeld. Förderverein der Jeanne-Mammen-Stiftung. 6. xiii 357 358 359 360 361 362 . Berlin. 41 (1928). 3. Zeebrugge. 355 3. Two Women Dancing.1928.de/page/item/id. Liebende Frauen. Vol. Iowa. 3. c. Collection author. Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde. 1926. 2012). 3. 3.11 Anna Pawlowa “Libelle” (Anna Pavolva “Dragonfly”). Plate 51.9 Lenare. 356 3. France.G.153841928. 683. Oct.3. undated. Private collection. Hirschfeld.4 Josephine Baker in modernen Revuekostüm. undated. 3. Postcard. Collection author.

Photocollage on paper mounted on cardboard.16 Hannah Höch. ca. 1931. 4. 9. 4. Des Moines. 24. Siebenmeilenstiefel (Seven-League Boots).. Private collection. unpaginated. 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 374 375 xiv . 4. 7 Jg.6 x 22. BG-HHC-F 191/79.22 Hannah Höch. 3. Hamburger Kunsthalle. 43.de/ansichtskarte-postkarte-nixe-sitzt-auf-rosenblatt-libelle-fisch (accessed January 15. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. 1930. Himmel (On the Way to F. 1928.17 Hannah Höch. Heaven) 1934.3 Damenklub Violetta. or Two Children above the City). April 30. W. Kupferstichkabinett. 49 (1927): 12. 4. Album (Scrapbook). 32. 2.18 Hannah Höch. Auf dem Weg im F.8 x 25. no.. Stuttgart.19 Anonymous.. ca. HH Archiv. Die Freundin. Stuttgart.4 cm. 2012). Stuttgart. 1934.2 x 20. Mager.2 cm. Photomontage. 363 364 365 3. Collection Guido Rossi. Photomontage. 22. Berlinische Galerie. collection Gerrit Jan de Rook. Der Vorstand [Charlotte ‘Lotte’ Hahm].1 cm.23 Hannah Höch. Vagabunden (Vagabonds) 1926. 28. 3. 1928. 35 x 25 cm.4 Hannah Höch and Til Brugman with their cat Ninn. undated photograph. 3. Die Freundin. New York. Jg. Felix Korn Verlag. 1931. Milan. no.14 Herta Wasserkampf.8 cm Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen.5 x 18. Oct.15 Hannah Höch. Photograph. 3. undated. Berlinische Galerie. Photograph. 1940. 36. no. 30.20 H.9 x 32. Jg. 3. Collage. 366 3. Photomontage. Berlinische Galerie. Iowa.2 Til Brugman.21 Hannah Höch. 3.3. 1926-27. Traumbild (Dream-picture). Von Oben (From Above. 1933. Den Haag.. 4. Frauen-Liebe. Märchenland (Fairy-Tale Land). 3.1 Til Brugman “SHE HE” (1917-1922). Postcard. Photomontage. Akpool. Private collection. Flucht (Flight). Nur nicht mit beiden Beinen auf der Erde stehen (Don’t Stand with both Feet on the Ground). Photomontage.2 cm.

Scheingehacktes. 1920. Collection Thomas Walther. p. 1935). 213 x 202 mm.7 Hannah Höch. 4. Berlinische Galerie. 380 4. 4. Private collection. Scheingehacktes (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse. 1920. Pictured in Herbert Remmert und Peter Barth. Traum Seines Lebens (His Life’s Dream).14 Hannah Höch. 1929. 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 4.15 Hannah Höch. Bürgerliches Brautpaar (Bourgeois Wedding Couple).18 Hannah Höch. 36-37.5 Hannah Höch. Gelatin silver print. BG-HHC 560/79. Berlinische Galerie. Bäuerliches Brautpaar (Peasant Wedding Couple). Kunsthaus Zürich. 21.11 Hannah Höch.6 x 20. Schaufensterhypnose. Atlantis: Länder.12 Hannah Höch. 14.8 Nazi Rally. 4. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst.9 cm. 114 x 66 cm. und Architektur.7 cm. Völker. 1925. 25 x 16. Scheingehacktes.. cover Illustration. Scheingehacktes. Photomontage. p. Museum of Modern Art. 9 cm. 4.9 Hannah Höch. 4. Pictured in Udo Pini.16 Hannah Höch. Hannah Höch: Werke und Worte (Berlin: Fröhlich & Kaufmann. Der Schandfleck im Tulpenbeet. Watercolor. Tulip Farmer. 4. 4. Liebeskult und Liebeskitsch: Erotik im Dritten Reich (Munich: Klinkhardt & Biermann. Die Braut (The Bride). 20 x 19. Ink on paper. Photographie. 4. 1933. 1927. 23. Photomontage. BG-G 6840/93. 1935. ca. Private collection. Oil on canvas. Die Berlinische Galerie. eds. Tulip Field.13 Hannah Höch. 4. Berlin. Cabbage Patch. Reisen 5 (1933): 431. 1931.10 Hannah Höch. Atlantis: Länder. Die Braut (Pandora) (The Bride [Pandora]). hand-colored cover Illustration. 1935. 15. Berlin. Büsingstrasse. 30 x 22. 1982).1 x 14. Reisen 5 (1933): 430.4. Berlin.5 cm. 1927. Linocut. 39 x 107cm. May-Day 1933. New York. 376 377 378 379 4.5 cm. Interfoto Müchen. 1992). 47. 4. Garderobe. Photomontage with collage. Present whereabouts unknown. 4. New York. 1935. Völker.19 Man Ray.17 Hannah Höch. 390 xv .6 Hannah Höch.

Polizei und Sitte.). 4. August 17. Oct. 35. 12. Photomontage.5 x 26 cm. Use of Bubikopf hairstyle). no. late 19th-c.10 Advertisement for Gertrud Liebherr’s portrait studio.“Blick in die Welt. 1927. Photomontage. Kunsthaus Zürich. Der Schuss (The Kick).7 x 24. 5.” Das 12 Uhr Blatt.. 1905). 1930. 18 x 23 cm. Geschlechts-Übergänge. 4. 4. 5. xvi 402 403 404 . 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 5. Dompteuse (Tamer). Moll. p. Hirschfeld. 5.7 Androtrichie (feminae barbatae) (Bearded Women). Jg. Barbette. Magnus Hirschfeld. that mysterious creature on a trapeze). 5. Geschlechtskunde.22 Hannah Höch. 16 (1930). Photomontage.5 Männlicher Transvertit (Male Transvestite). Polizei und Sitte (Gersbach & Sohn Verlag. Plate 14.9 Gertrud Liebherr(?). 1926). Barbette. Portrait Photograph. 5. Benutzung der Bubikopfmode (Male Transvestite. Magnus Hirschfeld.8 Eine Schreckensnachricht (Terrifying News). 1904). Berlins drittes Geschlecht (Leipzig: Verlag Max Spohr. Polizei und Sitte. Dirne in Männerkleidung (Prostitute in Men’s Clothing) (undated. Collection Dakis Joannou.21 Beinfetischismus (Leg-fetishism).20 Advertisement. 1931. the beard is glued-on).1 Hannah Höch. July 31. Die Freundin. Marlene. Berlin. 41. p. 741. Moll. 23. p. das geheimnisvolle wesen am Trapez” (and at the Wintergarten [theatre].6 Eine Frau die es liebt Uniform zu tragen. no. der Bart ist angeklebt (A Woman who loves to wear Uniforms. p. 36. Athens. 1924. 17. 942. Albert Moll. Mischungen männlicher und weiblicher Geschlechtscharactere (sexuelle Zwischenstufen) (Leipzig: Verlag der Monatsschrift für Harnkrankheiten und sexuelle Hygeine. p. 122. Liebende Frauen. 1930. 1935.. Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung. 1216. Berlinische Galerie. p.23 Hannah Höch. 1924. 23 5. 5. Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung.4 Männlicher Transvertit. Graphische Sammlung.2 cm. 401 5.3 Félicien Rops.. 400 5. 22.4. 5.2 “und im Wintergarten. Oct.

http://www2. Hirschfeld. 4. p. 2012). Verjüngung durch experimentelle Neubelebung der alternde Pubertätsdrüse (Berlin: Verlag von Julius Springer.HTM Tab “Der Steinach Film” (accessed March 1. p.3 Eugen Steinach. Online Archiv für Sexology http://www2. 1928. 1924. Voo-Doo. Error in sexu (Pseudohermaphrodite with dominant feminine behavior).. 1931.5 x 13. 409 410 5. Plate 16. Lothar Goldmann.hu berlin. 1920). 1923. 4 Jg. Humboldt Institut. Die Starken Männer (The Strong Men).15 Voo Doo. Online Archiv für Sexology.17 Pseudohermaphroditismus masculinis bei überwiegend weiblichen Habitus. pp. Photomontage. 5. 5. Photograph. 5. 404 405 406 407 5. Die Freundin. “Über das Wesen des Umkleidungstriebes.5 cm. March 5.de/Sexology/GESUND/ ARCHIV/COLLSTE. 4 Jg.18 Male Cross-dresser. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. March 5. 5. Die Freundin. 24. 5. undated police Photograph.11 Gertrud Liebherr. Die Frau als Mann. Magnus Hirschfeld and Max Tilke. Film Still (detail). Die Frau als Mann (A woman as a man). Geschlechts-Übergänge. 408 5. 1926.4 Hannah Höch. Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung. 6. Humboldt Institut. p. 18 (1929).” Geschlecht und und Gesellschaft 12 (1924/25): Plate 1.hu berlin. Der erotischen Verkleidungstrieb (Die Transvestiten.2 Der Steinach Film. August 10.de/Sexology/GESUND/ ARCHIV/COLLSTE..HTM Tab “Der Steinach Film” (accessed March 1. 1928.14 Gertrud Liebherr(?).. New York. 6. 1912). Stuttgart.) Illustrierter Teil (Berlin: Alfred Pulvermacher & Co.12 Gertrud Liebherr.5. 412 413 414 415 416 xvii . 1923.13 Der Elegante Herr (The Elegant Man). 271.1 Der Steinach Film. 6. Advertisement. Die Freundin. 2012).5 Max Schmeling. no.Portrait photograph. Plate 7. 20-21. 14 (1927): 27. Ullstein Bild. Liebende Frauen. 411 6. The Granger Collection.16 Gerlach. 6.

Photograph. facing page 96. Man into Woman. 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 6.11 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) posing as Lili. Hoyer. Frontispiece. Man into Woman. 6.6 Boxer Schmeling and Aphrodite Kallipygos. Vol. Paris 1926. 1933. Photomontage with watercolor. ein Mensch wechselt sein Geschlecht: Eine Lebensbeichte (Dresden: Carl Reissner Verlag.P. Moderne Demimondänen. 1930).13 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) as Lili Elbe. 1930. 6. Die Süsse (Sweet One). ed. Photomontage prefacing Chapter III. facing page 208. Moll. 101.12 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) after definitely assuming the name of Lili.8 Gerda Wegener. 206. trans. 30 x 15. p. 1933. Polizei und Sitte. Man into Woman. between second and third Operations. 7.15 Dust-jacket. 4. 207. 425 426 6. Aveux non avenus (Paris: Édition Carrefour. Self-portrait. May 1930. Hirschfeld. 6. Jersey Heritage Trust (JHT)/1995/0036/b print. Moll. 6. Portrait of three Women (Lili in the centre). Aveux non avenus.6. 1928. Hoyer.J. Hoyer. ed. 7. Figs.1 Claude Cahun [and Marcel Moore].14 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) as Lili Elbe.. xviii 428 429 430 . H.9 Gerda Wegener. An Authentic Record of a Change of Sex. 1933. 1926. Man into Woman. Neils Hoyer.10 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) about 1920. January. 6. Polizei und Sitte. Frontispiece. Essen. between pp. Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde.7 Hannah Höch.Stenning (New York: E. facing page 224. 1933). Lili Elbe. 427 7. ca.3 Claude Cahun and Marcel Moore (signed Moore). Museum Folkwang. 1930. Niels Hoyer. 424 6. Paris. facing page 40. Copenhagen. 1931. facing page 112. Man into Woman. Hoyer. undated. 1932).2 Claude Cahun. 1933. February. 6. 1933. 6. Dresden. Photomontage. Dutton. 128-29.16 Schnittbild aus Zeitschriften die vorzugsweise in homosexuellen Kreisen gelesen Wurde (Collage from newspapers primarily read in homosexual circles).5 cm. Hoyer. Man into Woman.

11 Hannah Höch. Watercolor.13 Hannah Höch. Oil on canvas. 1945. Ink on Paper.8 x 40. Photomontage. Goauche.14 Hannah Höch. Watercolor. 1935-40.8 Hannah Höch. Collection Landesbank Berlin AG. 7.7. Um einem roten Mund (Around/About a Red Mouth). Watercolor 40 x 57 cm. Oil on canvas.16 Hannah Höch. 23 x 23 cm. 1936. 1943. 90 x 60 cm.5 Leonor Fini. 72 x 57 cm. Landesbank Berlin AG. 7. Oil on canvas. 1946. Berlinische Galerie. 100 x 65 cm. Berlinische Galerie. 437 438 439 440 441 442 7. 45 x 62 cm. Gouache.7 Hannah Höch. Private Collection. Berlinische Galerie. Travesti á l’oiseau (Transvestite with a Bird).10 Hannah Höch. Berlinische Galerie 7.8 x 81.12 Hannah Höch.4 Leonor Fini. 45 x 32 cm. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen.15 Hannah Höch. 7.5 x 16.5 cm. 443 xix . 30 x 22 cm. 1945. 7. 1957. 7. Le supplice de l’allure (The Torture of Allure). 20. 35 x 48 cm. Berlinische Galerie.7 cm. Collage. 7. 7. 1940.9 Hannah Höch. c. Möhn (Poppies). 431 432 433 434 435 7. 1943. 64. 1940. Stuttgart. 92. 436 7. Und die Freunde der Keime (And the Friends of Sprouts). Private Collection. 7. Schwebende Formen (Floating Forms). Liebespaar am Hang (Romantic Couple on a Slope). Schöne Fanggeräte (Beautiful Trapping-Machines). 1948. 63 x 47 cm. Berlinische Galerie. Maske und Vase (Mask and Vase). Der Mond zu Besuch (The Moon comes for a Visit). Flora 1942. 1946.4 cm.6 Hannah Höch. Gouache. Oil on canvas. ca. Berlinische Galerie. 1932. 1967. Tümpel (Pond).

444 xx . Stuttgart.7 cm.5 x 17. Hommage á Riza Abasi (Homage to Riza Abasi).7. 35.17 Hannah Höch. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Photomontage. 1963.

I am grateful to my parents and my sisters and the many friends and accomplished individuals who have inspired. Isa Hesse. These include Mary Christine LeBlanc. T. Mary T. Sabine Richebächer. Katja Gantenbein. Bob Ciofani. O’Connor. Dana Deville. Ekkehard Kaemmerling. Landau. I would like to thank my committee members Catherine Scallen. Susan Furrer. whose intellectual clarity helped me to structure my argument. Diane Scillia. encouraged. whose invaluable assistance in the final stages of the writing process enabled me to complete this dissertation. Jeannette Hug. whose insight and suggestions helped me to develop my thesis in its early stages. my advisor Anne Helmreich. I would like to thank the staff of the Kelvin Smith Library and Inter Library Loan for their professional and friendly assistance. Verena Loewensberg. and Cathy Egloff. I am indebted to Sabine Balke of the Berlin Spinnboden Lesbenarchiv who generously allowed me to acces Weimar materials and Ralf Burmeister of the Berlinische Galerie who was never too busy to locate information and provide valuable advice. Trixie Rosen. xxi . Kenny Fountain. Sr.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would have not been possible without the generous support of the Art History Department at Case Western Reserve University. I am grateful to Tirza True Latimer. and above all. and generously supported me throughout the years. Mary Regis Flannery. Valerie Hylton. I am especially indebted to my second reader Ellen G.

Höch’s engagement with gender largely reflected her relationship with Raoul Hausmann and her difficult status as the sole woman among the Berlin Dadaists. her work is generally explored within the context of mainstream media and. Yet this dissertation questions the completeness of this path of enquiry and newly examines Höch’s oeuvre within an expanded context of media generated by sexology. Höch’s photomontages clearly reflected lesbian subculture. to a degree. medicine. as this dissertation will definitively establish. Til Brugman. this is adequate. While this relationship has received cursory scholarly attention. during her years with Brugman. ethnography. it was arguably the artist’s most significant personal bond and influenced her oeuvre considerably.Hannah Höch. Her engagement with gender grew and became more focused after 1926 when Höch entered into a ten year lesbian partnership with the Dutch writer Mathilda ‘Til’ Brugman. the close correlation between her artistic themes and her intimate relationships has yet to be fully examined. In her early photomontages. Furthermore. Lesbianism. while diverse contemporary media were integral to Höch’s oeuvre. Because of this. Höch and Brugman collaborated on a number of creative projects that satirically and critically xxii . Moreover. and Weimar Sexual Subculture Abstract by JULIE NERO Hannah Höch was an avid collector of Weimar print media and her signature medium was the photomontage. and sexual subculture.

addressed social and political issues. xxiii . particularly those related to concepts of gender identity. Although the two women separated in 1936. Höch’s exploration of the social construction of gender remained a key theme in her photomontages and continued to occupy her well into the 1970s. Knowledge of Weimar sexual and medical discourse found expression in both women’s work and indicates that they were familiar with vanguard surgical procedures.

and as publishers. 121. In their hands. 3 In early twentieth-century Germany. Gale remarks that when they engaged with urban themes. Kirchner and Ludwig Meidner. Dada and Surrealism. 2 In accord with his polemic. 1 In his Dadaist Manifesto (1918). posters. the Dadaists embraced urban experience and set themselves apart from their Expressionist predecessors who had found the city an oppressive and disturbing space. was launched in Berlin by Richard Huelsenbeck with an artistic soirée at the Gallery Neuman in 1918. The Malik Verlag served as a political platform for pacifist and communist-informed texts and satirical illustrations. Referencing Expressionist artists E. Dada and Surrealism (London: Phaidon. Huelsenbeck attacked Expressionism. Hannah Höch (1889-1978) was affiliated with the Berlin Dadaists. 3 Gale. 1997). a loosely federated group of artists known for their oppositional and anarchic aesthetics and activities. constituted a politically and culturally disruptive act. The Dadaists engaged with these media both as a raw material in their art. 2 1 .INTRODUCTION As a young woman. the media represented a major aspect of urban experience and included newspapers. Dada and Surrealism. Gale. as opposed to the soul-searching anguish of the Expressionists. 127. which began in Zürich’s Cabaret Voltaire in 1916. the photomontage. 4 Wieland Herzfelde’s Berlin-based publishing venture Malik Verlag was launched in 1917 when he acquired the magazine Die Neue Jugend. the group is primarily known for their photomontages. Höch deployed Matthew Gale. stressing the immediate experience of reality in the street. The Dada movement. Like her colleagues. shop signs. 4 Unsurprisingly. they were generally depicted as alienating or as apocalyptic visions.L. and advertisements. composed from contemporary media fragments. 121.

” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. Maria Makela. 6 Yet. Cut with the Kitchen Knife: The Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch (New Haven: Yale University Press. 2001). Indeed. “Hannah Höch’s Mass Media Scrapbook: Utopias of the Twenties. Ullstein magazines served as raw materials for a number of the artist’s collages. “On the Strength of my Imagination: Visions of Weimar Culture in the Scrapbook of Hannah Höch” (Ann Arbor: UMI. scholars have been unable to trace more than half of the graphic material Höch used in her collages to mainstream sources.” Cut with the Kitchen Knife. While this may be attributed to the vast Weimar publishing industry.the photomontage. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Maria Makela and Carolyn Lanchner (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. 11-12. and central to the following discussion. her engagement with the figure. see Melissa A. 49-79. Peter Boswell. 1997). satirical. from 1916 through 1926. 6 For a discussion of Höch’s Scrapbook. and frequently humorous engagement with popular print culture. Johnson. PhD dissertation. yet her artistic style. Johnson identifies Jula Dech’s 1978 master’s thesis as the first attempt to locate the mass media sources for Höch’s collage materials. See also Lavin. which will be discussed later. Maud Lavin’s seminal and unrivaled monograph represents the most complete exploration of Hannah Höch’s Weimar era oeuvre. Lavin foregrounds the artist’s critical. In her study. Höch was employed at the Ullstein Press. 71-123. 1993). it also reflects the artist’s interest in alternate media. and because of this. Maud Lavin. 5 This methodological focus is supported by Höch’s biography. a major Berlin publishing company. and her focus on gender set her decidedly apart from her fellow Dadaists. New York: The Museum of Modern Art. “By Design: The Early Work of Hannah Höch in Context. Bryn Mawr. 5 2 . her part-time employment at Ullstein placed her at the epicenter of popular Weimar print culture and provided access to a large reservoir of graphic materials. her photomontages are generally examined in close conjunction with Weimar print culture.

Notable among those experiences that influenced Höch’s artistic production was her affair with Raoul Hausmann (1886-1971).” The German Quarterly 68. This suggests that Höch’s oeuvre merits critical examination beyond the context of mainstream publications. such as her “disconcertingly uneven output in a variety of media. Maria Makela. Wissenschaft 9. the complex interplay between public and private that permeates Höch’s photomontages confounds our historical associations with the medium.000 magazine titles circulated in Berlin alone during the 1920s.As Melissa A. The Photomontages of Hannah Höch (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. and to a large degree. no. Höch’s artistic production was shaped by the discourses of Weimar print culture. but above all. and Carolyn Lanchner. 9 Höch’s Album contains 429 images. “after the war a glut of illustrated magazines hit the newsstands. however. Los Angeles. 8.” 62-63. or others. Johnson writes. 10 As the following study will reveal. Kunst. 8 Höch had continual and easy access to an unfathomable amount of print media. thus. and her intimate relationships informed.” 7 Weimar was literally saturated with mass-media and over 2. the sources of the remaining 228 images have yet to be determined by Johnson. “Auch Greta Garbo ist einmal Verkäuferin gewesen: Das Kunstprodukt ‘Neue Frau’ in den zwanziger Jahren. cited in Barbara Kosta. in addition to Ullstein magazines. 10 (1990): 18. 10 Peter Boswell. determined the tenor of her oeuvre. Los Angeles County Museum of Art.” make it difficult to present a concise view of her artistic personality. 3 (Summer 1995): 284n18. 8 7 3 . no.” in Peter Boswell. “On the Strength of my Imagination. However. The Berlin Dadaist was Höch’s first love Johnson.” Frauen. her biography. it is likely she looked to other sources. Johnson has identified the sources of 201 images. “Unruly Daughters and Modernity: Irmgard Keun’s Gilgi-eine von uns. other factors intrinsic to Höch’s production. New York: The Museum of Modern Art. 9 Höch’s photomontages demonstrate a highly personal engagement with contemporary print culture. he continues. 1996). “Hannah Höch: Through the Looking Glass. Hanne Lorek. As art historian Peter Boswell observes.

and again in 1918. 12 Höch’s stormy liaison with Hausmann. Before the play went on tour in 1930. Fotografie und Architektur. As will be seen. “Through the Looking Glass. 13 Boswell. 12 Cara Schweitzer.” 8. 11 Höch’s identification with the New Woman figure (to be discussed in a later chapter) and her turbulent affair with Hausmann appear to have inspired what became a lifelong engagement with gender issues. 2007). then an illegal and potentially fatal procedure. Organized by the international Arbeiterhilfe (Worker’s Assistance). these themes reflected aspects of Höch’s personal experience and remained significant to her throughout her life. Hausmann was married and had a seven year old daughter. she was not ‘one of the boys. Höch saw it in Berlin. Having experienced two illegal abortions likely prompted Höch to participate in the 1931 Berlin exhibition Frauen in Not (Women in Need). When they met. 147. In 1916. upon closer examination. He wanted to have a child with Höch. 18891978 (Berlin: Osburg Verlag. or suicide.Paragraph 218) thematized this serious problem. Friedrich Wolf’s 1929 controversial drama Cyankali-Paragraph 218 (Cyanide. Käthe Kollwitz played a central role in the marketing and planning of the exhibition. Höch decided to terminate two pregnancies by abortion. she refused because he was married.’” 11 4 . Frauen in Not was intended to raise awareness for the plight of women faced with unwanted pregnancies with no alternatives but illegal and medically risky procedures. “In short. yet her experience with him was bittersweet. Ralf Burmeister. The artist’s intimate partner for nearly a decade (1926-1936). Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. 2011). As Boswell remarks. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. Schrankenlose Freiheit für Hannah Höch: Das Leben einer Künstlerin. Höch’s lesbian relationship with the Dutch writer Mathilda ‘Til’ Brugman (1888-1958) was undoubtedly the most transformative experience in her life. however. Indeed. 163-64. Cyankali was shut down by Nazi eugenicists in 1931. a number of Höch’s early works already appear to explore the commodification and victimization of women in patriarchal culture. Hannah Höch: Aller Anfang ist DADA! (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz. However. 13 sensitized her to women’s reproductive rights and gender issues and clearly informed her artistic sensibilities. combined with the sexism of the Dadaists.and her intimate partner from 1915 through 1922.

” in Boswell. these projects also represented Brugman’s introduction to a broader reading public and attest to her growing professionalism. During Höch and Brugman’s years together. 66. Spectatorship. similar developments are evident in Brugman’s writing. and Lanchner. 51 (Autumn 1990): 67. Höch’s sensibilities and her art significantly changed. during her years with Brugman. 16 Makela. “Through the Looking Glass. Importantly. “Androgyny. no. From the mid 1920s. Lavin observes a “conspicuous increase” in Höch’s depictions of same-sex couples after 1926 and claims that her relationship with Brugman seems to have “intensified and expanded gender concerns” already evident in work. and. and the Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch.Brugman shared and encouraged Höch’s artistic engagement with a variety of themes and the couple’s complementary sensibilities are patently evident in their collaborative works. 15 14 5 .” New German Critique. Makela.” in Boswell. Höch’s subject matter and artistic style markedly changed during her years with Brugman. Maud Lavin. and Lanchner. 12. her work became “more focused on gender roles and the relationship between the sexes. Her travel reportage “Von Hollands Blumenfelder” (“Holland’s Flower Fields”) (1933) and short-story collection Scheingehacktes (Mock-mincemeat) (1935) are illustrated by Höch and demonstrate the couple’s mutual pursuit of social and political criticism. Höch’s oeuvre underwent a “subtle metamorphosis” marked by an increase in the “appearance of same-sex couples. “By Design. Makela. Höch’s photomontages accrued clarity and salience.” 16 The unanimous tenor of these observations confirms how art historians have observed that. Maria Makela writes that during this period. as Boswell points out. This dissertation suggests that the artist’s Boswell. 15 Like them.” 14 Similarly. as will be seen.

heteronormative. Vamps und wilde Veilchen: Sexualität. while available to the average reader. influencing. Instead. significantly informed Höch’s oeuvre. nevertheless fell at the fringes of Weimar culture. and central to the following discussion. Understanding these similarities and subtle differences is crucial to an expanded Heike Schader.oeuvre. Virile. 17 Weimar lesbian books and periodicals were instrumental in enabling. and somewhat ironically. However. unlike other studies. Furthermore. the primary focus of this one will not be popular. i. 17 6 . interchangeable. as will be seen. These materials include sexological publications and.e. yet lesbian print culture offered an alternative to this model. 2007). 42. especially after 1926. Yet. merits increased consideration in relation to her lesbian sexuality. for all practical purposes. on occasion. Hannah Höch’s engagement with Weimar print culture was central to her oeuvre and will provide a starting point for this discussion. lesbian books and magazines. As this study newly reveals. lesbian publications reflected or appropriated popular representational tropes: a phenomenon also evident in Höch’s contemporary oeuvre. and augmenting the contemporary perception of lesbianism and. Höch’s lesbian partnership with Brugman fortuitously coincided with Weimar’s thriving sexual subculture and the advent of lesbian media. und Erotik in den Zeitschriften homosexueller Frauen im Berlin der 1920er Jahren (Königstein: Helmer. because Höch lived in a lesbian partnership from 1926. media. as will be argued. Begehren. her oeuvre will be newly considered in relation to publications that. Depictions of women in the Weimar media were generally informed by patriarchal heterosexism. Lesbian journals newly emerged in Weimar and were regularly published and distributed in Berlin between 1924 and 1933. mainstream and lesbian print media were often.

18) will also be analyzed in the context of Weimar lesbian materials. her artistic training. Himmel (On the Way to F. a political interpretation of the social texts and of the social subject. by today’s standards. Höch distinguished herself from the Dadaists in ways that had nothing to do with her gender: a comparative examination Teresa de Lauretis. 2. An analysis of Höch’s early biography and career will consider the influence of her upbringing. and will establish the basis for a new discussion of Höch’s oeuvre. and the misogyny of the early-twentieth century avant-garde. As will be shown.1) and Englische Tänzerin (English Dancer) (fig. The chapters in the following study will be organized thematically and chronologically and begin with an overview of Höch’s life and art that establishes a contextual frame for the more specialized and in-depth discussions in later chapters. Hannah Höch’s status as the sole woman among the Berlin Dadaists naturally raises issues of sexism. 2. however. Visual evidence suggests that Höch’s contemporary depictions of same-sex female couples were much like those in the lesbian media. influenced and informed by popular ethnographic and political discourses. and her relationship with Hausmann upon her creative production. 3.2) reference both.’” 18 7 . The artist’s photomontages Liebe (Love) (1931) (fig. and a rewriting of our culture’s ‘master narratives. Heaven) (1934) (fig. 3. Höch may be classified as a feminist. Höch’s 1928 photomontages Russische Tänzerin (Russian Dancer) (fig.10) and Auf dem Weg im F. 1987). 113. Just as history attests to the sexism of her male colleagues.comprehension of Weimar media. De Lauretis lists the following elements as essential to feminism: “a critical reading of culture. Technologies of Gender (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 18 Importantly.

or lack thereof. Höch’s focus on the figure was most pronounced when she was involved with others. In 1942. 19 8 . she was often alone and led a solitary life. any discussion of Höch’s oeuvre must consider the influence of her affair with Hausmann and her Nazi-era marriage (1938-1944) to Kurt Heinz Matthies (1910-?). Aller Anfang ist DADA!. they nonetheless signal and. as Höch began to renew contacts that had been disrupted or severed by the war. The couple’s collaborative works humorously and The date of Matthies’ death is unknown. Hannah Höch’s lifelong interest in gender and sexual identity began during the late ‘teens and is evident in her Dada-era photomontages. joint artistic projects will be a primary focus of this dissertation. Höch officially separated from her husband and it was then that she turned away from figural representation and increasingly pursued nature studies and abstraction. yet underexplored. While the grotesque figures in Höch’s early works often overwhelm more subtle aspects of human representation. figures and gender-related themes resurfaced in her oeuvre. For the last mention of Matthies in Höch’s papers. as will be seen. Generally. Höch and Brugman’s significant. While Höch’s relationship with Brugman represents her most significant intimate bond. upon her artistic production. During the 1950s. see Burmeister. anticipate Höch’s engagement with morphology and sexual identity that flowered during her years with Brugman.of her photomontages and theirs reveals key differences in style and content and attest to Höch’s originality and artistic independence. Matthies contacted Höch in 1965 while he was visiting Berlin but she refused to see him. 189. 19 Despite her marriage. after Höch separated from Brugman. this suggests the strong influence of personal relationships.

critically engage with a variety of social issues including conformity and greed. and not visual. under closer scrutiny. One of the main aspects of this study will be to foreground Höch’s engagement with sexual subculture and the medicalization of Weimar sexology. as will be seen. 20 While plastic surgeries were developed to ameliorate battle wounds. In addition. 193-219. Connelly. “Grotesque Bodies. However. 21 Makela.” in Modern Art and the Grotesque. As will be shown.” 193. reveal the couple’s critique of contemporary politics and medical discourse. may be linked to medical illustrations. the exact nature of these materials is unknown. discursive. who has examined Höch’s photomontages in relation to Weimar medical practice and sexual discourse. 22 Unfortunately. 20 9 . Makela perceptively claims that the influence of endocrinological and sexological discourses upon Weimar surgical practice is akin to the cutting and pasting of Höch’s photomontages. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Moreover.7) to early genderreassignment surgery. This line of enquiry was initiated by Maria Makela. 2003). and tantalizingly. ed. Francis S. this dissertation will examine collaborative works that. while they were a couple. they were soon deployed to shape faces and bodies to conform to Aryan beauty standards. 21 While she briefly. this aspect of Höch’s oeuvre suggests Brugman’s influence. links Höch’s 1926 photomontage Die Süsse (The Sweet One) (fig. Höch’s photomontages not only reflect sexual discourse. Brugman translated contemporary medical materials. but importantly. their satire was especially vitriolic when addressing sexism and gender-related themes. for the most part. 22 Maria Makela. “Grotesque Bodies: Weimar-Era Medicine and the Photomontages of Hannah Höch. 6. Makela’s focus is.

Likewise. will provide a basis for an extended examination of the artist’s oeuvre. 23 10 . which Schweitzer dates from 1935-1945. For a discussion of Höch’s Dada-era artistic production. see also. which included an illicit liaison with Hausmann. it will be shown.Chapter I Dada’s “Good Girl” and her Recurring Obsessions Chapter I. Boswell. Berlin: Berlinische Galerie für moderne Kunst. ‘documents’ what Höch later described as a period of radical loneliness. Schrankenlose Freiheit für Hannah Höch: Das Leben einer Künstlerin. The subsequent war only exacerbated the process. and Lanchner. Makela. 23 Höch’s psycho-sexual biography. While Höch’s Dada and early Weimar-era oeuvre predates the focus of this study. this study will train a new focus on Höch’s oeuvre in relation to her sexual identity. 193-370. her artistic maturity. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Höch made this statement in a 1958 interview. see. Ralf Burmeister. a ten-year lesbian partnership with Brugman followed by a brief marriage to a man twenty-three years her junior. 24 Schweitzer. these relationships found reflection in Höch’s treatment of gender. Schrankenlose Freiheit. The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. the artist’s wartime oeuvre. see Cara Schweitzer. had much to do with the rise of Nazism. 2007). Hannah Höch: Aller Anfang ist DADA! (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz. which focuses on Höch’s early biography and her Dada-era works. even before Höch separated from Brugman in 1936. For the most developed biography. Höch’s life and art during these years represent a starting point and foundation for her later work. many of her friends were compelled to leave Germany or go underground. which is often abstract or devoid of figures. 1889-1978 (Berlin: Osburg Verlag. 2011). Lavin’s monograph. The artist’s “radikale Vereinsamung” (radical loneliness). Fotografie und Architektur. Building upon previous scholarship. see. attests to the radically unconventional nature of her intimate bonds. and arguably. Importantly. 24 For the most complete discussion of Höch’s work.

MA: Blackwell Publishers. Weimar lesbians expressed themselves via public media. material (as books or photographs) that depicts erotic behavior and is intended to cause sexual excitement.merriamwebster. the women involved in the authorship of these materials were faced with the task of representing what had traditionally been represented by men. Detailed analysis will reveal that the artist’s Russian Dancer (2.” in Sexual Practice/Textual Theory: Lesbian Cultural Criticism (Cambridge. eds. lesbians had to navigate and distinguish themselves in the midst of a number of popular feminine tropes. 2011). 10. how men imagine Lesbians behave as Lesbians. nudists. But these are not works within a Lesbian literary tradition. about how men think lesbians think. 26 Merriam-Webster defines pornography as follows: 1..1) and English Dancer (fig. http://www. “For centuries. However. 3. “Sexual Identity/ Textual Politics: Lesbian {De Com} positions. the depiction of acts in a sensational manner so as to arouse a quick intense emotional excitement. 1993). 25 and often within a prurient or pornographic context. especially with magazines and books.com/pornography (accessed December 10. During the 1920s (for the first time in history). 2. Staple media representations included dancers. men have produced literature about Lesbians. how men imagine it might feel to be a Lesbian. 25 11 . 26 Moreover.2) (both 1928) reflect the artist’s intimate relationship with Brugman and include a number of clues that clearly reference lesbian subculture. the depiction of erotic behavior (as in pictures or writing) intended to cause sexual excitement. 2. these same figures graced the covers of Weimar lesbian periodicals and featured prominently in Höch’s photomontages and Susan J.Chapter II Weimar Lesbian Representation and Höch’s Russian Dancer and English Dancer This chapter will set the tone for a new reading of Höch’s photomontages in the context of Weimar lesbian print culture. show girls. and New Women (a term that will be expounded upon later). As will be seen.” Emphasis original. Wolfe and Julia Penelope.

(Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz. they may nevertheless be situated firmly within Weimar lesbian subculture. Liebe (Love) (1930) (fig. as this chapter will argue. Gunda Luyken. too. Chapter III Lesbian Representation. Album (Scrapbook). was engaged in a similar process. 73. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. 2004). Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. be characterized as a pair. and ethnographic materials in Weimar.Album. Heaven) (1934) (3. 3. See also Hannah Höch. “On the Strength of my Imagination. and Johnson. as Weimar lesbian print media was inventing new ways to represent lesbianism. This suggests that Höch‘s years with Brugman enabled her to more freely engage with lesbianism. Fotografie und Architektur. As will be shown. sexological. a development evident in the artist’s photomontages Auf dem Weg im F. Politics. was soon followed by patently unambiguous depictions of lesbian sex and partnership. Höch’s representations of female couples reflected changing imagery in contemporary lesbian periodicals. 27 Evidence based on contemporary lesbian codes suggests that the Russian Dancer and English Dancer comprise a double portrait and represent the artist and her partner.” in Cut with the Kitchen Knife. “Hannah Höch’s Mass Media Scrapbook: Utopias of the Twenties. The Scrapbook includes imagery from the 1920s and 1930s and was most probably assembled in 1933.” 27 12 . with absolute certainty. While Höch’s Lavin. evident in the Russian Dancer and English Dancer.17). It will trace their reflection in lesbian representational codes and in the work of Höch and her contemporaries. Höch’s early engagement with lesbian themes in her photomontages. As stated. cannot. the artist’s personal scrapbook-style collection of magazine imagery. Himmel (On the Way to F. While the two works. and Hannah Höch This chapter will identify discursive intersections between popular. which depicts a female couple and. Höch. Weimar Ethnography. ed.10) an image that evokes lesbian lovemaking.

Brandt’s book includes 17 poems. and especially after Adolf Hitler assumed power in 1933.. and Political Resistance This chapter examines the creative collaboration between Höch and her partner Til Brugman. As noted. ed. Connelly. advertising. repressive politics and the rise of censorship in Germany had a substantial impact on both Höch’s photomontages and the representation of lesbians in the media. Chapter IV Hannah Höch and Til Brugman: Creative Collaboration.” special issue Lust en Gratie 18 (Fall 1988). Frances S. Maria Makela. after 1929.” in Modern Art and the Grotesque. 29 An indepth study of Höch and Brugman’s creative collaboration has not yet been undertaken. and 20 literary grotesques. 28 evidence linking her texts to Höch’s oeuvre confirms the couple’s joint artistic production. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 1995). 29 See. Brandt writes that her choice of less than half of a possible 47 extant texts is “purely subjective” yet “representative” of Brugman’s oeuvre. “Til Brugman and Hannah Höch. as will be shown in this chapter. “Grotesque Bodies: Weimar-Era Medicine and the Photomontages of Hannah Höch. Both are satires: “Hollands Blumenfelder” is a thinly veiled polemic aimed at eugenic and racial discourse. 2003). 28 13 . Lavin. played a major role in expressing these themes. Marion Brandt’s study represents the most complete discussion of Til Brugman. and sexism. While Brugman’s extant literary oeuvre is somewhat patchy.straightforward depictions of female couples have much in common with late Weimar lesbian magazines and contemporary ethnographic discourse. while the short story “Scheingehacktes” parodies the blind pursuit of fads. 193-219. “Von Hollands Blumenfelder” (Holland’s Flowerfields) (1933). Höch. Mineke Bosch and Myriam Everard. consumer-culture. 160. who critiqued and illustrated Brugman’s texts. their joint publications include a Dutch-themed travel-reportage. See Brandt’s Til Brugman: Das vertippte Zebra. Lyrik und Prosa (Berlin: Hoho Verlag Hoffmann. Social Critique. As will be discussed at length. (Cambridge: University of Cambridge. guest eds. and the 1935 volume Scheingehacktes (Mock-mincemeat).

felt the brunt of repressive sanctions. Höch’s satirical. particularly. the couple’s joint and individual works worked to expose the sexism of patriarchal culture and its deleterious social and psychological effects. despite these developments. “Himilia. to courageously resist Nazi policy and politics. the influence of lesbian subculture on the artist’s photomontages. Höch. Yet. creative partnership. either in her art or writing. each woman continued. and her partner Brugman. as will be seen. late Weimar bride-themed photomontages reflect. “Himilia. who began her artistic career with the revolutionary anarchist Dadaists. or directly engage with Brugman’s texts. the writer’s 1927 grotesque. the subsequent chapters of this study will focus on thematic concerns in Höch’s 1920s and 1930s oeuvre and support claims of 30 Til Brugman. the National Socialists (Nazis) had become so powerful that they dominated Weimar politics. as this chapter will demonstrate. 141-150. Chapter V Hannah Höch’s Tamer. which moves from Höch’s Dada-years. chronological framework for the discussion.” 30 Thematic similarities suggest the couple’s shared intellectual concerns in an ongoing. and often disturbing. Vertippte Zebra. and the effect of National Socialism upon her creative collaboration with Til Brugman.Contemporary politics will be central to the discussion in this chapter.” in Brandt. a foreign national who worked in an experimental literary genre. Along with their political engagement. yet largely undocumented. and Weimar Sexual Subculture While chapters one through four provide a largely linear. 14 . By 1930. Sexology.

190-97. and especially Richard Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing (18401902). Westphal’s model of homosexual pathology was adopted by the Austrian Lavin uses this term often to characterize Höch’s representations of gender. 1996). 200-03. Lavin. contemporary sexological publications and Weimar sexual subculture. 5. 15. in a significant way. Carl Westphal (1833-1890). 32 Annamarie Jagose. Höch’s Tamer.1) (one of the most gender-ambiguous images ever created) is the focus of this chapter. Weimar sexology was largely based upon the work of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825-1890). Hannah Höch’s 1930 photomontage Dompteuse (Tamer) (fig. This chapter will present an overview of the nineteenth-century theorists whose research laid its foundations. 33 Judith Butler. 32 And while queer theory. Importantly. which combines “oscillating” 31 and unresolved male and female elements. anticipates late twentieth and early twenty-first century queer theory which argues for the “elasticity” of gender beyond a binary model.” 33 Along with the artist’s own lesbian relationship. much like gender itself (at least according to its advocates) resists definition. attests to the artist’s ease with gender ambiguity. Queer Theory: An Introduction (New York: New York University Press. the Tamer speaks to. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.the significance and centrality of Weimar sexual discourse and subculture upon Höch’s visual expression. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York: Routledge. See. Weimar sexological discourse was also crucial to Höch’s artistic development at this time. The dual and ambiguously gendered Tamer will be shown to reflect. 1999). it nevertheless debunks the concept of stable sexual identity and considers gender a “shifting and contextual phenomenon. 31 15 . and. 1. which was largely inspired by her lesbian relationship. somewhat radically.

1997). Hirschfeld’s ideas.. Stepchildren of Nature: Krafft-Ebing. the most widely published and influential nineteenth-century European sexologist. et al. The resultant destabilization of sexual roles generated by this phenomenon is suggested in a number of Höch’s photomontages. The concept of the New Woman revolutionized the gender status quo and is central to understanding Höch‘s photomontages and Brugman’s literary oeuvre. 34 16 . they were economically and sexually independent and lived in an urban environment.. in what has been described as the feminization of the city. and homosexual. Psychiatry. The New Woman was an international phenomenon largely generated by historical events. After World War I. references the New Woman. vast numbers of women flocked to European urban centers in search of employment. 35 These developments. Katharina Sykora. and rightly. Die Neue Frau: Herausforderung für die Bildmedien der Zwanziger Jahre (Marburg: Jonas Verlag. his research methods were altered and greatly improved by the leading Berlin sexologist. Both artists may be characterized as New Women. 2000). perceived as a threat to the stability of bourgeois social tradition. See. Magnus Hirschfeld (1868-1935). suggest a critical visual context for situating Höch’s photomontages. and the masculine fashions that their lifestyle inspired. 34 While Krafft-Ebing’s work provided the basis for Weimar sexology. The artist’s Tamer. Women in the Metropolis: Gender and Modernity in Weimar Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press. Katharina von Ankum. eds. and the Making of Sexual identity (Chicago: Chicago University Press. Harry Oosterhuis. 1993). ed. Contemporaneous popular debates surrounding the New Woman figure will also play a key role in Chapter V. the illustrations from his many publications. were widely. 35 For a discussion of the New Woman in Weimar. and above all.physician and psychiatrist Krafft-Ebing. to a degree.

the latter two imply its increasing medicalization. a detailed analysis of their efforts along 17 . the inside/outside view of the subject’s body suggests Weimar medical illustrations and gender-altering procedures. 6. who celebrated the boxer as a virile hero. Til Brugman engaged with the newly interrelated discourses of sexology and endocrinology. even more so. engages with sexual discourse and the practice of cross-dressing in Weimar sexual subculture. Along with the Tamer. For the first time. Höch’s Strong Men depicts the legendary boxer Max Schmeling (1905-2004) and addresses the conflated cultural and political concepts of strength and masculinity at the time. However. this chapter will explore ways in which Höch and Brugman engaged with Weimar endocrinology and the medicalization of gender. Furthermore. unlike her contemporaries. Strong Men. above all. to be discussed in this chapter. these photomontages suggest the artist’s interest in and knowledge of hormones and gender reassignment surgeries that these discourses inspired.yet. the boxer and boxing became a favorite and frequent motif among artists. 6. In addition. While Tamer. Like Höch.7). as will be seen. Chapter VI The Wonders of Weimar Endocrinology: Höch’s gender-hybrids and Brugman’s literary Grotesques Continuing the thematic approach. Höch’s photomontages Die Starken Männer (The Strong Men) (1931) (fig.4) and Die Süsse (The Sweet One) (1926) (fig. Höch’s Strong Men presents a disrupted masculine avatar. Beginning in the 1920s. and The Sweet One disrupt stereotypical representations of gender. can be linked to both discourses.

and vanguard surgical practice. Conclusion Examining Hannah Höch’s photomontages within the context of her personal biography allows new readings of key works in the artist’s oeuvre. and recombined male and female components. in which she cut. above all. Höch’s exploration of the medicalization of sexology in her art is clearly suggested in the 1926 photomontage Sweet One. Crucial details regarding the artist’s unhappy liaison with Raoul Hausmann. a closer examination of Höch’s intimate biography reveals important. Correlations between the illustrations and. frequently overlooked information. the dust-jacket of a book about Wegener and Höch’s photomontage oeuvre will be made clear: both combine and redeploy fragments from the popular media and represent gender as a construction. endocrinological research. Arguably. Brugman’s literary grotesques “Revision am Himmel” (Revision/Adjustment in Heaven) and “Warenhaus der Liebe” (Department Store of Love/Sex) (1931-33) satirize sexology.these lines will be presented in tandem. but longed to physically alter their sex. While the artist’s rough-hewn Sweet One rather crudely implicates surgical gender reconstruction. were not content to cross-dress or to change their names legally. Höch’s unconventional personal relationships had an impact on her sensibilities and artistic production. like Einar Wegener (1888-1931). and the odd circumstances of her short-lived 18 . altered.” Extreme transvestites. As will be shown. it nonetheless reflects vanguard medical practice and efforts to remedy what sexologist Hirschfeld classified as “extreme transvestism. yet.

which have only recently found their way into the scholarship. 1889-1978 (Berlin: Osburg Verlag. 2011). scientific practice. 36 19 . Cara Schweitzer. also suggest the intersection of sexual subculture. both before and after her years with Brugman.marriage to Kurt Matthies. Höch’s photomontages reflect her intimate biography. “Der Fall Kurt Heinz Matthies. details surrounding her Nazi-era marriage. It will trace in much greater detail than ever before exactly how selected works. but. 36 This information is important and enables a fuller understanding of Höch’s sensibilities and her artistic production. this dissertation will establish how Höch’s photomontages engage with salient aspects of Weimar lesbian print culture and gender discourse. and the popular imagination. Moreover. Most notably. echoing diverse contemporary dialogues. As will be argued. are often buried in footnotes.” in Schrankenlose Freiheit für Hannah Höch: Das Leben einer Künstlerin. a topic not fully explored in previous scholarship. overturn unfounded speculation pertaining to Höch’s sexuality in the years following her lesbian relationship. 212-46. which ended her partnership with Brugman. were influenced by the dynamic discourse of gender and sexual identities in Germany.

92. eds. it confined her to the margins of the movement and rendered her a Dadaist by default: “married into the radical clan rather than a member by right. 1994). “The Anti-Body. See also.CHAPTER I Dada’s “Good Girl” and her Recurring Obsessions Introduction Hannah Höch (fig. 101. Hans Richter.169n6. 221n7. Art. the photomontage. In his memoirs. “The Anti-Body in Photomontage: Hannah Höch’s Woman without Wholeness. 132. Images. Höch was only begrudgingly included in Dada activities.” 38 Richter’s characterization of Höch as a helpmate lessened and belittled her status as an artist. Unlike her male cohorts.” in Dada Women (Yale University Press. became a tool with which she explored gender and the representation of women. 1. Kayann Short. (New York: New York University Press. See also. Ann Kibbey. the Berlin Dadaist Hans Richter described Höch as a “good girl” who served sandwiches and coffee during dada-meetings. “Hannah Höch: The ‘good girl’ and the Dada club. 37 20 .” in Sexual Artifice: Persons. 2009). 38 Rempel. a key artistic medium associated with the Berlin Dadaists. Because she was a woman. Nevertheless. 155.1) reinvested the photomontage. whose ridicule and satire was most often directed toward contemporary political and Lora Rempel. Ruth Hemus. Dada. as will be seen. and Abouali Farmanfarmaian. 37 Höch understandably balked at this oft-cited remark. 1965). In Höch‘s hands.” 155. and Anti-Art (New York: McGraw-Hill. and is symptomatic of the misogynism of the early twentieth-century avant-garde. Dada’s Women. with new associations and meanings. these experiences appear to have inspired her lifelong engagement with gender-related themes. deployed by leading members of this male-dominated movement to further their own radical artistic and political agendas. Politics.

which was often at their expense. as will be seen. the terms photomontage and collage will be used interchangeably throughout this discussion. however. 1. which lasted from 1926 through 1936. sexism and the artifice of gender. This will be followed by a discussion of photomontage. a medium characterized by the cutting and recombining of photographic and other readymade graphic imagery. Brugman clearly supported Höch’s engagement with gender in her photomontages. Above all. 41 While Höch’s photomontages are on occasion akin to those of her colleagues. 39 Hoch’s oeuvre suggest a more personal engagement with her key themes. 7-8.” Oxford Art Journal 22. Höch’s engagement with gender and sexuality grew significantly during her lesbian relationship with the Dutch author Til Brugman. whom Höch met in 1915. became increasingly audacious. after they met. hers more fully explore the cultural construction of gender and the commodification of women. and examine her association with the Berlin Dadaists and intimate relationship with artist Raoul Hausmann. unlike theirs. Sherwin Simmons. 40 The photomontage and collage were central to the Dadaists. yet her forceful personality was at times a liability. Photomontage (London: Thames and Hudson. Höch deployed these mediums much differently than her colleagues. 39 21 . including sexism and patriarchy. which. 1976). Brugman (fig.advertising culture. “Advertising Seizes Control of Life: Berlin Dada and the Power of Art and Commerce. 40 Dawn Ades. 41 Unless otherwise noted. most notably. This chapter will begin with an overview of Höch’s early life. 1 (1999): 121-46. Brugman was clearly not afraid of controversy. male artists with whom she was affiliated rejected and feared her bold critique and sarcasm. no.2) was known for her sound poems and literary grotesques which often parodied bourgeois social conventions. Active within international avant-garde circles.

Höch’s oeuvre is dominated by nature studies and abstraction.” 42 Höch’s oeuvre confirms this claim. they also suggest her isolation in a rural Cara Schweitzer. She claimed that lived experiences were einverleibt (became a part of one’s body) and that they were integral and vital to her character and her creativity. for example. As she wrote. From the mid 1930s. 18891978 (Berlin: Osburg Verlag. 42 22 . when Höch and Brugman met. especially those depicting children. suggest that she had not yet fully come to terms with her terminated pregnancies which took place in 1916 and 1918. “I am convinced of this through my work. but is always readily awakened. 354-55. In the foreground. 423n538. Until 1960. much lives in me latently. especially those of an intimate nature. 2011). she too felt overwhelmed by Brugman’s dominant nature. Images from the 1920s and 1930s. This c.Initially. informed her oeuvre. Schrankenlose Freiheit für Hannah Höch: Das Leben einer Künstlerin. Höch’s relationships. figures all but disappear from her work and her brief marriage with Matthies seems to have had little influence on this development. 43 Notable among them is the artist’s oil painting Symbolische Landschaft III (Symbolic Landscape III) (1930). Höch was charmed by the writer’s unfettered manner. While the many plant and garden themed works from this period attest to the artist’s perennial interest in nature. a number of works appear to revisit important personal themes from her past. 43 Höch’s oeuvre similarly reflects the solitary years following her separation in 1936 from Brugman. 1942-1943 statement is an excerpt from an unsent letter to her then estranged husband Kurt Matthies. yet later. the bodies of two children emerge from the open belly of a nude woman whose face bears a striking resemblance to Höch’s.

199. Her later reintroduction of the figure may. vol. During the ‘teens and ‘twenties. or oil. 45 Hannah Höch. who intermittently lived with her until 1942. Höch’s primary source of artistic materials. be explained by the renewed availability of color print media in postwar Germany. and childbearing.” 45 Höch’s pursuit of nature studies and abstraction was supported by her move to the suburb of Berlin Heiligensee in late October 1939 with Matthies. Hannah Höch: Ein Leben mit der Pflanze (Gelsenkirchen: Städtisches Museum Kunstsammlung Gelsenkirchen-Buer.” in Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. 2. under Nazi rule. (Berlin: Kunstlerarchiv der Berlinische Galerie. women. et al. Central to her earlier oeuvre. popular magazines. war-related shortages and disrupted distribution channels curtailed the availability of print media. ed. these years represented “a time of radical loneliness. Ostfildern-Ruit: Hatje Cantz. 1995). However. Eberhard Roters. Following the culturally conservative hiatus of the 1950s which emphasized marriage. this may be attributed to dramatic changes in the German publishing industry. censorship. much as they had in the 1920s. although it would eventually reemerge during the late 1950s. and. In part. the female figure played only a peripheral role in Höch’s art after 1936. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. the next decade coincided with a renewed feminist thrust advocating women’s civil and reproductive rights. sought greater economic opportunities yet. From the mid 1930s until the late 1950s. 44 23 . These combined developments inspired a Heinz Ohff. “Lebensüberblick 1958. were abundant. in part.environment. gouache. especially after 1939. her husband. domesticity. Höch’s oeuvre also reveals a shift away from photomontage to other media such as ink. 1978). During the 1960s. 44 As Höch later claimed. unlike their predecessors. they now gained a significant measure of sexual independence through contraceptive drugs.

the Kunstgewerbeschule was closed. 48 In 1915. 1888 in Gotha. and in 1911. but her parents insisted her course of study be practical and enable gainful employment. Hannah Höch’s early life and career Hannah Höch was born Anna Therese Johanne Höch on November 1. and enrolled in the Kunstgewerbeschule (School of Applied Arts) in Berlin Charlottenburg where she studied ornamental graphic design. in the late nineteenth-century. In August 1914. was not uncommon among women of her class. at the age of 23. 185-210. born Sachs. 1997). “Chronology. 47 46 24 . 47 Höch wanted to pursue fine art. Peter Boswell.new generation of New Women that seems to have roused Höch to revisit key artistic themes of her youth: gender and female representation. Hannah’s father Friedrich was an insurance inspector. and painting. In 1912.” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. a small city in the German province of Thuringia and was the oldest of five children in a well-situated bourgeois family. 46 Höch cared for her sister until 1910. Kristin Makholm. 13. In 1904. 18. Höch’s studies were interrupted in 1914 when the Berlin School of Applied Arts was closed due to the outbreak of war. New York: The Museum of Modern Art. She was forced to return to Gotha and work for the Red Cross. Höch returned Schweitzer. literature. Schrankenlose Freiheit. was interested in music. In 1915 she resumed her education and in 1916 began working as a graphic artist in Berlin for the Ullstein Press. 48 Schweitzer. Maria Makela and Carolyn Lanchner (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. and Höch returned to Gotha where she was compelled to work for the Red Cross for a number of months. Höch accepted this compromise. Höch left Gotha for Berlin to study art. began to work in her father’s office. Her mother Rosa. due to the outbreak of World War I. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Schrankenlose Freiheit. which. Hannah’s education was interrupted when her parents removed her from school so she could tend to her younger sister Marianne.

and it was there. which housed the object-based portion of the monarchy’s official collection.. 20. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 50 By the end of April. then an integral rubric in periodicals geared to the female reader. 52 Ralf Burmeister ed. but Höch had little contact with him while at school. their relationship would prove highly influential upon Höch’s artistic development. 10. In addition to her designs. as a result. had learned woodcut techniques in Japan and brought his expertise into the German classroom. The school was located in the Kunstgewerbemuseum. 49 25 . in April 1915. the two had become intimately involved and although turbulent. George Grosz was also in Orlik’s class. 19. a publication geared to the domestic tasks of a 1920s housewife. Lavin. Die Dame (The Lady).to Berlin and enrolled at the Unterrichtsanstalt des Kunstgewerbemuseums (School of the Museum of Applied Arts) where she pursued graphic and Buchkunst (Book-arts).” in Hannah Höch: Aller Anfang ist DADA! (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. a portion of the School had been transformed into a makeshift military clinic and. Höch was working as Orlik’s assistant and cutting blocks according to his designs. 51 Soon. See also. Schrankenlose Freiheit. In 1916 Höch was hired as a part-time graphic artist in the handicrafts department at the Ullstein Press. 50 Schweitzer. 2007). Emil Orlik. the war was always present. Höch compiled short texts for the Ullstein fashion magazine and Paris Vogue equivalent. 49 The Museum School also had a library. as well as Die praktische Berlinerin (The practical Berlin-woman). 16e. In late 1914 or early 1915. See also. 30. Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz. “Biografie. 20. 51 Schweitzer. The emergency shelter unit at the hospital was managed by Richard Cassirer. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Raoul Hausmann. the brother of the Berlin gallery owner Paul Cassirer. where Höch met her first love. Schrankenlose Freiheit. at the time Germany’s largest newspaper and magazine publisher. Höch’s teacher at the Museum School. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Höch’s duties there included designing knitting and embroidery patterns. 52 Schweitzer. Schweitzer.

Schrankenlose Freiheit. financially more secure. in the German Romantic literary imagination. Ausstellung Katalog. 2007). Berlinische Galerie Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. in September 1918.” 54 Indeed. 55 Merging handicraft. you must recognize that your needlework documents your experience. ed. her oeuvre reflects this discrepancy. 55 Juliet Koss. on occasion. dance culture and theater arts. female roles of marriage and motherhood. and ergo. 3-5. Los Angeles. Made from a combination of cloth and other materials. their hopes were often dashed by the harsh realities of surviving in urban Weimar where they earned much less than their male counterparts. Women in the Metropolis: Gender and Modernity in Weimar Culture (Berkeley.” in Hannah Höch: Aller Anfang ist DADA!. 4 (December 2003): 728. 53 As a self-supporting young woman.A. While the neue Frau (New Woman) informed and inspired countless young German females. As she claims. “Schnittmuster der Kunst: Zu Hannah Höchs Prinzipien der Gestaltung. Through her work at Ullstein. This article appeared in the Darmstadt magazine Stickerei-und Spitzen Rundschau. these figures also reflect a revived contemporary interest in puppets and dolls. as will be seen. “Bauhaus Theater of Human Dolls. works of E. 120.” Art Bulletin 85. Fotografie und Architektur (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz Verlag. dolls were a favorite motif Katharina von Ankum. and their frequent substitution of the human with the puppet. In a 1918 article for a women’s handicraft magazine. Höch came to value the textile arts and regard them as viable artistic forms which she herself would ultimately pursue. Berlin: Berlinische Galerie.Höch’s sexual and economic independence and her professional ambition epitomized salient aspects of the New Woman’s lifestyle. London: University of California Press. Bettina Schascke. 1997). 29. See also. Höch appealed to her readers by claiming “As modern women who believe to be engaged in intellectual work. Höch was undoubtedly aware of the gulf between dreams and reality and. Hoffman and Heinrich von Kleist influenced 53 26 . Koss locates the historical sources of the early twentieth-century fascination with the doll among the artistic avant-garde. the artist’s early engagement with applied textile arts found reflection in a number of doll figures she constructed between 1916 and 1918. no.T. Von Ankum claims that the economic disadvantages woman faced were largely responsible for a reactionary trend in late Weimar to idealize more traditional. 54 Schweitzer. Ralf Burmeister.

for example. were not playthings. Antje Olivier. and their facial features are grossly simplified. Die Puppen (Munich: Hyperion Verlag. During the ‘teens. or Puppets) (fig. in 1921 the poet Rainer Maria Rilke wrote the text for a book that featured Pritzel’s wax dolls. nor precious like Pritzel’s decorative and highly prized figures. 1. 56 Janina Nentwig. 58 Höch’s 1919 Dada-Puppen (Dada-Dolls. 1921). they are among Höch’s first works to engage with the female couple. In addition.” in Burmeister. 1998). 59 Instead. “’Die Sammlung gehört in die Charité!’ Hannah Höch: die einzige Frau unter den Berliner Dadaisten. 1.3). Schickele’s volume discusses the dolls of Pritzel and Erna Pinner.” 58n7. the film was produced by Universum Film AG (UfA) and featured the popular dancer Niddy Impekoven. and. 57 Two of Höch’s lost dolls were briefly featured in the 1923 film Die Pritzelpuppe (The Pritzeldolls/puppets). Das Puppenbuch (Berlin: Erich Reiss. Directed by Ulrich Kayser.. Their exaggerated breasts foreground Höch’s perennial interest in the cultural construction and fetishization of femininity. 1921). which was reiterated visually a half a century later in the artist’s 1969 collage Entartet (Degenerate) (fig. 56 German artist Charlotte ‘Lotte’ Pritzel was famous for her Künstlerpuppe (Artist’s-dolls). while whimsical and humorous. See.4). but only two have survived. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. 82. Antje Olivier and Sevgi Braun (Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag.’” in Anpassung oder Verbot: Künstlerinnen und die 30er Jahre. Schickele was a member of the original Dada group in Zürich. 58 Nentwig. René Schickele et al. “Dada-Puppen. See also.among many early twentieth-century avant-garde artists and writers. Höch’s dolls are irreverent and grotesque: their costumes were partially made of cheap cardboard and mismatched buttons. Höch made six dolls. the title of which most likely references the 1937 exhibition Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art). 58. Höch is not credited in the film. developments in nineteenth-century theatre and ballet and inspired a number of later works including Oskar Schlemmer’s 1922 Triadic Ballet. 57 Rainer Marie Rilke and Lotte Pritzel. 59 Lotte Pritzel’s (1887-1952) Künstlerpuppe (Artist-puppets/dolls) were prized among collectors and later served as templates for a series of porcelain figurines. 27 . a figure Höch also referenced in Cut with the Kitchen Knife. “Dada-Puppen.

64 Schweitzer. 397n296. “in the art world. 224n57. Tatlin’s grandiose architectural testimonial to Soviet Communism (1919-20) represented the melding of politics and art that characterized and inspired a number of European artists in the late ‘teens and early ‘twenties. Artists represented in the exhibition included El Lissitzky. the work’s geometric composition also indicates the influence of Russian Constructivism. 1922 marked the year Höch left Hausmann. Hans Arp and Sophie Taeuber-Arp. she later remarked. and. 104. 41. 62 While Höch was invited to participate in this exhibition. 60 Maud Lavin notes that the collage may have been intended as an “ironic reference to Vladimir Tatlin’s Monument to the Third International. However. Die Andere Seite des Mondes: Künstlerinnen der Avantgarde (Düsseldorf: Kunstsammlung Nordrhein Westfalen.” 61 Although never built. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Mann. she was unable. Theo and Nelly Doesburg. 63 Susanne Meyer-Büser. which prominently features Tatlin’s face. Höch was invited to participate but received the invitation too late. “I did not want to define myself as a Constructivist at all. Raoul Hausmann’s photomontage Tatlin lebt zu Hause (Tatlin Lives at Home) (1920). 1968). Heinz Ohff. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.5). Hannah Höch (Berlin: Gebr. the humble materials and irreverent title of Sketch suggest the mocking tone of the Dadaists. 63 However. 2010). ed. 27. Made from paper embroidery pattern scraps. a shift of interest from the anarcho-communism of much of Dada to the more concrete political ideals of Soviet Constructivism. Links between Höch and Tatlin are feasible when one considers that the Dadaists and the Russian Constructivists organized a joint Berlin exhibition in 1922 and shared similar political and aesthetic goals.Höch’s creative interest in textile design and her sense of political irony are equally reflected in her 1922 collage Entwurf für das Denkmal eines bedeutendes Spitzenhemdes (Sketch for a Monument to an Important Lace-Shirt) (fig. László Moholy-Nagy.” 61 Lavin. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.” 64 Lavin. it reached her Berlin studio while she was traveling in Southern Germany. 62 Here. also comes to mind. 60 28 . 276. Cologne: Dumont Verlag. 1.

and. composer and man of letters. his relationship with his parents was strained. These consisted of a publishing house and journal. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 14. 1. as Raoul Hausmann later reported. 68 When Höch and Hausmann met. who pursued formal art training. Victor no longer forced his unruly fourteen year-old son to attend school.” 67 Höch met Hausmann (fig. Hausmann’s father. unlike Höch. Herwarth Walden [born Georg Levin] (1878-1941?). that Höch came into close contact with the Berlin Dadaists. Like Höch. In 1900. Painting and Sculpture in Europe 1880-1940 (New Haven: Yale University Press. “Hannah Höch: The ‘good girl’ in the Dada Club. a group united by an “ironic cynicism and a desire to provoke. Uhden introduced Höch to the Berlin gallery of Herwarth Walden. art. After the Hausmann family relocated. he spent his time “riding a bike or painting. Raoul Hausmann. Shortly Schweitzer. Victor. was an integral part of the Hausmann family.Höch and the Dadaists Hannah Höch’s early contacts with the Berlin art scene were made through her schoolmate Maria Uhden. 66 65 29 .” 67 Maud Lavin. Schweitzer. the two quickly became romantically involved. Hausmann was raised in a sheltered bourgeois milieu. George Heard Hamilton. 20. 20. Schrankenlose Freiheit. “musician. Schrankenlose Freiheit. was a native of Hungary and studied art in Vienna. 66 It was through her lover. around which the Expressionist and proto-Dada Der Sturm group had gathered. 65 Like Höch. Uhden was a Gotha native and studied at the Kunstgewerbeschule. where he soon established a reputation as a history and portrait painter.” in Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 1967). however. founded in 1910. despite his marriage and child.” and. 474. See also. 388n5.” 91-127. Victor Hausmann was invited by Kaiser Wilhelm II to come to Berlin and work for him as a court painter. 23. he was an autodidact. Instead. Hemus. 68 Schweitzer. merely a tasteful hobby in the Höch household. was the best known as the energetic proprietor of the activities embraced under the title Der Sturm (The Storm). See also.6) in 1915. to which Walden added a gallery two years later. “The Berlin Dada Photomontages.

Karoline Hille. 72 Peter Boswell. 41. The Photomontages of Hannah Höch (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. 73 Brandon Taylor. 1996).” 72 However. Carolyn Lanchner. 1999). Maria Makela. Automatenhirne. Schweitzer. Los Angeles. they report inventing photomontage. as scholars suggest. 71 Ralf Burmeister. 69 No references in the Hausmann/Höch correspondence address this tragic event. their colleagues Heartfield and Grosz also claimed to have invented the medium. the runaway inflation and collapse of the Hapsburg monarchy after the war destroyed the court painter’s livelihood and devastated his sense of social identity. and Kristin Makholm. Argon Verlag. See also.” 70 69 30 . souvenir prints that feature pasted portrait heads of soldiers onto pre-printed figures in uniform. “. et al. 1889-1978: Ihr Werk. during a vacation in Heidebrink. aesthetically. In August 1918. They claim that this technique was inspired by popular German Erinnerungsblätter der Regimentszeit. the artists involved in the purported ‘invention’ of the photomontage greatly relied upon−−indeed appropriated−−a popular mid-nineteenth-century practice in which the cutting and pasting of disparate photographic elements was used to create fanciful scenes or comic Schweitzer.. ed. 17. 388n7. 4041. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Johnny Heartfield and I invented photomontage in my studio.after the First World War. 23. Collage: The Making of Modern Art (London: Thames and Hudson. . 2. in 1920. The use of photographic fragments marked a watershed-semantically. politically. Hannah Höch. New York: The Museum of Modern Art. Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 2004). Maschinenherzen. . usually cut from printed mass media. 1989). 71 Scholars define photomontage as the “piecing together of photographic media and typographic sources. Ihre Freunde (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. . . 70 As they reported. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 23. über den Grenzen. 73 While this debate has never been put to rest. Ihr Leben.” in Phantasmen der Moderne. Höch and Hausmann jointly developed the technique of photomontage while vacationing in 1918. his mother and father committed suicide together. Pia Müller-Tamm and Katharina Sykora (Cologne: Kunstsammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen. mitten in Nüchternheit: Prothesenkörper.” “We can well believe John Heartfield’s claim that he began cutting and pasting photo-images in the trenches as early as 1915…this is a slightly different version than George Grosz tells:…” “In 1916 . However. a fishing village on the island of Wollin.

” 153-54. as Dawn Ades writes. “The Anti-Body. 19. i. Monteur (assembler).” or whether it is a manner of representing that “tags onto the tradition or genre of pictorial realism. The Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the NineteenthCentury (Cambridge: MIT Press. 99. photomontage undermines the concept of empirical truth.” 78 In the same vein. Photomontage. 74 While the Dadaists may have invented the term.” Lora Rempel concludes.e. expunging Fremdwörter (Foreign language words) from usage. 74 31 . 76 Before the Nazis came to power.” 79 The question whether a photograph is a slice of “truth. “verges on the metaphysical. 75 The Dadaists’ integration of the word “montage” to describe the technique was significant to them and derived from the French. the German art historian and photographer Franz Roh recognized this discrepancy when he insightfully characterized the photomontage as a “precarious synthesis between the pictorial techniques of modernist abstraction and the realism of Makela. 41. Makela. the photograph. they did not invent the technique: photomontage is as old as photography itself. broadly speaking. 77 Taylor. The Nazis were instrumental in the systematic Aryanization of the German language. 80 Rempel. “By Design: The Early Work of Hannah Höch in Context. 1990). Collage. and Lanchner. rather than fine artists. 77 Photomontage: Conflict and Rupture The paradox of photomontage. mass-produced form of exchangeable truth. enables a distortion of reality deploying the medium of photography “which is its truest mirror. French terms were commonly used in Germany. 79 Jonathan Crary.” in Boswell. 75 Ades. 7. 78 Ades. Jonathan Crary claims.” 80 In 1925.” to signal their political identification as workers.postcards. is a “mechanical. Photomontage. and their desire to disrupt existing cultural and political hierarchies. Suffice it to say that. 76 They chose this term over the “too dainty and too French papier collé. 59.

” On Individual and Social Forms: Selected Writings. 325. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Translated from the original German into Czech by František Kalivoda. Stredisko 4. 1997).” 83 She attributed this to strides in modern photographic techniques. ed. “The Metropolis and Mental Life. In a 1934 interview.” Simmel claimed that the accelerated pace of the city led to “the intensification of emotional life due to swift and continuous shift of external and internal stimuli. 26. Translated from Czech into English by Jitka Salaguarda. 1. 1919-1942.the photographic fragment. (Boston: Institute of Contemporary Art. 82 In his seminal 1903 essay “Die Grossstadt und das Geistesleben” (The Metropolis and Urban Life). 150n7. no. 3 (Summer 1995): 272. was able to bridge the two. (Brno. exh. 1992). See also. Stredisko 4. Czechoslovakia. cites Höch’s statement in the Czech journal. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 1934). 1925). 81 32 . Donald N. German cultural theorist Georg Simmel characterized urban experience as “fractured. 45-46. “Introduction. Levine (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 84 Lavin. the experience and characterization of modern urban life as fragmented and fractured was not limited to contemporary Germany. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.” 81 Roh’s formal observations referencing the fragment resonate with similar remarks made by cultural theorists who symbolically linked photomontage and film to the “fractured” experience of everyday life in urban Germany. 82 Yet.” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. 1. 130. See also. Maria Makela and Carolyn Lanchner (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. Höch claimed that photomontage “happened independently after the war in a number of diverse countries simultaneously. Cat.” The German Quarterly 68. Nachexpressionismus (Leipzig: Klinckhardt und Biermann. New York: The Museum of Modern Art.” See. Peter Boswell. Christopher Phillips. no. the proliferation of film. who was familiar with both commercial and fine art practice. Barbara Kosta. Franz Roh. 1971). 84 Höch. This Carolyn Lanchner. no. 219-20. In the article.” in Montage and Modern Life. and the common practice among graphic artists of cutting-up and/or reconfiguring photographs to manipulate and enhance advertising imagery and journalistic reportages. 83 Lavin. 220. “Later Adventures of Dada’s ‘Good Girl’: The Photomontages of Hannah Höch after 1933. Russia and Germany. Höch mentions Switzerland. In 1921 her photomontage of a carnivorous potted plant leaning over a dinner plate was published by Ullstein as an “April Fool’s joke” (Aprilscherze). “Unruly Daughters and Modernity: Irmgard Keun’s Gilgi-eine von uns.

Cut with the Kitchen Knife.demonstrates Höch’s ability to navigate between commercial and artistic production.” (An Ostrich-race which in 1907 could only be reconstructed by boldly retouching the photograph was honestly photographed this Summer [1925] and even filmed with all its ups and down. 87 Höch. 86 Lavin. Pictured in Lavin. and reportedly remained there only out of financial necessity. See also Ohff. the Dutch publisher Anthony ‘Tony’ Bakels. it also suggests that they could appreciate the increased veracity of unadulterated photographic and filmic reportage made newly possible through technical advances. distinguished between the commercial and journalistic use of photomontage and its fine art application when. die der Photograph im Jahre 1907 nur durch kühne Retouche konstruieren konnte. we must start without any preconceptions: most of all. however. 86 Later. 85 Höch dismissed her work at Ullstein as a Broterwerb (job-for-bread). würden im vergangenen Sommer nicht nur ehrlich photographiert. we must be open to the beauty of fortuity. Höch would earn significantly more as a graphic rather than fine artist throughout her career. 14 (April 1. for which freedom is the first prerequisite. The image was published on two occasions. Interestingly. While the 1921 version appears on a neutral blank background. in 1925. it nonetheless allowed her to successfully reconcile art and commerce. but not a lack of discipline. Here more than anywhere else. she would support herself by designing book-jackets. sondern auch mit allen Zwischenfällen . In addition. In 1932. the public had grown accustomed to images enhanced through photomontage. she began to work in a freelance capacity for her friend. “selbst die Straussennrennen. she spoke of “free-form photomontage” which she described as an art form that grew from the soil of photography.” (Meat-eating Plant) in Uhu (April 1925): 96. The same image was published again in 1925 as a “Fleischfressende Pflanzen.) This commentary implies that by 1925. 61. 85 33 . 43. Hannah Höch. however. The peculiar characteristics and its approaches have opened up a new and immensely creative field for a creative human being: a new magical territory. All in all. these beauties. The first time it was captioned “Interessante Neuwerbungen des Botanischen Gartens” (Interesting new acquisitions at the Botanical Garden) and was printed in BIZ 30. 160-61. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 87 Schweitzer.gefilmt. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Kurt Schwitters apparently liked Höch’s carnivorous plant so much that he reproduced the image as a postcard sometime in the 1920s. in 1934. the text addresses the theme of photographic manipulation: a fragment reads. 229n56. the plant is surrounded by text. 60. Even these newly discovered possibilities remain subjects to the laws of form and color. . “wherever we want to force this photomatter to yield new forms of discovery. Bakels and his wife Miek lived in Berlin until political developments forced them to leave in the late 1930s. 1921): 200. . Höch concluded by observing. no. however.

Dada represented and provided a voice of opposition when the leftist revolution was suppressed by the Weimar government.” MoMA. 113. Höch deployed the medium as an instrument of social criticism.” in Legacies of Modernism: Art and Politics in Northern Europe. to many. no. “Photomonteur: John Heartfield.. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 90 Gale. 89 The rise of Berlin Dada coincided with that of the radical political left.wandering and extravagant. and significantly informed and colored its production. Richard W. her emphasis on the beauty of fortuity and the enrichment of fantasy it made possible implied a different sensibility. 1 (1934). “Imagining the New Berlin: Modernism. no. 91 Like them. and Monika Žagar (New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Dada and Surrealism. 90 As Sabine Hake has observed. Höch and her Contemporaries: Aesthetic and Technique Hannah Höch foregrounded the artistic possibilities of the photomontage and clearly distinguished her creative intentions from those of her politically motivated colleagues. Höch’s unique sensibility is even more apparent when we consider her distinctive representation of the human figure. As will be discussed below. gains added significance when we consider that it was made during the fascist era when. Patrizia C. these Lavin. 220. and her minimal deployment of textual elements. 1890-1950. fantasy was an indispensable tool of subversion and survival. McBride. 135. the creative possibilities of “photomontage to thematize conflict and rupture” were immediately recognized and eagerly adopted by the German Dadaists to express their political agenda. obligingly enrich our fantasy. 91 Sabine Hake. McCormick. Mass Utopia. 88 34 . 13 (Winter-Spring 1993): 13. Höch’s statement appeared in the Czech magazine Stredisko 4. and especially her remark regarding “wandering and extravagant” fantasy. eds. 2007). and the Architectural Avant-Garde. 89 Magdalena Dambrowski.” 88 Höch’s statement. her unmediated technical practice. yet.

or 35 . While many of Höch’s photomontages are easily distinguished from those of her contemporaries. the large typographic elements in Höch’s photomontage Oz. The claustrophobic visual quality of ABCD is underscored by Hausmann’s alarmed. on occasion. one of which is his own name. For example. Hannah Höch’s associations with Dada and. his mother. Near the bottom of the image. he had lost both parents to suicide in 1920. at the time. der Tragöde (Oz. Hausmann’s ABCD suggests an anxious exploration of self and personal identity. the Tragic Actor) (1919) (fig. and Höch broke off her seven-year relationship with him in 1922. suggest that her oeuvre may be considered in relation to the work of those artists affiliated with these early-twentieth century artistic movements. Framed by typographic elements.8). Commonalities between the two works suggest a similar visual aesthetic. Surrealist Max Ernst (1891-1976).characteristics link Höch’s oeuvre to that of her acquaintance. 1. the early 1920s was a difficult emotional period for Hausmann. 1. a medical illustration depicting a cross-section of a female torso with two fingers penetrating a vaginal canal and pushing toward a uterus may simultaneously reference birth. Arguably. a closer comparison of Hausmann’s ABCD and Höch’s Oz reveals significant differences. However. Hausmann’s identification as a Dadaist anchored both his art and his concept of self. expression. which is understandable when one considers that Höch and Hausmann were intimately involved for seven years. with Surrealism. Hausmann’s face dominates the image. These bold acts of self-reference suggest that.7) are echoed in Hausmann’s ABCD (1923-24) (fig. yet frozen. to a lesser degree. they are almost interchangeable.

among Western European colonial powers.” exhibited on occasion with the Berlin Dadaists.9) 93 is easily linked to. The tight geometric patterning of Schwitters’ 1923 Merz collage Miss Blanche (fig. Dada and Surrealism. In addition to a dual-gendered figure. 153. pasted over with meaningless letters snipped from a cheap newspaper. an Antwerp native whose nickname was “Oz. and. Here. the dual hemispheres. While large typographic elements in Hausmann’s ABCD echo those in Höch’s Oz. 92 This photomontage attests to Höch’s pronounced interest in morphology and reiterates configurations in Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Yet the intensity of the filial or sexual intimacy that this image suggests is relativized by the two hemispheres of a globe pictured nearby. a visual cipher for spaces and lands to be conquered. and may have even Gale. Schwitters one-man-movement Merz was named after a fragment of the German Kommerzbank (Commerce-bank). Höch whimsically combines a female dancer’s body with a male head. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Höch’s Oz suggests playfulness and humor. in the lower right corner of the image. 121-22. 37. The head pictured is that of Grosz’s brother-in-law Otto Schmalhausen. Similarities between Höch’s oeuvre and that of her Dada-colleague Kurt Schwitters (1887-1949) are also evident. the globe was a symbol of expansion. Schmalhausen. Raoul Hausmann. Gale. Schwitters launched Merz 93 92 36 . suggest the rootless emotional state of the orphaned emigrant artist. unlike Hausmann’s anxiously self-referential image.intimate sexual relations. the body of a fat baby is capped by the tiny face of an old man. In her photomontage. 1. In the early decades of the twentieth-century. His version of Dada. another provocative composite. See also Lavin. Dada and Surrealism. the Tragic Actor.

Artist Hans Arp also worked in Höch’s studio while in Berlin in 1923. 37 . are easily distinguishable from theirs. Höch’s studio served as a meeting and storage place for a number of her colleagues who stuffed things under the slanted roof of her Büsingstrasse studio. Ausstellungs Katalog Städitisches Museum Kunstsammlung GelsenirchenBuer (Gelsenkirchen: Kunstsammlung. 97 Boswell. and as will be seen in George Grosz’s and John Heartfield’s Sonniges Land (Sunny Land) (1919) (fig. ed. See. phrases and letters to express anarchic or satirical political commentary. 1.” 22n3. see. Heinz Ohff. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. Indeed. the Dadaists generally in January 1919 after unsuccessful attempts to join the Berlin Dadaists. For a discussion of the Merzbau. neither Höch nor Schwitters ever allowed politics to overcome their aesthetic. Aller Anfng ist DADA!. He was excluded from the group because Huelsenbeck and especially Grosz were not convinced of his political commitment. Schwitters stored material and worked in Höch’s studio when he was in Berlin. Höch joined the Schwitters on vacation on the German island of Rügen in 1923. Elizabeth Burns Gamard. Kurt and his wife Helma were her good friends. 95 Schweitzer. viewed against the heavy-handed politicizing of her Berlin colleagues.inspired Höch’s Collage (Dada) (1922-24) (fig. which rely on visual instead of textual clues to convey meaning. 97 Words not Pictures: Language and Sexism? A penchant for the photomontage medium and a program of social criticism clearly links Höch to the Dadaists. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Kurt Schwitters’ Merzbau: The Cathedral of Erotic Misery (New York: Princeton university Press. 96 Höch also assisted Schwitters in the construction of his legendary Merzbau. 95 and in 1923. 96 Burmeister. Furthermore. 10.. hosted an artistic soirée there. While visiting Schwitters in Hanover. 2000). Hannah Höch: Ein Leben mit der Pflanze. 94 Burmeister. 46. an architectural installation in his own home which he began sometime between 1919 and 1923. 169. who routinely deployed words.11). 1978).10). Höch’s photomontages. As evident in Raoul Hausmann’s ABCD. Höch helped in the construction of two grottoes in his Merzbau sculpture. parallels between the two artists’ works are not surprising. 94 A Hanover native. Yet. 170. However. “Hannah Höch: Through the Looking Glass. 1.

1995). his brother. Van Doesburg came into contact with the German Dadaists through his close friend Kurt Schwitters. Wieland Herzfelde. Til Brugman: Das vertippte Zebra. Van Doesburg’s Dada Poster is pictured in Gale (162). This common practice is evident in such diverse works as Hausmann’s Poéme phonétique affiche (1918). While these images often convey meaning. 101 Höch was trained as a graphic artist. Ivan Puni was a Russian Constructivist who moved to Germany during the 1920s to escape Soviet oppression. 102 While Höch’s original critique cannot be reconstructed. 157. 99 and Russian artist Ivan Puni’s watercolor La Fuite des Formes (1919). 101 In contrast. 98 Theo van Doesburg’s Dada Poster (1922). they disappear from her photomontages entirely by the mid-1920s. Dada and Surrealism. The significance of typography and language among male avant-garde practitioners. His watercolor La Fuite des Formes is pictured in Gale (160).” In his defense. 127. Nonetheless. 100 Gale. Hausmann rebuked what he felt to be an insult on her part. Gale.foregrounded textual elements in their images. 161. ed. they are on occasion unintelligible. “You think the woodcut is good except for the many letters. in a 1918 letter to her. and George Grosz. 102 See. 213n3. Dada and Surrealism. as correspondence suggests. Lyrik und Prosa (Berlin: Hoho Verlag Hoffmann. with rare exceptions. as were John Heartfield. This suggests that if Höch intended to express political or social messages in her work. the primacy of letters and textual fragments in these images emphasize the aesthetics of typography: an indication that a number of the Dadaists were formally trained and professionally active in the graphic arts. Hausmann explained. 160. Höch deployed textual elements only minimally and. and despite her formal training as a graphic artist. and wrote. was a contentious issue between Höch and Hausmann. Marion Brandt. these were not to be literally conveyed. Dada and Surrealism. 100 all of which are comprised solely of letters.. “The Two of these Poémes are pictured in Gale. 99 98 38 .

vol. 1977). Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage (Berlin: Kunstlerarchiv der Berlinische Galerie. 394. 292313. and. in the process. 196. and relatedly. Carol Duncan.” See also. of the culture. The inherent paternalism of language was thematized by Jacques Lacan. Sheridan (London: Tavistock. but also using them to support his claim of artistic superiority based on the culture of language. 2 vols. 39 . eds. See also Jacques Lacan. “Virility and Domination in early-twentieth-century Vanguard Painting. 132. language removes the child from his mother and substitutes this bond with the law of the father.” 103 Here. Hence. Ostfildern-Ruit: Hatje Cantz. Sandra M. Hausmann’s emphasis on “der ‘kleine’ Unterschied. Perry writes.” 106 This 103 Schweitzer. 105 Gill Perry. Gilbert and Susan Gubar. (New Haven: Yale University Press. Cites letter from Hausmann to Höch. A. 1982). As feminist scholars maintain. . London: The Open University. May 5.” in Norma Broude and Mary D. trans. 106 Faltesjskova. 1995). Gender and Art (New Haven: Yale University Press. et al. he ‘masculinizes’ language by symbolically equating it with the male sex. the pre-oedipal child is not yet formed as subject and identifies with the mother as one. 49. 104 Furthermore. Eliot and the Gender Dynamics of Modernism (New York: Routledge. No Man’s Land: The Place of the Woman Writer in the Twentieth Century. Djuna Barnes. reproduced in Eberhard Roters. 1988). 105 Literary theorist Monika Faltesjskova writes.” 18. makes no effort to conceal—indeed he uses--this very argument to rationalize his sexism. Garrard. Hausmann was not only defending his aesthetic choices. 1. early twentieth-century European modernism was clearly gendered masculine. The War of the Words. The interruption of this unity comes in the form of speech from the father. 2010).Dadaist uses letters because he wants to distinguish himself from typography that is purely mechanically-generated . I. 1918.” in Écrits: A Selection. “Engendering Modernism. “The modernist redefinition of culture was a strongly selective process of an exclusionary nature and as such was often conducted in the form of sex war metaphors.S. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. “The Mirror Stage as formative of the function of the I. 104 Monika Faltesjskova. T. and call attention to this ‘small.’ difference that is ‘larger’ in realm of art. According to Lacan. Schrankenlose Freiheit. “Despite their technical radicalism. Feminism and Art History: Questioning the Litany (New York: Harper and Row. der eben in der Kunst ‘grosser’ ist. vol.” or “the ‘small’ difference” that is clearly ‘larger’ in the realm of art. many forms of avant-garde practice in fact perpetuate and privilege a predominantly masculine or patriarchal value system. .” clearly references a popular German expression used to describe the anatomical difference between men and women. 227. 1999).

388n19. The 1920 Dada Fair and Höch’s Cut with the Kitchen Knife Höch’s 1919 photomontage Schnitt mit dem Küchenmesser Dada durch die letzte weimarer Bierbauchkulturepoche Deutschlands (Cut with the Kitchen Knife Dada through the last Weimar Beer Belly Cultural Epoch of Weimar Germany) (fig. images of bearded women were deployed in the Weimar media as an intimidating and powerful anti-feminist tool. Schweitzer. as Antje Olivier observes. instead. In these publications.suggests that Hausmann’s comments were both symptomatic and representative of the sexism embedded in the misogynistic rhetoric of the modernist avant-garde that sought to diminish and exclude women. he made sure that it was misspelled.” 107 As Cara Schweitzer remarks. Even though he supported her at times. and sexist term for “female painters”) were often portrayed standing next to easels sporting beards and wearing men’s clothing. 17. disrespectful. with regard to women artists. Malweiber (a derogatory.” 88. they would mutate into men. continue my analysis of Höch’s Dadaera photomontages and those of her contemporary colleagues. 1. If they should ever achieve anything beyond being a dilettante. 40 . As will be seen in a later chapter. However.” 108 Because the misogyny of the early twentieth-century European avant-garde will be more thoroughly addressed later. “Die Sammlung gehört in die Charité. sexism and “misogynistic attitudes” (frauenfeindliche Haltung) were even evident in progressive contemporary art journals such as Simplicissmus and Jugend. Hausmann was jealous of Höch’s professional success and that “whenever Höch’s name was included in a Dada publication. the message was “clearly aimed at discrediting them.12) is one of the 107 108 Olivier. Schrankenlose Freiheit. I will forego an extended discussion here and.

it represents a baseline for examining Höch’s continued critical engagement with gender stereotypes. The Dada-Fair brought together the Berlin Dadaists Hausmann. 110 Meyer-Büser. Otto Burchard. exacted revenge in the exhibition catalogue by writing that Höch and Hausmann were the Dolls “parents. 72. 1920. Rudolf Schlichter and Otto Dix also participated in the exhibition. that her work was shown. Johannes Baargeld. to support the project and provide an exhibition venue. Die Andere Seite des Mondes. 109 An incident leading up to the Dada Fair demonstrates the blatant sexism of her colleagues at that time. is significant to her oeuvre in other ways. One of her earliest collages. John Heartfield (18911968) and George Grosz (1893-1958) initially refused to let Höch be in the show. the organizers of the Dada Fair. Grosz’s works dominated the show. who threatened to withdraw from the exhibition if they did not allow her to participate. 111 Schweitzer. it was only due to the efforts of Hausmann. The exhibition ran from June 30 through August 25. Höch. Cut with the Kitchen Knife hung prominently at the 1920 Dada-Fair and not only represents the artist’s hard won participation in the activities of the Berlin Dadaists. Höch was represented in the show with eight works. as will be seen. The initiative and organization of the Dada-Fair largely reflected the efforts of George Grosz who convinced Burchard. Heartfield and Grosz. Grosz. 75. and Hans Arp. 109 41 .” 111 Intended primarily to humiliate Hausmann. their sarcastic remarks also rather cruelly alluded to Höch’s terminated pregnancies. Schrankenlose Freiheit. but. a legendary 1920 exhibition held in a backroom of the Berlin gallery owned by Dr. Wieland Herzfelde and his brother John Heartfield with the Cologne-based Max Ernst. 110 Ultimately.artist’s best known works. Unsurprisingly. Cut with the Kitchen Knife was included in the Erste Internationale Dada Messe (First International Dada Fair). Höch’s deployment of industrial imagery and her irreverent depictions of powerful men in this collage once Schweitzer. 275. Francis Picabia. However. a dealer who specialized in Chinese porcelain. Schrankenlose Freiheit.

As stated. which will be discussed later. politics.14). Da-Dandy. While Cut with the Kitchen Knife visually references an array of female types such as actresses. Indeed. 1. Cut with the Kitchen Knife is easily linked to other Höch photomontages. such as Die Mädchen (The Girls) (1921) (fig. and current events. Tamer (1930). and taken together provide a context with which to frame other works. and Die Mädchen. fashion. erotic appreciation of the female body. and/or commodified female body and clearly anticipate later works such as Sweet One (1926). Höch’s works resonate with diverse popular themes such as dance. subtle differences. she had access to numerous magazines. 1. English Dancer (1928). Photomontages from Höch’s Dada-and early Weimar-era oeuvre. 1. emphasize the sexualized. set her work apart from theirs. eroticized.again have much in common with the work produced by the other Dadaists. and her unique treatment of the human figure. often the primary difference between Höch’s early and late 42 . Höch’s photomontages Dada-Ernst (Dada-Serious) (1920-21) (fig. industry. Hannah Höch’s photomontages were comprised largely of images gleaned from the mainstream media and reflected the publications at Ullstein press where. Yet. Furthermore. these photomontages indicate a critical engagement with reproductive rights and the commodification of women’s bodies. in some cases. such as Höch’s use of textual elements.13) and Da-Dandy (1919) (fig. dancers. attest to her aesthetic and. and the graphic artist and teacher Käthe Kollwitz (1867-1945). and Liebe (Love) (1931) that will be the focus of this dissertation. as will be seen. Russian Dancer (1928).15). Unsurprisingly. women were even more prominently featured in her later works. as an employee.

their photomontages often have the appearance of commercial advertisements gone awry. Collage.Weimar oeuvre is the clarity and salience of their visual narratives: after 1926. and technique. places these works solidly within 112 Taylor. 1.” she continues. . 43 . “The reliance on words.11). 41. or complete a narrative meaning . extraneous visual elements such as peripheral figures. As Lora Rempel observes. and Heartfield and Grosz’s collaborative work. 112 Höch’s Berlin colleagues redeployed graphic elements from popular print culture. In Sonniges Land dozens of textual references in the form of political headlines dominate the image. and technical disparities between Höch’s photomontages and those of her Dada colleagues can be exemplified by examining two previously mentioned 1919 works: Höch’s Cut with the Kitchen Knife. a closer comparison of the two works reveals key differences based on content. Salient thematic. consumer objects. or industrial imagery increasingly fall away. superimposed slogans and captions are often all that separate the collages of Höch’s male colleagues from straight photographs. and because of this. compositional. . Sonniges Land (Sunny Land) (fig. the visual crowding typical in Höch’s Dada-era oeuvre appears to mirror the work of the artist’s Berlin colleagues and reflect her early artistic affiliations with them. “to convey. While both photomontages include textual elements and human figures. iconography. This key distinction served to isolate and amplify themes which were often obfuscated by the visual clutter that characterized the artist’s earlier photomontages. Indeed. confuse. the year she met Brugman.

116 Karoline Hille. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. a number of Höch’s photomontages are untitled.the indexical. Constructivist. Höch’s Dada colleagues often deployed conventional representational formats. and De Stijl materials. 117 Furthermore. “The Anti-Body. 23. “Der Faden.” 157.” 159. der durch alle Wirrnisse das Leben hielt: Hannah Höch und Max Ernst. 117 The masculinist and misogynistic conflation of materiality and femininity runs like a thread through early twentieth-century avant-garde artistic manifestos and is evident in Futurist. more evocative. despite their blaring identification as radical avant-gardists. or were only given titles years after they were made. This practice renders Höch’s photomontages open to interpretation. “The Anti-Body.” 159. in a 1976 interview. “rarely does Höch employ textual language in her photomontages. Moreover. and. 101-02. zealous advocates of masculinist modernism strove to break away from figurative representation which they conflated with the inferior feminine principle. “The Anti-Body. her emphasis on imagery rather than language served to distance Höch even further from the sexist tenets of early twentieth-century avant-garde. With the exception of one cleanly severed head floating at an angle (a visual configuration that also evokes the millennial tradition of a monarch’s Rempel.” in Burmeister. that she did not rely on words to convey meaning but instead was more comfortable making her pronouncements and criticisms “through the medium of art. in contrast to her colleagues. Suzanne Page. 116 Höch’s reluctance to deploy text or to name her works enabled her to avoid the limitations automatically imposed when words are affixed to an image. 114 113 44 . 115 Rempel.” 115 Furthermore. Rempel. the figures in Grosz and Heartfield’s Sonniges Land appear much as they might have in a Weimar daily newspaper.” 113 However. symbolic realm of language. 1976).” 114 Höch herself claimed. Indeed. as a result. Hannah Höch (Berlin: Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz.

Höch’s Cut with the Kitchen Knife has one of the longest titles in the history of art. yet unlike her colleagues who often relied primarily on textual elements to convey their messages. while a smattering of political and cultural references in Cut with the Kitchen Knife were clearly intended to satirize aspects of Weimar society. they indicate that Höch too. ‘head-totoe’ or bust formats. the literary quality of Cut with the Kitchen Knife seems to end with its extended appellations that reference Dadaism.” as well as. and. Sie junger Mann. While one could hardly dispute the dynamic visual quality of the image. Sunny Land does not upset viewing conventions in the same way as Höch’s photomontages. to convey a message. Dada isn’t really art.” “Come along. like her cohorts. German words and phrases strewn throughout the image include (in translation) “Hey young man. Höch was perhaps also poking fun at her self-involved colleagues. Admittedly. “Invest your money in Dada!” 118 Along with an invitation to “Join the great anti-art movement dada.” (hey young man. Words and phrases randomly affixed to the montage appear to have been cut from Dada-generated rather than mainstream print materials.head on a coin) the figures in Sonniges Land appear in quotidian full-length. on occasion. Woven throughout the image. deployed textual elements for compositional purposes. Höch rarely engaged in self-promotion. 118 45 .” these directives reflect the noisy self-promotion and aggressive ‘marketing’ of the Dadaists. Dada ist keine Kunstrichting. “He He. which is underscored by rows of densely packed and obliquely placed headlines that disrupt horizontal reading practice. Unlike her colleagues. nor did she participate in The texts read. However. Dada is not an art movement) “Komm.” (C’mon) “Tretet Dada bei” (Join Dada) and “Legen Sie ihr Geld in Dada an!” (Invest your money in Dada).

” 119 46 . Baargeld’s pseudonym is derived from Bargeld. 141. Fernand Léger.” Gale claims it was chosen in mocking reference to his banker father. or the German word for “cash. In 1924. Beyond Berlin: Höch and her Contemporaries While Höch’s limited deployment of language clearly distinguishes her from the long-winded Berlin Dadaists. 119 Ernst’s 1920 collage Le Cygne est bien paisable (The Swan is quite Peaceful) (fig. she considered her fellow Dadaists as not unlike the horn-blowing politicians they themselves so vehemently disdained. This suggests that. In addition. a later focus of this study.1. 1. Born Alfred Grünwald.1). Typical Vertical Misrepresentation as a Depiction of the Dada Baargeld (fig. it is unclear to what extent she was familiar with the work of her Parisian contemporaries. 5. it aligns her more closely with the visually evocative practice of the Cologne-based artists Max Ernst and Johannes Baargeld (1892-1927).16) frames the heads of small children over an image of a biplane and.raucous public spectacles. combines images of modern technology with figural fragments. in some ways. Sonia Delaunay. the seamless elegance and disarmingly simple combination of a man’s head and a female torso in this image might easily have served as a template for Höch’s 1930 Tamer (fig. Höch visited Theo and Nelly van Doesburg in Paris and her notebook from this trip includes the addresses of Man Ray. similar to Höch’s contemporary photomontages. Dada and Surrealism. Like Ernst’s Swan. Baargeld’s 1920 self-portrait. Constantin Brancusi.17) is devoid of textual referents. Pablo Gale. While Höch was acquainted with the Cologne Dadaists. but was also a “teasing provocation in times of rampant inflation.

” Collage. 124 For a discussion of their personal and artistic relationship. Barr. and. Dada and Surrealism at the Museum of Modern Art curated by Alfred H. 120 Although. eds. the atelier of Tristan Tzara. Fotografie. 58. Moreover. but few. “Dadadame und Urfeministen. “Der Faden.. 123 As already stated. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Collage. 121 120 47 . of these interpretations reflect prevailing patterns of viewing and reading at the time” (emphasis mine). . to whom she gave a number of photomontages. Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. she testified to the “kinship she felt with Ernst: Through all phases of development. vol. 15. der durch alle Wirrnisse das Leben hielt. Schweitzer claims that Höch never met many of these artists. 202. and Max Ernst (who relocated to Paris in 1922). Schweitzer. 1. and Lanchner. Höch radically dismembered and reconfigured her graphic sources. Max Ernst 19501970 (New York: Abrams. 124 In 1951. one of these was later exhibited in New York in the legendary 1936 exhibition Fantastic Art. Karoline Hille. importantly. Werner Spies. Höch avowedly valued the work of this Cologne native.” in Burmeister. It began with Dada. 148. “Hannah Höch: Through the Looking Glass. . . 123 Taylor. 55-58. 46. 126 Taylor. 121 Among them were Brancusi’s. 100. see. Höch’s Collage (1920) was included in the exhibition. und Architektur. (1946-1978) (Berlin: Künstler-archiv der Berlinischen Galerie. 84-107. scenes ..18). this practice endows Ernst’s work with a pseudo-psychoanalytical effect. Jr. as in Jean Hatchet and Charles the Bold (1929) (fig. 2001).” in Ralf Burmeister et al. III. The Return of La Belle Jardinière. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. Spies has long maintained that discussions of Ernst’s oeuvre “have been somewhat lost under the weight of recent art historical scholarship which has tried to retrieve the psychoanalytical determinants of Ernst’s. Max Ernst was likewise drawn to Paris and forged a relationship with the French rather than German sensibility. However. “Max Ernst and Collage in Surrealist Paris.” 125 Both Höch and Ernst deployed mass-mediated materials.Picasso. as Taylor claims (57). Makela. . through Nelly and Theo van Doesburg she was able to visit a number of studios. unlike Ernst. 125 Boswell. 122 Maria Makela. which prominent Ernst scholar Werner Spies rejects. Emphasis Taylor. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. Dada and Surrealism. he has been my closest relative. 122 After 1920. if any. who later became a Paris-based Surrealist. 126 While the photomontages of Höch and Ernst suggest a related and on occasion comparable Gale.” in Boswell . who often utilized entire catalogue pages for his collages. 1971).

130 In contrast. 23-24. “The Anti-Body. While Ernst’s works. cadavre exquis requires a high degree of procedural rationality such as symmetrical folding and strict linear demarcation of heads. 69. Collage. 128 48 .aesthetic. 69. surprising visual configurations are revealed. 129 Taylor. 1.” 128 In this aspect. and legs.” 154. torsos. Ernst’s collages may be linked to a popular Surrealist parlor game. 129 Played by two or more. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 130 Taylor.19). as a result. Höch’s deployment of visual fragments shatters uncomplicated readings and instead suggests contingent and supplementary meanings. Höch did not adhere to these restrictions and. they ultimately “uphold the ruling tradition of rational. Generally the genus and scale of the figures generated rarely find semiotic resolution. each participant adds an element to a pre-folded sheet of paper that serves to conceal previous markings. Rempel. When the paper is unfolded. empirical vision and much that is concomitant with that way of seeing. Collage. often rupture the unity of an image. the cadavre exquis (exquisite corpse) (fig. However. her photomontages often disrupt the tenets of rational or empirical vision. 168n5. while the unconventional manner in which these images are generated suggests that the game was an extension of Dada-like practices. 127 Höch’s photomontages may be further distinguished from those of her Surrealist colleague in other ways. and especially his depictions of the human figure. Höch and the Human Hybrid Another way in which Höch’s representation of the figure differs from that of the more conventional representational modus of her Surrealist and Dada contemporaries is 127 Lavin.

” in Robert S. 5-6. provoke anxiety. The grotesque typically characterizes a class of imagery that does not fit comfortably within the boundaries traditionally set by aesthetics or art history. Formless: A User’s Guide (New York: Zone Books. The monstrous quality of figures that conjoin and/or cross gender and age in any Frances S.revealed in Cut with the Kitchen Knife by a number of petit grotesqueries embedded in its densely layered surface. 2003). 131 49 . relatedly. Connelly.. “Ugliness. 2001). it is an indicator of. eds. Das Groteske: Ein Medium des kulturellen Wandels (The Grotesque: A Medium for Cultural Transformation) (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag. hence. rupture the Enlightenment underpinnings of modernism to suggest those fears and anxieties inspired by what French Surrealist Georges Bataille characterized in 1929 as the informe (formless). 2003). 131 Both the grotesque and. 132 For an overarching discussion of these closely related concepts. the monstrous. Peter Fuss argues that although the grotesque is generally regarded with trepidation. Critical Terms for Art History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. early works such as Cut with the Kitchen Knife. ed. or that which falls beyond the boundaries of reason and control. 133 The disturbingly funny figures in Höch’s Dada-era photomontages are evident throughout her entire oeuvre and. including the aforementioned baby’s body topped with the face of a bearded man. see Nina AthanassogluKallmyer. and an active agent of cultural change. the abject. these grotesque figures are dismantled and recombined to create monstrous hybrids. Modern Art and the Grotesque (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. and relatedly. 291. and Da-Dandy. are easily linked to the artist’s collages well into the 1960s. 1997). the monstrous. 132 While the grotesque. their transgressive power generates new perspectives. 133 Peter Fuss. 12-14. Yves-Alain Bois and Rosalind Krauss. Much like the mechanical objects with which they are surrounded. Nelson and Richard Shiff. Die Mädchen. and a ballerina with three heads. See also.

Haakenson. and rejection of. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 2. Boswell.2) and foreshadow the artist’s 1963 Grotesque (fig. in leaving these evidentiary traces. a 1920s movement focused on the body (to be addressed at length in chapter two).20).” 137 Furthermore. Körperkultur (Body-culture). Running like a thread throughout Höch’s oeuvre. Patrizia C. Modern Art and the Grotesque. and Monika Žagar. Thomas O.” 102. See also. a practice which Thomas Haakenson attributes to her refusal to engage with “photographic artifice or to assume that visual representations conveyed truths. Höch never re-photographed her work. 135 134 50 . 136 Haakenson. Art. “Science. 1890-1950. The Dadaists generally rephotographed their photomontages to create a smooth and seamless surface. 135 In contrast. 134 Much like her handling of the human figure. eds. these grossly mismatched hybrids clearly anticipate photomontages such as Englische Tänzerin (English Dancer) (1928) (fig. McBride. Art. “Science. “Science.” in Legacies of Modernism: Art and Politics in Northern Europe. 2. and “Immediate Visual Perception. 14. “Höch reminded the viewer Connelly. 1.” 102 137 Haakenson. Höch’s technical practice also differed significantly from that of her colleagues.number of Höch’s Weimar-era images attests to a critical and sustained engagement with. Hannah Höch. Art. the cobbled figures in these works satirize beauty standards. Makela. and perennially confound the modern mania to impose classification. and Lanchner. he argues. demonstrates and confirms that Höch accepted and preferred “evidence of hand-cutting over the creation of a seamless image.” 136 This. and the Question of the Visible: Rudolph Virchow. 102. The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. 2007). disrupt social order. Richard W. Comic and horrific. McCormick.

Art. many future gender themes are already stated. Lavin. are highly personal images in which the artist even more boldly engaged with sexuality and gender. A boxer. 51 . 139 In Der Vater. 29. yet conjoins gender: the man’s head is connected to a woman’s torso. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. The artist polarizes. The dynamic centrifugal composition of Der Vater is anchored by a dual-sexed ‘father’ with an infant on his lap.” 138 Der Vater and Dada-Ernst: Höch and Female Sexual Agency Höch’s photomontages Der Vater (The Father) (1920) (fig. the figure’s twisted posture and unhappy expression suggests the burden of child-rearing then commonly perceived as a woman’s exclusive and primary duty. “Science. Höch was clearly disappointed with Hausmann. ironic distance and intimate identification. the largest of the figures surrounding the seated Father. His immobility contrasts sharply with the female dancers leaping joyously around him and supports Lavin’s observation that Höch’s images frequently oscillate between pleasure and anger. implicitly. 1. While feminine components and attributes serve to emasculate the male head. is the only figure that actively engages with the infant. suggests anger and frustration. extended by a pair of ill-fitting legs ending in fashionable high-heeled shoes.22) (an interestingly titled work of 1920-21).that her images had been manipulated and. of the material limitations of the medium of photography. 1.21) and Dada-Ernst (Dada Serious) (fig.” 102. coupled with the feminized and helplessly immobile Father. the boxer in The Father punches the baby on the cheek. he refused to leave his wife and 138 139 Haakenson. It also connotes an inability or a reluctance to assume a paternal role. This aggressive act. A symbol of heroic masculinity in Weimar.

the artist’s photomontage Dada-Ernst more definitively foregrounds the female body. it folds the image into much broader social issues. 141 140 52 .marry her when she became pregnant in 1916 and again in 1918. 6-9. and deflects from Höch’s personal experience and arguably her artistic intention. however. Cut with the Kitchen Knfe. and is implied by two gold coins positioned near the groin area configured by two female legs that dominate the image. 140 The commodification of women is also a central theme in Dada-Ernst. 6-9. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Die freudlose Gasse. 2009).” in Dada Women (Yale University Press. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Lavin writes that the theme of prostitution as a last-ditch chance for survival found expression in Georg Wilhem Pabst’s 1925 film. While this is an interesting suggestion. suggests violence. Höch created Dada-Ernst about a year before she finally broke off her relationship with Hausmann. she refused to bear them out of wedlock. Close examination of the image suggests that it is an expression of Höch’s growing independence and emotional and artistic maturity. The image. as Lavin observes. 141 Lavin argues that the coins suggest the runaway inflation of early Weimar and the looming threat of poverty. Höch was gainfully Lavin. yet also aligns the modern woman with signs of physical pleasure signaled by a gymnast and a dancer. 142 Did Höch embed a commentary on prostitution in Dada-Ernst? Perhaps she did. although Höch wanted to have children. in 1920-1921. rendered prostitution a frighteningly “real possibility” for many. alienation. Dada-Ernst engages with and articulates Höch’s interest in popular representations of women and prompts general questions concerning the mediated depiction of the female body. and anger. 6-9. at the time. See also Ruth Hemus. Another densely packed and personally resonant image. Dada’s Women. “Hannah Höch: The ‘good girl’ and the Dada club. starring Asta Nielsen and Greta Garbo. 109. 142 Lavin. which. Lavin. This played a decisive role in the artist’s subsequent childlessness.

no.” Central European History 6. there were 4.” 277. 145 and describes the image as “an allegory of pleasure and anger.” in Boswell. “A New Morality: Left-wing Intellectuals on Sexuality in Weimar Germany. and reiterates her reading. (Berkeley. “Unruly Daughters.” in Women in the Metropolis: Gender and Modernity in Weimar Culture. 8: “[C]lusters of allegorical fragments suggest violence. Also see.000 abortion-related convictions compared to an estimated yearly total of 800. ed. 147 Kosta. and anger. alienation. 1. 143 53 .” See also. Kirche: Weimar Women at Work. no. Höch’s Dada-Ernst more powerfully suggests themes of sexual agency and reproductive rights. Katharina von Ankum. 107. 6.” 146 Lavin. Lavin writes that the juxtaposition of metal with flesh is violent and potentially anger-producing in the feminine viewer. (Jan. “Beyond Kinder. 143 Instead. “Chronology. an unmarried and sexually active woman. “The Misogynist Machine: Images of Technology in the Work of Hannah Höch. 145 Lavin. 1997). was painfully aware of the contemporary discrepancy between a “liberalized awareness of the body and female sexuality” and the unavailability of contraceptives which “lagged far behind sexual practice. 147 Höch obtained the first of two abortions in May 1916 and the second in January 1918. 148 Kristin Makholm. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. who discusses the double-standard in the enforcement of paragraph 218 in Weimar Germany. 1990): 74. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.” 146 Dada-Ernst may reference the artist’s two unwelcome pregnancies (suggested by the two coins?) and the trauma of their subsequent termination through illegal and potentially fatal procedures. Küche.” 277. 148 Lavin ventures that the work’s title may reference her colleague Max Maria Makela. Paragraph 218 criminalized the intentional termination of pregnancy and Weimar women were subject to “immense dangers of back alley abortions. Los Angeles. London: University of California Press. 2 (June 1973): 148-66. “Unruly Daughters. 6.000 abortion procedures.employed and poverty did not represent an issue of pressing personal concern. The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. An employee of Berlin’s Ullstein Press as a graphic artist in the late 1910s and early 1920s “she not only supported herself and her lover [Hausmann] with her salary as a handiwork designer. Willem Melching. In 1920-1921.” 144 Kosta.” Journal of Contemporary History 25. as will be seen. she simultaneously produced prodigious amounts of artwork and maintained her own apartment in Berlin. 187-88. Renate Bridenthal. Höch..” 144 In her discussion of Dada-Ernst.

151 See.” New German Critique 51 (Autumn 1990): 113-36. Carl Einstein launched the periodical Der blutige Ernst (Bloody Serious). they suggest a nod to the pugilist’s contemporary popularity among Weimar’s avant-garde artists. Their combative physicality. a partially draped heraldic figure blowing a trumpet balances a vase of flowers located on the other side of the collage. critic and writer. 151 Dada-Ernst incorporates other noteworthy iconographic signs. two boxers closely engage in physical struggle. if tied at all to Dada activities. is also plausibly linked to the magazine Der blutige Ernst. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. the title of which. In 1919. to be discussed extensively in connection with Weimar sexology and endocrinology. 221n12. 6. a large bow-like technical object is positioned near the woman’s open legs to suggest the invasiveness of a surgical tool. themes of conception and violence are closely intertwined in this image. much like an illegally terminated pregnancy in Weimar. Moreover. hovering above a heavy wooden cross (a Christian symbol reminiscent of a grave-marker). David Bathrick. much like the aggressive boxer in the artist’s 1920 photomontage Der Vater. 150 Indeed. The similarity of this mysterious oversized object with Lavin. In the center of Dada-Ernst. and foreshadow Höch’s later engagement with the legendary Max Schmeling in her 1931 photomontage The Strong Men (fig. Gale. Along the length of Dada-Ernst’s left side. Both iconographic elements are common in Northern Renaissance Nativity and Annunciation images and suggest the interrelated themes of childbirth and conception. “Max Schmeling on the Canvas: Boxing as an Icon of Weimar Culture.4). Dada and Surrealism. 149 yet Höch’s punning use of the German word Ernst (grave and/or serious). The publication regularly featured cartoons by George Grosz. 8.Ernst. translates as Bloody Serious. allegorizes the intensity and violence of passionate sexual exchange. In the background of Dada-Ernst. 126. 150 149 54 .

when she was conceptualizing Dada-Ernst. Frauen in Not (Women in Need). pictured as a photograph in a 1928 police manual and later reproduced as a drawing in Hirschfeld’s 1931 publication Sexualkunde (Sexual Science) (fig. This letter appealed for more revolutionary aims: for commitment to a radical aesthetic and social changes and closer alignment of the artist with the average worker. Dada’s Women. which prohibited abortion.” 153 Höch was committed to women’s issues and participated in the 1931 Berlin exhibition. “She [Höch] participated in numerous exhibitions of the November Group but also maintained a critical stance. 154 At a time when reproduction was increasingly controlled and E. The image was later replicated as a slightly altered drawing in. Käthe Kollwitz played a large role in the organization of this Berlin exhibition and formally launched the show with an opening speech. 642-43. The instruments. It effectively criticized the group’s stance as having become too commercial and too concessionary to bourgeois norms. strengthen these associations. Dr.contemporary Abtreibungsinstrumente (Abortion Instruments). 152 Höch was obviously painfully familiar with such tools. Höch stated that. 341. experiences that may have inspired her to integrate an overt or subtle attack on paragraph 218 of the German penal code. Encyklopädie der Kriminalstik. Polizei-und Verwaltungsbeamte. vol. Magnus Hirschfeld. Dada-Ernst may also be read as a larger political statement that addresses a woman’s right to control her reproductive fate. much like the strange bowlike object in Höch’s collage. 4. Schrankenlose Freiheit. signing an open letter to the Group published in Der Gegner (The Opponent) in 1920. was intended to raise public awareness and garner support for the legalization of abortion. as previously noted. 153 Hemus. P. which. 1928). 101-02. A photograph of these instruments is prominently pictured in Wulfflen as a double-page spread. 146-49. 1930). 1. Wulffen. Mediziner und Pädagogen (Encyclopedia of Criminalogy: A Handbook for Jurists. Although first and foremost a highly personal image. she too “lived in a very conscious political way. Langenscheidt.22). Frauen in 152 55 . From the outbreak of the First World War.” 154 Schweitzer. Police and Government Officials) (Berlin: Dr. connoted illegal and dangerous medical procedures. Der Sexualverbrecher: Ein Handbuch für Juristen. Bilderteil of Geschlechtskunde auf Grund dreissigjähriger Forschung und Erfahrung bearbeitet (Stuttgart: Julius Püttmann.

” 155 this eye disrupts and counteracts these obvious associations. Frauen in Not represented a bold show of organized political resistance. 297. Emily Apter and W. (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press). While the position of the eye suggests the “beaver-shot” (a staple of pornographic imagery) in which the dominant trope is “the disappearance of the woman’s face or for that matter. In contrast to Gustave Courbet’s L’Origine du Monde (1868) (fig. 173. In addition. “The Legs of the Countess. Not featured the work of a number of prominent international male and female artists. themes that would soon become central to Höch’s oeuvre. Höch’s substitution of the vagina with a large eye that ‘looks back’ and obstructs the unimpeded objectification of the woman’s sex. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. a number of references to the female body in Dada-Ernst signal an increasing engagement with gender and sexuality. the rest of her body. implies the artist’s growing disillusionment with her self-centered lover. 56 . even more so than Höch’s laconic commentary on Hausmann’s inability to assume paternal responsibility in Der Vater. Burmeister.restricted by eugenically-inspired Nazi mandates. in effect transforms a sexually passive female body into an active subject. 1. commissioned by the Turkish diplomat Khalil Bey for erotic delectation. The theme of sexuality in Dada-Ernst is most strongly suggested by a prominent eye placed between the two legs near the center of the image. Furthermore. eds.23). the likelihood that Dada-Ernst was at least in some measure an expression of Höch’s sexual agency and her growing emotional independence is further supported by the eye’s tradition as an iconographic staple in apotropaic imagery primarily meant to frighten men. Pietz. 155 Abigail Solomon-Godeau.” in Fetishism as Cultural Discourse. See also. Dada-Ernst.

31 (January 1931): 5. More recently Francesca Woodman’s (1958-1981) placement of a mask at the pubis in a series of 1977-79 photographs diverts and returns the viewer’s gaze. “Medusa and the Female Gaze. Lawlor claims that the etymological basis of the term Sheela-na-gig cannot be traced.24). 1. along with the related eyes of the mythical Medusa. in Dada-Ernst. 1-12. 1. with the spread of patriarchal culture and resultant loss of women’s status and her sexual objectification. Sheela-na-Gigs are ancient high-relief style stone carvings which were re-set onto later façades that replaced earlier churches or pagan places of worship. no. Her use of female genitalia differs in significant ways from that of Ernst. Lawlor. H. Barbara Freitag. 217.” 218. the vagina was increasingly depicted more in an erotic or pornographic context. as “antidote[s] to the male gaze. Sheela-na-Gigs: Unravelling an Enigma (London: Routledge. Images of Lust: Sexual Carvings on Medieval Churches (New York: Routledge.” 157 As Susan R. vol. 2004). 156 57 . they are “often undatable. Yet.” Generally.Historically. 158 Bowers.25) is steeped in esoteric alchemical references. 2 (Spring 1990). “Medusa.C. Les Hommes n’en Sauront Rien (Of this Men Shall Know Nothing) (1923) (fig. and an avenue of women reclaiming their own sexuality.’” Man. yet A post-Romanesque era Sheela-na-Gig style carving of a woman holding and exposing her genitals is located at Marienhafe. 156 Feminist scholars characterize these figures.” NWSA Journal 2. Bowers. the conflation of the vagina with the eye “demonstrate[s] how the same image that has been used to oppress women can also help set them free.” 158 Höch’s bold appropriation of a theme which had long been depicted by men radically disrupted cultural tradition. 157 Susan R. See. Höch may have known of this object. spiritual leaders deployed vaginal imagery to incite respect and fear in their enemies. the eye functions much like a talisman and suggests the vaginal imagery of the mysterious Sheela-na-gig figures found throughout Northern Europe (Fig. in Ostfriesland Germany. Anthony Weir and James Jerman. 1986). See also. the eyes in Woodman’s photographs suggest the apotropaic gaze of the Medusa and the mysterious Sheela-na-gig.” While they are generally found on medieval buildings. “Two typical Irish ‘Sheela-nagigs. whose painting. Bowers observes. vestiges of pagan cults. later.” [or] “protective talismans. Sheela-na-gig figures may be “ancient goddesses. Similar to Höch’s Dada-Ernst. See also. however.

the ‘vaginal’ eye in Dada-Ernst is a masterful and remarkable addition that subverts and “reverses the viewer’s searching gaze” so that he or she For a discussion of this painting.’” Burlington Magazine 117. 866 (May 1975): 292-297+299. which. Geoffrey Hinton. 154. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. in general. 159 During the 1920s. and the cockeyed gaze of the protagonist in her 1928 photomontage English Dancer (fig. However. no.” 161 a situation exemplified by the mismatched eyes in Höch’s Da-Dandy (1919).2). As Lavin has observed. than their female counterparts. perhaps an early signal of the artist’s budding sexual independence. unlike the frustrated or disoriented eyes in these works.” 161 Lavin. and in particular her sexual organs. In addition. 159 58 .” These eyes lack a controlling gaze and often suggest “a subjective position that is frustrated or disoriented. was critically significant in lesbian representation--the eye in Dada-Ernst emphasizes the gaze. Much like a talismanic eye −or like a monocle. 160 For a discussion of male artist’s representations of female nudity as a cultural reflection of masculinist privilege. its presence resists (visual) penetration. Duncan. a single lens worn as a visual aid. see. male artists were more readily sanctioned to represent a woman’s nudity.clearly suggests an abstract and highly symmetrical depiction of sexual intercourse and foregrounds what appears to be a vagina penetrated by a penis. Despite its placement between a woman’s legs. “Virility and Domination. Höch’s depiction of vaginal imagery comprised a remarkable and groundbreaking proto-feminist act. see. as will be shown. Höch’s emphasis on female genitalia in Dada-Ernst suggests the symbolic reappropriation of her own physically ravaged femininity. 2. “Max Ernst: ‘Les Hommes n’en Sauront Rien. 160 Thus. the eyes of women in Höch’s photomontages “draw attention to vision. and problematize its representation.

a critical point to be discussed later. 165 For related comments regarding actor Eric von Stroheim’s monocle. 1989). as we have seen. 163 Hausmann was nearly blind from childhood in his left eye. the power of this visual constellation has retained its impact. Lucy Fischer. Hannah Höch. 216-18. “Erinnerungen an DADA: Ein Vortrag 1966. In this aspect. who generally sported this form of visual correction. Schrankenlose Freiheit. including Conrad Felix-Mueller’s 1920 painted portrait. the similarity between this salient detail and Woodman’s series Providence Rhode Island (1976) is striking: See also 163 162 59 . 166 As stated. despite these masculinist associations. Soldiers—and especially ranking superiors--are generally depicted wearing monocles. Museumspädagogischer Dienst. active looking. as a photograph of German actor and silent-film villain Eric von Stroheim confirms (fig. see. the single eye in Dada-Ernst also strongly suggests a woman’s appropriation of scopic power. 162 Indeed. 166 Both the single eye and Hemus. The “Kriegsnummern” [War Issues] of the Lustige Blätter magazine published from 1914-1918.” Film History 6 (Winter 1994): 522-34. 109.V. Extant contemporary images of Hausmann. See also. her ca.” in Berlinische Galerie e. are a case in point. a love story: Von Stroheim.9). and. eds.becomes its object. 1. and independent sexual agency. The single eye’s suggestion of the monocle in Dada-Ernst may have been meant to lampoon the artist’s soon-to-be ex-lover Raoul Hausmann (fig. 1889-1978: Ihr Werk. Dada’s Women. “Enemies. ihre Freunde (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. women and World War I. depict him with a monocle. 201. “Der Maler” is reprinted in English translation in Lavin. Dada-Ernst also anticipates the artist’s emphasis on the eye in her 1928 photomontage Russian Dancer (fig.26). ihr Leben. 165 However. 1.” 164 The monocle was an important Weimar accessory synecdochic with patriarchal and military power. Cornelia Thater-Schulz and Armin Schulz. 21. as Höch was to remark. despite the impending menace of physical violation suggested by the large technical instrument and by the tip of a pointed cap from below. 164 Schweitzer. Certainly Höch was not beyond poking fun at Hausmann. 1920 short prose narrative “Der Maler” (The Painter) is generally recognized as a satire of Hausmann. “I think he was born wearing a monocle. the eye in Dada-Ernst boldly returns the observer’s view and thwarts sexual objectification of the female body. Hannah Höch. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 2.1).

Even more so than Da-Dandy. While this photomontage may be a response to the inequities Höch suffered at the hands of Hausmann and her sexist Dada colleagues. it seems also to have initiated a series of images in which she began to engage seriously with feminist issues. Marjorie Garber. While Hirschfeld does not discuss this.the monocle emphasize the act of looking. Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing and Cultural Anxiety (New York: Routledge. in Weimar. “Das Monokel als erotischer Fetisch. such as the artist’s Da-Dandy and Die Mädchen (The Girls). 167 A close examination of Dada-Ernst reveals therefore a dark and disturbing narrative. Neumann closes his discussion with the following words: “The ladies that wear monocles fall into an emancipated group.7) conflates objects of adornment and the female body and signals a growing engagement with the commodification of women. see. other contemporary photomontages that foreground women. 1..” Translation mine. In these alluring images. K. 152-55. But. Höch revisited the theme of the eye several years later in her 1965 collage Strauss (Bouquet). Hannah Höch: Ein Leben mit der Pflanze. 6-7.” (“The monocle as an erotic Fetish”) Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft 1.6) references dance and mobility and depicts a number of young women engaged in physical activity. 167 R. which. Neumann. The Lighter Side of the New Woman: Höch’s Da-Dandy and Die Mädchen In contrast to Dada-Ernst. 60 . Ohff. was a popular lesbian accoutrement. Höch explored fashion and feminine beauty. appear more lighthearted. perhaps unsurprisingly. the monocle became a recognized sexual fetish in Wilhelmine Germany and. Höch’s 1919 photomontage Da-Dandy (fig. Die Mädchen (The Girls) of 1921 (fig. 10 (January 1915): 393. are either homosexual. nr. by the 1920s. For a discussion of the monocle as a sexual fetish and lesbian accessory. I have observed several pictures of homosexuals [both male and female] wearing monocles in his publications. and the few with which I am acquainted. 1992). ed. 1. one that suggests Höch’s growing frustration and anger. or live in companionate marriages with men. an image that emphasizes the eye/gaze yet conflates it with her well-documented love of gardening. was a privilege associated with the patriarchal gaze.

169 168 61 .which largely confines its imagery to women’s faces and extremities. Die Mädchen foregrounds Höch’s fascination and aesthetic appreciation of the female body. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. All objects that Höch herself may have desired. upscale and flamboyant. Much like the artist’s Cut with the Kitchen Knife of the same year. and the close-ups of their accessories clearly reflect a way of seeing inspired by the new medium of film. to a large degree. “Das statische und das dynamische Bild: Hannah Höch und der Film. an Lavin. one in which Höch was clearly interested. Lavin. a ring and gold bracelets. 37. fancy shoes. As Lavin has observed.” Museums Journal 14 (July 2000): 11. 170 Höch loved going to the movies and was a member of both the Rotterdam and Berlin sections of the Filmliga (Film-group). albeit in different ways. 170 Ralf Burmeister. these accoutrements signaled superior economic status and. Da-Dandy is dominated by female figures and hence. the title of which conjoins the words “Dada” and “Dandy. However. as Lavin points out. pearls. cinema was a new medium. sarcastically references the vanity of her colleagues. who considered themselves superior to women and belittled Höch’s artistry. 169 At the time. also evokes the “twenties version of a female dandy.” 168 Da-Dandy foregrounds the more pleasurable aspects of contemporary female commodification and feminine beauty. 37. The visual repetition of the figures in Da-Dandy. Da-Dandy’s depiction of fragmented images of fashionable women suggests an overlapping film montage. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. the social position of the women who wore them. The fashionable and expensive accessories pictured in it include turban-like hats. the use of text. Höch’s Da-Dandy.” again pokes fun at the Dadaists.

” Höch’s 1923-25 photomontage Die Kokette (The Coquette) is pictured in the catalogue (30). Florence Henri. Germaine Krull. film. Vienna. 175 Schweitzer.” 10. 174 Gustav Stoz et al. Otto Umbehr (Umbo). 1929: repr. Maurice Tabard. 174 including Russian Dancer and Da-Dandy. Hans Richter. John Heartfield. Die Kokette. Herbert Bayer. at the bidding of her friend. Lebenscollage. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 135. who discusses Maholy-Nagy’s role in Höch’s participation. Das Schöne Mädchen. See also.. Edward Weston. Negerplastk.” while her Dada-era partner Raoul Hausmann described the medium as “static film. Tokyo. Moholy-Nagy. Schweitzer. Francis Brugière. and. and filmmakers. Die Gymastiklehererin. Launched in Stuttgart in May. See also Burmeister. Kurt Schwitters. and her first name is misspelled as “Hanna.” 172 Indeed. Boswell. Cecil Beaton. Höch removed Russian Dancer. 175 171 Burmeister. El Lissitzky. the Fifo travelled to Zürich. Danzig. Two works are listed as Portraits. photomontage artists. Agram. and six other photomontages from the show so they could be exhibited in the Fall of 173 229n1. Der Dandy (possibly Da-Dandy). “Through the Looking Glass. and photomontage were so close culturally that artists working with these media often shared exhibition venues. Höch agreed and exhibited 17 photomontages. George Grosz. Photomontages were contributed by Marianne Brandt. 172 62 . New York: Arno Press. Works identified with titles include Russische Tänzerin. Jan Tchichold. Schrankenlose Freiheit.. during the 1920s. André Kertész. Photographers included Berenice Abbot. and Osaka.” 10..international European collective that supported independent film practice free of commercial interests. 2. Lajos von Ébneth. Amerika balanciert Europa. “Das statische und das dynamische Bild. The catalogue does not list all of Höch’s works by name. photography. 171 Höch clearly recognized the similarities between the two media and characterized photomontage as “a close neighbor of film.” 10. “Das statische und das dynamische Bild. Die Soubrette. Anton Bruehl. Before Fifo left Stuttgart. Renger-Patsch. Bürgerliches Brautpaar. Film und Foto (Stuttgart. 1979). Eugene Atget. Von Oben. Paul Outerbridge. 173 Initially reluctant to participate in the Fifo. Held in Stuttgart. artist László Moholy-Nagy. in July 1929. 62-63. the most prominent example of which was the exhibition Schau der Deutschen Werkbunds Film und Foto (Exhibition of the German Film and Photo Workers Alliance) (FiFo). George de Hoyningen-Huené. vol. Die Sängerin. and Edward Steichen. and another as a Fotomonage. See also Burmeister et al. Man Ray. Karel Tiege. Höch is identified in the Fifo catalogue as a resident of Den Haag. 118-119. Vagabunden. the May 1929 Fifo brought together the work of international photographers. Der Vater.

176 The many visual references to movement in Die Mädchen are underscored by a car pictured in the lower left corner. unlike Fifo. the car became a cipher for freedom and independence and a requisite accessory of liberated and wealthy Weimar New Women. 14. and German Modernity (New York: Oxford University Press. 178 Rempel. Like them. Höch’s focus on feminine physique is more apparent in her 1921 photomontage Die Mädchen. depicts an elegant woman at the wheel of a car. Body by Weimar: Athletes. they are shown in sports attire or bathing costumes. Schweitzer suggests that Höch’s decision to pull works for another show was a financial one. “The Anti-body. Höch has rapidly gained in art historical status. 177 Höch’s ‘fluid’ sexual identity? Hannah Höch’s status as the “least known member” 178 of the “loosely federated short-lived Berlin Dada movement.” 155. 63 . While Fifo guaranteed international exposure. 177 Here. 2010). represented a chance for the artist to sell her work. see Eric N. Gender. later a cover illustration for the leading German fashion magazine Die Dame (July 1. female beauty and independence with fashion culture. 179 While in recent decades. 176 For a study of German Körperkultur. In addition. the 1925 Autoportrait (Self-portrait in Green Bugatti) of Polish artist Tamara de Lempicka (1898-1980) comes to mind. Like Da-Dandy. the Haag exhibition. the visual overlapping of figures in Die Mädchen also appears to have been inspired by cinematic techniques. The image. Jensen. before Heinz Ohff published a biography 1929 at the Galerie d’Audretsch in Den Haag. both Höch’s and Lempicka’s images conflate the automobile. a major trend celebrating the healthful benefits of outdoor exercise. the dynamism of these figures reflects Weimar Körperkultur (Body-culture).Whereas the visual fragments that dominate Da-Dandy are limited to depictions of women’s faces and their adorned extremities. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. The work celebrates popular representations of women and features three scantily clad figures engaged in dance. While very different. rather. 1929). other girls pictured in the photomontage are not fully dressed. 179 Lavin. The ultimate contemporary symbol of personal mobility.” is clearly undeserved.

vol. Adriani cites Höch’s characterization of her affair with Raoul Hausmann to Pagé as a “harte und schmerzliche Lehrzeit. Höch was undoubtedly in love with Hausmann.” 182 As we have seen. “Es ist eine Schreckliche Zeit für mich.” The Drama Review 18. and she herself characterized their relationship as a “difficult and painful learning experience. and Lanchner. Alexis. Lillian Faderman. “Necessity is the Invention of Lesbians. Linda Garber. 1981)..” (“It is a terrible time for me and I fear for my life. she finally ended the relationship in 1922. Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. Noreen Giffney. In a similar play on words. he hit Höch on several occasions. Sauer. “Chronology.” See also. 85n10. 1993). 356. Dada’s Women. Makela. Rempel. such a superficial assumption deserves reconsideration. p. April 8. With regard to Hausmann’s escalating physical abuse. Höch had two abortions: one in May 1916 and another in January 1918. 74. “A Visit to the Cabaret Dada.” 183 Makholm.” in The Lesbian Premodern. 27. Schrankenlose Freiheit. and Diane Watt. Johannes Baader was dubbed the “Oberdada” (the Chief-dada). Terry Castle. See also Lavin. she identified as heterosexual. 183 Fearing for her life at the hands of the abusive Hausmann. 1889-1978 (Stuttgart: Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Höch underwent two psychologically and physically traumatic abortions. 91-93. Paris-Berlin. turbulent.” in Boswell. Hannah wrote to her sister Grete. 181 180 64 .. However. while the ‘facts’ of Höch’s biography support this classification. Collagen: Hannah Höch. “The Anti-body. The Apparitional Lesbian: Female Homosexuality and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press. Michelle M. both before and after her relationship with Brugman. See. However. “Hausmann was violent. This letter is also cited in Burmeister. with whom she conducted a protracted and passionately sexual affair. eds. mildly stated. in 1926.”). Hemus. 1976. 185 For a discussion of phallocentric bias and the resultant assumption of heterosexuality unless proven otherwise. et al. 1918. 1. Surpassing the Love of Men (New York: Morrow. 53.” 155. 185 As a young woman. see. 1984). 187-92. “Interview mit Hannah Höch. Heinz Ohff. 1968). Susanne Pagé. ich komme aus der Todesangst nicht heraus. 182 Götz Adriani et al. 2011). 187-88.” in Hannah Höch. See also. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 2 (June 1974): 128. after she met Til Brugman. Mann. Hannah Höch (Berlin: Gebr. no. while with him. 30. 181 Höch’s affair with Hausmann was. 184 Höch’s affair with Hausmann and her marriage to Kurt Matthies during the war years suggest that. 184 Schweitzer. 180 she was best known as the partner of fellow artist Raoul Hausmann and self-proclaimed Dadasoph (a dada-play on the German word Philosoph or philosopher).of the artist in 1968. (New York: Palgrave MacMillan.

188 Höch and Matthies shared a love of travel and undertook a number of road trips. met Matthies in the autumn of 1935 while she was vacationing alone in the Dolomite Mountains and recuperating from an operation. but Brugman did not welcome the young man’s interest in her partner. By the time she returned. who had begun to grow weary of Brugman’s dominant personality. Höch had decided to leave her for Matthies. Brugman did not accept the situation passively and attempted to win Hannah back. Brugman and Höch remained friends. Brugman reluctantly agreed. and. a convicted pedophile who was castrated before the couple lived together. 1926. was often on the Letter. however.” 186 While Höch’s correspondence should be enough to convince any skeptic with regard to her shifting sexual orientation. Schrankenlose Freiheit. she was. Matthies visited Höch in Berlin. in April 1936. 241n17. and in May 1936. 202-12. Den Haag. 188 Schweitzer. unsuccessful. and in early 1936. 186 65 . was evidently companionate in nature. cited in Lavin. spent Christmas together in 1938 when Matthies and Höch were estranged. 189 During the 1930s. October 14. Höch. it is curious that she nevertheless married in 1938.Höch declared to her sister that she had “definitively finished the chapter men. and met sporadically until Brugman’s death in 1958. Hannah Höch to Grete Höch Konig. However. she traveled to Holland for a week. Brugman moved out. Schrankenlose Freiheit. whose health had long been weakened due to thyroid problems. 189 Schweitzer. convinced Til to consider a temporary separation. who had studied jurisprudence but worked as a traveling salesman. Cut. He was. 198-99. persistent. Höch Archive Murnau. Höch’s marriage to Kurt Matthies. After the vacation. 187 Matthies was twenty-five and Höch was forty-six. Schrankenlose Freiheit. however. 187 Schweitzer. 195. owning an automobile in Germany was a luxury and Matthies. Höch.

1938 where he remained until July 21st. he was arrested for registering under a false name at a hotel. eugenically motivated laws instituted to curtail the transmission of hereditary weaknesses and diseases.” See Burmeister. 191 Schweitzer. Under the 1932 Erbgesundheitgesetze (Hereditary Health Laws). he knew the police were looking for him. he apparently did not reveal their true extent. The first time he was arrested he was fined 100 RM (Reichsmark) and ordered to undergo hypnosistherapy. “Der Fall Kurt Heinz Matthies. as medical expert Viktor Müller-Hess later claimed in 1938. On November 7. 213. this episode was described in the scholarship as “several months of hospitalization due to emotional illness. He had been arrested and jailed for similar incidents earlier in 1932 and in 1936. 192 His physicians agreed that he was untreatable and that only castration would diminish his sexual compulsions. During his incarceration. 190 Matthies was charged with exposing himself and masturbating in front of two prepubescent girls while in Munich on business in May 1937. 191 While Matthies had discussed his sexual compulsions with Höch before this incident. 1937. The police had sought him unsuccessfully for questioning at his employer’s place of business on July 15. 192 Until Schweitzer published the details regarding the circumstances surrounding Matthies’ incarceration. Matthies was a pedophile and was arrested for indecent exposure for the first time in Berlin in 1932 and again in 1936.” in Schrankenlose Freiheit. Schrankenlose Freiheit. As Schwetzer claims. While this infraction was slight and carried a one Mark penalty and a maximum two day jail sentence. and again on August 3. the police issued a nationwide warrant for him. 190 66 . had been unsuccessful. Matthies was transferred from Nürnberg to a Berlin jail on November 21. 212-46. Matthies used a false name for a reason. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. castrations Schweitzer. 1937. In October 1937.road for extended periods. Matthies was subjected to extensive medical and psychological evaluations. while Höch and Matthies were in Nürnberg. bureaucratic pursuit of this matter revealed that a German-wide search warrant for Matthies had been issued the previous month by the Munich police. 177. which.

The honeymoon did not last very long. while some physical contact is indeed possible. with non-normative gender. 1938. 193 Matthies consented to a castration. coupled with the artist’s lesbian history. 1938. who was employed by the Jewish-owned company Schönthal. Matthies served only nine months and avoided the remainder of his three year sentence by subjecting himself to castration and arguing that he wanted to marry Höch. in mid-August. Schrankenlose Freiheit. which was performed at the prison hospital Berlin Moabit on March 29. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 195 Schweitzer. 236-37. Matthies.” she remained supportive of him throughout the ordeal. While the couple fought during the 1938-39 New Year holidays. 1938. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Höch was enjoying the financial advantages of the Jewish Pogrom. registered to be married. suggests that the complexities of her sexual orientation deserve more than cursory consideration.were routinely performed on incurable sexual criminals and male homosexuals. Schweitzer. the couple vacationed and. Matthies would remain on parole for three years until July 30. mother. as Cara Schweitzer remarks. 194 Höch petitioned for Matthies’ release and submitted letters to the police on his behalf in May and again in July 1938. 194 193 67 . 1942. both in her life and in her art. Although. Brugman’s fiftieth birthday. and psychoanalyst. 245-46. 225. 246-48. 196 Schweitzer. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 195 After Matthies was freed. Höch’s relationship with Matthies clearly reflects her fascination. Höch was “hopelessly overwhelmed in her role as Matthies’ partner. the evidence presented above. and by December 1938. And. purchased the company car in August 1938. Beginning April 26. the Schönthal’s grand piano stood in Höch’s apartment. the latter was influential in obtaining a suspended sentence and his release on parole. the net value of Jewish-owned businesses could not exceed 5000 Reichsmark. While this was Schweitzer. Matthies and Höch were joined in a small civil ceremony in Berlin on September 16. 196 Matthies’ sexual proclivities and his castration suggest that Höch’s relationship with him probably did not include conventional heterosexual intimacy.

340. Höch and Matthies were officially divorced in 1944. 197 The last time the ‘couple’ traveled together. 198 In September of 1942. his castration rendered him. Schrankenlose Freiheit.patently obvious as she lived openly with a female lover. Schrankenlose Freiheit. she stayed for over a month. Matthies’ dysphoric sexuality was not necessarily visible to others. she spent most of the time by herself collecting plants and taking photographs. However. For awhile. Höch’s old friend. while he was in Italy for business. and especially during their many short trips together. 344-45. a concert violinist (and the estranged wife of Hungarian artist Lajos von Ébneth) came to Berlin and was a guest in Höch’s house. Matthies took back Höch’s diamond wedding ring and abruptly left her for Nell. it would again transpire that Höch’s intimate relationships were oddly intertwined with hers: In 1926. while he was compiling Höch’s biography. 199 68 . The artist noted these impressions in her Schweitzer. Nell von Ébneth. often remained in Berlin while Matthies was away on business. while the two men went mountain-climbing. 346-47. In 1941. 197 198 datebook. In November 1942. at least to those with whom he was physically intimate. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Schweitzer. In a strange twist of events. Heinz Ohff reports that. Schweitzer. she quietly crossed her ex-husband’s name from the manuscript and later commented. Höch. Höch had met Til Brugman while vacationing at Ébneth’s seaside home in Kijkduin. she spent most of the year alone in Heiligensee working in the garden of her rural Häuschen (small house). however. Höch and her husband enjoyed each other’s company. sexually ambiguous. While Nell’s musical engagement in Berlin was brief. Matthies’ friend Hubert came along and Höch felt left out. 199 While Höch and Matthies later saw each other sporadically.

which includes lesbianism at a critical juncture in her artistic career. Höch’s feminist sensibilities and her erotic Schweitzer. 2. vol. support related and complementary claims that her personal life strongly informed her artistic production.” in Ralf Burmeister. he needed a mother). Considered in tandem. Höch’s lesbian relationship was most instrumental in transforming her artistic sensibilities and visual production. 378. See also. 176. 200 69 . Schrankenlose Freiheit. Berlinischen Galerie. While with Brugman. et al. Höch’s oeuvre reveals a marked emphasis on the female body and the feminized male. a castrated pedophile twenty-two years her junior. See also Heinz Ohff. Burmeister. “Heiligensee. Carefully analyzing Höch’s oeuvre supports a key finding in this dissertation: although she was clearly interested in gender themes before she met Brugman. but also suggests that she viewed patriarchal and heterosexist institutions--among them courtship and marriage--with irony. These impressions are perhaps predictable in light of Höch’s difficult relationship with Hausmann and the curious circumstances of her six year marriage to Matthies. 1995). Aller Anfang ist DADA. 200 It is not difficult to argue that Höch’s unconventional intimate relationships informed her aesthetic and political choices and found reflection in her art. Hannah Höch: Eine Lebenscollage (Berlin: Künstlerarchiv der Berlinischen Galerie. but she refused to see him. they may in part explain the artist’s radical visual treatment of the human body and her critical--and somewhat cynical--distance from acceptable gender-based social conventions. 306. Moreover. er brauchte eine Mutter” (I needed a child.“Ich brauchte ein Kind. Höch’s oeuvre and her intimate biography. Matthies contacted Höch in 1965 while he was in Berlin.

70 . this relationship heightened the artist’s sensitivity to gender issues.appreciation of the female body were more emphatically expressed. in particular. This suggests that.

” she continues. Cut with the Kitchen Knife: The Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch (New Haven: Yale University Press. 143-47.2) are nearly identically configured. the two are often discussed in tandem. Maud Lavin has undertaken the most in-depth analysis of the Russian Dancer and English Dancer to date. 201 71 . Lesbisch Cultureel Tijdschrift Lust en Gratie 18 (Fall 1988): 8. 203 Lavin.Chapter II The Lesbian in Weimar and Hannah Höch’s Russian Dancer and English Dancer Hannah Höch’s photomontages generally exhibit compositional variety.” (The English Dancer (front) and the Russian Dancer (behind) make this double-portrait complete). yet the 1928 Russian Dancer (fig. Brugman had a “slightly fuller face” and was “more stout. 8. guest eds. 2.1) and English Dancer (2. 146. 201 Mineke Bosch and Myriam Everard correctly claim that the two photomontages constitute “a double portrait” of Höch and her partner Til Brugman. the Russian Dancer and English Dancer also suggest the artist’s engagement with lesbian media.. 1993).” while Höch was “lithe and wiry. as this chapter reveals. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. offering possible readings informed by Höch and Brugman’s relationship. Due to their similarity. See also Lavin. The two photomontages illustrate the front and back covers of their 1988 discussion: “Afbeeldingen van werk van Höch in Kleur en aan omslag bestaande uit de Englische Tänzerin (voor) en de Russische Tänzerin (achter) maken het dubbelportret complet. “Redactioneel” in “Til Brugman en Hannah Höch” special issue. 202 Bosch and Everard. Foregrounding their physical characteristics she remarks. Both depict over-sized heads perched on tiny legs against empty backgrounds. “have recognized the Englische Tänzerin as a montage selfportrait. and it seems likely that (as some have speculated) the Russische Tänzerin was Mineke Bosch and Myriam Everard. Lust en Gratie. along with reflecting her current relationship. 202 However.” 203 “Many observers.

” 311. “Transgressing Le Droit du Seigneur. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 236n26.” See. 36. suggests a desire for equilibrium .”The New Woman as Cyborg: Gender Race and Sexuality in the Photomontages of Hannah Höch. she claims that the Russian Lavin. 206 both visually and psychologically. Cut with the kitchen Knife. reprinted in Adele Meyer. Textual Theory: Lesbian Cultural Criticism.e. 146. The various signs of shadowing or doubling suggest an intimate and interactive practice in which two women mirror and change one another. both ignore the Russian Dancer’s monocle. 237. . “Man lebt nur einmal in Patchamatac: Die groteske Welt von Til Brugman. See also Lavin. the defining lesbian accessory. 17. Moreover.” 208 While these readings are perceptive.meant to represent Brugman. eds. or grace in the midst of instability. Lavin notes that in his 1968 Hannah Höch catalogue. Matthew Biro writes.” in The Dada Cyborg: Visions of the New Human in Weimar Berlin (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 209 Myriam Everard astutely recognizes that the Russian Dancer’s monocle “positions the image in a lesbian context. MA: Blackwell. Emphasis Roellig. “What Has Never Been: An Overview of Lesbian Feminist Criticism.” 207 Echoing Lavin. (Cambridge. This theme dovetails with lesbian theorists who identify “a twinning and doubling of the self as [one of] the archetypal patterns of lesbian love. 2009). 207 Lavin. 146. “art historian Götz Adriani places the Englische Tänzerin opposite the painted self-portrait Selbstbildnis. . the other as self). she claims the Dancers’ complementary poses “take up the theme of doubling (the couple. whose features it resembles. each balancing delicately on one foot. 1994). Europe.” 205 Moreover. 206 Lavin. 1929. she curiously regards it as a “sign often associated in Höch’s work with Dada” despite its contemporary currency as a lesbian marker and the near decade that separates the heyday of Berlin Dadaism from 1928. Langer. Lila Nächte: die Damenklubs im Berlin der zwanziger Jahre (Berlin: Edition Lit. visual contrast). While Lavin discusses the Russian Dancer’s monocle. Berlins lesbische Frauen (1928). “The two dancers evoke a sense of human identity formation. See also. 209 Ruth Roellig. Wolfe and Julia Penelope. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 147.” 204 Höch’s “portrayal of herself and her lover as dancers.” in Jula Dech and Gertrud Maurer. eds. Cassandra L. 210 Myriam Everard. Susan J. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.. in Weimar. 205 Lavin. 146. Cut with the Kitchen knife.” 208 Matthew Biro.” 146. Lavin’s remark regarding “the other as self. 146.” in Sexual Practice. 1993).” 210 Furthermore. Da-da zwischen Reden zu 204 72 . they fail to address well-worn conventions of lesbian representation (i.” calls to mind Bonnie Zimmerman’s observation that “the tendency to interpret pairs of female characters as aspects of the self sometimes serves to mask a relationship that a lesbian reader [viewer] might interpret as bonding or love between women. Lebensgefährtin von Hannah Höch.

“Transgressing Le Droit du Seigneur: The Lesbian Feminist Defining Herself in Art History. 1991). 73 . 214 Biro. 153-84. 47 (1929): 7.” 211 Everard. the advertisement for Quell emphasizes that the scandalous book was publically burned. as in the artist’s collages. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. . (New York: Harper Collins.” or as “a symbol of postwar modernism . “Patchamatac. 212 Liebende Frauen 4 Jg. dancers feature prominently in the artist’s photomontages. Langer.” in New Feminist Criticism: Art. and also represented an athletic and desirable modern type of woman. 213 Lavin. Lavin stresses Höch’s “symbolic investment in the figure of the female dancer” (23). Lady Troubridge (fig. Troubridge was the partner of Marguerite ‘Radclyffe’ Hall (1880-1943). Cassandra L.” 97n31. 2001). in der sich der Künstlerin mit dem Attribut des virile preußischen Offiziers dem Monokel («mein Double»). Moreover.Dancer’s monocle constituted a cross-cultural sapphic signal link to Romaine Brooks’ 1923 painting Una. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 1991).” 214 Höch’s fascination with dance and dancers is obvious in a number of her works. “Die Russische Tänzerin. diss. (New York: New York University Press. empowered woman. “The Dandy in Me: Romaine Brook’s 1923 Portraits. Susan Fillin-Yeh. describing the dancer as “an active. the dancer was “powerful. doch immerhin− in eine lesbische Kontexte stellt. an iconic example of early twentiethcentury lesbian representation. active.3). and attractive. Action. 213 In Weimar. a dancer” (128).. Joe Lucchesi. Joanna Frueh et al. ed. and the myth of the bohemian artist” (32). was available in paper or hardcover through the Berlin publisher Bergmann. eds. 212 Scholars recognize the importance of the ‘dancer’ in Weimar culture and its key role in Höch’s oeuvre. Joe Lucchesi. they often symbolized female empowerment and the freedom women newly enjoyed. no. “Romaine Brooks’ Portraits and the Performance of Lesbian Identities” (PhD. Written in large font. See also. .” in Dandies: Fashion and Finesse in Art and Culture. “The New Woman as Cyborg. Lavin conflates the New Woman and the dancer: “The makeup and large earring identify the subject as a New Woman—according to Höch.2. the British author of the infamous lesbianthemed novel The Well of Loneliness (1928). 211 In Brooks’ austere portrait. which was available in German translation in 1929 and marketed in Berlin’s lesbian periodicals. 306-26.. 2000). Identity. and her Hannah Höch (Berlin: Orlanda Frauenverlag. 94. Quell der Einsamkeit. the German title of Hall’s infamous publication. the subject’s monocle clearly identified her as a stylish interwar lesbian. um sich so -ironisch.” 236.

1908). both among actresses. The Intermediate Sex: A Study of some transitional types of Men and Women (1908.” 219 This suggests that while Höch redeployed mainstream materials in her photomontages. vol. 217 While Höch might have easily chosen other figures to depict a female-female couple. prominent British sexologist and Hirschfeld colleague Havelock Ellis (1859-1939) claimed. 147.. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Studies in the Psychology of Sex: Sexual Inversion. Album. 218 Dr. this automatically lent Höch’s Dancers a homoerotic subtext. and chorus and ballet girls. . Leo Perry declared. By contemporary standards. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. New York: AMS Press. Fotografie und Architektur. 215 As Lavin observes. .”: Der Liebesmarkt des Zeitungs-Inserates (Vienna. Leo Perry. from the most innocent to the most elaborate excursions in the direction of Lesbos. which clearly reflects the contemporaneous illicit status of lesbianism in Weimar. (Philadelphia: F. 96. “passionate friendships among girls. 179. Hannah Höch. “It’s a well known fact that women active in the theatre are often lesbians. See also Lavin. 155. 2004). Höch’s “pleasurable and largely uncritical association of dance with exoticism” 216 reflects popular Weimar representations. Similar remarks were also made by Edward Carpenter. ed. 130. the Weimar sexologist Dr. In 1927.” Perry’s “Sappho” (179-194) is included in the chapter “Die Abseitigen” (The Abject) (153219). as well as a photograph of African American dancer Josephine Baker performing in a grass skirt. Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. 216 Höch’s Album includes numerous images of African and Asian women dancing. Lesbos und Theatre zu kombinieren. are extremely common in theatres..A. the artist’s portrayal of herself and her lover as dancers reflects common associations between women in the performing arts and lesbianism. “Auf diesem nicht mehr ungewöhlichen Wege . 215 74 . 1983). dass Theaterdamen nicht selten ‘der andere Fakultät’ angehören regte den Versuch an. 219 Havelock Ellis. Inc. 217 Lavin. repr. 2. similar to her Weimar lesbian contemporaries she infused them with subcultural signals. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.” 218 Like him. Gunda Luyken (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz.Scrapbook contains dozens of dance and dance-related images. 1927). See. Leipzig: Verlag der Kulturforschung. Davis and Company Publishers. “Die Tatsache.

” The Art Bulletin 77. it was a surmountable challenge. no. of post 1970 art-history. 1996). Hollis Clayson writes that “the recognition that an artwork’s ‘meaning’ is not fixed. they are often produced by men and geared to the 220 25-26. or a sidebar within homosexual subculture.” 221 The significance of Clayson’s observation is especially apparent when applied to the weighty gendered tradition of Western European female representation. 220 Lesbian media. [and] that its message depends upon the investments of the onlooker. While images of women are a staple of Western art. Not only did lesbian magazines and lesbian-themed books leave a tangible trace that can still be accessed today. Carolyn J. the object of male fantasy. which traditionally subordinates the female. Weimar lesbian media must first be discussed. Dean. Hollis Clayson. however. but they were a key means by which the subculture was expressed. is one of the most fertile discoveries. was entrenched in an environment of patriarchal heterosexism. Weimar lesbian media newly lent the lesbian subject a visible contour and was ultimately effective in extricating it from a heterosexist cultural matrix. This problematized lesbian expression yet. New York: Twayne Publishers. as history has proven. As the following discussion confirms. 1995): 369. Sexuality and Modern Western Culture. Weimar lesbian media served to interrupt representational conventions in which the lesbian was invisible.Representations of Lesbians in Weimar Before Höch’s Russian and English Dancers are more closely examined within a subcultural context. indeed one of the themes. The history of Weimar lesbian subculture can be most effectively reconstructed and investigated through print media. 221 75 . “Materialist Art History and its Points of Difficulty. 3 (Sept.

.” 223 This dynamic has perpetrated a tradition in which images of women are created by men for male consumption. 1987): 326-40. 1992). 224 Noreen Giffney and Katharine O’Donnell. In part. thereby ‘doubling his pleasure.” 225 Images of lesbians “are constructed to embrace the male” who “is invited to enter and master the scene−that is —to dominate the two women. Brenda Cossman. 1989). The Expanding Discourse: Feminism and Art History (New York: Harper Collins. a central principle of critical feminist theory. 167. 225 Robert Stam. and the Butler Decision. while females are “passive. The figuring of lesbians to attract and 222 76 . no. 3 (Sept. 226 Becki L.’” 226 Thalia Gouma-Peterson and Patricia Mathews. A similar. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 168. in effect. 7. eds. Cultural Criticism. “The women pictured in ‘lesbian spreads’ do not attend to each other. 13. The gaze.” Art Bulletin 69. this dynamic explains the subordination of the lesbian figure to the masculine imagination. yet hyperbolized (because it involves two female subjects) spectatorial logic informs the representation and reception of lesbianism. NY: The Haworth Press. explores the process of looking “in a genderimbalanced world. “lesbian scenes are almost always invariably staged in view of the imperious needs of the straight male spectator. . weakens or negates lesbian agency. 222 The age-old configuration of the male subject and female object inspired. in part. they stare out coyly at the male viewer and their bodies are positioned to maximize both his arousal and their own submission to his needs. 223 Norma Broude and Mary D. eds. “’It’s Merely Designed for Sexual Arousal’: Interrogating the Indefensibility of Lesbian Smut. 1997). 2007). and Film (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. 167. Feminism. Laura Mulvey’s seminal concept of the gaze. Garrard. 224 As Robert Stam elaborates.” Bad Attitudes on Trial: Pornography. et al.male heterosexual viewer. Twenty-First Century Lesbian Studies (Binghamton. Subversive Pleasures: Bakhtin. A culture of heteropatriarchy empowers masculinist viewing practices and. “The Feminist Critique of Art History. Ross. “males assert their power through the ‘subject’ position of looking.” In such a world. powerless objects of their controlling gaze..

who. yet controversial. less threatening than homosexuality. is generally regarded as negligible and. only one of which was a female. Dean observes. as Carolyn J. or common among women in harems compelled to share one husband sexually. 1991). Weimar sexologist Franz Scheda who claimed.’ or what lesbian scholars correctly perceive as a dismissal. Transvestites: the erotic drive to crossdress (Buffalo: Prometheus Books. 230 Magnus Hirschfeld. in contrast to the male homosexual who is embedded in a culture that privileges men.. Die Abarten im Geschlechtsleben. Lombardi-Nash. ever-ready sapphic appetite best satisfied by horny straight men. 243.” 229 The traditional unimportance and invisibility of lesbians and lesbianism within sexual discourse was also demonstrated by leading sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld. but also rendered them culturally invisible. in a 1912 study. and in which “phallic agency is the reality denoted by the word sex. “in a heterosexual matrix that privileges masculinity. locating it among prostitutes). and Alice B. Toklas. Glasgow explores the moral arguments that enabled a number of prominent twentieth-century lesbians. 25-26. or nonacknowledgment of lesbianism. Band 1: Die lesbische Liebe (Berlin: SchwalbeVerlag. to convert to and effortlessy embrace Catholicism. Lesbian Texts and Contexts: Radical Revisions (New York: New York University Press. including Renée Vivien. lesbianism. Una Troubridge. which remains primarily a history of men. 229 Franz Scheda.” 231 Clearly. “What’s a Nice Lesbian Like You Doing in the Church of Torquemada?: Radclyffe Hall and Other Catholic Converts.” 227 Joanne Glasgow. 230 Indeed. it is obvious how and why female homosexuality—whatever it might be—simply drops out accommodate the male gaze confirms age-old myths of the gargantuan. “the reason woman-to-woman love is not given notice is twofold: It is not illegal in Germany. the epistemological non-status of lesbians protected them from persecution.” in Karla Jay and Joanne Glasgow.Moreover. trans. hence. 1990). Alternately. 228 This situation is similarly reflected in the historic contrast between the illegality of male homosexuality and the general ‘legality.e. Michael A. Sexuality and Modern Western Culture. 77 . and most people do not find it distasteful. i.” 227 sex without a penis. 228 This rationale complements 1929 arguments offered by the minor. male experience. historians have included lesbians in larger discussions of homosexuality. he claimed lesbian ‘practice’ stemmed from disgust with males (hence. A double-edged sword. eds. 8. “with some exceptions. Radclyffe Hall. discussed seventeen cases of transvestites. 231 Carolyn J. 1929). Dean. Scheda regarded lesbianism as a pleasure pursued by overly-stimulated and bored women and as an inferior ersatz for heterosexuality.

director Leontine Sagan. circulated in a subcultural milieu. in an otherwise inaccessible culture. Nevertheless. Janus Film.” 232 Thus. 233 Reina Lewis. on those rare occasions when lesbianism was addressed in the Weimar mainstream. reading of heteronormative material. the film’s lesbian theme was either ignored or only circuitously acknowledged. “Looking Good: The Lesbian Gaze and Fashion Imagery. or. 234 When it was released in late 1931.” 108. lesbian-authored Weimar publications altered this situation to a degree. yet subversive. Due to the hegemony of phallocentric culture. lesbians were either represented within a pornographic context or were relatively invisible. 233 Obviously.” Feminist Review 55 (Spring 1997). 89 minutes. diss. Medd. Mädchen in Uniform Mädchen in Uniform was a collaborative project of lesbian film director Leontine Sagan (née Schlesinger) (1889-1974). writing in the ‘liberated’ post Stonewall era of the late 1990s. lesbians were compelled to transgressive readings of texts and imagery. symbolically erased. and in accordance with phallocentric cultural tradition. she contends that lesbians may actually prefer a marginalized social position because it enables a transgressive mode of reading and “the potential to construct fantasy that ensures eroticized pleasures. 234 Mädchen in Uniform. does not lament the repressions of the closet. 3. “Extraordinary Allegations: Scandalous Female Homosexuality and the Culture of Modernism” (PhD. Lewis.. Due to their “learned habits” of subversive reading. lesbian materials. Lewis’ characterizes lesbian reading “against the grain of mainstream culture” as a “subcultural competence” which enables pleasurable. and the lesbian playwright Christa Winsloe (1888- Jodie L.of the cultural symbolic. before the advent of Weimar lesbian media. it was either sensationalized. 1931. much like those who consumed them. 232 78 . 92. albeit clandestinely. However. 2001). but detects a mixed response among lesbians to lesbian magazines. historically. Ithaca: Cornell University. as in the case of the film Mädchen in Uniform (Girls in Uniform). this strategy enabled them to participate.

“Mädchen in Uniform: From Repressive Tolerance to Erotic Liberation. 238 Lavin. “Lesbische Liebe im Film bis 1950. contemporary reviewers also skirted the issue. see Richard Dyer. To separate political struggles is a mistake. 235 79 . 1984).1944).” 236 While McCormick’s remark is certainly valid. 2001). et.” Jump Cut 24/25 (1981): 44-50. Geschichte.” New German Critique 51 (Autumn 1990): 31-58.” 238 Unsurprisingly. 237 For a discussion of Mädchen in Uniform. 1850-1950. and “New Objectivity” (New York: Palgrave. “the two discourses--anti-authoritarianism and lesbian rights--are intertwined and not only within the text of the film. Although. although the film pivots around the crime of publically naming lesbian passion. Eldorado: Homosexuelle Frauen und Männer in Berlin. Gender and Sexuality in Weimar Modernity: Film. Mädchen in Uniform (1931) predates George Cukor’s film The Women by nearly a decade. 201. McCormick. The Women was produced by Metro Goldwyn Mayer in 1939.” in Michael Bollé. lesbianism is never spoken of directly. Arguments such as these rationalize and unwittingly sustain the purported minor position of lesbians within gay history and offer additional insight into the muted Weimar reception of Mädchen in Uniform. it reflects similar claims which have perennially weakened lesbian agency by contextualizing it within larger ‘more important’ issues. as Richard W. Ruby Rich. B. al. “Filming such a difficult theme convincingly and yet so tastefully is Rosa Kreische. Mädchen in Uniform was also the first film in history to have an all female cast. Mädchen in Uniform was regarded as a critique of Prussian authoritarianism and celebrated for its anti-militaristic message. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 236 Richard W. 237 Lavin comments that “ironically. Weimar critic Hans Wollenberg declared. “Less and More than Women and Men: Lesbian and Gay Cinema in Weimar Germany. Literature. Based on a play written by Clare Boothe Luce. Alltag und Kultur (Berlin: Edition Hentrich. 235 The film is set in a conservatively-run boarding school for girls and narrates the story of a student’s crush on her female teacher. McCormick comments.. 162. Among most Weimar commentators. 193.

and Dyer.a remarkable achievement. silence and the dynamics of narrative is suggested by Shari Benstock who writes: “Ellipsis is both a threshold and a place of trespass. 192.” in Bollé. Benstock. and as writers (often) take ellipses. and. nr. emphasizing the taboo nature of the young woman’s social transgression: “I can’t explain it to you. but also represents it as pathological: Immediately after Manuela declares her love for her teacher. The ellipsis is an example of a structural term that is unread and unheard in the text: we are trained as readers to ‘skip over’ it. as ‘unverbalized allusions.” For the sake of clarity and consistency. November. which. “Extraordinary Allegations. A similar link between lesbianism. in effect. silence. “Lesbische Liebe im Film. for this you are too young. I believe that this form of grammatical-rhetorical deviation figures not merely the experimental or avant-garde.” 3. the director’s name is written as “Froelich” while in Kreische his name appears as “Fröhlich.” in Lesbian Texts and Contexts: Radical Revisions. 194. “The ellipse serves to figure woman-inculture. eds. Rich.” in Bollé. she is sent to the school’s infirmary. . “Lesbische Liebe im Film. . .’” 244 Obviously the same figure. 1991). See also. and non-presence .” Benstock. 47. 239 80 .” in Bollé. operates to “exclude lesbianism as a possible category of desire or identity. as Jodie L. 195. 1931. 242 Kreische. a long pause truncates the headmistress’ reply. 244 was represented in the media as lording over the lesbian film team. 317. 1932. 28.” 243 Mädchen in Uniform’s artistic director. When one of her classmates asks why she is not permitted to visit Manuela there. Medd writes. no. cites Hans Wollenberg.” in Bollé. (New York: New York University Press. . 1990). but the Sapphic. “Expatriate Sapphic Modernism: Entering Literary History: Imagination and Identity. cites Mein Film. 139. 241 Kreische.” 241 Mädchen’s narrative and dialogue not only renders lesbianism unmentionable. 1931. “Lesbische Liebe im Film. 285. . Karla Jay and Joanne Glasgow. for unexplained reasons in Das 12 Uhr Blatt. and other marks of punctuation . 240 Kreische. “Lesbische Liebe im Film. Described as “der liebe Gott” (dear God Kreische. Carl Froelich. cites Die Weltbühne Berlin 27. Licht und Bühne 24.” 242 The dramatic break in the dialogue equates lesbianism with silence. I will use “Froelich” throughout. Manuela is .. where she denotes absence (of the phallic signifier). Textualizing the Feminine: On the Limits of Genre (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. constitutes its erasure. 243 Medd. 195.” 239 While others commented that the “sensitive subject” 240 of a female “pupil’s idealized crush [on her female teacher] is a perverted confusion. dashes. . 195. 8. no. December.

1931. “Lesbische Liebe im Filme. at least in the popular press.himself) and as “wunderbare weisshaaarig” (wonderfully white-haired). the Baroqueinspired Gloria Palast boasted seven staircases. did not conjure associations of political activism or sexual subculture. June 25. Mädchen in Uniform premiered on 27. at the time. both its narrative and critical reception resonated with Terry m-s. Built in 1926 by the Berlin film company UFA. Froelich was primarily interested in appealing to the German consumer: He reportedly chose the title Mädchen in Uniform over that of the stage play on which the story was based (Gestern und Heute [Yesterday and Today]). Froelich thought his title “suggested young girls romping around and people would want to come see their legs. 247 The film premiered in the luxurious newly built Gloria-Palast cinema on the Kurfürstendamm 10. 246 coupled with Mädchen in Uniform’s mainstream venue. in the heart of Berlin’s most fashionable and prestigious shopping district. and a telephone free of use to customers making calls within the city. the prominent Berlin sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld participated in the project. playing himself in a cameo-role as “The Doctor.” Das 12 Uhr Blatt. Froelich lent this all woman production.” in Bollé. Arguably. 245 Froelich’s marketing acumen and his close adherence to contemporary cultural conventions. 246 Carl Froelich (1875-1953) was able to continue his work during the culturally tumultuous National Socialist era. Conceived as an Aufklärungsfilm ([sexual]-instruction-film). unsurprisingly. 249 Unlike Oswald’s film. Mädchen did not address the theme of sexuality. a highly influential position which would have been impossible for him to achieve had he not adhered closely to stringent Nazi directives. November 1931 in the Gloria-Palast Theater. but instead was intended to attract an affluent and respectable bourgeois movie-goer. “Christa Winsloe gleich Bollenhagen? Besuch bei Froelich’s Film-Studio. hence.” in Bollé.” 248 Kreische. 193.. been launched in an alternate venue and promoted as a plea for sexual acceptance. the Palast (Palace) venue. two elevators. curtailed the acknowledgement of the film’s lesbian content. Froelich was named president of the Reichsfilmkammer (Nazi Film Department). In 1939. like Richard Oswald’s 1919 homosexual-themed Anders als die Anderen (Different than the Others). 248 One could argue that had Mädchen.” 245 81 . 247 Kreische. According to Kreische. 193. an epithet often reserved for luxurious hotels. a traditional (almost biblical) patriarchal authority figure. “Lesbische Liebe in Fim. 249 Oswald’s Anders als die Anderen was the first film to critically address the discrimination and persecution of male homosexuals. its lesbian theme would have been more openly discussed.

“Lesbische Liebe im Film. Women Together/Women Apart: Portraits of Lesbian Paris (New Brunswick. 252 Kreische. the film’s circuitous message ultimately spared it from censure and saved it for posterity. 8 Jg. 12. Even a favorable 1932 review in Die Freundin (The Girlfriend) relies primarily on innuendo. Nonetheless. Unlike Oswald’s Anders. the obscure discussion of the topic in the Weimar lesbian press is rather curious. 251 Die Freundin. Muchchachas de uniforme. 1993). 2005).” in Bollé.” and the actresses’ ability to “convey through words and gestures. The Apparitional Lesbian: Female Homosexuality and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press. the political atmosphere in 1932 Germany (in contrast to the earlier and more libertine Weimar years) largely explains the film’s awkward and oblique critical reception in the lesbian press. it is. not entirely surprising that lesbianism was not named or directly addressed in the mainstream media. the conflict between impulse and self-control. 3. While this weakened lesbian agency. what Tirza True Latimer describes as the lesbian’s “visible invisibility. Unlike Oswald’s film which was banned and almost completely destroyed by the Nazis. Now considered a film classic. 250 82 ..” 251 Certainly. The anonymous author lauded Mädchen in Uniform for tackling such a “difficult theme. 194. Tirza True Latimer. Mädchen was not considered morally subversive. however.” 250 Due to the repressive contemporary political environment (an overwhelming Nazi dominance in the German parliament). Despite its circuitous message and muted reception. To date there have been two remakes. 1932. 1950. one in Mexico. 1958. 252 Mädchen offered a “representation of lesbianism which was legitimized and sanitized by its critical reception” and was “of tremendous importance Terry Castle. The 1931 version of Mädchen in Uniform was resurrected from historical oblivion by German feminists in the 1970s and is now considered a lesbian cult film. no. January 20. the lesbian content of Mädchen was only circuitously acknowledged. Mädchen in Uniform was an international success and represented a significant cultural contribution. unpaginated. London: Rutgers University Press.Castle’s theory of the “apparitional lesbian” or. and another in Germany.

her Lavin. invisible. Sacher-Masoch as well as a number of lesser known works which thematize all manner of obscure sexual practice and deviancy. comments. Berlin: Verlag rosa Winkel. 255 Harry Oosterhuis. . 254 lesbians enjoyed unprecedented freedom and public presence in Weimar.” in Bollé. 1924-1933. Geschichte.” 253 Mädchen in Uniform gratified contemporary lesbians who longed to see themselves (even if their presence was somewhat obscured) mirrored in the media. (1984. Lesbian Books and Magazines and Popular Weimar Culture In contrast to their near invisibility prior to World War I. 2000). this may be explained because even today. print media was a crucial factor in this process. and later cultural erasure due to Nazi prohibitions. . 1933. . 1992). a self-defined lesbian identity did not emerge until the 1920s. . Kreische. homosexuals are versed in cloaking their messages so they are only visible to those in the know. Weimar lesbian print culture demonstrated the contrary. repr. “In contrast to male homosexuality. “The women who made the film were able to counter Froelich’s intentions and salvage the film’s lesbian’s message . lesbian periodicals marketed books with lesbian themes (as opposed to ‘lesbianthemed’ pornographic materials geared to heterosexual male consumption). Lesbians in Germany: 1890s-1920s (Tallahassee: Naiad Press.” See also Lillian Faderman and Brigitte Ericksson. to a degree.” in Eldorado: Homosexuelle Frauen und Männer in Berlin 1850-1950. and the Making of the Sexual Identity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Oscar Wilde. 253 83 . “Lesbische Liebe im Film. xx-xxi. 200. 256 In contrast to earlier depictions of lesbianism as an illness or as an indication of moral depravity. Alltag und Kultur.. female homosexuality largely remained a muted discourse . Similarly. “Zum Selbstverständnis lesbischer Frauen in der Weimarer Republik: Eine analyse der Zeitschrift Die freundin. . Berlin: Edition Hentrich. Anna Elisabet Weihrauch’s The Scorpion reflected the progressive contemporary theory of the ‘third sex. 206-07.for the identity of lesbian subculture. For women there were no public meeting places or an established sexual underground . Cut with the Kitchen Knife. . Weimar authors created likable lesbian figures. as advertised in Die Freundin 3 (1927): 7.” 254 Katharina Vogel. Stepchildren of Nature: Krafft-Ebing: Psychiatry. 256 The Berlin Radzuweit publishing house regularly advertised mail-order books in lesbian magazines. 196. A typical list of titles. 255 As stated. The last issue of the lesbian magazine Die Freundin appeared on March 8. Michael Bollé et al. 1990). While the critical reception of Mädchen in Uniform rendered lesbianism. includes a variety of wellknown erotic ‘classics’ by Diderot. In Germany and Austria. 162.

Vol. 1921. and 1931. “I Feel that I Belong to You. of which at the time there were about fifty. Vol.” in Michael Bollé. Eldorado. 1931 (1919. 2. See also Faderman and Eriksson. 100n72.” (Halftransvestites) Die Freundin. 1924-1933. well-adjusted young woman whose sexuality was inborn and natural. lending this heretofore invisible figure a visible contour. The Scorpion. “Zum Selbstverständnis lesbischer Frauen in der Weimarer Republik: Eine Analyse der Zeitschrift Die Freundin. Eldorado: Homosexuelle Frauen und Männer in Berlin. unique in the world.’: subculture. Europe. 1975). 257 84 . Before the rise of fascism during the 1930s. Weirauch. 257 Lesbians were not only newly represented in a positive way in lesbian-authored novels. Der Skorpion See. 3. See also.. Roellig’s book devotes a few pages each to fourteen of the most popular locales. 259 Espinaco-Verseda. 93. It was serially published as three separate volumes in 1919.protagonist was a happy. “’I Feel that I belong to You. xx-xxi.” 104. Weihrauch’s novel was highly popular in homosexual circles and a film version was planned. Vol. 1994). Berlin’s lesbian subculture was unmatched anywhere in the world and boasted roughly sixty locales where lesbians could meet and socialize.” 93. cites “Halb-transvestiten. These periodicals were instrumental in establishing a lesbian cultural network and offered new possibilities for social identification. Lila Nächte. 101-23. “Lesbische Leben von Weimar bis zu Nachkriegszeit. but for “unexplained reasons. it was through the magazines “that I received valuable enlightenment about my own nature and also learned that I am not. 1850-1950.. Presented as short chapters. 1921. See also Claudia Schoppmann. 16 September 1931: 5.” in Adele Meyer. “Lesbische Leben von Weimar bis zu Nachkriegszeit. lesbian periodicals were marketed alongside Anna Elisabet Weihrauch’s Der Skorpion (The Scorpion) is a trilogy of novels that narrate the life and loves of a young lesbian woman. in Meyer. 1921. Alltag und Kultur (Berlin: Edition Hentrich.. 1984). 162-68.” 259 The magazines “reported social events in Berlin’s lesbian bars.” in Bollé et al. 1 (2004). and Lesbian Identity in Weimar. repr. “Ein Lesbenroman aus der Weimarer Zeit: Der Skorpion. never realized. highlights only a fraction of these. 1919. by any means. Ruth Roellig’s lesbian 1928 guide to Berlin. New York: Arno Press. Berlin’s Lesbische Frauen. Geschichte. 261 Ilsa Kokula.” spacesofidentity 4. numerous organizations and meeting places facilitated social exchange and kindled a sense of group identity. Lesbians in Germany. 261 Available at every newsstand in the city. Lila Nächte: die Damenklubs im Berlin der zwanziger Jahre (Berlin: Edition Lit.” 258 Katharina Vogel. but lesbian magazines were publically posted. 258 As one Weimar lesbian claimed. 260 Ilse Kokula. 1. no. 1931. 197. Angeles Espinaco-Virseda. Die Freundin. et al.” 260 In addition.

263 Importantly. 262 85 . the lesbian magazines Die Garçonne and Frauenliebe (Women-love) were temporarily banned. under the new pornography laws. Vamps. Finally on February 23. 262 Readers could also choose from at least two magazine titles weekly. This. 263 Schader. an unsuccessful attempt was launched in the German parliament to criminalize lesbians and include them under Paragraph 175 (which outlawed male homosexuality). “Lesbische Liebe. in many ways. Weimar Lesbian Representations of Female Nudity An untitled magazine cover image depicting three nude women (fig. hiding them from others. 1933. 61. Hence. Vamps und wilde Veilchen: Sexualität. While public lesbian culture ended with the Nazis. the cover photographs of lesbian journals often reflect popular discourses. Weimar lesbian magazines are often indistinguishable from mainstream publications. 106-08. Virile.mainstream periodicals. when one disregards their titles. or reading them in secret (62-63). not all women felt comfortable purchasing lesbian periodicals. including lesbian periodicals. a number of conspicuous visual and thematic similarities existed between lesbian print media and the popular press. See Kokula. Virile. In 1925.4) compellingly illustrates how Weimar lesbian media appropriated mainstream visual Heike Schader.” in Adele Meyer. however. and represented a site at which subculture and mass culture intersected. A cursory examination of Weimar materials reveals that lesbian print media borrowed from the mainstream. but resumed publication only to be permanently banned later in 1931. Begehren. all public homosexual activities and related publications. In 1926. and some reported buying them in an area of town where they were less likely to be recognized. sanctions had begun earlier. While contemporaries could obviously recognize subtle visual signals more easily than early twenty first-century art historians. a familiarity with both popular and lesbian print media is indispensable to fully comprehend Höch’s oeuvre. were declared criminal and prohibited by law. 2. potentiated by the lesbians’ ‘visible invisibility. 61. 2007). I would suggest that this state of affairs is most responsible for the inability or reluctance of present-day scholars to discuss Höch’s photomontages in a lesbian context. Indeed. Lila Nächte.’ makes lesbian imagery somewhat difficult to detect. und Erotik in den Zeitschriften homosexueller Frauen im Berlin der 1920er Jahren (Königstein: Helmer. Certainly.

All three are pictured. somewhat artificially. 264 86 . The Disabled Body in Contemporary Art (New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 267 Ann Millet-Gallant.. Printed on the cover of a lesbian magazine. with their arms raised. In addition. suggests the mannered and frozen ‘artistic’ poses of early twentieth-century dance imagery. “historically frames representations of the female body and female sexuality.” 417. their lack of scopic agency emphasizes their passivity. the photograph obviously represents Weimar lesbian subculture. 1991). this observation may also be applied to the majority of lesbian cover images which. were photographs. 415. 2010). Moreover. render their breasts visible in profile.” 264 which. as Patricia Mathews remarks. Liebe und sexuelle Aufklärung (Loving Women: Weekly journal for Friendship. the anonymous 1927 photograph also demonstrates how lesbian representation could be easily confused with the “male dominated genre of the female nude.” 265 Although the magazine’s title and subtitle Liebende Frauen (Loving Women) clearly announce the publication as lesbian. Yet. 265 Mathews. and often depicted nude women. two of the three women pictured. 266 the nudity of the women pictured potentially attracted non-lesbian or prurient interest. it may Patricia Mathews. Love and sexual Education).” Art Bulletin 73. the eyes of the subjects do not meet those of the viewer. “Returning the Gaze. Their heads turned. “Returning the Gaze: Diverse Representations of the Nude in the Art of Suzanne Valadon. no. 3 (Sep. coupled with an exaggerated contrapposto. underscoring their status as accessible sexual objects. 266 The complete title of the journal is as follows: Liebende Frauen: Wochenschrift für Freundschaft. “the realist mode of the photograph presents the illusion of unmediated access to the bodies they display. almost without exception. somewhat coquettishly.) Pictured from behind.motifs. 12. This.” 267 (As we shall see.

” 270 I would argue that the lesbian appropriation of the Judgment of Paris (a theme that foregrounds the primacy of male scopic and sexual agency) disrupts heteronormative viewing conventions and represents an eloquent—and successful--example of what Mathews describes as intruding upon the initial allegory. a narrative which perpetuates the myth that women compete amongst themselves to garner male attention and favors.” 419. and Hera. 269 While the photograph in question is emblematic of the intersection between mainstream and lesbian print culture.also be linked to Weimar dance culture. Mathews references Suzanne Valadon’s The Judgment of Paris (1909-1912). it also suggests a hetero-patriarchal narrative which is intrinsically antithetical to lesbian agency. or historical Western European themes. or the Judgment of Paris. as Mathews observes. The three nude women in the photograph easily suggest the Three Graces. this narrative accommodates patriarchal tradition and. The contest. and a plaster-relief by PierreAuguste Renoir (1914). inspired strife and later led to war. Similar to the Judgment of Paris. is a perennial one. Peter Paul Rubens (1639). the conventional meanings associated with traditional allegorical themes “can be at odds with other meanings derived from other narratives that intrude upon the initial allegory. 268 87 . perhaps for this reason. Along with Paris was asked by Zeus to decide who was the most beautiful of the three Olympian goddesses. Athena. the women symbolically invite the viewer to mentally offer a golden apple to his or her favorite. 270 Mathews. however. Yet. 268 Moreover. His prize to the most beautiful goddess was a golden apple. 269 It has generated a number of significant works which include paintings by Lucas Cranach (1512-1514). Suzanne Valadon (1909-1912). “Returning the Gaze. Aphrodite. pornography.

The growing interest in Volkshygeine (public health and hygiene) led to the emergence of Körperkultur (Body-culture). Weimar lesbian print media also reflected Körperkultur (Body-culture). was followed by Die Frauenreformkleidung: Beitrag zur philosophie. 272 Erik N. and Hygiene durch Bewegung (Hygiene through Movement) (Langensalza.” most of which promoted some idea of “remaking one’s body and oneself. the movement. 1893). a dominant mainstream discourse.” 272 A powerful overarching national impulse to improve and reform fostered the rise of health and fitness movements with “diverse and sweeping agendas. and nudism. and German Modernity (New York: Oxford University Press. 1906). 271 The rise of Korperkultur was reinforced by “Germany’s stunning military defeat [which] prompted demands for a complete overhaul of society. and all manner of sexual and familial reform. hygiene. 273 Jensen. a mass movement devoted to improving the physical health of the German population. 271 88 . 4. health. Beyer & Söhne. Lesbian Subculture and Weimar Körperkultur Körperkultur. and hygiene movements. at the time. Pudor’s writings illustrate the close interrelationship of popular themes such as health. His bestselling book Nacktende Mensch: Jauchzen der Zukunft (Naked People: The Happy Cry of the Future) (Dresden: Verlag der Dresdner Wochenblätter. born “Scham” changed his name: Scham means “shame” in German and was obviously antithetical to his message of liberated nudity. government. Hygiene und Aesthetik des Kleides (The Clothing of Women’s Dress Reform: a contribution to the Philosophy. 6. Steglitz. Gender. 1903). the body itself. Pudor also published Nackt-Kultur (Nude-culture) (Berlin. 2010). It is understandable and somewhat ironic that Pudor. was inspired by diverse late nineteenth-century social reform. Body by Weimar: Athletes. and subsequently.” 273 While the focus of Körperkultur was the improvement and glorification of the body.appropriating historical themes. and burst upon the scene after World War I. Body by Weimar. 1906). and Aesthetic of Dress) (Leipzig: Seemann. temperance. culture. Contemporary movements with a focus on achieving a healthy body included nudism. and even the body itself. became analogous to social progress and modernity. Jensen. The Dresden native Heinrich Pudor (Heinrich Scham 1865-1944) was instrumental in launching Körperkultur and nudism in Germany. D: H. vegetarianism. Dress Reform. Hygiene.

Relaxed Weimar attitudes toward nudity clearly facilitated lesbian representation: Nude female couples were a visual staple of Körperkultur and also routinely pictured on the covers of Berlin lesbian magazines. Fotografie und Architektur. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. 274 89 . 1 (Jul. depicting two ambiguously-sexed figures engaged in what appears to be athletic training--suggests neither balance. 277 Hannah Höch’s interest in Körperkultur is evident in her Album (Scrapbook) and in her contemporary photomontages. Moll claims that when Körperkultur began in the 1890s. Moll discussed the cultural processes that eventually led to the naturalization of nudity in Germany during the 1920s. 275 Toepfer claims that by the late 1920s. The most popular promoters of Nacktkultur were Adolf Koch (18941970) and Hans Suren (1885-1972). books on nudism outnumbered books devoted to sports. 36.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 3. Polizei und Sitte. nudity became naturalized and publically acceptable in Germany. 274 This generated a unique environment in which depictions of nudity were ubiquitous in a variety of contemporary materials. ed.” Berlin was also the contemporary publishing center and this also explains the popularity of Körperkultur in the Weimar press. strengthened significantly by the vast Weimar publishing industry. 275 The force of the movement. Instead. Polizei und Sitte (Berlin: Gersbach & Sohn Verlag. nor physical health. Nude culture. with Berlin providing by far the largest number of club members. as Toepfer claims. 1926). (Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz. 276 Karl Toepfer. 278 Hannah Höch. Album (Scrapbook).5). “Nudity and Modernity in German Dance. their “ill-fitting parts Albert Moll. Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. it was largely practiced by males in secluded wooded areas on the outskirts of Berlin. Höch’s ironically titled Equilibre (1925) (2. 1992). 278 While a number of photos in her Scrapbook depicting attractive nude men and women are in step with Körperkultur (2. 68. her photomontages--among them.6). 276 Nude or nearly nude outdoor activities were a hallmark of Körperkultur and the related nudist movement Freie Körper Kultur (Free Body-culture. Gunda Luyken. “was an invention of the big city.Due to the focus on the body in Körperkultur. no. or FKK). 30-40. in sharp contrast. swept away any lingering vestiges of prewar Wilhelmine prudery.. 2004). 277 Moll. 1910-1930. both Berlin natives.

the caption also ties the photo to a fashion magazine. 31. 282 See Moll. From the magazine: Beauty). is mentioned in the caption. appears to have been inspired by Prager’s image. notes that stills from Prager’s film Wege der Kraft und Schönheit infiltrated fashion magazines and health pamphlets. in contrast to the statuesque formality of the figures in Prager’s photograph. 281 A well known still-photograph from Wege der Kraft (fig.7) depicts two women mirroring each other’s poses and was obviously intended to promote Körperkultur and FKK. Aus der Zeitschrift: Schönheit. Lavin. This photo was immediately recognizable by contemporaries and apparently so popular that neither Prager. which links it further to consumerism and advertising culture. the nude bodies of the “Dancers” pictured on the lesbian magazine cover are touching and imply sexual intimacy. Lavin. nor the film Wege zur Kraft und Schönheit. 147. Wege der Kraft und Schönheit (Paths to Strength and Beauty). 280 Wege der Kraft und Schönheit was primarily a propaganda vehicle designed to promote the movement and the countless nude and nearly nude figures depicted in the film clearly contributed to the film’s popularity. 281 Wege der Kraft und Schönheit is interspersed with educational commentary.” (Nude-culture in film. 242n30.stuck together with humorous awkwardness” lampoon the tenets of Körperkultur which celebrated the body as a “well-oiled machine.” 279 Among the most representative. However. with a title referencing dance culture. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 280 279 90 . The film’s action is alternately located in the gymnasiums of ancient Greece and in the streets and landscape of modern day Germany. but is predominantly comprised of a string of cinematic vignettes depicting men and women performing athletic and dance-inspired gymnastic activities. Instead. 282 A similar photograph on the cover of a contemporary lesbian periodical captioned Tänzerinnen (Female Dancers) (2.8). Bearing these intersecting contemporary visual contexts in mind (Körperkultur. the photograph is labeled “Nachtkultur im Film. influential and popular expressions of Weimar Körperkultur is Wilhelm Prager’s 1925 film. Many scenes take place outdoors in natural surroundings. In addition to its popular currency. 197. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Polizei und Sitte. 2.

was so popular in Germany that it ran through sixty eight printings (250. 68n21. 2.9).” in Adele Meyer. Lila Nächte. Along with the lesbian periodical Die Freundin. lesbian subculture) we recognize that lesbian print media was often nearly indistinguishable from other Weimar materials. or (Alliance for Human Rights) rallied both male homosexuals and lesbians to fight for civil liberties. As Toepfer claims. Lila Nächte.000 copies) in its first year of publication. Suren joined the Nazi party in May 1933 and made changes in subsequent editions of the book during the 1930s to accommodate Nazi ideology. 284 Vogel. and Die Insel (The Island). “Nudity and Modernity in German Dance. Founded in 1919. trans. the women in this lesbian magazine photo are enjoying the healthy benefits of sunlight and sea air. Der Mensch und die Sonne. In her study of the lesbian periodical Die Freundin. Der Mensch und die Sonne (Stuttgart. See also Katharina Vogel. Much like Körperkultur materials depicting nude figures in idyllic outdoor settings. see Hans Suren. For a typical FKK publication. David Arthur Jones) was published in London in 1927. in Adele Meyer. 162. which contains a number of photographs depicting nude people romping outdoors. the photo depicts three women instead of two (which would suggest a romantic couple) and reflects and emphasizes the importance of group identity and political organization among Weimar lesbians. it also mirrored key aspects of Weimar entertainment culture. The BfM had a Damenabteilung (Ladies Section) which represented the specific concerns of both the prewar feminist generation and a younger lesbian public. the Bund für Menschenrecht (BfM. 284 While bar culture was integral to their networking systems. 283 91 . 162. which was geared to a male homosexual public. despite the disruptive effects of war on the German publishing industry. 285 Just as lesbian representation was influenced and inspired by Körperkultur and FKK. river cruises and group outings were advertised in the periodicals. Karl Toepfer. Das Freundschaftsblatt (Friendship Page).” 68.dance. 1924). Vogel writes that these announcements routinely fill one entire page per issue. The influence of Körperkultur and FKK upon lesbian representation is evident in a photograph of three nude women relaxing on a beach in what appears to be a dune landscape in a northern German seaside location (fig. Suren’s Der Mensch und die Sonne remained in print without interruption until 1945. the BfM also published Blätter für Menschenrecht (Pages for Human Rights). 283 Significantly. An English edition (Man and Sunlight. 285 Announcements for lectures. a range of other venues fostered social opportunities. Gay and lesbian leaders in Weimar continually emphasized the centrality of the Gemeinschaft (Group) over the individual in their efforts to establish and strengthen gay culture and rights. “Zum Selbstverständnis lesbischer Frauen in der Weimarer Republik.

Bakst. Switzerland: Harwood Academic Publishers. Vaslav Nijinsky. Frankfurt. Petersburg. Petersburg in 1904. 289 Berger. trans. Immer neue. clubs.” 287 Renate Berger. Vienna. “Moments can Change your Life: Creative Crises in the Lives of Dancers in the 1920s. Benois. Rudolf Laban and Mary Wigman. Moscow. Tanzen wird zur Massenwahn. and revue-theatres. 27. Dalcroze launched schools in Hellerau. where she met luminaries of the Russian ballet Diaghelev. Laban opened the Schule der Bewegungskunst (a school for artistic-movement) in Zürich and a dance colony in Monte Veritá. a law prohibiting public dancing. combined with the optimism and cultural momentum following the war. Virile. Vamps. eds. 286 92 . 77.” in Visions of the ‘Neue Frau’: Woman and the Visual Arts in Weimar Germany. The lifting of the Tanzverbot. 289 A number of Berlin’s lesbian bars were modeled after the contemporary cabaret scene Schader. (Aldershot: Scolar Press. 1995). The New Dance in Europe had been set in motion before the war by the American Isadora Duncan with her performance at the Imperial Theatre in St. dancers of succeeding generations. was repealed shortly after the end of the war on New Year’s Eve of 1918 and significantly informed and influenced developments in Weimar lesbian subculture. 286 As Weimar contemporary Renate Berger later claimed. “An Silvester 1918/19 wurde das Tanzverbot der Kriegszeit aufgehoben.Berlin Lesbians and Weimar Entertainment and Dance Culture Germany’s wartime Tanzverbot.” 78.” 287 and Germany became the dynamic epicenter of an international modern dance movement. 288 Isa Partsch-Bergsohn. Modern Dance in Germany and the United States: Crosscurrents and Influences (Chur. opened a number of schools throughout Europe. Martin Davies. “Her free-flowing quality particularly impressed Michel Fokine. St. Alone. including such diverse figures as Emile-Jacques Dalcroze. “Dance was the hallmark of the 1920s. 288 The cultural vibrancy of Weimar Berlin and the modern dance movement generated a flourishing cabaret scene of countless bars. Warsaw. Marsha Meskimmon and Shearer West. “Moments can change your life. immer wildere. Switzerland.” Later. Nürnberg. immer skandalose Tänze werden kreiert. Anna Pavlova and Stanislavsky (2). the Wiesenthal sisters were active in Vienna and Mary Wigman disseminated new dance as a performer and teacher in Germany. unleashed a collective dance craze (Massenwahn) in Germany which continued throughout the following decade. 1994). London and Kiev by 1914. 1-48. Prague. Breslau.

” Roellig. Moreover. ed.” 294 As Ilse Kokula confirmed. 290 Cross-dressed women in tuxedos performed for lesbian audiences in the Monokel-Diele (Monocle-Room) and the Manuela Club. Hirschfeld’s participation in the volume automatically lent Roellig’s voice an aura of legitimacy. 295 Kokula. 292 Ruth Margarete Roellig. in Adele Meyer. Adele Meyer (Berlin: Edition Lit. reprint in Lila Nächte: die Damenklubs im Berlin der zwanziger Jahre. 11-55. the Berlin scene “has long since surpassed the others. 290 93 . “the days of Berlin’s lesbians emulating the London and Paris scene” are gone. 291 Adele Meyer. 292 Roellig’s celebratory guide contributed to Berlin’s reputation as an international hub of sapphic subculture. during the 1920s. 1994). Berlins lesbische Frauen (Berlin’s Lesbian Women).and hosted elaborate events with live entertainment. 293 Roellig made this clear when she wrote. Europe. Every Weimar lesbian periodical included multiple addresses of lesbian bars and meeting places and large advertisements for women-only balls. Magnus Hirschfeld. Berlins lesbische Frauen. 1928. mit einem Vorwort von Dr. a contribution boldly announced on its cover. in Adele Meyer. Lila Nächte. 293 Roellig. 25-26. 1928. Lila Nächte. 33. von London und besonders von Paris als von der Stadt geheimnissvoller Freuden sprach. Berlins lesbische Frauen. Reprint in Meyer. even more so than Paris. 106. Lila Nächte. it also attests to his active support of sexual subculture. Berlin. was a “pulsating” center of the lesbian world. oft aus blosser Nachahmungssucht. 294 “Und während man früher. 291 Ruth Margarete Roellig’s 1928 guide to lesbian Berlin. mit einem Vorwort von Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld. 295 The prominent Berlin sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld wrote the Introduction to Roellig’s guide. To the contemporary reader. 11-55. describes lesbian nightlife and includes addresses and detailed descriptions of the décor and clientele of fourteen of the roughly fifty social clubs and venues that catered to the city’s lesbians. Lea Manti performed in both clubs wearing a tuxedo and monocle.hat Berlin ihnen längst den Rang abgelaufen.

2. Virile. The anonymous image depicts a slender woman in a tuxedo jacket on a shallow stage. while red and black combined characterized the “worldly. While the sexually aggressive monocle-sporting vamp. 1910-1935 (Berkeley: University of California Press. As dance theorist Karl Toepfer explains. feminine woman who was also passionate and sensual. Much like Höch’s Russian Dancer. 298 Toepfer. red clothing and accessories denoted feminine passion. 216. The slender legs of Roellig’s figure end in a pair of red pumps. 296 The monocle and the shallow stage on which she is positioned visually link the image to Höch’s 1928 Russian Dancer.The cross-dressed woman pictured on the cover of Roellig’s guide (fig.” 298 Otto Hahn’s dancing female couple (fig.7).11) attests to the popularity of this visual motif. female couples “enjoyed special appeal” in Weimar because they “dramatized competing models of femininity and exposed conditions under which one model of femininity dominated or achieved equilibrium with another.10) appears to have been inspired by the city’s thriving cabaret milieu. Among WEimar lesbians. the figure pictured on Roellig’s volume has closely cropped black hair and a gleaming monocle in her eye. 2. Vamps. both of which define her as a sexually aggressive vamp. Toepfer. 168. (The clever maidens/virgins: a moral tale from West 296 Schader. 216. 5. Empire. 1997). 94 . a figure often pictured alone. Empire of Ecstasy: Nudity and Movement in German Body Culture. was frequently featured in lesbian publications (fig. W. it comes as no surprise that “the homoerotic dimension” of this imagery “was not negligible in supporting their appeal. the motif of the dancing female couple was wildly popular among Weimar lesbians and the general public alike. Hahn’s drawing appeared on the dust-jacket of Marie Renée Dumas’ 1924 novel Die klugen Jungfrauen: eine Sittenbild aus Berlin. She is holding a cane and surveys her public like a haughty ringmaster.” 297 Karl M.” 297 Indeed.

These images. suggests the free-wheeling independence and sexual adventurousness of the modern New Woman. 300 and contemporaries. but were not intended to represent. such as the professional writer Ruth Roellig. degraded and negated lesbian agency. Magnus Hirschfeld. However. Die Tänzerinnen Schwestern Karolewna (The Dancing Karolewna Sisters) (fig. lesbianism is not the novel’s theme. 1924). are only two examples of countless contemporary images of dancing female couples that suggest. One could argue that the proliferation of popular imagery in Weimar depicting female couples weakened lesbian expression. Images such as these used the female couple as enticing and. 4 Jg. despite the close embrace of the women pictured.12). 2. lesbian periodicals were produced and written largely by amateurs. at the time. no. these same images also represented an ‘image bank’ that significantly enabled and supported contemporary lesbian expression. did not delight all lesbian readers. as in the case of Dr. lesbianism. which was printed in Die Dame. however. 300 On occasion. Clearly. “Über den Fetischismus” (About Fetishism) Liebende Frauen. W. 299 95 . Die klugen Jungfrauen: eine Sittenbild aus Berlin. which. Berlin lesbian periodicals deployed images depicting female couples to delight and lure the lesbian reader. to a degree. erotically suggestive visual decoration. This illustration. much like the 1929 photograph. paired with Hahn’s illustration. the most popular German fashion magazine. the producers of Berlin’s lesbian periodicals deployed images such as these to enhance sales and promote their public agenda. Nonetheless. openly Marie Renée Dumas. Professionally published. 31 (1929).. articles by guest columnists were reprinted in serial-form on their pages. on occasion. (Leipzig: Wilhelm Borngräber.Berlin). 299 The novel’s title.

” 169. 301 She particularly disapproved of cover photographs that depicted nude women. 304 Ross. Lila Naechte. which has retained much of its volatility into the present-day. some signed their articles with their first name only. this issue. 303 The production of erotically suggestive [lesbian] imagery remains a contested theme among lesbian feminists who take issue with the “trafficking of lesbian images from a non-lesbian [i. and Sexuality. 302 Roellig. as Becki L. which. no.e. 305 Ross. Publisher and homosexual activist Friedrich Radzuweit (1876-1932) was prominent in the homosexual and lesbian emancipation movement. While Radzuweit’s name is well known. in 1923. 21.” 168. enhances our appreciation of Weimar lesbian cultural agency and the fragility of its production. was renamed the Bund für Menschenrecht (Alliance for Human Rights).” 305 While Ross’ late twentieth-century rationale resonates with Weimar lesbian representation. Roellig praised male homosexual publications for their quality content and professional appearance. 31 (1990): 323-35.” 304 Yet. “It’s Merely Designed for Sexual Arousal. “The Female Nude: Pornography. her misgivings anticipate key issues and debates that would resurface much later in the century. in her opinion. 301 96 . Radzuweit was head of the Deutsche Freundschaftsbund (German Friendship Alliance). the protagonists are women. “it is important to remember that in lesbian-made imagery. Berlins lesbische Frauen (reprint 1928) in Adele Meyer. 303 For a related discussion of the female nude as a site of gendered cultural production. Art. because. see Lynda Nead. it only minimally reflects the historical reality of 1920s Berlin. Ross remarks. many of the women involved in the production of lesbian magazines chose to protect their identities and remain anonymous. 302 While Roellig’s criticism fell on deaf ears.criticized their lack of artistic and literary niveau.” Signs: Journal of Women and Culture and Society 15. In contrast. “It’s Merely Designed for Sexual Arousal. they attracted and fueled a prurient non-lesbian readership. while others adopted pseudonyms. hence the gender-based inequities that pervade commercial pornography (and society in general) are neither represented nor reinforced. Indeed. heterosexual male voyeur] standpoint.

This discursive link is also evident in sexological materials. For obvious reasons. For example.” 306 Toepfer qualifies this observation with another of equal significance: “Ecstasy is only possible through the perpetration of excess. Due to an overwhelming visual tradition based on phallocentric hegemony. Sexual Depravity. the visual intersection of (heterosexist) pornographic materials with feminist-informed lesbian selfrepresentation constituted an awkward juncture for Weimar lesbians. As stated. and compels brief consideration. Nude female couples. the title of Ludwig Levi Lenz’s planned 306 307 Toepfer. were also a major motif in contemporary pornography. 97 .” 307 a claim which resonates strongly with contemporary attitudes regarding sexuality. 384. materials. and Lesbian Representation As stated. sexual depravity. Empire. As Toepfer observes. 384. Weimar lesbians clearly faced significant challenges in establishing their own visual vernacular independent from the hegemonic parameters of patriarchal culture. lesbians were largely represented by male-authored. Their appropriation and redeployment of erotically-charged female-female imagery is nothing less than remarkable. however. before the advent of Weimar lesbian print media.Pornography. at the time. and pornography. Empire. The following discussion will explore lingering discursive associations which. Toepfer. Weimar Germans “tended to perceive modernity and freedom in relation to expanded capacities for ecstasy. images of nude female couples in Weimar lesbian magazines often reflected diverse mainstream discourses. continued to conflate lesbianism. and often pornographic.

Rausch. Stepchildren of Nature. or what he describes as the “drive model. explored the byways of sexual deviance. For years. Stepchildren of Nature: Krafft-Ebing: Psychiatry. Inc.publication.. 312 Oosterhuis. 309 As a result. whose choice of profession was regarded as driven by ‘unnatural’ desire Ludwig Levi Lenz. From this. 469. and the Making of the Sexual Identity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. They were determined largely by earlier medical and moralizing discourses that privileged biological determinism before sexual pleasure. dominant medical opinion held that motherhood and domesticity made such vital demands on women that their sexual desire was basically extinguished. 310 Moreover. 311 Women. in contrast to men. many doctors concluded that female sexual desire was intrinsically unnatural. Lenz was a gynecologist at Hirschfeld’s Berlin Institute of Sexology. it was applauded.” 312 Well into the early decades of the twentieth century.” to the Romantic understanding of human selfexpression as well as the materialist-mechanical view of the body as a steam engine or motor.e. the fundamental difference between male and female physiology was central to this paradigm. Ekstase (Pleasure. “were defined as essentially asexual. 308 98 . 2000). 310 Oosterhuis. Genuss. Ecstasy). male sexuality was regarded as a powerful independent force that built within the body until it was released through ejaculation. 308 Despite a self-conscious sense of modernity. excessive. 30. Stepchildren of Nature. Oosterhuis links this paradigmatic concept of male sexuality. 26. 26. Accordingly. 309 Harry Oosterhuis. Rapture. 311 Oosterhuis. 30. or motivated by lust. it was considered subversive. The Memoirs of a Sexologist: Discretion and Indiscretion (New York: Cadillac Publishing Co. perceptions of sexuality in Weimar were not entirely free of historical influences. but if sex was illicit. asexual) women and the depraved prostitute. if sexual activity contributed to procreation and was connected to marriage. and hence. Lenz’s manuscript was unfortunately destroyed in May 1933 during a Nazi raid on the Berlin Institute. established a sharp distinction between respectable (i. 1951). Stepchildren of Nature.

Sexology in Culture.” These remarks.” Otto Weininger (18801903). 30-31. In 1927.” 316 Otto Weininger’s 1903 Sex and Character set the tone for a number of subsequent publications regarding female sexuality. 316 Marilyn R.” in Bland and Doan. January. contended that “In lesbian ecstasy the most sacred secrets of the state were betrayed. repr.” In England. 184. . Sex and Character influenced and informed sexual theorists well into the new century. 262-63. . lesbianism increased the potential of “the nation’s downfall” (109). were eternally in a state of arousal.” 314 Clearly. ecstasy and lesbianism in modern European discourse. “Trial by Sexology?: Maud Allan. the prostitute and the lesbian. Dean. unrelated or irrational “chains of association” such as these served to link lesbianism to “a realm of inarticulate but potent affects. these correlations are irrational. the lesbian embodied the “excessive pursuit of pleasure. Farwell. “The Lesbian Subject: A War of Images. 317 In Sex and Character. 313 Thus. but indicatively influential. were considered depraved. who similarly pursued sexuality outside the confines of procreation.” in Heterosexual Plots and Lesbian Narratives (New York: New York University Press. Sexuality and Modern Western Culture. In 1918. Medd also cites Lucy Bland. 26. as Dean writes.” 91. 314 313 99 . Stepchildren of Nature. receiving pleasure from every object with which they came into contact. warning of the potential political dangers of lesbianism. 315 Because Weimar attitudes towards sexuality were informed largely by nineteenth-century models. 315 As Medd. 317 Ignaco-Virseda. “I Feel that I belong to You. yet this line of reasoning was largely responsible for the stubborn conflation of sexual excess. 195n3). the British press. it enabled symbolic links between sexual excess and political subversion. Espinaco-Virseda laconically characterizes Weiminger’s sex and Character as “unfortunately. appeared in The Imperialist. “Historectomies: On the Metaphysics of Reproduction in a Utopian Age. “Extraordinary Allegations. By early twentieth-century standards. 195n3.” observes. 1918 (184. 4th printing. Salome and the ‘Cult of the Clitoris Case. 1908).” 318 Steeped in the language of fin-de-siècle decadence. Geschlecht und Character: eine prinzipielle Untersuchung (Sex and Character: a Study of basic principals) (1903. the twentythree year old Weininger “portrayed women as soulless creatures who . Vienna and Leipzig: Wilhelm Braumüller. 28. 318 Eric Naiman. it comes as no surprise that “male sexologists gained control of the definition of the lesbian. Oosterhuis. 63. made during the 1918 libel trial of the English dancer Maud Allan. Above all.rather than financial need.” in Costlow. 1996).

27. “Narrative: The Elastic Project. it doubly indicated insatiable female desire and atavistic depravity.” 325 The conflation of lesbianism with vice Naimann. this fear. 323 Carolyn J. Idols of Perversity: Fantasies of Feminine Evil in fin-de-siecle Culture (New York: Oxford University Press. 322 Forel and Hirschfeld. it comes as no surprise that lesbianism “is the core of the culture’s fear of women’s sexuality.” in Costlow. 1986). Sexuality and Modern Western Culture. in Vienna in 1930. see. for it is ultimately unregulated by men or by reproduction. wildly claimed that among lesbians “orgasm follows orgasm. day and night almost without break.” 325 Carolyn J. Farwell writes. and a colleague of Hirschfeld. The myth of the vagina dentata is only one locus of this fear. Forel was a respected member of the European medical community. 262. remarks such as these would not necessarily be surprising had they been expressed in a non-scientific or popular venue.” 320 At the time. For a seminal discussion of the discursive relationship between decadence and lesbian sexuality. compelled early twentieth-century sexologists “to attribute female homosexuality to vice. the League dissolved during in the 1930s. 257.the Swiss psychiatrist and sexologist Auguste Forel. Its international advisory board also included the German-native and naturalized American Harry Benjamin (1885-1986). 33. The League met in London in 1929. Alexandra Kollontai (1872-1952). 1928. 1996). for an uncontrolled female sexuality spells chaos and destruction in the patriarchal mind. 323 Due to attitudes such as this. Due to the combined historical influences of the Great Depression and the rise of fascism. 324 Farwell. to moral turpitude and the apparently irresistible quest for pleasure rather than to congenital instinct. The World League for Sexual Reform was created on the occasion of the Sexual Reform Congress in Copenhagen. co-presided over the World League for Sexual Reform. compounded with the related notion of women’s sexual insatiability. Sexuality and Modern Western Culture.” in Heterosexual Plots and Lesbian Narratives (New York: New York University Press. Dean. Dean. that is. echoing Weininger. 322 Forel and others similarly reasoned that because lesbian sexuality involved two women.” 319 and a woman’s intrinsic sensuality “makes it easy for a lesbian to seduce a normal girl. Auguste Forel. 320 319 100 .” 324 As Dean claims. Die Sexuelle Frage (Erlenbach Zürich: E. “Historectomies. 321 Associations such as these were common. and in Brno in 1932. along with the prominent British sexologist Havelock Ellis. and the Russian Socialist. “Female sexuality is a source of cultural fear. 1927). Rentsch Verlag. 28. 344n25. 321 However. Bram Dijkstra.

he uncritically adopted the tenor of like-minded authors who claimed lesbianism appeals to “rich. Berlin. “Die lesbische Liebe. Band 1: Die lesbische Liebe (Berlin: Schwalbe Verlag. 32.” 328 Scheda’s sensationalistic and controversial 1929 study of lesbianism largely subscribes to what can only be described as the lesbian vice model. “Die lesbische Liebe. fiery sensuality and frequent brothels where they recruit 10 to 15 year old girls for their tribadic pleasures. “Der andere Endpunkt ist das zügellose lesbische Liebesleben und dazwischen anderen Formen der Selbstbefriedigung.” cites Dr.” 1926).11) of a cross-dressed prostitute in a sexological publication which will be discussed in chapter five.was reflected in representations of prostitutes. he writes that “because prostitutes do not find love (etwas fürs Herz) through their customers. Rops’ illustration appears in Albert Moll. 327 Weimar sexologist Franz Scheda claimed that women are easily seduced into lesbianism because they are “by nature more sensual than men.” 330 Scheda. While Scheda does not explain why female writers are so often lesbian.” 30. 14. and elegant women that have exhausted all other pleasures and can only be thrilled by the unnatural and the abnormal. 328 101 . Lesbian love. 14. 329 Scheda. 28-29. “who were frequently portrayed as lesbians” because they “allegedly engaged in their trade less for money than for love of vice. they will choose lesbianism. he wrote. and Eulenberg.” 330 Such women.” 326 This perception was commonly held in Weimar and confirmed by a Félicien Rops’ illustration (fig. 329 Scheda linked lesbianism (and male homosexuality) to prostitution and criminality. bored.” 32. 1929). he remarked “most lesbians are either writers or prostitutes. if given the choice between a pimp and a girlfriend. he wrote. Erik Hoyer’s Das Lusterne Weib. Sexuality and Modern Western Culture. 332 Scheda. Furthermore. 5. Dean. “are driven by a brutal. Die Abarten im Geschlechtsleben.” 331 In addition to these ridiculous claims.” 332 326 327 Franz Scheda.” and “50% of Berlin’s prostitutes are lesbians. “is an unbridled culmination” that is “preceded by. yet exceeds. 331 Scheda.”Die lesbische Liebe. 22. different forms of masturbation. Polizei und Sitte (Gersbach & Sohn Verlag.

334 333 102 . In a rare front page editorial (printed in Die Freundin (Berlin) 4. During the Weimar years.” 336 Heinz von Perckhammer.” 333 Scheda’s claims are emblematic of the sensationalized and perverted representations of lesbianism in Weimar. depicts two women locked in an explicity sexual embrace.’: Subculture. The prominent lesbian social organizer. 1 (2004). yet significant. contemporary activists “defensively asserted the moral rectitude of lesbians and distanced them from prostitution. See also.13). See also. 2. “who both knows and vigorously defends members of the third sex. Else Meissner. 1930.” 31. discursive intersection between Weimar pornography and lesbian representation. Ecstasy (fig. the figures are nude. He argued that a distinction should be made between homosexual women and prostitutes in the same way that one does not automatically assume that heterosexual women are prostitutes. 336 In contrast. no. 1928). 1930). political activist. 335 The nature of the image is obvious. von Perckhammer was best known for monographs featuring nude. 162. 5. Edle Nacktheit in China: mit 32 originalaufnahmen (Tasteful Nudity in China: with 32 Original Photographs) (Berlin: Eigenbrödler Verlag. During the NS era he “produced appealing photographs of nude ‘Aryan’ women posed heroically in beautiful farm lands and wheat fields. “Sind die Weiblichen Homosexuelle Prostituierte?” (“Are female homosexuals prostitutes?”) Die Freundin. 2.Scheda added. gay publisher and homosexual rights activist Friedrich Radzuweit (18761932) refuted Scheda’s claims. and Lesbian Identities in Weimar Germany. Understandably. that Dr. June. a 1930 photograph attributed to Heinz von Perckhammer. [Magnus] Hirschfeld.” 334 Lesbian Ecstasy The following analysis explores the uneasy. Ignaco-Virseda. “Die lesbische Liebe. 335 Pictured in Toepfer. yet decorously posed. and one woman has her mouth on the other’s breast. von Perckhammer. Die Freundin. and frequent contributor to Berlin’s lesbian journals Charlotte ‘Lotte’ Hahm organized a lecture entitled “Are Female Homosexuals Prostitutes?” as a rebuttal to Scheda’s outrageous claim that 50% of Berlin’s prostitutes were lesbians. lying on a bed. “I Feel that I belong to You. Empire. pubescent Chinese girls (fig. 100n71.14). the subjects of Scheda. March. Austrian native Heinz von Perckhammer (1895-1965) was active in Germany and was able to sustain his career throughout the politically tumultuous 1930s. spacesofidentity 4. however. estimates that only 20% of Berlin’s prostitutes are lesbians.

Ecstasy would have been regarded as shocking and most probably circulated as pornography (if at all). that love between women is an attraction of ‘like to like. 337 A less explicit von Perckhammer photograph depicting nude lesbian lovers is pictured in Ulrich Domröse. I have been unable to determine if. Kulkarni repudiates what she characterizes as “internalized heterosexism. Heidelberg: Edition Braus. However. Bilderlust: erotische Photographien aus der Sammlung Uwe Scheid (Berlin: Altes Museum Berlin. 337 Nonetheless.’ why not simply declare that ‘complementarity’ and ‘contrasexuality’ are irrelevant to lesbians?” 103 . ed. dance culture. it seems likely that in 1930. . while the other is based on contrast and will be addressed in chapter three. 338 Claudette Kulkarni. 1997). advertising. Langer confirms. lesbian subculture.” and taking fellow Jungians to task queries. 338 As Cassandra L. theorists identify “a twinning and doubling of the self as [one of] the Peking (Berlin: Albertus. Von Perckhammer. images of female couples in Weimar might easily suggest a number of visual discourses that included Körperkultur.. Jungians tersely characterize doubling and mirroring as the “like to like” model. Mirroring is a well-established trope that deploys sameness or symmetry to identify female partners.Ecstasy are clearly European. this image circulated. 106. . 105. or pornography. Despite extensive research. Lesbians and Lesbianisms: A post-Jungian Perspective (London: Routledge. considered within the contexts of von Perckhammer’s published oeuvre and contemporary visual culture. Von China und die Chinesen: 64 Bilder mit Text (China and the Chinese: 64 Pictures with Text) (Zürich: Orell Füssli. “Why introduce the masculine at all? If lesbians do not need men for individuation. In sum. and their sexual exchange is unmistakably lesbian. the sexually graphic nature of the photograph suggests that it was not intended for broad dissemination or publication. 1928). 1991). 1930). Depicting Lesbianism: Doubling and Mirroring Weimar depictions of lesbian couples can be generally divided into two types of visual configurations: One is based on similarity. and in what venue. why do we need the ‘masculine’? If we argue .

Gillian Spraggs.” 339 Mirroring often depicts two stereotypically feminine women together. 339 104 .archetypal patterns of lesbian love.16) pictured on a Freundin cover who closely mirror each other’s bodies imply lesbianism. Die Freundin 4. and in turn supposedly the result of. shape. ever and always illustrating symmetry of form. 20. 2. the identically configured revue-girls. Identity. proportion.” in Nineteenth-Century Literature 60. 2.’” 340 Melissa Solomon.. the issue of doubling is also relevant to the Russian Dancer symbolically. However. ed. Charles Baudelaire says of the notorious female inhabitants of Lesbos. no. in the work of John Donne (or one of his followers) Sappho proclaims to her lover ‘Me. the Bathers references and appropriates (for lesbian purposes) a traditional Western European artistic motif. 3. 1991). akin to Höch’s Russian Dancer and English Dancer. eds. similar to the previously discussed photograph suggesting the Judment of Paris. Two scantily clad revue-dancers striking the same pose pictured on the cover of Frauen-Liebe (Women’s Love) (1928) (fig. Special Issue: Lesbian Aesthetics. New Lesbian Criticism: Literary and Cultural Readings (New York: Columbia University Press. See also. Moreover. no. in my glass I call thee. indicate lesbianism. “Transgressing Le Droit du Seigneur: The Lesbian Feminist Defining herself in Art History. 123. mirroring was frequently deployed in Weimar lesbian periodicals. 356. Solomon defines this as “the symmetrical correspondence of size. Largely because the phrase Mein Double (My Double) is inscribed on the Cassandra L.” 340 Due to its familiar currency. in his 1857 poem collection Fleur du Mal. ‘they engage only with mirrors. 2005). a representational trope cultural theorist Melissa Solomon labels “lesbian symmetry. form. Langer. 4 (Feb.. Action (New York: Harper Collins. lesbians. Aestheticizing Lesbianism (Dec.. an anonymous photograph of a nude Ruhende Venus (Resting Venus) appropriates and redeploys a traditional artistic motif. corresponding bodies of lesbians. 130n20. “In 1633. or feeling allegedly visible or operative between. Jg. See.15) attest to the suggestive power of this motif.” in Sally Munt..’ Like him. of one kind or another. 192). 130n21. the nude Badenden (Bathers) (1928) (fig. New Feminist Criticism: Art. Like them. 341 Much like the mirroring Bathers.” 341 Like it.” in Joanna Frueh et al. 1929). 311. beauty. “Hell and the Mirror: A Reading of Desert of the Heart. “’The Queer Twin’: Sarah Orne Jewett and Lesbian Symmetry.

The Self and its Pleasures: Bataille. and in the process of becoming” 347 and ushered in “a period in which the idea of a sovereign self came under attack.” 343 Similarly. shifting. in various ways. “Many observers have recognized Englische Tänzerin as a montage self-portrait and it seems likely (as some have speculated) that Russische Tänzerin was meant to represent Brugman. 1993). 347 Caroline Evans. 146.” 18.” 348 During this period. all. Mirrors. In 1928. “Masks. “could refer to either her lover (Brugman) or another side of herself. 345 While these arguments are fascinating. Höch scholar Maud Lavin writes. 8. “Man lebt nur einmal in Patchamatac: Die groteske Welt von Til Brugman. they are informed by theories that did not circulate at the time. 146. Lebensgefährtin von Hannah Höch. and Mannequins: Elsa Schiaparelli and the Decentered Subject.” 237. 236n26. the French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan initiated a theory that proposed the self as a “decentered subject.” 346 Lacan’s theory of the mirror-stage newly formulated the subject “as uncertain. Mirrors. Matthew Biro writes. Everard ventures that “my double” may indicate that the Russian Dancer is a self-portrait. 83. “The New Woman as Cyborg.’ an appellation that suggests the figure is like her in many ways. 94.” in Dech and Maurer. 346 Carolyn Dean. Lacan. 344 Biro.mount. 342 105 .” Lavin claims. Cut with the kitchen Knife. in so Myriam Everard. it is also titled Mein Double (My Double). 2.” 94. the phrase “my double” did not automatically conjure the psychoanalytic associations that it does in late twentieth. 1992). “psychiatrists. and Mannequins. and a Höch self-portrait. the photomontage is often discussed as a self-portrait. and early twenty-first century culture.” 344 Like them. no. Everard considers the image as both a portrait of Brugman.” Fashion Theory 3. 345 Myriam Everard. 343 Lavin. In 1936. psychoanalysts and Surrealists. 348 Evans. “Patchamatac. 342 “This double. “Masks. and the History of the Decentered Subject (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 1 (March.” Cut with the Kitchen Knife: The Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1999). “Höch subtitles the Russian Dancer ‘my double. theorized and constructed the self out of a new and changing interest in the other and.

is written in ball point pen. Lacan’s theory (and to a degree Surrealism. and Lacan’s mirror-stage are roughly contemporary. I would suggest that the photomontage was not intended as a self-portrait. 350 Based on this argument and on a thorough first-hand examination of Russian Dancer. it is feasible that artists may have intuited Lacanian theory long before it was formulated. cultural historians often recognize that artists are among the first to grasp and express the zeitgeist. as a ‘portrait’ of Brugman. Weimar lesbian imagery was not based on psychoanalytical models. pursuing this line of enquiry exceeds the scope of this study. Moreover. which was inspired by early psychoanalytic discourse) should not be confused with lesbian representation at the time. but rather.’ Surrealism. No evidence exists to suggest that Höch 349 106 . but rather clearly redeployed well-established visual tropes. In retrospect. the ball-point pen was patented ten years Dean. Nonetheless. as a self portrait. unraveled it. while it is improbable that in 1928 images depicting mirroring and doubling were conceived in anticipation of and/or intended to express Lacan’s [future] psychoanalytic theory.doing. Thus. Ball-point pens first became available in Germany after the war in 1950 and was sold for the exorbitant price of 20 Deutsch Marks. Close examination of the work reveals that Mein Double. the notion that the Russian Dancer is a self-portrait disregards physical evidence indicating that the photomontage was not intended by Höch. at least in 1928. While this is a compelling possibility. visual evidence was universally regarded as the most trustworthy form of empirical proof. “self dissolution is implicit in the construction of some forms of modern (and postmodern) subjectivity” (251). Patented in Hungary in 1938. 351 While Russian Dancer is dated 1928. the ball-point pen was initially massproduced in England beginning in 1944. which is located between what is obviously the original title and date. “Russian Dancer” and “1928” appear to have been written in black ink with a metal-tipped quill pen and frame the bottom outer edges of the image. In their discussion of what they characterize as the work’s “alternate title. 2009.” scholars fail to acknowledge that the phrase “Mein Double” was added much later.” 349 While Höch’s reference to ‘doubling. 351 My personal observation was corroborated by Katja Pylen of the Anton-Ulrich Museum’s Kupferstichkabinett in August. and as will be discussed in subsequent chapters. 248-49. 350 At the time. The Self and its Pleasures.

357 Julie Mencher. “H. Adolf Dörries purchased the collage Russian Dancer from the Berlin Galerie Nierendorf in March. it would have been impossible for her to have used a ball point pen to write an ‘alternate title’ on the collage before 1938. it was not unprecedented. “Intimacy in Lesbian Relationships: A Critical Re-Examination of Fusion. 1965. in part. the dancer. In his discussion of the Dompteuse. Maud Lavin nonetheless offers valuable insight into its status and meaning in relation to the artist’s English Dancer: Whether or not these two montages are intended as portraits . 178-79.later. 356 Lavin’s eloquent description of what reads as a state of blissful emotional fusion not only reflects Weimar models of lesbian intimacy. 1990). M. a post-WWII invention. Allegorically. when the photograph she used from Life magazine was published.S. as if they are two sides of one coin. 1959. Mass. 4/1 (2003/2004). Höch’s Russian Dancer was not a self-portrait but instead. . 355 While claims that the Russian Dancer is a self-portrait may. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. “Dating the Dompteuse: Hannah Höch’s reconfiguration of the Tamer. 2. Hannah Höch (Cologne: Dumont Verlag. Mills writes. no. 19n7.W. 356 Lavin. a portrait of Brugman. 146. ed. 19n3. be discounted. but also echoes more recent arguments in support of lesbian relationship psychology. who was acquainted with the inventor of the ball-point pen. 352 Russian Dancer was in the artist’s possession until 1964 when it was sold to a Braunschweig collector. Tensions existing between individual identity and that of a couple are magically resolved in the shared identity of the dancer. Höch dramatically altered the background of the Dompteuse (1930) sometime between March 9. the Rus sian dancer on the other mirroring her.” Photo Review 26/27. 353 Most likely. 355 Götz Adriani. and before 1964 when the collage was exhibited in its present state.H. they reflect each other and they share one identity. 357 Julie Mencher. “Fusion in lesbian relationships is a topic 107 . 354 Mills and Boswell. Höch added the words Mein Double many years after its creation. 352 See also. Joe Mills and Peter Boswell. While Höch’s practice of modifying an existing work was unusual. they take up the theme of doubling (the couple. 354 This suggests that in 1928.” 353 As a receipt held by the Anton-Ullrich Museum in Braunschweig Germany confirms. and even if she was. 1980). It is therefore no help in securing an early 1930s date for the piece. .: Stone Center Colloquium. is written in ball point pen.” (Wellesley. the other as self) in their complementary subjects and poses −the English dancer balances on one foot.

unser Leben.” in Bollé.” 87.” (That night I gave myself to her entirely.). 361 The vocabulary used by Weimar lesbians to express feelings of love. is not inherently disturbed. 131.” 360 Mencher’s characterization of lesbian relationship dynamics. at least fourteen articles have appeared in the last ten years which feature fusion as the prominent issue. you see. which celebrate lesbian love as the dissolution of self-other distinction. writing to a colleague.” but also has “unwittingly pathologized women’s ways of being and loving. 133. As Mencher notes. resonate with Mencher’s oft-used terms “union and merger. no. “Intimacy. you feel. . Christiane von Lengerke. Ihre Sinne. is clearly analogous to Lavin’s reading of the Russian Dancer and English Dancer and to Weimar lesbian prose. like me. with its emphasis on “difference. wie ich. and self-other harmony as regressive opposites to differentiation and self-other distinction. This mode of expression is also evident in early nineteenth-century German lesbian correspondence. Urninden.” 358 The psychoanalytic tradition. .” 358 Mencher.” 108 .” 360 Mencher. zu fühlen. this may merely reflect his personal emotional attitude. Eldorado. “I Feel that I belong to you. Espinaco-Virseda. Pictured on the cover of a Weimar lesbian periodical in 1928. Your Life [is] our life. zu sehen. writes that “the lesbian pattern.” 8. who quotes Töppsdrill. “Intimacy. Virile Vamps.” 359 Mencher argues that the psychoanalytic tradition has falsely “cast [lesbian] experiences of union. Ihr Leben. “Intimacy.” she contends. A number of feminist scholars repudiate “the male bias of traditional theoretical frameworks which emphasize separation and autonomy as the hallmarks of healthy human development.” 8. it is rare to find an analysis of lesbian couples which does not address fusion. a photograph of a young woman lovingly gazing at which has received much air time…In the relatively small body of literature on lesbian couples.” (Your moods. 361 Images of women gazing or engaging with themselves in mirrors indicate the traditional Vanitas genre and suggest a subtext of lesbianism. .” Freundin.” For example.challenges the classic psychoanalytic viewpoint that privileges a sharp differentiation between partners in intimate relationships. not only “privileges heterosexuality. Die Dinge zu hören. 272n102. Freundinnen. Tribaden. your senses. See also. a more fused pattern. 98n33. Freud claimed he “frankly couldn’t relate to the concept of oceanic feeling. see Schader. 14 (1932): “In dieser Nacht schenkte ich mich ihr ganz.” 8. To hear the things you hear. . Von Lengerke quotes an excerpt from an 1818 lesbian love letter: “Ihre Laune. See. merger. “Homosexuelle Frauen.” 359 Mencher. “Die Alternde.

mirror images such as these stubbornly persist in representations of lesbian desire. is somewhat complicated by the caption. and by contemporary early twentieth-century standards. 1963).her reflection in a hand mirror clearly represented lesbianism. Sally Singer) 1963 lesbian pulp novel. is unlike the full body mirroring common in contemporary pornographic imagery. limited to a hand-mirror.19) drawing Avec Gregoire le Roy. however. 364 For a brief discussion of this image. Mon couer pleure d’autrefois (Along with Gregoire the King. but also suggests lesbian doubling. the subject(s) appear to simultaneously engage with an off-stage. Bauhaus photographer and art critic Franz Roh (1890-1965) took up the theme of a woman at a mirror. are generally understood as erotic invitations. yet implied. “Fernand Khnopff. 148. see. 363 As if in a trance.de reveals countless. or the woman pictured may embody a type of beauty to which a lesbian aspired. because the subject’s body is doubled. Lynne Pudles. My heart cries once again) (1889). Ideale Schönheit (Ideal Beauty) (fig. no. 362 109 . While the subject of Roh’s Greeting Oneself (Selbstbegrüssung) (1927-33) (fig. 2. the female subject of the Belgian Symbolist Fernand Khnopff’s (fig. the woman’s reflection in Ideal Beauty. This reading. A painting depicting a partially clothed woman kissing a mirror.. 364 Roughly four decades later. Her Private Hell: Lesbian Love. Often. kisses her reflection in morbid selfabsorption. Idols of Perversity. 362 Moreover. 1992): 647. Antoine Magaud’s (1817-1899) A Kiss in the Glass. In any case. and countless others like it. Hence. Images of women who appear to erotically engage with mirrors are not limited to popular or pornographic representations. 4 (Dec. this anonymous erotic postcards from the 1920s (fig. NY: Midwood. ca. is printed in Bram Dijkstra. 2. 1885. Can a Hunger so Strong be wrong? (Brooklyn. pornographic images of fully and partially nude women posing before mirrors. heterosexual male viewer.” The Art Bulletin 74.17). 363 A cursory internet search of erotic postcards 1910-1930 at delcampe. 2. and the Dead City Bruges. Similary configured images continued to suggest lesbianism well into the twentieth century. it may suggest the lesbian’s ‘ideal’ partner. in pornographic representations that include mirrors. Georges Rodenbach. Paul Rader’s (1906-1986) painting of a bare-breasted woman pressing her body to a mirror appears on the cover of March Hastings’ (pseud.18).

Cahun’s photograph cogently demonstrates the difference between images that deploy mirrors and are designed to erotically entice. self-generated lesbian media 110 . Cahun generally staged her photographs in close collaboration with her female partner Marcel Moore.2. the photograph suggests much more than a mere greeting. but were also deployed by lesbians and pornographers to represent lesbianism. Although similarly configured. Moore’s 1930 photograph pictures Cahun in a corner of their shared domestic space. but instead. The kiss the subject directs toward her own reflection clearly implies lesbian eroticism. The Contribution of Weimar Lesbian Print Media Despite the contemporary claims of sexual theorists linking lesbianism to vice and women’s epistemological status as the object of male scopic privilege. The erotic subtext of the images discussed above is clear when they are considered in relation to a photograph by Claude Cahun (1894-1954) (fig. née Suzanne Malherbe (1892-1972). Cahun is fully clothed and does not flirtatiously engage with her reflection.21) that incorporates a mirror. 2. Images of female couples were ubiquitous in the Weimar media. While female couples in mainstream and pornographic materials alike automatically implied heterosexism or male voyeurism. Weimar lesbian print media resisted and reversed women’s primary cultural status as an object for male definition and consumption. and those in which the subject resists sexual objectification. looks directly toward her partner/photographer.20) engages with her mirror reflection. In contrast to the sexually suggestive or pornographic images discussed above. yet resists enticing desire.

Conclusion Höch’s 1928 photomontages Russian Dancer and English Dancer clearly suggest a lesbian couple.wrested depictions of female couples from these contexts. the English Dancer and the Russian Dancer represent Höch and her partner Til as feminine (English Dancer) and virile (Russian Dancer) partners. as I have shown. However. inarguably. but. largely because they ironize and disrupt visual conventions adopted uncritically by the producers of lesbian print media. The public and unapologetic nature of Weimar lesbian media represents a radical disruption of gendered visual production and reception. 111 . in accordance with lesbian visual codes. most notably Weimar dance. and established a lesbian visual vernacular. also demonstrate the artist’s sophistication and humor. Weimar lesbians subverted and dislodged the hegemony of heteronormative viewing practices. Through the appropriation of well-worn motifs. The two photomontages may convincingly be linked to a variety of contemporary discourses. The two photomontages not only indicate Höch’s engagement with Weimar lesbian subculture. a theme in which the artist was perennially interested. gained independent cultural agency.

” Artibus et Historiae 19. and explore their reflection in the work of Höch and her Weimar contemporaries. 2007). Yet. Politics. Virile. among lesbians and non-lesbians alike. linked to ethnicity. “almost without exception. Weimar Ethnography. as this early twentieth-century postcard implies (fig. see. and Hannah Höch Visual Contrast and Lesbianism As shown. relatedly.Chapter III Lesbian Representation. sartorial and color-coded contrasts were also well-established conventions that signaled female-female couples. 18 (1988): 187-99. no. It will also identify and trace changes in Höch’s photomontages that indicate the shifting political climate of late Weimar and early Nazi Germany and examine parallel developments in the lesbian print media. dark-skinned brunettes were considered more passionate than their fairer blonde counterparts and their sensuality was symbolically intensified with black hair and eyes. Vamps und wilde Veilchen: Sexualität. 365 112 . “Courbet’s Sleeper: The Lesbian in nineteenth-century French Art and Literature. mirroring. 3. As German scholar Heike Schader writes. 365 Among Weimar lesbians. und Erotik in den Zeitschriften homosexueller Frauen im Berlin der 1920er Jahren (Königstein: Helmer. and visual symmetry traditionally denoted the lesbian couple. sexual roles were associated with sartorial signals and. Begehren. Among Weimar lesbians.1).” the predatory “seductive figure of the femme fatale or virile vamp For a historical discussion of these representational tropes. 366 This chapter will examine contemporary sartorial and ethnic codes. 135. Dorothy M. Kosinski. 366 Heike Schader. doubling.

see Joan Nestle. Juliet Ash and Elizabeth Wilson. one can assume that the phrase ‘Blonde preferred’ indicates an active lesbian looking for a passive lover. Virile. Furthermore. “dark. Franz Scheda. as the book’s back cover declares. but is also evident in contemporary photographs of male homosexual couples. Nestle defends and supports this relationship model rejected by many lesbian feminists who she claims erroneously consider it a “phony heterosexual replica.” During the 1980s..” they “force one to reflect upon how lesbianism has infiltrated the higher social classes. Berlins Dritte Geschlecht (1904). ed. due to the ubiquity of mainstream images in Weimar portraying female couples.” and symbolized a passionate nature and “implied sexual willingness. the deployment of stereotypical masculine and feminine sartoria to construct and express gendered difference within a same sex couple is neither chronologically nor geographically limited to Weimar Germany. Vamps. Höch’s blond. fiery eyes. and an unfamiliarity with Schader. blondes suggested femininity. 369 Schader. 35-36.was depicted with black hair.” or “dark burning eyes” were considered both “fascinating and frightening.” Among Weimar lesbians. Jeanne Mammen 1890-1976: Monographie und Wekverzeichnis (Cologne: Wienand Verlag. 1987). cites Heinz Martenau.” In the wake of Butlerian performativity and Queer theory. Die Abarten im Geschlechtsleben. For a discussion of early twentieth-century dress codes among British lesbians. (Berkeley: University of California Press.” in Chic Thrills: A Fashion Reader. created a number of works that celebrate lesbian subculture. Scheda discussed the use of code-words [Stichwörter] in lesbian personal ads: “Quite often. 1931). blue-eyed (i. See also.” 368 Apparently.” He muses that because these ads appear “in such significant numbers in the daily newspapers. 1929). Virile. For a discussion of mid twentiethcentury lesbian dress codes. 278n55. however. Desire and the Pursuit of the Whole: Dress and the Lesbian Couple. feminine) English Dancer clearly contrasts with the virile Russian Dancer. 173.” 367 In contrast. 173. and Volume four (1930) of Geschlechtskunde.” 368 Heike Schader. 30-39.e. recent lesbian scholarship no longer automatically or flatly rejects the butch/femme dyad. See. “Butch-Femme Relationships: Sexual Courage in the 1950s. the butch-femme model was a contentios theme among lesbians and. 367 113 . Vamps. Jeanne Mammen (1876-1976).” in A Restricted Country (Ithaca: Firebrand Books. Band 1: Die lesbische Liebe (Berlin: Schwalbe-Verlag. 174. in Weimar these codes were so widely recognized that even male authors claimed that the phrase “blonde preferred” in a lesbian personal ad signaled a desire for a sexually submissive partner. 369 In accordance with these codes. 370 Jeanne Mammen and Weimar Lesbian Representation Lesbian artist and Berlin resident. 1997). Hirschfeld. “Love. eds. 371 Yet. Virile. 100. “Die femme fatale oder Vamp hat fast ausnahmslos schwarzes Haar. see Katrina Rolley. Abundant evidence confirms that crossdressing was widespread in gay and lesbian circles. Sappho und Lesbos (Leipzig. 44. 371 Jörn Merkert. 1993). typified “the hot headed feminist sex wars of today. Vamps.” 370 The virile/feminine sartorial model was not limited to female same-sex couples. “the whiter the skin. the more feminine the figure.

we may assume that Mammen was a lesbian. “Masquerade. 2 (Autumn 1988-Winter 1989): 28.” See. according to Sykora WAJ. 372 Analyzing visual references to lesbian subculture in Mammen’s ouevre enables a fuller recognition and understanding of similar signals deployed and embedded by Höch in her photomontages.” 29. Lustige Blätter. “Mammen.” Woman’s Art Journal 19.” 376 Based on the sheer volume of images she created depicting lesbian couples. no. hard lines and severe look of women with plain outfits and masculine haircuts.” 377 Notable among Mammen’s lesbian-themed images is a lithographic suite of eight (or ten lithographs.” 29. Ulk. usually in pairs. and Uhu. 375 A significant portion of Mammen’s oeuvre portrays “the interactions of women. Performance. Mammen often published four or more drawings per week and was compared to George Grosz and Otto Dix. 216. pursuing exclusively female activities” or “women’s club-meetings and the festivities in Berlin’s lesbian bars. Simplicissismus. 376 Sykora.” 29) commissioned in 1931/32 by Wolfgang Gurlitt (owner/manager of Fritz Gurlitt gallery) to illustrate Pierre Louys’ poetic celebration of sapphism 372 114 . She created fashion plates and contributed illustrations to the Ullstein publications Die Dame. her familiarity with lesbian An exception to this is Marsha Meskimmon.Weimar lesbian codes among present-day art historians.”29. “Jeanne Mammen. 373 Katharina Sykora. Mammen worked as a graphic artist. 374 Sykora. “Mammen. 374 She created a number of images depicting independent New Women as “flappers” or “butch types” who lived without men. who claims that Mammen’s watercolor Masked Ball (1928) ”epitomized the variety of performative masquerades which women in the lesbian underground were exploring in developing their own perspectives on the issue of female sexual identity in the Weimar Republic. During the 1920s. 373 Between 1928 and 1933. this content does not generally receive the acknowledgement it merits. 377 Clearly. and Multiplicity. “Mammen. “Jeanne Mammen. Mammen was “especially fascinated with the extreme third gender type best exemplified by the strong.” in We weren’t Modern Enough: Women Artists and the Limits of Modernism (Berkeley: University of California Press). 375 Sykora.

“Jeanne Mammen. banned publication and the lithographs never circulated as an edition.. in 1931. 89-105. “The Conspiracy of Women: Images of City Life in the Work of Jeanne Mammen. Bonn: VG Bildkunst. its title does not define them specifically as such. Berlin 1920 bis 1933 (Kunsthalle in Emden. The image may −or may not—represent a lesbian couple. However. Käthe Kollwitz. 3. 92-127. 1994). 378 While Mammen’s work is obviously very different from Höch’s. Leipzig social scientist Curt Moreck asked Mammen to create lesbian-themed illustrations for his book. Annelie Lütgens. Leider hab ich’s fliegen verlernt: Portraits von Künstlerinnen und Schriftstellerinnen der Neuen Sachlichkeit (Berlin: Aviva. they often remain undetected in the work of both artists: While coded lesbian references in Höch’s ouevre are frequently obfuscated by the mainstream (i. et al. as will be seen. Führer durch das Lasterhafte Berlin (A Guide to Scandalous Berlin).2) depicts an elegant female couple in what appears to be a stylish nightclub. she deployed coded lesbian signals. 378 Sections of Moreck’s book devoted to male homosexuality include illustrations by Christian Schad (1894-1982). and on occasion overshadowed by.subculture was no secret. Louise R. Nonetheless. 2000). 1994). See also Britta Jürgs and Ingrid Herrmann.” in von Ankum.” in Three Berlin Artists of the Weimar Era: Hannah Höch. Women in the Metropolis. Nazis. The bodies of the two women are closely entwined and both sport the signature garçonne Les Chansons des Bilitis (1894).e. well-established subcultural visual signals to convey lesbian themes are evident in the work of both artists. however. the broader representational matrix of the Berlin streets or Weimar nightlife. Jeanne Mammen’s 1928 watercolor Two Women Dancing (fig. it was not uncommon for two women to dance together in a social setting during the 1920s. Annelie Lütgens. the lesbian content in Mammen’s work is embedded in. moreover. heterocentric) graphic source materials she redeployed in her photomontages. Yet. Noun. like her. 115 . the image clearly reflects Weimar lesbian codes. Jeanne Mammen: Köpfe und Szenen. Jeanne Mammen (Des Moines: Des Moines Art Center.

The smaller and. the figures overlap and appear to be touching. despite what may be emotional tension. 379 116 . Similar to Two Women Dancing.3) deploys coded visual signals to configure sexual roles within a female-female couple. the figures surrounding them appear to be female or ambiguously gendered and easily suggest the women-only clubs and balls that were a cornerstone of Weimar lesbian nightlife. 380 Schader. their physical proximity and the coded gender contrasts signaled by their hair and clothing indicate that they are a lesbian couple. They stare cooly outward in opposite directions and seem estranged. Yet. The contrasting dress of the two women positions them at opposite ends of the virile/feminine spectrum. more ‘masculine’) and she is wearing trousers which squarely place her in the lesbian role of the Bubi (short for Buben. 379 In addition. Taken together.coif. or perhaps merely boredom. Mammen’s watercolor Zeebrugge (1920s) (fig. and also the namesake of a Weimar era lesbian magazine. While Mammen does not identify the club where they are dancing as a lesbian locale. the contrasting color of their hair and clothing suggests virile/feminine roles. 3. more ‘feminine’ of the two has long blonde hair and is wearing a trench coat that reveals a skirt below. Her companion’s hair is darker and shorter (i. Virile. or Boy). 109. Both her hair and attire define her as more feminine than her companion.e. The Garçonne was a female type popularized by Viktor Margueritte’s 1923 novel of the same name. ostensibly. 380 The two windswept figures appear somewhat aloof. Vamps.

Vamps. Höch’s Dancers are consistent with sartorial and ethnic “colorcoded virile/feminine binary constellations. This ideal contrasted with the body type popular among lesbians. auf ihrem blonden Haar spielten die Sonnenstrahlen und ihre blauen Augen gingen in unendlichen auf. 6 (Berlin. “While blonde hair as an incarnation of the German-Aryan type increasingly gained popularity. Sunbeams playfully glisten on her blond hair and her blue eyes open into eternity. eyes. so central to the National Socialists. The blond German woman.Weimar Ethnography and Lesbian Representation Similar to Mammen’s Two Women Dancing and Zeebrugge. As this text suggests. terms such as ‘Germanic’ or ‘German’ were absent in Weimar lesbian magazines. 144. or a tender feminine body type. flowers generally symbolized womanliness (Weiblichkeit).’ 382 and lend the figure an “aspect of lightness. Virile. bunten Blumengesichtern umgab ihre schlanke Figur. and monocle. 1993). 385 Schader. Hannah Höch’s photomontages Russian Dancer and English Dancer reflect Weimar lesbian codes. Cut with the Kitchen Knife: The Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch (New Haven: Yale University Press.” 382 381 117 .Vamps. Virile. everything about the English Dancer signals femininity. the striking visual contrast between the Schader. in accordance with Weimar lesbian codes. 384 Claere Angel. no.” Garçonne. 173. As in Mammen’s watercolors. 173.” 381 While the Russian Dancer’s virility. 384 A fluttery sweet-smelling summer-dress with a gay and colorful floral pattern [flower-faces] lightly drapes her lithe figure. a boyish figure (often combined with ‘virile’ qualities). Vamps. 385 In sum. Schader. the English Dancer’s flowers and blonde hair clearly indicate ‘femininity. 175. 173. in no way represented the ideal of an attractive homosexual woman among lesbians. 1932). is signaled by her black hair. Virile. cited in Schader. In the Weimar Republic. as previously stated. 383 Maud Lavin. “Mara. The type of woman popular among the National Socialists was healthy and her body was geared to reproduction.” 383 The following excerpt from a Weimar lesbian magazine includes a number of coded references which symbolically define the subject as feminine and might easily double as a poetic description of Höch’s English Dancer: Ein zartes duftiges Sommerkleid mit frohem.

5) and their For general discussions of the discursive link between racial and sexual ‘exoticism’ in Western European culture. a perception evident in a broad range of scientific. “Primitive. Vol. Nelson and Richard Schiff. 3. Edward Said. non-normative). Nonetheless. 1996). Geschlechtskunde auf Grund dreissigjähriger Forschung und Erfahrung bearbeitet (Stuttgart: Julius Püttmann. or only did so when pressed. popular. an examination of Weimar materials offers insight into contemporary perceptions of nonGerman ethnicities and races. Exoticism and Eroticism Weimar lesbian associations that linked dark hair and eyes to a sexually passionate nature reflected commonly held stereotypes. 386 In 1930. 170-84. Jody Blake.” is visually configured with two tribal women: a juxtaposition that tellingly indicates the extent of racial stereotyping among contemporary scientists.ethereal pastel-colored English Dancer and the swarthy Russian Dancer represents a feminine/virile couple and eloquently illustrates lesbian sexual desire. at the time. 1930). 387 Magnus Hirschfeld. these mysterious titles are particularly puzzling when one considers that Höch was generally reluctant to name her works. However. Critical Terms for Art History (Chicago: Chicago University Press.e. and subcultural materials. see. Bilderteil.4). The faces of the Arizona Indian woman and Sudanese Haussa tribe member pictured opposite Baker are adorned with paint (fig. ethnically and racially exotic others were generally regarded as sexually ‘exotic’ (i. 386 118 . Höch’s intentions with regard to their ‘nationalities’ must be largely conjectured. Plate 51. 3. 4. eds. pictured in a “modern revue-costume. Berlin sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld included an image of the African American dancer Josephine Baker in his opus Geschlechtskunde (Sexual Knowledge) (fig. Moreover. Mark Antliff and Patricia Leighton. 1978). 1900-1930 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Moreover. Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books. 387 Baker. 1999).” in R. Le Tumulte Noir: Modernist Art and Entertainment in Jazz-Age Paris.

Dann kam mit Europa allmählich der Schliff. While Magnus Hirschfeld was undoubtedly a progressive figure. as will be seen. Like Hirschfeld. 1931). and. at the time. the conflation of exoticism with non-normative (or heightened) sexuality was not only prevalent in Germany. he clearly subscribed to racial stereotypes. 388 Be that as it may. 391 Hildenbrandt.’ 389 Fred Hildenbrandt. Tänzerinnen der Gegenwart. Weimar critic Fred Hildenbrandt focused on the race and linked the dancer to non-Western culture. Clearly Hirschfeld intended these images. to empirically reinforce links between exotic race and exotic sexuality. “Josephine Baker [hat] Europa durcheinander gemacht.” 388 119 . nor does it suggest he was a ‘racist. Hirschfeld was not alone. nicht? .” but now. Hildenbrandt’s 1931 review confirms that the concept of intrinsic racial difference was deeply embedded in Weimar culture. a 1928 Freundin headine rhetorically asked “Wie Nackt tanzt die Baker?” (How nude does [Josephine] Baker Dance?) and attests to their fascination with darkThis statement is in no way intended as a negative critique of Hirschfeld. In addition. Weimar lesbians were not immune to the cultural hegemony of racial and ethnic stereotyping. The author links Baker to “Negerinnentänze” (Female-Niggerdances) of the “South Seas and Honolulu.” 390 She “was marvelous for a time. she has lost her [primitive] appeal. . Hawaii. in a discussion of Josephine Baker. one generated by mass culture (Baker) and the others (non-Western natives) in an ethnographic context. “has confused Europe. 389 Baker. he lamented. their juxtaposition illustrates the discursive proximity— indeed. 8-9. exposed and “polished” by European culture. [S]icher war sie herrlich eine Zeit lang. but common throughout Western Europe. as the discussion above indicates. intersection--of popular culture and science in Weimar. Tänzerinnen der Gegenwart: 57 Bilder (Zürich: Orell Füssli. .designs echo the geometry of the dancer’s beaded costume. Vorbei. Tänzerinnen der Gegenwart. 8.” 390 Fred Hildenbrandt. 391 Similar to Hirschfeld’s volume. 8.

Virile Vamps. Virile. however briefly discusses J. a woman “merely had to be from another world. 272n115. Historically. Italian women were regarded as equally exotic. “Fiametta: eine römische Novelle” (Fiametta: a Roman Short Story) Die Freundin 4..” and comments laconically. Russian. 1928). Schader. no. this has informed the Western European perception of the not quite European. Jg. Die Freundin 4. Jg.skinned others. 7 (1931). “a French accent was enough.. 392 Yet despite their allure. 393 392 120 . 1928. nor Asian. She falls in love with the beautiful Javanese Nuela. unpaginated. romantic relationships between nonCaucasian beauties and German women were rarely a theme in lesbian materials.. See also. Braune Nuela (Brown Nuela) which was published in the lesbian periodical Ledige Frauen (Single Women) in January 1928. Virile. 5. as demonstrated in the case of Höch’s Russian and English Dancers. 1928. K. Schröder’s novella. 3 (Feb. 136. “Es fiel ein Reif in der Frühlingsnacht” (A frost Fell in the Spring Night) is a short story about a young Russian woman Ilonka and was printed in Garçonne. no. no.” and brings her to Germany. i. in Weimar. April 30. see. Vamps. as Schader explains. Weimar ethnographers commonly held that the Russian was racially distinct from other European peoples and Hans F.e. 118. discusses the exotic Arab and Gypsy. Günther’s The Racial “Wie nackt tanzt die Baker?” Die Freundin 4 Jg.. 134-35.. to be perceived as exotic (and automatically as sexually adventurous). “a person of an uncultivated race. Ethnic contrasts such as these constellated erotic interest and lent the non-German woman an aura of exoticism. sexual attraction between two women was (analogous to gender-coded sartorial contrast) indicated by inter-ethnicity. no. However.” 395 Weimar Ethnography and the Russian Russia’s geographical position has traditionally placed the country’s inhabitants in an ethnic and anthropological grey area between Western Europe and Asia. 118. Vamps. 9. 6. Braune Nuela narrates the story of a German businesswoman who imports coffee from Java. March 5. 395 Schader. not from Berlin. “Die Augen der Ljnbiza” (Ljnbiza’s Eyes).” 394 The most “common exotic clichés” among Weimar lesbians were the “mysterious dark-eyed Gypsy” and the “lonely melancholy” of the “Russian soul. 393 Instead. 394 Schader.

marked by sturdiness. 397 Maria Makela. Frank in “Etika nigilizma” (Vehki. 101-02. 217n28. 194) with the ironic remark that the word “also” (auch) had long since vanished from the aphorism” (29. and not Russian ethnicity. characterized the Russian type. no. and proto Mongoloid. 29n43). free-floating currency as the ultimate Russian aphorism: “Die Lust der Zerstörung ist auch eine schaffende Lust” (The desire to destroy is also a creative one. G.” 30. 19n1. See also. 1 (Spring 1982). 396 Günther. “Grotesque Bodies: Weimar-Era Medicine and the Photomontages of Hannah Höch. In addition to being perceived as racially other.” 401 Rice. mesocephalic. 400 However. 396 121 .” 399 Indeed. which still enjoyed a . 398 Günther.” 398 He classified “the short. Frances Connelly. Ltd.C. Dr. the Russian was generally touted as vigorous and sturdy. . In a 1909 letter to Jung. . Anonymous.’ was quoted in S. 1939): 155.. Hull (Princeton: Princeton University Press. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. as James L. trans.L. 202.” Science Newsletter 36. 19.” in Modern Art and the Grotesque. south and south-east from Moscow ..C. brown-eyed people. the dark hair and eyes. ed. 10 (2. . ed. . In 1939. 2003). Ales Hrdlicka of the Smithsonian Institution claimed that the Russians are “becoming one physical type. Wheeler (London: Methuen and C.” 397 claimed Europeans are comprised of five distinct races and classified the central Russian Caucasus as “an area on the whole predominantly settled from Asia [where] Europeans and Asiatics meet. Sept. The Freud Jung Letters. The Racial Elements of European History. dark-haired. 226. “Russian Stereotypes. p.Elements of European History. as Asiatic . and slanted skull of Höch’s Russian Dancer visually conform to the physiognomy that. “Anthropologist Sees Russian Becoming One Physical Type. no.” Slavic Review 41. this stereotype was inspired by historical events tainted by nihilism and aggression 401 and these latent. reflects this. Ralph Mannheim and R. . . 400 James L. “Germany’s most influential racial theorist of the Weimar era.F. Rice. broad foreheads and cheekbones set at an outward slant . . “The romantic capstone to these clichés of national character may be found in the familiar phrase coined by Bakunin in 1842. according to Günther. and their flat. yet Hans F. .“ This statement from Bakunin’s essay ‘The Reaction in Germany. Rice explains. Freud refers to the Russian race. See. K. “Russian Stereotypes in the Freud-Jung Correspondence. trans. low forehead. 102. 1927). William MacGuire. 399 Günther. Günther.

and. We are hordes. 4 (Oct. In 1918.threatening. J. the Socialist. . a blank illusion. A contingent of radical Russians identified with this stereotype and represented themselves as an imminent threat to European civilization. Sept. Anonymous. Norton). 404 Michael Schwartz. the "Poles. 155. on occasion. Dennis Bradley.W." he argued. a mirthless myth. Civilization and its Discontents. The preservation of the Nordic race.” International Journal 55. 61-62. Personally. the leading German eugenicist Alfred Ploetz (18601940) indicated that the “Slavic threat” was biological as well as political: while Western Europeans and Americans exhibited a decline in fertility. 479./ Just try it! Take us on!/ Yes We are Scythians! Yes.” 212. 405 H.” See also. In an editorial-like advertisement for the Bond St. "is severely threatened as a result. the annihilation of all incentive to progress . it nonetheless was also greatly admired in Weimar as it was in keeping with the tenets of Körperkultur. . Russians. David Schimmelpenninck Van der Oye. ." 402 122 .” Sigmund Freud. “Russian Stereotypes. and ethnographic discourse. “Anthropologist Sees Russian Becoming One Physical Type. 10 (2. among many Western Europeans.” Science Newsletter 36. undertones should not be ignored.” Vierteljahreshefte für Zeitgeschichte 42. it would rapdly accomplish the destruction of the arts. Russians were often characterized as a dangerous horde: 405 a perception reiterated in popular. a momentary nightmare . the Russian embodied elements considered perilous and antithetical to modern civilization. Hrdlicka is quoted as describing “the stockiness and vigor of the present day Russian. “Socialism” The Nation and The Atheneum (July 1.” See also Rice. . and hordes. “Russia’s Asian Temptation. we are Asians too with slanting eyes bespeaking Greed…Triumphant yet in sorrow…Awash in dark blood…” 406 Weiss. “What is Socialism? It is a disgustingly sordid level to which the muddy majority. . what the Soviet will do after they have wiped out the bourgeoisie. . “The Race Hygiene Movement. 1922). and the Communist leave me chillingly amused. ed. the author writes. 4 (Autumn 2000): 603. In 1930. no. with concern. 1994): 537-70. Ploetz lamented. “Russian Stereotypes. Jhg. .” 403 These associations were exacerbated by early twentiethcentury political developments. 404 Especially after the Bolshevik Revolution. and South Slavs-nationalities with strong Asiatic traits-have an extremely high birth rate such that they are everywhere successfully pushing westward. 1939). seek to drag down all refinement. “’Proletarier’ und ‘Lumpen. Sigmund Freud mused. 402 Moreover. and hordes. “One only wonders. . the Bolshevist.. Military and Naval Tailors Pope and Bradley. the Russian poet Alexandr Blok wrote: “You have your millions. 406 While stereotypical Russian strength carried a sexual. Hungarians.” 30. In a paper presented at the First International Eugenics Congress in London in 1912. the negation of all joys of life. a degrading plain of thought . . If it were conceded . eugenic. 403 Rice. no. in their impotent jealousy. 33n52. the label of Russian vigor (as construed by correspondence between Freud and Jung) was infused with “an archaically unbridled libido. . 212n57. Strachey (New York: W.” 33.’: Sozialistische Ursprünge eugenischen Denkens. a negative brutish subtext.

(Stanford: Stanford University Press. suggests that Weimar lesbians generally subscribed to and accepted these associations. lesbianism was often considered “endemic to Asia. . . and Judith Vowles. from the mainland of human love and sexuality. “Lesbian love got its name from a small island . “Laid Out in Lavender. . orientalische Tänzerin” (S’ent Marona. Stephanie Sandler. 1893-1917.6) attests to the contemporaneous discursive link between ethnic exoticism and eroticism. Persia and Constantinople. Virginia Woolf’s Orlando (1928) also comes to mind. Moreover.” 409 Hence. Russia was seen as “a locus of exotic sexuality. 3. Here.. and Judith Vowles. 407 123 .” Sexuality and the Body in Russian Culture.” Signs 5. 1993). . no. 237-57.” 177. and Judith Vowles. 410 Burgin. “Laid Out in Lavender. as Diana Burgin Lewis writes. and a country of sexual . which appeared on a lesbian magazine cover. Costlow. and . eds. (Stanford: Stanford University Press. portions of her four-hundred year biographical narrative are set in the ‘exotic’ locales of Russia. . excesses. Stephanie Sandler. Costlow. Stephanie Sandler.” 408 The projection of non-normative sexuality upon ethnic or racial others supports the claim that “there is a tendency in all cultures to locate homosexuality far away from themselves in foreign countries. the anonymous photograph. “Theories of Homosexuality as Sources of Bloomsbury’s Androgyny. Russia. “Introduction.” 324. 409 Barbara Fassler. Costlow.In addition to perceiving the Russian as racially other and physically strong. so to speak.” 407 Due to Western European associations linking exotic sexuality to exotic environs. 408 Diana Lewis Burgin. cut off. a hot bed of vice.” 410 A sexually suggestive 1928 photograph captioned “S’ent Marona. 8. paraphrased by Burgin. oriental dancer) (fig. 1993). the Near East. Jane T. 177. Jane T. eds.” in Sexuality and the Body in Russian Culture. 2 (1979). Dedicated to her lesbian lover Vita Sackville West. . The bare breasts and Bugatti-inspired costume of the “oriental dancer” scandalously imply a hyper-sexualized Jane T. “Laid out in Lavender: Perception of Lesbian Love in Russian Literature and Criticism of the Silver Age.

two infamous lesbian bars took the monocle as their namesake: the Berlin lesbian bar. 1991). and the Parisian lesbian haunt Le Monocle. the lesser known S’ent Marona suggests the well-known Weimar dancer Sent Mahesa (née Elsa von Carlsberg [1883-1970[). one could nonetheless argue that Weimar lesbians boldly deployed images such as this for their own erotic enjoyment. and active in Germany. 3. 412 Rudolf Koppitz (1884-1936) was born in Austria.vamp. a successful 1921 film starring Italian actor and screen legend Rudolf Valentino was celebrated in the popular American song “Sheik of Araby” (1921) and spoofed in Fanny Brice’s “The Sheik of Avenue B. In a similar fashion. The Sheik. While the two bodies in Koppitz’s photograph intimate female-female sexual exchange. 412 In contrast to Koppitz’s nude couple. Tanzfoto: Annährungen und Experimente 1880-1940 (Vienna: Österreiches Fotoarchiv im Museum moderner Kunst. figure 79. Study of Russian Dancers appears in Toepfer. In accordance with contemporary associations linking ethnic others and eroticism. the sexual implications of the photograph are clear. the Russian Dancer’s monocle--even more audaciously than Koppitz’s intertwined nudes--links Höch’s photomontage to lesbian subculture. Cincinnati native Theodosia Goodman gained fame as Hollywood screen vamp Theda Bara. Höch’s Russian Dancer and Rudolf Koppitz’s photograph Study of Russian Dancers (1926) (fig. Significantly. 411 By contemporary standards (inferred through the figure’s exotic name and near nudity). The fascination with ‘oriental’ exoticism was not limited to Weimar or Western Europe but also evident in Hollywood. Empire. and in Monika Faber. 411 124 . yet the two works operate much differently. it worries the boundaries of lesbian agency and contemporary pornography and may easily be linked to phallocentric pornography. every cross-dressed female Obviously a stage name. The pseudonyms of both dancers were clearly intended to conjure exotic ‘oriental’ associations. immortalized in a suite of early 1930 Brassaï photographs. Höch’s Russian Dancer is a lone clothed subject. unpaginated. Indeed.” (1922). Monokel. Yet. 61.7) potentially imply lesbianism. offers clear evidence of the monocle’s popularity among Weimar era lesbians. a Berlin photographer more fully discussed in chapter five. For example. An examination of photographs of Gertrud Liebherr.

and pornography. it nonetheless dangles as an accessory on a chain. ed. 2 (1928): 19.11. Admittedly Liebherr’s name does not appear on either photograph. Höch’s Russian Dancer importantly includes this significant accessory. Returning to Rudolf Koppitz’s Study of Russian Dancers. no.” 414 Similar to the monocles worn by Liebherr’s subjects as well as other women portrayed in lesbian print culture.” 415 The same anonymous photograph of a cross-dressed woman was printed in lesbian journals on two separate occasions. 18 (1929). yet based on the Weimar lesbian periodicals held in the Berlin Spinnboden lesbian archive. a tuxedo. 5. and later. 413 125 . Moreover. Europe.8). (Berlin: Edition Lit. is wearing elegant masculine dress. it seems highly likely that she is also responsible for this image.subject in Liebherr’s photographs has short hair. Roellig describes “die stark vermännlichten Typen mit Etonkopf. 415 Like Höch’s Russian Dancer. the face of the anonymous woman pictured on the lesbian magazine cover (fig. an image that may be linked visually to a similarly configured photograph on a Weimar lesbian magazine cover (fig. The lesbian While the cross-dressed woman pictured in Figure 5. 3. 413 This confirms Ruth Roellig’s 1928 observation that the lesbian who “strongly identified as masculine wore an Eton crop. and a monocle. and Liebherr’s avowed professional dedication to “modern” types. Yet. Berlins lesbische Frauen (repr. When worn by a woman in 1928. 1994). Höch’s ludicrous and ironic tagging of a ballerina with a gentleman’s monocle offers evidence of her resistance −and perennial humor− in the face of gender roles. unlike her earnest investment in replicating masculine sartoria. insight may be gained into how the investments of the onlooker can structure and determine an image’s reception. and a monocle.14) is dominated by a black-rimmed monocle. the two photographs illustrate visual links between the discourses of dance. lesbian subculture. the same photo appears uncaptioned on the cover of Liebende Frauen. 1928). the monocle disrupted the femininity of the wearer and the sartorial expression of patriarchal authority. does not wear the monocle on her face. 414 Ruth Roellig. smoking und Monokel. in Lila Nächte: die Damenklubs im Berlin der zwanziger Jahre. It is captioned Der moderne Frauentyp (The modern Type of Woman) in Frauen Liebe und Leben (Women: Love and Life) no. Adele Meyer. 42.

in the absence of a caption or authorial context. 3.e. However. The Russian Ballet was not immune to the cultural dynamism of the early twentieth-century and played a leading role in the rejuvenation of European 416 Liebende Frauen 3.. representations of dance helped to fuel concepts of ethnic difference and supported common cultural perceptions linking ‘exotic’ ethnicity and ‘exotic’ (i. a highly legible visual configuration that conveys sapphism. non-normative) sexuality. and countless others like them. yet. no.magazine photo (similar to Koppitz’s Dancers) portrays two nude women embracing (fig. we may assume that it represents a sapphic embrace because of its context in a journal aimed at a specifically lesbian audience. In accordance with the conventions of Western European viewing tradition.8). Jg. the photograph. how do we interpret images of nude women? (Clearly an issue ‘doubly’ challenging when we consider images that portray [nude] women engaging with each other sexually. Yet. 41 (1928). the female body is generally regarded as an object of male scopic pleasure. much like those appearing on their covers. Weimar lesbian periodicals were largely created and controlled by lesbians.) As stated. photographs of nude female couples. 126 .e. are often indistinguishable from contemporary pornography. reintroduce the murky issue of differentiating lesbian-generated images from those intended to sexually arouse heterosexual male viewers (i. 416 While the photograph in the lesbian magazine is uncaptioned. pornography). Koppitz’s. The Russian Ballet In Weimar.

” and had “a profound effect upon the Ballets Russes. 417 While German dancers were responsible for the theoretical formulation and dissemination of the modern dance movement. “was powerfully influenced by Isadora Duncan. “The Future of the Ballet. no.” Music and Letters 7.9). 417 127 . According to Murray. 2000). with the heading “Exhausting Work and Virol-and-Milk” reflects this (fig. 1 (Jan. Ulla Holt claims that Diaghilev's artists assumed “double identities. according to contemporary observers. 419 Popular in Germany. 1999). 1926). Lynn Garafola and Nancy von Norman Baer. Russian dancers inspired an almost mythical fascination in Weimar. Their reputation was so great that a series of collector cards entitled Das Tanzgenie der Russen (The Dance Genius of the Russians) were distributed in German cigarette packages. guaranteed the company’s mass appeal.” 420 A 1926 British advertisement. 3.. and identity: The Ballets Russes in Paris from 1909 to 1914” (PhD. which. Fokine. However. the company was infused with a modern spirit. 419 Because the Russian Ballet toured extensively. In a purported “behind the scenes” interview. posing as the East to the West. Lydia Sokolova characterizes the members of the company as “supreme actors and perfect acrobats” and describes the D. 420 Ulla Holt. politics. while displaying a Eurocentric attitude towards Russia's non-European ethnic groups. it was influential in the construction of Russian national character beyond the country’s borders. L. “Style. The company performed throughout Europe and the United States. Brown University. was implemented later by choreographer Michel Fokine (1880-1942). evidence suggests that every aspect of the Russian Ballet was carefully crafted to project and reaffirm a desired public impression. 418 This. The Ballet Russes and its World (New Haven: Harvard University Press.” 418 Dresden’s Orami cigarette company issued the cards in the early 1930s. fashion.. as Murray commented in 1926.. eds. Murray.dance culture. 36. coupled with the contemporary fascination with everything exotic.. diss. under the creative influence of Sergei Diaghilev (1872-1929). the legendary fame of the Ballet Russes was international. See.

dancer Else von Carlberg (1893-1970). yet emblematic.” The Illustrated London News. L. Sokolova. 1981). Oct. During the interwar period. and eugenic discourse in Western Europe. at the time. mit einem Vorwort von Volker Schlöndorff (Berlin: Frölich und Kaufmann. Dancing for Diaghilev: The Memoirs of Lydia Sokolova. Weimar Körperkultur. Lenare: The Art of Society Photography. Tänzerin.company as a “little self-contained village moving about Europe. Richard Buckle (New York: Macmillan. 1926. 1961).” The advertisement is dominated by Lenare’s photograph “Lydia Sokolova-‘Queen of English Dancers. 683. Murray indicate significant contemporary correlations between dance culture. was born in the London suburb of Wanstead and joined the Ballet Russes in 1913. 421 128 . We have to save ourselves for our art. Murray’s 1926 characterization of ballet as a mainstay of Western European culture offers insight into growing discursive trends (especially in Germany) “Exhausting Work and Virol and Milk. Later. 1985). not unique. a number of dancers did the same. p. 1924-1977 (London: Allen Lane. Kabarettistin: Eine dokumentarische Biographie. however. Empire. story of how Sokolova got her name attests to the contrived ‘exoticism’ of the Russian Ballet. ed. née Hilda Munnings (1899-1972). 422 The odd. Schauspielerin. 148-49. becoming the company’s first English member. maintained by his assistant Jim Cawthorne. 424 Ballet and Weimar Eugenics The words of British dance critic D. Diaghilev himself renamed her Sokolova to strengthen associations between Russian ethnicity and dance prowess. Berlin native. Valeska Gert. 36. 424 During the years she performed in England. 423 Lydia Sokolova. Toepfer. 423 Munnings’ adoption of a Russian name was. 638. 6. 68-69.. Nicholas de Ville. the Dutch dancer Lil Green assumed the Russiansounding name Vallya Lodowska. while. Frank-Manuel Peter. See. Lydia Sokolova “The Queen of English Dancers” balances on one leg with her hand extended. adopted the Egyptian pseudonym inspired Sent M’ahesa.” 421 Posed in a Lenare photograph much like Höch’s Russian Dancer. “We do not go much into society.’” 422 Lenare (Leonard Green) (1883-?) opened the portrait studio Lenare in 1924. it was not uncommon for Western European artists to boost their appeal by assuming ‘exotic’ or Russian-sounding stage names. See also. the Lenare studio closed in 1977.

political.” 37. “The Race Hygiene Movement in Germany” Osiris. Theodore Ramien). “The Future of Ballet. 1926): 25-37. a man making himself uncomfortable. L.” 427 It is certain. 1 (Jan. Before the Munich opening of the 1937 Degenerate Art Exhibition.” 426 In words that resonate with Körperkultur. foregrounds ancient Greek figures. feebleness. strength. a movement that found its inspiration in ancient Greek ideals. “The Future of Ballet. feebleness. Sappho und Sokrates: Oder Wie erklärt sich die Liebe der Männer und Frauen zu Personen des eigenen Geschlechts? (Sappho and Socrates: Or. and grace.” 428 These words are indicative of the contemporary discursive interface between dance practice. Murray. and eugenic discourses. Alfred Werner.” 36.” Music and Letters 7. “eccentricity.L. “If you reject the canons.” 36. See. . and chaos” were key terms within volatile debates that crosscut cultural. he wrote “the art that produced the Parthenon frieze is the art with which those who are seeking the measure and grace of human movement must always be primarily concerned. “The Future of Ballet. Sheila Faith Weiss.” 36-37. He will only appear what he is. their association with subsequent political developments should not be ignored. no. 1 (Spring 1966): 62. no. This theme will be more fully explored later in my discussion of sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld. that “no dancer will enjoy a wide and lasting popularity except by satisfying our instinctive and normal love of bodily fitness. Murray’s emphasis on the Pheidian canon also significantly resonates with links between classical Greek culture and contemporary homosexual discourse at the time. While the socio-cultural implications of these arguments are too great to be enumerated or examined here. Murray continued.” 429 In 1926. 430 Murray’s description of D. thirty thousand. and eugenics. 426 425 129 . and chaos. 425 Murray described ballet as “a normal love of bodily fitness and grace” and located “its basis within the Pheidian canon. Murray’s words link dance discourse to concepts associated with art. or the whirring synthesis of a Futurist canvas. Körperkultur. vol. 427 Murray. “The Future of Ballet. medical. 428 Murray. how do we Explain the Love of Men and Women for their own Sex?).” 429 D. 2nd Series. . Murray. See also. Murray. ballet will fall into eccentricity. The title of Hirschfeld’s first publication in support of homosexuality (published in 1896 under the pseud. 3 (1987): 193-236. associations even more apparent when he declares.. “The Future of Ballet. “Hitler's Kampf against Modern Art: A Retrospect” The Antioch Review 26. “The dancer will never realize the square lines of archaic sculpture . 430 Weimar discourse and rhetoric routinely linked racial inferiority and/or otherness to the artistic avant-garde and positioned it negatively in relation to ideal models as represented by the classical Greek canons.which ultimately rejected anything at odds with classical aesthetic principles.

See also. strength. the directives of Weimar lesbian feminists. The Healthy Weimar Lesbian: the ultimate New Woman Remaining physically fit was a matter of particular concern among selfsupporting Weimar women. and grace. Wolfgang Willrich. where we sterilize the insane. 3 (Summer 1995). 1990)." and also against those "degenerate halfwits who on principle see blue fields. with actress Brigitte Helm in the starring role.. These similarities attest to the infiltration of mainstream discourses in Weimar lesbian print media and subculture. repr. sick visionaries. As Barbara Kosta explains. a green sky. 431 Barbara Kosta.” 431 and her pursuit of physical fitness was reflected in contemporary popular fiction. Gilgi-eine von uns (Gilgi—one of us) (1931." Hitler contrasted the "conspiracy of Jews and Bolsheviks” with “noble Aryan artists who were seeking after the true and genuine quality of our national being and after a sincere and upright expression of the inwardly-divined law of life. no." The posters announcing the Degenerate Art exhibition foregrounded terminology derived from Nazi-informed eugenic discourse. Her blatant disregard of classical principles in the photomontage lent an additional subversive and ironic subtext to this monstrously non-Pheidian ballerina. See also Irmgard Keun (1905-82). “Unruly Daughters and Modernity: Irmgard Keun’s Gilgi-eine von uns. Munich: Deutsche Taschenbuch Verlag. The morning gymnastics and cold showers described in Irmgard Keun’s pulp-novel Gilgi. 432 packing the huge square on Prinzregentenstrasse. the story of a Berlin office-worker modeled after the New Woman reflect. contrasts sharply with Höch’s Russian Dancer. in addition to its “Russian” reference implicating exotic sexuality and lesbian subculture. 1937). and lunatic incompetents” negatively characterized both avant-garde art and artists.” The German Quarterly 68. 432 My research of lesbian periodicals has revealed conspicuous thematic correlations between popular figures. a work. The phrases “spiritual decay. which.ballet as an instinctive love of bodily fitness. 130 .F. 272. almost verbatim." True to form. and sulphurous clouds. Säuberung des Kunsttempels: Eine kunstpolitische Kampfschrift deutscher Kunst im Geiste nordischer Art (Munich: J. heard Hitler thunder against works of art that "cannot be understood but need a swollen set of instructions to prove their right to exist and tortured canvases find their way to neurotics. he added a sharp warning: "If they really paint in this manner because they see things that way. Lehmanns Verlag. such as Keun’s Gilgi and the contemporary lesbian print media. then these unhappy persons should be dealt with in the department of the Ministry of the Interior. the modern woman’s early morning gymnastics were intended to “improve her marketability. clearly resists canonical aesthetics. This popular novel was filmed in 1932.

a regular contributor to the lesbian periodical Frauen Lieben und Leben (Women Love and Life). Laser’s remarks regarding “manly women” and “Russian dancers. Roellig wrote. 2 (Berlin 1928): 5. she declared “it is especially important for homosexual women to remain youthful. In a 1928 article.” 434 Of particular relevance with regard to Höch’s Russian Dancer is Laser’s recommendation that “manly women” practice a leg exercise “often performed by Russian dancers. “Richtiges Lüften und Frauenturnen. cannot be determined. Berlins lesbische Frauen: mit einem Vorwort von Sanitätsrat Dr. “youthful appearance is especially necessary in today’s industrial circles where there is a fear of aging employees. 434 Laser. An additional reference linking lesbian subculture. “Richtiges Lüften. interesting Russian girl will be in the mood to perform a folkloric dance-to which the easily animated women enthusiastically Herta Laser. may be found in Ruth Roellig’s previously mentioned guide to lesbian Berlin.” 7.” 5. however. 435 Laser.” implicate Höch’s photomontage. . “occasionally .” 433 For “homosexual women. Magnus Hirschfeld-Berlin (Leipzig: Bruno Gebauer Verlag für Kulturprobleme. Whether Höch was familiar with the essay.” (Correct Ventilation and Women’s Exercise) Frauen Liebe und Leben: Organ des Deutschen Freundschafts-Verbandes (Women Love and Life: Representing the German Friendship Union [an early homosexual organization]) no. 436 In her description of a typical night in the exclusive bar Monbijou. because they must engage in a fight for professional survival 99% of their lives. 1928).Herta Laser. a young. .” she continued. stressed the importance of a daily gymnastic routine to her readers. 436 Ruth Roellig. or acquainted with its author. 433 131 .” 435 Laser’s essay was published the same year Höch created the Russian Dancer. “Richtiges Lüften. and Höch’s photomontage of the same name. a Russian dancer.

much like the hybrid flying figure in Höch’s Liebe. as a woman wearing wings. Pavlova died in 1931. The dark-eyed Russian Dancer. And while Liebe. and signature Libelle costume may have inspired Höch to integrate a winged-insect in the work.respond. einen heimatlichen Tanz aufzuführen. Die Libelle (The Dragonfly). recent death. scientific. Pavlova premiered the piece in St. the same year Höch created the photomontage. in Weimar. Liebe obliquely references the Russian Ballet. whose sexual virility is emphasized by a tell-tale lesbian monocle. Yet. it may also be a tribute to Pavlova. and soulful Russian subject depicted in diverse Weimar media. oder eine junge. artistic.” 437 As these examples confirm. also known as Opus 204. 3. implies lesbian sexuality. 438 An undated early twentieth-century German postcard of Pavlova as the Libelle (fig. upon closer examination. der diese leicht zu entflammenden Frauen so begeistert. Petersburg in 1914. and lesbian materials and represent a rich additional context for Höch’s photomontage. 62. Berlins lesbische Frauen (1928). interessante Russin ist in der Stimmung. a polka mazurka for orchestra in 1866. “Zuweilen gibt es ein sentimentales Lied.10) reflects the artist’s new found ease with the uncoded visual expression of lesbian intimacy. and juvenile literature.” 438 Viennese composer Josef Strauss (1827-1870) wrote the Libelle. the Russian ballerina Anna Pavlova (1881-1931) was one of the most prominent dancers in the world and was renowned in Berlin for her signature piece. Hannah Höch’s Liebe Hannah Höch’s late Weimar photomontage Liebe (Love) (1931) (fig. 3. contemporary decorative and graphic arts. her fame.11) portrays the legendary ballerina. 437 132 . above all. In the early decades of the twentieth-century. gesungen zu vorgerückter Stunde von irgendeinem Operetten Star. Roellig. reflects the vigorous. Russian stereotypes were commonplace in mainstream.

124-5. Liebe im Busch (Love in the Jungle) (1925). Cut.Nonetheless. 66. Liebe is “unique in its portrayal of homosexual love. 302n49. whether or not Liebe references Anna Pavlova. the two interacting nude females in the photomontage clearly suggest lesbianism and. and its straightforward depiction of lesbian sexuality suggests that by 1931.” and describes Makela. the photomontages in the artist’s love series began to include representations of lesbianism.] Himmel (On the Way to Seventh [F. 442 Matthew Biro. “The New Woman as Cyborg. “HH. scholars regard Liebe as Höch’s “most radical engagement” with contemporary Weimar debates regarding sexuality. and 77n88. and Vagabunden (Vagabonds) 1926. The series includes Die Kokette I (1923-25). hand-holding female couple levitating above a landscape. “By Design. Auf den Weg in den Siebten [F. because of this. marriage. It depicts a hybrid female/insect hovering above a recumbent nude woman. “The New Woman. and is nearly identical to Höch’s earlier photomontage Vagabunden (Vagabonds) (1926). however. suggest. Die Kokette II (1925). Because it clearly implies lesbianism. 442 According to Maria Makela.” 440 After Höch became involved with Brugman (1926). unlike photomontages from the series that present a sardonic view of human relations. Boswell.] Heaven). See also. and sexuality and “are highly psychologically charged-something that is not surprising. 439 Named by scholars. Platonische Liebe (Platonic Love)(1930). 443 Makela. 441 Biro. “By Design. which depicts a smiling.” 246.” in The Photomontages of HH.” 250. given their focus on human emotion and interpersonal relationships. Liebe (1926). and Lavin. 440 Biro. 441 Yet Höch’s Liebe is significant in other ways. 136.”By Design. 66. I would. the photomontages from the series examine courtship. the artist had largely abandoned any previous inhibitions she may have had engaging with the theme. 69. may also be considered part of the artist’s ‘love’ series. Liebe (1931). it is considered part of Höch’s love series. “The New Woman as Cyborg.” 12. 439 133 . Makela.” 66.” 443 She claims that it “focuses on the underbelly of human relationships—in this case a homosexual liaison. Liebe is positive.” 246. that Höch’s 1934 photomontage.” in The Photomontages of HH.

is perfectly level. Verzückung in Dich (Charmed by You).” and that “only the most unusual viewer would feel no discomfort at the sight of the drowsy female reclining on ‘pillows’ at the bottom of the picture. 115. possibly suggesting a bed. Ausserdem zart wie ein Libellenflügel…” See also. and the decorative and Makela. Makela. In 1924.. He writes. 1989).” The Photomontages of HH. Ellen Otten. these details indicate that Liebe is a lyrical and undisguised depiction of lesbian sexual intimacy. 1984).the scene as “unmistakably ominous. Hannah Höch. 446 Insects. “By Design. 446 Götz Adriani. However. Mynona. were not uncommon in late nineteenth and early twentiethcentury romantic imagery and a frequent motif in jewelry. “Du bist ein Phänomen. Mynona: Rosa die schöne Schutzsmannsfrau und andere Grotesken (Arche Verlag: Zürich. The over-sized silk pillows supporting the recumbent figure’s torso conjure the exotic accoutrements of a luxurious ‘oriental’ boudoir. the artist’s colleague and admirer. aka Mynona. winged pair of legs that hovers directly above her. 201. Salomon Friedländer (1871-1946). especially dragonflies. 445 444 134 . 44. (anonym [German anonymous] spelled backwards) specialized in literary grotesques. Combined. “Exhibition Plates 26-75: The Interwar Period. 1889-1978: Collagen (Stuttgart: Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. The warm ochre background and closely framed figures the ambient lighting of an intimate space. Liebe may also be linked to the artist’s personal papers which include a noteworthy reference to a dragonfly.” in The Photomontages of HH. to Höch in 1924. The harmonious colors and configuration of the two figures suggest a tender romantic exchange. who is either unaware of or undisturbed by the bug-headed. while the line of the horizon.” 444 Makela writes that it is “unique for the level of anxiety that it generates in the viewer. in addition to its lesbian theme. 66. ed. He sent the sexually graphic poem.” 445 This unusual viewer disagrees. sent Höch an erotically charged love poem in which he likens her tender manner to the wings of a Libelle (dragonfly).

” akpool. card was published by “Korn Künstlerkarte nach einem original von H. 1963). 3. perhaps designed to appeal to children. 447 135 . Schnippeldebonchen. and Der Schwanzgemsen. or. cross-genus figures are ubiquitous in Höch’s oeuvre. Strikingly similar to Liebe. winged females did not automatically inspire anxiety in early twentieth-century viewers. 1956). depicts a mermaid sitting on lotus leaves being approached by a friendly dragonfly. Bilderbuch (Picture-book). one must merely reverse it and substitute the lotus petals with overstuffed pillows to evoke Höch’s photomontage. 816. Verlag Felix Korn. van Gloor. 1957). Nr. Wat de pop wist (Den Haag: H. As a number of contemporary images confirm (and as seen in Pavlova’s Libelle). [Herta] Wasserkampf. might have implied innocence and/or an affinity to nature. Kinderhand (Amsterdam: De Boeuk.J. van der Peet. eds.P. 1951): Maras Puppe: eine Puppe erzählt aus ihrem Leben (Reutlingen: Ensslin und Laiblin.B. and features a number of non-threatening animal/insect hybrids. 3. the simplicity of the postcard’s narrative and composition suggests one of Höch’s lesser known projects: the 1945 children’s book.14). Penny. Til Brugman’s many publications include. as in this depiction of a pubescent girl (3. Leopold. De avonteren van Korreltje Zondervan (Amsterdam: Ploegsma. Noes is niet. Höch’s whimsical hybrid creatures include Boa Perlina. Bilderbuch.12). and. the insect/human hybrid in Liebe suggests a “blending of different species– an implication that could equally imply an evolutionary or a devolutionary According to information verso.de/ansichtskarten/ 82074-ansichtskarte-postkarte-nixe-sitzt-auf-rosenblatt-libelle—fisch [accessed January 9. 448 Hannah Höch. Penny: het geheim van de jonk van de vriendlijke oostenwind (s’-Gravenhage: G. Stuttgart. 1952). 1945. both Höch and Til Brugman wrote children’s books. 448 Indeed. The contemporary popularity of romantic and whimsically humanized insects is further evidenced by a dragonfly motif on a Weimar era postcard (fig. Noes is niet voor de poes (Amsterdam: C. they were sexually suggestive. Hans Marquardt and Manfred Hamm. Brugman collaborated with her lesbian partner ‘Hans’ (Johanna) Mertineit on Maras Puppe. 1985). as in the case of the postcard Libellule (fig. After World War II. Wiben en de Katten (Amsterdam: Wereld-Bibliothek. 2012].graphic arts.P. As Matthew Biro comments. (Düsseldorf: Claasen Verlag. Instead. 1954). 447 Like Liebe. 1956). The image.13).

deviant sexuality . muss anders gewahlt werden und sofort verliert die Welt aus der Sicht einer Ameise wiedergeben und morgen. . “The New Woman. 1927. “lch mochte die festen Grenzen auswischen. he remarks. gezogen haben. constituted a sort of behavioral recapitulation of some ancestral state.” 450 I would suggest that the connection Biro seeks may. in part. 1996). Ich will aufzeigen.” 449 Yet. Biro. its deteriorative effect on mind and body. The Gothic Body: Sexuality. . . allein der jeder Begriff Begriff seine Gultigkeit und all unsere menschlichen Gesetze verlieren ihre Gultigkeit. and its general corrupting influence on public morals . um diesem Wunsch Form zu geben und ihn anschaulich zu machen. be found in Höch’s 1927 statement in which she rejected Western European androcentrism. Ich male. deviant sexuality could be classified as “degenerate” in four senses: its recapitulation of the less evolved sexuality of so-called primitivism. Ich wurde heute Standpunkt. 453 Certainly the Biro. its hereditability. Den Haag. and Degeneration at the fin-de-siècle (Cambridge: Cambridge University. “It is not clear how the photomontage’s various main lines of association . racially exotic African and non-human [insect] elements in Liebe do not indicate that Höch subscribed to contemporary perceptions that linked exotic race to sexual depravity. all evidence confirms that Höch rejected these associations. . von dem wir bei unserem Urteil ausgehen. .” 252.” 453 Biro. or considered lesbianism devolutionary. While lesbians were often represented as primitive and/or sexually depraved in Weimar. and a betrayal of the socioevolutionary process that distinguished the modern Caucasian from the present-day non-European “primitive. As Hurley explains. “The New Woman. 451 Furthermore. 127. as Biro ventures. because the eyes of the recumbent figure in Höch’s Liebe are closed. plants. she “could also be read as asleep and dreaming of the figure above her” and imagining a utopian form of love. insects. so wie der Mond sie vielleicht sieht. .” 252-53. 450 449 136 . and animals often dwarf humans and emphasize man’s relative unimportance. die wir Menschen mit einer eigensinnigen Sicherheit um alles.development. “The New Woman. Amply demonstrated throughout Höch’s oeuvre.” 252.” 452 Kelly Hurley. later translated from Dutch into German and reprinted in Cara Schweitzer. connect with one another. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 452 Instead. Materialism. was in unseren Bereich kam. 71-72. dass klein auch gross sein kann und gross auch klein ist. 451 Excerpt from catalogue Kunstzaal De Bron exhibition.

1926). 15 (15. and the Rise of Nazism In Weimar. Maud Lavin observes. she discusses a female dancer touted in the popular press as a “Human Butterfly. dancers appear to be flying and this illusion “propels the figures into idealized realms. To illustrate this point. Höch’s letter to her sister Grete König (14. Höch described her partnership with Til Brugman in spiritual terms: “To be closely connected with another woman . no. See also. “this seems to dissolve the distinction between material and the utopian. 241n17 for original German text. Murnau. The dancer is juxtaposed with drawings of bird anatomy and captioned: “A Human Butterfly: The American Dancer Lada doing dance exercises in her garden.17). because the horizon is often cropped from contemporary dance photographs.” 456 Lavin claims that in an effort to express her unorthodox sentiments. Himmel (On the Way to F. “images associated with dancers and flight abound. 3.” 455 A number of dance photographs in Höch’s Scrapbook (fig. Oct.18) (1934). Moreover.16) (1926). symbolic correlations link these images and Höch’s attitudes regarding her lesbian relationship. .15) confirm Lavin’s observations and also resonate visually with a number of Höch’s photomontages in which female couples appear to be suspended above the ground in “utopian” realms. Höch Nachlass. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 189. Lavin. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.” 455 Lavin. These include Liebe. and Auf dem Weg im F. Lesbian Representation. 96. 3.” Lavin elaborates. 456 Lavin. Dreams and Utopia: Höch.. Vagabunden (Vagabonds) (fig. April 1928): 288. Cut with Kitchen Knife.” The dancer. 3. 3. 454 137 . In a 1926 letter to her sister Grete. means being taken by the spirit of my own spirit. Heaven) (fig.” 454 However. Höch (like other contemporary lesbians) adopted a Lavin.” appears to be suspended in space was pictured in the Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung 32. “leaping with outstretched veils/wings.sleeping woman and the unreal figure hovering over her indicate a dream or dreamlike state of mind: a state of mind regularly evoked in Weimar lesbian print media. 96. . Von Oben (From Above) or Two Children above a City (1926) (fig.

Vagabonds. Both its title and medium infer fantasy: the photomontage (rarely deployed in the Weimar lesbian print media!) depicts a recumbent woman with open eyes ‘dreaming’ of three beauties floating above her. Moreover.W. Mager. Mager’s cover image Traumbild (Dreampicture) (fig. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Lavin. 459 Idealism is similarly implied by H. was “not necessarily meant to mask the physical side of lesbian attachments.” this principle is also reflected in other ways. 237n32. 3. it appears next to the poem Märchenland (Fairy-Tale Land) (fig. An FKK-inspired photograph of three nude women in an outdoor setting pictured on a 1931 Freundin cover positions them in a utopian context. Much like the sleeping subject in Höch’s Liebe. Two Children.” 457 This. 460 Photograph by: H. 138 . 460 Their Egyptian-inspired poses. 9 (30. no. Berlin..” Die Freundin 4 Jg. but rather an attempt to express them as intense and viable love relationships. W. similar to the previously discussed cover photograph of S’ent Marona (fig. 459 Die Freundin 7 Jg.” 458 Höch’s characterization of lesbian love in spiritual terms also reflects aspects of Weimar lesbian print culture: The extended title of Die Freundin reads “Ideale Freundschaftsblatt” (Ideal Friendship Paper) and “Halbmonatschrift für Aufklärung über Ideale Frauenfreundschaft” (Bi-monthly periodical for the Understanding of Ideal Women’s Friendship). Lavin writes. Although the image is uncaptioned. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.“German vocabulary of spirituality. and Auf dem Weg.6). “Traumbild. 1931). 43 (28. imply exoticism and sexual excess. Oct.. the floating figures are akin to the suspended female couples in Höch’s Liebe. 237n32. 457 458 Lavin.20). Emphasizing lesbianism as “ideal.19). 3.. April 1928). the women hovering above the recumbent figure in Traumbild appear to come to her as if in a dream. no. 3.

3 Jg.. 4 Jg. 462 Much like her lesbian contemporaries. 464 Ilse Kokula.” but “sanctions had already begun during the Weimar era. 464 This statement was made by Weimar dancer Charlotte Wolff in her memoirs. Liebende Frauen. Liebende Frauen. 81-82. in the 1920s. all public expressions of homosexuality were officially banned and punishable by law. 49 (1927). 2.. Jg. Cited in. 2. Höch’s photomontages at the time portrayed female couples in utopian or otherworldly spaces. reminded both the vendor and the reader that despite a repressive political atmosphere. it was not illegal to display or purchase lesbian magazines.. Jg.” 461 However. 36 (1927). “Die Einsame” (The Lonely One).. 16 (Berlin.” in Adele Meyer. Renate Berger. 3. 78. no. “Ein einziger Blick” (Just one Glance). 1995). “Werde wie einst” (Like it was Before) Liebende Frauen.” In 1925. Beginning in 1930. Lila Nächte: die Damenklubs im Berlin der zwanziger Jahre (Berlin: Edition Lit. While magazine headings such as “I wait alone. no. but here on earth. under newly instituted Nazi pornography laws.” “Goodbye. lesbian magazine covers with the added bold title Diese Zeitschrift darf überall aufgehängt werden! (This magazine may be legally displayed anywhere!). Frauen Liebe. no. Berlin. 1986)..” “Together!”. 1994). “Vereint!” (Together!).. no.” and “Just One Glance. Europe. as the political atmosphere in Germany darkened towards the end of the decade and Berlin grew less hospitable. no 31 (1929). Martin Davies. illustrations conjured imaginary realms in which they could interact freely.. 461 139 .” “Left Behind. Jg. Augenblicke verändern uns mehr als die Zeit: Eine Autobiographie (Frankfurt: Fischer Verlag. in 1933. 463 However. 41 (1928). “Abschied” (Goodbye). “Lesbische Leben von Weimar bis zu Nachkriegszeit. bittersweet utopias. 462 “Ich warte einsam” (I wait alone). Liebende Frauen.” reflected the romantic fantasies (and realities) of the lesbian reader. “heaven was not a place somewhere way up above us. 463 One such headline appears in Liebende Frauen 5 Jg. 1930). “Verlassen” (Left Behind). no. 5 (1928). in Marsha Meskimmon and Shearer West. trans.” “The Lonely One. in the German capital. the lesbian print media increasingly evoked dreamlike.As one Weimar contemporary fondly reminisced. Public lesbian culture “ended with the Nazis. 106-08. eds. “Like it was before. “Moments can change your life: Creative Crisies in the lives of dancers in the 1920s. Visions of the ‘Neue Frau’: Women and the Visual Arts in Weimar Germany (Aldershot: Scolar Press.

The fashionably draped bodies of the two women pictured lean toward each other in near mirror symmetry (a traditional lesbian visual trope) and imply harmony. Höch’s smooth configuration of the composite bodies in Auf dem Weg is typical of her late Weimar oeuvre and indicates a newfound ease depicting same-sex couples. 140 . Nevertheless. one's face is light and the other’s dark. was enacted on February 23.” 465 It should. Himmel attests to a shift in the contemporary political atmosphere and the artist’s changing treatment of lesbian sexuality in her photomontages. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. are similarly written and almost interchangeable. or Sky]. 466 While both titles indicate a heavenly place.” which is always crossed. Höch’s photomontage Auf dem Weg im F. only to be later banned completely in 1931. and Lanchner. 1933.” does not suggest that she would entertain the happy possibilities of a celestial realm populated solely by women.Similar to Liebe. which prohibited all public homosexual activities and publications. A new pornography law. in Boswell. 465 Lavin. 466 Makela. 124. The two attempts were made to criminalize lesbians and include them in paragraph 175 of the German penal code which outlawed male homosexuality.” Moreover. “as with the English and Russian Dancers. 236n27. either label may be correct: In European script the letter “F” and the number “7. Auf dem Weg (On the Way) unambiguously implies female-female partnership and may be linked to contemporary lesbian print media. be mentioned here that Makela labels this photomontage differently as Auf dem Weg im Siebten Himmel (On the Way to Seventh Heaven). I am more inclined to accept Lavin’s. the title “probably refers to [F. Makela’s description of lesbian love as “the underbelly of human relationships. It immediately suggests itself as another double-portrait of Brugman and Höch. In 1926 the lesbian magazines Die Garçonne and Frauenliebe (Women-love) were temporarily banned. As Lavin writes. however. Makela.]rauen Himmel [Woman’s Heaven.

Schiaparelli (1890-1973) recalls attending a party in Berlin in the 1930s: “As I mounted the imposing staircase. a sense of restless urgency is conveyed in Höch’s late Weimar photomontages Flucht (Flight) (1931) (fig. “Mirrors. 3. which. as in Liebe. and although both women are smiling. 3. she relates misrecognizing her own “smart” reflection. and glamorous open-toed shoes.] 467 141 . cites Elsa Schiaparelli. their exaggerated clownlike expressions suggest that they may have found themselves in a strange and uncomfortable world. The improbable elegance of Höch’s 1934 figures is confirmed by the infamous Italian fashion designer Elsa Schiaparelli who. discussed the “rather shabby people” who populated Berlin during the 1930s. I saw in the centre of a rather shabby people one who reminded me of Paris. 467 While the utopian spaces of the artist’s 1926 Vagabonds and Two Children above the City can be linked to contemporary lesbian media. 107. was a fantasy few German women could actually enjoy. 1954). Two Children. they also importantly reflect the early ‘honeymoon’ phase of Höch and Brugman’s relationship.” [Here. Here.” 14.22). the topless figure’s perfect legs shimmer while her goggle-eyed companion wears an extravagant ruffle. during the Nazi era and the Great Depression. Shocking Life (London: Dent. Both photomontages imply the couple’s extended travels during their first year together. and Auf dem Weg. Somewhat differently. In Evans. The two women in On the Way are elegantly clothed.figures appear to float above a mysterious landscape against a variegated sky. Höch positions the couple in an otherworldly and perhaps utopian context. Höch’s Nazi-era portrayal of a female couple in On the Way (1934) is dominated by clouds.21) and the Nazi-era Siebenmeilenstiefel (Seven-League-Boots) (1934) (fig. In contrast to Vagabonds. Suggesting costly silk stockings. a shiny corset. in her memoirs. Masks. surrounded by mirrors.

however. While its narrative (and level composition) does not convey the sense of frantic urgency seen in Flucht or Siebenstiefel. prominently placed between a woman’s legs (similar to the ‘vaginal’ eye in Höch’s Dada-Ernst) boldly and humorously alludes to the German word Muschel (shell). Siebenmeilenstiefel depicts a sole ‘figure’ (comprised only of two legs) soaring high above a German hamlet. much like a dildo when worn by a woman. The disrupted ‘femininty’ of the figure implies sexual agency (lesbian virility?) and renders her gender ambiguous. in 1934 Höch and Brugman briefly considered separation but soon reconciled. the shell is not analogous with intimate female anatomy. it protrudes starkly and. The wing-headed figure in Flucht appears to be hastening (along with a grimacing uncomfortably limping man) over a downwardly sloping blue ground into an abyss. the large shell. it nonetheless implies a longing 142 .23) depicts a group of ballerinas in a celestial blue space. and may reflect tensions between the artist and her partner at the time. Siebenmeilensteifel automatically suggests flight and immigration. instead. When considered in the context of current German politics. the also seem to indicate the political upheaval in contemporary Germany. the subject of Siebenmeilenstiefel implies an uncertain and hasty escape. Unlike other Höch photomontages that feature couples and emphasize partnership. a colloquial epithet used with affection to label a woman’s sex.addition. Similar to these harried and unfortunate figures. masculinizes her. Ironically. 3. The artist’s 1940 photomontage Nur nicht mit beiden Beinen auf der Erde stehen (Don’t Stand with both Feet on the Ground) (fig. yet. and. emblematic of Höch’s oeuvre in general.

H. While Flucht and Siebenmeilenstiefel suggest anxiety and distress. eds. Liebe. evoke idealized spaces wherein romance thrives and lesbian love triumphs. Publishers. McNaron discusses the lesbian implications of Emily Dickinson’s poem #533: “Two butterflies went out at Noon/ And waltzed upon a Farm/ Then stepped straight through the Firmament/ And rested. the female dancer. (Cambridge. and Gothic Writings (Jefferson.” 469 Much like the Fairy-Tale Lands and Dreampictures celebrated in contemporary lesbian print media.” in Sexual Practice/ Textual Theory: Lesbian Cultural Criticism.” McNaron writes. on a Beam/ And then together bore away/ Upon a shining Sea/ Though never yet. mentioned be. 103. Drawing on one of her perennially favorite themes. and Nur nicht mit beiden Beinen auf der Erde Stehen.” 468 Moreover.” in The Lesbian Fantastic: A Critical Study of Science Fiction. 1993). NC: McFarland and Company Inc. Höch’s Weimar photomontages Vagabunden.to be elsewhere. hover happily in utopian realms and implicate fantasy narrative. suggests escaping patriarchal constraints. Auf dem Weg. Wolfe and Julia Penelope. “In a Kingdom Faraway: Lesbian Fantasy. McNaron. “How do I know that the two butterflies are female? Partly because I have read thousands of poems by heterosexual white men for whom celebrating equality is not a major theme. McNaron’s claim that “Stepping through the firmament. the artist transports her subjects far beyond war-torn Germany into a peaceful otherworldly realm. See Phyllis M. MA: Blackwell Publishers. 469 Toni A. Betz..” 468 143 . 2011).H. and Nur nicht mit beiden Beinen auf der Erde stehen. Liebe. magical ability is commonplace and the unexpected turns out to be the norm. the floating figures in Höch’s photomontages (comparable to those in the Weimar lesbian print media) resonate with A. Paranormal. Susan J. in any Port/ Their coming. In lesbian fantasy narrative “the laws of nature and causality often do not work. 300. the subjects of Vagabonds. and subsequent Nazi-era works Auf dem Weg. “Mirrors and Likeness: A Lesbian Aesthetic in the Making.

The special issue.” Atlantis: Länder.CHAPTER IV Hannah Höch and Til Brugman: Creative Collaboration. similar themes and this suggests their artistic collaboration. 470 Mineke Bosch and Myriam Everard. 471 Til Brugman.” presented an overview of their collaborative projects. 470 Bosch’s and Everard’s seminal study significantly linked the creative oeuvre and emotional lives of Höch and Brugman. “Til Brugman and Hannah Höch. These materials include previously unpublished personal correspondence and a number of private photographs.” special Issue Lesbisch Cultureel Tijdschrift Lust en Gratie 18 (Amsterdam) (Fall 1988). or Mock-mincemeat). guest eds. Largely undocumented. a thin volume printed by a small Berlin art press in 1935. 471 and Scheingehacktes (a German word invented by Brugman which roughly translates as Appearing cut-up. Sheingehacktes. Reisen 5 (1933): 429-32 472 Til Brugman. and Political Resistance Introduction Lesbian partners. and previously unpublished materials regarding their relationship. and represents a starting point for the following discussion. “Von Hollands Blumenfldern. Völker. both were Brugman texts illustrated by Höch. Höch and Brugman collaborated on two known published projects. 472 Unfortunately. Together as a couple from 1926-1936. mit Illustrationen von Hannah Hoech (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse. Brugman’s “Von Hollands Blumenfeldern” (Holland’s Flower Fields) was published in the cultural journal Atlantis in 1933. Social Critique. 144 . and partially due to the contemporaneously tumultuous and politically repressive times in which they lived. and explored.. the couple’s joint projects were first examined by Mineke Bosch and Myriam Everard in 1988 in the Dutch lesbian cultural magazine Lust en Gratie. “Til Brugman and Hannah Höch. Hannah Höch and Til Brugman were inspired by. 1935).

Gewächse (Plants).” 84. Brugman’s writings have garnered only modest critical attention and appreciation. see Katy Deepwell.. ““Man lebt nur einmal in Patchamatac: Die groteske Welt von Til Brugman. Women Artists and Modernism (Manchester: Manchester University Press. yet interrelated. 474 For a general discussion of women’s strategic circumvention of masculinist modernism. 160. 475 473 145 . 473 This chapter begins with a discussion of Til Brugman and will establish her pivotal. Bridget Elliot and Jo-Ann Wallace. while others can merely be conjectured. Women Artists and Writers: Modernist (im)positionings (London: Routledge. Everard. 475 The discussion of Brugman’s biography and early work is followed by an overview of diverse. “Patchamatac. and created illustrations for two additional Brugman manuscripts. As a lesbian in the early twentieth century. Marion Brandt. 474 Lesbian feminist scholars convincingly argue that largely due to the liminal status of lesbian sexuality at the time (and even today). Jula Dech and Gertrud Maurer. contemporary discourses that inspired and influenced Höch and Brugman’s individual and joint artistic production. yet under acknowledged. Lebensgefährtin von Hannah Höch. Brugman openly identified as lesbian. 1998). eds. 1994).” in Da-da zwischen Reden zu Hannah Höch. Berlin: Hoho Verlag Hoffmann. was compelled to develop creative and professional strategies to ‘compensate’ for this challenge. ed. Höch executed a title drawing for an unpublished collection of Brugman’s grotesques Sonderbare Himmelschlüsel. the negative perception of lesbianism at the time adversely influenced her creative production and reception. and she. clearly. See also. ed.additional Brugman/Höch projects were interrupted. During the 1930s. however. 1995). Lyrik und Prosa. the couple collaborated on Brugman’s unfinished novel. 91. Brugman’s cultural situation was in no way unique. (Berlin: Orlanda Frauenverlag. role within the interwar European avant-garde. Til Brugman: Das vertippte Zebra. A deeper understanding of the contemporary cultural and political backdrop will provide insight Myriam Everard. 1991). like other lesbian artists of her generation.

however. 15. Brugman lived with Mastoff until she met Höch in 1926. the couple’s engagement with timely. De mensen willen niet rijpen. Marleen Slob. Til’s father was Hermanus Johannes Brugman (1852-1931). Til rented a room in Amsterdam and supported herself as a secretary and translator. gender-related and political themes was often a clandestine and a potentially dangerous undertaking. Til Brugman Born in Amsterdam in 1888. Mathilda Maria Petronella Brugman. or Til. In 1911. De mensen. vandaar: leven und werk van Til Brugman (Amsterdam: VITA. Her mother taught her to read. 1994).into their joint creative projects. 477 In contrast to her father’s easy-going cosmopolitanism. 12. In 1917. the Dutch concert singer Sienna Mastoff (1892-1959). 476 146 . which Til attributed to her mother’s staunch Catholicism. Brugman moved to Den Haag and set up residence with her first lesbian partner. Due to the cultural complexity of the era. Brugman’s mother was closeminded. and controversial. and Til’s father taught her to speak French by the time she was three. Her father dealt in wine and spirits and owned vineyards in the South of France and Spain. This alienated the young Brugman and caused her to leave home in anger. This analysis will offer new readings of individual and jointly produced works and enhance our appreciation of Höch and Brugman’s mutual interest in similar themes. 476 Brugman’s parents encouraged their daughter’s gift for languages from an early age. 477 Slob. and her mother was Adriana Geertruida Johanna Zoons (1859-1939). was the oldest of nine children in a Roman-Catholic family. The extraordinary and dynamically shifting atmosphere of late Weimar and early Nazi Germany undoubtedly informed Höch and Brugman’s themes and genres.

481 Brandt. Anecdotes first surfaced in 1500. El Lissitzky (1890-1941). 481 Til Brugman’s sound poems. The popular German writer Gerhart Hauptmann (1862-1946) wrote the epic poem “Till Eulenspiegel” in 1928. Vertippte Zebra. As scholars claim. 1968).” 84.’ and her reportedly irreverent sense of humor support Höch’s association. Brugman’s many social contacts and her creative versatility confirm Höch’s remarks. Hannah Höch (Berlin: Gebr.Til Brugman and the avant-garde Til Brugman’s earliest contacts with the artistic avant-garde were through Piet Mondrian (1872-1944). reflect her proximity to notable avant-garde figures. Heinz Ohff. Till Eulenspiegel is a folkloric German ‘trickster’ said to have died in 1350 in Braunschweig (Brunswick). 160. and her use of experimental typographic techniques. they cogently represent theories regarding the roots of avant-garde typography. Hans Arp (1886-1966). architects. Höch would describe Brugman as a “contemporary Eulenspiegel. finding buyers for Schwitters. which she began to write in the ‘teens. 180. and Piet Mondrian. ‘Til.” and as “friends with half of the world. Mann. but was rarely acknowledged or credited by contemporaries for her contributions. 479 478 147 . and Brandt. 25.” 479 Indeed. poetry. 480 Til Brugman managed Kurt Schwitter’s magazine Merz in Holland. See also Brandt. Brugman co-authored Dutch Dada manifestos and translated a number of articles for the magazine De Stijl. Brugman became acquainted with a number of writers. 478 Soon. 480 Everard. Vertippte Zebra. “Patchamatac. and helped her colleagues sell their work. which “are entwined with those of twentieth-century painting. Moreover. Composer Richard Strauss’ symphonic poem Till Eulenspiegels lustige Streiche (Till Eulenspiegel’s Merry Pranks) was written in 1894-95. and acquainted with the other half. Both Brugman’s nickname. Vertippte Zebra. whom she met in Amsterdam at dance lessons in 1908. and artists affiliated with Dutch Dada and De Stijl circles. 160. and the figure was later the subject of musical and literary works. Many years later.

architecture. Vertippte Zebra. Italian. 11. Danish. “W. Vertippte Zebra. Matthew Gale.” 482 In addition to reflecting her ties to leading international avant-garde figures. 1923) Hannover. 483 Brugman’s sound poems were published in Dutch. Fluent in more than a dozen languages. and Greek. “SHE HE” Rick Poynor. ed. 484 and. the Dadaists routinely generated texts based on random composition and/or accident. The sense of motion suggested by sound poems also resonates with the then revolutionary new medium of cinema which disrupted the Newtonian space-time continuum. 2002). intro. Gale discusses Hans Arp’s use of chance in his dada poetry. however. in 1924. 52. positioning Brugman among other avant-garde artists who engaged with the theme of mechanized sexuality and love. “She learned her first foreign language at three. Similar modes of typography used in sound poems were deployed by the Dadaists. German. This clearly contrasts with Francis Picabia’s more organized technique in his 1919 poem “Mouvement Dada. 56. reincorporated the decorative two-dimensional graphic potential of individual letters and words into poetry. like “Engin d’Amour. Dada and Surrealism (London: Phaidon. This places Engin d’Amor much closer to other avant-garde artists working in a related mode. or individual letters. 61. Lust en Gratie. English. Spanish.1) not only offers evidence of her playful command of foreign languages. “W” was published in De Stijl and Merz in 1923. Russian. 1982). Brugman’s extant business cards advertise her services as a language teacher and offer reading courses in Dutch. Early twentieth-century sound poems playfully. Brandt dates the poem to 1918 (202). to the 2nd rev. 484 Brandt. Based on the manuscript. 2002).” 483 Jula Dech “Til Brugman oder Eine Liebe in Holland.” in Merz 6 (Oct. Lyon-based Manomètre was a sophisticated international Dada-Surrealist revue with a Dutch constructivist component and was in print from July 1922 through January 1928. yet erroneously confused. 198-99. 63.” also deploys sophisticated typographic techniques. Til Brugman. Japanese. and French magazines. Due to their similar radicalism. but. (Hamburg: Nautilus.. 181. Norwegian. by Richard Spencer (London: Lund Humphries.” See also Bosch and Everard. Jula Dech. Brugman’s poem Engin d’Amour was published in Manomètre (August 6. Dada and sound poems are easily. Examples include Francis Picabia’s Portrait d’une jeune Fille américain dans l’êtat de nudité (1915) and Fernand Leger’s film Ballet mécanique (1924). 1924): 102. See also. While their techniques are related. Brugman’s early artistic production also demonstrates her remarkable linguistic abilities. German. which are isolated from their context and defy conventional formatting practice. Typically the typographic organization of sound poems suggest movement across the page that disrupts the traditional Western left to write progressive reading and writing modus. French. yet radically. of Pioneers of Modern Typography. These techniques are distinct from the compositional and contextual organization and unity typical of sound poetry. 485 Brandt. Latin. Sound poems frequently feature obliquely written words. 181. Through contrasting masculine and feminine coded words. and later learned another twenty languages. 76. “Engin d’Amour” was printed in the Lyonnaise magazine Manomètre. ed.” in Sieben Blicke auf Hannah Höch. 482 148 . 485 Til Brugman’s English and French language poem “SHE HE” (fig. 4.

Ellen Otten characterizes the literary grotesque as a quintessentially Til Brugman. Soon after she met Höch in 1926.” in Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. NL: Lojen Deur Pers. moreover. “SHE HE. vol. Brandt writes “SHE HE” was first published in 1981 in Til Brugman. 486 Furthermore. 1921. ed. The typewritten manuscript of “SHE HE” is reproduced in Bosch and Everard. 77. Lust en Gratie. Salomo Friedlaender (alias Mynona). 486 149 . 2.Ausklang und Nachhall.” written sometime between 1917 and 1922. de Graaf. the Abend featured readings by Hannah Höch. According to a poster for the event. Brugman began writing in German. the artist wrote grotesques and presented one of them during a Grotesken-Abend (Grotesque-Evening) in 1921 at the Berlin Secession.” in Brandt. its production and erudite appreciation began where the appeal of quotidian popular journalism ended.. While affiliated with the Berlin Dadaists.suggests the social and sartorial exchange of men and women at a fashionable thé dansant. both of which critically address gender and sexual identity and will later be discussed at length. 9. Although Höch’s graphic oeuvre far outweighs her literary production. ed. 1981). it is likely that Höch was instrumental in inspiring her to take up the literary grotesque genre. 10. “Dada. 487 Eberhard Roters. Höch read Italienreise (Italian-Travels) and a favorable review of this “unabashedly spirited” performance appeared in the 8-Uhr Abendblatt on Feb. “SHE HE. 487 The literary Grotesque The rise of the literary grotesque in Weimar Germany parallels the rapid expansion of the publishing industry following World War I.1 (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. 25-29. 1995). 200. Höch had experimented in this genre. The popularity of the genre also attests to the growing sophistication of the German reading public. and Raoul Hausmann. W. anticipates Brugman’s later “Himilia” (1927) and “Warenhaus der Liebe” (1931-33). 5 Klankgedichte (5 Sound poems) (Heemstede.

491 While Höch revisited it sporadically throughout her career. De mensen. “Die expressionistische Groteske ist erwachsen aus dem Bewusstsein ihres Schöpfers. 492 Höch’s knowledge of and personal interest in the literary grotesque most certainly facilitated her partner’s creative production. The grotesque humorist. Rosa. ein Allewesen zu sein.. the literary grotesque eventually became Til Brugman’s signature genre. .” 490 Thomas O. 1965). Haakenson offers a succinct and recent definition of the genre: Through the questioning of knowledge based on habit . 493 Mynona [pseud]. however. it lent expression to “an untrammeled imagination which results in a higher nonsense. aus dem Reinheitsbewussteins des schöpferischen Geistes. it is a perfect for addressing the body or human sexuality. 150-1. the grotesque humorist encourages the modern subject to question judgments not only of aesthetics but also of logic and reason. Haakenson.” 489 Wolfgang Kayser. and Visual Culture in Early TwentiethCentury German” (PhD diss. See also Brandt. 492 Brandt. despite Brugman’s exceptional linguistic abilities.expressionist form. Grotesque. 488 150 .. 491 Thomas O. 489 Instead. . The Grotesque in Art and Literature.” it is not limited to poking fun at imperfection. 170. 177. 490 Kayser. 238. “Grotesque Visions: Art. themes in which both artists were obviously and perennially interested. De mensen. Ellen Otten (Zürich: Arche Verlag. 50. trans. Die Schöne Schutzmannsfrau und andere Grotesken. 150-1. Its mutual appeal to both women. 493 Slob. Vertippte Zebra. Ulrich Weisstein (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. while “satire may be its starting point. 2006). 488 While literary critic Wolfgang Kayser claimed that the literary grotesque is “neither caricature nor parody” and. she was a native Dutch speaker and relied on Höch to edit and correct grammatical errors in her German manuscripts. 1963). ed. uses his or her medium to engender a contemplative and critical engagement with habituated sensorial responses to the empirical world. erwachsen aus einem unendlich gesteigerten Selbstbewusstsein des Denkens. as he explained. comes as no surprise. As Brandt and Slob comment. See also Slob. Science. University of Minnesota. in other words. 197. 48.

those that have attest to her distinctive literary contribution. sexism. Brugman engaged with a variety of themes exposing and examining the dangers of capitalism. she remains a little known figure. consumer culture. NL: Lojen Deur Pers. 212n2. “almost without exception. de Graaf. for example. Vertippte Zebra. yet simultaneously praises. Everard reminds us that sexism and “Frauenfeindlichkeit” (hatred for women) were conceptually anchored in the De Stijl movement. 160. interpreters (dancers and actresses) and ‘mediums’ for their art. Myriam Everard.” Brugman’s “Schaufensterhypnose” (Shop-window Hypnosis) satirizes capitalist-driven consumerism. Brugman’s voice counters that of the uncritical mainstream with satire and dark humor. Gender and the Avant-garde Despite Brugman’s prolific artistic production and professional contact with prominent members of Dutch and German avant-garde communities. Magnus Hirschfeld’s Institute for Sexual Science.” Diva 3 (Amsterdam) (November 1984): 24-27. ed. (Woubrugge NL: Avalon Pers. 494 151 .” 495 Similarly. 35. Even Anders: Vier Rabbelverzen. 1981). Artists Theo van Doesburg and Piet Mondrian. consider women as translators. The author addressed the ruthless control and exploitation of women’s bodies and embedded a powerful feminist subtext in her 1927 grotesque “Himilia. Vertippte Zebra. 212n1. “Graven: De Dood is de humor von het leeven. In “Warenhaus der Liebe” (Department Store of Love) Brugman lampoons. “Dadandy Til. 1989). 159. In all three texts. See also Pamela Pattynama and Inge Polak. Til Brugman. 495 Brandt. 182-88.While only a fraction of Brugman’s grotesques have been published. and the unfortunate plight of sexual minorities. rather than as independent creators.” Lover 10 (Amsterdam) (1983): 4.. Til Brugman 5 Klankgedichte (5 Sound poems) (Heemstede. W. integrated Brandt. 494 Brandt attributes Brugman’s obscurity to the “common sexist assumptions of the avant-garde” which.

who actively aimed to destroy her career. He wrote. .sexism into their artistic manifestos. printed in Robert P. In contrast. See also. 95n5. the male principle was characterized as strong. and are exemplified in this excerpt from their manifesto: We want to glorify war the only cleansing act of the world . was considered feminine.” 84. The female artist is never a complete artist. 2006).. The feminine stood for everything weak. 497 496 152 . Christina Ujma. 21. . . and the contempt of women .” 84. pure. ed. and abstract. and inferior to pure masculine abstraction.” See also Whitney Chadwick. unclear. M. . Two Mondrian Sketchbooks 1912-1914 (Amsterdam: Meulenhoff.” in Practicing Modernity: Female Creativity in the Weimar Republic. feminism and all such opportunistic and utilitarian acts of cowardice. something that has been repeatedly pointed out by feminist critics. universal. Women. . “Patchamatac. 496 According to Everard. In 1924 he wrote to the Dutch architect J. “The male artist is man and woman simultaneously: for this reason.” 498 To the men of De Stijl. Art. the “contempt for women in both life and art” is evident in the “futurist infused ideals” of De Stijl that reject the feminine principle. Welsh and J. “Futurist attitudes towards feminism were deeply compromised from the beginning by their cult of virility. 262. sentimental. (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann..” 84. Everard cites an excerpt from Mondrian’s sketchbook. “The avant-garde concept is to blame for the misogynist culture in high arts during the Weimar Republic. 499 Within this gendered hierarchy “natural representation” (natürlichen Abbildung). spiritual. Mondrian believed that the only true artist was a man. We want to destroy museums . and combat moralism.P. 497 The words of prominent De Stijl members confirm Everard’s claims. Theo van Doesburg. and physical. Oud: Everard. Christiane Schönfeld. “Patchamatac. hard. Perhaps even more damaging than the conceptually anchored sexism of the European avant-garde was Brugman’s rejection by the most influential member of the De Stijl movement. Everard. in all of its manifestations. eds. and Society. he does not need a “Frau” [woman/ wife].J. the world was divided between inferior feminine and superior masculine principles. “Patchamamtac. 3rd Ed. fresh. 499 Everard. Joosten. .” 84.” 498 Everard. individual. 1969). “Masculine Territories? Women and the Theories of the Avant-Garde. “Patchamatac. 34.

It writes volumes about crowing roosters. es heist Brugman. Scheisse und parfümierten Spermatozoen einzuschmieren. das vorgibt. 1983). “Til Brugmann oder Eine Liebe in Holland. 322. In van Doesburg’s words. 11. Ihre Schundverse fanden kein Platz in De Stijl. ed.P.’ yet ascribe her extraordinary physical capabilities.J. 321. Shit and perfumed sperm. homosexuell zu sein. Oud and Jan Wils.J. Dech. 128. doch die so weiblich ist al seine frischgeborene Amme.. he. Hamilton contends. The letter is cited in Evert van Straaten. 501 George Heard Hamilton. 500 Van Doesburg’s scathing attack of Brugman was more than an expression of antipathy. 1880-1940 (New Haven. 95n6. van Doesburg’s “powers of persuasion made him an irresistible “In Den Haag wohnt ein kleines Ungetüm. 1993). 502 Hamilton. van Doesburg had encountered his perceptual and imaginative limits. who is able to nurse children and wield perfumed sperm.In Den Haag there lives a little monster that says it’s homosexual-but it’s as womanly as a young wet-nurse. together with J. These comments suggest that with regard to Brugman. Brugman is a hermaphroditic being. See also.. “Patchamatac. 1924. Theo van Doesburg 18831931: een documentaire op de basis van material uit de schenking Van Moorsel (‘s-Gravenhage: Staatsuitgeverij. 502 Furthermore. determined the formal vocabulary of the De Stijl movement. and turning mountains-Trouble! Her trash-verse has no place in De Stijl. Oud (1890-1963) from Nov.” 501 As George Heard Hamilton writes. mich mit Dreck. Theo van Doesburg has been described as “the dominant personality in the [De Stijl] movement. Es macht es sich zur täglichen Gewohnheit.” 86. Es schreibt Bände über krähende Hähne und kreissende Berge-Zank.P. Yale University Press. Theo van Doesburg an den Architecten und Stijl-Mitarbeiter J. 500 153 . Its name is Brugman and has the habit of daily rubbing me with Dirt. One wonders what compelled him to refer to her repeatedly as a gender-neutral and non-human ‘it. Painting and Sculpture in Europe. His dehumanization of Brugman and his characterization of her as a monster (Ungetüm) suggest that he was overwhelmed and frightened by her.” 53-54.” Cited in Everard.

2010. Kurt Schwitters dedicated a sculptural relief to Brugman and gave it to her.” 84. art. Yellow. Everard. Rood. Brugman actively supported avant-garde literature. 506 Slob’s and Brandt’s observations regarding the sexism of male avant-garde ‘leaders’ echo Dech’s claim that van Doesburg’s “negative commentary” about Brugman “is representative of the deep-seated defensiveness–even among the most progressive male artists--against women like Til Brugman who do not fit in any traditional role. references a 1922 Mondrian composition of the same name which she owned. architect Gerrit Rietveld. On the contrary. design. Brugman. See also. The chair will be placed on permanent display at the new Rijksmuseum in 2013. “Für Tilly” 505 Everard. sold the chair shortly before her death to an unknown buyer in 1958.000 Euros.proselytizer.” 84. In 1923. and architecture and championed and collected the work of her colleagues. she was in no way a proponent of hyperbolized materiality. her friend. Through expert Marcel Bouwer.com. It was intended for her girlfriend Siena Masthoff’s music room located in their shared apartment on the Ligusterstraat 20. “Patchamatac.” 503 His rejection and openly expressed hatred for Brugman. to design its furniture.” 96n17. Vilmos Huszár to create a color-scheme for her Haag apartment and her good friend. Van Doesburg’s characterization of Brugman was not only hateful. “Patchamatc.White Chair by Rietveld and Reliefs by Schoonhoven. “Rijksmuseum acquires 20thcentury Masterpieces. Brugman commissioned the chair in the spring of 1923 from Rietveld. the chair was resold for an undisclosed sum to the Amsterdam Rijksmuseum in October. 504 Everard notes that Brugman’s unfinished novel.” (31 Aug.” Hamilton. 322. Blue). Geel. “Patchamatac. 506 Everard. Schwitters relief is inscribed. Blauw (Red. 2010). most likely had an adverse effect on her career.. but an inaccurate account of her sensibilities. The chair was sold in a Christie’s Amsterdam auction to Leigh Keno of American Antiques in 2007 for 264. nor did her work reflect an exaggerated engagement with the feared and hated ‘feminine’ principle. coupled with his influence. who died penniless. 505 Brugman commissioned the Hungarian artist and co-founder of De Stijl. 504 503 154 . Museumspublicity.

“Til Brugman oder Eine Liebe. while her cigarette would have defined her as a New Woman. and the biting wit. 155 . financially. but. deeply upset men. “Patchamatac. Til Brugman’s lesbian identification is. 4. 4. “was confronted with a group of bachelors (Jungesellen) in whose world there was no room for a homosexual woman. By contemporary standards.” her “outfit offered few signals that pointed to her lesbianism. Brugman’s “extreme intelligence. cigarette. 511 Dech.” 54. no self-conscious attitude of otherness. Brugman’s dress and demeanor conspicuously reflect that of Charlotte ‘Lotte’ Hahm (fig. flat shoes-but no monocle. “Til Brugmanoder Eine Liebe. her genius for language.” 508 Brugman was “economically.” 84. Damenklub Violetta (Violetta Ladies 507 508 Dech. unmistakably evident in an undated mid1920s photograph (fig. however.even those ascribed to the “modern woman. was also “difficult to define. however. emphasis Dech. “Til Brugman oder Eine Liebe.” 510 Brugman. it was above all her sexual independence that “made her into a female monster.” 54. Dech. as Everard observes.” 54. 509 Dech. from which no one was secure. Brugman’s hair and clothing would have automatically defined her as a lesbian transvestite.” 509 Brugman.” 54. the crop-haired Brugman is dressed in male attire and holding a cigarette. her talent to make light of everything. tie and vest. a social activist and president of the Berlin lesbian bar and social club.” 511 Contemporary photos of Brugman bear out Dech’s claim and alternately depict her in feminine attire or in masculine garb. and sexually independent” from men.” 507 As Dech convincingly argues. “Til Brugman oder Eine Liebe.2).3). In the photograph. 510 Everard.

she took up work in another country. When faced with difficulties. 513 Höch’s longest intimate relationship was her ten year partnership with Brugman. 512 156 . Instead she cites Höch’s 1936 journal entry. clearly identified as a virile lesbian. The professional difficulties Brugman faced within the male-dominated and sexist avant-garde community were somewhat hidden by her brilliance and creative versatility. 512 The striking similarity between the two photographs indicates that by the mid 1920s. “Liebe Hannah. Hannah Höch and Til Brugman: A Lesbian Couple Höch and Brugman lived openly as lesbians and were acknowledged as a couple by a wide circle of shared personal and professional acquaintances (fig. liebe Höchmann. “4. 513 During their years together. liebe Hanlit. Berlinische Galerie.” 514 The reconfiguration of their names is not unlike Höch’s photomontages or Brugman’s signature medium the grotesque wherein fragments are joined to create new. but also playfully reconfigures their names. another language. and. Matthies moves in. liebe Brug. like Hahm. liebe Tillit. 4. 49 (1927): 12. as yet. Til leaves.” 514 Hannah Höch Archiv. Brugman’s biography suggests that her talent and flexibility allowed her to remain productive despite adverse circumstances. Everard. A 1926 postcard from their mutual friend Kurt Schwitters jointly addresses Hannah and Til. May. liebe Tilhan.25. “Patchamatac. 26.Club). The postcard is also signed by the Dresden art-collector Ida Bienert. or in another genre. Schwitters wrote. Everard disputes the Höch literature that generally dates them as a couple from 1926-1935. Brugman. correspondence sent to Höch’s Berlin Atelier was generally addressed to them both. Importantly.” 95n8. Brugman’s decade with Höch represents a period of sustained literary production and professional success for both partners.4). unrepresentable identities. The photograph of Halm (1890-1967) appeared in the Damenklub Violetta advertisement/announcement in Frauenliebe (Women’s Love) no.

See also Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. Höch apparently had no public identity as a lesbian.Lavin comments that no written evidence exists to confirm that Höch “identified as a lesbian” or that either partner was “active in homosexual organizations. vol. 188. 32.” 517 HH Archiv BG. Cut with the Kitchen Knife: The Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch (New Haven: Yale University Press.” 516 Despite this. 59-60. 10. Dokumente. “[O]utside a small circle. 515 157 . While in Paris in 1925.2.51. 519 Marleen Slob. Jane Heap. Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. “Netter Tag mit ihr…” 518 HH Archiv BG. however. 518 It should also be mentioned here.19. Höch and von Harden met in late August in the artist’s Berlin studio. Höch corresponded with German-Jewish lesbian journalist. 519 Maud Lavin.” 516 Christiane Leidinger. It must also be noted that at the time. Höch’s papers reveal that she was comfortable with her sexuality. Keine Töchter aus gutem Haus: Johanna Elbertskirchen. She published a lesbian-themed short story “Voll Gnade” (Full of Grace) in 1949 and in 1953 read excerpts from her novel Spanningen (Tensions) at a special evening organized for lesbian women. 1864-1943 (Konstanz: UVK Verlagsgesellschaft mbH. Reisetagebuch England-Frankreich. “Für bürgerliche Frauen war Sexualität zunaechst generell ein unaussprechliches. sexuality was generally a taboo and embarrassing theme. vol. 1993). 458. 2. 25. See also. Sylvia von Harden (1894-1964).” 515 I would. Die mensen. and quintessential Weimar New Woman immortalized in Otto Dix’s 1926 portrait. in the midst of escalating sanctions against homosexuals and Jews. qualify these remarks by suggesting that ‘identifying’ as a lesbian in Weimar Germany was expressed somewhat differently than it is commonly today in the form of declarations and the ‘coming-out’ process. “for bourgeois women.2. Brugman actively participated in organized gay and lesbian politics. 2. and was socially acquainted with two contemporary openly lesbian cultural luminaries. 1925. Höch spent “a very nice day” visiting art exhibitions with modernist doyenne and publisher of the avant-garde literary magazine The Little Review. Brugman was involved with the Dutch Humanistisch Verbond (Humantarian Union) between 1946 and 1953. 517 In 1932. gerade zu peinliches Thema. that in Holland after World War II. 233. 2008).

Ohff includes Hausmann and excludes Brugman from her biography.” in HH: eine Lebensollage. all the gates have been thrown open and I stroll happily Ohff. Berlin. Each day I find out new and wonderful things about Til that enrich me and allow me to see life in a new light. “Holland. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.” in HH: Lebenscollage. however. 523 Despite the fact that Höch’s liaison with married Hausmann lasted seven years while the artist lived in a domestic partnership with Brugman for ten. which motivated her to “consciously lead an unconventional life.” 522 Symptomatic of Ohff’s homophobia and antipathy for Brugman is his exclusion of the writer from a short Höch biography in a catalogue he authored in 1978.Höch’s biographer Heinz Ohff comments that Höch “never denied the sensual nature” of her relationship with Brugman. 521 Ohff. Band II. Höch related how emotionally isolated she felt before she met Brugman. 262. 520 Ohff. and that she had “given up” on ever having another relationship but that “Now. however. does not attribute this to the artist’s emotional commitment or love for her partner. “Holland. Ohff claims.” and emblematic for her need “to escape the confines of petitbourgeois morality. “Holland. Höch wrote. Hannah Höch: ein Leben mit der Pflanzen (Gelsenkirchen: Gemeinde Museum Gelsenkirchen. 188-89.” in Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. 1926 letter to her sister Grete. eloquently overturn Ohff’s cynical dismissal of Brugman. he somewhat cynically regards Höch’s lesbianism as an indication of her desire to “experience all that life had to offer. 241n17. 262 522 Ohff. “I am and will be very happy with Til. vol. BG. Instead. Höch Nachlass. 262.” 524 In the same letter. 524 This. Murnau. cited in Lavin. 520 158 . 523 Heinz Ohff. In a previously mentioned 1926 letter to her sister. we will be a model of how two women can form a single rich and balanced life. 1921-1945 (Berlinische Galerie. 1978). 1995). and the following quotes in this paragraph are from Höch’s October 14. 1.” 521 It was this. Höch’s own words.

just as she was coming under the threat of a Ohff. see Ohff. and had its last station in Amsterdam in mid-October. Ohff comments that Höch must have been very proud of her membership in this group: even in old age. 1. based in Brugman’s Haag apartment from late 1926. 525 159 . 1929.” yet familiar.” The artist described her experience of lesbian intimacy as “something totally new.outside of myself.” in Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. 526 Ohff.” 271-73. 1995).” in Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. While in Holland. In addition. Even later. The exhibition was then moved to Rotterdam (exact dates unknown) and had its last station from September 28 through October 18 in Amsterdam. vol.” 88. and Ditte’s intimate partner and permanently represented gallery artist. She was friends with Galerie De Bron owner Ditte van der Vies. The Den Haag exhibition was from May 11 through June 7. 529 Höch. Brugman was influential in landing Höch these exhibition opportunities. “Holland. 1921-1945 (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. the couple. 270. set up residence in Höch’s Berlin studio. 528 Höch was a member of the Group Onafhankelijken (Independents) 529 Ohff. the political atmosphere in Germany had taken a turn for the worse. 267. a traveling solo exhibition of Höch’s work was launched at the Galerie de Bron in Den Haag. 526 In May 1929. The show went on to Rotterdam. 274. Chris Lebeau (who painted a portrait of Höch in the early 1930s). 525 She participated in the Haag Onafhankelijken (Independent Group) exhibition of 1928 and 1929. Band II. For exhibition dates. was probably “less enthusiastic” about returning to Berlin because she had failed to maintain contacts with her colleagues and art dealers during her absence. “Holland. “Holland. he argues. Höch enjoyed professional success and her work was the subject of critical discussion. with Brugman’s help. 527 Everard. “Holland. 527 In contrast. in 1934 and 1935. she never failed to include these exhibitions in her resumé. “Patchamatac. Til Brugman was not successful in her native Holland.” In 1929. Holland would continue to be a positive place for Höch.” in Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. 528 Ohff contends that the couple’s move to Berlin was primarily motivated by Brugman’s search for a publisher. and discretely characterized her new partnership as a “private love relationship.

Hannah appears to be leading her partner by the elbow into the door of their new home. by contemporary standards. or Nazi) Party transformed itself from an insurgent fringe group into Germany's most potent political Ohff. Höch depicts herself wearing a black and red fringed dress. Begehren. Repression and Censorship Before Höch’s and Brugman’s artistic collaboration are discussed further. und wilde Veilchen: Sexualität. a cylinder adorned with two small breasts. Virile. “Holland. a color combination that (among Weimar lesbians) defined her as worldly and sensual. 109. Brugman clutches a cane under her arm: a standard accessory among virile lesbians. Vamps. 530 Höch announced the couple’s 1929 return to Berlin with a small linocut which portrays the two women entering the door of her Büsingstrasse 16 Atelier (fig. Much like the Russian Dancer and English Dancer. 4. In contrast to Höch’s lithe and animated figure. Höch portrays herself as feminine with sender pink limbs. underscores her Weiblichkeit (femininity). the two figures are depicted in contrasting colors.Nazi Berufsverbot in Berlin (a police order that forbade her to create art).” in Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. Til is represented as a bulky and slow moving blue cube. developments that significantly influenced the cultural situation of late Weimar must be addressed. 274. und Erotik in den Zeitschriften homosexueller Frauen im Berlin der 1920er Jahren (Königstein: Helmer. 2007). 531 Positioned above Til. which. Both figures sport the Bubikopf (Boy’s-head) hairstyle. In contrast to her partner.5). the National Socialist (NS. The exhibition was at the Galerie d’Audretsch. 530 160 . The torso. Between 1928 and 1932. defined them as emancipated New Women. Carrying a small travel bag. she had an exhibition in Den Haag. 531 Schader.

. “Weimar Culture. 535 Steinweis. Thus. “Weimar Culture. grew louder and were soon reflected in mandated policies.” 404. The impact of the international economic collapse of 1929 was perhaps the most important single factor to propel Germany’s dramatic shift away from democracy. “Weimar Culture and the Rise of National Socialism: The Kampfbund für deutsche Kultur. 534 Steinweis.force. . 533 In a wild admixture of irrational arguments that spoke to a spectrum of political allegiances and crosscut seemingly unrelated issues of race. to many Germans. these. no. 533 Steinweis. They believed that Germany had lost its traditional bearings. While at first. it is worth pointing out that the roots of these activities can be traced to the late 1920s when history conspired to generate an atmosphere conducive to political dictatorship. “Weimar Culture. promoted by feminists. 4 (1991): 402. and even financially interconnected artistic and cultural movements. politics. spiritually. corrosive force. 534 Nazi propagandists claimed that the threat to German culture emanated “from a network of racially. 532 161 .” 404.” Central European History 24. and other equally irrational Nazi arguments. As Alan Steinweis explains: Conflict between tradition and experimentation on the artistic scene reflected the profound social and ideological cleavages of Weimar Germany. . artistic modernism exacerbated a more fundamental disorientation. and most conspicuously symbolized by the increasing visibility of Negroes on the art scene.” 535 Exacerbated by the economic collapse of 1929. The efflorescence of artistic modernism after World War I had coincided with a profound shake-up of the social relationships and economic structures that had prevailed before the war. the threat of socialism and the artistic avant-garde. the Nazis merely Alan Steinweis. and culture. and that the new art functioned as a . 532 While the repressive cultural policies of Nazi Germany are legion. led by Jews and Marxists. Nazi rhetoric conflated racial degeneracy.” 404. .

536 162 . 2011). 536 As Steinweis relates. NS officials sought to control all aspects of cultural expression in Germany. to dominate and determine national politics and policies. “Weimar Culture.” Art Journal 50. after 1930. Awareness of this slowly. 537 Steinweis. were nearly successful in completely eradicating avant-garde artistic production there. 4 (Winter 1991): 84. Schrankenlose Freiheit für Hannah Höch: Das Leben einer Künstlerin. As a result. These developments preceded Adolf Hitler’s appointment as German Reichskanzler (Reichs-Chancellor) in late January 1933. 1929 and 1930. as their power grew. 538 Cara Schweitzer. from then on. no. and ultimately humiliated as cultural Bolsheviks in the infamous Entarte Kunst (Degenerate Art) exhibition of 1937. decisive phase of their rise to power in the September 1930 Reichstag elections. legal proceedings and decrees increasingly limited the production and commerce of what they deemed un-Aryan. ‘Degenerate” Art: The National Socialist Case. and as history reveals.” when the National Socialists gained an overwhelming majority of seats in the German parliament. after this fateful election. they had begun years earlier in Weimar and inspired court cases in 1928. 138. 537 In what is best described as a landslide. attacks on culture featured prominently in Nazi propaganda “particularly in the latter. While Nazi attacks on modern art and artists were more systematic after Hitler came to power. artists who did not conform to Nazi-established guidelines were denounced (practically synonymous with a Berufsverbot). Through a series of progressively restrictive sanctions. 538 This enabled the Nazis. yet ever-growing climate of censure and repression in late Weimar and early Nazi Germany is of no small significance in a Mary-Margaret Goggin. 18891978 (Berlin: Osburg Verlag. those who produced cultural materials deemed un-Aryan faced even greater problems.belittled and mocked the artistic avant-garde. the number of NS representatives jumped from 12 to 107. “’Decent’ vs.” 404.

(1959): 29. she would say. In 1933. brushes. “Interview with Hannah Höch. 1937). had to present an official permit (Bezugsschein) issued from the Ministry of Culture (Reichskulturkammer) to merchants at the time of purchase. cites. 541 Peter Boswell. Wolfgang Willrich. Later.” 541 While many denounced artists were not specifically forbidden to work (like Höch). Peter Boswell. Edouard Roditi. 539 Together.22n3. 539 163 . 540 Schweitzer. canvas. 16.” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. Schrankenlose Freiheit. under the auspices of Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945). writes. they made it virtually impossible for avant-garde artists to survive in Nazi Germany.F. 1989). Säuberung des Kunsttempels: Eine kunstpolitische Kampfschrift deutscher Kunst im Geiste nordischer Art (Munich: J. 343. Maria Makela. being For a contemporary discussion of degenerate art. “Hannah Höch: Through the Looking Glass. anyone who wanted to purchase art materials such as paint. In 1936. Each of us avoided associating with his dearest and oldest friends and associates for fear of involving them in further trouble. the Reichskulturkammer (Ministry of Culture) instituted an Ankaufsverbot prohibiting the purchase of non-Aryan and/or avant-garde artworks. “those of us who were remembered as Kulturbolschewisten (Cultural Bolsheviks) were all blacklisted and watched by the Gestapo (secret police). Much to her dismay.discussion that explores the radical and less radical aspects of Höch and Brugman’s artistic collaboration. and Carolyn Lanchner (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. 23n24. many of her earlier colleagues had been denounced. Lehmanns Verlag. The Berufsverbot and the Ankaufsverbot rendered the production and/or purchase of ‘degenerate’ or ‘non-Aryan’ art illegal and punishable by law. 4. during the war. no. 540 Shortly after Höch and Brugman returned to Berlin from Den Haag in 1929.” Arts 34. those who engaged in unacceptable artistic practice were prohibited from painting through a Berufsverbot. see. Höch found the art scene in Berlin had changed greatly. or paper.

it was practically impossible to find exhibition venues or sell work. “Die Sammling gehört in die Charité!. Säuberung des Kusttempels: Eine politische Kamfschrift zur Gesundung deutscher Kunst im Geiste nordischer Art (Munich: J. “Die Sammlung.” 545 Marleen Slob. 300.” in Anpassung oder Verbot: Künstlerinnen und die 30er Jahre (Düsseldorf: droste.” 100. 545 Both professionally and personally. Wolgang Willrich. 1932 proved to be a challenging year for Höch. An exhibition of her work at the Dessau Bauhaus was planned to run from 12 May to 10 June but cancelled due to adverse political developments. This must have been especially disappointing to Höch because plans for the exhibition were well underway. 32. De mensen. is. See also. Höch. 42. and the posters and invitations to the exhibition had already been printed. 547 Antje Olivier and Sevgi Braun. Mann Verlag. “could anticipate that at any time police might unexpectedly arrive and search their studios. like others in a similar situation. however. Lehmanns Verlag. Heinz Ohff. 7.F. 304n6. “Die Ausstellungen. the exhibition organizer. “In Wolfgang Willrich’s Kampf-Fibel gegen die Kunst…wird sie ausdrücklich erwähnt.” Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. members of the Nazi Party launched a concerted and sustained effort to close the Bauhaus. the Bauhaus was eventually searched by the Gestapo and the institution’s doors were finally locked by Dessau police in April 1933.” 542 Moreover. See. 544 Understandably. 546 HH Archiv BG. 1968). and ultimately the country.32.” 543 Under these circumstances. “Die Ausstellungen. 1937). a year before Hitler officially came to power. 546 The contentious political situation surrounding steadily escalated. while not among them. Höch. 547 Ohff. 52. 1998). Höch sent 46 photomontages to Christoph Hertel. 168.” in HH eine Lebenscollage. 40-41. Höch is listed as member of “Die rote Novembergruppe” and a fragment of her painting Roma (1925) is visible in a collage illustrating examples of non-Aryan art.“mentioned in Willrich’s book implied a Berufsverbot. 544 The official list of degenerate artists was limited to individuals whose work was displayed in public museums. In January 1932. 542 164 . Hannah Höch: die einzige Frau unter den Berliner Dadaisten. Also see Ohff. 100. from which to choose. mentioned in Wolfgang Willrich’s cultural Nazi polemic. Hannah Höch (Berlin: Gebr. this compelled many artists to leave the city. 543 Olivier and Braun.

they were abandoning the investigation. the couple’s individual and joint projects attest to their sustained artistic production and active political resistance. any expression of lesbianism or homosexuality was illegal and punishable by law).8. Along with some jewelry. but thanks to HH Archive BG. pos. was also stolen. Höch’s Holland Journal. which contained intimate details regarding her relationship with Brugman. 549 This unsettling event prompted them to relocate in 1933 to Rubenstrasse 66/3 in nearby Berlin Friedenau. Höch and Brugman continued to create art and remained together as a couple until May 1936 (we must remind ourselves here that after February 1933. Höch and Brugman were convinced that the break-in was politically motivated. 548 Although they could not prove it. “Brave or foolish:” Höch hides Brugman’s Manuscripts The ability to reconstruct Brugman’s oeuvre and the extent of her collaboration with Höch in the course of their relationship from 1926 to 1936 depends on the remaining literary and artistic work from this period as well as surviving correspondence. This information was conveyed to me in August 2009 and in March 2011 during conversations with Ralf Burmeister of the Berlinische Galerie. During these difficult years. 549 548 165 . The oppressive cultural situation in late Weimar worsened dramatically after January 1933. An undetermined portion of Til Brugman’s oeuvre is lost. despite this. the Berlin district attorney notified her that due to lack of evidence. Höch reported the burglary to the police. Yet.In January 1932. the couples’ Büsingstrasse studio and domicile was ransacked and burglarized. 32. but on 7 May 1932.

Connely. 552 Adriani.” Journal of Contemporary History 41. . Later. Höch left Berlin in 1939 and moved to Heligensee. “Murder. her literary production between 1926 and 1936 has survived. Sace Elder describes this slow development as a transition from a “culture of mutual surveillance . The blurring of official [police] and public civic duties that had begun in late Weimar became even more pronounced after Hitler came to power.” 551 From her time as a Dadaist. there were 116 unpublished Brugman manuscripts in 1935. Everard writes. 58. after the Nazis came to power. 2003). The move helped her avoid scrutiny by Nazi collaborators active in her urban neighborhood. “Grotesque Bodies: Weimar-Era Medicine and the Photomontages of Hannah Höch. . as she stated. and Criminal Policing in Weimar Berlin. A handwritten and typed list in the HH Archive at the Berlinische Galerie chronicles some ninety grotesques that were once in Höch’s possession.” 552 Years later. based on a handwritten list of Brugman titles composed by Höch (1927-1935. had these materials been discovered by the Gestapo. Hannah Höch. they “would have been enough to send her and all remaining Dada artists living in Germany to the gallows. who hid Brugman’s manuscripts during the Nazi era. Höch had amassed a substantial and. she left a number of manuscripts behind with Höch in their previously shared domicile. 551 Sace Elder.Höch. 550 166 . and while Brugman remained in Berlin until the war forced her (and her new partner Dutch native ‘Hans’ Johanna Mertineit) to return to Holland in 1939. forty-six of these have survived (97n25). ed. BG-HHA). Modern Art and the Grotesque (Cambridge: University of Cambridge. then a rural northern suburb of the city. to a culture of denunciation after 1933. Höch would ask herself how she “could have been so brave—or so foolish—to have stored all those Maria Makela. and throughout the Weimar years. 3 (2006): 402. 218n41. illegal and dangerous collection of avant-garde artistic materials. Denunciation.” in Francis S. 550 Brugman and Höch separated in May 1936.

Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz Verlag.”91. 1998). dieses Beweismaterial während all der schrecklichen Jahre in meinem Haus zu behalten. she packed her collection in metal containers and buried them in her yard. Ralf Burmeister.incriminating materials. George Grosz. “’Die Sammlung gehört in die Charité!’: Hannah Höch. “Heute frage ich mich zuweilen. 74. Basel: Museum Tinguely. Brugman’s influence on Höch’s work is unverkennbar (unmistakable). 556 Everard. 2007). Hannah Höch. 58. Der Schrank in dem ich meine Zeichnungen aufhebe. in 1945. but they never discovered anything incriminating. Die Javanerin. that which has survived offers evidence of reciprocal creative inspiration between the writer and her partner. evidence supports claims of the couple’s ongoing. “Patchamatac. ihre Spuren zu verwischen und dergleichen Erinnerungen an ihre Jugendsünden zu zerstören. Shared themes link Höch’s photomontages and drawings to Brugman’s manuscripts and a number of the artist’s collages might easily double as illustrations for Brugman’s texts. wie ich so mütig oder so töricht sein konnte. when the two women lived together. BG-G 6792/93. yet often non-specific Adriani. Hannah Höch: Aller Anfang ist Dada (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. and the art of fellow ‘degenerate’ artists including Kurt Schwitters. 557 Everard. The following drawings BG-G 6791/93. invitations to exhibitions. Höch buried them or lowered the boxes into a dry well. 208. Von 1934 an begannen auch die meisten meiner Kollegen. die einzige Frau unter den Berliner Dasdaisten. While scholars lament that much of Brugman’s oeuvre is lost. Höch hid them in the rafters of her house in an improvised wood and tarpaper construction of her own making.” 91. enthielt genug. and BG-G 6793/93 (1930/1935) were intended as illustrations to Brugman’s grotesque. 557 Furthermore. Vertippte Zebra. when the Russian army began to advance on Berlin. 553 167 . diverse avant-garde magazines. 555 Höch was questioned by the police on a number of occasions and her house was searched. 160. 77. 555 Adriani.” 554 Antje Olivier and Sevgi Braun. Later. at night under nut trees or by lowering them into a dry well.” in Anpassung oder Verbot: Künstlerinnen und die 30er Jahre (Düsseldorf: Droste.” 553 During what she described as “those terrible years” (the Nazi-era and war years). et al. “Patchamatac. and Brandt. 556 Everard writes that between 1926 and 1936. See also. This material included Brugman’s writings. um mich und alle in Deutschland lebenden früheren Dadaisten an den Galgen zu bringen. Raoul Hausmann and John Heartfield. 554 Nosy neighbors reported suspicious nocturnal activity in her garden to the Gestapo.

collaboration. Der erste Brugman-Höchsche Koproduktion war übrigens keine Groteske. . if she is “so inclined” to look through her manuscripts and create illustrations for them: “If you’d like to pick out a manuscript for illustrations. in a touching and desperate attempt to convince Höch not to end their relationship. “Von Hollands Blumenfeldern. .” See also. Brugman’s excitement over their artistic collaboration is expressed in an almost manic burst of optimism: In the mean time. and everything else!!!! WE WILL MAKE IT WITHOUT A DOUBT!!!!!!” 560 This. 4. cited in Everard. Everard. Shortly before the couple separated in May 1936. 88. HHN. your critique of my work is the most valuable . sondern eine Reiseerzählung. Folder III.” 88. Völker. “Solltest du Lust haben. 15/16. look inside the folder on top of the white cabinet. 7. . When I get back. written two days later. or have photos made of your work!!!) then Nierendorf (photos also necessary!!!) then Dresden (also photos necessary!) then we will send manuscripts with drawings in every direction [in allen Windrichtungen]. and other letters confirm. .” 96n18: “Erst kürzlich ist eine weitere Illustration von Höch zu einem Text von Brugman aufgetaucht: “Schlüssel-Blumen. rest and relax. Then we will contact Flechtheim (make.” in Atlantis: Länder. dann such dir was aus meiner Mappe auf den weissen Schränkchen. Brugman asked Höch.” (To me. [und] deine Bilder die schönsten.” 560 Letter from Brugman to Höch. “Don’t we share that rare connection of a complete and perfect intellectual union? Is not our work one and the same-Don’t our impressions move in the same BG HH Archiv. She wrote. Höch/Brugman correspondence. that the two women not only collaborated. but were inspired by similar themes. Collage und Tusche) in Hannah Höch: 100 Werke zum 100 Geburtstag. sind deine Kritiken die wertvollsten . In an undated love letter to Höch. we’ll take up our work again! Energetic and bravely forward!!! Then we will send the whole world the ‘spit’ [Spuke] of our crazy creations (Everything the artist spits is art.” 559 In another letter.) 559 Brugman to Höch (Haarlem. Düsseldorf 1989. Brugman expressed the pain of losing someone who shared her artistic sensibilities. 558 168 . “Patchmatac. “Für mich . and your pictures are the most beautiful. 558 In a 1930 letter.1930). Brugman wrote. Galerie Remmert und Barth. S. 17 July 1930. mal ein Manuskript für Zeichnungen vorzunehmen. Siehe Til Brugman. . Nr.” (um 1930. “Patchamatac. cited in Everard. Reisen 5 (1933): 429-32. Zeichnungen: Hannah Höch). . Schwitters!). 7.

“Von Hollands Blumenfelder” (Holland’s Flower Fields). her sustained influence upon the artist’s oeuvre is patently obvious.way?” 561 Although Brugman could not persuade Höch to stay with her. “Patchamatac. 563 Hannah Höch. Sept.” 91. 564 At the time. Brugman supported herself and Höch as a journalist. both Höch and Brugman were compelled financially to work commercially. In addition to her meager income as a writer. vol. During the 1930s.” Lust + Gratie. In a 1926 letter to Höch. 1926) Hannah-Höch-Nachlass. and read it every night before she went to sleep. 2. a place Brugman invented in 1926. Brugman distributed de Stijl inspired business cards-apparently designed by Höch in 1928 and 1931-. Brugman wrote that she carried one of Höch’s letters in her pajama pocket.” (His grandmother lived in Patschamatak.promoting herself as a language teacher to business travelers and tourists. Brugman named her Pyamatasche (pajama pocket) the happy imaginary land of Patchamatac. “Til Brugman et Hannah Höch. was published in 1933 in the German-language journal Atlantis. Bachnang. 12. 52. 295-97. 565 The couple’s first known joint commercial project. Bachnang.” BG. Hannah Höch: eine Lebenscollage. May. 5. Höch introduces little Gamma and writes.1. 1985). “Die Ausstellungen. Höch mentioned Patschamatak in her Bilderbuch (Picture-book). 563 Hannah Höch and Til Brugman: Joint Commercial Projects Throughout their lives. “Haben wir nicht das so seltene Band einer vollkommenen geistige Gemeinschaft? Ist unser Arbeit nicht eine Einheit-geht unser Empfinden nicht über einer Spule?” 562 Letter cited in Everard. 562 Almost twenty years later in 1945. Germany. On page five. 561 169 ./13. 565 Heinz Ohff. 4. the Dutch publisher Anthony ‘Ton’ Bakels. Bilderbuch 1945 (Picture Book 1945) (Düsseldorf: Claasen-Verlag. “Im Patschamatak lebte sein Grossmama. 1936) Hannah-Höch-Nachlass. 96n20. Atlantis promoted itself as a magazine for Brugman letter to Höch (Berlin. Höch’s most profitable commissions were designing book jackets for her acquaintance. Brugman to Höch (Den Haag. Höch exhibited only occasionally and her training as a graphic artist generated her most lucrative income. Established in Leipzig in 1929. translator and language teacher.) 564 Bosch and Everard..

France. the couple visited Spain.” 569 Like them. Italy. 189. und Reisen (Countries. but is especially suggested in the previously mentioned 1926 photomontages Vagabonds (fig. Hannah Höch (1968). Czechoslovakia. During their years together. the two men formed a hub around which the Dutch avant-garde gathered.16) and Two Children above a City (3. 567 Ohff. Austria and Switzerland. at the Jula Dech. Norway. Peoples. The buoyant hand-holding and androgynously-clothed female couple levitating above an open road in Vagabonds indicates travel and probably “alludes to her new homosexual relationship with Brugman. Völker. and we remained together for nine years.” 567 It therefore comes as no surprise that the couple’s first documented joint project was an illustrated travel essay.17). 3. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.Länder. Vilmos Huszar. 49. and Travel). The magazine reflected Brugman and Höch’s cultural interests and complemented their nomadic lifestyle: Travel was an integral part of their relationship from the beginning. 566 Höch would later tell her biographer Heinz Ohff. “Von Hollands Blumenfeldern” With a focus on distant lands and archeological sites. 568 Marleen Slob. 568 The couple’s love of travel is suggested in works Höch produced both before and after 1933. Höch’s friends Kurt and Helma Schwitters were staying at the summer home of the Hungarian painter Lajos d’Ebneth in Kijkduin near Scheveningen. Höch and Brugman met while vacationing in Holland and immediately became travel partners. 569 Lavin. Together with his compatriot friend. “Til Brugmann oder Eine Liebe in Holland. “Til persuaded me to travel with her to Grenoble. 35. De mensen. 566 170 . 25. the editorial program of the cultural magazine Atlantis contrasted with the xenophobic nationalism which.” in Sieben Blicke auf Hannah Höch (Hamburg: Edition Nautilus. 2002). the Two Children above a City in the collage of the same name giddily balance high above an urban landscape and literally have the world at their feet.

” the couples’ address from 1930-33 (208). 571 First-person travel reportages became a common magazine rubric during the late nineteenth and early twentieth-centuries. 4. One is a sketchy rendition of a Dutch farmer (fig.6).” in Brandt. 1982). Brugman’s “Kleine Existenzen” was among Höch’s papers and remained hidden until the artist’s death 1978. unlike hundreds of others which were forced to conform to Nazi regulations or suspend publication during the war. Erika Mann. both pictured in Herbert Remmert and Peter Barth. due to the threat of Allied bombing raids. The two ink drawings are akin to any number of pen and ink sketches that generally accompanied popular travel reportages in contemporary journals. See also. “Kleine Existenzen” is devoid of satire and reads as a conventional travel-reportage. It did not reflect xenophobic nationalism nor did it engage with contemporary European politics. A number of adventurous writers. this genre was especially popular among creative independent women. 8290. Janet Flanner. remained in print. 570 Höch’s illustrations for “Hollands Blumenfeldern” are simple. However.7). 572 From 1910 and throughout the 1930s. Brandt dates “Kleine Existenzen” as contemporaneous with “Hollands Blumenfeldern. 46. may have been intended to complement or illustrate Brugman’s text “Kleine Existenzen in Amsterdam” (Modest Livelihoods in Amsterdam). Arguably. and in no way allude to Höch’s signature collage style. 571 It is likely that other contemporary Höch sketches with Dutch themes. such as Hollander (Dutch Man) (1926) and Zwei Kleine Holländerinnen (Two small Dutch Girls) (1927). which compelled many women. Vita Sackville-West. 4. The gypsies’ characteristic lack of permanent domicile suggests strong contemporary cultural links between travel reportage. Instead articles in Atlantis explored distant lands and archeological themes.time.. Interestingly. a conspicuous number of whom were lesbians. Atlantis was compelled to move its headquarters from Berlin to Zürich in 1944. travel reportage was in part inspired by the lesbian’s general cultural disenfranchisement. These decades also coincide with the wildly popular discourse centered on the related figure of the gypsy. Hannah Höch: Werke und Worte (Berlin: Fröhlich und Kaufmann. For a related discussion of the gypsy 570 171 . and lesbian subculture.” Brandt notes that the manuscript is marked “Büsingstrasse. the magazine. du. Djuna Barnes. Vertippte Zebra. rather conventional line drawings. including Höch and Brugman. these decades also coincide with the international beginnings of lesbian subculture. Ella Maillart. the gypsy. while the other is depicts a Tulip Field (fig. which is still in print. to travel and explore alternate geographical and creative venues. was steadily escalating throughout much of contemporary interwar Europe. Atlantis was eventually consolidated into the Swiss cultural magazine. “Kleine Existenzen in Amsterdam. marketed their first-person travel impressions to popular journals. Til Brugman. eds. many of whom were women. 572 The travel-reportage resonated with the mid-nineteenth-century Atlantis was unique among contemporary German publications. and Annemarie Schwarzenbach are among those early twentieth-century lesbian writers who marketed their first-person travel accounts to popular journals. As a result.

Baudelairean flâneur, a figure who celebrated the pleasures of observation and mobility closely associated with masculine social privilege. By the beginning of the new century, however, women were increasingly free to circulate independently as travelers and observers. 573 Travel-reportage was particularly popular in Weimar, 574 and the contemporary cultural critic Siegfied Kracauer, who likened travel to dance, astutely remarked that both activities represented an ersatz, which “compensates for those experiences denied us today.” 575 Travel, he claimed, “is an experience based in reality

and the figure’s relationship to early twentieth-century lesbian expression and experience, see Kirstie Blair, “Gypsies and Lesbian Desire: Vita Sackville-West, Violet Trefusis, and Virginia Woolf,” Twentieth Century Literature 50, no. 2 (Summer 2004): 144-5. Blair astutely observes “the tantalizing presence of the gypsy as the antithesis of the familiar and entrapping in queer writing by women at the start of the twentieth century.” Gypsies, as Blair convincingly argues, “haunt texts about desire between women in this period.” Relatedly, Höch’s 1926 gypsy-like Vagabonds falls within these contemporaneously conflated discourses. Höch’s happy-go-lucky Vagabonds suggest gypsy-inspired travel as the antithesis to the entrapment of patriarchal bourgeois domesticity, which Blair describes above. Relatedly, while written somewhat later during the 1940s, Jane Bowles’ texts, which center upon her ardent pursuit of her elusive and exotic Moroccan lesbian love interest, Cherifa, fall within this general discourse. See, Carol Shloss, “Jane Bowles in Uninhabitable Places: Writing on Cultural Boundaries,” in A Tawdry Place of Salvation: The Art of Jane Bowles, Jennie Skerl, ed. (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1997), 112. Shloss claims that Bowles’ fiction mirrors, “with an almost uncanny exactness, the discomfort and estrangement that both Adorno and Kristeva posit as the prerequisite of human transformation. Indeed, they help us to identify her accomplishment as that of a cultural ‘vagabond,’ for without family, without regular work or customary residence, she writes always from an unhoused and transient position, confronting fixed contents as an unfixed and roving subject.” Schloss’ characterization of the “cultural Vagabond” as “unhoused, transient, and roving” strengthen the complementary early twentieth-century discourses described above that link travel writing, exotic environs, and lesbianism. Indeed, the theme of displacement continues to accompany lesbian and gay discourse. See, Cindy Patton and B. SanchezEppler, eds., Queer Diasporas (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000). 573 For a discussion of the relationship between women’s limited access to specific environs and its resultant effects upon their cultural contributions, see, Griselda Pollock, “Modernity and the Spaces of Femininity,” in Vision and Difference, Femininity, Feminism, and the Histories of Art (London: Routledge, 1988), 50-90. 574 A quick glance through any Weimar-era issue of the most widely read German pictorial magazine Berliner Illustrierte will likely reveal a travel-reportage. Travel-reportages were generally written by ‘roving reporters’ and printed in serial form. They are generally illustrated with simple pen and ink sketches in a style much like Höch’s. The sketchy style of these drawings indicates rapid execution, imply spontaneity, and underscore the impression that the author/artist is ‘on the move.’ 575 Lavin, Cut with the Kitchen Knife, 93, 233n.20, discusses the popularity of travel-reportages in popular Illustrierte, and cites Kracauer’s observations.

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that provides an illusionary double existence.” 576 Certainly Höch and Brugman’s love of travel explains the genre’s appeal to both women. However, as a closer examination of Brugman’s “Blumenfeldern” and a related Höch illustration reveals, the narrative suggests more than mere travel reportage. “Blumenfeldern” portrays the Dutch tulip farmer as a respected figure who embodies industriousness, and the text’s introduction explains this centuries-old Dutch tradition. Stressing the aspect of family, Brugman claims that each tulip bulb, much like a child, symbolically represents an entire lineage. “Every tulip bulb embodies the knowledge and ability, the experiments, the disappointments, and the triumphs of an entire family.” 577 Yet Brugman’s emphasis on odd and increasingly strange details shifts the tenor of the essay away from Dutch tulip farming into the realm of grotesque metaphor. Brugman relates how the tulip farmer Jansen’s reputation becomes the object of sensational village gossip when a single yellow bud mysteriously appears in his field of red tulips. The yellow tulip is perceived as highly disruptive and a local scandal soon ensues. Brugman writes, “It is unheard of that in a field of blue hyacinths, a single white bloom, or a completely foreign species (artfremd) such as a tulip or daffodil would be found in a strange bed!” 578 At the time, and in consideration of contemporary ethnographic discourse, varied flowers could have easily stood for diverse nationalites, ethnicities, and races. Brugman wrote, “Since people can remember, only one type of
Lavin, Cut with the Kitchen Knife, 233n.20, cites Kracauer, “Reise und Tanz,” (1925) in Das Ornament der Masse (Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1963), 46. 577 Brugman, “Hollands Blumenfeldern,” 430. “Jede einzelne Zwiebel hier verkörpert das Wissen und Können, das probieren, die Enttäuschungen, die Triumphe eines ganzes Geschlechts.” 578 Brugman, “Hollands Blumenfeldern,” 431.
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flower may bloom in a field” and a mixed field such as this “would be totally dishonorable and would disqualify the farmer’s entire family.” 579 Indeed, neighboring villagers immediately call the farmer’s character and soon his ancestry into question. On the surface, Brugman’s satire lampoons the irrational yet dramatic social repercussions inspired by one renegade tulip in a field of thousands, but on a deeper level, it may be read as a critique of contemporary political and eugenic discourses. For example, the gossiping villagers whisper, “Do you remember what happened in Jansen’s grandfather’s field sixty years ago?”, and, “It must be some sort of inherited weakness (erbliche Belastung).” Both their terms, and their anxious discussion of Jansen’s ancestry clearly implicate eugenic discourse. Inherited weakness (erbliche Belastung) was a ubiquitous and incendiary phrase in eugenic, and in the related, and increasingly volatile, discourse of Rassenhygiene (racial hygiene). 580 In 1931, even before the Nazis had assumed total power, one of the leading German eugenicists Fritz Lenz “at least half-seriously suggested that it would be better if the bottom one third of the entire population did not reproduce.” 581 Lenz’s remark reveals the discursive logic that propelled Weimar disciples of racial hygiene to control human reproduction

Brugman, “Hollands Blumenfeldern,” 431. See, Erwin Baur, Fritz Lenz, and Eugen Fischer, Menschliche Erblichkeitslehre and Rassenhygiene (Munich: J. F. Lehmann, 1927-31). 581 Sheila Faith Weiss, “The Race Hygiene Movement in Germany,” Osiris, 2nd Series, vol. 3 (1987): 230, 230n112. “Of all the various strategies and programs implemented by the Nazis in the interest of improving the racial substrate of the Reich, none reveals the continuity between pre- and post1933 race hygiene better than the sterilization law . . . Nazi law allowed the mandatory sterilization of those individuals who, in the opinion of an Erbgesundheitsgericht (genetics health court), were unfit for procreation.” Formally enacted on 14 July 1933, the Gesetz zur Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses (Law for the prevention of genetically diseased offspring) was based on a 1932 Prussian proposal. . . Unlike the failed Prussian proposal of 1932, however, the Nazi law allowed the mandatory sterilization of those individuals who, in the opinion of an Erbgesundheitsgericht (genetics health court), were unfit for procreation.”
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through legal means. 582 By 1933, the discourses of eugenics and racial hygiene became practically interchangeable and discussions regarding racial intermarriage, or Rassenschande, would soon have juridical consequences with momentous results. In 1935, Nazi leaders mandated the Blutschutzgesetze, or Blood Purity Laws, which officially determined and distinguished the Aryan from the non-Aryan. 583 According to the Blood Purity Laws, Aryans were identified through ancestry; anyone with one nonAryan grandparent was considered racially mixed and, hence, impure and unfit for procreation. 584 Grandchildren were classified according to their grandparent’s race, or as in the case of Brugman’s tulip farmer, held ‘accountable’ for the ‘impurity’ of his grandfather’s field.

Weiss, “The Race Hygiene Movement in Germany,” 229. Those individuals deemed unfit were afflicted with, but not limited to, congenital feeblemindedness, schizophrenia, manic depressive insanity, genetic epilepsy, Huntington's chorea, genetic blindness, and genetic deafness. 583 Patricia Szobar, “Telling Stories in the Nazi Courts of Law: Race Defilement in Germany, 1933 to 1945,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 11, nos. 1/ 2 (January/ April, 2002): 144. The religious allegiance of the grandparents in Nazi racial protocol was central. As Szobar writes, “A full Jew was a person with at least three grandparents who adhered to the Jewish religion. Mischlinge (those of mixedrace) of the first degree were individuals with one Jewish parent, while Mischlinge of the second degree had one Jewish grandparent. The legal definition of an Aryan was the absence of Jewish blood. As numerous scholars have noted, this definition of Jewishness ultimately rested on the confessional allegiance of the grandparents, making a mockery of Nazi claims that Jewishness was a biological category unrelated to religion.” See also, Lothar Gruchmann, "Blutschutzgesetz und Justiz: Zu Entsehung und Auswirkung des Nürnberger Gesetzes vom 15. September 1935,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 31. Jahrg., 3 (Jul., 1983): 420, 420n9, Gruchmann writes, that in 1933, Grau, the Vice president of the Prussian Ministry of Justice, declared “Die Juden stellen ein ganz unerhörtes orientalisches Rassegemisch dar, das, wie Geschichte lehrt, überall, wo es hinkommt die Völker zu sich herunterzieht und die Rassen vernichtet." (The Jews represent an unmitigated oriental racial mixture and, as history instructs us, wherever they go, they pull people down to their level, and destroy the race). 584 Szobar, “Telling Stories,” 133. Under the Nazi regime “race defilement loomed large in the ideological and popular imagination.” On 15 September 1935, the Nürenberg Blutschutzgesetze (Blood Protection [Purity] Law) was enacted and forbade mixed marriages between Jews and non-Jews. The new law deemed a mixed marriage between a Jew and a non-Jew [“a person of German or related blood”] Rassenschande (racial-defilement); see also, Lothar Gruchmann, "Blutschutzgesetz und Justiz: Zu Entsehung und Auswirkung des Nürnberger Gesetzes vom 15. September 1935,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 31. Jahrg., 3 (Jul., 1983): 418-442.

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Brugman’s absurd tale of the negative repercussions generated by a single yellow tulip in a red field of thousands can be understood as a satire of social uniformity and conformity. However, within the context of contemporary eugenics, it may also be understood as a veiled and potentially dangerous attack of Nazi ideals and, in particular, the concept of racial purity. 585 Brugman’s “Blumenfeldern” was published in April 1933 only months after the Nazis assumed complete control in Germany. Despite the political relevance and uncanny prescience of Brugman’s “Blumenfeldern,” years would pass before Jews were officially mandated to identify themselves in public with a yellow cloth badge. Chillingly, Brugman presages this stigma with her description of the yellow tulip as a “lonely, beautiful, and unfortunate flower (Unglücksblume).” 586 In Nazi Germany, the Jew, much like the disgraceful yellow tulip in Jansen’s field, had to be eradicated at all costs. One evening, as Brugman writes, “Jansen waits until it is dark and sneaks out into the field and . . . angrily yanks the tulip out of the ground and grinds it to a pulp with one bare callused hand.” 587 Brugman’s tale of a uniform field of thousands also calls to mind the contemporary fascination with industrial rationalization. This fascination inspired popular representations of people grouped and arranged in aesthetic visual patterns. In 1927, Kracauer dubbed this phenomenon “mass ornament,” 588 a concept that fittingly describes the tight precision and meticulous choreography of the mass rallies which
See Grau’s rhetoric in Gruchmann, “Blutschutzgesetze,” 420, 420n9. Brugman,”Hollands Blumenfeldern,” 432. 587 Brugman, “Hollands Blumenfeldern,” 432. 588 Siegfried Kracauer, “Das Ornament der Masse,” Frankfurter Zeitung (9, 10. July, 1927). The essay originally appeared in nos. 420 and 423 of the Frankfurter Zeitung on 9 June (parts I-II) and 10 June (parts III-IV) 1927. Original publication information for Kracauer essays from Thomas Y. Levin, Siegfried Kracauer: Eine Bibliographie seiner Schriften (Marbach am Neckar: Deutsche Schillergesellschaft, 1989).
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characterized, and, to a large extent, defined Nazi propaganda culture (fig. 4.8). Comprised of thousands of identical red blooms organized in perfect rows, Brugman’s tulip field suggests the crowd-filled stadiums of Nazi Parteitage (Party-days). 589 Characterized by the Nazis as “grand celebrations,” political rallies were designed to “demonstrate the insignificance of the individual” and to be “optically and rhetorically overwhelming.” 590 Such rallies were later immortalized by the photographer, filmmaker, and Hitler-protégé, Leni Riefenstahl (1902-2003). Riefenstahl’s film and propaganda tour-de-force Triumph des Willens (Triumph of the Will) was created in conjunction with the Munich Olympic Games of 1936. Nearly identical to the drawing published in 1933 with Brugman’s text, Höch’s 1927 drawing of a tulip field, Der Schandfleck im Tulpenbeet (The Disgraceful, or Defiling Stain in the Tulip field) (fig. 4.9) may be described as conventional landscape. 591 While neither drawing demonstrates avant-garde artistic techniques nor alludes to Höch’s critical sensibilities, the title of the 1927 drawing is odd and highly suggestive. It was not only given a title (something Höch was generally and notoriously reluctant to do), but includes the term Schandfleck (defiling stain), which unmistakably calls to mind eugenic rhetoric and indicates a subtext of social criticism. The words of Höch’s title, Schandfleck in Tulpenbeet, are repeated verbatim in Brugman’s text with the added, and, as German

A number of photographs depicting diverse Nazi rallies and parade formations are pictured in Udo Pini, Liebeskult und Liebeskitsch: Erotik im Dritten Reich (Munich: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1992). 590 Pini, Liebeskult und Liebeskitsch, 36. 591 Höch’s drawing Der Schandfleck im Tulpenbeet (1927) is pictured in Hannah Höch: Werke und Worte, Herbert Remmert and Peter Barth, eds. (Berlin: Frölich und Kaufmann, 1982), 47. The dimensions of this ink drawing are given as 213 x 202mm. According to my July 2011 correspondence with Herbert Remmert of Galerie Remmert und Barth, the present location of this drawing is unknown.

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history has proven, weighted adjective “yellow:” 592 the color of the cloth badge Jews were compelled to wear in Germany beginning in 1941. 593 Comprised of the words Schande (shame, scandal, and disgrace) and Fleck (stain, smudge), in Nazi Germany, Schandfleck, and the related Schandung were practically synonymous with defilement, rape, homosexual relations, or illicit intimacy between a Jew and a non-Jew. 594 As Patricia Szobar writes, “race defilement loomed large in the ideological and popular imagination.” 595 However, despite the ease with which Höch’s Schandfleck may be linked to Nazi racial discourse, and the thinly-veiled subversive tenor of “Hollands Blumenfeldern,” the couple’s political intentions cannot be confirmed with certainty. When “Blumenfeldern” was published in 1933 readers probably regarded it a spoof; the editors of Atlantis would not have sanctioned its publication otherwise. After the Nazis assumed power, all
Brugman, “Hollands Blumenfeldern,” 432. Claudia Schoppman, “Flucht in den Untergrrund: zur Situation der jüdischen Bevölkerung in Deutschland 1941-1945,” in Nationalsozialismus und Geschlecht: Zur Politisierung und Ästhetisierung von Körper, Rasse, und Sexualität im Dritten Reich und nach 1945, Elke Frietsch and Christina Herkommer, eds. (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2009), 285. “Der Höhepunkt ihrere Stigmatisierung war mit der Polizeiverordnung vom 19. September 1941 erreicht, die die öffentliche Kennzeichnung aller Juden mit einem gelben Stern anwies.” See also Erwin J. Haeberle, “Swastika, Pink Triangle, and Yellow Star: The Destruction of Sexology and the Persecution of Homosexuals in Nazi Germany,” in The Journal of Sex Research 17, no. 3, “History and Sexuality” (Aug., 1981), 284. 594 See, Lothar Gruchmann, "Blutschutzgesetz und Justiz: Zu Entsehung und Auswirkung des Nürnberger Gesetzes vom 15. September 1935,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 31, year 3 (Jul., 1983): 418. See also, Szobar, “Telling Stories,” 132, “Once in power, Nazi Party members immediately began to appeal to the new regime to enact legislation criminalizing relations between ‘German’ women and Jews, suggesting that attempted contact should be punished by stripping the woman of her German citizenship and turning her over to the work camp, and by sterilization in cases of actual physical contact.” 595 Szobar, “Telling Stories,” 133. “Concerns about intermarriage and miscegenation were to become a central ideological obsession among National Socialists, who even before the demise of the Weimar Republic began to issue calls for measures to prevent the sexual contamination of Aryan women and the birth of ‘mixed race’ offspring. Indeed, fulminations against ‘race defilement’ and the sullying of ‘Aryan maidens’ featured prominently in Hitler's tract, Mein Kampf [1925-1926] and numerous other Nazi ideologists joined him in demanding an end to the mingling of races. Thus, in their 1931 convention, the organization of National Socialist physicians called for a prohibition on marriage between Jews and nonJews (131).
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publishers were compelled to conform to a rigid editorial program through a process known as Gleichschaltung (making-the-same) or face negative consequences which often included suspending or completely relinquishing control of their publications. 596 In light of contemporary Nazi rhetoric and the imminent Blood Purity Laws, it is likely that Brugman and Höch regarded “Blumenfeldern” as an opportunity to embed a political critique in an otherwise non-critical genre. Artists and intellectuals in Nazi Germany shrewdly recognized that humor and parody were the safest ways to package political dissent. 597 As a number of contemporaries later claimed, even under rigorous Nazi censorship, it was possible to cloak criticism in satire, a strategy infinitely less dangerous than a bold political statement. 598 Brugman, a foreign national, was obviously aware of the potential dangers of political dissidence. Her intimate partner Höch would later recall the threat and fear she felt at being denounced as a cultural Bolshevik. 599 Arguably, Brugman, an alien, and

For a discussion of Gleichschaltung see, Jan-Pieter Barbarian, Literaturpolitik im NS-Staat: von der Gleichschaltung bis zum Ruin (Frankfurt a. M: Fischer Taschenbuchverlag, 2010). 597 Erika Mann, Escape to Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1939). In her memoir, Mann (1905-1969) discusses the significance of parody and satire as a vibrant cultural vehicle in which it was possible to cloak resistance and critical political sentiments. Mann was driven out of Germany in 1933 and continued to tour with her cabaret Pfeffermühle (Peppermill) until it was finally halted by Nazi sympathizers in Switzerland. In a later interview, Mann stated that she had a loyal following of political resisters, and although she worked in the cabaret genre as an ‘entertainer,’ her audiences were well aware that her cabaret performances were anything but frivolous. 598 Wolfgang Brekle, Schriftsteller im antifaschistischen Widerstand 1933-1945 in Deutschland (Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag, 1985). After 1933, a culture of literary activism emerged in Germany. Writers who resisted fascist Nazi policies produced materials in a variety of forms. Flyers secretly produced on printing machines designed as children’s toys were posted in public by night on walls and billboards. Political newsletters that had to be read with a magnifying glass were secretly circulated in match boxes. Anyone discovered engaging with writing or distributing anti-Nazi materials was routinely jailed or sent to a concentration camp. 599 Boswell, “Hannah Höch: Through the Looking Glass,” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch, 29. In a 1959 interview, Höch recalled that after 1929, she was forced to avoid her artistic colleagues and oldest friends for fear of implicating them as cultural Bolsheviks.

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a lesbian, was probably even less inclined than Höch, a German native, to voice social or political criticism openly. 600 While “Von Holland’s Blumenfeldern” was most probably motivated by financial necessity, and published in a politically neutralized magazine, it provided Brugman and Höch a vehicle through which they could criticize, albeit covertly, contemporary developments with a minimal fear of repercussions. Nonetheless, despite the sinister political atmosphere in Germany, it is unlikely that either of them could have imagined in 1933 that “Blumenfeldern” would subsequently resonate so darkly with actual events. In contrast to the cloaked satire of “Hollands Flower Fields,” the critical tenor of the couple’s 1935 collaboration, Scheingehacktes, is unmistakable. Scheingehacktes Published two years after Hitler was elected, Brugman’s 1935 short-story collection Scheingehacktes boldly expresses social and political criticism. 601 At the time, both its themes and the editorial independence of the book’s publisher equally demonstrate a risky non-conformity and civil courage. Scheingehacktes is a nonsense word created by Brugman that can be translated as “mock-ground-meat” or “appearingcut-up” and infers the unbridled sarcasm of Brugman’s preferred genre, the literary

Brekle, Schriftsteller im antifaschistischen Widerstand, 183-91. After Hitler was in power, a number of native born German writers and intellectuals wrote letters to government officials protesting the campaign against Jews. As early as 1905, the Protestant writer Ricarda Huch thematized anti-Semitism in her short story “Das Judengrab” (The Jewish Grave). Huch wrote a letter protesting anti-Semitism to Hitler himself in April 1933. After the war, she would appropriate Nazi rhetoric and refer to the years of Hitler dictatorship as “Jahren der Schande” (Years of Disgrace) and the “Reich der Hölle” (Reich of Hell). A foreign born national would have never attempted this sort of direct activism because he or she would have been either immediately jailed or deported. 601 Til Brugman, Scheingehacktes (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse, 1935).

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Brugman’s “Scheingehacktes” explores the nonsensical socio-economic and ecological implications of total vegetarianism. Hannah Höch (Berlin: Gebrüder Mann. mixing explicit humor and implicit irony with an anger at its manipulations. 190. Victor Otto Stomps. “Schaufensterhypnose. 606 As Cara Schweitzer writes. the adjective ‘young’ when applied to an author does not necessarily reference a writer’s age. but rather signifies something experimental or new. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 603 Lavin. 606 Schweitzer. as well as Brugman’s volume.” 604 Ohff’s brusque dismissal of Brugman and her publisher has dissuaded scholars from fully exploring this collaborative project. the Rabenpresse. “cutting-up” significantly suggests Höch’s signature photomontage medium. In German. who describes Stomp as “a helper’s-helper of all unrecognized geniuses. 20-31. 1935). 602 181 . the short story “Schaufensterhypnose” (Shop-Window-Hypnosis) addresses the economic and psychological dangers of uncontrolled consumerism. owner of Berlin’s Rabenpresse.” in Scheingehacktes (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse.” 603 The literary merit of Scheingehacktes and its publisher. unique contribution to Berlin publishing. Stomps founded his small publishing company. 604 Heinz Ohff. 605 An exception to this is Schweitzer. “both Höch and Brugman shared a sophisticated critique of commodity culture. Schweitzer acknowledges Stomp’s (1897-1970). 605 Yet further investigation of Stomps. are cynically dismissed by Höch’s biographer Heinz Ohff. Schrankenlose Freiheit. But. Brugman was 47 in 1935. 190. 1980). in 1926 and promoted the work of ‘young’ authors. and newly suggests symbolic correlations between Brugman’s Scheingehacktes and Höch’s photomontage oeuvre. 140. even more so.grotesque. 20. Stomps experimented with different papers and Til Brugman. reveals that both are worthy of analysis and offer insight into artists’ books as well as Brugman’s and Höch’s collaborations. In the same volume. 602 As Lavin remarks. Schrankenlose Freiheit.

Stomps did not conform to the strict conventions imposed upon publishers by the Nazis. 182 . is how Höch’s hand-colored embellishments to the drawing suggest the photomontage medium. He was. Scheingehacktes was a small printing of 150 copies and it can no longer be determined how many of them were hand-colored. 191. (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse. Unlike other contemporary publishers who were Gleichgeschaltet. finally forced to sell his business in 1937.10) features her pen and ink drawing of a cow’s head and the image appears later. which I have examined. 609 Schweitzer. The volume’s cover (fig. 190. 1935). Schweitzer. Schrankenlose Freiheit.” Photo Review 26/27. 611 Of interest here. however.” 610 However. 4/1 (2003/ 2004): 14-19. The segmented design Höch applied over the original cover illustration visually mimics layered graphic elements and has much in common with the artist’s signature 607 608 Schweitzer. 9. Schrankenlose Freiheit. or if the artist only decorated her own personal copy. a copy of Scheingehacktes held in Den Haag’s Koninklijke Bibliotheek. 4.11). Scheingehacktes. 610 Schweitzer. 609 Brugman. somewhat enlarged. Stomps allowed his authors creative freedom. scholars have proven that Höch occasionally altered or later changed her work. 607 Despite financial and political difficulties. remarks that its decorations appear to be “inspired by the playful linguistic nuances suggested by the book’s title. is not hand-colored or in any way decorated. until the late 1930s. 4. “Dating the Dompteuse: Hannah Höch’s Reconfiguration of the Tamer. no. who discusses Höch’s hand-colored copy of Scheingehacktes (fig.typography and his publications were typically decorated with original prints and/or hand-colored drawings. 608 Höch created three pen and ink illustrations for Scheingehacktes. within the text. 611 Joe Mills and Peter Boswell. Schrankenlose Freiheit. however. Furthermore. 190.

192. the ensuing overabundance of animals compels farmers to increase their crops in order to feed them. 183 . the animal’s head “is divided into colored-fields. and cows produce double the amount of milk. and they initially rejoice. Schweitzer. 191. However. Cow udders quickly evolve and move to the center of their front legs to accommodate their sole function as milk producers.photomontage technique.” While Schweitzer does not specifically reference photomontage in her discussion. The eyes and nose are enclosed with colored circles. 4. As Schweitzer observes. Schrankenlose Freiheit. cutting-up).e. Schrankenlose Freiheit. and how it “reflects the linguistic nuances of Brugman’s title” (i. “the artist separates the image into individual elements.12) suggests the efforts of farmers to create larger vegetables in order to accommodate the growing need for food.” the fifth commandment (Thou shalt not kill) inspires a law that makes it illegal to kill for food. 613 “Scheingehacktes” In Brugman’s “Scheingehacktes. Chickens are so happy that they lay twice as many eggs.” 612 In this way. nevertheless unmistakably links Höch’s drawing to the photomontage medium. The dramatically oversized cabbages also resonate with a 1927 statement in which Höch expressed a desire to disrupt the convention of scale that regards man as the measure of all things: 612 613 Schweitzer. her perceptive observations regarding the compartmentalization of the image. she continues. A drawing of two dwarfed figures walking between monstrously oversized cabbages (fig. Vegetarianism spares animals from slaughter.

J. 614 184 . die wir Menschen mit einer eigensinnigen Sicherheit um alles.” The American Journal of Nursing 40. gezogen haben. See. no living creature is permitted to eat vegetables. 1935). Christian Eijkman (1858-1930). vegetarianism mutates into militancy. was likely aware of Eijkman’s experiments. muss anders gewahlt werden und sofort verliert die Welt aus der Sicht einer Ameise wiedergeben und morgen. and. Nährpillen (food-pills) are invented in the hope of alleviating hunger. Ich will aufzeigen. Ich wurde heute Standpunkt. in Brugman’s narrative. 614 Eventually. 1927. dass klein auch gross sein kann und gross auch klein ist. allein der jeder Begriff Begriff seine Gultigkeit und all unsere menschlichen Gesetze verlieren ihre Gultigkeit. 616 Before long. Den Haag. Alfred C. who first published his findings in 1889. . and 1929 Nobel-Prize recipient. The term “vitamins” was coined in 1911 by Casimir Funk (1884-1967). 1921): 70. no. from that of the moon. The volume’s cover drawing depicts a cow chewing on a daisy and crying.” 615 Brugman’s “food-pills” resonate with the contemporary invention and commercial production of vitamin pills. Brugman.” they argued. the screams of organic compounds and chemicals can be heard “just as well as the earlier cries of animals being slaughtered. . Vegetarian fanatics discover that. later translated from Dutch into German and reprinted in Schweitzer. I will draw the world from the perspective of an ant. or large can be small. as a consequence. . 16. 1. shortly thereafter food pills are deemed unlawful because they are comprised of organic matter. (Jul. “lch mochte die festen Grenzen auswischen. Ich male. “The Vitamins. Ernestine Becker.” Scientific Monthly 13. von dem wir bei unserem Urteil ausgehen. 616 Brugman.” “Even germs and bacteria want to live. the large tears rolling from the animal’s eyes likely represent the cow’s reaction to the sad turn of events in the narrative that banned it from eating grass and flowers. “Vitamins and Food Deficiency Diseases. Reed. Schweitzer comments that Brugman’s Excerpt from catalogue Kunstzaal De Bron exhibition. I paint in order to give form to this idea. 127. . Issue 5 (May 1940): 507-14. and tomorrow. was in unseren Bereich kam. a Dutch native. Scheingehacktes (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse. so wie der Mond sie vielleicht sieht. Funk’s study of vitamins was inspired by the earlier experiments of the Dutch physician. I want to demonstrate that small can be large. um diesem Wunsch Form zu geben und ihn anschaulich zu machen..I want to erase the boundaries that we humans have falsely erected around everything that surrounds us. with the help of technical instruments. See also. the rule not to kill is carried to such an extreme that sharpening a pencil or tearing a piece of paper is considered a moral transgression. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 615 However.

“Everywhere the smart pretty girls have a much easier time of it.” in Schönefeld.” 617 While the theme of vegetarianism is taken to a ridiculous extreme in “Scheingehacktes. Cited in Jens Brüning. Brugman satirically comments on the unwritten directive that compels women to be physically attractive and the constantly shifting. Practicing Modernity. 3-4.” in Brandt. Women in Weimar Fashion: Discourses and Display in German Culture. As Tergit wrote. ed. 618 617 185 . 45-46. Brugman. she perpetrates it by rounding off her remarks with a conciliatory and motivational suggestion to her readers: “Nowadays. the boss prefers to dictate his letters to a pretty girl. Stomach-reduction surgery is considered as a possible solution to the problem of mass hunger.satirical reference to writing implements is “difficult to ignore and unmistakably references contemporary literary censorship under Nazi rule. Here. nature of beauty standards. despite the unfair situation Tergit describes. 1994).” 620 Schweitzer. 619 Mila Ganeva. 618 Brugman takes this opportunity to satirically opine on the causal relationship between a woman’s physical attractiveness and her professional success. 11n9.” the text also engages with the issue of sexism.. The pretty girl sells more. “Gender Relations in Weimar Berlin. 620 Ingrid Sharp. but that’s the way it is. and people prefer to buy hats or take lessons from pretty girls. a state of affairs similarly recognized by contemporary social critic Siegfried Kracauer.” because everyone is starving and underweight. it’s something you can become. 3. 19181933 (Rochester: Camden House. Brugman’s prescient fantasy anticipates what has become a routine twenty-first century medical procedure. M: Suhrkamp.” 619 However. In “Scheingehacktes. and Weimar journalist Gabriele Tergit. 191. but is soon discarded because it is too expensive to be practicable on a large scale. corpulence becomes newly fashionable. Gabriele Tergit. and perennially unattainable. Translation Sharp. 2008). It’s cruel. 102. “Scheingehacktes. Atem einer anderen Welt: Berliner Reportagen (Frankfurt a. pretty isn’t something you are. Schrankenlose Freiheit.

“Die Schönheitsideal…dem unerreichbaren Volldicken Fettliebigkeit war identisch mit sex appeal…und beherrschte die Lyrik sowie das Drama.cheek satire. . “Schaufensterhypose” Brugman’s short story “Schaufensterhypnose” (Shop-Window-Hypnosis) focuses on the seductive appeal of mass merchandise and parodies the unfortunate chain of events that befall a man who must compulsively buy everything he sees. 20-31. “Scheingehacktes. 102.Like Kracauer and Tergit.” According to Brugman. and dominated literature and dramaturgy.” in Scheingehacktes (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse. yet unlike them. “Schaufensterhypnose. and remain. their attractiveness also enabled them to enjoy the undivided attention of men: “The fattest women in the world. her satire critiqued this state of affairs. 622 Brugman’s protagonist “is overpowered by the volume of so many artfully crafted advertisements” Brugman. “Unattainable obesity became synonymous with ‘sex appeal’ . but also assures women the male attention they purportedly crave. Brugman acknowledged the contemporary correlation between a woman’s beauty and her success.” in Brandt. once again. 1935). although now as skinny as darning needles. was critically commenting upon sexism and the pressure women commonly face to be. In her tongue-in. attractive.” 622 Brugman. 621 186 .” 621 Obviously Brugman. newly. physical attractiveness not only guarantees professional success. With sophisticated irony and anglicized jargon. she wrote. or rather. the success of these women was not merely professional. . attracted the attention of countless bachelors. who was neither heterosexual nor particularly thin.

Dumbstruck. Brugman and Höch mutually critiqued the perils of social and political conformity and consumerism. the stores repossess nearly everything he purchased and his relatives step in and sell the rest.” (1935). and secondly. it is futile to fight against the temptation of displays. Are department stores any less attractive if one is poor? On the contrary! They prey on the harmless and defenseless poor man. 625 Brugman. buy. the small figure is dwarfed by the goods before him. buy. must be incarcerated in an insane asylum. His back turned to the viewer.” and “I’m sure I will need it someday. 624 Eventually he buys so many things that he has to rent the apartment below his own to store them all. “Schaufensterhypnose. Plagued by an insatiable desire to acquire more and more. As the narratives in Scheingehacktes indicate. he is still overcome with a compulsion to buy. It is fruitless to fight the department store! First.” in Scheingehacktes (Berlin: Rabenpresse. and turn him into a greedy craving beast. “Everything is gone!” all except an ebony coffin decorated with carved angel heads. and the inequity of heterosexual relationships. However. both in individual and collaborative works. “Scheingehacktes.” (1935). which. Brugman’s dark humor surfaces when she writes. “Schaufensterhypnose.13) depicts a male figure among towers of mass-produced articles. my relatives “can’t sell because I’ve already laid in it. and. Brugman. 1935). sexual exploitation. he is apparently “hypnotized” by the kaleidoscopic array of objects that surround him. finally. 4. Soon his credit is ruined.and is helplessly driven to buy. the couple was clearly at their vitriolic best when engaging with gender. he cannot sleep. 31. 26. the effects of the resulting hypnotism. 623 Soon. Brugman. he claims.” 624 623 187 . 625 Despite this. Höch’s pen and ink illustration for “Schaufensterhypnose” (fig. 28.

Weimar Sexism: Brugman’s female victims and Höch’s disturbed Brides Til Brugman’s literary grotesques “Tempora lehren Mores” (Time teaches Mores) (undated. 1920s) and “Himilia” (1927) explore fashion.” Brugman’s unhappy female protagonist wishes for nothing more than to be as attractive as the young women who garner her husband’s interest. 628 Maria Makela. “Grotesque Bodies. 628 This suggests the fantastic rejuvenating Til Brugman. 64. that she agrees with Everard’s dating of the text. This painting.” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. Höch’s critical engagement with sexism is expressed in her 1927 painting. “Tempora leren Mores.14). It is. Makela similarly notes. “By Design. The salve is so powerful that within a day she is transformed into a fetus.” 218n44. 4. “Tempora” parodies the fanciful claims made by the cosmetic and medical industries that promise eternal youth and beauty. Makela observes. Makela argues. Despite the publication date. was published in 1949. in “Patchamatac. obviously modeled after a conventional wedding portrait. smears a whole jar on her body at once. convincingly claims the text was most likely written during her years with Höch and certainly before 1935. both she and Everard date the text to the 1920s. 76n87. however.” Die Nieuwe Stern 4 (1949): 688-92. To this end. 1989). 626 “Tempora” satirizes youth and beautyobsessed Weimar culture and the social pressure exerted upon women to remain youthful and attractive. but in her greed. Die Braut (Pandora) (The Bride [Pandora]) (fig. she purchases a Wundersalbe (miraculous salve) that guarantees results. but initially published in a Dutch translation in De Nieuwe Stern 4 (1949): 669-88. apparently abandoned this artistic technique because 626 188 . and rejuvenation from a female perspective. 627 Makela. Höch. notes that “Tempora leren Mores” was written in German. beauty standards. however. Everard.” 97n25. in “Grotesque Bodies. depicts a newly married couple. is only one of four oil paintings the artist made using the principle of collage. Analogous to Brugman’s satire. radically disrupted by the giant head of the bride with the face of a wide-eyed toddler or baby doll.” 218n44. 627 In “Tempora. The painting.

Bäuerliches Brautpaar (Peasant Wedding Couple) (fig. she felt that greatly enlarging and transposing clippings of printed photos onto oil paintings was somehow “contrary to the rules. The Bride (Pandora). 4.17). While “Himilia” resonates with Höch’s shocking late Weimar brides.” Unlike photomontage.16). and their potentially disastrous effects upon women. “Himilia.” Brugman’s 1927 “Himilia” explores heterosexual romance. such as Traum Seines Lebens (His Life’s Dream) (fig. and a single eye sheds a tear. Below them.” in Brandt. 629 Brugman’s “Himilia” Brugman’s literary grotesque “Himilia” is a narrative about a young woman who is engaged to be married and automatically suggests Höch’s bride-themed works. it made her feel “uneasy.15). Above the couple. Brugman’s “Tempora” and Höch’s Bride similarly represent women as helpless and powerless in relation to their male partners and bourgeois tradition. a floating heart is held down by a chain. Vertippte Zebra. and sorrow. English Dancer. and Die Braut (The Bride) (1933) (fig. In contrast to the stoic groom. 141-50. the child-bride’s alienation and fear is evident in her wild and alarming stare.effects of the mitacle-salve described in Brugman’s “Tempora. The mismatched couple is surrounded by winged symbols that suggest flight. the fashion and beauty industry. 4. a serpent encircles an apple implying the lost innocence of Adam and Eve. Like “Tempora. 4.” 629 Til Brugman. sadness.” The substitution of a child’s head for that of an adult bride might also indicate the childlike naiveté of a young woman who has no idea what awaits her in marriage. 189 . it also may be linked to her 1928 photomontage.

yet also resonates with the theme of the mechanized bride. The machine is his daughter born without a mother. He has made the machine superior Brandt. 632 Matthew Biro. a popular motif among early twentieth-century avant-garde artists. in the legendary avant-garde magazine 291. “das höchste der Gefühle. As a result of her partner’s pursuit of the perfect woman. . Marion Brandt convincingly claims that Hoffmann (and later Brugman) named Olimpia after the mountain of the gods to symbolically represent “the pinnacle of feeling. unlike Hoffmann’s narrative in which the male protagonist falls to his death.A. Brugman’s ends in a woman’s death. reverses Hoffmann’s narrative and. 215n13. Brandt.” Hoffmann’s protagonist falls in love with the beautiful life-like eyes of the automaton Olimpia.“Himilia” revisits the theme of E. Brandt claims that this theme reflects the discursive engagement with industrial rationality and the social effects of industrialization at the time. however. 2009). 631 Like her. Paul Haviland addressed the contemporaneous conflation of female sexuality and mechanization: Man made the machine in his own image. That is why he loves her. Hoffmann’s short story. instead. . Matthew Biro observes that mechanical brides were an indication of “the mechanization of both love and sexuality as a result of the modernization of everyday life.” 630 Yet. tells the tale of a man who transforms his human bride into a beautiful automaton. Vertippte Zebra. Vertippte Zebra. “Der Sandmann” (1816).T. . In “Sandmann. “Berlin Dada. Himilia is literally operated to death Brugman’s narrative satirizes the sexist-based exploitation of women.” in The Dada Cyborg: Visions of the New Human in Weimar Berlin (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Brugman.” 632 In 1915. 167-68.” 215n13. 42. 167-68. 631 630 190 .

634 Like Brugman’s texts. “The Assembly-Line Love Goddess. Representations.” 635 Lavin. in 291. A small coffee grinder isolated in the foreground of Brautpaar curiously resonates with the perpetual grinder of Duchamp’s Large Glass. a work that similarly addresses themes of frustrated courtship and marriage. for their ‘bachelor-machine’: the bride floating seductively above. Höch’s disdain for this institution is clear. Gale writes of this work. Bürgerliches Brautpaar (Bourgeois Wedding Couple) (fig. The faceless groom stands arm-in-arm with a headless dressmaker’s dummy. Deborah S. and Marcel Duchamp’s The Bride Striped Bare by her Bachelors. Höch’s photomontages criticize heterosexual courtship and marriage through the theme of the physically altered bride. 1997). After making the machine in his own image he has made his human ideal machinomorphic. yet retains his mobility.” as Lavin dryly remarks.” 635 In her 1920 watercolor.” 633 Haviland’s statement serves to link Brugman’s “Himilia” to the contemporary avantgarde and works including Francis Picabia’s sparkplug girl. while the bride has neither head nor limbs. yet the bride is obviously in a weaker position than her new husband. 149. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. . “Hoch's commentary on marriage.” in Bodily Discursions: Genders. . “Its central subject is the unconsummated passion of nine uniformed bachelors . La jeune fille americaine dans l’etat de la nudité (1915). 87. Cited in Christine Moneera Laennac. 2 (February 1915) (unpaginated). 83. Höch’s dress-dummy bride also has much in common Paul Haviland. Wilson and Christine Moneera Laennac. eds. 4. Even (Large Glass) (1915-23). That is why he admires her. 634 Gale. he lacks facial features.18). The bride and the groom lack individual agency. Technologies. 633 191 . .to himself. Bourgeois Wedding Couple portrays a wedding couple in front of a church in a cubist-inspired cityscape. (Albany: State University of New York Press. . Dada and Surrealism. no. “was acerbic throughout the Weimar years.

636 The bride-cum-dressmaker’s dummy in Höch’s 1920 Bourgeois Bride. the bride smiles sweetly. Easily one of Höch’s funniest and shockingly grotesque visions of a heterosexual couple is her 1931 photomontage Bäuerliches Brautpaar (Peasant Wedding-couple) (fig. the Peasant Wedding Couple. and his ‘wife. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.16). yet wickedly humorous visions of heterosexual coupling which were soon to follow. Lavin regards Peasant Wedding Couple a companion piece to her earlier Bourgeois Wedding Couple (4. In the “schematized farm landscape of cows and barn. Ironically. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 4. 149. a year before she met Brugman. the dismembered bride trapped in a grid of bourgeois respectability in Dream of his Life indicates that women relinquish individual agency when they marry.” two disembodied arms hold a large milk canister. both of these helpless figures reference women’s cultural function as ‘fashion horses. and. yet.’ a woman with a gorilla face and blond braids. by contemporary standards erotically suggestive. 192 . 149-51. comprised of a black man’s head floating above a pair of army boots. they are tame in comparison to the scathing.Man Ray’s Garderobe (Clothing-Stand) (1920) (fig. bride throughout a grid of overlapping frames that appear to entrap and truncate her body. “carry racist 636 637 Lavin. Yet. and this lends the image a subtext of satire and anger.19). 4. Höch revisited the theme of the bride in The Dream of his Life (fig. 637 As Lavin remarks. 4. while Höch’s critique of the institution of marriage and the subtext of satire is obvious in both bride-themed works. to a greater degree. Hoch arranged multiple images of a fashionable.18).15). even though her figure is brutally severed. In the photomontage. Lavin.’ In 1925.

Höch created Peasant Wedding Couple in 1931 while living in a lesbian partnership and the same year she produced Liebe. 1981): 277-78. It may also be an ironic commentary aimed at the fascist valorization of procreative heterosexuality (which at the time considered childbearing a patriotic act and rewarded mothers with medals).overtones. no. 643 Viewed within this additional context. Weimar scholar Eric D. Peasant Wedding Couple “reinforces conventional racial views. 641 Eric D. Peasant Wedding Couple is wickedly. scholars understandably stress the image’s racist overtones. and politically. 2007).” 642 Considered within this context. Weitz claims. 642 Weitz. Maria Makela. 120. Haeberle. yet none have ever considered it as a critique of heterosexuality. 151.” 640 Like him. Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Pink Triangle and Yellow Star: The Destruction of Sexology and the Persecution of Homosexuals in Nazi Germany. “The Interwar Period. The Nazis embarked on a program of redefining the role of women along traditional lines. The Dada Cyborg. “Swastika.” he elaborates “was a powerful rejoinder to the racial ideology that prevailed almost everywhere in the Western world of the 1930s. Weimar Germany. 1997).” The Journal of Sex Research 17. a positive image of lesbian sexual intimacy. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 290. 308n142. 290-91. 3.” 638 Makela reads the photomontage as a critique of the types “valorized by Nazis” and its suggestion of “racial degeneracy” made “at the expense of people of color. Massive propaganda efforts through Nazi organizations for women and teenage girls 639 638 193 . 640 Biro. Lavin.” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. subversive.” 639 Similarly Biro comments that this “disturbing” couple “lampoons the Nazis’ celebration of the racial purity of the blonde German peasant. Weitz.. This suggests that Peasant Wedding Couple may be more than a critique of Nazi racial ideology.” 641 Höch’s vision of unstable racial and gender identities and of mass society as “multiracial and multiethnic. History and Sexuality (Aug. 643 Erwin J.

The stiff arc of her veil appears to weigh down her head and force it backwards. This policy reflected both a desire to outbreed the European "inferior races" and to provide soldiers for future Nazi conquests. a year after she met Brugman. the English Dancer comprises half of a lesbian double portrait (the other half of which is Russian Dancer). As previously argued.While Höch’s Peasant Wedding Couple depicts a male/female pair. her disturbed and unsettling late Weimar brides suggest Brugman’s grotesque female inventions. 194 . While no evidence irrefutably confirms that Höch’s bride-themed works inspired Brugman’s 1927 “Himilia. her 1933 photomontage Die Braut (The Bride) (fig. alternately. making it one of Höch’s most disturbing bride-themed visions.” 644 Höch’s English Dancer and “Himilia” While Höch’s bride-themed works may be linked to Brugman’s “Himilia” it is feasible that the English Dancer (1928) was a creative response or intended to illustrate the 1927 text. 149.17) pictures the bride alone. Moreover. 4.” or.” in Brandt. Reduced to bust size. that Brugman’s text may have inspired Höch’s collages. the artist began to replace her pretty and stylishly docile brides with frightening medusa-like figures. “Himilia. By 1927. An examination of Höch’s Weimar era bride-themed works reveals that their anxious discomfort appears to increase each time she took up the theme. Mothers with many children received a government medal. the stiff arc uncomfortably bending the neck of the artist’s 1933 Bride suggests Himilia’s “veil billowing around her head like an Indian-headdress. the "German Mother's Cross of Honor." as a reward for their efforts on behalf of a rising birth rate. the Bride’s unnaturally long reptilian neck supports a strained-looking. Yet. a close examination of cultivated an ideal image of old fashioned German womanhood. 644 Brugman. composite bi-racial face.

” “Himilia” is a proto-Stepford Wives scenario addressing the disastrous effects of sexism on a woman’s body. et al. and beyond the scope of this paper. “The multitude of referential body parts…each loaded with its own message. as “Hemelia en het Woord. 141-50. “Himilia. “References. Ira Levin. the movie (1975) was directed by Bryan Forbes. ultimately cause her death. 1994). reconfigured. For an overview of related publications.” in Brandt. much like a photomontage is reconstructed from fragments. 1978) is generally recognized as launching a feminist-informed scholarship that examined how beauty standards are conflated with patriarchal oppression and control.” in Body Work: The Social Construction of Women’s Body Image (London: Routledge.the English Dancer suggests an alternate additional reading: English Dancer may also be linked to Brugman’s “Himilia. Sylvia K. however. overcodes and overkills the resulting pastiched composites…[and] invokes[s] an abstract. These procedures. see. “The Anti-Body in Photomomtage: Hannah Höch’s Women without Wholeness. Politics.” 647 Susan Orbach’s Fat is a Feminist Issue (London: Arrow Books. 1972). Himilia’s body is an “over coded composite woman” who confounds corporeal wholeness and illustrates what Lora Rempel characterizes as an “anti-body. Roughly fifty years would pass before the insidious relationship between beauty standards and sexism would be examined by second-generation feminists. 150. Blood. (New York: New York University Press. the nameless narrator orders his fiancée’s complete physical transformation and. she cheerfully agrees to a number of painful and fantastic ‘surgical’ procedures. Ann Kibbey. eds. 645 Motivated by a desire for a perfect wife. 2005).. 647 Til Brugman.” Maanblad voor de nieuwe Niederlandes Letterkunde (Amsterdam 1945/46): 233-40. The body of Brugman’s unfortunate female protagonist Himilia is cut-up. in an effort to please him. 646 Lora Rempel. Images.” 646 Both Brugman and Höch addressed the objectification and the commodification of women’s bodies and their critical engagement with the theme clearly anticipated significant late twentieth-century debates. The Stepford Wives (New York: Random House.” in Sexual Artifice: Persons. 645 195 . The list of authors who have explored this theme is considerable. and. disembodied “sense” of a woman—an anti-body. The original manuscript dated “Holland 1927” was first published in 1945.

Technologies (Albany: New York State University of New York Press. True to the grotesque literary genre. 649 Brandt. however. Vertippte Zebra. however.” in Brandt. 210. 145. 649 The quasi-medical procedures described in Brugman’s narrative were science fiction in 1927. Her new golden glass eyes.” 650 Til Brugman. 1870-1938 (Weinheim: Beltz. Himalia’s transformation begins with a new set of eyes. Frauen und Freundinnen: Studien zur weiblichen Homosexualität am Beispeil Österreich. Virile. Vertippte Zebra. Much like Höch’s collage English Dancer. Representations. Vamps. “Bibliography. not as attractive as the turquoise eyes in the window the couple discovers as they are leaving the glassmaker’s Potsdamerplatz shop. it could be that Himilia had to relinquish her golden eyes. “Himilia. her hair no longer matches them. Brugman describes them as “entzückendes alle sieben Jahren blühendes Gewachs auf ihrem Kopf. Hanna Hacker. 143. After Himilia’s hair is completely removed.Moreover. and their improbability served to hyperbolize patently ridiculous details. 174. 648 But. she mentions the manufacturing concern Zeiss. 1987). however. For example. are.” Bodily Discursions: Genders. Deborah S. In the context of Brugman’s tale. Its new product. 245-62. See also. 268n64. 650 At the time. after Himilia’s eyes are replaced with turquoise. This occasions her future husband to have Himila’s hair plucked from her head in a painful five-hour process. Wilson and Christine Moneera Laennac. 1997). a machine that controlled the rate of Himilia’s heartbeat.” is Brugman’s invention. then (as today) a respected German company.e. 648 Schader. her lesbianism. Weimar works such as theirs eerily presage grotesque aspects of twenty-first century cosmetic surgery. a gardener plants “charming flowers on her head that bloom every seven years” and suggest the oversized blossoms that jut out of the English Dancer’s head. writes that lesbian scholars claim golden eyes (goldaügigkeit) were contemporaneously associated with lesbianism and may have been inspired by Honore de Balzac’s scandalous 1834 novel La fille aux yeux d’or. the “Kardiometra. i. 196 . in order to become the perfect heterosexual bride. Brugman interweaves fantastic details with plausible elements. Brugman translated a number of medical texts and was 137-44.

” This detail is uncannily similar to the fatal. Himilia’s husband is unable to approach her. 651 197 . cornea-replacements. Himilia’s husband attempts to adjust the frequency of his new wife’s blinking eyelids. and her legs knock him unconscious. Brugman’s surgical cut-and-paste inventions also clearly reflect the physical improbability of Höch’s grotesque photomontaged ‘bodies. at any moment. 149. was endorsed and fueled by the popular media. glass shards. fall into a heap of inchoate pieces. “Suddenly Himilia began to kick her legs dangerously high in a cannibalistic can-can. Höch’s English Dancer looks as if she too might.perhaps inspired by this. Yet. After their wedding ceremony. and stomach-reduction surgeries. Himilia’s body has fallen apart. rubber breasts and a prosthetic hand. much like Himilia. The bristling drapery that barely covers the English Dancer’s ankles suggests Himilia’s frenzy. a wax nose. outof-control dancing of an automated woman featured in the 1975 movie The Stepford Wives. the commodification of women. the author’s surgical inventions also uncannily anticipate body-altering procedures which have long since become reality such as breast-implants. Due to the Brugman. Due to her wild movement. “Himilia. The Fetishization of the Female Body in Weimar and Höch’s Marlene In Weimar. Reduced to a pile of wooden fragments. Lacquered pink.” in Brandt.’ During the course of the narrative. open-heart. pacemakers. but throws the wrong switch and sets her legs in motion.” 651 Similar to Brugman’s Himilia. the English Dancer frenetically kicks her legs and her head appears to tip helplessly. and the expectation that they be physically attractive. “[D]enn plötzlich fing Himilia an die Beine gefährich hoch zu heben und einen kannabalistische Cancan zu tanzen. they are set in motion with electric switches. When he comes to. Himilia’s arms and legs are replaced with wooden prosthetics.

654 Mila Ganeva. “Pretty is something you can become. 140-41. Mila Ganeva links the representation of individual body parts in contemporary fashion imagery to the cultural objectification of women. media representations of women as isolated and interchangeable fragments were ubiquitous. . would enable them to construct themselves through makeup. However. in Weimar. Women in Weimar Fashion: Discourses and Display in German Culture. Here. one is reminded of the Weimar journalist Gabriele Tergit who wrote. . In beauty product ads .” 653 Lavin. 3-4. 19181933 (Rochester: Camden House. but only insofar as their consumer function . complex representations of . hair-care items. and clothes as interchangeable products or commodities. . they were. . In her discussion of Weimar fashion photography. Within such an environment it comes as no surprise that in Weimar. 653 Within their closely interrelated roles as consumer and commodity Weimar women were alternately empowered and/or enslaved. . was largely determined by their ability to purchase products that conformed to massmediated concepts of feminine beauty and lured them with the promise of desirability. . Arguably.influence of advertising and fashion magazine culture “The New Woman was both a commodity and a customer. women often were addressed as "empowered" buyers. 2. a woman’s appearance went hand-in-hand with her marketability and success. as Lavin explains. 654 Brugman’s inventory of individual body parts in “Himilia” critiques the unnatural compartmentalization and symbolic fragmentation of women’s bodies and selves. . anxieties and desires . or powerlessness. In her discussion of a fashion photograph she writes. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Lavin. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. the perception of a woman as a compilation of individual body parts objectifies her and results in subjective fragmentation and self-alienation. 2008).” 652 Even though Weimar advertising images were designed to attract female customers. Their power. . 652 198 .

in addition to the advertised 2500 Rentenmark.” 14.the two legs “appear as mere objects and the photograph could be considered a stilllife. feet. 658 As Hirschfeld’s caption explains. highlights a woman’s legs and hands. which is decorated with the words “Erotik in der Reklame” (eroticism in advertising). 656 Ganeva. for example. the men appear to be looking up the woman’s dress suggesting that. 655 199 . the image is taken from a recent issue of Die Aufklärung (The Explanation) that features an article in which modern leg-fetishism is addressed. . Three of the men pictured wear monocles. but more importantly its caption. women’s bodies are often reduced into fragments such as hands. confirms that contemporary theorists recognized that the representation of female body parts in order to market products constituted a form of [sexual] fetishism. or faces.20).21) appropriately labeled “Beinfetischismus” (Leg-fetishism). Her legs are ogled by a line of seven men. themselves fetishized and reduced to heads. “Fashion Photography. “Fashion Photography and Women’s Modernity in Weimar Germany: The Case of Yva.” NWSA Journal 15. 657 The monocle not only symbolically served to hyperbolize the gaze by foregrounding the eye. Mila Ganeva. amplifying their status as gazing subjects. 657 Moreover. 3 (Fall 2003): 14. but was generally worn by wealthy (or those who aspired to or simulated personal wealth) gentlemen. The image is strikingly similar to one published by Hirschfeld in 1930 (fig. no. seems to invite female spectatorship to reflect critically upon a prevalent fetishization. The montage depicts monumentally-sized female legs sitting upon the façade of the Berliner Dom.” 656 A cursory examination of Weimar periodicals bears out Ganeva’s claims. 4. 4. . 658 Hirschfeld’s illustration. A 1924 BIZ advertisement promoting a contest (fig. legs.” 655 The photographer’s “still-life representation of body fragments instead of organic wholeness . she is also part of the prize.

“Interview mit Herta Thiele. Marlene may be linked to lesbian subculture. Kreische claims that “Marlene Dietrich also privately wore men’s clothing. Kreische. While Höch’s Scrapbook includes several pictures of contemporary actresses. no. 659 200 . Dietrich. the photomontage depicts oversized female legs on a pedestal being ogled from below by two appreciative men and illustrates the dynamics of fetishization. “Es gab damals einen Trend. fascistinspired Platz. in a 1981 interview. Created the same year as Hirschfeld’s Geschlechtskunde. und jede nannte sich Marlene wie sie. body parts.Analogous to contemporary fashion and advertising imagery. stated. yet in the photomontage.23).22) foregrounds the sexual objectification and fetishization of the female body. 188. and fetishized.” in Bollé. Höch foregrounded a woman’s legs on a pedestal once again in Der Schuss (The Kick) (fig.” Kreische cites Weimar actress Herta Thiele who. “Lesbische Liebe im Film. Her 1930 photomontage Marlene (4. Heide Schlüppman. the distance between the legs and the male figures below them in Der Schuss is vertiginous and amplified by an aerial view of an empty and austere. 28 (Berlin 1981): 40. Karola Gramann. both Marlene and Der Schuss (akin to Brugman’s “Himilia”) emphasize the eroticized fragmentation of the female body and evoke its fetishization. 4.” in Frauen und Film. and Amadou Seitz. While the closely configured space in Marlene implies an intimate scene. Höch often represented women in her photomontages as a pastiche of individual. See. the artist reduces the legendary German actress to a pair of legs and erotically enticing red lips. who was rumored to have had a number of lesbian affairs. was wildly popular among Berlin lesbians.” (There was a trend among lesbians to dress like Dietrich and everyone called themselves Marlene). Marlene obviously references Marlene Dietrich (1901-1992). Nonetheless. Eldorado. 659 In 1935. sich wie die Dietrich anzuziehen und möglichst so zu sein unter Freundinnen.

fashion discourse and ethnography similarly commodified and objectified the human body.. The Nordic Dolichecephalic skull was considered superior to the shorter and broader Brachycephalic skull of other races. In the service of racial classification. both artists exposed and parodied the discursive logic of sexism. While Brugman emphasized the body’s renegade uncontrollability. G. no. and equally rendered beauty and character quantifiable. an appreciation of Höch’s oeuvre is greatly enhanced when considered in relation to the writings of her partner Til Brugman. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung Rassengeschichte des Hauptvölkes indogermanischer Sprache (Munich: J. and critical engagement with Weimar culture and its subsequent shift and decline. The Racial Elements of European History. Archiv Gerstenderg. 1929). Cut with the Kitchen Knife. 400. and Für ein Fest gemacht (Dressed for a Party) (1936). The intersection of these discourses is patently expressed in 1932 photograph of a cage-like contraption that supposedly measures a woman’s beauty and symbolically merges fashion. Günther.K. and racial discourse. Everard. Wheeler (London: Methuen and Co. See. Weimar eugenics. to a large extent. and. Ltd.Günther was also a respected figure among the international scientific community. vol. determined their individual and joint artistic production. 660 Indeed both artists often represented female bodies as crudely cobbled individual parts. 46 (1932): 1531. 113. Höch’s women are often grotesque composites.C. Wietze. but are not limited to Die Süsse (The Sweet One) (1926). technology. Günther (1891-1968) identified five races and distinguished the superior Nordic from the other four based on skull size and bodily characteristics. Liebeskult und Liebeskitsch.K. the couple’s shared experience of. Lehmann Verlag. Nonetheless. 1927). men’s facial features were also measured. Günther. Further examples include. Dech. Wallis wrote a concise and favorable review of Günther’s Rassenkunde Europas. See.F. My examination of Höch and Brugman was significantly inspired and enabled by the pioneering contributions and independent critical thought of Bosch. advertising culture. Höch’s hybrids are comprised of uncomfortably alien fragments. 661 Intrinsic to Weimar culture. and ethnography. Together from 1926 through 1935. Issue 3 (1930): 546-47.” (A Machine that measures Beauty) appears in the Berliner Illustrierter Zeitung 41. The concept of measuring beauty was not limited to women or the exclusive domain of fashion magazines. and is pictured in Lavin. 57. 661 Conclusion As this chapter demonstrates. trans. Wilson D. Hans F. American Anthropologist. 32. Pini.Similar to Brugman’s unfortunate Himila. informed. 660 201 . The image is easily linked to the writings of the popular Weimar ethnographer Hans F. Captioned “Eine Maschine die die Schönheit misst. See. 4-8.

an examination of the couple’s lesser known projects enhances our comprehension of Höch’s oeuvre. My study. it is difficult to determine the actual extent of their collaboration. While Höch and Brugman were clearly interested in similar themes. 202 .’ While this study contributes to the critical appreciation of Brugman’s texts. beyond two documented joint projects. or were Höch’s composite creatures intended to illustrate and visually reinforce the biting wit of Brugman’s literary grotesques? As an exploration of the couple’s close and ongoing creative partnership indicates.and Brandt. both questions must be answered with an emphatic ‘yes. however. Did Höch’s photomontages inspire Brugman’s radical linguistic inventions. newly examines previously undisclosed aspects of social engagement and criticism in Höch’s photomontages and in Brugman’s literary production.

” 662 “oscillating between genders. Described by scholars as a “bisexual mannequin. 662 203 . the seamless combination of male.CHAPTER V Weimar Sexology. unlike the awkward and blatantly ill-matched mixedgendered bodies that characterize the artist’s Dada-era oeuvre. an image that smoothly combines gendered elements. 665 Makela. female. the artist’s 1930 photomontage Dompteuse (Tamer) (fig.” 664 the Tamer is arguably one of Höch’s most sexually ambiguous images. 200-03.” 665 While no evidence suggests that Hirschfeld or his ilk ever saw Höch’s Tamer.” 663 or “wildly androgynous. according to Maria Makela. Most notably. Joe Mills and Peter Boswell. Sexual Subculture.1). it is nevertheless easily linked to contemporary sexological materials. it also “intervened in medical debates about gender formation and alteration. “Dating the Dompteuse: Hannah Höch’s Reconfiguration of the Tamer. 214. but likewise contributed to the discourse of sexual deviancy as presented at Hirschfeld’s Institute of Sexology. suggests an engagement with sexology and Weimar sexual subculture. 4/1 (2003/2004): Boswell. Cut with the Kitchen Knife: The Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch (New Haven: Yale University Press.” The Photo Review 26/27. and androgynous body parts in the Tamer clearly teased the contemporary boundaries of popular representation. Höch’s late Weimar photomontages are visually subtle. n. and Hannah Höch’s Tamer Introduction A number of Hannah Höch’s photomontages attest to her interest in exploring gender and sexual identity. 15. 664 Joe Mills and Peter Boswell. 1993). 5. 190-97. Indeed.” 209. 18. “Dating the Dompteuse.” Mills. 663 Maud Lavin. Yet. “Grotesque Bodies. While Höch’s Tamer clearly suggests sexual ambiguity.

Hirschfeld declared that gender variance was a natural phenomenon and actively campaigned for the decriminalization of homosexuality and the acceptance of non-normative sexual identities. bearded women. embodied both the opportunities and the controversies which accompanied women’s changing roles in Weimar. and dual-gendered hermaphrodites. Shortly after the war. yet largely unexplored claim linking Höch’s Tamer to contemporary sexological discourse. The New Woman In Germany. whose economic and sexual independence upset the boundaries of bourgeois tradition and propriety. medico-scientific material. The New Woman. the New Woman represented the 204 .This chapter will present visual evidence that significantly expands upon Makela’s important. a figure initially classified in Magnus Hirschfeld’s 1910 publication of the same name. a figure that deviated from the early twentieth-century gender status quo and whose purported androgyny may be discursively linked to the transvestite. women were granted the right to vote and new opportunities for employment in urban centers radically altered the social parameters of their lives. A homosexual himself. linked related discussions of lesbians. Hirschfeld’s sexological publications continue to inform present-day gender discourse and are central to this chapter. Furthermore. My starting point in this discussion will be the New Woman. the New Woman signified the tensions between Wilhelmine tradition and contemporary Weimar reality. Moreover. I will newly tie the image to an expanded context which includes Weimar sexual subculture. and the popular media. In her acceptable guise. he was energetically involved in the creation and support of Berlin’s sexual subculture. The transvestite.

clothing debates were often at the center of contemporary discussions regarding women’s social and sexual roles. but a weapon of self- Marsha Meskimmon and Shearer West. 1995).” 668 While others claim that women’s adoption of an androgynous style “was not merely an expression of fashionability. the idea of women’s dress as a screen for the projection of modernity was a prominent cultural feature. “Fragments of Fashionable Discourse. “every transformation within a society’s vestimentary codes implies some kind of shift within its ways of articulating subjectivity. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Tania Modelski.” in Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass Culture. For this reason. she disrupted the gendered status quo and posed a threat to bourgeois social tradition. 668 Barbara Kosta. 667 Kaja Silverman. 3 (Summer 1995): 279. Visions of the Neue Frau Visions of the ‘Neue Frau’: Woman and the Visual Arts in Weimar Germany (Aldershot: Scolar Press. scholars describe the New Woman as “a symptom of the uneasy modernity which characterized Weimar culture as a whole. 6. “Unruly Daughters and Modernity: Irmgard Keun’s Gilgi-eine von uns.. eds. As Kaja Silverman observes. Barbara Kosta observes that in Weimar.” The German Quarterly 68. Because gender was primarily expressed and defined through clothing in the early twentieth-century. the multi-faceted New Woman functioned as a repository for all manner of contemporary female personae and offered a wide range of interpretive and associative possibilities. 666 205 .” 667 Relatedly. 1996). no. the segment of the female population that cast themselves as modern “strove to attain the same freedoms and privileges of men and styled themselves accordingly. Alternately embraced and spurned in the popular media. At the time.” 666 The New Woman was linked to androgynous female fashions.postwar promise of social and economic progress. ed. yet negatively. 149.

As a result.” 669 Scholars generally agree that the adoption of androgynous and masculine fashions by women during the 1920s was an expression of social and economic independence. 670 In either case. no. She claims that the late nineteenth-century new woman’s partial cross-dressing identified her as a member of a new social category ‘lesbian’. 671 The term “männliche Frauen” appears several times in Hirschfeld’s many publications and are too numerous to list here. In 1928. 4. While Magnus Hirschfeld objectively studied “männliche Frauen” (mannish women). Yet. or linked them to prostitution. New Women were often associated with non-normative sexual behavior. 6. Newton explores the mannish lesbian’s impact on the new woman discourse. it comes as no surprise that Weimar lesbians also weighed in on the theme. in stark contrast. some claim it signaled an exploration of gender roles. Its inconclusive tone. The close relationship between costume and female emancipation was Meskimmon and West. the Weimar press sensationalized mannish women as freaks. 670 669 206 . Berlin’s lesbian crossdressers celebrated masculine clothing and hairstyles.” in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 9. a front page article in Frauen-Liebe addressed the historical relationship between masculine dress and women’s emancipation. however. Whereas the mainstream media warned of women’s imminent masculinization. Esther Newton. and generally expressed through clothing. 671 Given the discursive intensity surrounding women’s clothing and its relationship to sexuality and gender. suggests that even among contemporary lesbians. (1984): 558-60. an argument which also supports observations that early twentieth-century lesbian identity was closely tied to.creation and sexual assertion. during the 1920s. “The Mythic Mannish Lesbian: Radclyffe Hall and the New Woman. clothing styles that diverged from contemporary masculine and feminine stereotypes commonly indicated gender deviance. the issue was a controversial one. Visions of the Neue Frau.

Nineteenth-century Sexology: Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. the focus of nineteenth-century sexologists was ensuring reproduction and regulating sexual excess. “Hosenrolle und Frauenemanzipation. Moreover. or sexual science. came close to the future image of women who perform masculine work. . incorporates various disciplinary approaches in the study of human sexual behaviors and relationships. Hence. . and lesbian discourses of ‘manly’ dress and the neue Frau were routinely linked in Weimar and their proximity is central to comprehending Höch’s oeuvre. 672 207 . In 1905. and Richard von Krafft-Ebing Sexology. sexological. sexology medicalized a host of behaviors that had previously been considered criminal. summoned her female comrades to wear men’s clothing. In late nineteenth-century Europe. The proper channels (i. 673 Höch’s lesbian partner Til Brugman visited Hirschfeld’s Institute in 1931. the popular. Unsurprisingly. During the French Revolution Olympe de Gouges . lived in an urban environment. the artist’s contemporary situation intersected with all three discourses. He describes their masculine haircuts [Bubikopfschnitt] and male clothing. before her oeuvre is more fully examined in relation to these discourses.e.evident in the women’s movement in the past. Carl Westphal. procreative) of sexual gratification informed early sexological debates. or sinful. . lesbians and Dr.and early twentieth-century sexual science must briefly be outlined. and Brandt claims that both women were personally acquainted with Hirschfeld. the major currents of late nineteenth. . Höch was a self-supporting lesbian. Anatole France‘s Sur la pierre blanche. Eugen Gürster. Should we adopt the belief that masculine clothing represents a conscious step toward emancipation? 672 In sum. and had a basic knowledge of sexology. immoral. 673 However.” (Trouser-roles and Women’s Emancipation) Frauen Liebe und Leben 2 (Berlin 1928): 17.

were pathologized and stigmatized. deploy philosophy. 1990). The term “third sex” was coined by Theophile Gautier to describe the indepently-minded female protagonist of his 1835 novel. and defense. Volume I: An Introduction. 676 According to Foucault. and mythology to develop the theory of the homosexual as belonging to a third-sex. Ulrichs. literature. 674 Ulrich’s Studies. juridical. trans. published under the pseudonym Numa Numantius. Hubert. “Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. Ulrich contributed significantly to what French theorist Michel Foucault characterized as a broad cultural project aimed at defining the homosexual. 675 Ulrich’s writings represent an early and valuable contribution to the process of homosexual self-definition. a process that began during the seventeenth-century. 676 Michel Foucault. however. who did not want to disgrace his family. “Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. and pseudonymous authorship. of male same-sex desire. Hubert. and medical institutions. 675 674 208 . published as twelve treatises between 1863 and 1879. Ulrich dubbed homosexuals “Urnings” (named after Uranian love as described in Plato’s Symposium). history. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books. tenor. The Hannover native Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825–1895). Forschungen über das Räthsel der mannmännlichen Liebe (Studies/ Research regarding the Riddle of “ManManly” Love). 29. 17-35. rather than medico-scientific. law. gained momentum during the late nineteenth-century. Because homosexuality was a social stigma. “The Incitement to Discourse.homosexuals. rendered them somewhat anachronistic.” in The History of Sexuality. wrote the first extended study. an avowed homosexual. Mademoiselle Maupin. The ongoing process of defining the homosexual through cultural institutions. as described by Foucault. the definition of the homosexual was intrinsically bound to religious.” in Rosario. Nonetheless. their humanist. whose sexual activities and desires did not conform to this model.” in Rosario. religion. 27.

2. 678 Krafft-Ebing’s study was initially printed as a pamphlet. mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der conträren Sexualempfindung: eine klinisch-forensische Studie. 679 By 1893. the Berlin neurologist Carl Westphal (1833-1890) published an essay in a medical journal which described homosexuality as a neurological illness. In 1886. erotic impulses. 677 Westphal’s model of homosexuality was adopted by the Viennese psychiatrist and sexological pioneer. 681 As KrafftEbing intended. 678 Richard von Krafft-Ebing. Inc. v. Krafft-Ebing published Psychopathia Sexualis: eine klinische forensische Studie (Sexual Pathology: A Clinical and Forensic Study). Until it was challenged in 1895 by Hirschfeld. 679 Gender scholars aptly describe Krafft-Ebing’s Psychopathia Sexualis as “an encyclopedia of sexual perversions that coined many of the terms we currently use. 1886).. the author explained. CA: ABCCLIO. Its pages. the concept of inversion determined the perception and representation of homosexuality and homosexuals. Archiv für Psychiatrie und Nervenkrankheiten (Berlin) 1869-70.” 680 Psychopathia Sexualis was not intended for the general public. Elibron Classics. 2002).In 1870. “Die Konträre Sexualempfindung: Symptom eine neuropathologischen (psychopathologischen) Zustandes” (Contrary Sexual Feelings: Symptoms of a neuropathological (psycopathological) State). 680 Vernon Rosario. Psychopathia Sexualis was routinely consulted as a court manual and enabled expert testimony in matters pertaining to sexuality in judicial proceedings. were meant to support the research of “serious men” active in the natural sciences and jurisprudence. 73-108. Extended passages dealing with explicit details. 2005). Baron Richard Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing (1840-1902). Psychopathia Sexualis. 18. Carl Westphal. 681 Richard von Krafft-Ebing. or sexual behavior. but eventually developed into an exhaustive compilation of all manner of sexual proclivities and practices. (1893. Homosexuality and Science: A Guide to the Debates (Santa Barbara. repr. 8th ed. mit besondere Berücksichtigung der conträren sexualempfindung: eine klinische forensische Studie (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke. Psychopathia was in its 8th printing and 442 pages in length. 677 209 .. Psychopathia Sexualis.

was a perversion because the sexual instinct does not lead to procreation. the term “invert” came to designate both the male and female homosexual and was generally and widely accepted. Hence.. 8th ed. the interest in sexual deviance was apparently so great that Krafft-Ebing’s book was regularly expanded and revised to reflect the most current research. 18. opened the door to new debates regarding the causes and nature of homosexuality. as well as to maintain an aura of scientific mystique. the contemporary language of educated men. 683 682 210 . As Krafft-Ebing explained. 683 Like most of his contemporaries. Rosario. Krafft-Ebing believed that the primary purpose of sex was procreation and classified any form of sexual desire that did not lead towards that goal as a perversion. his use of Latin “terminus technicis” was twofold: “It dissuades the unbefitting reader. “Who was Magnus Hirschfeld and what do we need to know?” History of Philosophy and Psychology 9 (1) (2007): 19. he also significantly claimed that homosexuality was not a sin or a crime.” and serves to euphemistically temper “especially disgusting passages.” 682 However. nor correspond with the primary and secondary physical sexual characteristics. 684 Toni Brennan and Peter Hagerty. However. A mere pamphlet in 1886. This enabled the author to avoid censorship and prosecution. Homosexuality and Science. but caused by processes occurring during gestation which resulted in a sexual “inversion” in the brain. 684 Krafft-Ebing’s classification of sexual inversion as an inborn disposition. Homosexuality. Krafft-Ebing. Psychopathia Sexualis grew at each subsequent printing (eleven in all) and became the most translated and widely published Victorian sexological work. Psychopathia Sexualis. he reasoned. v. rather than a learned vice.were written in Latin.

The History of Sexuality. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage Books. Psychiatry. 223. Foucault has argued that in Western society. 3-13. 97. an argument particularly relevant to homosexuals who were historically regarded as abnormal. trans. its adoption in medical and human science. Volume I: An Introduction.” 687 Harry Oosterhuis. They volunteered personal sexual information because they considered it an opportunity to explain the naturalness of their ascribed and perceived difference. 685 Furthermore.Despite Krafft-Ebing’s claim that sexual deviancy was a perversion. Psychopathia is primarily comprised of sexual biographies and autobiographies closely modeled after the religious confession. using the patterns available in culture. subjects become subjects through the discourses they speak. he claimed that confession is a subjectifying process that eventually leads to normalization. 686 Importantly. 2005). Indeed.” in Stepchildren of Nature: KrafftEbing. “Autobiography and Sexual Identity. 2000). as Harry Oosterhuis remarks. the individuals who provided Krafft-Ebing with sexual testimonies were educated and highly articulate. 685 211 . the confession is generally regarded as a liberatory practice and is valorized as a route to truth. at the time homosexuals nevertheless considered Psychopathia liberating and progressive. Body Work: The social construction of women’s body image (London: Routledge. The process of establishing homosexual subjectivity was greatly facilitated by many first-person accounts of sexual deviancy in Psychopathia Sexualis. and the Making of Sexual identity (Chicago: Chicago University Press. subjects “speak themselves into being. Blood. as scholars recognize. 686 Sylvia K. hence. Blood writes. Oosterhuis stresses the role of the confessional relationship to the early expression of homosexuality and convincingly claims that the confession/case history was the “prototype for modern homosexual identity and has played an important role in the making of sexual Michel Foucault. 1990). 687 Like Foucault.

the bourgeois reading public. and enlightening. Oosterhuis. eds. Scholars significantly remark that Hirschfeld was a reformer rather than a revolutionary “with a confirmed confidence in the legal system and the petition. Indeed. however. Hastings Donnan and Fiona Magowan. UK: Berghahn Books. Hirschfeld’s research began as an outgrowth of Krafft-Ebing’s work. (Oxford. “Who was Magnus Hirschfeld and What do we need to know?” History of Philosophy and Psychology 9 (1) (2007): 15.” 690 He was convinced that if properly informed and educated. in stark contrast to Krafft-Ebing who wrote for an exclusive and limited community of educated men.categories and identities. Central to Hirschfeld’s activism was the notion that homosexuality was natural. Hirschfeld was particularly keen on writing for.. “Autobiography and Sexual Identity.” 222-23. much of Hirschfeld’s work was devoted to dispelling public ignorance regarding homosexuality. Mark Johnson. the public would eventually accept the homosexual. his work is largely responsible for establishing the preconditions for early homosexual emancipation. despite Krafft-Ebing’s pathologizing discourse. 690 Toni Brennan and Peter Hegarty. Hirschfeld is perhaps best known as the founder of the Berlin Institute for Sexual Science (1919).” in Transgressive Sex: Subversion and Control in Erotic Encounters. and therefore should not be punished. Hirschfeld was a medical doctor. 689 688 212 .” 688 Hence. “Transgression and the Making of Western Sexual Science. 689 Magnus Hirschfeld The transformation of sexology from a largely inaccessible medical discourse to one suitable for a lay audience was largely the work of the German reformer Magnus Hirschfeld. 2009). Like Krafft-Ebing. 172-73.

2009). Joseph Bristow. Greece was recognized as the first culture to understand the obligations and standards of intellectual morality. lebte auf der Insel Lesbos.” in Virginia Woolf. [Theodore Ramien] Sappho und Sokrates: Oder Wie erklärt sich die Liebe der Männer und Frauen zu Personen des eigenen Geschlechts? (Leipzig: Verlag Max Spohr. Sappho.-Apr. writes that ‘Greek’ references in personal ads are codes for “perverse” homosexual and lesbian searches: “Häufig wird in den Anzeigen perverser Verkehr gesucht. Fashion and Literary Modernity (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 692 In Victorian England and Wilhelmine Germany. Albert Moll. 693 While Sappho and Socrates implicates ancient Greek Magnus Hirschfeld. Der Briefe soll unter der Chiffre Lesbos oder Sappho abgegeben werden. or. Bestimmte Wörter lassen das Perverse in der Anzeige erkennen. It is evidenced in the flowing tunics and robes favored by late nineteenth-century clothing reformers and dancers inspired by ancient Grecian costume. See. The influence and inspiration of ancient Greek culture upon a number of late nineteenth. Terri J.and early twentieth century cultural discourses is of no small importance.” Links between ancient Greek culture and homosexuality were not limited to Germany. Links to ancient Greek culture not only lent contemporary homosexuals a much desired sense of historicity and tradition. In 1926. under the pseudonym Theodore Ramien. 137. sapphism. no. Uranus. Hirschfeld published his first work in defense of homosexuality. Eine homosexuelle Frau sucht eine Freundin. 1/ 2 (Jan. Among late nineteenth-century European homosexuals and lesbians. 2002): 196. Sappho and Socrates automatically suggested homosexuality. 102. as it was alternately termed. (Sappho and Socrates: Or How Can One Explain the Love of Men and Women for People of Their Own Sex?). “Greek cultural norms were deeply ingrained in the body culture movement. while knowledge of Sappho’s recently discovered poetic fragments implied an awareness of lesbian love. die griechische Dichterin brünstiger Gedichte an Freundinnen. See. athletic male body in [Friedrich Ludwig] Jahn's gymnastics clubs to Duncan's vision of a ‘Greek dance’ of the future to [Rudolf von] Laban's open-air ‘dance temples. 692 These contemporary associations explain how a familiarity with Plato’s Symposium became a coded cipher of recognition among male homosexuals. Gordon.’” 693 Discursive lnks between ancient Greek culture and homosexuality persisted well into the 1920s. As Gordon writes.” Journal of History of Sexuality 11. “Fascism and the Female Form: Performance Art in the Third Reich. Sappho and Socrates. Eros. Plato und ähnliche Worte spielen in den Anzeigen eine Rolle. Koppen. Der Freund. Polizei und Sitte. This fashion foregrounded the unfettered sensuality associated with heroic classical nudity and complemented the momentous cultural discourse in favor of sexual liberation. Auch Männer haben solche Erkennungschiffren.In 1896. from the ideal of the sculpted. “Symond’s 691 213 . R. Fashioned Bodies and the Nude Future..S. 1896). “Civilised Minds. 691 The pamphlet’s subtitle declared the author’s intention to explain the love of men and women for people of their own sex. but also reflected the idealization of classical culture at the time.

. mass production and industrialization were increasingly perceived among many Western European artists and intellectuals as dehumanizing and inspired a renewed History. The Committee’s motto was per scientiam ad justitiam or. "The great conqueror of all prejudice is not Humanity. 694 Brennan and Hegarty. 15.” in Bland and Doan.” What should the public know was programmatic for Hirschfeld’s desire to “make homosexuality acceptable to the intended bourgeois heterosexual audience” and is an eloquent testament of Hirschfeld’s motto in action: Through knowledge to Justice. During the late nineteenth century. Magnus Hirschfeld founded the Scientific Humanitarian Committee (SHC) (Wissenschaftlich-humanitäre Komittee) in Berlin.” 17. Ellis’s Heredity: Sexual Inversion. 1991). 696 Hirschfeld’s 1905 claim that all forms of sexual expression were intrinsically natural fortuitously dovetailed with the zeitgeist. 696 Magnus Hirschfeld. Wild Heart: A Life: Natalie Clifford Barney’s Journey from Victorian America to Belle Époque Paris (New York: Harper Collins. The primary aim of the committee was to campaign against Paragraph 175 of the German penal code (the law outlawing male homosexual acts). lawyer Eduard Olberg. Hirschfeld founded the committee with three professional colleagues. Berlin: Verlag rosa Winkel. 695 Hirschfeld’s 1901 pamphlet Was muss das Volk Wissen über der Dritte Geschlecht? (What should the public know about the Third Sex?) aimed to educate and explain male and female homosexuality to the reader. “through science/knowledge to justice” and is emblematic of Hirschfeld’s life’s work. 5. Sexology in Culture.culture. Berlins Drittes Geschlecht (1904 repr. 14. 214 . the Leipzig publisher Max Spohr. 694 In 1897. The centrality of ancient Greek culture within early lesbian self-definition runs like a thread through Rodriguez’s biography of the scandalous sapphist Natalie Barney. Suzanne Rodriguez. See also Brennan and Hagerty. 2002).000 copies The title page of the pamphlet bore the motto. Bd. Hirschfeld credits Friedrich Nietzsche’s mid-nineteenth-century declaration “what is natural cannot be immoral” as the inspiration for his text. but Science. Hirschfeld makes this comment on page 35 of Sappho and Socrates. and the writer Franz Josef von Bülow. “Who was Magnus Hirschfeld?. 85. 695 Brennan and Hegarty. Schriftenreihe der Magnus Hirschfeld Gesellschaft. The pamphlet was reprinted several times and by 1914 had reached 50.

this perception of sexuality paved the way for sexual tolerance and supported arguments for the decriminalization of homosexuality well into the century.” (Berlin: Orlanda Frauenverlag. 87. 697 Hence. 698 Unsurprisingly. the concept of the homosexual as “the embodiment of a male soul trapped in a female body. eds. he claims. “Havelock Ellis. 1993). Hirschfeld “trug zu einer positive Identität bei. Nineteenth Century Art: A Critical History (London: Thames and Hudson.appreciation of all things natural. 1998). was this more the case than in the United States. Geschlechtsübergäge: Mischungen männlicher und weiblicher Geschlechtscharaktere (Sexuelle Zwischenstufen) (Leipzig: Verlag der Monatsschrift für Harnkrankheiten und sexuelle Hygeine. 5. 701 Waters. Waters claims that especially in the English-speaking world. Krafft-Ebing’s concept was internationally accepted. Hirschfeld writes that the intention of his study is “die Hervorhebung nicht hinreichend beachteter Naturerscheinungen.” in Sexology in Culture: Labelling Bodies and Desires. nature came to be considered by some writers and artists as an inviolable sanctuary. 166. the understanding of homosexuality was “largely antithetical to the Freudian project” and Freudian theory “rarely informed” the terms through which a lesbian’s experience was understood. Sigmund Freud and the State. 370. As Eisenmann writes. “During a period of wrenching economic expansion and contraction. “Havelock Ellis. denn was ‘angeboren’ war. Hirschfeld’s characterization of sexual identity and sexuality as a “Naturerscheinung” (a product of nature) was widely embraced by contemporary homosexuals and lesbians. 2002). 701 Stephen F. Lucy Bland and Laura Doan. arguments that gender deviations were natural and falsely and undeservedly pathologized resonated with broader cultural trends. Sigmund Freud and the State: Discourses of Homosexual Identity in Interwar Britain.” 698 Magnus Hirschfeld.” 700 Chris Waters. 700 Contrary to contemporary psychoanalytical discourse. konnte nicht schlecht oder verwerflich sein. et al.” 699 Claudia Schoppmann. colossal urban and industrial growth. Eisenman. Hirschfeld and Sexual Intermediacy In the early twentieth century. “where faith in 697 215 . Nowhere. Zeit der Maskierung: Lebensgeschichten lesbischer Frauen im “Dritten Reich. 1905). and the final eradication in Europe of pockets of premodern community. 699 Furthermore. psychoanalytical accounts of homosexuality dominate much official thinking on the subject.” 165. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. or vice versa” provided the terms through which homosexual self-identity and experience was generally understood.

Krafft-Ebing. Twenty-six case histories were never published. a Freudian understanding of homosexuality. “Introduction. Hirschfeld’s Institute collected over thirty-thousand sexual autobiographies and over 35. One hundred seventysix of these histories or autobiographies were published in one or more of the fourteen editions of Psychopathia Sexualis that appeared between 1886 and 1903. Like Krafft-Ebing. Unfortunately the Institute’s holdings can only be estimated because much of the collection was destroyed when Nazis stormed and plundered it in May. unlike his predecessor who only collected 627 sexual case studies (187 of them borrowed from existing legal-medical and psychiatric sources). dreams. however.Instead. 1933. is “very much a postwar phenomenon” and first gained currency after 1950 (165). childhood and current sexual behavior. Bullough. 130. 11. Information regarding personal and family medical history. Brennan and Hegarty. and Hirschfeld. hobbies. and ultimately others. Between 1903 and 1904 alone. 702 Oosterhuis.” As Waters remarks. 1991). Subjects were questioned on a wide range of themes. as advanced by German sexologists Ulrichs. 703 The extraordinary volume of information available to Hirschfeld compelled him. Hirschfeld gathered information from thousands of contemporary subjects. and as circulated in Britain through the work of Edward Carpenter (1844-1929) and Havelock Ellis.000 photographs and illustrations. They were asked about kinship. racial. The institute’s library also held more than 20. Stepchildren. 702 Scholars estimate that over the years. “The [remaining] 440 case histories Krafft-Ebing collected deal with [the sexual disorders] of patients he treated or with whom he corresponded. ethnic. and class background. 216 .” Magnus Hirschfeld. and political views was also collected. trans. to reconsider traditional binary models of human sexuality and instead propose myriad variations of gender identification. 703 Vern L.” See also. Magnus Hirschfeld deployed the case history methodology. Lombardi-Nash (Buffalo: Prometheus Books. Transvestites: The Erotic Drive to Cross Dress. but to the marginalization of earlier sexological models of erotic desire that were based on premises quite distinct from those of Freud and his followers. contemporary lesbians commonly identified with the concept of the mannish woman. under the aegis of the SHC. Michael A. Hirschfeld based his gender model on exhaustive modern science led not only to the valorization of psychoanalytic expertise. family history.000 volumes. memories. while 238 of them appeared in other monographs or articles. 7. Hirschfeld conducted a survey of homosexuality in Berlin distributing over 6600 questionnaires to [male] students and factory workers. While Krafft-Ebing’s 1893 edition of Psychopathia Sexualis includes only 198 case histories. Hirschfeld also significantly devised a psychobiological questionnaire composed of more than 135 sets of questions.

704 Later. the other emotional characteristics 706 Based on these components. the sex drive 4. scholars agree that Hirschfeld’s most influential and significant contribution to our Magnus Hirschfeld. trans. In his 1905 Geschlechts-Übergänge (Sexual-transitions) Hirschfeld labeled individuals whose sexual impulses and sensibilities fell somewhere within a staggeringly broad spectrum of masculine or feminine types as sexuelle Zwischenstufe (sexual intermediates). 705 Each represents a mathematically calculated model of sexual types based on the multiplication of four basic components: 1.046. (Sexuelle Zwischenstufen) (Leipzig: Verlag der Monatsschrift für Harnkrankheiten und sexuelle Hygeine. Transvestites. 708 Indeed. 708 Manfred Herzer and J. Hirschfeld arrived at the staggering number of 43.” Transvestites: The Erotic Drive to CrossDress. 227. Edgar Bauer. Michael A. 1991). 706 Hirschfeld.” 707 Hirschfeld significantly disrupted the traditional fundamental link between gender identity and physical biology by considering subjective gender identification and thus markedly influenced contemporary and later perceptions of gender. 215-36. Transvestites. “The Theory of Intermediaries. 100 Jahren Schwulenbewegung: Dokumentation einer Vortragsreihe in der Akademie der Künste (Berlin: Verlag rosa Winkel. 705 Magnus Hirschfeld. repr. 29.721 possible sexual types. the other physical characteristics 3. Tables one through three are printed on 224-25. Hirschfeld devoted a chapter to a discussion of sexual intermediates and illustrated his theory of sexual intermediacy with three tables. 1905). the sexual organs 2. in his 1910 publication Transvestites. Buffalo: Prometheus Books. 219. which he himself characterized as “enormous. Geschlechtsübergänge: Mischungen männlicher und weiblicher Geschlechtscharaktere. Lombardi-Nash (1910. 707 Hirschfeld.computations and tables that meld a nineteenth-century naturalist’s Linnaean impulse to catalogue and classify with a more forward looking social tolerance for sexual variations. 704 217 . 1998).

while contemporary sexologists explored the invisible workings of the soul and described lesbianism as the “masculine soul heaving in a female J. 712 Visually legible data was considered the most modern and reliable source of empirical information among late nineteenth. “Science. eds. 2006). Celia Kitzinger. Thomas O. The Social Construction of Lesbianism (London: Sage Publications. 103-19. McBride.and early twentieth-century scientists. Alfred C.B. Allan Sekula. Art. and Immediate Visual Perception. 712 In the early twentieth century. Hannah Höch.” 79. 711 Indeed. Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia: W. photographic documentation was integral to his research and publications.. Haakenson. ed. See also. and the suggestion of an infinite number of sexes. 47. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan. When one considers that Kinsey’s 1948 six point heterosexual/homosexual continuum was considered path breaking at the time. 2007).current understanding of sexuality was the “dissolution of the over-arching order based on the binary pattern Man/Woman. 710 Hirschfeld: Sexology and Photography While thousands of sexual autobiographies and case studies were fundamental to Hirschfeld’s work. “The Body as Archive. In an age in which “seeing was believing” science was based upon that which could be seen and proven through objective visual observation. “Der Tod Adams.” 100 Jahren Schwulenbewegung: Dokumentation einer Vortragsreihe in der Akademie der Künste (Berlin: Verlag Rosa Winkel. Gail Finney (Bloomington: University Press. Saunders Co. 18901950. “Magnus Hirschfeld and the Photographic (Re)Invention of the ‘Third Sex. See.” 709 Hirschfeld thus anticipated postmodern concepts of gender. and Monika Žagar. 1987). Art. 29. and the Question of the Visible: Rudolph Virchow. 19. visual perception was the cornerstone of late-nineteenth and early twentieth-century scientific methodology and Hirschfeld was a man of his time.” 713 Accordingly. we can better appreciate Hirschfeld’s remarkable early twentieth-century contributions. 1998). the “lingering prestige of optical empiricism was sufficiently strong to ensure that the terrain of the photographable was still regarded as roughly congruent to knowledge in general. Edgar Bauer.” in Legacies of Modernism: Art and Politics in Northern Europe. 710 Brennan and Hagerty. “Science. 711 David James Prickett. et al. McCormick. 639. 709 218 . Patrizia C. Kinsey. 1948). 713 Haakenson.” October 39 (Winter 1986): 373. 93-104. For a discussion of this see.’” Visual Culture in Twentieth-Century Germany: Text as Spectacle.. Richard W.

. ed. i. Verlag rosa Winkel. Havelock Ellis.” 714 they nonetheless largely defined homosexuals by their outward appearance and lesbians (and homosexuals) generally subscribed to this notion. (Login: Chicago. (Berlin. “Masquerading Women. 1929). vol. Manfred Herzer. 55.” in Virginia Woolf. 714 219 . Psychopathia Sexualis. Pathologized Men: Cross-Dressing. Hirschfeld and others documented. In 1908. 716 These observations were not limited to German sexologists. As Koppen writes.” Reprint 1904. Koppen. Sexual Inversion.J. Heterosexual Plots. Publishers. contemporary sexologists were quick to inscribe such cross-dressing within a discourse of authenticity. photographed gender deviant individuals and observed that homosexuality frequently manifested itself in a preference for clothing of the opposite gender. There is a very pronounced tendency among sexually inverted women to adopt male attire when practicable. 716 Unsurprisingly.” 718 Jann Matlock. 1993). 185. Krafft-Ebing. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. dressed in a man’s tuxedo. As I have already pointed out. Fashion and Literary Modernity (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 37. .bosom. F.” 718 Farwell. 1908). 140-41. “The most recognizable image of the lesbian circulating in Paris. Berlins Drittes Geschlecht. the British sexologist Havelock Ellis wrote. . . in Magnus Hirschfeld. and London. 1991).” in Fetishism as Cultural Discourse. . In 1904. posing with a cigarette and the signature monocle. among contemporary sexologists and lesbians alike. S.A. as signs of an authentic. Berlin. and the Theory of Perversion. Rebman. Davis Co. The quotational and highly stylized aspects of this practice clearly point in the direction of camp. drag.e. trans. 399. Fetishism. 717 R. “From Symbolism in Loose Robes to the Figure of the Androgyne. and other forms of sartorial performance. sexuality. 74. a woman is inclined to adopt the ways and garments of men. though . these materials reflected and supported definitions of the lesbian based on sartorial practice. “The chief characteristic of sexually inverted woman is a certain degree of masculinity.. was that projected by the woman with cropped hair. Emily Apter and William Pietz. if inverted.” See. 717 Indeed. 2009). a Berlin lesbian claimed that her preference for male clothing was “the same as effeminate men who prefer to wear female garments. it was “a woman’s garb and not her sexual practices that characterized her as perverse. eds. 2 of Studies in the Psychology of Sex (Philadelphia: F.” 715 The visual documentation of sexually deviant individuals was a major component of early twentieth-century sexological practice and generated a considerable inventory of graphic materials. From the early 1900s. “Ein Besuch bei den Homosexuellen in Berlin: Mit Bemerkungen über Homosexualität. 715 Paul Näcke.

and to a much greater extent than is usually believed. 95-102. 720 Susan Stryker. Buffalo: Prometheus Books. including homosexuals and hermaphrodites. 2008). Transvestites: The Erotic Drive to Cross-Dress. repr. transvestites occupied a space between “pure male” and “pure female. Die Transvestiten: Eine Untersuchung ueber den erotischen Verkleidungstrieb mit umfangreichem casuistischem und historischem Material. 720 Hirschfeld claimed that clothing is not arbitrary. 719 220 . much like the sexual intermediate.” Transvestites.Hirschfeld’s Transvestites. LombardiNash (1910. 1991). According to Hirschfeld. only one of the seventeen case histories (Case 15) discusses a woman who lived and dressed as a man. was born in 1880. Transgender History (Berkeley: Seal Press. 1910 Hirschfeld’s 1910 publication. a category under which it had previously been subsumed. capricious or merely lifeless fabric. 721 Hirschfeld. Transvestites. invented extremes” and transvestites represent one of many different types of sexual intermediaries. “Clothing is the unconscious language of the spirit and clearly expresses itself all the more when the tongue is condemned to silence” (204). who occupy the sexual spectrum (17). was the first publication of its kind to scientifically examine the practice of cross-dressing and its relation to sexual identity.” 721 Hirschfeld’s Transvestites includes seventeen autobiographical statements. “Case 15. however. Transvestites.” Helene N. trans. “Clothing as a Form of Expression of Mental Condition. 722 Hirschfeld’s summarizing comments regarding his lone female subject stress her masculine identification and “her driving sexual urges as totally diminishing Magnus Hirschfeld. Berlin native Helene N. but rather an indication of an inner striving “which is valid not only in these special cases but rather in general.” He argued that “absolute representatives of their sex are only abstractions. Michael A. 719 Transvestites is recognized as having coined the Latin-derived term to designate the cross-dresser and as significantly distinguishing the cross-dresser from sexual inversion (homosexuality). 16. each of which offer intimate details regarding the subject’s sartorial and erotic predilections. 722 Hirschfeld. was the male subject. Hirschfeld’s focus. 203-14. 203.

Geschlechstskunde (Sexual Knowledge/Information). 726 The volume includes dozens of illustrations depicting figures whose clothing does not conform to contemporary gender stereotypes. 725 Magnus Hirschfeld and Max Tilke. 4. they underpinned the claims of contemporary sexologists linking sartoria to gender identity and reflected (perhaps even influenced?) the habitués of Weimar sexual subculture. Transvestites was supplemented by a second volume comprised solely of illustrations depicting historical and contemporary male and female cross-dressers. he published a volume comprised entirely of illustrations.) Illustrierter Teil (Berlin: Alfred Pulvermacher & Co. these 723 724 Hirschfeld. 102. and to live as a man. to go as a man. Hirschfeld.. and an improved railway system. Concurrently. the key role of photography in scientific and diagnostic practice was reinforced by sweeping technical developments after World War I that facilitated the production and dissemination of printed materials.” 723 The last chapter of Transvestites revisits the theme of women who identify as masculine and presents a history of women who passed as men in various military units. 725 Photographic materials would continue to represent a major component of Hirschfeld’s research: In 1930. not only generated an unprecedented volume of mass-produced imagery. Geschlechtskunde auf Grund dreissigjähriger Forschung und Erfahrung bearbeitet. “Women as Soldiers. vol. Sexual Deviancy and Weimar “Life through the eyes” In Weimar. 726 Magnus Hirschfeld. 393-416. 221 .” in Transvestites. In an almost generic fashion. 1930). Transvestites. 1912). the last of his four volume opus. Bildertheil (Stuttgart: Julius Püttmann Verlagsbuchhandlung.behind her burning wish to be a man. but transformed popular print media into an inexpensive and omnipresent multi-purpose cultural instrument. 724 In 1912. New and cheaper printing techniques. Der erotischen Verkleidungstrieb (Die Transvestiten.

Due to both media. They astutely recognized that the new emphasis on imagery triggered a paradigmatic cultural shift. a large advertisement for the upcoming performance of the transvestite Barbette at a major Berlin theatre appeared in a popular daily newspaper (fig. the Weimar discourse of sexual deviancy was no longer the exclusive domain of sexologists or the habitués of sexual subculture.. to the expansion of the print media. 646-47. film culture. and Martin Jay. 5. 1927). Dr.developments radically changed the appearance of print media. 1995). 50n78.” in Max Osborn. observed that unlike the preceding century.2). Similarly. A German Jew. Korff edited the BIZ from 1903 to 1933. 727 222 . interwar media was characterized by a dramatic shift away from the literary format to one that emphasized pictures. Weimar contemporaries were not unaware of the immense implications of these developments. Edward Dimendberg. published Polizei und Sitte Johnson. life through the eyes now dictated perception. In New York he became an advisor to Henry Luce’s magazine Life. leading sexologist and Hirschfeld colleague. Korff claimed. Anton Kaes. In 1931. relatedly. the theme of cross-dressing was discussed by a number of prominent Weimar authors. under the auspices of the Prussian Ministry of the Interior. 290-91. “the public got used to visual imagery having a greater impact than the message of the written word.” He attributed this phenomenon to the expansion and proliferation of magazine and. In 1926. Albert Moll. 50 Jahre Ullstein (Berlin: Ullstein. The Weimar Republic Sourcebook (Berkeley: University of California Press. editor of the mainstream journal Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung (BIZ). Kurt Korff. Korff was forced to flee in 1933. ed. “Die Berliner Illustrierte. cites Kurt Korff. Writing in 1927. first published in 1936. in part. See also.” 727 Weimar Culture and the Cross-dresser Due. “wherein the written word dominated.

1990): 112.” but is. and 4) depraved (prostitute). 732 Félicien Rops was known in Weimar Germany primarily as an artist who specialized in pornographic themes. 731 Rops’ drawing sensationalizes and mythologizes the figure and dramatically distances her from Weimar reality. 384. “Beardsley Redresses Venus..(Police and Morals). Polizei und Sitte. Significantly. 20.” Félicien Rops (Berlin: Marquardt and Co. Despite Moll’s insistence that sexuality is a timelessly relevant theme. 732 The unfortunate inclusion of a nineteenth-century drawing by a known pornographer in the government-sponsored Polizei und Sitte reinforced the irrational ahistorical and metaphorical epistemology that Hirschfeld. Polizei und Sitte. 728 Ostensibly. the illustration references neither Weimar culture nor contemporary scientific methodologies: It is an undated sketch by “the nineteenth-century’s most talented pornographic artist. The female cross-dresser is represented by a late nineteenth-century drawing of a prostitute dressed in men’s clothing (fig. 729 Moll. no. The image is captioned. 3/4 The Nineties (Autumn-Winter. 22. 3. 728 223 . Rops’ lesbian cross-dresser is 1) anonymous. The Worm in the bud: The World of Victorian Sexuality (New York: Macmillan. handles the female and male cross-dresser with conspicuous difference. Gustave Kahn characterized Rops’ imagery as “satanic and diabolical in which the painful drama and complicated lust and bitter chronic of modern prostitution takes place. 2) historical. “Dirne in Männerkleidung” (Prostitute in Men’s clothing). Zatlin cites Ronald Pearsall. however. this cross-dresser is a product of a male artist’s pornographic imagination. Zatlin. the volume “Represents Police in Individual Pictures. 22-28.” Félicien Rops.” Victorian Poetry 28. his focus is contemporary Weimar and includes the topic of cross-dressing. references Moll’s contributions along with those of Krafft-Ebing. in short. 730 The illustration exemplifies the contemporary conflation of lesbianism with prostitution and fin-de-siècle decadence (a topic addressed in-depth in chapter two). 3) exotic (French). Geschlechts-Übergänge. in fact. 5. 729 Moll. 730 Moll. 1969). 123n8. a broad discussion of moral and sexual issues with a number of historical illustrations.3). 1925?). 731 Linda G. In his monograph.

while the other (20) is captioned “Männlicher Transvertit” (Male Transvestite). Moll’s skewed representation is even more apparent when it is compared to his discussion of male cross-dressers. Both photographs are pictured on page 23. Führer durch das ‘lasterhafte’ Berlin (Guide to ‘scandalous’ Berlin).5). 733 224 . unlike his mythologized female counterpart. No further information is given. Had Moll so chosen. in an actual contemporary context. photographs decidedly trumped drawings in indicating modernity and scientific veracity. 5. 5. Weimar lesbian magazines printed photographs of contemporary female cross-dressers. Note Moll’s term “Transvertit.4) or from contemporary Weimar police files (fig. In the 1931 guide to Weimar-era Berlin night life. a photograph of an actual woman would have. In contrast to the scientific tenor of Albert Moll’s Polizei und Sitte.accompanied. Polizei und Sitte.” Apparently. In contrast to Moll’s publication. 733 Both the photographic medium and probable ‘official’ institutional sources firmly anchor the male cross-dresser. Benutzung der Bubikopfmode” (Male transvestite. Curt Moreck discussed the cross-dresser in just such Moll. Moll’s deployment of photographs to represent the male cross-dresser is also emblematic of the male-centered focus of Weimar sexology. Hirschfeld’s recently coined term [1910] “Transvestite” was not yet universally established. the Weimar discourse of lesbianism. Weimar publications with sexual themes were often laced with a salacious subtext. and significantly clouded. Using the women’s hairstyle). in 1926. The unmanipulated photographs of two male subjects suggest that they may have been borrowed from Hirschfeld’s vast archive (fig. in a Foucauldian context. greatly supported the identity construction of Weimar lesbian cross-dressers. The differences between the two media (drawing/photographs) are significant here because while pictures dominated Weimar mass media. Number 19 is labeled “Männlicher Transvestit. for example.

but in order to be content.” This.” Moreck introduced a short chapter revealing the names of “curious locales where one encounters girls dressed as boys and boys dressed as girls. New York. Budapest. Moreck. 734 Under the bold heading “Here one finds Transvestites.” 736 Richard Salardenne’s sensationalistic 1931 Hauptstädte des Lasters (Capital Cities of Vice) discusses sexual subculture in a number of world cities and devotes several pages to the city of Berlin. 95-96.” 735 Moreck’s Führer celebrates the naughtiness of Weimar and. 738 While the piquant revelations of Moll. need to wear the clothing of the other sex. and Salardenne were primarily geared to fantasies of provincial readers. Haupstädte des Lasters. the author wrote. 176.” Haupstädte des Lasters: Vergnügungsvierteln der Weltstädte (Berlin: Auffenberg Verlagsgesellschaft. “is not a carnival joke. Curt Moreck. as he explained. Führer durch das “lasterhafte” Berlin (Leipzig: Verlag der moderner Stadtführer. Prague. he continued. 1931). Führer. 737 In what reads as an international erotic travel guide. 736 735 225 . 176. Moreck. They are those men and women whose inversion is not limited to a feeling of difference (eine seelische Andersempfindung). the cross-dresser was also linked to Weimar 734 1931). 737 Richard Salardenne. London.terms. 7-8. Führer. “Berlin.” Blending thinly-veiled sensationalism with the clinical vocabulary of contemporary sexology. “You have probably heard of transvestites. Moreck. 738 Salardenne. Berlin. Other cities include Amsterdam. 88-110. and Vienna. “is geared to the Berlin tourist who is looking for a side of the city generally omitted from official tourist guides. the sub-heading “Eccentric Cabarets” introduces a thinly-veiled voyeuristic discussion of the cross-dressed men and women who frequent the legendary Berlin homosexual nightclub Eldorado.

741 Kosta. Visions of the Neue Frau. were also intended to frighten women into conforming to conventional stereotypes. the resultant tensions and “conflicting ideologies played themselves out on the female body. 280.” 741 In Weimar.fashion debates. a culture that intends to control women reflects “the misogyny which permeates 739 740 Moll.4) emphasizes the subject’s Bubikopf. 23. and. And. arguably. 6. The terse caption below a male transvestite pictured in Moll’s Polizei und Sitte (fig. it also potentially signaled her loss of femininity. were deployed as a tool for continued oppression and control. public discussions of the relationship between women’s fashion and their natures. a popular. 5. 226 . Both the popularity and intensity of these debates are striking. as Mary Russo relatedly claims. Its inclusion in this conspicuously short caption succinctly demonstrates the unstable contemporaneous discursive intersection between the male cross-dressers’ feminine masquerade and socially threatening aspects of the androgynous New Woman.” 740 Indeed. highly controversial. 739 The Feared Masculinization of Women and the Garçonne While androgynous clothing and hairstyles lent the New Woman a positive aura of modernity. this was “a cultural phenomenon of no small importance” and “fed male anxieties about the increasing public face of women. ridiculous claims in the media stoked popular anxieties regarding the “vermännlichung” (masculinization) of women and. Polizei und Sitte. at the time. as Kosta claims. boyish hairstyle for women. yet. Meskimmon and West. in particular with regard to their sexuality. In Weimar.

Heike Schader. 1994). a classy lesbian locale on the Kommandanstrasse” (74).” 745 The figure’s edgy sexual frisson was embraced and emulated by upper-class Weimar lesbians and Garçonne became the namesake for a periodical and a trendy women’s bar. The Female Grotesque: Risk. According to Kokula. and alienating men. it was translated into twelve languages and followed by two sequels. Excess. 1922 novel. the garçonne represented a “most provocative expression” of gender. La Garçonne was scandalous. (Berlin: Rotation. Margueritte’s renowned literary invention represented postwar hedonism and androgynous fashion. 19231933. Kosta cites Weimar journalist Gabriele Tergit’s contemporary description of the garçonne: “Das Mädchen sieht aus wie ein Mann. Susi Wanowski (dancer Anita Berber’s former lesbian partner) opened the Garçonne bar on Berlin’s Kalckreuthstrasse 11 in 1931. 285n35. 67. but wildly popular. Due to the figure’s bisexuality.”Unruly Daughters. Jens Brüning. and Modernity (New York: Routledge. Vamps und wilde 12.” 279. 743 227 . The lesbian periodical Garçonne replaced the title Frauen Liebe and circulated from December 1930 until October 1932. Gordon offers a conflicting account when he claims that “Berlin’s wild child [Berber] settled on Susi Wanowski. The garçonne symbolized female emancipation. Virile. 746 742 Julia Drost. der wie ein Mädchen aussieht. the owner of the Comobar. The title of Viktor Margueritte’s controversial Bildungsroman of the New Woman is a feminized version of the French garçon (boy). sexual freedom and also contributed to the process of early lesbian identity construction. Blüten der Zwanziger Jahre: Gerichtsreportagen und Feuilletons. The Garçonne was the title of French author Victor Margueritte’s scandalous. ed. La Garçonne: Wandlungen einer literarischen Figur (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag. Margueritte lost his position in the prestigious French Academy. Lila Nächte. the androgynous garçonne was described by contemporaries in similar terms as “a girl who looked like a man that looked like a girl. Set in Paris. 744 Kosta.”Unruly Daughters.” See also. 1984). 746 Ilse Kokula. whose sexual identity oscillated between genders. See also. Gabriele Tergit. 745 Kosta.” 742 In mid 1920s. The novel was published in a German translation in 1924 but was shortly thereafter banned in Germany. launches a decorating business and takes several lovers. 743 Similar to the New Woman. yet successful. 744 Much like the transvestite.” 279. the young female protagonist seeks financial and sexual independence. the garçonne was a discursively constructed and mass-mediated international phenomenon. 2003). As a result of the novel.the fear of losing one’s femininity. one of which is a woman. fashion debates escalated when representations of the New Woman were newly infused with the fictitious Garçonne. 101. “Lesbische Leben von Weimar bis zu Nachkriegszeit. Mary Russo.” in Adele Meyer.

” or a “man in women’s clothing” or with “the weighted” (vielsagende) term “anders” (other). Veilchen: Sexualität. and behavior. Science. boyish hairstyles similarly diffused sexual difference and.. See. “Grotesque Visions: Art. 752 Thomas O. As previously noted.” 748 Popular debates regarding women’s [short] hair were not limited to Weimar Germany but also conducted in France. a term which also automatically inferred homosexuality. Sexual-Katastrophen: Bilder aus dem modernen Geschlechts-und Ehehleben (Vienna: Dr. 2006). 188. 752 Hirschfeld studied the link between hair. 751 The discursive significance of hair was also evident among contemporary sexologists. Die Neue Generation: Publikations-Organ des Bundes für Mutterschutz. 747 Lavin. 55. 749 In the 1920s.In Weimar. the first film with a homosexual theme. 747 Much like androgynous clothing.” 228 . “Unruly Daughters. The lesbian “Margarete H. . Haakenson. or other-haired): 750 At the time. in 1927 a respected feminist journal reported that the Gemeinderat (town council) of the German village Zerbau decided to charge all unmarried women who sported the Bubikopf a monthly fine of 1 RM (Reichsmark). 23.” 278. In Weimar Germany “any representation of androgyny . sexual identity.. 748 In a tone alternating between humor and alarm. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. This story appeared under the headline: “Besteurung des Bubikopfes” (Taxation for the Bubikopf). and Ludwig Levy-Lenz. Karl Meyer Ges. 751 Magnus Hirschfeld. at the time. anders inferred Richard Oswald’s 1919 film. Jg. 749 Helene Stocker.” in American Historical Review (June 1993): 657-84. eds. 9 (1927): 301. 2007).m. no. 191-92. and Visual Culture in Early TwentiethCentury Germany” (PhD diss. Hirschfeld suggested that “perusal through any newspaper would demonstrate how many women seek assistance in order to remove (manly) facial hair. . androgyny was a highly charged issue because it blurred what were formerly clear cut definitions of sexual identity. had the potential to signify bisexuality or a degree of homosexuality. 52. “Samson and Delilah Revisited: The Politics of Women’s Fashion in 1920s France. contemporary discourse commonly linked hair to non-normative sexual identity.” reports being noticed and taunted on the street as a “man. und Erotik in den Zeitschriften homosexueller Frauen im Berlin der 1920er Jahren (Königstein: Helmer. 750 Kosta. ed. women who wore their hair in a Bubikopf (like a boy) were referred to in conservative German circles as “Andershaarige” (different.. University of Minnesota. Begehren.H. Married women were charged 2 RM. Mary Louise Roberts. Anders als die anderen (Different than the Others).b. as a result. 1927).

91. One such photograph illustrating the contemporary discursive link between hair and masculinity (fig. Berlins Drittes Geschlecht.” 755 While Hirschfeld’s observations were expressed with clinical neutrality. In part. (Reprint 1904. The caption informs the reader that “the mustache is glued-on. men’s hair was a positive sign of masculinity and denoted sexual potency. 192. 1991). Berlin: Verlag rosa Winkel.” and “he knows one who shaves three times a week. 5. 754 Magnus Hirschfeld. cited in Haakenson. this correlation explains the many bearded women pictured in Hirschfeld’s contemporary publications. 1905). an uncomfortably ‘outspoken’ or ‘angry’ woman is often described as having Haare auf die Zähne (hair on her teeth).6) depicts a woman in a man’s military uniform wearing a false mustache. unpaginated. Geschlechts-Übergänge. They suggest that bearded women were popularly regarded as a natural curiosity and folk entertainment. ed. in Germany.Bearded Women and “Terrifying News” In early twentieth-century German culture. In contrast.7). Manfred Herzer. 192n330. as the following report confirms. 755 Magnus Hirschfeld.” Similar pictures of women in uniform with mustaches appear on 107 and 122. Plate 54. 756 I have recently discovered numerous early twentieth-century photo postcards of bearded women. advertisements in the back pages of the popular interwar German periodical Lustige Blätter geared to men regularly promoted products that promise to enhance mustache growth. or feminae barbatae (bearded women) (fig. 754 Hirschfeld classified falsely mustached or naturally bearded women as sexual intermediates and strengthened the link between hair and sexuality by remarking “many homosexual women have to shave on a regular basis to prevent the growth of excessive facial hair. Geschlechts-Übergänge mit 83 Abbildungen und einer Bunttafel (Leipzig: Verlag der Monatsschrift für Harnkrankheiten und sexuelle Hygeine. 756 Magnus Hirschfeld. 753 His 1905 publication Geschlechts-Übergänge (Sexual Intermediates) includes several images of Androtrichie. references to ‘hairy’ women in the popular media were sensationalistic or denigrating. Negative cultural associations linking women and hair persist. 753 229 . hair conjured images of robust virility and was considered a marker of masculinity in both men and women. even today. 5.

However. the Berliner Illustrierter Zeitung (BIZ) published a manipulated photograph of a young woman with a mustache captioned “Eine Schreckensnachricht” (Terrifying News) (fig. and physically fashioned themselves as masculine. Obviously intended to frighten women from cropping their hair.” Schader. 5. discussions and pictures of transvestites were regularly featured in lesbian journals.” 757 Published roughly twenty years after Berlin’s Third Sex (1904) and Sexual Intermediates (1905). Virile. comments that feminine lesbians were represented as “even more feminine than heterosexual women. October. it will grow on the face and women will get mustaches. 66-67. 759 As Heike Schader explains. the clothing-based cultivation and performance of gender was central to the Weimar lesbian’s construction of social identity. acted. 758 Lavin. A number of lesbian magazine covers depict cross-dressed women (fig.” 12. however. Vamps und wilde Veilchen: Sexualität. 5. Indeed.” This. Begehren. und Erotik in den Zeitschriften homosexueller Frauen im Berlin der 1920er Jahren (Königstein: Helmer. 758 Weimar Subculture and the Cross-dresser Magnus Hirschfeld was often mentioned in Weimar lesbian magazines. the magazine’s publisher. the comment was made by an unnamed “vice president at an American fashion congress.9) and nearly every issue announces a transvestite-themed article on its title page. 1924. “Chronology. lesbians achieved According to the caption. 208. 2007). 759 Heike Schader. the 1924 image appears to be an unscientific and blatantly sensationalized version of one of Hirschfeld’s countless earlier subjects. she 757 230 . Höch worked three days a week at the Ullstein Press between 1916 and 1926. and likely saw the illustration. Weimar lesbians identified as falling somewhere between male and female and generally identified with the claims of contemporary sexologists who argued that “despite their genitals. Relatedly.” Cut.In 1924. Berliner Illustrierter Zeitung. the caption warns: “When one does not allow the hair to grow on the head.8). the melding of feminine and masculine characteristics in the BIZ image also implicates Höch’s mix-gendered figures: in 1924 she was employed at Ullstein. lesbians felt.

123. 109. “women’s homosexuality continued to be studied under rubrics that mixed clothing and costume obsessions. “Masquerading Women. Vamps. Virile. Liebherr was dedicated to what she described as “Moderne Fotokunst” (modern art-photography) (fig. Vamps. Virile. Oct.” 764 Jens Dobler. 765 Liebherr advertised in “Die Welt der Transvestiten” (The World of the Transvestite).” and as Jann Matlock remarks. ed. Well into the 1950s. Virile. Bruno Gmünder Verlag und Sonntags-Club. 762 Schader.” 37. advertised her services in Berlin’s lesbian periodicals. 760 Schader..” 760 Accordingly. 2009). 5. Liebherr’s life dates are unknown. photography became an integral component to contemporary gay and lesbian identity construction. Verzaubert in Nord-Ost: Die Geschichte der Berliner Lesben und Schwulen in Prenzlauer Berg.this by orienting and aligning themselves with “contemporary clichés of feminine and masculine appearance. 762 Gertrud Liebherr’s “Moderne Fotokunst” Due the increased affordability of photography and the new image-driven Weimar media. Pankow und Weissensee (Pankow: Museumsverband Pankow. 761 Schader. a concedes. ‘virile’ lesbians asserted their identity through the “deliberate adoption of clothing and mannerisms stereotypically associated with men. was a “problem” because the threat of “pseudo-homosexuality hung over such discussions like the sword of Damocles” (67).” 761 monocles and smoking jackets clearly identified them as “gigolo” or “gentleman” figures. who specialized in portrait photographs of cross-dressers. 231 . 1927): 7. Vamp.10). Dobler introduces Liebherr as Szenen-Fotografin (Photographer of Berlin’s homosexual scene). 765 This advertisement appears in the lesbian periodical Die Freundin (Berlin) (17. According to my April 2011 correspondence with him. 763 Matlock. 123. 37n10. 764 According to her ad. 763 The Berlin photographer Gertrud Liebherr (life dates unknown). “we could say that the studies of female cross-dressing and clothes obsessions became the euphemistic space in which lesbians had their day.

Schnittmuster des Geschlechts: Transvestitismus und Transsexualität in den frühen Sexualwissenschaft (Giessen: Psychosozial-Verlag. “Beyond Kinder. no. such as those pictured in BIZ. 5. Furthermore. Both appear in lesbian journals and suggest that along with creating studio portraits for private clients. share the same caption. are wearing tuxedos. The phenomenon of female cross-dressing was. If we consider that the women who commissioned these photographs were self-supporting lesbians and. 1924) obviously served as templates for Weimar lesbian transvestites. and supports Everard’s claim of a cross-cultural Sapphic link between the monocle in Höch’s Russian Dancer and that pictured in Romaine Brooks’ portrait of Una Troubridge.11. Küche. While to some. women dressed as men potentially suggest an ironic performance of masculinity.special subsection integrated in the lesbian magazine Die Freundin and was apparently read by male and female cross-dressers alike. earned about 25 Marks weekly. at best. “The Movement of Wages in Germany during the Depreciation of the Mark and after Stabilization. See also. neckties.13). however. 3 (1929): 411.” Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 92. 145. Liebherr also contributed to the lesbian print media. significantly named Le Monocle. 766 Two Liebherr portraits. and monocles. not limited to Berlin and this observation is significant because it speaks to broader issues of emerging lesbian visibility. 767 Viewed in this context. 767 Images such as “Der Elegante Herr” (The Elegant Man) in the BIZ (August. Bresciani-Turroni. photographs depicting cross-dressed women created by the fin-de-siècle lesbian American photographers Alice Austen (1866-1952) and Frances Benjamin Johnston (1864-1952) attest to a similar practice in the United States. I would argue that Liebherr’s clientele had no such intentions.12) although different. 5. 768 For a table of wages for skilled/unskilled workers in 1928. Liebherr’s photographs are best understood as contemporary documents of a particular lesbian role. 10. the most widely read German pictorial (fig. 768 relative to their wages and the cost of food and Rainer Herrn. C. Relatedly. 2005). 5. Both photographs depict female cross-dressers meticulously attired in masculine clothing and reflect lesbian cross-dressers’ engagement with representations of elegant men in the contemporary popular media. 766 232 . a number of cross-dressed Parisian lesbians photographed in the early 1930s by Brassaï in a lesbian bar. see. Renate Bridenthal. Die Frau als Mann (The Woman as Man) (figs.

A pack of cigarettes was 50 Pfg. The anonymous cross-dressed subjects in Gertrud Liebherr’s portraits greatly facilitated the self-representation of Weimar lesbians and contributed to an ongoing cultural process that destabilized the traditional conflation of male costume. female transvestites.” Central European History 6. Performance and Multiplicity. a gendered sign. and social authority (fig. Bridenthal writes women earned 30-40% less than men. 1973): 156. Based on Bresciani-Turroni’s statistics. was relatively costly. cent).50 Marks (more than a third of a woman’s average weekly wages). 1996). Bridenthal claims that women generally earned 30-40% less than men. 771 Susan Gubar. as the etymology of the word transvestite implies. as Hirschfeld discovered much to his surprise. 769 The price of a lesbian periodical was 20 Pfenning (Pfg.entertainment. gender identity. this suggests that women earned ca. make a travesty of sexual signs. As Susan Gubar elaborates. 1999). their severely tailored clothing. 3 (Autumn 1981). 24-27 Marks weekly.” 770 Indeed. which advertised 12 photo-postcards for 8. 2 (June. While the masculine attire of Liebherr’s female subjects initially invested in the sartorial expressions of patriarchal authority. Liebherr’s portrait studio. “Masquerade.35 Pfg. 219.” in We weren’t modern enough: Women Artists and the Limits of Modernism (Berkeley: University of California Press. median hourly wage for a [male] worker in 1928 was 99. no.” for ultimately. and often included a party favor. “Blessings in Disguise: Cross-dressing as Re-dressing for Female Modernists. female transvestism only initially “in-vests the traditional forms of patriarchy with authority. were generally lesbians.50 Pfg. images of women dressed as men aided in and hastened the demise of the power vested in male costume. no. 769 This suggests that Liebherr’s studio photographs represent an investment in the visual performance of lesbian identity on the part of the subjects that commissioned them. and admission to a festive evening at a lesbian club was 30. 5. Marvin Carlson. See also..” The Massachusetts Review 22. however. also Kirche: Weimar Women at Work.” 771 In Weimar. Performance: A Critical Introduction (London: Routledge. 502. 233 . 770 Marsha Meskimmon. and a loaf of bread generally sold for 40 Pfg.14). it ultimately weakened that same authority and “challenged dominant modes of social identification. transvestites “di-vest conventional forms of legitimacy and finally.

Die Freundin. 5. Schnittmuster. and maquillage of Höch’s Tamer might easily belong to a male cross-dresser and suggests the celebrated Weimar transvestite. Der erotische Verkleidungstrieb (Der Transvestiten). In contrast to their lesbian counterparts. sequined costume. Plate 43. three Berlin lesbian magazines. and is described as a “highly successful Variété artist who performs as a Snake Dancer. Voo-doo. Voo-Doo’s moniker and “Snake-Charmer” act 772 234 .15).” 774 Fifteen years later. 773 The Weimar Transvestite Voo-Doo and Höch’s Tamer The muscular arms. rather than homosexual magazines. and Garçonne. for a short time Freundin ceased publication in 1928.. “Literaturverzeichnis. numerous articles regarding transvestites were published in other Berlin lesbian and gay magazines. Frauenliebe. Originally called “Der Transvestit” (The Transvestite). 774 Magnus Hirschfeld and Max Tilke. unpaginated. 772 Essays and editorialtype discussions served to normalize the transvestite. Between 1927 and 1932.clearly indicated their adherence to feminist principles and identification as New Women. male cross-dressers. A prominent figure in Berlin’s sexual subculture. First-and third person accounts characterized cross-dressing as secret and pleasurable and these experiences were generally described without guile or shame. Voo-Doo (alias Willy Pape) is pictured in Hirschfeld’s Transvestites (fig. Illustrierter Teil (Berlin: A. male transvestites were integrated in lesbian. the special section for cross-dressers was renamed “Die Welt der Transvestiten” (The World of Transvestites). Schnittmuster. no. but when the magazine resumed printing in 1929. Pulvermacher. were not necessarily politically engaged or homosexual. 773 Anonymous.” Due to censorship. March 5. Herrn’s bibliography suggests that interest in this theme was highest between 1929 and 1931. Most notably. 144. 1912). See also Herrn. “Mann und Freundin zugleich? Kritische Betrachtungen einer Transvestitengattin.” 221-37. provided a forum for female and male transvestites. 5. the Berlin lesbian magazine Die Freundin integrated the theme of the transvestite in its publication with an unpaginated insert or Sonderteil (special section). as Hirschfeld established. in 1927 the section was renamed “Meinungsaustausch der Transvestiten” (Open-discussion for Transvestites) or simply “Transvestit. Between 1927 and 1931.” (Both Husband and Girlfriend? Critical Thoughts of the Wife of a Transvestite) Die Freundin 4 Jg. the lesbian Herrn. 1928. Perhaps due to the latter. beginning with its first issue in 1924.

unlike the celebrated. a French term. above all. The article. “(Photo Gerlach) Der Transvestit Voo-Doo.g. no. the author claims that the while purpose of clothing was protection from the elements. Captioned “The Transvestite Voo-Doo. Führer durch das “lasterhafte” Berlin (Leipzig: Verlag der moderner Stadtführer. and reinforces the author’s claims. where. one of the most famous international dance-stars. costume) components of Höch’s Tamer. However. it was intended to suggest and enhance the naked body. 14 (1927): 27-28. suggests “inter-ethnic European exoticism. 775 Anonymous.” Voo-Doo obviously enjoyed continued popularity and success. Curt Moreck. A Christian Schad drawing of the bar Voo-Doo is pictured in Moreck on page 141.” Die Freundin. “Meinungsaustausch über Modefragen: Ein Mann über Damenmode.” Voo-Doo was also the name of a popular Weimar Berlin gay bar. the masculine (e. 4 (1927): 27. can never be resolved into one gender but oscillate irritatingly between genders. Indeed. 776 Much like the Tamer’s sequined bodice. Jg. it exceeds the scope of this study. 5.magazine Die Freundin featured a photograph of Voo-Doo alongside an article about women’s fashion (fig. distinct biceps) and feminine (e. no. 776 Die Freundin.” launched what he hoped would be a “lively discussion regarding this timely issue.” See. 3. Jg.16). introduced by the magazine’s editor as an “Open Forum regarding Questions of Fashion. while convincingly feminine performance of the “Snake-Dancer” Voo-Doo. Furthermore the description of Pape as a Variété artist. according to Curt Moreck one could experience “exotic nights.” 235 . 1927). einer der bekanntesten internationalen Tanzsterne.” 775 In the subsequent text.g. Voo-Doo’s costume reveals more than it covers. Sexual Intermediacy and Höch’s Tamer suggests the early twentieth-century Western European discourse of primitivism and the contemporary conflation of oriental culture with exotic sexuality. Voo-Doo’s extravagant costume suggests the theatre or an orientalized belly-dancer. 4. 138. While an extended discussion of Voo-Doo is deserved. Gerlach’s 1927 photograph highlights Voo-Doo’s midriff and leg.

While Höch combined male and female elements in photomontages throughout her career. and similarly brusque visual combinations. A detail from Höch’s 1919 signature photomontage. for example. or two-sexed). The blatantly mixed-gendered figures of Höch’s Dada oeuvre are carnivalesque. A number of photographs in Hirschfeld’s 1905 publication Geschlechts-Übergänge depict men with abnormally rounded hips. both Hirschfeld’s “Pseudohermaphrodite” and Höch’s photomontage destabilize stereotypical representations of gender. flat-chested women. 777 236 .17) is comprised of male and female elements and suggests Höch’s Tamer in its competing signifiers. or Zwitter (two-thing. 1905). The patent absurdity of this. Geschlechtsübergäge: Mischungen männlicher und weiblicher Geschlechtscharaktere (Sexuelle Zwischenstufen) (Leipzig: Verlag der Monatsschrift für Harnkrankheiten und sexuelle Hygeine.The many feminae barbatae pictured in Hirschfeld’s publications represent only one example of what he classified as sexual intermediates or alternately as Zwischenstufe (between-steps). 5. Indeed. While figures that blend male and female characteristics automatically disrupt binary perceptions of gender. muscular. scholars recognize a marked difference between the artist’s Dada-era and late Weimar depictions. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. reflects the artist’s contemporary Magnus Hirschfeld. or dual-gendered hermaphrodites. connects an aging male head to a pudgy infant’s body and represents one of many abrupt visual combinations that characterize the artist’s work from this period. the most subversive aspect of Höch’s Tamer is arguably the figure’s almost seamless visual construction. 777 One such dual-gendered figure (fig.

” 781 Makela claims that the harmonious melding of disparately gendered elements demonstrates Höch’s “increased ease with regard to Makela. “By Design. HH Archiv BG. “By Design.37. 780 Makela. this manifested itself in a more relaxed treatment of the human form. perhaps by her encounter in Paris with Surrealism.” 779 Certainly Höch’s familiarity with Surrealism may in part explain the emergence of a more subtle visual aesthetic in her late Weimar oeuvre. 2. It clearly altered her perception of rigid gender stereotypes and changed her aesthetic. 780 Yet. 24.” 66. if not decidedly greater. influence upon the artist’s suave gender combinations was her contemporary lesbian relationship. “By Design. 66. Fraenkel Huidobro Peret Ribemont-Dessaignes Satie Serner Sélavy. Makela. vol. HH: eine Lebenscollage. emphasis Makela. On a scrap of paper dated April 22 Paris. Concomitantly. Höch depicted visual transitions between male and female bodies by using “similarly scaled photographic fragments of body parts in her collages. 779 778 237 .” 65. 17790. as Makela and others astutely observe. Höch met Tristan Tzara and Man Ray while in Paris. arguably. a movement known for its program of cultural impropriety and radical impertinence. and Sonia Delaunay “with whom she shared textile designs.affiliation with Dadaism. Other artists she met there include Constantin Brancusi. 77n76. The papers from Höch’s visit to Paris in 1924 include Theo von Doesburg’s calling card. 65. Amadée Ozenfant. See also Burmeister. Höch noted the names “Tzara Soupault Eluard Th. by the mid 1920s. However. 778 Makela ventures that this development was “influenced. which she most probably carried with her to facilitate and socially finesse introductions to a number of artists.” 66. “By Design.” 781 Makela. Höch had “largely abandoned the irreverent mode of address that characterized her work from the early Weimar period” and replaced it with a more evocative aesthetic.” in Photomontages of HH.” Höch’s travel diary includes the addresses of Max Ernst and Man Ray. of equal.

Stenning (New York: E. “Introduction. J. Makela.gender classification. Man Into Woman: An Authentic Record of a Change of Sex.” 782 The smooth visual transitions that characterize Höch’s late Weimar oeuvre also clearly suggest the artist’s new-found ease with her own sexual identity. 172. We are accustomed to classify individuals as male or female. 784 George L. the prominent sexologist Norman Haire (1892-1952) explained in 1933.. 1933). viii-ix. however. . Dutton & Co. H. Hersey.While the gender ambiguity of Höch’s Tamer is easily linked to Weimar sexology and sexual subcultures.” 783 Norman Haire. Hersey catapults the 1930 photomontage into popular late twentieth-century discourse by linking it to the female bodybuilder Kristy Ramsey and the 1980s vogue for sado-masochism.” Neils Hoyer [pseudo].. 783 Much like the inadequacy of binary male and female classifications theorized by Hirschfeld and characterized by Haire as “rough and ready. trans. the classification being made at birth . “By Design. 784 Moreover. and the apparently most normal female to have sex characters approximating to the male type. One is led to the conclusion that the hundred-per-cent females are theoretical types which do not exist in reality. ed. The smoothly conjoined yet oscillating female and male characteristics of the Tamer connote the concept of sexual intermediacy. . The individual masculine and feminine signifiers in Höch’s Tamer graphically demonstrate the deconstruction and reconfiguration of gender. and indicate a familiarity with contemporary sexual subculture.P. tempers the significant consequences of this argument with the suggestion that this may also be attributed to “her encounter in Paris with Surrealism. 1996). When carefully investigated even the apparently most normal male may be found to have certain physical characters approximating to the female type. 66. 782 238 . As Hirschfeld’s British colleague.” Höch’s Tamer is neither male nor female but uncannily teeters somewhere between the two and suggests the sexual Zwischenstufe. The Evolution of Allure: Sexual Selection from the Medici Venus to the Incredible Hulk (London: MIT Press. Makela remarks Maria Makela. . But modern sexology has pointed out the inadequacy of this rough and ready classification . .” in Photomontages of HH. the image may be linked to non-normative sexual practices.

gender-related terminology circulated in diverse milieus and contexts. “Verbrechen auf Homosexueller Grundlage. Langenscheidt. 1928). contemporary police materials suggest the influence of sexological practice and publications. Wulfflen Encyclopädie der Kriminalistik: Der Sexualverbrecher (1928. or Mädchen [girl]). Jg. 786 785 239 . using Hirschfeld’s classification. 46 (1929). 786 Höch’s Tamer and Weimar Criminology In a 1928 police handbook. Polizei-und Verwaltungsbeamte. the photomontage may also be linked to police institutions and practice. Der Sexualverbrecher: Ein Handbuch für Juristen. in a magazine article about a sixteen-year-old girl. 787 E. “Grotesque Bodies. Wulffen. “Verbrechen auf Homosexueller Grundlage. the Weimar police relied primarily upon photography to document sexual intermediacy. Much like sexologists. A photograph of Abtreibungsinstrumente (Abortion-instruments) pictured in E. Makela. the Weimar criminologist E. 4. 789 “Sechzehn Jahre unter falscher Flagge: ein Mädchen.” 785 While the gender ambiguity of Höch’s Tamer aligns it with Weimar sexology. p.” 787 However. as well as popular and sexual subculture. 788 Similar labels circulated in lesbian subculture. Mediziner und Pädagogen (Berlin: Dr.that “the small seal cornered below. no. Wulffen. declared “every individual that deviates from typical male and typical female is a sexual intermediate. 788 Wulffen..” 213. Wulffen alternately dubs sexual intermediates in vernacular terms as “Mannweiber und Weibmänner” (Men-women and Women-men). ever so discreetly recalls the many photographs in Hirschfeld’s museum of flagellation fetishists. 578. 448.” in Encyklopädie der Kriminalstik. 4 (1930). vol. Liebende Frauen. P. the author writes. 789 The similarity of these terms and their usage in ‘official’ and subcultural sources confirms that in Weimar.” 575. das zum Jüngling wird.)” in Hirschfeld Geschlechtskunde.” (Sixteen years [sailing] under the wrong flag: a girl that becomes a boy). “Her peers called her the ‘Buamädel’ (combined words Buben [boy] and Mädel. 642-43) reappears slightly altered as the drawing “Abtreibungsinstrumente (aus dem Dresdner Kriminalmuseum.

” Aspects of Weimar police practice can be partially revealed through an undated mug-shot of a male transvestite. (Dresden) (1924/25). which could easily be described in medico-scientific language as a sexual intermediate. in the vernacular “man-woman. 135. 790 The mug-shot is comprised of six photographs arranged in two rows of three and is representative of modern criminal police photography.” 791 Multiple photographs of this anonymous subject in masculine and alternately feminine attire include two profile and four frontal views.” or subcultural “Buamädl. the same person is pictured above as a man. this six-part image suggests much more than a standard mug-shot. Because the subject is depicted as both a man and a woman. but also represents ‘official’ efforts to identify and portray sexual intermediacy and gendered multiplicity. 790 240 .18). and perhaps what is most interesting about the image. yet non-criminal practice of cross-dressing. While originally and primarily a police document. Plate 1. and below dressed as a woman.” Geschlecht und Gesellschaft XII. Lothar Goldmann captioned the image as follows: “One of the first known cases of transvestite practice. “Über das Wesen des Umkleidungstriebes. Arguably. 241. 135. Lothar Goldmann. it cogently illustrates Hirschfeld’s theory of a gendered continuum. and with hat). six photographs augment the then standard contemporary police procedure of three views (frontal. originally made public in the scientific journal Geschlecht und Gesellschaft (Sex and Society) in 1924 (5. 241. 791 Goldmann. It documents the contemporaneously illicit. In this sequence.” Plate 1. profile. Schnittmuster. Schnittmuster. all of them implicate Höch’s dual-gendered 1930 Tamer. In his 1924 discussion of cross-dressers.” “woman-man.Significantly. “Über das Wesen des Umkleidungstriebes. The anonymous individual pictured Cited and pictured in Herrn. reprinted in Herrn. at the time. a radical concept.

yet is unable to rest on a single image. the six-part mug-shot challenges any preconceptions of fixed gender. Yet. Höch compresses and synthesizes her representation of dually and shifting genders into a single frame. Weimar culture was dominated by pictorial media. one’s attention oscillates between the six photos. similar to Höch’s Tamer. this police document does not convey semiotic resolution. The multiple photographs animate and lend an almost cinematic progression to the different faces and gendered facets of the subject’s identity. Much like Höch’s Tamer. unlike these multiple images in which each photograph represents an individually and separately gendered aspect of the subject. The emphasis on visual imagery in Weimar dovetailed with Magnus Hirschfeld’s methodology which was based largely on the photographic documentation of countless gender deviant subjects. Conclusion This chapter links Höch’s 1930 Tamer to contemporary Weimar gender discourse. 241 .here is represented as a figure whose gender is positioned within a fluid spectrum punctuated at opposite ends by masculinity and femininity as signified stereotypically by hair and dress. but also challenges the viewer’s perception. which literally shifts from frame to frame. When viewed at once. a development supported by the rapid growth of the printing industry after World War I. As the discussion above explains. Their sequential formatting not only illustrates the ambiguity of the subject’s gender.

official institutions and sexual subculture to cogently represent non-normative gender. While the sensationalism of the popular media fanned the flames of controversial gender debates and perpetuated masculine and feminine stereotypes. the Tamer implicates the indeterminately and/or non-normatively gendered figures studied by Hirschfeld. influenced and supported Höch’s visual aesthetic. medicoscientific materials. bearded women. 242 . A six-part Weimar police mugshot of a male transvestite illustrates what Hirschfeld classified as a sexual intermediate and criminologist E. such as transvestites. The impulse of Weimar sexologists to classify and visually document gender deviancy was reflected in contemporary police practice. Wulfflen described as “Weibmänner.” Höch’s ambiguously gendered Tamer eloquently draws upon the inter-related contemporary efforts of the Weimar mainstream. Weimar sexologists explored the non-normatively gendered figures of Berlin’s sexual subculture.Due to a proliferation of illustrated sexological publications and gender debates in the mainstream media. Above all. and lesbians. sexologists. and is easily linked to imagery generated by popular media. the Weimar public grew increasingly familiar with nonnormatively sexualities. and Weimar sexual subculture. Höch’s Tamer suggests the prominent transvestites Voo-Doo and Barbette. The diverse range of materials generated by the broad contemporary interest in sexuality undoubtedly informed.

scientists initially studied the relationship between hormones and age243 . the oeuvres of Hannah Höch and Til Brugman reflect a critical and sustained engagement with gender. with a focus on body-related medical technologies. and popular Weimar print materials and. Til Brugman. This chapter will examine scientific. Weimar sexological discourse significantly changed. and Weimar Sexology Introduction As the arguments thus far have established. examine select Höch photomontages and Brugman texts.CHAPTER VI Hannah Höch. Throughout the 1920s. It was during this decade that sexologists joined forces with endocrinologists to explore the nature of sexual hormones. subcultural. Inspired by the early twentieth-century discoveries of Eugen Steinach.

GB: Ashgate. 2005). 119 (July 1. they are never simply “technical” as they so often appear to be in the popular imagination. relatedly. corresponding illustrations. but soon began to consider the influence of hormones on gendered identity and sexual behavior. surgical. 2009). 793 Nikki Sullivan and Samantha Murray. Because medical technologies are thoroughly embedded in contemporary cultural contexts and bound with systems of power and knowledge. “Magnus Hirschfeld: L’Amour et la Science. 228. Comparable to medical technologies. eds. Who wrote the Book of Life: A History of the Genetic Code (Stanford. 36. These discursive interrelationships were historically unique and compelled unprecedented medical experiments and. a culture in which the body was the epistemological and material focus for a range of contemporary discourses. (Surrey. 1933): 6. it comes as no surprise that gender altering surgeries were developed there. 3. “It is this visual element. intrinsically epistemic.” Violà 3. but. Schnittmuster des Geschlechts: Transvestitismus und Transsexualität in den frühen Sexualwissenschaft (Giessen: Psychosozial-Verlag.. the processes of scientific visualization are similarly embedded in contemporary cultural contexts. dependent upon the faculty of perception that lays science Rainer Herrn. As Philip C. 794 Lily Kay. Stanford University Press. Hirschfeld claimed he was initially against such methods because.related physical degeneration. he considered them unnecessary and very dangerous. 793 As a result. Somatechnics: Queering the Technologisation of Bodies. 2000). Ritterbush explains. In a 1933 interview. “epistemic things become technical things and vice versa. 3. This brought about a paradigmatic shift in the understanding of human sexuality and ultimately led to gender-altering surgical procedures. Anonymous. Somatechnics. 792 Certainly to anyone with a superficial knowledge of Weimar Germany. at the time. and sexual sciences.185. as scholars explain. Weimar-era medical practice reflected the discursive proximity and intersection of endocrinological. 792 244 . cited in Sullivan and Murray.” 794 Indeed.

Yet. a montage which is comprised of cultural and biological components. whether gender is constructed with fragments from the popular print media. the first surgical vaginoplasty performed on two male transsexuals whose genders were altered was illustrated in 1924 with photographs. However. and collage were also deployed in the medical press to illustrate vanguard surgical procedures and are analogous to Höch’s signature photomontage medium. in effect. “The Shape of Things seen: The Interpretation of Form in Biology. Like Höch. Ritterbush. 3 (July 1970): 305. “Genitalumwandlung an zwei männlichen Transvestiten. for we all learn to see in ways that are conditioned by educational institutions. Notably. 796 However. who combined male and female elements in her photomontages to suggest unprecedented gendered identities. an overview of vanguard medical developments and practices must be presented. popular media. Eugen Steinach and Surgical Rejuvenation Philip C. no. the medium of photography –where scientific and cultural discourses intersected– was privileged and often deployed to illustrate unprecedented surgical procedures in the medical press.open to the influence of the general culture of its time. as in Höch’s photomontages. or surgically assembled from human flesh.” Leonardo 3. Weimar surgeons newly conjoined male and female elements to alter and construct gender. 795 245 .” 795 In Weimar. 796 Felix Abraham. the combined media of photography. photomontage. before correlations between photomontage and Weimar sexological and medical discourse are addressed. and the fine arts. it is.” Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft und Sexualpolitik 18 (1931): 223-26.

Apparently. 799 When news of the rejuvenating effects of surgical grafts hit the popular press. the procedure “tickled the fancy of laymen. Voronoff began transplanting the testicles of sheep and goats in 1917.” Rejuvenation. the Russian-French physician Serge Voronoff (1866-1951) began to study the effects of administering testicular and ovarian tissue and extracts to human subjects. Schnittmuster. 1924). 800 Haire. Steinach’s early experiments generally entailed grafting or transplanting the sexual organs or tissues into the other sex of the species. 797 Initially. 50. after World War I. Unsurprisingly. and Others (London: George Alllen & Unwin Ltd. 1849.During the 1890s. Steinach and Voronoff gained international acclaim. Voronoff. there was a burst of scientific interest in this theme during the 1910s and a publishing frenzy ensued between 1918 and 1923. and a few isolated examples before 1910. 105. 799 Norman Haire. While the primary goal of Steinach’s early research was rejuvenation. 797 246 . sensational reports of Steinach’s procedures and their miraculous results found their way into the popular press. 798 Later. Steinach’s experiments were of limited interest to medical specialists. Schnittmuster. Rejuvenation: The Work of Steinach. endocrinology became a burgeoning field and practitioners scrambled to administer androgens (the generic term for hormones) and raced to publish their discoveries. and sexual identity. and in its broad outline is Herrn. the Austrian endocrinologist Eugen Steinach determined that animal subjects could be rejuvenated through surgically grafted hormonal tissues. “Bibliography. As one anonymous reviewer in the prestigious British Medical Journal commented. However. references related research published as early as 1786. Voronoff presented a paper at the London Congrés International de Chirurgie on the subject of testicular grafting. 798 Herrn. 800 In 1923. 213-28. gender. he soon discovered correlations between hormones and sexual behavior which significantly influenced and altered contemporary perceptions of biological sex. 200..

the testicular graft is something worthy of serious consideration.” Romaine Brooks. Voronoff’s wealth enabled him to purchase a château on the Italian Riviera previously owned by the painter Romaine Brooks’ mother.” 207. who later inherited the property. Brooks.” (March 22. 1924): 529. the average German reader had access to expertly authored materials regarding The British Medical Journal.” No Pleasant Memories (Unpublished. “Grotesque Bodies.” 3. 803 Makela.).” 801 The contemporary medical community was particularly fascinated with the promise of reestablishing sexual potency among aging men. 804 In 1920. undated) (Archives of American Art. Steinach and their meaning. Hirschfeld declared “Steinach’s sensational and astounding discoveries dominate the news and render the dramatic political situation in Germany pale in comparison. “Durch die gesamte Tagespresse gingen und gehen in diesen Tagen Mitteilungen so aufsehenerregendster erstaunlicher Art. the rocks. is now filled with the shattering plaints of Voronoff’s chimpanzees. vol. “The Monkey Farm. “Testicular Grafts. 3299. Voronoff’s notoriety and extravagant lifestyle overshadowed his research contributions. no.easily understandable by them. . “My mother’s spirit is now beyond the world she once so disdained . Smithsonian Institution. Künstliche Verjüngung künstliche Geschlechts-Umwandlung: Die Entdeckungen Prof. cynically commented on this in her unpublished autobiography. 804 Voronoff began his research much later than Steinach and was a flamboyant character who sought publicity. She will feel no distress to know that the grounds once consecrated by her devotion. The very air she would have vibrate with loving calls . Institut für Sexualwissenschaft. . . 805 In his opening remarks. these experiments were known as the “monkey-ball operation. The British medical press concluded. Künstliche Verjüngung künstliche Geschlechts-Umwandlung.” 802 In the popular British press. the palm-shaded walks. . Dr. dass selbst die folgenschweren und für unser Vaterland verhängnisvollen aussere Ereignisse neben Ihnen an Interesse verblassen. Magnus Hirschfeld (Artificial rejuvenation and Sexual reassignment: The discoveries of Prof. Steinach und ihre Bedeutung volkstümlich dargestellt von Dr. 806 Magnus Hirschfeld. The British Medical Journal. the terraces carefully planted with exotic flowers. presented in lay-language by Dr.” 803 The sensational reports of Voronoff’s research in the British press were akin to the uproarious media reception generated by Steinach’s research in Germany. . 193.” 529.C. Magnus Hirschfeld published a much shortened and simplified version of Steinach’s research geared to the interested bourgeois reader in a pamphlet entitled. Washington.” 806 This publication confirms that by 1920. are now built in with cages for housing monkeys. Magnus Hirschfeld) (Berlin. 1920). 805 Magnus Hirschfeld. Artificial Rejuvenation. . “We must admit .” 802 801 247 . “Testicular Grafts. D. 1.

23-30. Hirschfeld discusses “Die Pubertätsdruse und ihr Einfluss auf die Geschlechtlichkeit. 809 Magnus Hirschfeld. 85. 811 While the primary aim of these procedures was to physically rejuvenate the subjects. 7-12. 811 Hirschfeld. Künstliche Verjüngung. Steinach accidentally discovered the feminizing effects of ovarian tissue. Steinach und ihre Bedeutung volkstümlich dargestellt von Dr. 807 248 . 1920). through his research. when administered to male rats. 14. and his Viennese colleague. Steinach claimed that the testicles of young animals. 807 Hirschfeld’s booklet was followed in 1923 by an independently produced documentary film. and “Verjüngung. 21. Steinach and their meaning. prolonged youthfulness. Lichtenstern. Institut für Sexualwissenschaft. or what he dubbed the Pubertätsdruse (Puberty-glands).medical rejuvenation and the effects of hormones upon gendered behavior. According to Hirschfeld. 810 Haire. 808 Haire. Magnus Hirschfeld) (Berlin. which further popularized Steinach’s discoveries. they developed mammaries and were able to suckle young. 810 As Hirschfeld reported. the homosexual Hirschfeld. Haire claims that in 1918 Steinach suggested the leading Viennese genito-urinary surgeon Dr. He reported that ovarian extracts countered the masculinizing effect of the testicular glands and. Magnus Hirschfeld (Artificial rejuvenation and Sexual reassignment: The discoveries of Prof. presented in lay-language by Dr. 62. after the operation.” (Rejuvenation). Dr. Künstliche Verüngung. 809 Soon. Künstliche Verjüngung künstliche Geschlechts-Umwandlung: Die Entdeckungen Prof. Rejuvenation. Robert Lichtenstern should apply the same methods to human beings. Steinach began investigating the relationship between sexual behavior and the gonads of animals in 1894 and reported research results in scientific journals from 1910.” (The ‘puberty-glands’ [testicles] and their Influence on Sexuality). 808 However. by 1920 testicular transplants had been performed on fourteen men. their gender-altering potential was discovered when the testicles of a homosexual man were surgically replaced with testicular tissue taken from a heterosexual subject. Rejuvenation. These procedures were performed at the Berlin Virchow Klinik by the prominent surgeons Professor Eric Mühsam. scientists began to consider the possibility of performing similar procedures on human subjects.

Der Steinach Film By the early 1920s. Simply known as Der Steinach Film. Billed as an Aufklärungsfilm (explanatory/educational film) 816 that “bridges science and culture. which ends in tragedy. 20. it was absorbed by the Austrian German Dutch television and film conglomerate RTL. the Aufklärungsfilm genre implied sexual education. is about a man who is the victim of blackmail because of his homosexuality. or as it was then termed. 105. and other medical practioners. Künstliche Verjüngung. 813 He. the law that criminalized homosexual acts between men. 227. soon began to realize that hormones played a key role in sexual identity and behavior. 812 Based on this remarkable occurence. 814 UfA (Universum Film Aktien-Gesellschaft) was founded in 1917 and still exists today. 815 The Steinach Film premiered at the Berlin movie theatre Palast am Zoo (Palace near the Zoo) in January 1923 (fig. The story. Herrn. Anders argued for the repeal of paragraph 175. Hirschfeld slowly began to reconsider and augment his initial understanding of transvestites. Schnittmuster. but also inspired a feature-length film.’ 816 Well into the 1970s. 814 The Steinach Film was released only four years after Richard Oswald’s 1919 homosexual-themed film Anders als die Andern. had not only been discussed in the scientific and popular press. artificial rejuvenation and gender-ambiguity.man reported heterosexual impulses. 6. The Steinach Film was marketed as a scientifically informed documentary. 813 812 249 . However.” contemporary Hirschfeld. it was a co-production of the culture department of the Berlin-based UfA and the Austrian state film agency. sexual intermediacy. it was widely believed that sexuality could be influenced and adjusted with hormonal extracts and gonadal surgeries. Herrn comments that Hirschfeld was not the first to make this correlation. In 1912 British sexologist Havelock Ellis suggested that hormonal imbalance played a key role in transvestitism.1). Before long. 815 The narrative of Oswald’s film addressed the controversial social and legal issues of male homosexuality. Magnus Hirschfeld participated in the film as ‘the doctor. unlike Oswald’s moralizing and melodramatic fiction.

a mustache and pendulous breasts (fig. as the same ad promises. Berlin and are reproduced at http://www2. 6.” While the educational and informational value of the Steinach Film was touted by early Weimar commentators. embodies two-genders. and ambiguously-gendered. The Steinach Film represents yet another example of the accessibility and ongoing public dissemination of expertly authored sexological information and materials in Weimar. 818 Moreover. 2011]. 2011).HTM Tab “Der Steinach Film” (accessed August 5. These texts appear in a January 1923 newspaper advertisement for the film. indeed. The Steinach Film “will wipe the grin off of any ignorant face that does not understand the relationship between the sexual glands and the homosexual and lesbian’s nature.de/Sexology/GESUND/ ARCHIV/COLLSTE.de/Sexology/GESUND/ ARCHIV/COLLSTE. This and similar ambiguously gendered figures pictured in the film likely shocked early Weimar movie-goers. it featured several images of sexually ambiguous figures previously pictured only in medico-scientific publications. figure has short hair. Translation mine. For obvious reasons. One such anonymous. however. Materials held at Archiv für Sexology. nevertheless.2).hu berlin. 818 http://www2.promotional materials claimed it would “shed light on centuries of ignorance regarding sexual problems and problems related to vitality. 819 http://www2.de/Sexology/GESUND/ ARCHIV/COLLSTE. despite its lay language.hu berlin. the film’s venue at a major Berlin theatre was. The Steinach Film supported the popular construction and contemporary representation of sexual intermediacy.” 817 Ads for the film praised it because.HTM Tab “Der Steinach Film” [accessed August 5. it was “scientifically informative” and explained the process and benefits of surgical rejuvenation. the freakishly unfamiliar figures in The Steinach Film may not be characterized as mainstream.hu berlin. Humboldt University. importantly. 819 The anonymous masked subject might be described as a collage of gendered characteristics and exemplifies.HTM Tab “Der Steinach Film” 817 250 .

echo art historian Brandon Taylor’s characterization of the collage as a “competitive juxtaposition of fragments”. Verjüngung. Eugen Steinach. charts. and the recognition that knowledge of structure is one of the cornerstones for the understanding of function. Jonathan Shaw and Jennifer Carling. Steinach’s contemporary research was unprecedented and compelled new forms of illustration. ‘before and after’ photographs of old and subsequently rejuvenated animal and human subjects [all male] confirm the success of his medical experiments. 9. lantern slides. Rejuvenation. Verjüngung durch experimentelle Neubelebung der alternden Pubertätsdruse (Rejuvenation through experimental resuscitation of aging puberty-glands) (Berlin: Julius Springer.” Harvard Magazine 114.3). and perhaps other devices. he claims. 2 (November. atlases. has contributed greatly to the advancement of science in the past. was deployed in the 1920 publication. no. 1983). Test subjects include rats. motion pictures. “Discovery by Illustration. John L.” 822 Steinach. 823 Indeed. may contribute more and more to scientific progress in the future. who left Germany in 1934. the collage medium. if handled by personnel trained both scientifically and artistically.December 2011): 42-27. 823 Brandon Taylor. film strips. a dog.” Scientific Monthly 70. and related early twentiethcentury medical procedures. Dr. 822 Indeed the medium is analogous to the surgical procedure it illustrates. then a vanguard artistic technique. While views inside the body. 1920). The production of visual teaching materials. much like a collage. We may also witness in this process a renewed interest in the shape of living things. 2004). The words of Weimar contemporary Hans Elias. was almost universally handled by the investigators themselves. 20-21. “Spheres of Knowledge: Artistic Discovery in Renaissance Europe. These. 820 However. and an elderly man. For a discussion of the correlation between medical illustration and mid-twentieth century visual technologies.In Steinach’s 1920 publication. that retained its “experimental quality and marginal status” well into the 1930s. 6. no. Scientific drawing which. “This discipline of illustration and visualization is a great force in the process of discovery. 821 as in an illustration depicting glands framed in a black square superimposed over a rodent’s belly (fig. Medical Book Illustration: A Short History (Cambridge GB: Pleander Press. during the nineteenth century. 4 (April 1950): 229-32. and before-and-after photography were not new in 1920. emphasize the important interrelationship between scientific perception and contemporary modes of illustration. Collage: The Making of Modern Art (New York: Thames and Hudson. a medium. 821 For a broad discussion of medical illustration see. 820 251 . see Hans Elias. Thornton and Carol Reeves. models. surgical grafts and implants conjoin previously foreign elements to create a new and hybridic whole from their parts.

and Joyce Carol Oates similarly claim. and German Modernity (New York: Oxford University Press. and is men [it is] a celebration of the lost religion of masculinity all the more trenchant for being lost. Body by Weimar: Athletes. the general popularity of the boxer during the 1920s was heightened by the experiences of World War I. the inside/outside view of the rodent’s body in Steinach’s medical illustration suggests the artist’s photomontage Starken Männer (Strong Men). these experiences were exacerbated by the David Bathrick. Hannah Höch’s Strong Men Höch’s 1931 photomontage Die starken Männer (The Strong Men) (fig.4) foregrounds the boxer and his contemporary status as a cultural hero. “Boxing is for men. and is about men. 6. age-old ideals of male heroism were undermined through the anonymity of industrialized conflict and the physical degradation of the trenches. the boxer easily advances to an icon of male individuality. Jensen. Joyce Carol Oates.” New German Critique 51 (Autumn 1990): 113-36.” 824 Indeed. While Steinach’s hormone-related discoveries clearly anticipate Höch’s inconclusively sexed 1930 Tamer. As scholars David Bathrick. 824 252 . In Germany. NY: Dolphin Doubleday. 72. Höch’s title suggests physical strength and issues related to contemporary concepts of masculinity. As Oates pithily writes. On Boxing (Garden City. “Max Schmeling on the Canvas: Boxing as an Icon of Weimar Culture. Jensen.Taylor’s remarks regarding the then experimental practice of collage and photomontage are clearly analogous to Weimar surgical innovation. Eric N. 1987). an image which explores the relationship between biology and gender identity. During World War I. Gender. 2010). in an age of stifling conformity. Eric N.

828 Bathrick. Braque.” New German Critique 51 (Autumn 1990): 113-36. 7. nineteenth-century Nietzschean individualism.humiliation of defeat. 825 253 . This served to mollify the once rough and tumble figure of the boxer and rendered him newly salonfähig (socially acceptable). Picasso. the influential Berlin art dealer and publisher Alfred Flechtheim (1878-1937) expressed his fascination with the boxer in an editorial in Querschnitt (Cross-section) (subtitled “a journal for artists and friends of boxing”). “Max Schmeling on the Canvas: Boxing as an Icon of Weimar Culture. Dufy. 826 David Bathrick.” 114. See also.” 828 In 1921. after World War I the boxing arena “was to leave the ghetto of strictly lower class amusement and rapidly achieve acceptance as a respectable form of public entertainment. Matisse. the country mended itself by looking to the past. 118. 1921). As historian David Bathrick explains. and Rodin are all Ingrid Sharp. “Max Schmeling. “Gender Relations in Weimar Berlin.” 826 The glorification of the body and sport in Weimar Germany (as earlier stated in the discussion of Körperkultur) was emblematic of profound political and social transformations. Practicing Modernity: Female Creativity in the Weimar Republic (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann. “We consider it our duty to promote boxing in German artistic circles as it has been the case elsewhere. Derain. Heinz Risse. 827 Bathrick. Soziologie des Sports (Berlin: August Reher. He wrote. the boxer was lionized and became “an ideal trope for an entire age. was rekindled. 2006).” 118. In Paris. which celebrated physical strength and virile dignity. 827 Among the Weimar avant-garde and the international cultural elite.” in Christiane Schönfeld. “Max Schmeling. 825 After the war. Leading intellectuals were convinced that German culture could be rejuvenated and strengthened with sport.

disrupted the boxer’s masculinity with ambiguity and visual irony. in contrast to her contemporaries. 831 Then. it is always two genders. and Dutch native. 831 Max Schmeling (1905-2004) became the European lightweight champion in 1928 and later defeated the African-American Joe Louis (1914-1981) in a historic match at New York’s Yankee Stadium for the World Title in 1938. 6. Roman native. the twisted face “can never be resolved into unity. “Max Schmeling. but are not limited to. Frieda Reiss (1890-1957) Boxer Erich Brandl (photograph. it may also be linked to Weimar sexual subculture or medicalized sexology. a major sports personality. 830 These include. Schmeling was a ubiquitous presence in the international media. 119n22. Bathrick. the figure’s dual-gendered face suggests the common contemporary characterization of male homosexuality as a woman trapped in a man’s body. even reduced to a mere silhouette.enthusiastic boxing fans. Relatedly. Paul Citroen (1896-1983) Boxkampf (Boxing Match) (photomontage. 833 Lavin. Renée Sintenis (1888-1963) Boxer Paul Allner (bronze sculpture. Ernesto di Fiori (1884-1945) Max Schmeling (bronze sculpture. 197. “Ist der Boxsport Roh?” (Is Boxing raw?) Querschnitt 1 (1922): 221. 832 Lavin. the view inside the Strong Man’s body evokes the surgical implantation of a feminizing hormonal component. Cut with the Kitchen Knife.” 833 Yet. however. 1925). turned.” 119. 830 Höch’s photomontage Strong Men features the legendary German boxer Max Schmeling (fig. 1928). 1925). depicted Schmeling as a shell: a composite face of an old man and a young woman float inside the boxer’s hollow body. while Höch’s boxer disrupts masculine stereotypes.” 829 Indeed. yet Höch.” 832 The unresolved gender of the figure’s face is echoed by its lower body.5). 829 254 . the buttocks face outward and “emphasize a crevice that resembles a feminine sign of availability. 1925). Marianne Brandt (1893-1983) Boxers (photomontage. 1929). Höch. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. was easily recognizable. Czech native. and his image. 197. the widespread fascination with the boxer inspired a number of artists to take up the theme. Trapped in Schmeling’s muscular silhouette.

88. the most popular Eric N. Jensen. contemporary representations of the figure are uniformly constructed. 834 255 . Her 1927 performance Boxen (Boxing) was a circa three minute open-ended dance mimicking the poses and techniques of the boxer. is once again confirmed by the image of “classical beauty” pictured in Magnus Hirschfeld’s 1930 Sexualkunde (fig. plates 206-207. 6. not surprisingly. Gender. also pictured in Jensen. Gert represented the boxer in an ironic context. 835 Hirschfeld.” 836 During the Weimar era. Body by Weimar: Athletes. and a favored theme among contemporary artists. 2010). This eroticizes his buttocks and echoes the pose of the ancient pagan goddess Aphrodite Kallipygos pictured beside him. they too belie a harmonious and regulated perception of wholeness or semiotic closure. “Valeska Gert. see Anne Teresa De Keersmaeker. Body by Weimar. 89. and scientific materials. to Weimar Germany’s remarkably vibrant gay subculture. 834 Max Schmeling’s homoerotic appeal. the nude Schmeling is depicted from behind. 3 (Fall 1981): 55-66. and German Modernity (New York: Oxford University Press. Body by Weimar. For a discussion of Gert. the Weimar dancer/performance artist.” An anonymous man posing as a boxer pictured on the 1930 cover of the Berlin gay magazine Die Insel (The Island) attests to the contemporary allure of the boxer among gay men. Gert’s strange staccato-like dance performances were in tune with the fractured experience of Weimar daily life. the boxer was widely regarded as an embodiment of Nietzschean individuality and virile integrity and was ubiquitous in popular. but also feted among homosexuals. vol. “this pairing invited an artistic and sensuous appreciation of Schmeling’s body. 4 (1930). In general. but especially Schmeling. Here. whose own smooth and unblemished white skin mirrored that of the marble statue.6). neither Gert nor her audiences were entirely certain when a performance had begun or ended. and the interrelation of sexology and popular entertainment culture. Sexualkunde.” The Drama Review 25. 836 Jensen. Valeska Gert [Gertrude Samosch] (1892-1978) deserves mention. 89. 837 Here. subcultural. and like Höch’s disjointed collage imagery.In Weimar. Similar to a late 1950s happening. 837 Boxers. no. artistic. the boxer was not only celebrated in the popular mass media. and Höch contemporary. 835 As Eric N. Similar to Höch. “The boxer’s erotic appeal extended. Jensen observes.

she translated a number of medical texts in 1931. 840 Much like the playful. American. Haire mentions hiring a “polyglot secretary” to read and translate materials discussing Steinach’s procedures printed into English. the photomontage diverges significantly from contemporary representations. Brugman’s literary grotesques demonstrate a satiric engagement with Bathrick. I have been unable to locate information regarding actual texts Brugman translated. 1932). suggests that Brugman translated sexological materials and remarks that Sexualwissenschaft (Sexual science) was at the time. 838 While Höch’s Strong Men suggests Schmeling’s broad appeal. Haire was involved in German publishing projects. yet subversive irony suggested in Höch’s unresolved dual-gendered Tamer and Strong Men. and possibly that of her partner Höch. and Scandinavian medical journals. Rejuvenation: The Work of Steinach. as previously noted. Til Brugman explored the construction of gender stereotypes and engaged with the medical and surgical aspects of contemporary sexological discourse in her ouevre. George Grosz’s mid-1920s portrait of Schmeling emphasizes the figure’s muscular torso. German. eine Lebenbeichte (Dresden: Carl Reissner Verlag. Til Brugman and Weimar Sexology Similar to Höch. In 1921 Flechtheim commissioned Rudolf Grosmann to create an edition of eight lithographs with a boxing theme. 2011]. In Weimar. 839 Brandt. the boxer was a perennially popular theme among contemporary artists. Boxer. 205. Dutch. celebrate the boxer’s statuesque physique and suggest virile integrity. it empties and re-infuses the figure with dual and unresolved gendered elements and subverts his status as a masculine icon. French. Knowledge of their themes would undoubtedly be helpful in understanding her oeuvre. He wrote the introduction to Niels Hoyer. scholars claim Hirschfeld and Brugman were acquainted. http://www. Unfortunately. and Willi Baumeister’s drawing of a boxing ring. a connection between Brugman and Haire is feasible. according to her correspondence. Furthermore. “Max Schmeling and the Canvas.de [accessed September 18. Man into Woman. and Paul Citroen’s photomontage Boxkampf. Unfortunately Haire does not identify this talented and mysterious polyglot by name. 839 and reportedly visited Hirschfeld’s Institute the same year. 1931. Vertippte Zebra. were represented as unambiguously masculine.” I am inclined to think Brugman had a working knowledge of Steinach materials. while Renée Sintenis’ bronze sculpture. and Others (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd. which was first published in Germany in 1932 as Lili Elbe: Ein Mensch wechselt sein geschlecht.” 125-25. Voronoff. Haire was friends with Magnus Hirschfeld and. she references the scientist in two of her texts. 1924). However. See also. 170-71.magnus-hirschfeld. a “relatively young science. Norman Haire.” tab confirms Brugman’s visit to the Institute in August. 840 The Hirschfeld Institute website “Visitors and Residents. 838 256 . 125n30. Brugman’s knowledge of sexology and medicine was more than superficial.of all.. Brandt however.

.gender and contemporary sexological discourse. lesbians and homosexuals .” printed in Brandt. 842 Til Brugman. whores. 118. 26. 97n24. “Patchamatac. “Revision am Himmel” Brugman’s “Revision am Himmel” is a bizarre fantasy spun from contemporary scientific discourse. . the text may also be read as an argument in support of sexual tolerance. In the narrative. 114. “If that be the case. “and glands are responsible for all behavior. Das Vertippte Zebra. “Revision am Himmel. even God himself is compelled to reconsider age-old concepts of sin and guilt and revise the Ten Commandments. 111-22. “Revision am Himmel” was among Höch’s 1927-1935 papers. Brugman explores the social consequences of such claims and their potentially disastrous results. are all without guilt. and possibly after 1933. After much soul-searching and consultation with the Saints. In the text. Brugman’s manuscripts were moved to the Höch Archive in Bachnang. After the artist’s death in 1978. 841 Brugman’s short story “Warenhaus der Liebe” lampoons both Steinach’s rejuvenation procedure and the sexually deviant subjects that were the focus of Hirschfeld’s research.” 92-93. Written in late Weimar. when all public expressions of homosexuality were Everard. .” he reasons. 841 257 . street-boys . . 25. no one can be called a sinner.” in Brandt. “Revision am Himmel.” 842 While “Revision” blatantly parodies contemporary sexology and Judeo-Christian morality. “Revision” playfully engages with contemporary theories that linked sexual identity and behavior to inborn and glandular disposition. God must reluctantly concede that if character and behavior are inalterable and reflect inborn or glandular disposition. Brugman’s “Revision am Himmel” (Adjustment in Heaven) explores the potentially destabilizing effects of Steinach’s research upon fundamental Western European concepts of morality and heteronormativity.

bedpans.” 197. and is a thinly veiled satire of Hirschfeld’s Berlin Institute. 75n4. Vertippte Zebra.prohibited and punishable by law. 846 The Institute’s collection of erotic paraphernalia was extensive. In 1908. “Ein Kabinett für Sonderlinge? Die Sammlung Trautmann. scholars were unsure whether or not Brugman actually visited the Institute. In 1932.” Brugman’s short story “Warenhaus der Liebe” (Department Store of Love) (1931-33) explores gender and sexuality. 845 Brugman’s discussion of different departments. 79. as early as 1925. the store sells a variety of objects to accommodate and support the pursuit of pleasure and customers may purchase any obscure fetish object they desire. the Institute of Sexual Science is allegorized as a department store wherein a variety of sex-related merchandise and services are offered. “Eros in het Museum. an X-ray technician.” Lust en Gratie 18 (Fall 1988):68. 844 Myriam Everard. As Herrn explains. such as military uniforms. confirms Everard’s hunch that Brugman visited the Institute. a dermatologist. Because Brugman misspelled Hirschfeld’s name as “Herschmann” in a 1931 letter to Höch. Brugman signed the guest log of Hirschfeld’s Institute in August. suggests the actual organization of Hirschfeld’s Institute. the Chief of the Berlin police department prohibited the public gathering of lesbians and launched an intimidating campaign of random identity controls and police raids of lesbian clubs. 2011]. and rubber baby behinds. The “visitors” tab at http://www.magnus-hirschfeld. a sexualbiological museum. however. “Lesbisch leben von Weimar bis zur Nachkriegszeit. Hirschfeld rationalized the necessity for a sexological museum as follows: “It appeared to me very worthwhile to create an archive of sexual science. an endocrinologist. “Grotesque Visions. 1933. a portion of it mysteriously survived in a private collection. a physiognomist (Menschenkundler).” in Bollé. lampoons the exhaustive collection of sexual paraphernalia held in the erotic museum housed in Hirschfeld’s Berlin Institute. 843 “Warenhaus der Liebe” Much like “Revision. 1931. analogous to the phylogenetic Institute of [Ernst] Haeckel in Jena or the bacteriological Institute of [Louis] Pasteur in Paris. See also Brandt. 844 In the narrative. Haakenson. 153. See. Brugman’s abstruse inventory of merchandise.de [accessed August 6. Eldorado. and a sexual surgeon all had offices there (112-13). calls were made in the German parliament for the criminalization of lesbianism.” in Ästhetik und Kommunikation 7 (1981): 60-71. While all organized lesbian and homosexual activities were forbidden by Nazis on February 23. Brugman’s text addressed an illicit theme and espoused a potentially dangerous socio-political message. Here one could collect within a discipline-specific 843 258 . Sibylle Lewitscharoff and Ulrich Moritz. Much of it destroyed or lost. 846 Brugman also pokes fun at strange erotic practices and Ilse Kokula. 845 Open 24 hours.

plaster castings. the author satirizes the commodification and brazen marketing of unnecessary medical procedures. 79. she nonetheless portrays sexual deviancy in a positive light. “Warenhaus. instruments.” 849 The congenial atmosphere described in Brugman’s narrative reflects accounts of Hirschfeld’s Institute.the sexologists’ penchant for minutely cataloguing them. photographs. Extant Weimar era photographs taken at the Berlin Institute generally depict Hirschfeld with his co-workers and patients happily socializing. they are handed flyers with the text. 259 . 847 In a sophisticated play on Steinach’s name. the department store is responsible for library valuable or original documents and official papers for strict scientific purposes. results of comparative measurements. as well as pictorial and special data for collective research. Das Entgelt war dementsprechend. “Warenhaus der Liebe.” in Brandt. Herrn remarks that the atmosphere at the clinic was “unusual because contacts between Hirschfeld and his patients were markedly collegiate in contrast to typical patient doctor relationships. The price reflected this. which contemporaries remembered as friendly and informal. Schnittmuster. Brugman writes. The “freedom to love the object of one’s choice.” 847 Brugman. data. for an undated photograph taken at an Institute costume party depicting male and female cross-dressers. further graphic representations. 202. “Die alte Dame fühlte sich versteinacht. 115. 850 Herrn.” in Brandt. Similarly. “Have you already been transplanted?” (Sind sie schon betransplantiert?). “Warenhaus. As customers enter the department store. slides. 848 Brugman.” 848 While Brugman satirizes unconventional sexual behavior and the barefaced commercial interests that drive medical research and practice. etc. 850 Because everyone can freely express themselves and find acceptance there. “The elderly lady felt herself versteinacht and [tentimes] verzehnsteinacht. statistics for comparative folklore or juridical studies. verzehnsteinacht. 79. specimens. sexual symbols. Vertippte Zebra. She lauds the “Warenhaus” and its proprietor for his efforts to accommodate and normalize all manner of sexual identity and expression. enables the “party-like atmosphere in the department store.” 849 Brugman..” in Brandt. etc.” she writes. 75.” See also Herrn.

and the public accessibility of the Institute. 170. Certainly the ease with which Brugman jokingly addresses surgical procedures and playfully integrates sexological jargon in her text confirms her interest in. “Warenhaus der Liebe. “Jeder sass mit seine Liebe wie es ihm passte.” [Everyone sat with their lover the way they pleased. We have received telegrams from Yellowstone Park. from the middle of the ocean. 853 Brandt.” in Brandt. Furthermore.” in Brandt. “Grotesque Bodies.” and “peaceful coexistence. “remembered the collections much more clearly than she did the name and founder of Til Brugman.” 211. 79. 79. contemporary medico-scientific research and publications. from the top of the Himalayas. and professional knowledge of. who visited the Institute’s museum in August 1931. “Warenhaus der Liebe. as Brugman scholar Marion Brandt claims. 852 These claims could very well double as a statement from Hirschfeld. the North Pole and the Sahara from those who are grateful to finally be freed from the shackles of ridiculous prejudice regarding love and for the first time in their lives are able to live in happiness. 854 Makela. 851 260 .” 854 Brugman. which were augmented by regularly scheduled continuing education classes and scientific lectures that the general public could attend. Höch and Brugman were personally acquainted with Magnus Hirschfeld. Makela comments that “in the first year alone [1919] the Institute gave 4.200 guided tours. The Institute was open to visitors and its educational outreach program was remarkably developed for the time.] 852 Brugman.“worldwide happiness. A number of Weimar era lesbian periodicals advertise Hirschfeld’s public lectures.” 851 As the manager of Brugman’s fictitious store declares. 853 Brandt’s claim is feasible when one considers Hirschfeld’s broad cultural engagement. while Brugman met him later. claims that Höch met Hirschfeld in 1926.

and an estimated 30. . it was one of the first targets in a series of raids organized and aimed at what the Nazi regime deemed degenerate culture. As a result of the attack. Brugman’s “Warenhaus” eerily presage the Institute’s looting.” Til Brugman [accessed September 18. See also Brandt. 1933. over 10. 855 261 . See. “Visitors and Residents. 16.000 psycho-biographical questionnaires. . 857 As a result.the Institute: She wrote a grotesque tale about it . hecklers shouting anti-gay and anti-Semitic slurs frequently disrupted Hirschfeld's public lectures. Hirschfeld was beaten by extremists and left for dead. In a disturbingly graphic passage. 16. break everything they get their hands on.” 855 Unfortunately. many of whom were university students. Vertippte Zebra. Lust en Gratie. was later destroyed in an Allied air attack in 1943. The building that housed Hirschfeld’s Institute in Berlin’s Tiergarten Park.de Tab.000 books. 856 Despite his tireless efforts the Institute of Sexual Science was destroyed by the National Socialists. and destroy objects invested with http://www. and had the story end with a menacing vision. During the raid. Hirschfeld’s campaign of information and outreach could not prevent negative political repercussions or stop the attacks that haunted him long before the National Socialists assumed power in 1933. Hirschfeld. Brugman describes “violent military hordes” that “build bonfires. On May 6. 858 Uncannily. In a 1934 article. In October 1920. was abroad at the time of the looting. 10. the Institute was looted and its materials publically burned by a group of National Socialists. 856 Brennan and Hegarty. Hirschfeld likened seeing the destruction of the Berlin Institute in a newsreel at a Parisian cinema to witnessing one’s own funeral. 7. Tragically. after a lecture in Munich.000 hand-written sexual biographies were lost or destroyed. 857 Nazis carried materials out of the building and destroyed books and other archival materials with a bonfire. he was hospitalized and erroneous reports of his death were printed in the Leipziger Neuesten Nachricht on October 4. Hirschfeld never returned to Germany and died a year later in Nice on his 67th birthday in 1935. Brennan and Hagerty. 858 Everard and Bosch. 1920. Throughout the 1920s. who cite Hirschfeld in Anthropos I/2 (1934): 1. 2011]. 207. who had embarked on an international lecture tour in 1931.magnus-hirschfeld. thereby seemingly anticipating the Institute’s imminent demise.

861 While Brugman was undoubtedly able to see the humor in earnest situations. suggests that Brugman did not complete the text until after May. however.the tenderest sentiment by stamping them with their feet. “Why was the Institute destroyed? Whence the violence? .” in Brandt.” 863 Current events provided Brugman with sufficient Brugman. 861 “Warenhaus der Liebe” was most probably written between 1931 and 1933. no. Brandt. Nazimörder (Nazi murderers). Yet. Lust & Gratie 5 (1988): 19. as German sexologist Ludwig Lenz later claimed. “Warenhaus der Liebe” was written in German and was first published in 1988 as a Dutch translation in the lesbian magazine. the raid on the Institute. reveals Brugman’s incredible and intuitive grasp of the zeitgeist. Pink Triangle. Vertippte Zebra. it seems probable that “Warenhaus” was written before the Nazi raid. Written in German. “Swastika. “Warenhaus der Liebe” is printed in its original German text in Brandt. and Yellow Star: The Destruction of Sexology and the Persecution of Homosexuals in Nazi Germany.” in The Journal of Sex Research 17. once again. 58-65. 270. preceeding by years the later well-known Nazi excesses. 1933. . I would suggest that the text. reveals numerous reports of Nazi activities which are generally described in denigrating terms. judging by the humorous and conciliatory tone of the text.”Warenhaus der Liebe. A cursory examination of 1931 and 1932 issues of Das 12 Uhr Blatt. 1931). Haeberle. the violent destruction of a cultural institution was arguably not among them. Nazis engaged in acts of terror. Brugman scholars claim that “Warenhaus” was written between 1931 and 1933. 58-65. 863 Cited in Erwin J. Gesetzwidrig (illegal) and Terror are consistently used in headlines of articles that report regular run-ins with the police and illegal and violent Nazi activities such as murders and mass riots (100 Nazi against zwei Policemen. 79-80. 862 Long before Hitler was declared Reichschancellor. The answer is simple and straightforward enough−we knew too much. 860 The graphic description of a looting. 860 859 262 .” As Lenz rhetorically queries. Instead. Nazi Schergen (Nazi Hooligans). . these details could easily double as an eye-witness account of the May 1933 raid. Blutrache (bloody revenge). By mid-1933. “was one of the very earliest acts of government terror. 3. a Berlin daily. 862 however. 72-81. the text was first published in a Dutch translation as “Liefdeswarenhuis” in Lust en Gratie (Fall 1988): 19. Nazi raids were unfortunately no longer isolated occurrences. Lust en Gratie. March 25.” 859 Indeed.

“Introduction. sought to ameliorate the lives of non-normatively gendered individuals and worked to gain their social acceptance. It is an undeniable fact that extremists are not as balanced mentally as the average normal person. who is also an admiral. 864 The admiral argued that if no one engaged in normal heterosexual sex. Viewed from a later date. the harmless conclusion of “Warenhaus.” in The Memoirs of a Sexologist: discretion and indiscretion (New York: Cadillac Publishing Co. however. 1984). but at the moment he is acting the heroic male’” (439-40). “We had a great many Nazis under treatment at the Institute . 865 Haakenson. It would be against medical principles to provide a list of the Nazi leaders and their perversions. 1981): 274. with promises of war and gas chambers. is somewhat difficult to understand. fictitious scenario. Atina Grossmann. 865 Despite its humorous tone. . she anticipated her fiction would so closely and darkly resonate with actual events.” wherein a fetishistic client. 1951). From time to time he told me about his circle. draped in the protective coloring of love for country. xii.. It came slowly. know if. many underestimated the grave implications of National Socialism and did not consider it a serious threat until it was far too late. a pledge to restore the traditional family. strong medicine to combat unemployment. “The history of morals in the Third Reich will some day fill a large volume . in those days. as a number of contemporaries later claimed.” When Biology became Destiny: Women in Weimar Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press. Like her. “History and Sexuality” (Aug. calls off the attack if the department store promises to deliver “one million million celluloid soldiers” to fight in future wars.” 263 . Ludwig Lenz. “Psychoanalysis and Hitler. 237. 429-30. and to what extent. cites Renate Bridenthal. likely inspired by her own illicit lesbian sexuality. and Marion Kaplan. . .” Lenz continues.. . We do not. homosexual Magnus Hirschfeld and other progressive sexual scientists. “In 1929 one of our patients at the Institute was a young man who had formerly had an intimate relationship with [Ernst] Roehm (leader of the Nazi Sturmabteilung [paramilitary stormtroopers]). we considered hardly worthy of notice and he mentioned casually the name Adolf Hitler: ‘Adi is the most perverted of us all. .information to generate a disturbing. Brugman’s “Warenhaus” is a critique of sexual repression and an argument for sexual freedom which was. the population would dwindle and ultimately jeopardize the future of the army. step by step. and credible. which. It may also be read as a subtle swipe aimed at the sexual hypocrisy which (according to Ludwig Levy Lenz) was common among high-ranking Nazis. 864 Yet. 286n7. . “Nazism did not arrive full blown. in part. and . and one mental abnormality is usually accompanied by another. Here Brugman conflates homophobia with warmongering and ironizes the contemporary valorization of reproductive [hetero]sexuality.” Lenz adds.

as transgender theorist Jay Prosser claims. Carl Westphal. 2011].. however.” 866 Indeed.” in Bland and Doan.” in Bland and Doan. 868 Prosser. The subjects of the nine case studies are two women.” English translation: http://www. for many years to follow. Sexology in Culture: Labeling Bodies and Desires (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 867 Later.” in Lucy Bland and Laura Doan. Under the heading “Effeminatio und Viraginität. 866 264 . Scholars now argue that because Hirschfeld’s 1910 Transvestites “was a putatively pre-transsexual work on sexual inversion. Psychopathia Sexualis (1893). 869 Krafft-Ebing. Hirschfeld. German sexologist Carl Westphal addressed the “radical gender inversion of two profoundly cross-gendered subjects: a young woman who wants to live as a man. 119. in vernacular terms. “Transsexuals and the Transsexologists: Inversion and the Emergence of Transsexual Subjectivity.” nine case studies of individuals who strongly identified as members of the opposite sex were included in Krafft-Ebing’s 1893 printing of Psychopathia Sexualis. 867 Prosser. “Transsexuals.well. in 1870. 119. “Contrary Sexual Feelings. 280-305.” 868 Ulrichs’ and Westphal’s nearly identical model of radical gender inversion was adopted by sexologist Krafft-Ebing. and a man who wants to live as a woman. “Transsexuals. 869 The first true pioneer in the field of cross-gender identification was.” four of the seventeen subjects Jay Prosser. Ulrichs established the trope that later defined transsexuality. who “initiated the thinking of same-sex desire through cross-gender identification. and seven men. 1998).Weimar Sexology and “Extreme Transvestites” The concept of transgenderism was first suggested in the 1860s by Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. Ulrichs’ mid nineteenth-century characterization of his own experience as an anima muliebris virile corpora inclusa (a feminine soul confined in a male body) would describe homosexuality.com/~aquarius/westphal. 119. eds.htm [accessed September 25. Significantly launching a discussion of the conflict between sex and gender.

184.” in Bland and Doan. 870 Indeed. “From Sexual Inversion to Homosexuality: Medicine and the Changing Conceptualization of Female Deviancy.” Archives of Sexual Behavior 16. 116. the development of medical procedures geared to bridging the gap between subjectivity and biological gender greatly contributed in establishing a transsexual Vern L.” to describe this phenomenon.” 871 In the early 1920s. “Transsexuals. 875 Prosser. Prosser rebukes “the critical commonplace that the term ‘transsexual’ and the availability of medical technologies such as plastic surgery and endocrinology conjoined to create the figure.” in Bland and Doan.discussed in the volume would likely be classified as transsexuals today. 2005). 873 Thereafter.” 870 265 .” Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen (Berlin 1923): 3-27. Bullough. of which homosexual desire was only a logical but indistinct aspect. as gender historians argue. in Weimar. 58/59 (1982-3): 116. “Transsexuals. 871 Prosser.” 872 According to Hirschfeld. Schnittmuster. 1 (1987): 84. 872 Rainer Herrn. 128. extreme transvestites were individuals who not only had an impulse to cross-dress but also identified so strongly with the opposite sex that they wanted to change their bodies. 184. “Die intersexuelle Konstitution. cited in Jay Prosser. the unclear distinction between sexual inverts and transvestites led Hirschfeld to distinguish what he initially characterized as “extreme transvestites. 874 Magnus Hirschfeld. “A Nineteenth-Century Transsexual. “Transsexuals. 122.” Salmagundi. 873 Herrn. 128n1. transsexuals existed before they were named. Schnittmuster des Geschlechts: Transvestitismus und Transsexualität in den frühen Sexualwissenschaft (Giessen: Psychosozial-Verlag. Hirschfeld coined the most popular and lasting term.” in Bland and Doan. 875 Moreover. the contemporary early twentieth-century label of “sexual inversion” was a largely undifferentiated concept. 874 Certainly. sexual inversion “referred to a broad range of deviant gender behavior. See also George Chauncey. As gender historian George Chauncey explains. “transsexual.

especially from figures as prominent as Hirschfeld. 201. 50. Hardenfeld [pseudonym for Hirschfeld] the sexual psychologist. 881 Cross-dressing was not illegal. Herrn adds that claims Sophia. verify. 881 Unfortunately. 876 As Rainer Herrn explains.” 880 Expert medical testimonials. 878 Hirschfeld. Stenning. the biological female Sophia Hedwig was. she did not undergo surgery but was merely allowed to officially change her name. see Bernice L. 876 For an outline of arguments regarding the relationship of surgeries to transgender identity construction. the psychological component of the evaluation was particularly intense: “By means of a thousand penetrating questions. thanks to a medical dispensation. examinations were conducted to assess. Hausman. Man into Woman. 877 In these early cases.J. Until 1923. but also served to assuage the social and legal difficulties transsexuals inevitably faced. the first woman permitted to legally assume a masculine name (Herrmann Karl) and adjust her birth certificate accordingly. 879 As narrated in Man into Woman. trans. not only contributed to the cultural legitimization of transgenderism. who was ambiguously gendered. 51. 878 This procedure is akin to the medical and psychological diagnostic protocol pre-operative transsexuals are subjected to today. To this end. conducted a number of gender assessments at the Institute of Sexual Science. however. Generally. medical experts recommended that gender-dysphoric individuals be permitted to change their names legally and wear clothing normally worn by the other sex. As Hoyer writes. no. 2 (Summer 2001): 465-90. attempts to remedy their social difficulties were undertaken as early as 1883. 880 Hoyer. 877 Herrn. “Recent Transgender Theory. official name changes had 266 . and document the degree of an individual’s gender dysphoria. (New York: E. the professor “intimated to his patient that he must now submit himself for a special examination by his friend Dr. transsexuals were compelled to seek the support and expertise of medical practitioners. this man explored the patient’s emotional life for hours. H. if a cross-dressed individual caused a public disturbance they were arrested and charged with criminal disorder. In 1883. 879 Neils Hoyer. Schnittmuster.P. who contributed significantly to the theorization of the transsexual. A literary account of one such examination is described as a “long and elaborate examination.identity. was the first person whose genitals were surgically altered is erroneous. Man into Woman: An Authentic Record of a Change of Sex. According to Herrn.” Feminist Studies 27. Dutton. 1933).

an undisclosed number of sexual surgeries had been performed in Germany. the announcement had to paid for by the person seeking a name change. by the mid 1920s. most of which were partial. he reported. 104. 883 Herrn. surgeon Richard Mühsam claimed that in 1912 he removed the breasts and uterus of a 35 year old woman.Weimar procedures governing the evaluation and recognition of transgendered individuals were neither uniformly instituted nor regulated. The subject. 884 In stark contrast to the number of gender-altering surgical procedures to be published in the Deutsche Reichsanzeiger und Preussische Staatsanzeiger (Official Newspaper of the German and Prussian Government). Hans Abraham (1921) and Richard Mühsam (1926) report “performing several such procedures on female subjects. 231.” Therapie der Gegenwart 67 (1926): 455. and performed on women. Schnittmuster. “Die behördliche Anerkennung der Transvestiten” (134-42). In 1926. or. and simultaneously ‘outet’ them as transgendered by including their full name and address (128). was a talented painter who dressed in men’s clothing and reportedly identified as male. Schnittmuster. As Herrn writes. 134.” 267 . Legal permission to live as a member of the opposite sex was not always granted. see. 200. Schnittmuster. “especially in the female transvestite newspapers of the 1920s and 1930s. Permits to wear clothing normally worn by the opposite sex were issued in the form of paper documents which the subject could carry with them and produce if necessary. 882 Herrn. Papers published by Magnus Hirschfeld (1918).” For a discussion of official protocol which enabled a subject to legally live as a transvestite in Weimar. “Chirurgische Eingriffe bei Anomalien des Sexuallebens. As Herrn laconically comments. 884 Herrn. he began to explore the idea of a surgical solution for some of these cases. later revoked. once granted. 883 However. 882 While Hirschfeld vigorously supported the desire of extreme transvestites to change their names and wear the clothing they pleased. Gender Reassignment Surgery The first surgical gender reassignment procedure was performed on a woman in Berlin in 1912. was on occasion. complaints regarding the difficulty of changing one’s name appear often.

198. while least invasive. 886 it is curious that so many women were subjected to these unprecedented −and arguably risky − procedures. 885 Herrn. 196. Herrn. lived and worked in Hirschfeld´s institute for more than 10 years as a housemaid. hired a number of them as 268 . 1924). Schnittmuster. Schnittmuster. 201. were forced to consult doctors. which are outside the body. Haire. 1992).” 888 Herrn. are difficult to retrieve. Schnittmuster.” was performed in the Berlin Institute for Sexual Science by Heinrich Stabel. comments that men often attempted to castrate themselves. because records do not exist. 201-04. See also. 889 Herrn. Schnittmuster. compelled by their biology. Richter’s castration was followed by a penectomy and the construction of an artificial vagina. Herrn writes that Hirschfeld was aware that transsexuals often had difficulty finding work and because of this. Rejuvenation: The Work of Steinach. only five male-to-female operations were reported before 1933. was initiated. Haire discusses the cases of eighty-two men and those of six women. since the ovaries are situated in the abdominal cavity. Herrn comments that Marjorie Garber interprets the relative disinterest among early sexologists in developing and/or perfecting female-to-male SRS procedures as a reflection of the asymmetry of the cultural status of women and men. as Herrn writes “one can only speculate on the number of women who had their breasts. See also Marjorie Garber. who later changed her name legally to Gerd. as Herrn and Marjorie Garber remark. Voronoff. This entailed the castration of Rudolph Ri.. while women. In 1930. 887 This not only speaks to the anatomical differences between male and female subjects but. 198n23. also indicates the generally lesser significance of the female subject in Weimar and attests to the sexism of the male-dominated medical community. 887 Operations on female subjects were more dangerous because the ovaries and uterus. Later. based on Hirschfeld’s recommendations. “the first surgical step in sexual-reassignment surgery. when one considers the conspicuously low statistical presence of female subjects in contemporary sexological literature. uterus and/or ovaries removed during the 1920s in their efforts to change their sex. Vested Interest: Cross-Dressing and Cultural Anxiety (New York: Routledge. “The transplantation of young ovaries brings about somewhat analogous results to those which occur after testicular grafting in men. Hirschfeld reported amputating the breasts of a woman Herta. and Others (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. 105.performed on women. It is thus not at all such a simple procedure as in men. 885 Yet. procedure was breast amputation. 889 However.” What little evidence exists indicates that the most frequent. Richter’s castration. 886 16 of 17 case studies in Hirschfeld’s 1910 Transvestites discuss male subjects. Richter. 147. a seven year surgical process. resulting in the first complete male-to-female gender reassignment.[chter?] (1892-1933). Rejuvenation. This was apparently often performed in conjunction with an official name change. but it entails a major operation for both the donor and the recipient. 888 In 1923. See also. unlike the testicles. Norman Haire. who assumed the female name Dorchen.

Relatedly.Although Hirschfeld and Steinach had undoubtedly paved the way for popular reports of gender reassignment. 892 Was the anonymous 26 year old “female donor” an invalid. 891 Hoyer. .” Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft und Sexualpolitik 18 (1931): 223-26. “the new ovaries which the Professor proposes to ingraft . myoma of the uterus. will be taken from a woman who is scarcely twenty-seven years old. 172. or perhaps the victim of a crime? 893 Unfortunately. “Wie aus dem dänischen Maler Einar Wegener eine Frau Lilli Elven wird” was printed in the popular Berlin 12 Uhr Blatt (March 9. da die Gebärmutter fehlt. two of Hirschfeld’s Berlin Institute colleagues. a contemporary literary account of a male-tofemale gender transition. Rejuvenation. March 9. Man into Woman. until 1931. “Die Operationen führten zur Einpflanzung eines gefunden Ovariums. . unpaginated. remarks. still warm from the body of another woman. 890 The first popular discussion of sexual transition in the Weimar media appeared in 1931: “Wie aus dem dänischen Maler Einar Wegener eine Frau Lilli Elven wurde. Ebel’s 1929 surgery was performed by Dr. Felix Abraham. due to the destruction of Hirschfeld’s Institute and most of its archive in 1933. 269 . . of course this will never lead to conception because the uterus is missing. reports “four cases in which previously sterile women conceived and passed through a normal pregnancy after . 892 The anonymous article reporting Lili’s operation. 1931). as the invalid in question who had been operated on ‘yielded no suitable material’ for Lili” [quotes in original]. Like Dorchen. one cannot help but wonder where and how Weimar physicians procured young and healthy female ovaries. 1931 (Berlin).” 891 While no information regarding the identity of the female donor is given in the text. According to the journalist. surgically transitioned from male-to female and later worked at the Institute as a housekeeper. Levy-Lenz and Dr. only took two years and his physical transformation was completed by 1931.” (The operations led to the transplantation of a “found” ovary that was removed from another woman. newly deceased. das durch Operation bei einer anderen Frau entfernt worden war. “Genitalumwandlung an zwei männlichen Transvestiten. Haire. gender-altering procedures were only discussed in the medical press or in Weimar lesbian magazines. The grafts were taken from women suffering from cancer. or ‘Toni’ (born 1881). Toni Ebel’s transition.” Das 12 Uhr Blatt. wodurch natürlich keine Gebärfähigkeit hergestellt werden konnte. 170. artist Hugo Otto Arno Ebel. Man into Woman. Felix Abraham discussed these cases of male-to-female surgeries [Dorchen Richter and Toni Ebel] in his essay. unlike Dorchen’s. or pulmonary tuberculosis” (196). mysteries such as these are maids at the Institute. the transplantation into the abdominal wall of two discs of ovarian tissue. .) 893 Hoyer. however. “At length the Matron came into the room and conveyed her doleful news that she must wait yet a few days longer. 890 The narrator of Man into Woman. A discussion woven into the narrative suggests potential sources of human female tissue and organs.

UfA. The two Fritz Lang. 1931. Matthew Biro succinctly describes Metropolis as “the most cyborgian film. “Aus Frau wird Mann: Wieder ein Geschlechtswechsel diesmal in Wien!” Das 12 Uhr Blatt. human subjects were actively solicited in the lesbian print media to participate in medical experiments. 1927. and a 1931 report of Einar Wegener’s surgical transition in the popular Berlin press confirm. 13/14 (Berlin. darkly suggests the proverbial ‘evil scientist’ of Weimar fiction. immediately comes to mind. then drove to an unidentified klinik in Vienna and demanded that the ram’s testicles be implanted in her body. 259. Einar’s casual remark regarding ‘his’ new ovaries coupled with Herrn’s claim that the majority of body-altering operations were performed on female subjects. 894 Gender Reassignment and the Weimar Print Media As Hirschfeld’s many publications.” See. The Dada Cyborg: Visions of the New Human in Weimar Berlin (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. hormones and gender-altering surgical procedures were addressed in the mainstream press. 894 270 . 6 Jg. Rotwang. The operation was a success.. In sharp contrast to the respectful tenor of articles discussing Wegener as an actual patient. 895 An anonymus report of a woman’s desire to be transformed into a man followed shortly. 896 Weimar medical practitioners enlisted the personal ads on the back pages of the lesbian magazine Frauen Liebe to find volunteers for hormonal experiments. While gender-altering procedures were primarily discussed in scientific and medical journals. she is portayed as ludicrous. of these ads renders them barely noticeable. 1931): 9. 153 minutes. and length. 896 Two such ads appear in Frauen Liebe. Metropolis. the 1923 Steinach Film. Biro. May 22. the creator of Maria’s sinister cyborgian body-double in Fritz Lang’s silent film Metropolis. 895 genderdysphoria. The discrete font. the female subject is only partially identified as “the ca. 40-year old Viennese society woman Hildegard R. no.unsolvable and infuse discussions of early sexual reassignment surgeries with ominous undertones. they are easily glossed over and superficially confused with the typically terse personal ads placed by women searching for girlfriends. 2009).” Moreover. who had long preferred to wear men’s clothing. Hildegard reportedly stole a ram from the Schönbrunn Zoo.

Hormone treatments represented a modern and safer alternative to earlier methods. they also suggest that the correlation between hormones and gender identity was widely recognized. were aware of this media discourse: While Brugman is credited with the translation of contemporary medical texts and references vanguard surgical procedures throughout her oeuvre. procedures to enlarge men’s breasts were problematic. 897 The first ad targets women who identify as masculine. For informative booklet with proof and further information contact: While both ads tout the benefits of modern medical science. 898 Womanly/ Breasts through real glandular growth! The only natural procedure in existence based on exact science. they were primarily intended for marketing purposes. Importantly. Translation mine. no. 1931): 9. these ads confirm the pursuit of research subjects for endocrinological experiments in public media. Furthermore. like any advertisement. It is likely that culturally literate contemporaries. Guaranteed safe. Höch’s photomontages are easily linked to genderreassignment procedures. it is likely that ads for breast enlargements in the lesbian press probably targeted male subjects. Real and lasting success! Clinical tests performed on men and animals with complete and proven success. Before the discovery of hormones. and reads: “Appropriate Ladies/ Sought for scientific experiments with masculine glandular preparations. paraffin injections often ended with deadly infections.” A second ad guarantees larger breasts through hormone therapy and may be aimed at readers of either sex. Based on Herrn’s claims regarding the botched and dangerous attempts of transgendered men to enlarge their breasts. as in the case of the artist’s 1926 Sweet One. Many years of experience. 13/14 (Berlin. Hannah Höch’s Sweet One: The surgical construction of gender? Frauen Liebe. 898 897 271 . 6 Jg..ads in Frauen Liebe share the same contact address and appear to have been placed by the same anonymous person or organization. such as Brugman and Höch.

” Indeed. The image of the male Bushongo idol figure that Höch used for the collage is pictured in Makela. 901 Makela.” 900 While discussions of Höch’s Sweet One generally emphasize the juxtaposition and contrast of primitive artifacts with elements from Western consumer culture. She claims that the fissure that slits the weather-worn wooden torso from head to belly “is too clean-edged. “Grotesque Bodies. Emphasis original. 8-9. the ethnographic series offers evidence of a “highly self-conscious form of primitivism. its moniker confirms that Höch recognized that ‘primitivism’ did not arise from an unmediated confrontation between European artists and non-Western artifacts. no.” 243-44. 900 Biro.” MoMA. 902 In an act that signifies the ultimate deconstruction of masculine identity.” 901 Höch’s Sweet One suggests the surgical construction of gender. 1 (1925).Hannah Höch’s 1926 Die Süsse (The Sweet One) (fig. the artist has “carefully removed the Kristin Makholm. “The New Woman as Cyborg.” 899 So named by Höch (unlike the artist’s ‘love’ series which was named by scholars). The body has been deliberately cut by one who wielded a knife with the precision of a surgeon. no. 24 (Winter-Spring 1997). “Grotesque Bodies.” 195. Kristin Makholm describes the series as “photographs of female body parts attached to those of so-called primitive sculptures” in which the artist “combines the strange with the unusual. 902 Makela. the Self with the Other. 6. “Strange Beauty: Hannah Höch and the Photomontage. too exact. It was printed originally in the Ullstein publication Querschnitt 5. Makela uniquely and importantly links the photomontage to Weimar medical practice. 899 272 . between pps. it pairs an African male idol figure with graphic fragments that signal Weimar femininity. “but through aesthetic discourse and museum practice. 22. to have been an accident of time.” 193.7) belongs to the suite of photomontages “From an Ethnographic Museum” created by the artist between 1925 and 1930.

The blatant juxtaposition of obviously mismatched graphic elements in this photomontage demonstrates little of the visual subtlety that often characterizes the artist’s late Weimar depictions of mixed-gendered figures.” 905 However. Höch’s 1926 Sweet One cogently illustrates the deconstruction of masculinity and the construction of femininity. 904 Indeed.” 193. 906 Einar Wegener: “Aus Mann wird Frau” Makela. An oversized mouth covered with lipstick. 906 Herrn. Zeitschrift fur Sexualwissenschaft 18 (Berlin 1931): 223-26. Wegener’s surgeries were performed in 1930 and 1931 at Dresden’s Frauenklinik (Women’s Clinic). demure hands and elegantly posed legs suggest daintiness and femininity.” links the photomontage to gender reassignment surgery. Throughout the 1920s. “the empty gaping belly need only be filled with female sex organs. Felix Abraham. Nonetheless. Whether or not the artist intended to reference surgical gender reassignment. male-to-female gender reassignment procedures had become almost routine and described in the medical press as “easy.” 903 While Makela foregrounds the “grotesque” aspects of the Sweet One. 905 Herrn. by 1931. “Grotesque Bodies. feminize the figure’s rough-hewn head. Makela. “Grotesque Bodies. “Genitalumwandlung an zwei männlichen Transvestiten” (Genital changes of two male Transvestites).figure’s penis to make way for a pair of female legs. 201. 204. 904 903 273 . the Sweet One’s torso appears to be a masklike façade.” 193. Schnittmuster. Sweet One is contemporaneous with related Weimar-era medical developments and clearly resonates with associated discourses. Schnittmuster. along with a carefully arched female eyebrow snipped from a contemporary fashion magazine. her remark. by gynecologist Kurt Warnekros. surgeons rapidly improved their techniques and. the most widely publicized gender reassignment procedure was performed on the Dutch painter Einar Wegener (1880-1931). In addition.

most importantly.Höch’s dual-gendered representations Sweet One. Wegener’s non-critical acceptance of gender stereotypes conspicuously differs from that of Höch. Ernst Ludwig Harthern Jacobson]. H. intro. 907 274 . but not before he was heralded as the world's first transsexual. trans. Man into Woman: An Authentic Record of a Change of Sex. while Wegener’s construction of ‘femininity’ is almost entirely devoid of irony. 204. The anonymous article. Höch’s photomontages and Wegener’s selfrepresentation equally indicate their profound understanding of gender as a social and cultural phenomenon largely constructed through popular media. Schnittmuster. Eimar Wegener died due to complications soon after his third gender surgery in 1931. 907 The volume’s illustrations are significant because they eloquently demonstrate discursive intersections between surgical gender construction. 1931.J. his visual performance of femininity in Man into Woman has never been examined. ed. “Aus Mann wird Frau: Wie aus dem dänischen Maler Einar Wegener eine Frau Lilli Elven wurde” (A Man becomes a Woman: How the Danish painter Einar Wegener became the woman Lilli Elven) Das 12 Uhr Blatt (12 O’clock News). popular Weimar representation. While both Höch and Wegener engaged with mainstream representations of gender. Norman Haire MD. Stenning (New York: E. and Höch’s photomontage ouevre. 908 Herrn.. While Wegener’s case is generally of interest to scholars of transgender history. The following discussion will introduce Einar Wegener to the reader and examine how he documented his gender identity and transition with photographs. and Strong Men suggest Wegener’s performance of femininity and. 1933). 908 A 1931 press article was followed in 1932 by Niels Hoyer’s Man into Niels Hoyer [pseud. Höch’s engagement with gender and the contemporary media in her photomontages blatantly exposes and satirizes its artificiality.P. Despite this significant difference. Tamer. March 9. his surgically constructed gender. Dutton.

911 Wegener’s gender surgery was not the first of its kind. however. 912 Herrn. By 1912. Wirtschaft und Kultur 20 (1-2/ 2010): 35. Hirschfeld and Warnekros were however mentioned in Das 12 Uhr Blatt. and Berlin. der wissenschaftlich verwertet warden soll.” and the operating physician Kurt Warnekros is dubbed Dr. 913 Gerda’s drawing “Moderner Prostitutionsbetrieb” (Modern Prostitution Business) (fig.” Man into Woman. Hirschfeld appears as “Dr. (“Im übrigen hat Lili Ellven über ihre Wandlung einebn Roman geschrieben. 912 The Wegeners were fine artists and traveled between Rome. and live more freely. Due to the couple’s professional activities and flamboyant. 8-10 page per issue Weimar-era boulevard-style publication published in Berlin by Ullstein. Une aventure d’amour à Venise (Paris: G. Louis de Robert. Paris. 910 but. Hardenfeld. the Wegeners were known in Denmark for their “extravagant lifestyle.” Nordeuropa Forum: Zeitschrift für Politik. Gerda Wegener (1885-1940) was more successful than her husband and achieved renown with illustrations for a number of erotically-themed monographs. thanks to the curiosity of contemporary journalists. 1927). Madrid. ou. Werner Kreutz. 1925). “At Lili Elbe’s desire. the publicity it received is understandable when one considers his biography and that of his wife. xiii. L’anneau. which clearly suggest a familiarity with contemporary sexual subculture.” This largely motivated their move to Paris where they felt they felt they could better devote themselves to their art. Sabine Meyer. 909 The last sentence of the 12 Uhr Blatt article announces (and promotes?) an upcoming novel by Lili Ellven that will be used for scientific purposes. Schnittmuster.Woman.”) 910 Hoyer. Louis Perceau. 1913). as Herrn comments. the names of Lili’s physicians are known to us. The Berlin Institute of Sexual Science is dubbed the Institut für Seelenkunde (Institute for the Science of the Soul). fictitious names have been employed for the persons who figure in her narrative. 909 Hoyer disguised the names of the primary players. Copenhagen.” 911 Herrn. reported in the popular press. “Mit dem Puppenwagen in der normative Weiblichkeit: Lili Elbe und die journalistische Inszenierung von Transsexualität in Dänemark. Briffaut. In the book. 6. 206. 204. 913 A selection of works illustrated by Gerda Wegener include: Giacomo Casanova. “Foreword. See also. La jeune fille imprudente (Paris. semi-public lifestyle it comes as no surprise that Einar’s male-to-female transition was barely mentioned in medical journals but. instead.8) is pictured in Hirschfeld’s Das 12 Uhr Blatt was a ca. 275 . Schnittmuster. Souze sonnets lascifs pour accompagner la suite d’aquarelles initulee Les Delassements d’Eros (Paris: Erotopolis.

917 “Aus Mann wird Frau. “Mit dem Puppenwagen. As German gender scholar Sabine Meyer astutely observes. also appeared in Albert Moll’s Polizei und Sitte.9). it also reflected the contemporary gendered status quo. Moll’s caption reads “Moderne Demimondänen. she claims. “Mit dem Puppenwagen. the city where he was surgically transformed into a woman. 917 In 1926. See also. 914 276 .” 35. 6. despite the radicality of the surgery. 919 Meyer. 63. 918 Meyer. Meyer. 4. unpaginated. rather than biological aspects of her feminine identity. It is also featured in Moll’s 1926 Polizei und Sitte between pages 128 and 129. (1931). While Wegener’s story contributed significantly to the popularization of the transsexual subject. 914 Pictured in both Hirschfeld and Moll. “Mit dem Puppenwagen. Lili emphasized cultural.” 33. Wegener’s performance of femininity “perpetrated heteronormative social conventions.”). Meyer. Wegener’s illustration attests to the slippery contemporary interface between medico-scientific and popular literature.1930 Sexualkunde and. as an anonymous journalist in the popular Berlin press claimed in 1931. Einar assumed a female identity and became “Lili” and later chose the surname “Elbe” in honor of Dresden’s river. In this Gerda Wegener’s illustration appears in Hirschfeld’s Sexualkunde (1930). was intended for scientific purposes. 35.” 33.” (modern female members of the demimonde). “Mit dem Puppenwagen. vol. der wissenschaftlich verwertet werden soll. 915 Einar becomes Lili: Constructing Femininity Einar Wegener apparently discovered his feminine side soon after he married in 1904 when he sat in as a ‘female’ model one day for his wife Gerda. 916 Hoyer. 916 Gerda created a number of images depicting her husband in women’s clothing (fig. Man into Woman. (“Im übrigen hat Lilli Elven über ihre Wandlung einen Roman geschrieben.” Das 12 Uhr Blatt. Lili’s gender reassignment served to “normalize Einar by altering his male body to conform to his feminine feelings. according to its caption. Plate LIV. 915 This is also similar to Lili’s literary account of her transition which. even though surgery played the central role in the construction of Einar’s female identity.” 919 Furthermore.” 918 Ironically.

Schnittmuster. because. See also. scholars understandably question the veracity of Lili’s voice.” 40. This lexical profusion has rich implications for studies of self and its construction” (356n15). commenting upon the confused conundrum of identity that characterizes the book’s narrative voice asks.” 920 Due to the co-authorship of Man into Woman. Nadia Medina.10) and depicts Einar in pensive profile. The composition of the image and its traditional medium in no way reflect the book’s radical theme. but dynamically (re)structured by forms of fantasy. xix.” 922 The Introduction by respected British sexologist Norman Haire lent the text a quasi-medical aura and authority. whose name [in the book Man into Woman] was Andreas Sparre. 6. conscious and unconscious. Katie Conboy. See also Meyer. scholars understandably question the slippage between Lili’s voice and Hoyer’s account. Teresa de Lauretis. at the time photographs were associated with veracity and objectivity. Stone. Man into Woman reflects Teresa de Lauretis’ observations regarding the nature of gender. The frontispiece reduces Einar to a bearded profile and sharply contrasts with the images that follow. both public and private. Sandy Stone. 921 Photographs. Later in the book. The Practice of Love: Lesbian Sexuality and Perverse Desire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. (New York: Columbia University Press. “Mit dem Puppenwagen. Lili Elbe was the female name chosen by the artist Einar Wegener. they support the claims of narrative factuality made in the book’s introduction. however. 342. was a pseudonym for Ernst Ludwig Harthern Jacobson. is a drawing (fig.aspect. he appears to look down and away from the narrative. and Sarah Stanbury. 921 Herrn. which are culturally available and historically specific. 204. illustrate Man into Woman and. “The Empire Strikes Back: A Posttransexual Manifesto. Einar/Lili is generally pictured in full-length photographs as a proud and unapologetically sexualized female.” in Writing on the Body: Female Embodiment and Feminist Theory. “sexualized identities are neither innate nor simply acquired. “What sort of subject is constituted in these texts? Hoyer. was “created by journalists to promote Man into Woman. 1994). the book’s illustrations clearly convey Lili’s subjectivity and agency. As de Lauretis writes. 920 277 . Meyer convincingly argues that even Lili’s surname “Elbe. however. 922 The frontispiece. Because Lili Elbe’s personal papers are lost and the book was published after she died. 1997). eds. as opposed to drawings." which only appears in conjunction with the book’s title [and on Lili’s gravestone].

“certainly the idea of gender identity. The contrived quality of this 1926 photograph. 7 (April 1997): 278 . no.” 923 Yet in the case of Lili. Yet. with the exception of a “posed” 1926 photograph.” In the photograph. Lili documented her first foray into femininity as an exotic. dark-eyed beauty (fig. play and parody are curiously lacking. Lili closely conforms to popular gender stereotypes and her slavish identification with these contemporary representations attests to their constructed nature. Much like a young woman constructing her feminine persona by playing ‘dress-up’ in an intimate domestic space. “Delusions of Gender. shortly after 923 10.While the theme of sexual reassignment surgery was new in the popular Weimar media. 6. As Dianne Dugaw writes.12). The strap of Lili’s dress tantalizingly falls off her shoulder onto her upper arm.11). Dianne Dugaw. Instead. Lili is pictured throughout volume in a number of popular and well-rehearsed female guises. The next photograph pictures Lili as an elegant well-dressed woman proudly posing in her artistically-furnished Parisian apartment (fig. 6. However. ideas of art. play and parody seem to apply as well. emphasizes Lili’s “pose. Man into Woman conspicuously reflected the contemporary gender status quo. is underscored by its caption. both photographs picture Lili alone and in control of her environment. particularly as it legitimizes surgeries and prescriptions. which may easily be mistaken for a contemporary postcard of a long forgotten starlet. which. Lili’s sensuous mouth and dark kohl-rimmed eyes mimic those of a seductive silent film vamp. yet the fan she holds decorously covers whatever undress is potentially revealed.” The Women’s Review of Books 14. underlies the transsexual phenomenon. Much like fashion magazine imagery. unlike other photographs in the book.

Transsexuals. a nurse. 6. the transsexual. 924 Further into the narrative. Fittingly. Here. is a photomontage.152. The photographs of Lili are pictured vis-a-vis pages 128. in an ultimate test of gender-performance. Lili dares to move beyond the safety of her apartment or the sheltered grounds of the Dresden clinic and visually inserts herself into the crowded streets of Copenhagen (fig.her second operation. Lili is elegantly posed and wears a tailored coat that emphasizes her shapely figure. in the garden of the Dresden Frauenklinik (fig.15). 6. Homosexuals. The emphasis of the flower print fabric calls to mind Heike Schader’s comments regarding the strong cultural link between flowers and Weiblichkeit (womanliness) in Weimar. As these illustrations confirm. then a radically new subject. and 240. 924 279 . ostensibly the first image any potential reader interested in the topic would see. The contrasts between the posture and clothing of the two women pictured in front of the Klinik foreground Lili’s sophisticated enactment of femininity. Unlike the matronly nurse standing beside her.14). and Gender Montage Unlike the photographs of Lili in the volume. Lili clearly and uncritically identified with contemporary mass-mediated representations of femininity. is Two of the photographs appear to have been taken on the grounds of the Dresden Frauenklinik on the same overcast June 1930 day. the dust-jacket of Man into Woman (fig.13). Lili incorporated another woman in her identity construction and proudly posed with her trusted confidant. 6. The centrality of clothing in the visual construction of Lili’s gender is highlighted in three additional photographs. Lili blends in and successfully ‘passes’ as a modern New Woman on a bustling urban street. while the uniform of her stodgy companion reflects a homespun simplicity. all of which feature Lili in the same flowered dress. while the third pictures Lili in front of a plain cloth backdrop. and after her second operation.

and the dust-jacket of Man into Woman is a case in point. the deployment of subcultural print media in the illustration reiterates the centrality of print media to homosexual and lesbian identity construction in Weimar. despite their hyper280 . while the dust-jacket of Man into Woman and Moll’s collage are emblematic of the proliferation of print materials in Weimar culture. Yet.16). Full-length male and female figures [Lili and Einar?] joined at the feet dominate the image. they suggest the cut-and-pasted identity of the transgendered subject. The deployment of photomontage and collage indicate the constructed nature of Lili’s gender and its composite fragmentary is underscored by the background: The two figures are superimposed over actual press clippings reporting Wegener’s sex change.portrayed with photomontage and collage. Indeed. 6. Indeed. Albert Moll similarly illustrated contemporary figures whose radical subjectivities had not yet found their way into the cultural mainstream as a Schnittbild (cut-picture or collage) (fig. they also indicate that the abundance of print media did not necessarily facilitate the representation or the public’s comprehension of non-normatively gendered individuals. Combined. In his 1926 discussion of homosexual subculture in Polizei und Sitte. moreover. Furthermore. a collage comprised of press clippings lifted from contemporary gay and lesbian periodicals metaphorically suggests the fragmented perception of Weimar sexual subcultures in the popular imagination. the photomontage and collage were well-suited to represent contemporary figures that had not yet been integrated into the Weimar mainstream. the press clippings and the overlapping photographs reiterate the mediated nature of gender.

Comprised of mass generated media fragments. more importantly. By the mid 1920s. akin to a contemporary medical illustration. both the dust-jacket and Moll’s illustration are. Höch’s partner Til Brugman engaged with new medical procedures through her professional activities as a translator and. much like the figures they were intended to represent. These discursive developments are reflected in Höch’s Weimar-era photomontages Tamer. could merely anticipate social and cultural assimilation. while the artist’s Strong Men. Strong Men and Sweet One. Much like the figures in the 1923 Steinach Film. Conclusion The early twentieth-century discovery of hormones and of their effects upon sexual identity and behavior revolutionized contemporary medical practice and the understanding of sexual identity. Hirschfeld’s 1920 pamphlet Verjüngung and the 1923 Steinach Film facilitated the close discursive relationship between the popular media and the medico-scientific community. in a word. the Weimar public had easy access to information regarding these correlations. the gender of Höch’s Tamer is ambiguous. Her literary grotesques. “Revision am Himmel” and “Warenhaus der Liebe. both reflect an ongoing process. critically as a satirist. analogous to a male-to-female transsexual. Höch’s 1926 photomontage Sweet One is contemporaneous with early gender reassignment surgeries and. which. incoherent. offers an inside/outside view of the body.” lampoon 281 .textuality. the artist has removed the figure’s penis and feminine attributes have been added.

vanguard Weimar medical technologies, but also support and defend non-normative sexual practices. While gender altering surgeries were performed as early as 1912 and discussed in German medical journals from 1918, the first mainstream media coverage of a sexual reassignment were reports of Einar Wegener. Man into Woman narrates his surgical transformation but, above all, foregrounds the cultural construction of gender. Lili’s selfrepresentation attests to the intrinsic correlation of popular media and gender construction. While Höch’s photomontages also represent gender as a mediated construction, in contrast to Lili’s slavish replication of popular feminine stereotypes, Höch subversively exposes and visually disrupts its artifice. The dust-jacket of Man into Woman is a collage, a medium contemporaneously associated with the Weimar avant-garde. The cut-and-paste technique is analogous to the physical radicality of surgical gender reassignment. But most importantly, the collage–in the service of both Lili Elbe’s gender identity construction and Höch photomontage practice--redeploys culturally mediated fragments to generate hybridic identities and imagery.

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CHAPTER VII CONCLUSION

Unlike scholarship that foregrounds Höch’s engagement with mainstream media, this dissertation enhances our comprehension and appreciation of the artist’s oeuvre in an expanded framework that includes sexological, subcultural, and scientific contexts. Such materials, in turn, aided in creating discourses that reflect Höch’s unique treatment of the human figure and resonate with the artist’s unconventional intimate relationships. In, or around 1919, while romantically involved with Raoul Hausmann, Höch began to engage seriously with gender-related themes. In 1926, she entered into a ten-year lesbian partnership with Til Brugman. As visual analysis of the artist’s oeuvre both before and after her years with the Dutch writer suggests, this was the most important personal relationship in Höch’s life. As I have demonstrated throughout the

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dissertation, the correlation between Höch’s oeuvre and her psycho-sexual biography is apparent when discussed in tandem. After 1926, Höch’s photomontages began to reflect her lesbianism and a familiarity with subcultural media concerning gender and sexuality. In addition to Weimar sexual subculture, Höch’s work during this period references themes found in Brugman’s texts. These developments confirm that Höch’s lesbian partnership informed her work in a significant way not fully recognized in the literature to date. Beginning with analysis of Höch’s Dada-era oeuvre, evidence has been presented in the dissertation which indisputably establishes the interrelatedness of the artist’s biography and her artistic themes. Höch’s emphasis on visual rather than textual elements easily distinguished her oeuvre from that of her fellow Dadaists. Furthermore, unlike her male contemporaries, she routinely foregrounded female commodification and reproductive issues in her art. As I have shown, even Höch’s early photomontages, most notably Dada-Ernst, reflect the artist’s budding emotional and sexual independence. In Dada-Ernst, Höch emphasized themes of sexuality and the gaze. Above all, her placement of an eye at the vagina represented a bold re-appropriation of what had for millennia been predominantly the purview of men: the eye as the symbol of the gaze and [sexual] dominance of the female body. 925 A proto-feminist declaration of sorts, the iconographic audacity of Dada-Ernst anticipated the women-centered imagery in Höch’s later photomontages and paved the way for her more patently

For a general historical discussion of the destruction of matriarchal cultures and the subsequent appropriation of the female body and vaginal imagery under patriarchal rule, see, Monica Sjöö, The Great Cosmic Mother of All (San Francisco: Harper Row, 1987).

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lesbian images. Dada-Ernst seems also to have prefigured the work of future artists; during the 1960s and 1970s vaginal imagery and themes became a powerful and highly controversial component of ‘radical’ second-wave feminist art most notably in the work of artists Carolee Schneeman, Hannah Wilke, Valie Export, Judy Chicago, and others. 926 Indeed, even into the twenty-first century, as a recent New York exhibition indicates, vaginal imagery has retained its controversial aura. 927 As chapter II demonstrates, Höch’s Russische Tänzerin and Englische Tänzerin overtly reference lesbian subculture and reiterate the influence and the centrality of her intimate relationships upon her oeuvre. My discussion of these collages expands upon Bosch and Everard’s 1988 claim that they represent a double portrait of Höch and Brugman. Analysis in this dissertation not only strengthens their speculations, but also reveals additional clues that link the two photomontages, visually and symbolically, to lesbian subculture. While Höch’s Weimar contemporaries, artists Jeanne Mammen, Gertrud Liebherr, Gertrude Sandmann, and Renée Sintenis, produced a number of lesbian-themed works, 928 Höch and the French Surrealist Claude Cahun were the only

Carolee Schneeman’s performance Interior Scroll (1975), Hannah Wilke’s photographic work, Venus Envy (1980), Valie Export’s 1977 Action Pants, and Judy Chicago’s 1974-79 installation The Dinner Party foreground vaginal imagery. Contemporary debates surrounding Chicago’s groundbreaking installation were decidedly fueled by the vaginally-inspired sculptural designs of the ceramic dinner plates. The controversies accompanying this work smoldered for three decades; no museum was forwardthinking, or daring enough, to add The Dinner Party to its permanent collection. In 2002 the work was donated to the Brooklyn Museum. See Anna C. Chave, “’Is this good for Vulva?: Female Genitalia in Contemporary Art,” in The Visible Vagina, Francis M. Naumann, Eve Ensler, and Anna C. Chave (New York: Francis M. Naumann, 2010), 7-27. 927 The exhibition The Visible Vagina was held at the Francis M. Nauman Gallery (January 28March 20, 2010). 928 See, Marga Döpping, Andrea Firmenich, and Eberhard Roters, eds., Jeanne Mammen: Köpfe und Szenen, Berlin 1920 bis 1933 (Kunsthalle in Emden; Bonn: VG Bildkunst, 1994); Marcella Schmidt, “Gertrude Sandmann (1891-1981),” in Michael Bollé, et al., Eldorado: Homosexuelle Frauen und Männer in Berlin 1850-1950, Geschichte, Alltag und Kultur (1984, repr., Berlin: Edition Hentrich; Berlin: Verlag rosa

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lesbian artists at the time to explore the theme with the avant-garde medium of photomontage. 929 However, in contrast to Höch, whose representations of female doubling are rarely balanced, and if so, somewhat precariously (as in Russian Dancer, English Dancer, Vagabonds, Auf dem Weg, and Grotesque); Cahun emphasized visual symmetry. To this end, she and her partner Marcel Moore often used mirrors (fig. 2.18) or, as seen in a 1928 self-portrait (7.1), double exposures. As Jennifer Shaw and others recognize, in accordance with the traditional lesbian motif of mirroring, Cahun’s engagement with the theme of Narcissus is all pervasive in her oeuvre. 930 This is evident in her 1930 volume Aveux non avenus (Avowals null and void); both the text and the photomontage illustrations foreground individual and lesbian doubling (fig. 7.2). 931

Winkel, 1992), 205-09. For a short and rare English-language discussion of Sintenis and her oeuvre, see Erich Ranfft, “German Women sculptors 1918-1936: Gender differences and status,” in Visions of the Neue Frau: Women and the Visual Arts in Weimar Germany, Marsha Meskimmon and Shearer West, eds., (Aldershot, GB: Scolar Press, 1995), 48-52. Sintenis was respected among her contemporaries, and a protégé of the prominent Berlin art dealer Alfred Flechtheim; at his suggestion, Sintenis replaced her given name, Renate Alice, with the more exotic and interesting sounding French Renée. A Weimar lesbian heartthrob, Sintenis is primarily known for her sculpted animal figures. Her sculptural self portrait, however, as Ranfft comments, “exudes a definite androgynous quality through its look of boyish adolescence “(51). While Sintenis is lesser known for her graphic oeuvre, she illustrated a volume of Sappho’s poetry in 1936. See, Hans Rupé, ed. Sappho: mit 13 Zeichnungen von Renée Sintenis (Berlin: Holle Verlag, 1936). Due to its theme, it is remarkable that the volume was published. 929 Polish artist and “leading designer of photomontages for the popular press” Janusz M. Brzeski, made a series of erotic compositions while working for Vu in Paris. His 1930 collage Lesbos II, which clearly suggests cunnilingus, is pictured in Matthew Witkowsky, Intro. Peter Demetz, Foto: Modernity in Central Europe, 1918-1945 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2007), 190. Because it was, by contemporary standards, pornographic, Brzeski’s collage, as Witkowsky comments, was “kept wholly private.” 930 Jennifer Shaw, “Narcissus and the Magic Mirror,” in Don’t Kiss Me: The Art of Claude Cahun and Marcel Moore, Louise Downie, ed. (New York: Aperture, 2006), 35-36. Narcissus was also a popular motif among fin-de-siècle Symbolists, a group Cahun greatly admired. Moreover, as Tirza True Latimer observes, in the popular imagination, narcissism was linked with lesbianism. See Latimer, “Narcissus and Narcissus: Claude Cahun and Marcel Moore,” in Women Together, Women Apart: Portraits of Lesbian Paris (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 68-104. 931 Claude Cahun, Aveux non avenus (Paris: Éditions du Carrefour, 1930).

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Here, much like a playing, or Tarot, card, 932 the artist’s repetitive deployment of her own image generates a balanced design. While her shaved head renders Cahun shockingly asexual, classical male and female statues balance the image on either side and imply symbolically that her identity is positioned between the two sexes. Similar to a number of Höch’s photomontages, the frontispiece of Cahun’s Aveux non avenus (fig. 7.3) is dominated by a large eye, indicating issues of scopic agency and the gaze. 933 Centrally placed, the eye is cradled within two hands; the arms extend downward and end, abruptly severed, in a shadow that appears to be a pair of lips. The configuration of these elements visually suggests intimate female anatomy comprised of an eye (clitoris), arms (labial lips), and lips/mouth (vagina). While the image shares its balanced composition with Ernst’s copulatory vision Of this Men Shall Know Nothing (fig. 1.25), even more so, it resonates with Höch’s oeuvre and her recurrent engagement with the gaze and the fetishization of the female body. Moreover, the eroticized lips suggested in Cahun’s 1930 photomontage may be linked to Höch’s Marlene (fig. 4.22) of the same year. As this study establishes, Weimar lesbian materials were often indistinguishable from mainstream media. The comparative visual analysis of lesbian and mainstream materials presented in this dissertation is unprecedented and serves to disentangle

Moreover, the composition of the photomontage conspicuously suggests a well-known contemporary photograph of the infamous British occultist Aleister Crowley (active in Paris in the early 1900s). Cahun, who created a series of self-portrait photographs posed as a Buddha in 1927 (pictured in Shaw, Don’t Kiss Me, 114), was obviously interested in occult and esoteric subjects. 933 Related themes are also evident in the photomontage introducing Chapter II of Aveux non avenus. It features a large eye and a round element that suggests a hand held mirror. Cahun’s 1936 sculpture Object is a large eye and its symbolic implications are addressed by Steven Harris, in “Coup d’oeil,” Oxford Art Journal 24, no. 1, 2001: 89-112.

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contemporary imagery generated by different and, on occasion, antagonistic cultural discourses such as Weimar Körperkultur, advertising, dance culture, sexology, and pornography. Classifying and differentiating this imagery constitutes a contribution to lesbian scholarship and art history; importantly, it also enables a new, much deeper recognition of lesbian themes in Höch’s oeuvre that can be applied to the work of some of her contemporaries, such as Jeanne Mammen. Much like Mammen’s 1928 watercolor Two Women Dancing, Höch’s Russian Dancer and English Dancer suggest a virile/feminine lesbian pair. Before the advent of Weimar lesbian print media, lesbians were generally the subjects of male-authored materials. As explained in this study, lesbian-authored media catapulted illicit themes of sapphic love and female cross-dressing into the Weimar mainstream and contributed to their popularization. My analysis of these developments is significantly indebted to German scholarship on lesbianism, much of which has not found its way into English language discourse. Katharina Vogel’s 1984 discussion of Die Freundin established the magazine’s key role in early lesbian self-representation and social community. 934 Heike Schader’s (2007) ground-breaking examination of Weimar lesbian magazine prose identified and catalogued commonly used representational tropes and erotically-coded terms. While the work of Vogel and Schader is indispensable

Katharina Vogel, “Zum Selbstsverständnis lesbischer Frauen in der Weimarer Republik: Eine Analyse der Zeitschschrift Die Freundin, 1924-1933,” in Michael Bollé, et al. Eldorado: Homosexuelle Frauen und Männer in Berlin 1850-1950, Geschichte, Alltag und Kultur (1984; repr., Berlin: Edition Hentrich; Berlin: Verlag rosa Winkel, 1992), 162-68; For a related English-langusge discussion, see Angeles Espinaco-Virseda, “’I Feel that I belong to You;’ Subculture, Die Freundin, and Lesbian Identity in Weimar,” spacesofidentity 4, no. 1 (2004): 83-113.

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to this study, my in-depth analysis of Weimar lesbian visual materials and, most notably, the extended discussion of Berlin photographer Gertrud Liebherr, is the first of its kind. Comparative examination of Hannah Höch’s photomontages and lesbian media in this study reveals that the artist commonly deployed visual strategies appropriated from lesbian publications. As has been established, female couples in Höch’s photomontages Russian Dancer and English Dancer (both 1928), Auf dem Weg (1934), and Liebe (1931) may be linked to representations in the lesbian print media and also restate the influential role of Höch’s intimate relationships upon her oeuvre. The joint creative projects of Hannah Höch and Til Brugman are also a primary focus of my thesis. While the couple’s interest in similar themes has been generally acknowledged, their collaboration, and influence upon each other’s oeuvre, has, for the most part, been explored only in German and Dutch publications and not in the detail it requires. This dissertation builds upon the scholarship of Everard and Bosch (1988), Lavin (1993), Everard (1993), Brandt (1995), and Makela (1993), yet examines the couple’s joint projects with greater depth in order to enable a fuller comprehension and appreciation of both women’s oeuvres. As we have seen, Höch and Brugman’s collaborative projects not only foreground gender-related themes, but also contemporary social issues. My reading of Brugman’s 1933 satire “Hollands Blumenfelder” reveals that scratching below the surface discloses a scathing critique of Nazi-informed eugenic discourse. The couple’s jointly produced volume Scheingehacktes, which includes the short stories “Schaufensterhypnose” and “Scheingehacktes,” addresses the pitfalls of capitalism,
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consumer culture, and blind conformity. The latter theme especially attests to the couple’s civil courage; in Nazi Germany, the ability to conform often became a matter of life and death. Höch and Brugman’s sense of social satire was, not surprisingly, most extreme when engaging with gender-related themes. Pursuing a thematic approach, as has been done here, allows closer examination of a key trope in Höch’s oeuvre, namely, the female figure. During the Weimar years, the female figures in Höch’s photomontages became progressively grotesque. The artist’s crippled Brides and her English Dancer lend visual expression to shadow aspects of Weimar eugenics and Körperkultur and represent heterosexual courtship and the contemporaneously valorized bourgeois institution of marriage rather darkly for the era. Moreover, Höch’s cobbled monstrosities, and above all her photomontage English Dancer, (both of which reflect Brugman’s 1927 literary grotesque “Himilia”) present a futuristic scenario of a robotic surgical female hybrid. “Himilia” addresses issues of emotional independence, bodily self-determination, and sexual agency; once again, these are themes which would later become the discursive foundation of 1960s and ‘70s feminism. Brugman’s “Himilia” may also be linked to more recent debates regarding the correlation of sexism and cosmetic surgery 935 and uncannily presage the controversial oeuvre of the French artist Orlan, whose surgically altered body is her medium. 936 While Maria Makela and Maud Lavin have acknowledged the influence of Magnus Hirschfeld and The Institute of Sexual Science upon Höch’s and Brugman’s
Kathy Davis, Reshaping the Female Body: The Dilemma of Cosmetic Surgery (New York: Routledge, 1995). 936 For a discussion of Orlan and her oeuvre, see Simon Donger with Sam Shepherd and Orlan, Orlan: a hybrid body of artworks (London: Routledge, 2010).
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which traditionally suggest mercurial androgyny. Evidence presented in this dissertation clearly links Hannah Höch’s 1930 photomontage Tamer and its dual-sexed ambiguity and extravagant costume to the practice of cross-dressing. Moreover. 30-31. Sphinx: The Life and Art of Leonor Fini (New York: Vendome Press. Sphynx. Höch’s Tamer evokes the habitués of Berlin’s sexual subculture and clearly suggests the sexual intermediates pictured in Weimar publications and ‘documented’ in contemporary police files.7. see Peter Webb. an evocative rendition of what may be a cross-dressed young woman or an effete young man. a comparative in-depth analysis of Höch’s photomontages and German sexological materials had never before been undertaken. Fini’s subject. Male and female transvestites were an integral part of Western European sexual subculture and.5). 937 similarly configured a transvestite taming an animal in her 1932 painting Travesti á l’oiseau (Transvestite with a Bird) (fig. Paris Surrealist Leonor Fini. 7. Fini’s painting Le supplice de l’allure (The torture of allure) (1940) (fig.oeuvres. 938 While the subject’s upper torso is unclothed. the transvestite clearly inspired both Höch and Fini. her good friend André Pieyre de Mandiargues. This suggests that. 937 291 . is depicted wearing the wings of Hermes. she too was deeply fascinated with ambiguously gendered individuals. both his sexual ambiguity and extravagant costume link the figure to Höch’s 1930 Tamer. For a recent discussion of the artist.4). suggests that like Höch. his lower torso (and sex) is draped with costly fabric. by the mid 1920s. Höch’s contemporary. 2009). 938 Webb. compelled new forms of illustration. at the time.

As this study confirms. This period also coincided with the artist’s brief marriage to Kurt Matthies. sexology.As I have demonstrated throughout this study. sexual subculture. Later. what began in Höch’s youth as a highly personal exploration of sexuality and gender in her art would become increasingly central to her oeuvre. popular culture. coupled with her move to a rural Berlin 292 . Höch initially approached gender-related themes with sarcasm and anger. however. By 1923. clearly anticipating Höch’s photomontages Tamer and The Strong Men. the latter also alludes to endocrinology and gender reassignment surgeries. The political triumph of Nazism. Der Steinach Film brought images of ambiguously sexed individuals to a German-language movie-going public. Stung by early experiences at the hands of her misogynistic Dada colleagues and her thoughtless lover Raoul Hausmann. Höch’s wrath. Furthermore. followed by the artist’s separation from Til Brugman in 1936. as her photomontages reveal. German sexual discourse was increasingly medicalized and influenced by the burgeoning field of endocrinology. Höch’s troubled marriage. radically disrupted Höch’s overt exploration of lesbian and transgender themes. ethnography. Although short-lived. and medicine were discursively conflated in Weimar Germany. alternates with sophisticated humor and light-hearted playfulness as well as sarcasm and a deepening exploration of dysphorically gendered identities and bodies. Höch’s affection for her castrated husband attests to her unconventional emotional nature and her fascination with non-normatively gendered individuals. correlations between non-normative gender and hormones had been established.

hoping to sell them. from the late 1930s and through the mid 1950s. facilitated Höch’s attempts to market her own work.suburb in 1939. it also made way for new artistic paths. Berlin: Osburg Verlag. nature studies and landscapes suggested a patriotic love of country and. 940 The National Socialist’s persecution of the 939 Cara Schweitzer. Schrankenlose Freiheit. 288-89. 2011). 18891978. many of Höch’s friends and fellow artists fled Germany. Hannah Höch’s Nazi-era Oeuvre: Nature Studies and Abstraction Garden and landscape themes dominate Höch’s artistic output from 1933 to 1945 and while this substantiates the artist’s love of nature. left a number of landscape-themed watercolors with a government official in Gotha (her hometown) and another eleven with the Berlin Reichsluftfahrtministerium (Air Force Ministry). in Germany at the time. Between 1935 and 1937. Höch. In contrast. it is also in tune with the contemporary cultural environment. initiated a period of “radical loneliness” in which she primarily pursued nature studies and abstraction. the details regarding her transactions with the Air Force Ministry are unknown. human figures actually became peripheral to Höch’s work. 262-67. 939 As mentioned earlier. orchestrated a highly publicized national campaign against the artistic avant-garde. While this interlude clearly reflected her personal and cultural isolation. Schrankenlose Freiheit für Hannah Höch: Das Leben einer Künstlerin. Goebbels (1897-1945) was assisted by Adolf Ziegler and Wolfgang Willrich. Under the Nazi regime. it was practically impossible and potentially dangerous for Höch to sell her photomontages. In the following years the situation steadily worsened as Joseph Goebbels. the newly appointed Propagandaminister. at minimum. 940 Schweitzer. author of the Aryan art polemic Säuberung des Kunsttempels: Eine kunstpolitische Kampfschrift deutscher Kunst im Geiste nordischer Art (Cleaning the Temple of Art: A 293 . After Hitler was appointed Reichskanzler in 1933. Höch was unsuccessful in Gotha.

1937). deter her from going to see the Degenerate Art exhibition in Munich on September 11. Peter Adams. 942 Wolfgang Willrich. 943 Denounced as a cultural Bolshevik. Willrich mentions Höch and includes a fragment of her 1925 oil painting Die Journalisten (The Journalists) in a collage of “degenerate” art works. Abrams. Säuberung des Kunsttempels: Eine kunstpolitische Kampfschrift deutscher Kunst im Geiste nordischer Art. Degenerate Art: The Fate of the Avant-garde in Nazi Germany (Exh. Stephanie Barron. being associated with the avantgarde was perhaps not her only concern. Lehmanns Verlag.avant-garde climaxed in 1937 with the four-year traveling exhibition Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art). 941 For a discussion of Nazi Kulturpolitik (cultural politics) leeding to the 1937 Entartete Kunst exhibition. and that despite the incendiary publicity that had preceded it. Art of the Third Reich (New York: H. Roughly 16. However. whose work was not included in the show. et al. In her journal. esp. was nevertheless branded by the prominent art critic Wolfgang Willrich in 1937 as a Kulturbolschewistin (cultural Bolshevik). 294 . The exhibition. 1991). Höch radically altered her artistic practice and hid much of her work during the war..N. or entered into sham marriages with male homosexuals which provided both partners with mutual protection Political Manifesto in Defense of German Art in the Nordic Spirit) (Munich: J. Höch noted that the most important art works created after the war were on view. the people viewing the exhibition were remarkably quiet. which began in Munich. however.F. German lesbian scholar Ilse Kokula writes that during the Nazi era many lesbians kept a low profile. 272-73. New York: Harry N. was shown in a number of German cities and featured works from German museum collections deemed unAryan. Schrankenlose Freiheit. Abrams. 54. being identified as a lesbian after 1933 was an equally distressing prospect. 943 Schweitzer. moved to rural areas. 121-28. Lehmanns Verlag. 1937). 941 Höch.F. see. (Munich: J. 1992). 1937. 942 This did not. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Catalogue.000 modern art works were confiscated and removed from German museums.

See. Her rekindled interest in abstraction is seen in her 1946 photomontage Schöne Fanggeräte (Beautiful Mechanical-Traps) (fig.. German lesbian survivors of the Ravensbrück camp reported that lesbians were sequestered from other women in separate cell blocks and systematically raped by Russian and French prisoners. yet its drab browns and bluish grays are anything but beguiling. G. 1996). 299. the guards animated the foreign inmates to commit these acts by promising and rewarding them with liquor (157-59). suggests a reticence to create works that would attract unwelcome attention and scrutiny. like them. lesbians shared this classification with prostitutes and female career criminals who. research of concentration camps generally focuses on the fate of Jewish prisoners. Claudia Schoppman. 944 Clearly when one considers the juridical institutionalization and police enforcement of sexual repression in Nazi Germany. Instead. In contrast. it is difficult to trace how many lesbians were actually imprisoned. they were beaten. trans. wore a black triangle. see also. lesbians integrated within larger groups of women. it alludes to the dangers of seduction.(strategies which also suggest Höch’s situation). ed. Höch’s lesbian partnership with Brugman was not only risky but also potentially life-threatening. Although sexual contact between prisoners was normally forbidden. For a discussion of lesbian wartime ‘survival strategies’. Male homosexuals were systemicallyespecially after 1936-rounded up with police raids and interned. 7. while scholarship regarding the treatment of homosexuals in the camps does not address the fate of lesbians. Zorner. Days of Masquerade: Life Stories of Lesbians during the Third Reich (New York: Columbia University Press. For an artist who lived in solitude. 1971). Frauen-KZ Ravensbrück von einem Autorenkollektiv unter Leitung von der antifaschistischen Widerstandskämpfer in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften. 944 295 . 945 Hannah Höch’s pursuit of artistic abstraction during this period. Schrankenlose Freiheit.6). Ilse Kokula. they reflect the war-weakened German publishing industry and the limited availability of color inks. Their clothing was labeled with pink triangles. the work’s title is curious.. 159. On occasion male homosexuals were castrated and in rarer instances. 945 Schweitzer. In the camps. Labeled “Asozial” (asocial). As Kokula remarks. Allison Brown. Bollé et al. much like her landscape and nature studies. Höch and Brugman met in Berlin in early June 1939 before she and her new partner Johanna ‘Hans’ Martineit were compelled to leave the city for their native Holland. “Lesbisch Leben von Weimar bis zur Nachkriegszeit” (Lesbian Life from Weimar through the Postwar Period) in Eldorado. executed. if women were caught engaging in lesbian acts.

“It was 1945: the need for EVERYTHING could neither be ignored nor filled. Bilderbuch. Brian Currid (Berlin: Green Box Kunst Editionen. 59n45. Paraphrased in Ranfft. Höch wrote. Hans Marquardt and Manfred Hamm. her sensibilities changed considerably. eds. Bilderbuch. 948 Gisela Breitling and Renate Flagmeier. Höch’s only known artistic project for children. who. 2010). as surrogates for the desire for an equivalent social freedom on the part of women in general. 949 Sintenis’ comments (and Höch’s wartime pursuit of animal themes) may be linked to Saslow’s arguments. her handwritten preface is dated July 1970. “German women sculptors. despite its humble materials. nevertheless manages to convey a happy tone. as she claimed. 237. 949 Höch’s relatively minimal depiction of human figures in her wartime oeuvre indicates that. “color-printing was technically impossible. 946 296 . animals figured simultaneously as symbols of freedom in their own right. Garrard. See. Cat. “Disagreeably Hidden: Construction and Constriction of the Lesbian Body in Rosa Bonheur’s Horse Fair.” See. Saslow perceptively recognizes.Wartime lack is also evident in Höch’s 1945 Bilderbuch (Picture-book). (Düsseldorf: Claasen Verlag. in the wobbly handwriting of an octogenarian. Gunda Luyken. 948 In contrast to human subjects. upon separation from Brugman. 1945. and as a surrogate for the parallel desire on the part of gender-deviant women (and men) in particular for release from constricting norms of masculinity and femininity. eds. 946 In the 1970 preface to the Picture-book. as for many of her contemporaries. 19181936. In his discussion of lesbian artist Rosa Bonheur’s (1822-79). animals allow artists to sublimate and express easily what may otherwise be uncomfortable or culturally dangerous. 1945. (Berlin: Neue Gesellschaft für Bildende Kunst und Verlag Edition Hentrich. 1985). (New York: Harper Collins.” and. Bilderbuch. 1992). and specifically the lesbian body: For her. Norma Broude and Mary D. her 1945 Bilderbuch was originally published in 1985 and reissued in English translation in 2010. which. 947 Hannah Höch. Saslow perceptively claimed that viewed in conjunction with her biography.” 947 Höch’s exploration of juvenile themes using animal subjects resonates with the claims of lesbian artist Renée Sintenis. Hannah Höch.” 51. Das verborgene Museum I: Dokumentation der Kunst von Frauen in Berliner Öffentlichen Sammlungen. 196. exh. as James M. eds. 1987). While Höch created the book in 1945.” in The Expanding Discourse: Feminism and Art History.. trans. (1985). in 1931 said that the animal domain gave her an escape from daily life and the human beings who had expectations which she could not fulfill. ed. Bonheur’s paintings “represented an alternative vision of the modern female body. Hannah Höch.

7. much like the androgynous heads pictured in the artist’s 1948 gouache Liebespaar am Hang (Romantic Couple on a Slope) (fig. While the pained expressions of the humanoid figures in Höch’s painting 1945 (1945) (fig. 7. figures are abstracted and integrated with plant or garden themes as in the gouache Tümpel (Pond) (1936) (fig.8). 7.14).7.10). 7. At first glance. the material deprivation that characterized Höch’s art during the war was dramatically swept away. clearly echo earlier gender-related themes once central to Höch’s oeuvre. 7. the sexless bird-insects in this mysterious garden themed work suggest the many cross-genus hybrids in the artist’s prewar photomontages. or the small outline of a female body surrounded by swirling abstraction in Flora (1942) (fig. 7.11). as in Möhn (Poppies) (1935-40) (fig.12) evokes a woodcut. During the 1950s. Little evidence in Höch’s wartime oeuvre suggests interpersonal or genderrelated themes.Throughout this period. figures are often merely suggested by silhouettes or theatrical masks. Occasionally they appear to haunt Höch’s paintings like apparitions.9). Der Mond zu Besuch (The Moon comes to Visit) (1943) (fig. yet they are nonetheless subtly expressed in three of the artist’s works. The artist’s love of nature and her loneliness are equally expressed in the wartime watercolor. the bold composition of Höch’s black and white ink drawing Und die Freunde der Keime (And the Friends of Sprouts) (1943) (fig. their neutered bodies. On occasion.7) and Mask und Vase (Mask and Vase) (1940) (fig. 7.13) convey the helpless desperation of war. The vibrant colors of her abstract painting 297 . However. this is evident in the barely visible facial features suspended in the watercolor Pond.

the artist’s first retrospective was organized in Milan at the Galleria Levante. she was also deeply troubled and depressed by the shocking revelations of Nazi war crimes made public through the Nürnberg Trials of 1946.Schwebende Formen (Floating Forms) (1957) (fig. “I felt freedom—freedom!” Höch’s journal entry from January 26. Despite painful personal losses. as Höch’s journal entries reveal. Höch also began to discover the fate of friends with whom she had lost contact during the war. Höch 950 Galerie. 1946. However. figurative imagery remained nominal in the artist’s oeuvre well into the late 1950s. Dada-Dokumente einer Bewegung (Dada-Documents of a Movement) organized in Düsseldorf in 1958. Yet. “Ich fühlte die Freiheit—die Freiheit!” 950 After the war. Importantly. 951 Slowly.15) reflect the availability of paints made possible through Germany’s economic recovery. twenty-six Höch collages were exhibited at the Berlin gallery Gerd Rosen. 7. The first large-scale Dada-themed museum retrospective. the postwar years also coincided with Höch’s reemergence on the international art scene. 951 298 . in 1963. In 1968. yet its title bears a lingering trace of Höch’s war-era reluctance to engage artistically with human interaction. included Höch’s work and. the artist’s postwar oeuvre rapidly gained momentum and soon exhibited a rekindled interest in earlier themes as seen in her reworking of the Tamer. In 1953. HH Archiv Berlinische Schweitzer. in 1957. 372-75. whether Höch’s palette was somber or buoyant. five of her works were included in the exhibition Dada 1916-1923 at New York’s Sidney Janis Gallery and. the artist reveled in a sense of freedom and great relief. Schrankenlose Freiheit.

20. (Minneapolis: Walker Art Center. and Their Heritage in New York. In the late 1950s. including Fluxus performance artists Charlotte Moorman and Nam June Paik. Ralf Burmeister. Surrealism. I argue. 185-92. 186. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. 27. put a definitive end to Höch’s quiet life in Heiligensee. Hannah Höch: Aller Anfang ist DADA! Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz.” in The Photomontages of Hannah Höch. Aller Anfang ist DADA!. after almost twenty-five years of absence. 2007).participated in the Museum of Modern Art exhibition Dada. 954 Statement made to Edouard Roditi. In the early 1960s. supported a reappraisal of Höch’s oeuvre and that of other veteran Dadaists. “Interview with Hannah Höch. Höch met Vedova while he was in Berlin in 1965 and the two became friends. Höch “abruptly reintroduced the figure–specifically the female figure—in her work. See also Burmeister. “I suppose every artist has certain recurring obsessions. lesbianism. no. Peter Boswell. 952 299 . eds. as Burmeister claims. Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art. “Through the Looking Glass. 952 These global events launched a whirlwind phase in which professional recognition. why the female figure was one of Höch’s recurring obsessions. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. Moorman and Paik contacted Höch in 1966 (189). a consequence. 188-90. Höch subscribed to Life International and Magnum and. 955 Peter Boswell. 953 Furthermore.” 954 This dissertation conclusively establishes. 23n39. this reintroduction of the female figure suggests its lasting significance for her. and her culturally untrained sexuality. due to the “sehr guten Druckqualität der Farbreproduktionen” (very good print quality of the color reproductions). interviews. Certain recurring Obsessions: Hannah Höch and the ‘new’ New Woman In 1959. Höch remarked. 3 (1959). of feminism. and the admiration of art historians and young artists. Carolyn Lanchner. 1997). and Kristin Makholm. as well as the Italian Abstract-Expressionist Emilio Vedova. Neo-Dada.” Arts 34. the artist used the magazines for her collages. Berlin: Berlinische Galerie. 953 Burmeister.” 955 After several years in which it played only a minor role. or as it was then also called. Fotografie und Architektur. New York: The Museum of Modern Art. through examination of the entirety of the artist’s oeuvre. Interest in and recognition of Hannah Höch and her oeuvre began around 1958 and remained constant until she died in 1978. contemporary Pop Art.

Höch’s photomontages Um einen roten Mund (About a Red Mouth) (1967) (fig. As Kristin Makholm observes. 1. and Grotesque (1967) (fig.17). Höch reconfigured the Tamer sometime between 1959 and 1964. 7. The composition of About a Red Mouth reflects Höch’s intermittent pursuit of lyrical abstraction.” 958 While timely. 957 956 300 .19) clearly echo her Weimar oeuvre. many of the artist’s photomontages from the 1960s “intentionally recall her work from the 1920s and 1930s while engaging the latest New Woman. Interestingly (and recently discovered by artist Joe Mills) at the time. while the pink and white lace petticoat that comprises the photomontage’s middle ground Boswell. no. when it was exhibited in Berlin. once again. Hommage á Riza Abasi (Homage to Riza Abasi) (1963) (fig. 23n37.During the 1960s. “Strange Beauty: Hannah Höch and the Photomontage. 7. Based on materials Mills discovered in a 1959 issue of Life International. 957 Höch’s revision of one of her most evocative gender-themed works suggests that current social developments infused the artist’s earlier themes with new relevance and inspired her to pursue them once more.” Photo Review 26/27.” MoMA. 24 (Winter-Spring 1997): 23. 958 Kristin Makholm. “Through the Looking Glass. “Dating the Dompteuse: Hannah Höch’s Reconfiguration of the Tamer. Höch reengaged with women’s issues that had recently come to the fore in Westernized countries throughout the world. she also chose to rework the Tamer with materials published in a 1959 magazine. in addition. that Höch began to explore gender in her work. no. 956 It was then. Mills credits Kristin Makholm for finding evidence in Höch’s papers in 1996 confirming her subscriptions to Life International and Magnum.” 20-21. 4/1 (2003/ 2004): 16-18. Joe Mills and Peter Boswell. the invention of the birth-control pill provided unprecedented social choices and viable alternatives to marriage there as elsewhere in Europe and North America. This trend was reflected in contemporary Germany where a growing economy fueled consumerism and expanded employment opportunities for women.16).

see. the image evokes a number of Höch’s earlier themes.” in Cut with the Kitchen Knife: The Weimar Photomontages of Hannah Höch (New Haven: Yale University Press. 961 Höch’s rekindled interest in and engagement with the related themes of female beauty and commodification are equally evident in her 1963 collage Grotesque. “From an Ethnographic Museum. the title of which alludes to the bizarre extremes that often dictate women’s fashion. both key elements in Höch’s Weimar-era oeuvre and Scrapbook. Toepfer. Empire of Ecstasy: Nudity and Movement in German Body Culture. alternately suggests 1920s Ausdrückstanz (expressionistic dance) and a sultry silent-film Vamp. 961 For a discussion of the series. 1993). 960 Ausdrückstanz (expressionistic dance) flourished after World War I in Germany. 959 301 . a darkeyed Audrey Hepburn look-alike. Hannah Höch’s erotically-tinged fascination with exoticized femininity is patently expressed in her 1963 collage Homage to Riza Abasi. While the work’s title references the sixteenth-century Persian miniaturist Riza Abbasi. 959 The constructed and contorted subject of Riza Abasi. 960 Riza Abasi is also reminiscent of the artist’s Ethnographischen Museum series. Grotesque suggests and revisits what for Höch was undoubtedly a central and lifelong theme: the The artist’s interest in the Iranian miniaturist of the Isfahan School Riza Abbasi (1565-1635) may have been piqued by the Persian branch of the Deutsches Archeologisches Institut (German Archeological Institute) which opened in Berlin in 1961.attests to the artist’s perennial interest in women’s fashion and her work during the ‘teens and ‘20s as a textile designer. Karl E. see Maud Lavin. a group of Weimar-era photomontages in which Höch combined pictures of non-Western artifacts with imagery from contemporary fashion magazines. 158-183. For an indepth study of the cultural significance of dance in Weimar. 1997). The fleshy pink lips that dominate About a Red Mouth suggest the lips of Höch’s 1930 Marlene and once again confirm her unbroken engagement with the cultural construction and fetishization of femininity. 1910-1935 (Berkeley: University of California Press.

Both monstrous and whimsical. the figures in Grotesque. it is critical to examine in detail the extent to which Höch’s intimate relationships and cognizance of popular and subcultural media media played a key role in shaping her aesthetic sensibilities and artistic production. which are reduced to heads and legs. subcultural. Russian Dancer and English Dancer. While Höch’s pursuit of gender-related themes was interrupted by war. also evoke the artist’s similarly configured 1928 photomontages. and imply their belated and joyous unification. 302 . and scientific materials related to sexuality and gender in Germany. suggests a playful reprise of her 1919 Dada-Puppets (fig. this colorful female pair.lesbian couple.3). 1. Although Höch’s Dada-era photomontages clearly exhibit a feminist turn. As a chronological overview of the artist’s oeuvre reveals. one of which is ambiguously gendered due to an aging male head. Moreover. her engagement with gender and sexuality significantly increased and found clarification and fruition in late Weimar during her years with Til Brugman. a period that also importantly coincides with the widespread dissemination of popular. the vibrancy and masterful abandon of her Spätwerk attests to her perennial fascination with the female figure and her lifelong exploration of the construction and expression of gender in its myriad forms.

FIGURES

1.1 Hannah Höch, 1915. Hannah Höch Archiv (HH Archiv), Berlinische Galerie, Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst, Fotografie und Architektur, Berlin.

303

1.2 Til Brugman, ca. 1905. HH Archiv, Berlinische Galerie.

304

1.3 Hannah Höch, Dada-Puppen (Dada-Dolls), 1916-1918. Cloth and diverse materials, ca. 60 cm. Berlinische Galerie.

305

1.4 Hannah Höch, Entartet (Degenerate), 1969. Collage, 34.4 x 40.5 cm. Collection Landesbank Berlin AG.

306

1.5 Hannah Höch, Entwurf für das Denkmal eines bedeutendes Sptzenhemdes (Design for a Memorial for an Important Lace-Shirt) 1922. Collage, 27.6 x 17 cm. Hamburger Kunsthalle.

307

1.6 Hannah Höch, Schnitt mit dem Küchenmesser Dada durch die letzte weimarer Bierbauchkulturepoche Deutschlands (Cut with the Kitchen Knife Dada through the last Weimar Beer Belly Cultural Epoch of Weimar Germany), 1919-20. Photomontage, 114 x 90 cm. Neue Nationalgalerie Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin.

308

1.7 Hannah Höch, Die Mädchen (The Girls), 1921. Photomontage, dimensions unknown. Lost.

309

1.8 Hannah Höch, Da-Dandy, 1919. Photomontage, 30 x 23 cm. Private Collection.

310

1.9 Raoul Hausmann, Photo Hannah Höch, 1919. HH Archiv, Berlinische Galerie.

311

der Tragöde (Oz. pictured in Lavin. Missing. Oz. Cut with the Kitchen Knife. Photomontage. the Tragic Actor) 1919.1. 312 .10 Hannah Höch. Photomontage. 38.

40. Photomontage. Centre Georges Pompidou.6 cm.6 x 28.11 Raoul Hausmann. Paris. ABCD. 313 . 1923-24.1. Musée National d’Art Moderne.

Werner Schmalenbach. 15. Collection Dr.12 Kurt Schwitters.7 cm. Collage. Düsseldorf.1.9 x 12. 314 . Miss Blanche 1923.

1. Collage (Dada). Collection Merrill C.7 x 32. New York.8 cm. 24. 315 . Collage. Scarsdale. Berman. 1922-24.13 Hannah Höch.

Berlin. 316 . John Heartfield Archiv. Photographic reproduction. dimensions and whereabouts of original unknown.14 George Grosz and John Heartfield. 1919.1. Sonniges Land (Sunny Land). Akademie der Künste.

1. 21 x 29 cm. Collection Düsseldorf WestLB. Le Cygne est bien paisable (The Swan is quite Peaceful). 317 . 1920. Gouache on photographic enlargement of photomontage.15 Max Ernst.

1920. Typical Vertical Misrepresentation as a Depiction of the Dada Baargeld (Self-portrait).16 Johannes Baargeld. 37. Kunsthaus Zürich.1 x 31 cm.1. Photomontage. 318 .

17 Max Ernst. 319 . Cleveland Museum of Art. 1929.1. Jean Hatchet and Charles the Bold. 34 x 20 cm. Collage.

30. Jean Arp. Stiftung Arp. Oscar Dominguez.6 cm. 1937.6 x 23.1. Sophie Taeuber-Arp. Rolandseck. Mixed media on paper. 320 .18 Marcel Janco. Cadavre Exquis.

1963. Grotesque.19 Hannah Höch. 25 x 17 cm. Stuttgart. 321 . Photomontage. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen.1.

1. Galerie Berinson. 1920. Berlin. Der Vater (The Father). 322 .20 Hannah Höch.

1. Collection Vera and Arturo Schwarz.21 Hannah Höch.6 cm.6 x 16. Milan. Dada-Ernst (Dada-Serious/Grave). 1920-21. Photomontage. 18. 323 .

Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde auf Grund dreissigjähriger Forschung und Erfahrung bearbeitet (Stuttgart: Julius Püttmann Verlagsbuchhandlung. Vol. 324 .22 Abtreibungsinstrumente (Abortion-instruments). 4. 1930). 341. Magnus Hirschfeld.1.

L’Origine du Monde (1866). 46 x 55 cm.23 Gustave Courbet. 325 . Paris.1. Oil on Canvas. Musée d’Orsay.

The Great Cosmic Mother of All (San Francisco: Harper and Row.24 Sheela-na-Gig. 1987). Ireland. Mary and St. 320. Corbel in the Church of St. Kilpeck. 12th century. David. Pictured in Monica Sjöö. 326 .1.

81 x 64 cm. 327 . 1923.1. Oil on canvas. London.25 Max Ernst. Tate Gallery. Les Hommes n’en Sauront Rien (Of this Men Shall Know Nothing).

328 .1. Foolish Wives.26 Eric von Stroheim as Count Karamzin. Universal Jewel (1922).

Kunstmusem des Landes Niedersachsen.5 cm. 30.1 Hannah Höch.2. Rüssische Tänzerin (Russian Dancer). 329 . Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museums Braunschweig. 1928.5 x 22. Photomontage.

Photomontage. Englische Tänzerin (English Dancer). Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Stuttgart.2. 23. 330 . 1928.2 Hannah Höch.7 x 18 cm.

3 Romaine Brooks. 331 .3 x 76. Smithsonian American Art Museum. Una. Lady Troubridge.2.4 cm. Oil on canvas. 127. 1923.

2.2. no. 332 .4 Anonymous photograph (Three Nude Women). Liebende Frauen.. 36 (1927). Jg.

333 . Album (Scrapbook). 1933.5 Hannah Höch. undated. ca.2. unpaginated.

2. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen.5 x 20. Stuttgart. Equilbre (Equilibrium). Photomontage. 1925. 30.6 Hannah Höch.3 cm. 334 .

Wege der Kraft und Schönheit. Polizei und Sitte (Gersbach & Sohn. Aus der Zeitschrift: Schönheit (Nudism in Film: from the Magazine: Beauty) [Wilhelm Prager. Berlin. 335 . Film Still. Albert Moll. 1926).7 Nacktkultur im Film. 1925].2. 31.

336 . Tänzerinnen (Female Dancers). 1927. 3 Jg. no.8 Kupfer und Meyer. August 8.2. Die Freundin. 15..

16. 1931. 39. Die Freundin. 337 . Sept. 7.. no..9 Anonymous photograph (Three Nude Women on a Beach). Jg.2.

mit einem Vorwort von Dr.10 Anonymous cover Illustration. Berlins lesbische Frauen.2. 338 . Magnus Hirschfeld (Leipzig: Bruno Gebauer Verlag für Kulturprobleme. Ruth Margarete Roellig. 1928).

Die klugen Jungfrauen: ein Sittenbild aus Berlin W. 339 .11 Otto Hahn. (Leipzig: W.2. cover Illustration. 1924). Marie-Renée Mecke-Daumas. Borngräber.

Die Tänzerinnen Schwestern Karolewna (The Dancing Karolewna Sisters). 11.12 Foto Angela. 3. 340 . Novemberheft. Die Dame. 1929 (Berlin).2. p. detail.

341 . dimensions. Ecstasy.1930. ca.2.13 Heinz von Perchkhammer.tumblr. 2012). Photograph. www. present whereabouts unknown.com/tagged/heinz-von-perckhammer?before=1307366646 (accessed January 5.

342 . Heliogravure. 1928). Edle Nacktheit in China mit 32 Original-aufnahmen von Heinz von Perckhammer (Berlin: Eigenbrödler Verlag.14 Heinz von Perchkhammer.2.

5 (1928).2. Frauen-Liebe. 3 Jg. 343 . no.15 Anonymous photograph..

Jg. 8. 344 . Die Freundin 4. no.16 Anonymous photograph. Die Badenden (The Bathers). April 16. 1928..2.

nr.2. Ideale Schönheit (Ideal Beauty). Feb.. 3.17 Anonymous photograph. Jg. Die Freundin. 1928. 345 . 6.. 4.

delcampe. 1920s. http://www. 2012).2. 346 .18 Anonymous erotic postcard.php?cat=7894&searchMode= all&searchTldCountry=net&searchInDescription=Y Seite 4 (accessed March 1.de/list.

2 cm. 347 . 25 x 14. Colored pencil and white chalk on paper. my heart cries again).19 Fernand Khnopff. Mon couer couer pleure d’autrefois (With Gregoire the King. Private collection. Avec Gregoire le Roy.2.

20 Franz Roh. 348 . Gelatin silver print. Selbstbegrüssung. 15.2. Los Angeles. The J. (Greeting Oneself) 1927-33.4 x 19.8 cm. Paul Getty Museum.

179 mm x 237 mm. 1928. 349 .21 Claude Cahun.2. Photograph. Jersey Heritage Trust (JHT)/1995/00030/g. Self-Portrait in Mirror.

1 Masculine/feminine lesbian sartorial configuration. France. 350 .3. undated. Postcard. Author’s collection.

1928.2 Jeanne Mammen. Watercolor and pencil. Berlin. 351 .3. Förderverein der Jeanne-Mammen-Stiftung. 48 x 36 cm. Two Women Dancing. ca.

Zeebrugge. Watercolor and pencil. Des Moines Art Center.3 Jeanne Mammen. 1920s.3. 39 x 34 cm. Des Moines. 352 . Iowa.

353 .4 Josephine Baker in modernen Revuekostüm. 4. Plate 51. Magnus Hirschfeld.3. Vol. Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde.

3.5 Gesichtsbemalung einer Indianerin aus Arizona. Face-painting Haussa Woman in West Sudan). Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde. 4. Gesichtsbemalung der Haussa-Frauen im Westsudan (Face-painting of an Arizona Indian. Hirschfeld. p. Vol. 354 .768.

3. March 5. 1928. Die Freundin. 355 . orientalische Tänzerin” (S’ent Marona. Oriental Dancer).6 “S’ent Marona.

Studie russischer Tänzerinnen (Study of Russian Dancers).4 x 17.7 Rudolf Koppitz. Vienna. 33.9 cm. Private collection.3. ca. Bromide Print. 1926. 356 .

. no.3. 3. 41 (1928). Liebende Frauen. Jg.8 Anonymous photograph (Entwined Figures). 357 .

” The Illustrated London News.3. 6. 683.. Lydia Sokolova “Queen of English Dancers.9 Lenare. 1926. Oct. 358 .

3.10 Hannah Höch, Liebe (Love), 1931. Photomontage, 21 x 21.8 cm. National Gallery of Australia, Canberra.

359

3.11 Anna Pawlowa “Libelle,” Undated postcard. Collection author.

360

3.12 Libellule. Postcard, undated. http://www.delcampe.de/list.php?searchString=libellule&cat7894&searchMode=all&SearchTldCountry=net&searchInDescription=Y (accessed March 9, 2012).

361

3.13 Young Girl with Wings. Postcard, undated. http://www.delcampe.de/page/item/id,153841928,var,Libelleoriginele-foto-rond-1915,language,G.html (accessed March 1, 2012).

362

3.14 Herta Wasserkampf, Postcard, Felix Korn Verlag, Stuttgart, ca. 1930. Akpool.de/ansichtskarte-postkarte-nixe-sitzt-auf-rosenblatt-libelle-fisch (accessed January 15, 2012).

Reversed image

363

3.15 Hannah Höch, Album (Scrapbook), unpaginated. HH Archiv, Berlinische Galerie.

364

3.16 Hannah Höch, Vagabunden (Vagabonds) 1926. Photomontage, 35 x 25 cm. Collection Guido Rossi, Milan.

365

3.17 Hannah Höch, Von Oben (From Above, or Two Children above the City), 1926-27. Photocollage on paper mounted on cardboard, 30.6 x 22.2 cm. Private collection, Des Moines, Iowa.

366

3.18 Hannah Höch, Auf dem Weg im F. Himmel (On the Way to F. Heaven) 1934. Photomontage, 36.8 x 25.4 cm. Private collection, New York.

367

Oct. Jg.3. 28. 1931.19 Anonymous. 7. no.. 368 . “Märchenland” (Fairy-Tale Land). 43. Die Freundin..

369 . Traumbild (Dream-picture). Photomontage. Mager. 1928. 4. W. Die Freundin.3. April 30. no. Jg. 9.20 H.

1 cm. Collage.5 x 18.21 Hannah Höch. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Stuttgart. Flucht (Flight). 370 . 1931. 24.3.

371 .3.22 Hannah Höch. ca. 22. Siebenmeilenstiefel (Seven-League Boots). Hamburger Kunsthalle. Kupferstichkabinett. 1934. Photomontage.9 x 32.2 cm.

Stuttgart. 1940.3.23 Hannah Höch.2 x 20. Nur nicht mit beiden Beinen auf der Erde Stehen (Don’t Stand with both Legs on the Ground). Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen.8 cm. 372 . Photomontage. 32.

1 Til Brugman “SHE HE” (1917-1922). Den Haag. Collection Gerrit Jan de Rook. 373 .4.

BG-HHC-F 191/79. Der Vorstand [Charlotte ‘Lotte’ Hahm]. Frauen-Liebe. 2.2 Til Brugman. Jg.3 Damenklub Violetta. no.. 374 . undated photograph. Berlinische Galerie. 4.4. 49 (1927): 12.

Photograph. 1928. 375 .4.4 Hannah Höch and Til Brugman with their cat Ninn. HH Archiv Berlinische Galerie.

14. Büsingstrasse. Berlin. 376 .4. 9 cm. Linocut. BG-G 6840/93.1 x 14. Berlinische Galerie.5 Hannah Höch. 1929.

Völker.4. Reisen 5 (1933): 431. 377 .6 Hannah Höch. Atlantis: Länder. Tulip Farmer.

378 . Völker. Tulip Field. Reisen 5 (1933): 430.7 Hannah Höch.4. Atlantis: Länder.

Liebeskult und Liebeskitsch: Erotik im Dritten Reich (Munich: Klinkhardt & Biermann. Interfoto München. 1992). Pictured in Udo Pini.8 May-Day Rally. Nurenberg.4. 1933. 36-37. 379 .

1927. Ink on paper. 1982). Hannah Höch: Werke und Worte (Berlin: Fröhlich & Kaufmann. Present whereabouts unknown. 213 x 202 mm.9 Hannah Höch. eds. 380 .. pictured in Herbert Remmert und Peter Barth. Der Schandfleck im Tulpenbeet (The Stain in the Tulip Field).4. 47.

cover Illustration. 381 . 1935). Scheingehacktes (Berlin: Verlag der Rabenpresse.4.10 Hannah Höch.

11 Hannah Höch.4. Scheingehacktes. BG-HHC 560/79. hand-colored cover Illustration. Berlinische Galerie. 382 . 1935.

1935. 383 . p. Cabbage Patch. 15.4.12 Hannah Höch. Scheingehacktes.

p. 23 384 .4.13 Hannah Höch. Scheingehacktes. 1935. Schaufensterhypnose.

Die Braut (Pandora) (The Bride [Pandora]). Berlin. Die Berlinische Galerie. Oil on canvas. Photographie.14 Hannah Höch.4. und Architektur. 1927. Landesmuseum für Moderne Kunst. 114 x 66 cm. 385 .

4. Photomontage.5 cm.15 Hannah Höch. Traum Seines Lebens (His Life’s Dream). 386 . 30 x 22. Museum of Modern Art. New York. 1925.

16 Hannah Höch.6 x 20. Photomontage with collage. Private collection. 1931.4. 21. 387 .9 cm. Bäuerliches Brautpaar (Peasant Wedding Couple). Berlin.

ca. Photomontage.17 Hannah Höch.7 cm.4. New York. Die Braut (The Bride). 20 x 19. 1933. 388 . Collection Thomas Walther.

Watercolor. Bürgerliches Brautpaar (Bourgeois Wedding Couple). 1920. 389 .4. 39 x 107 cm.18 Hannah Höch. Private collection.

5 cm. Gelatin silver print. Kunsthaus Zürich. Garderobe. 25 x 16. 1920.19 Man Ray. 390 .4.

20 Advertisement. 391 . 942. p. 1924. August 17.4. Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung.

Geschlechtskunde.4. 1930. 392 . p. 741. Hirschfeld.21 Beinfetischismus (Leg-Fetishism).

Marlene. 393 .4. Athens. Photomontage. 1930.7 x 24.22 Hannah Höch.2 cm. 36. Collection Dakis Joannou.

Photomontage. 18 x 23 cm. 1935.23 Hannah Höch. 394 .4. Berlinische Galerie. Der Schuss (The Kick).

5. Kunsthaus Zürich. 35. Dompteuse (Tamer). Graphische Sammlung.5 x 26 cm. Photomontage. 1930.1 Hannah Höch. 395 .

” Das 12 Uhr Blatt. das geheimnisvolle Wesen am Trapez” (and at the Wintergarten [theatre].5. Barbette. “Blick in die Welt. 1931.2 “und im Wintergarten. Barbette. that mysterious creature on a trapeze). 396 . July 31.

22. 1926). Zeichnung von F. Polizei und Sitte: Die Polizei in Einzeldarstellungen (Berlin: Gersbach & Sohn Verlag.5. p. Albert Moll. Rops (Prostitute in men’s clothing. 397 .3 Dirne in Männerkleidung. Rops). Drawing F.

5. 23. 398 . Use of the Bubikopf hairstyle). Moll. Polizei und Sitte. p.4 Männlicher Transvertit. Benutzung der Bubikopfmode (Male Transvestite.

399 . Moll.5. Polizei und Sitte. p. 23.5 Männlicher Transvertit (Male Transvestite).

Magnus Hirschfeld. 122.5. Berlins drittes Geschlecht (Leipzig: Verlag Max Spohr. 400 . 1904).6 Eine Frau die es liebt Uniform zu tragen: der Bart ist angeklebt (A woman who loves to wear uniforms: the mustache is glued-on). p.

Geschlechts-Übergänge.5. Plate 14. 401 . Magnus Hirschfeld. Mischungen männlicher und weiblicher Geschlechtscharactere (sexuelle-Zwischenstufen) (Leipzig: Verlag der Monatsschrift für Harnkrankheiten und sexuelle Hygeine. 1905).7 Androtrichie (feminae barbatae) (Bearded Women).

1216. 1924. 402 . Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung. Oct. p.8 Eine Schreckensnachricht (Terrifying News). 12.5.. 41. no.

. Liebende Frauen.9 Gertrud Liebherr(?). 5. 16 (1930).5. 403 . Jg. no. Photograph.

Jg.10 “Moderne Fotokunst. (1928): 5. Die Freundin. no.5.” Die Freundin. 404 . 20 (October 17. 5.11 Gertrud Liebherr. 3 Jg.. no. Die Frau als Mann. 5. 4. 1927): 7..

5 (1928): 4. no. Die Frau als Mann.12 Gertrud Liebherr. 405 .. Die Freundin. 4 Jg.5.

13 Der Elegante Herr (The Elegant Man). August 10.5. 271. 406 . p. Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung. 1924.

no. 407 . Liebende Frauen.14 Gertrud Liebherr(?). Photograph. 18 (1929).5.. 4 Jg.

.) Illustrierter Teil (Berlin: Alfred Pulvermacher & Co. Der erotischen Verkleidungstrieb (Die Transvestiten. 408 .15 Voo Doo.5. Magnus Hirschfeld and Max Tilke. detail. 1912). Plate 43.

Die Freundin. Der Transvestit Voo-Doo. one of the Most Prominent International Dance-stars).5.. 14 (1927): 27. 409 .16 Gerlach. eine der bekanntesten internationaler Tanzsterne (The Transvestite Voo-Doo. 3 Jg. no.

Error in sexu (Pseudohermaphrodite with dominant female behavior). 410 . Hirschfeld.17 Pseudohermaphroditismus masculinis bei überwiegend weiblichen Habitus. Plate 7.5. Geschlechts-Übergänge.

Lothar Goldman.18 Male cross-dresser. 411 . undated.” Geschlecht und Gesellschaft 12 (1924/25). Police Photo.5. “Über das Wesen des Umkleidungstriebes. Plate 1.

1923 Humboldt Institut.1 Advertisement.HTM Tab “Der Steinach Film” (accessed March 1.6.de/Sexology/GESUND/ ARCHIV/COLLSTE. Online Archiv für Sexology http://www2. Der Steinach Film. 412 .hu berlin. 2012).

2 Film Still (detail).HTM Tab “Der Steinach Film” (accessed March 1.hu berlin. 1923. 413 . 2012). Humboldt Institut. Online Archiv für Sexology http://www2.6.de/Sexology/GESUND/ ARCHIV/COLLSTE. The Steinach Film.

20-21. 414 .3 Eugen Steinach. Verjüngung durch experimentelle Neubelebung der alternden Pubertätsdrüse (Berlin: Verlag von Julius Springer.6. pp. 1920).

Stuttgart.4 Hannah Höch. Photomontage. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. 415 . Die Starken Männer (The Strong Men).6.5 x 13. 1931. 24.5 cm.

416 . 1927.5 Max Schmeling.6. The Granger Collection. New York. Photograph. Ullstein Bild.

4. 206.6. Vol. 207. 417 . Figs. Hirschfeld.6 Boxer Schmeling and Aphrodite Kallipygos. Bilderteil: Geschlechtskunde.

5 cm.7 Hannah Höch. 1926. Die Süsse (Sweet One). Photomontage with watercolor. Essen. 30 x 15. Museum Folkwang.6. 418 .

An Authentic Record of a Change of Sex. 419 .P. J. trans.8 Gerda Wegener. Portrait of three Women (Lili in the centre). Stenning (New York: E. facing page 224. H. 1933). Man into Woman. Niels Hoyer.. Dutton. ed.6.

128-29.6.9 Gerda Wegener. Moll. Moderne Demimondänen. between pp. Polizei und Sitte. 420 .

1933.6. Hoyer.10 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) about 1920. 421 . Man into Woman. Frontispiece.

Man into Woman. 422 . Hoyer.11 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) posing as Lili. Paris 1926. 1933. facing page 40.6.

1930. Man into Woman.6. January. 1933.12 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) after definitely assuming the name of Lili. 423 . Hoyer. facing page 96. Paris.

Dresden. facing page 112. May 1930. Hoyer. Man into Woman. between second and third Operations.6. 424 .13 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) as Lili Elbe. 1933.

Copenhagen. 1933. facing page 208. 425 .6. Hoyer. 1931.14 Einar Wegener (Andreas Sparre) as Lili Elbe. February. Man into Woman.

ed. Lili Elbe.. 1932). ein Mensch wechselt sein Geschlecht: Eine Lebensbeichte (A Person changes their Sex: a life confession) (Dresden: Carl Reissner Verlag. 426 .6. Neils Hoyer.15 Dust-jacket.

16 Schnittbild aus Zeitschriften die vorzugsweise in homosexuellen Kreisen gelesen wurde (Collage of newspapers that are primarily read in homosexual circles). 427 . 101. p. Polizei und Sitte.6. Moll.

7. Photograph.1 Claude Cahun [and Marcel Moore]. Self-portrait. ca. Jersey Heritage Trust (JHT)/1995/0036/b print. 428 . 1928.

1930).2 Claude Cahun. Photomontage prefacing Chapter III. Aveux non avenus (Paris: Édition Carrefour. 429 .7.

3 Claude Cahun and Marcel Moore [signed Moore]. Aveux non avenus. Frontispiece. 1930.7. 430 . Photomontage.

Oil on canvas. ca. 100 x 65cm. Travesti á l’oiseau (Transvestite with a Bird). 431 .7.4 Leonor Fini. 1932. Private collection.

7cm. Le supplice de l’allure (The Torture of Allure).7. Oil on canvas.5 Leonor Fini.8 x 40. 64. 432 . 1940.

30 x 22cm. 1946. Schöne Fanggeräte (Beautiful Trapping-Machines).6 Hannah Höch. Photomontage. Collection Landesbank Berlin AG.7. 433 .

Berlinische Galerie. Gouache. 63 x 47 cm. Möhn (Poppies). 434 . 1935-40.7 Hannah Höch.7.

435 .7. 45 x 32 cm. 1940.8 Hannah Höch. Berlinische Galerie. Gouache. Maske und Vase (Mask and Vase).

Watercolor 40 x 57 cm.9 Hannah Höch.7. Tümpel (Pond). 436 . 1936. Berlinische Galerie.

437 .10 Hannah Höch. 1942.7. Watercolor. Flora. Berlinische Galerie. 35 x 48 cm.

11 Hannah Höch. 1943. 72 x 57 cm. Watercolor. Der Mond zu Besuch (The Moon comes for a Visit).7. 438 .

23 x 23 cm. Ink on Paper. Und die Freunde der Keime (And the Friends of Sprouts). Berlinische Galerie. 1943. 439 .7.12 Hannah Höch.

440 . Collection Landesbank Berlin.4 cm.8 x 81. Oil on canvas. 1945. 1945. 92.7.13 Hannah Höch.

Liebespaar am Hang (Romantic Couple on a Slope). Gouache. 441 . Berlinische Galerie. 45 x 62 cm. 1948.14 Hannah Höch.7.

Berlinische Galerie. 1957. 90 x 60 cm. 442 .15 Hannah Höch. Schwebende Formen (Floating Forms). Oil on canvas.7.

Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. ca. 20.16 Hannah Höch. Um einem roten Mund (Around/About a Red Mouth). 443 . Stuttgart. 1967.7.5 cm. Collage.5 x 16.

7 cm. 444 .7. Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen. Photomontage. Stuttgart. 35.17 Hannah Höch. 1963.5 x 17. Hommage á Riza Abasi (Homage to Riza Abasi).

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