for the collapse of civilization

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Ideas and Issues
Anarcho-primitivism is an anarchist critique of the origins and progress of civilization. According to anarcho-primitivism, the shift from → hunter-gatherer to agricultural subsistence gave rise to social stratification, coercion, and alienation. Anarcho-primitivists advocate a return to non-"civilized" ways of life through deindustrialisation, abolition of division of labour or specialization, and abandonment of large-scale organization technologies. There are other non-anarchist forms of primitivism, and not all primitivists point to the same phenomenon as the source of modern, civilized problems. Many traditional anarchists reject the critique of civilization, many even denying that anarcho-primitivism has anything to do with anarchism, while some, such as → Wolfi Landstreicher, endorse the critique but do not consider themselves anarcho-primitivists. Anarcho-primitivists are often distinguished by their focus on the praxis of achieving a feral state of being through "rewilding".

Early influences within anarchism
Anarchism started to have an ecological view mainly in the writings of american individualist anarchist and transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau. In his book Walden he advocates → simple living and self-sufficiency among natural surroundings in resistance to the advancement of industrial civilization[1] . An ecologist current within anarchism was anarcho-naturism which mainly had relevance within european individualist anarchism.

Anarcho-primitivists argue that prior to the advent of agriculture, humans lived in small, nomadic bands which were socially, politically, and economically egalitarian. Being without hierarchy, these bands are sometimes viewed as embodying a form of anarchism. → John Moore writes that anarcho-primitivism seeks "to expose, challenge and abolish all the multiple forms of power that structure the individual, social relations, and interrelations with the natural world."[2] Primitivists hold that, following the emergence of agriculture, the growing masses of humanity subtly became evermore beholden to technological processes and abstract power structures arising from the division of labour and hierarchy. Primitivists disagree over what degree of horticulture might be present in an anarchist society, with some arguing that permaculture could have a role but others advocating a strictly → hunter-gatherer subsistence. Primitivism has drawn heavily upon cultural anthropology and archaeology. Within the last half-century, societies once viewed as barbaric have been largely reevaluated by academics, some of whom now hold that early humans lived in relative peace and prosperity. Frank Hole, an early-agriculture specialist, and Kent Flannery, a specialist in

Anarcho- primitivism Mesoamerican civilization, have noted that, "No group on earth has more leisure time than hunters and gatherers, who spend it primarily on games, conversation and relaxing."[3] [4] Scholars such as Karl Polanyi and → Marshall Sahlins characterized primitive societies as gift economies with "goods valued for their utility or beauty rather than cost; commodities exchanged more on the basis of need than of exchange value; distribution to the society at large without regard to labor that members have invested; labor performed without the idea of a wage in return or individual benefit, indeed largely without the notion of 'work' at all."[5] Other scholars and thinkers such as → Paul Shepard, influenced by anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss, have written of the "Evolutionary Principle" which roughly states that when a species is removed from its natural habitat its behaviors will become pathological. Shepard has written at length on ways in which the human species' natural "ontogeny", which developed through millions of years of evolution in a foraging mode of existence, has been disrupted due to a sedentary lifestyle caused by agriculture.[6]


Anarcho-primitivists view civilization as the logic, institutions, and physical apparatus of domestication, control, and domination. They focus primarily on the question of origins. Civilization is seen as the underlying problem or root of oppression, and must therefore be dismantled or destroyed. Anarcho-primitivists describe the rise of civilization as the shift over the past 10,000 years from an existence within and deeply connected to the web of life, to one psychologically separated from and attempting to control of the rest of life. They argue that prior to civilization there generally existed ample leisure time, considerable gender equality and social equality, a non-destructive approach to the natural world, the absence of organized violence, no mediating or formal institutions, and strong health and robustness. Anarcho-primitivists state that civilization inaugurated mass warfare, the subjugation of women, population growth, busy work, concepts of property, entrenched hierarchies, as well as encouraging the spread of diseases. They claim that civilization begins with and relies on an enforced renunciation of instinctual freedom and that it is impossible to reform away such a renunciation.

The domestication of life
Domestication, according to primitivists, is the process that civilization uses to induct and control life according to its strictly ordered logic. Essentially, domestication is the tendency of civilization, as an orderly, predictable system, to attempt to assimilate the entire rest of the universe into itself, to make the whole world into one colossal orderly, predictable system. The mechanisms of domestication are said to include: taming, breeding, genetically modifying, schooling, caging, intimidating, coercing, extorting from, promising, contracting, governing, enslaving, terrorizing, raping, murdering, etc. Domestication is a pathological (read: "borne out of fear") power-process begun by some groups of early humans who wished to reduce the uncertainties and dangers of life, attempting to manufacture a completely safe and organized existence. It is ultimately this force that primitivists (especially anarcho-primitivists) array themselves against. Primitivists also describe it (more specifically) as the process by which previously nomadic human populations shift towards a sedentary or settled existence through agriculture and animal husbandry. They claim that this kind of domestication demands a totalitarian

Anarcho- primitivism relationship with both the land and the plants and animals being domesticated - ultimately, it even requires a totalitarian relationship with humanity. They say that whereas, in a state of wildness, all life shares and competes for resources, domestication destroys this balance. The domesticated landscape (e.g. pastoral lands/agricultural fields and, to a lesser degree, horticulture and gardening) is seen to necessitate the end of open sharing of the resources that formerly existed; where once “this was everyone’s,” it is now “mine.” Anarcho-primitivists argue that this notion of ownership laid the foundation for social hierarchy as property and power emerged. It inevitably entailed the cultivation and exploitation of the surrounding environs and the creation of a simultaneous monopoly and monopsony by humans, and for humans - generating over time the value-based social structures we now know in which every conceivable physical thing from food to earth to genes to ideas are viewed as quantifiable assets, which are someone's private property. It also involved the destruction, enslavement, or assimilation of other groups of early people who did not attempt to make such a transition, or who were not as far along in the transition as the destroying, enslaving, and assimilating groups. To primitivists, domestication not only changes the ecology from a free to a totalitarian order, it enslaves the species that are domesticated, as well as the domesticators themselves. According to primitivism, then, humans are nearing the beginning of the last phase of the domestication process as we are now experimenting with direct genetic engineering, and are making dramatic and frightening advances in the fields of psychology, anthropology, and sociology. This thereby allows us to quantify and objectify ourselves, until we too become commodities and property of no greater or lesser fundamental import than any other asset.


Origins and dynamics of patriarchy
Anarcho-primitivists hold that toward the beginning in the shift to civilization, an early product of domestication is patriarchy: the formalization of male domination and the development of institutions which reinforce it. Anarcho-primitivists say that by creating false gender distinctions and divisions between men and women, civilization, again, creates an “other” that can be objectified, controlled, dominated, utilized, and commodified. They see this as running parallel to the domestication of plants for agriculture and animals for herding, in general dynamics, and also in the specifics like the control of reproduction. Primitivists say that as in other realms of social stratification, roles are assigned to women in order to establish a very rigid and predictable order, beneficial to hierarchy. They claim that women came to be seen as property, no different from the crops in the field or the sheep in the pasture. Primitivists argue that ownership and absolute control, whether of land, plants, animals, slaves, children, or women, is part of the established dynamic of civilization. Patriarchy, to a primitivist, demands the subjugation of the feminine and the usurpation of nature, propelling us toward total annihilation. They argue further that it defines power, control and dominion over wildness, freedom and life. They say that patriarchal conditioning dictates all of our interactions: with ourselves, our sexuality, our relationships to each other, and our relationship to nature. They claim it severely limits the spectrum of possible experience.

Anarcho- primitivism


Division of labor and specialization
Anarcho-primitivists tend to see division of labor and specialization as fundamental and irreconcilable problems, decisive to social relationship within civilization. They see this disconnecting of the ability to care for ourselves and provide for our own needs as a technique of separation and dis-empowerment perpetuated by civilization. Specialization is seen as leading to inevitable inequalities of influence and undermining egalitarian relationships.

Rejection of science
Primitivists reject modern science as a method of understanding the world with a view to changing it. Science is not considered to be neutral by primitivists. It is seen as loaded with the motives and assumptions that come out of, and reinforce, civilization. Modern scientific thought, according to primitivists, attempts to see the world as a collection of separate objects to be observed and understood. In order to accomplish this task, primitivists believe that scientists must distance themselves emotionally and physically, to have a one-way channel of information moving from the observed thing to the observer's self, which is defined as not a part of that thing. Primitivists argue that this mechanistic worldview is tantamount to being the dominant religion of our time. Believing that science seeks to deal only with the quantitative, primitivists suggest that it does not admit subjective values or emotions. While primitivists perceive science as claiming that only those things that are reproducible, predictable, and the same for all observers are real and important, primitivists believe that reality itself is not reproducible, predictable, or the same for all observers. Science is seen by primitivists as only partially considering reality, and is therefore guilty of putative reductionism. Observability, objectifiability, quantifiability, predictability, controllability, and uniformity are said to be the objects and means of science. This, say primitivists, leads to the world view that everything should be objectified, quantified, controlled, and in uniformity with everything and everyone else. Primitivists also see science as promoting the idea that anomalous experience, anomalous ideas, and anomalous people should be cast off or destroyed like imperfectly shaped machine components.

The problem of technology
Primitivists denounce modern technology completely. They see it as a complex system involving division of labor, resource extraction, and exploitation for the benefit of those who implement its process. They argue that the interface with and result of modern technology is always an alienated, mediated, and distorted reality. Modern technology too, like science, is seen as not being value-neutral. The values and goals of those who produce and control technology are believed always to be embedded within it. Modern technology is held by primitivists to be distinct from simple tools in many regards. A simple tool is considered a temporary usage of an element within our immediate surroundings, used for a specific task. Tools are not viewed as involving complex systems which alienate the user from the act. Primitivists claim that this separation is implicit in technology, which creates an unhealthy and mediated experience which leads to various forms of authority. Domination is said to increase every time a modern “time-saving” technology is created, as primitivists claim it necessitates the construction of more technology to support, fuel, maintain, and repair the original technology. It is argued by

Anarcho- primitivism primitivists that this leads very rapidly to the establishment of a complex technological system that seems to have an existence independent of the humans who created it. Primitivists believe that this system methodically destroys, eliminates, or subordinates the natural world, constructing a world fit only for machines.


Production and industrialism
“ The industrial way of life leads to the industrial way of death. From Shiloh to Dachau, from Antietam to Stalingrad, from Hiroshima to Vietnam and Afghanistan, the great specialty of industry and technology has been the mass production of human corpses. — → Edward Abbey [7] ”

According to primitivists a key component of the modern techno-capitalist structure is industrialism, the mechanized system of production built on centralized power and the exploitation of people and nature. Industrialism cannot exist, they say, without genocide, ecocide, and colonialism. They further say that to maintain it, coercion, land evictions, forced labor, cultural destruction, assimilation, ecological devastation, and global trade are accepted as necessary, even benign. Primitivists claim industrialism’s standardization of life objectifies and commodifies it, viewing all life as a potential resource. They see their critique of industrialism as a natural extension of the anarchist critique of the state because they see industrialism as inherently authoritarian. The primitivist argument against industrialism is such: In order to maintain an industrial society, one must set out to conquer and colonize lands in order to unsustainably acquire (generally) non-renewable resources to construct, feed, fuel, and grease the machines. This colonialism is rationalized by racism, sexism, and cultural chauvinism. In the process of acquiring these resources, people must be forced off their land. Additionally, in order to make people work in the factories that produce the machines, they must be dispossessed, enslaved, made dependent, and otherwise subjected to the destructive, toxic, degrading industrial system. Primitivists hold that industrialism cannot exist without massive centralization and specialization. Furthermore, they hold that industrialism demands that resources be shipped from all over the globe in order to perpetuate its existence, and this globalism, they say, undermines local autonomy and self-sufficiency. Finally primitivists contend that a engineeric worldview is behind industrialism, and that this same world-view has justified slavery, genocide, ecocide, and the subjugation of women.

Beyond Leftism
Primitivists do not see themselves as part of the Left (see also → post-left anarchy). Rather they view the socialist and liberal orientations as corrupt. Primitivists argue that the Left has proven itself to be a monumental failure in its objectives. The Left, according to primitivists, is a general term and can roughly describe all socialist leanings (from social democrats and liberals to communists) which wish to re-socialize “the masses” into a more “progressive” agenda, often using coercive and manipulative approaches in order to create a false “unity” or the creation of political parties. While primitivists understand that the methods or extremes in implementation may differ, the overall push is seen as the same: the institution of a collectivized and monolithic world-view based on morality.

Anarcho- primitivism


Against mass society
Most anarchists and revolutionaries spend a significant portion of their time developing schemes and mechanisms for production, distribution, adjudication, and communication between large numbers of people; in other words, the functioning of a complex society. Primitivists do not accept the premise of global (or even regional) social, political, and economic coordination and interdependence, or the organization needed for their administration. They reject mass society for practical and philosophical reasons. First, they reject the inherent governmental representation necessary for the functioning of situations outside the realm of direct experience (completely decentralized modes of existence). They do not wish to run society or organize a different society. They want a completely different frame of reference. They want a world where each group is autonomous and decides on its own terms how to live, with all interactions being non-coercive, based on affinity, freedom, and openness. According to primitivists, mass society brutally collides not only with autonomy and the individual, but also with the earth and the network of ecological relationships which make up its living communities. They see it as simply not sustainable (in terms of the resource extraction, transportation, and communication systems necessary for any global economic system). It cannot continue indefinitely, nor is it possible to create alternative plans for a sustainable and humane mass society.

Liberation and organization
Primitivists argue that organizational models only provide us with more of the same. While it is recognized by some primitivists that there might be an occasional good intention, the organizational model is seen as coming from an inherently paternalistic and distrusting mindset which they hold is contradictory to anarchy. Primitivists believe that true relationships of affinity come from a deep understanding of one another through Green and black flag of intimate need-based relationships of day-to-day life, not Anarcho-Primitivism. relationships based on organizations, ideologies, or abstract ideas. They say that the organizational model suppresses individual needs and desires for “the good of the collective” as it attempts to standardize both resistance and vision. From parties, to platforms, to federations, primitivists argue that as the scale of projects increase, the meaning and relevance they have to an individual’s own life decrease. Rather than the familiar organizational model, primitivists advocate the use of informal, affinity-based associations that they claim tend to minimize alienation from decision-making processes, and reduce mediation between our desires and our actions.

Anarcho- primitivism


Revolution vs. reform
As anarchists, primitivists are fundamentally opposed to government, and likewise, any sort of collaboration or mediation with the state (or any institution of hierarchy and control)—except as a matter of tactical expediency. This position determines a certain continuity or direction of strategy, historically referred to as revolution. By revolution, primitivists mean the ongoing struggle to alter the social and political landscape in a fundamental way: for anarchists, this means its complete dismantling. The word “revolution” is seen as dependent on the position from which it is directed, as well as what would be termed “revolutionary” activity. Again, for anarchists, this is activity which is aimed at the complete dissolution of abstract power. Reform, on the other hand, is seen as entailing any activity or strategy aimed at adjusting, altering, or selectively maintaining elements of the current system, typically utilizing the methods or apparatus of that system. The goals and methods of revolution, it is argued, cannot be dictated by, nor performed within, the context of the system. For anarchists, revolution and reform invoke incompatible methods and aims, and despite the use of certain pragmatic expedient approaches, do not exist on a continuum. For primitivists, revolutionary activity questions, challenges, and works to dismantle the entire set-up or paradigm of civilization. Revolution is not seen as a far-off or distant singular event which we build towards or prepare people for, but instead, a way of life, or a practice of approaching situations.

Critique of symbolic culture
Some anarcho-primitivists view the shift towards an increasingly symbolic culture as highly problematic in the sense that it separates us from direct interaction. Often the response to this, by those who assume that it means that primitivists prefer to completely eliminate all forms of symbolic culture, is something to the effect of, “So, you just want to grunt?"[8] However, typically the critique is regarding the problems inherent with a form of communication and comprehension that relies primarily on symbolic thought at the expense (and even exclusion) of other sensual and unmediated means of comprehension. The emphasis on the symbolic is a departure from direct experience into mediated experience in the form of language, art, number, time, etc. Anarcho-primitivists argue that symbolic culture filters our entire perception through formal and informal symbols and separates us from direct and unmediated contact with reality. It goes beyond just giving things names, and extends to having an indirect relationship with a distorted image of the world that has passed through the lens of representation. It is debatable whether humans are "hard-wired" for symbolic thought, or if it developed as a cultural change or adaptation, but, according to anarcho-primitivists, the symbolic mode of expression and understanding is limited and deceptive, and over-dependence upon it leads to objectification, alienation, and perceptual tunnel vision. Many anarcho-primitivists promote and practice getting back in touch with and rekindling dormant and/or underutilized methods of interaction and cognition, such as touch and smell, as well as experimenting with and developing unique and personal modes of comprehension and expression.

Anarcho- primitivism


Anarchists contribute to an anti-authoritarian push, which challenges all abstract power on a fundamental level, striving for truly egalitarian relationships and promoting communities based upon mutual aid . Primitivists, however, extend ideas of non-domination to all life, not just human life, going beyond the traditional anarchist's analysis. From anthropologists, primitivists are informed with a look at the origins of civilization, so as to understand what they are up against and how they got here, to help inform a change in direction. Inspired by the Luddites, primitivists rekindle an anti-technological/industrial direct action orientation. Insurrectionalists infuse a perspective which waits not for the fine-tuning of critique, but identifies and spontaneously attacks civilization's current institutions. Primitivists claim they owe much to the Situationists, and their critique of the Spectacle and alienating commodity society. → Deep ecology informs the primitivist perspective with an understanding that the well-being and flourishing of all life is linked to the awareness of the inherent worth and intrinsic value of the non-human world independent of its economic use value. Primitivists see deep ecology’s appreciation for the richness and diversity of life as contributing to the realization that present human interference with the non-human world is coercive and excessive. Bioregionalists bring the perspective of living within one’s bioregion, and being intimately connected to the land, water, climate, plants, animals, and general patterns of their bioregion. Primitivists have been profoundly influenced by the various indigenous cultures and earth-based peoples throughout history and those who still currently exist. While primitivists attempt to learn and incorporate sustainable techniques for survival and healthier ways of interacting with life, they see it as important not to flatten or generalize native peoples and their cultures, and to respect and attempt to understand their diversity without co-opting cultural identities and characteristics. Primitivists also feel that it is important to understand that all humans have come from earth-based peoples forcibly removed from our connections with the earth, and therefore have a place within anti-colonial struggles. They are also inspired by the feral, those who have escaped domestication and have re-integrated with the wild. And, of course, primitivists honor the wild beings which make up the Earth. It is important to remember that, while many anarcho-primitivists draw influence from similar sources, anarcho-primitivism is something very personal to each individual who identifies or connects with these ideas and actions.

Rewilding and reconnection
For most primitivist anarchists, rewilding and reconnecting with the earth is a life project. They state that it should not be limited to intellectual comprehension or the practice of primitive skills, but, instead, that it is a deep understanding of the pervasive ways in which we are domesticated, fractured, and dislocated from ourselves, each other, and the world. Rewilding is understood as having a physical component which involves reclaiming skills and developing methods for a sustainable co-existence, including how to feed, shelter, and heal ourselves with the plants, animals, and materials occurring naturally in our bioregions. It is also said to include the dismantling of the physical manifestations, apparatus, and infrastructure of civilization.

Anarcho- primitivism Rewilding is also described as having an emotional component, which involves healing ourselves and each other from what are perceived as 10,000-year-old wounds, learning how to live together in non-hierarchical and non-oppressive communities, and de-constructing the domesticating mindset in our social patterns. To the primitivist, “rewilding includes prioritizing direct experience and passion over mediation and alienation, re-thinking every dynamic and aspect of reality, connecting with our feral fury to defend our lives and to fight for a liberated existence, developing more trust in our intuition and being more connected to our instincts, and regaining the balance that has been virtually destroyed after thousands of years of patriarchal control and domestication. Rewilding is the process of becoming uncivilized.”


In the United States anarcho-primitivism has been notably advocated by writers → John Zerzan, Kevin Tucker, → Daniel Quinn, → Derrick Jensen, and John Gowdy. The anarcho-primitivist movement has connections to radical environmentalism, gaining some attention due to the ideas of → Theodore Kaczynski ("the Unabomber") following his Luddite bombing campaign. Recently anarcho-primitivism has been enthusiastically explored by → Green Anarchy, → Species Traitor, and occasionally → Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed, and even → CrimethInc.. The current anarcho-primitivist movement originated in the journal → Fifth Estate, and was developed over a series of years in the 1970s and 1980s by writers such as → Fredy Perlman, → David Watson, Bob Brubaker and John Zerzan. Vast theoretical differences between Watson's and Zerzan's forms of primitivism caused a split in the late 1980s. During the 1990s anarcho-primitivism, anarcho-primitivists. the UK although magazine → Green Anarchist aligned itself with there are many green anarchists who are not

Anti-civilization anarchists also organize groups in Spain, Israel, Turkey, Sweden, Finland, and India. Anarcho-primitivism is associated with and has influenced the radical tendencies within Neo-Tribalism.

Criticism from within anarchism
Notable critics of primitivism include Noam Chomsky, Michael Albert, Brian Sheppard, Andrew Flood, Stewart Home, Dana Ward, and, especially, Murray Bookchin, as seen in his polemical work entitled "Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism,".

Both critics and proponents of anarcho-primitivism generally agree that if everyone lived as a hunter-gatherer, the earth would be able to support far fewer people than today's population of over 6.5 billion.[9] [10]

Anarcho- primitivism


Use of Media Technology One common criticism of primitivists is that in order to disseminate their views, they make use of print and internet publishing technologies. Such arguments have been employed to suggest that anarcho-primitivists are insincere or hypocritical for using modern technology. Primitivists, such as Derrick Jensen[11] , John Zerzan[12] , and many others [13] respond that using the internet and print media are effective at spreading their beliefs, and less harmful than doing nothing to avoid seeming "hypocritical". They believe that by using effective tools that are already in place today anyway, they can hopefully create a society where those technologies are no longer produced or used.[11] [13] → Derrick Jensen has responded to these critics first by saying that it "reveals the weakness of their own position: they cannot rebut the substance of our message, so they simply attack the messenger." [11] Lifestyle Another common criticism, which some believe suggests hypocrisy, is that few primitivist philosophers live in primitive societies themselves. Jensen states that while the critics are accurate in saying that primitivists do not live a completely primitivist lifestyle, the critics are not accurate in saying that the primitives choose not to. He believes that no legitimate options exist within the system to live such a lifestyle, and that it is necessary that people "dismantle the industrial economy" before they have a real choice about how they will live.[11] For instance, → Theodore Kaczynski, who did live a primitive lifestyle said: The honest truth is that I am not really politically oriented. I would have really rather just be living out in the woods. If nobody had started cutting roads through there and cutting the trees down and come buzzing around in helicopters and snowmobiles I would still just be living there and the rest of the world could just take care of itself. I got involved in political issues because I was driven to it, so to speak. — → Theodore Kaczynski[14] Jensen also claims that focusing primarily on lifestyle changes "serves the interests of those in power by keeping our focus off them." and instead considering one's self to be "the problem", rather than "those in power" [15]

Civilization and violence
Another line of criticism attacks the anarcho-primitivist argument that hierarchy and mass violence result from civilization, citing for example, the dominance and territorial struggles observed in chimpanzees.[16] Some thinkers within anarcho-primitivism such as → Pierre Clastres offer an anthropological explanation of the necessity of a certain amount of violence, while embracing anarchy as the natural balance for primitive societies.[17] Anarcho-primitivists,[18] based on several anthropological references,[19] [20] argue that → hunter-gatherer societies, by their very nature are less susceptible to war, violence and diseases.[21] [22] [23]

Anarcho- primitivism


Another question regarding anarcho-primitivism is the practicality. John Zerzan admits that primitivist ideals are difficult even for the convinced to put into practice: “It’s a huge challenge. You've got these great grandiose ideas, but the rubber has to hit the road somewhere, and we know that. I don’t know how that's going to work.… [W]e are a long way from connecting with that reality and we have to face that. You start off with questioning things and trying to enlarge the space where people can have dialogue and raise the questions that are not being raised anywhere else. But we don’t have blueprints as to what people should do.”[24] Other primitivist thinkers have suggested that primitivism as a philosophy is rich with numerous practical applications even in our current context, including: paleolithic diet, nutrition and exercise, reducing consumerism, simple living, a do-it-yourself orientation, increasing local self-sufficiency, spending more time outdoors, going hunting and fishing, connecting with a local land-base, practicing nature awareness and primitive wilderness skills, increasing focus on personal relationships including family and local community, and activism on solidarity issues with indigenous peoples. Primitivism as a world view also tends to give credence to long-standing examples from indigenous peoples of solutions to various modern social problems, which touch on political issues as diverse as "gay rights" and abortion, to environmentalism, hunting and vegetarianism.

Mass Society
Brian Sheppard asserts that anarcho-primitivism is not a form of anarchism at all. In Anarchism Vs. Primitivism he says: "In recent decades, groups of quasi-religious mystics have begun equating the primitivism they advocate (rejection of science, rationality, and technology often lumped together under a blanket term "technology") with anarchism. In reality, the two have nothing to do with each other."[25] Flood agrees with this assertion and points out that primitivism clashes with what he identifies as the fundamental goal of anarchism, "the creation of a free mass society".[26] Primitivists do not believe that a "mass society" can be free. They believe industry and agriculture inevitably lead to hierarchy and alienation. They claim that the division of labor that techno-industrial societies require to function force people into reliance on factories and the labor of other specialists to produce their food, clothing, shelter, and other necessities and that this dependence forces them to remain a part of this society, whether they like it or not. [27]

Anarcho- primitivism


The critique of language
Because there are some primitivists who have extended their critique of symbolic culture to language itself, Georgetown University professor Mark Lance describes this particular theory of primitivism as "literally insane, for proper communication is necessary to create within the box a means to destroy the box."[28]

See also
• Antimodernism • Eco-anarchism • Eco-communalism • Ecofeminism • Green anarchy • Hunter-gatherer • Earth liberation • Deindustrialization • Post-left anarchy • Myth of Progress • Neo-Luddism • Primitive communism • Neo-Tribalism • Simple living • Diogenes of Sinope

• What Is Green Anarchy? An Introduction to Anti-Civilization Anarchist Thought and Practice. By the Green Anarchy Collective. (Most of the information in this article was sourced from this primer: HTML [29], PDF [30].) • → Zerzan, John (ed.) (2005). Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections. illus. R. L. Tubbesing (enl. ed. ed.). Los Angeles: Feral House. ISBN 0-922915-98-9. • Zerzan, John (1994). → Future Primitive and Other Essays. Brooklyn: Autonomedia. ISBN 1-57027-000-7. • Zerzan, John (2002). Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilisation. Los Angeles: Feral House. ISBN 0-922915-75-X. • → Watson, David (1998). Against the Megamachine. Brooklyn: Autonomedia. ISBN 1-57027-087-2. • → Kaczynski, Ted (1996) [1995]. The Unabomber Manifesto: Industrial Society and Its Future (3rd ed. ed.). Berkeley: Jolly Roger Press. ISBN 0-9634205-2-6. • Kaczynski, Ted (1999). "Ship of Fools [31]", Binghamton, NY: OFF! Magazine (student zine at SUNY Binghamton). • → Glendinning, Chellis (1994). My Name is Chellis and I'm in Recovery from Western Civilization. Shambhala. ISBN 0-87773-996-X. • Hardayal, Lala (1914). The Social Conquest of the Hindu Race and the Meaning of Equality. San Francisco. • Zerzan, John (2002). Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilisation. Los Angeles: Feral House. ISBN 0-922915-75-X. • → Ellul, Jacques (1964). The Technological Society. trans. John Wilkinson. New York: Knopf. • → Perlman, Fredy (1983). → Against His-Story, Against Leviathan!. Detroit: Black & Red. • → Jensen, Derrick (2000). A Language Older Than Words. New York: Context Books. ISBN 1-893956-03-2.

Anarcho- primitivism • Jensen, Derrick (2002). The Culture of Make Believe. New York: Context Books. ISBN 1-893956-28-8. • Jensen, Derrick (2006). → Endgame. 2 Vols. New York: Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1-58322-730-X and ISBN 1-58322-724-5. • Mander, Jerry (1992). In the Absence of the Sacred: The Failure of Technology and the Survival of the Indian Nations. New York: Sierra Club Books. • → Moore, John. "A Primitivist Primer [32]", London: Green Anarchist (magazine). • → Quinn, Daniel (1992). Ishmael. New York: Bantam. ISBN 0-553-07875-5. • → Green Anarchy: An Anti-Civilization Journal of Theory and Action • → Species Traitor: An Insurrectionary Anarcho-Primitivist Journal • Disorderly Conduct (journal) • Fifth Estate: An Anti-Authoritarian Magazine of Ideas and Action • → Barclay, Harold (1990). People without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy (rev. ed. ed.). Seattle: Left Bank Books. ISBN 0-939306-09-3.


External links
• Green Anarchy • • • • •
[33] [34] The Green Anarchist Info/Shop [35] archive [36] Resources for Green Anarchism and Christianity at Jesus Radicals [37] In the Land of the Living: a journal of anarcho-primitivism and christianity


• Creel Commission June 2006 conversation with John Zerzan and the UK band, also here Jackalope Recordings [40] • A Primitivist Primer: What is Anarcho-Primitivism? [41] by → John Moore • "What is anarcho-primitivism?" from the Anarchist FAQ [42] – a critique of the ideology from an anarchist perspective • A critique of primitivism, anarcho-primitivism and anti-civilisationism [43] - anarchist criticism of primitivism • 5 Common Objections to Primitivism, and Why They're Wrong [44] - an anarcho-primitivist response to common criticisms • The Primal Wound [45] Critical of primitivism, but somewhat sympathetic • [46] Turkish • Introduction to John Zerzan's conferences in Montreal (plus videos) [47] by Layla AR

[1] "Su obra más representativa es Walden, aparecida en 1854, aunque redactada entre 1845 y 1847, cuando Thoreau decide instalarse en el aislamiento de una cabaña en el bosque, y vivir en íntimo contacto con la naturaleza, en una vida de soledad y sobriedad. De esta experiencia, su filosofía trata de transmitirnos la idea que resulta necesario un retorno respetuoso a la naturaleza, y que la felicidad es sobre todo fruto de la riqueza interior y de la armonía de los individuos con el entorno natural. Muchos han visto en Thoreau a uno de los precursores del ecologismo y del anarquismo primitivista representado en la actualidad por Jonh Zerzan. Para George Woodcock(8), esta actitud puede estar también motivada por una cierta idea de resistencia al progreso y de rechazo al materialismo creciente que caracteriza la sociedad norteamericana de mediados de siglo XIX." "LA INSUMISIÓN VOLUNTARIA. EL ANARQUISMO INDIVIDUALISTA ESPAÑOL DURANTE LA DICTADURA Y LA SEGUNDA REPÚBLICA (1923-1938)" by Xavier Diez (http:/ / www. acracia. org/ xdiez. html) [2] A Primitivist Primer: what is anarcho-primitivism? (http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ primer. html) [3] Kirkpatrick Sale (1985). Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books. ISBN 0871568470. OCLC 11811919 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 11811919).

Anarcho- primitivism
[4] John M. Gowdy (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means: A Reader on Hunter-Gatherer Economics. Island Press. pp. 265. ISBN 155963555X. [5] [6] [7] [8] Future Primitive (http:/ / www. awok. org/ future_primitive/ ) PaulShepardindex (http:/ / home. earthlink. net/ ~frshepard/ ) The Guardian, April 21 2004 An Introduction to Anti-Civilization Anarchist Thought (http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ index. php?action=viewwritingdetail& writingId=283)


[9] https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ print/ xx. html The CIA World Factbook [10] (http:/ / 64. 233. 183. 104/ search?q=cache:f4XRs8QsJeQJ:www. public. iastate. edu/ ~cfford/ WorstMistake. ppt+ public. iastate. edu/ ~cfford/ WorstMistake. ppt& hl=en& ct=clnk& cd=1& gl=uk& client=firefox-a)Jared Diamond - The worst mistake in the history of the Human Race [11] Jensen, Derrick (2006). Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization. New York City: Seven Stories Press. pp. 128. ISBN 978-1-58322-730-5. [12] Zerzan, John. " Zerzan and Media: An Ignominious Tale (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ media. htm)" (in English). Insurgent Desire. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [13] Connor, John; John Filiss, Leif Fredrickson, Lawrence Jarach, Ron Leighton, Jason McQuinn, John Moore, Jonathan Slyk. " An Open Letter on Technology and Mediation (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ openletter. htm)" (in English). Insurgent Desire. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [14] " Interview with Ted Kaczynski, Administrative Maximum Facility Prison, Florence, Colorado, USA (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ tedk. htm)". Earth First Journal!. June 1999. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [15] Jensen, Derrick (2006). Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization. New York City: Seven Stories Press. pp. 173–174. ISBN 978-1-58322-730-5. [16] Goodall, Jane (2000). Reason for hope. Grand Central Publishing. pp. 127. ISBN 978-0446676137. [17] Clastres, Pierre (1994). Archeology of Violence. Semiotext(e). ISBN 0936756950. [18] Zerzan, John (2002). Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilization. Feral House. ISBN 092291575X. [19] Sahlins, Marshall (2003). Stone Age Economics. Routledge. ISBN 0415320100. [20] Lee, Richard (1979). The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521295610. [21] The Consequences of Domestication and Sedentism by Emily Schultz, et al. (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ sedentism. htm) [22] Elman, Service (1972). The Hunters. Prentice Hall. ISBN B000JNRGPK. [23] Kelly, Robert L. (1995). The Foraging Spectrum: Diversity in Hunter-Gatherer Lifeways. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. ISBN 1-56098-465-1. [24] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ mayday/ story/ 0,7369,475181,00. html Guardian Unlimited - Anarchy in the USA [25] Sheppard, Brian - Anarchism Vs. Primitivism (http:/ / libcom. org/ library/ anarchism-vs-primitivism) [26] Flood, Andrew Is primitivism realistic? An anarchist reply to John Zerzan and others Anarchist Newswire (2005) http:/ / www. anarkismo. net/ newswire. php?story_id=1890 [27] Against Mass Society by Chris Wilson (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ mass-society. htm) [28] Lance, Mark from lecture Anarchist Practice, Rational Democracy, and Community NCOR (2004) http:/ / dc. indymedia. org/ newswire/ display/ 90971 [29] [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42] [43] http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ index. php?action=viewwritingdetail& writingId=283 http:/ / www. greenanarchy. info/ GA17_what_is_ga_primer. pdf http:/ / www. sacredfools. org/ CrimeScene/ CaseFiles/ S2/ ShipOfFoolsStory. htm http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ primer. htm http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ http:/ / www. greenanarchy. info/ http:/ / anticiv. smartamerican. com/ library. htm http:/ / www. jesusradicals. com/ anarchism/ http:/ / www. inthelandoftheliving. org http:/ / www. creelcommission. com/ interviews. php http:/ / www. jackaloperecordings. com/ ?p=14 http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ primer. html http:/ / www. infoshop. org/ faq/ secA3. html#seca39 http:/ / www. libcom. org/ thought/ approaches/ primitivism/

[44] http:/ / anthropik. com/ 2005/ 10/ 5-common-objections-to-primitivism-and-why-theyre-wrong/ [45] http:/ / www. geocities. com/ vcmtalk/ primalwound. html [46] http:/ / www. yabanil. net/

Anarcho- primitivism
[47] http:/ / layla. miltsov. org/ introduction-to-z


This article concerns the social philosophy known as Neo-Tribalism and not the reemergence of ethnic identities that followed the end of the Cold War.
Postmodernism preceded by Modernism Post-anarchism Posthumanism Post-Marxism Postmodernity Postmodern architecture Postmodern art Postmodern Christianity Postmodern dance Postmodern feminism Postmodern Fusion Postmodern literature Postmodern music Postmodern picture book Postmodern philosophy Postmodern social construction of nature Postmodern theater Postmodernism in political science Postmodernist anthropology Postmodernist film Postmodernist school Post-postmodernism Post-structuralism

Neotribalism is the ideology that human beings have evolved to live in a tribal, as opposed to a mass, modern society, and thus cannot achieve genuine happiness until some semblance of tribal lifestyles has been re-created or re-embraced.

General ideology
Neotribalist ideology is rooted in the social philosophies of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and William Kingdon Clifford, who spoke of a "tribal self" thwarted by modern society. The Evolutionary Principle of anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss, which states that a species removed from the environment in which it evolved will become pathological, has been cited by Neotribalists as providing a scientific basis for their beliefs. Certain aspects of industrial and post-industrial life, including the necessity of living in a society of strangers and interacting with organizations that have memberships far above Dunbar's number are cited as inherently detrimental to the human mind as it has evolved. In a 1985 paper, "Psychology, Ideology, Utopia, & the Commons," psychologist Dennis Fox [1] proposed a number around 150 people. Recently some supporters of neo-Tribalism have put forth the argument that their ideas have been scientifically proven by the discipline of evolutionary psychology. This claim has been highly disputed, however.

Neotribalism Those that see Neotribalism as a political or quasi-political movement distinguish themselves from the reactionary Tribalism present in many parts of the world by emphasizing the necessity of establishing a global, or at least national, network of connected co-operating tribes, as opposed to the isolated, quarrelling groups of traditional tribal society. This anticipates the criticism by advocates of contemporary culture that tribal societies were almost invariably more violent and oppressive than modern ones.


Sociological theory
Work by researchers such as Robert Putnam and a 2006 study published in the American Sociological Review [2] seem to support at least the more moderate neo-Tribalist arguments. Data has pointed to a general breakdown in the social structure of modern civilization due to more frequent moves for economic reasons, longer commutes and a lack of emphasis in the media narrative on the desirability of strong friendships and community bonds. The French Sociologist Michel Maffesoli [3] was perhaps the first to use the term neo-Tribalism in a scholarly context.[4] Maffesoli predicted that as the culture and institutions of modernism declined, societies would look to the organizational principles of the distant past for guidance, and that therefore the post-modern era would be the era of Neo-Tribalism. However, Maffesoli's anti-scientism is at odds with those in the movement that look to evolutionary psychology and anthropology for support. Commentators such as Ethan Watters have credited, or blamed, growing neotribalist dynamics for contributing to the decline in marriage in the developed world, as 'modern tribes' form alternate means for satisfying social interaction. Dr. Plinio Correa de Oliveira wrote in his book "Revolution & Counter-Revolution" that the Neo-Tribalist tendency would be the last stage of the Revolutionary process - although as a Catholic reactionary, Oliveira regarded this prospect with dread.

Moderate tendency
Moderate neotribalists believe that a tribal social structure can co-exist with a modern technological infrastructure. This is sometimes referred to as Urban Tribalism. For example, under this scenario, people might reside in a large house or other building with a communal group of 12-20 individuals all abiding by a defined set of rules, cultural rituals and intimate relationships, but otherwise leading modern lives, going to a job, driving a car, etc. In that it attempts to harmonize two seemingly contradictory cultures, namely modern existence and tribalism, the moderate tendency can be considered syncretic in a cultural or even political sense. The Moderate orientation is associated with commentators such as Ethan Watters and a generally optimistic view on the possibility of a peaceful and non-disruptive transition to neo-Tribalism. Moderates interpret the 'environment' mentioned in the Evolutionary Principle to be mainly social.



Radical tendency
Radical neo-Tribalists such as → John Zerzan believe that healthy tribal life can only thrive after technological civilization has either been destroyed or severely reduced in scope. → Daniel Quinn, associated with the New tribalists, formulated the concept of "walking away": abandoning the owner/conqueror worldview of civilization—though not necessarily its geographical space—and making a living with others in tribal businesses. Others, such as → Derrick Jensen, argue that both violent and nonviolent efforts are called for, as they believe that it is appropriate and necessary to escape a collapsing culture. Many, such as The Tribe of Anthropik [5] take a survivalist bent and believe that a collapse is inevitable no matter what is done or said and concentrate their efforts on surviving and forming tribal cultures in the aftermath. In general radical neotribalist groups tend to agree that the current population of humanity is unsustainable and thus a form of cultural change is fundamentally necessary to live, and that the preferable, or perhaps inevitable form for society to take after this change is tribalism. The call for a revolution (in the style of the Industrial Revolution) is needed to accomplish this change.

Critics have pointed out that membership in modern 'tribes' is voluntary and shallow, i.e. not based on deep cultural traditions and kinship ties. Therefore it is argued neotribalism is likely to be nothing more than a fad - if it even really exists outside the minds of certain pundits and weekend hobbyists. The movement has also been accused of being Eurocentric, insulting traditional indigenous cultures through insincere and inaccurate imitation, thereby reviving the 18th-century myth of the Noble savage.

See also
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • → Anarcho-primitivism Back-to-the-land movement Burning Man HMMGG Festival → Deep ecology EcoCommunalism Evolutionary psychology National Anarchism New tribalists Rainbow gathering Terence McKenna (counterculture advocate for an Archaic Revival) Tribalism Intentional Community Twin Oaks Community East Wind Community Drop City



External links
• RAND Corporation White Paper - Tribes: The First and Forever Form [6] • The core concepts of neo-Tribalism [7] by Shadan Taliesin Janara • Bay Area National ANarchists [8] Tribalist group in the Bay Area, California • Church Planting Village [9] - Christian's view of Affinity Groups as equal to "neo-Tribalism" • The Critique of Civilization [10] by Ran Prieur • The Culture Cult [11] by Roger Sandall • Forming Tribalized Communities [12] by Forbes Leslie • In favor of sheltering [13] from Newsvine • Modern Tribalism [14] Documentary on the subject • "Peer-Shared Households, Quasi-Communes and Neo-Tribes [15]" by Sue Heath (1994) in Current Society (The Journal of the International Sociological Association) • Tribal Revival [16] The revival of tribal culture multimedia show • New Tribal Society [17] a new tribal network

[1] http:/ / www. dennisfox. net/ papers/ commons. html [2] (http:/ / www. asanet. org/ galleries/ default-file/ June06ASRFeature. pdf) [3] http:/ / translate. google. com/ translate?prev=_t& hl=en& ie=UTF-8& u=http%3A%2F%2Ffr. wikipedia. org%2Fwiki%2FMichel_Maffesoli& sl=fr& tl=en& history_state0=en|fr|tribe& swap=1| [4] Michel Maffesoli, The Time of the Tribes: The Decline of Indivdiualism in Mass Society, (Sage: London, 1996). [5] http:/ / www. anthropik. com [6] http:/ / www. rand. org/ pubs/ working_papers/ 2007/ RAND_WR433. pdf [7] http:/ / neotribe. tribe. net/ thread/ ebb13ba4-0a52-4111-b309-d327977fbdf7 [8] http:/ / www. bayareanationalanarchists. com/ blog/ [9] http:/ / www. churchplantingvillage. net/ site/ c. iiJTKZPEJpH/ b. 784369/ k. 9DA9/ Affinity_Groups. htm [10] http:/ / www. ranprieur. com/ essays/ changevery. html [11] http:/ / www. culturecult. com [12] http:/ / www. wechange. org/ forming_tribalized_communities [13] http:/ / celestina. newsvine. com/ _news/ 2007/ 01/ 08/ 511036-in-favor-of-sheltering[14] http:/ / www. lowfifilmworks. com/ production. html [15] http:/ / csi. sagepub. com/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 52/ 2/ 161 [16] http:/ / www. tribalrevival. org/ [17] http:/ / www. newtribalsociety. org/ blog/ ?page_id=333

Simple living


Simple living
Simple living (voluntary simplicity) is a lifestyle characterized by minimizing the "more is better" pursuit of wealth and consumption. Adherents may choose simple living for a variety of personal reasons, such as spirituality, health, increase in 'quality time' for family and friends, stress reduction, personal taste or frugality. E. F. Schumacher summarized it by saying, "Any intelligent fool can make things bigger, more complex, and more violent. It takes a touch of genius - and a lot of courage - to move in the opposite direction." Others cite socio-political goals aligned with the anti-consumerist movement, including conservation, social justice and sustainable development. According to Duane Elgin, "we can describe voluntary simplicity as a manner of living that is outwardly more simple and inwardly more rich, a way of being in which our most authentic and alive self is brought into direct and conscious contact with living."[1] Simple living as a concept is distinguished from those living in forced poverty, as it is a voluntary lifestyle choice. Although asceticism generally promotes living simply and refraining from luxury and indulgence, not all proponents of voluntary simplicity are ascetics.

The recorded history of voluntary simplicity, often associated with asceticism, begins with the Shramana traditions of Iron Age India. Buddha and biblical Nazirites (notably John the Baptist) were early ascetics. Various notable individuals have claimed that spiritual inspiration led them to a simple living lifestyle, such as Francis of Assisi,[2] Ammon Hennacy, Leo Tolstoy, Rabindranath Tagore, Albert Schweitzer, and Mahatma Gandhi.[3] Simple living has traditions that stretch back to the Orient, resonating with leaders such as Zarathustra, Buddha, Lao-Tse and Confucius and was heavily stressed in both Greco-Roman culture and Judeo-Christian ethics.[3] Epicureanism, based on the teachings of the Athens-based philosopher Epicurus, flourished from about the fourth century BC to the third century AD. Epicureanism upheld the untroubled life as the paradigm of happiness, made possible by carefully considered choices. Specifically, Epicurus pointed out that troubles entailed by maintaining an extravagant lifestyle tend to outweigh the pleasure of partaking in it. He therefore concluded that what is necessary for happiness, bodily comfort, and life itself should be maintained at minimal cost, while all things beyond what is necessary for these should either be tempered by moderation or completely avoided.[4] Various religious groups including the Shakers, Mennonites, Amish, Harmony Society, and some Quakers have for centuries practiced lifestyles in which some forms of wealth or technology are excluded for religious or philosophical reasons. There is a Quaker belief called Testimony of Simplicity that a person ought to live her or his life simply. Henry David Thoreau, a North American naturalist and author, is often considered to have made the classic non-sectarian statement advocating a life of simple and sustainable living in his book Walden (1854). In Victorian Britain, Henry Stephens Salt, an admirer of Thoreau, popularised the idea of "Simplification, the saner method of living".[5] Other British advocates of the simple life included Edward Carpenter, William Morris, and the members of "The Fellowship of the

Simple living New Life."[6] C.R. Ashbee and his followers also practiced some of these ideas, thus linking simplicity with the Arts and Crafts movement[7] . British novelist John Cowper Powys advocated the simple life in his 1933 book A Philosophy of Solitude.[8] John Middleton Murry and Max Plowman practised a simple lifestyle at their Aldephi Centre in Essex in the [9] 1930s. . George Lorenzo Noyes, a naturalist, mineralogist, development critic, writer, and artist, is known as the Thoreau of Maine. He lived a wilderness lifestyle, advocating through his creative work a simple life and reverence for nature. During the 1920s and 1930s, the Vanderbilt Agrarians of the Southern United States advocated a lifestyle and culture centered upon traditional and sustainable agrarian values as opposed to the progressive urban industrialism which dominated the Western world at that time. From the 1920s to the 1960s, a number of modern authors articulated both the theory and practice of living simply, among them Gandhian Richard Gregg, economists Ralph Borsodi and Scott Nearing, anthropologist-poet → Gary Snyder, and utopian fiction writer Ernest Callenbach. Gregg wrote a book entitled The Value of Voluntary Simplicity (1936) and many decades later Duane Elgin wrote the highly influential book Voluntary Simplicity (1981). There are eco-anarchist groups in the United States and Canada today promoting lifestyles of simplicity. In the United Kingdom, the Movement for Compassionate Living was formed by Kathleen and Jack Jannaway in 1984, to spread the vegan message and promote simple living and self-reliance as a remedy against the exploitation of humans, animals, and the Earth.


Some people practice voluntary simplicity to reduce need for purchased goods or services and, by extension, reduce their need to sell their time for money. Some will spend the extra free time helping family or others. During the holiday season, such people often perform alternative giving. Others may spend the extra free time to improve their quality of life, for example pursuing creative activities such as art and crafts (see starving artist). The philosophy behind these choices is examined at length in Ernest Callenbach's 1972 non-fiction book Living Poor with Style, which also devotes hundreds of pages to practical tips and how-to guides for both voluntary and involuntary practitioners of simple living. Another approach is to focus more fundamentally on the underlying motivation of buying and consuming so many resources for a good quality of life.[10] Though our society often seeks to buy happiness, materialism very frequently fails to satisfy, and may even increase the level of stress in life. It has been said that "the making of money and the accumulation of things should not smother the purity of the soul, the life of the mind, the cohesion of the family, or the good of the society."[11] The grassroots awareness campaign, National Downshifting Week (UK)[12] (founded 1995) encourages participants to positively embrace living with less. Campaign creator, British writer and broadcaster on downshifting and sustainable living, Tracey Smith says, "The more money you spend, the more time you have to be out there earning it and the less time you have to spend with the ones you love". National Downshifting Week encourages participants to 'Slow Down and Green Up' and contains a list of suggestions for individuals, companies, children and schools to help adopt green or eco-friendly policies and habits, develop corporate social and environmental responsibility in the workplace, and create eco-protocols and lessons that work alongside the national curriculum, respectively.

Simple living Another practice is the adoption of a simplified diet. Diets that may simplify domestic food production and consumption include veganism and the Gandhi diet.


Examples and experiments
The University of Michigan's New England Literature Program is an experiential literature and writing program run through the university's Department of English Language and Literature which was started in the 1970s by professors Alan Howes and Walter Clark. Howes and Clark called upon Thoreauvian ideals of nature, independence and community to create an academic program modeled after Thoreau's experiment at Walden Pond. Today, students at NELP study Thoreau's work – as well as that of several other New England writers from the 19th and 20th centuries – in relative isolation on Sebago Lake in Raymond, Maine. University students who participate pledge to give up drugs and alcohol for the duration of the program and live without cell phones or computers and with minimal access to electricity and heat as part of their academic experience and study of New England literature, history and culture.

Many Green Parties often advocate voluntary simplicity as a consequence of their "four pillars" or the "Ten Key Values" of the United States Green Party. This includes, in policy terms, their rejection of genetic modification and nuclear power and other technologies they consider to be hazardous. The Greens' support for simplicity is based on the reduction in natural resource usage and environmental impact. This concept is expressed in Ernest Callenbach's "green triangle" of ecology, frugality and health. Many with similar views avoid involvement even with green politics as compromising simplicity, however, and advocate forms of green anarchism that attempt to implement these principles at a smaller scale, e.g. the ecovillage. The alleged relationship between economic growth and war, when fought for control and exploitation of natural and human resources, is considered a good reason for promoting a simple living lifestyle. Avoiding the perpetuation of the resource curse is a similar objective of many simple living adherents. Opposition to war has led some to a form of tax resistance in which they reduce their tax liability by taking up a simple living lifestyle.[13]

Although simple living is often a secular pursuit, it may still involve reconsidering personal definitions of "→ appropriate technology", as Anabaptist groups such as the Amish or Mennonites have done. People who eschew modern technology are often referred to as Luddites or → Neo-Luddism adherents.[14] People who practice simple living have diverse views on the role of technology. Some simple living adherents, such as → Kirkpatrick Sale, are strong critics of modern technology,[14] while others see the Internet as a key component of simple living in the future, including the reduction of an individual's carbon footprint through telecommuting and less reliance on paper. Voluntary simplicity may include high-tech components — indeed computers, Internet, photovoltaic arrays, wind and water turbines, and a variety of other cutting-edge technologies can be used to make a simple lifestyle within mainstream culture easier and more sustainable.

Simple living The idea of food miles, the number of miles a given item of food or its ingredients has travelled between the farm and the table, is used by simple living advocates to argue for locally grown food. This is now gaining mainstream acceptance, as shown by the popularity of books such as The 100-Mile Diet, and Barbara Kingsolver's Animal, Vegetable, Miracle: A Year of Food Life. In each of these cases, the authors devoted a year to reducing their carbon footprint by eating locally.[15] Advertising is criticised for encouraging a consumerist mentality. Many advocates of voluntary simplicity tend to agree that cutting out, or cutting down on, television viewing is a key ingredient in simple living. Some see the Internet, podcasting, community radio or pirate radio as viable alternatives.


A new economics movement has been building since the UN conference on the environment in 1972,[16] and the publication that year of Only One Earth, The Limits to Growth, and Blueprint For Survival, followed in 1973 by Small Is Beautiful: Economics As If People Mattered.[17] Recently, David Wann has introduced the idea of “simple prosperity” as it applies to a sustainable lifestyle. From his point of view, and as a point of departure for what he calls real → sustainability, “it is important to ask ourselves three fundamental questions: what is the point of all our commuting and consuming? What is the economy for? And, finally, why do we seem to be unhappier now than when we began our initial pursuit for rich abundance?”[18] In this context, simple living is the opposite of our modern quest for affluence and, as a result, it becomes less preoccupied with quantity and more concerned about the preservation of cities, traditions and nature. A reference point for this new economics can be found in James Robertson's A New Economics of Sustainable Development,[17] and the work of thinkers and activists, who participate in his Working for a Sane Alternative network and program. According to Robertson, the shift to sustainability is likely to require a widespread shift of emphasis from raising incomes to reducing costs. The principles of the new economics, as set out by Robertson, are the following: • systematic empowerment of people (as opposed to making and keeping them dependent), as the basis for people-centred development • systematic conservation of resources and the environment, as the basis for environmentally sustainable development • evolution from a “wealth of nations” model of economic life to a one-world model, and from today's inter-national economy to an ecologically sustainable, decentralising, multi-level one-world economic system • restoration of political and ethical factors to a central place in economic life and thought • respect for qualitative values, not just quantitative values • respect for feminine values, not just masculine ones[17]

Simple living


See also
• • • • • • Affluenza Car-free movement Corporate poverty Intentional community Intentional living Wwoofing

Notes and references
[1] Elgin, Duane (1993). Voluntary Simplicity p. 25. [2] Slocock, N. (May 2004). "'Living a Life of Simplicity?' A Response to Francis of Assisi by Adrian House" (http:/ / orders. anglican. org/ tssf/ Members/ Studies/ Living a Life of Simplicity. pdf). [3] Shi, David. The Simple Life. University of Georgia Press (2001). [4] Smith, M.F. (2001). Lucretius: On the Nature of Things (http:/ / www. epicurus. info/ etexts/ introlucretius. html#III). Introduction available online at Hackett Pub Co ISBN 978-0872205871 [5] [6] [7] [8] Salt quoted in Peter C. Gould, Early Green Politics, p. 22. Gould, pp. 27-8 Fiona Maccarthy, The Simple Life: C.R. Ashbee in the Cotswolds (London, 1981). A Philosophy of Solitude, London, 1933. See also David Goodway, Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow (Liverpool, 2006), pgs. 48-9, 174, for Goodway's comparison of Powys' ideas of the Simple Life to Carpenter's. [9] Hardy, Dennis. Utopian England: Community Experiments 1900-1945 pg. 42. Hardy's book details other simple living movements in the UK in this period. [10] Rajvanshi, A.K. "Less Possessions Produce Happiness" Times of India (http:/ / education. vsnl. com/ nimbkar/ possessions. html) January 14, 2005 [11] David Shi, quoted in Elgin, Duane, Voluntary Simplicity, (1993) p. 53. [12] National Downshifting Week (http:/ / www. downshiftingweek. com) official website [13] Picket Line Annual Report (http:/ / sniggle. net/ Experiment/ index. php?entry=19Mar05& showyear=2005) [14] Sale, K. (February 1997). "America's New Luddites." (http:/ / mondediplo. com/ 1997/ 02/ 20luddites) Le Monde diplomatique. [15] Taylor, K. (August 8, 2007). "The Year I Saved The World." (http:/ / www. nysun. com/ arts/ year-i-saved-the-world/ 60056/ ) New York: The Sun." [16] United Nations Environment Program (1972) Report of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (http:/ / www. unep. org/ Documents. Multilingual/ Default. asp?DocumentID=97). Stockholm 1972. Retrieved on March 24, 2008 [17] Robertson, James (2005) "The New Economics of Sustainable Development" (http:/ / www. jamesrobertson. com/ book/ neweconomicsofsustainabledevelopment. pdf). A Briefing for Policy Makers. Report for the European Commission. ISBN 0 7494 3093 1 [18] Wann, David. Simple Prosperity: Finding Real Wealth in a Sustainable Lifestyle. New York, St. Martin's Griffin, 2007. ISBN 978-0-312-36141-9

Further reading
• Berry, Wendell, What Are People For? (North Point Press, 1990), ISBN 0-86547-437-0 • Dacyzyn, Amy, The Complete Tightwad Gazette: Promoting Thrift as a Viable Alternative Lifestyle. (1998), ISBN 0375752250 • de Graaf et al., John, Affluenza (2002), ISBN 1-57675-199-6 • Eller, Vernard, The Simple Life (1973) (http:/ / www. hccentral. com/ eller3/ index. html), ISBN 0802815375 • Nearing, Scott and Helen, The Good Life: Helen and Scott Nearing's Sixty Years of Self-Sufficient Living (Schocken, 1970)

Simple living


External links
• Affluenza: PBS Program on the Epidemic of Overconsumption (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ kcts/ affluenza/ ) • Buy Nothing Christmas (http:/ / www. buynothingchristmas. org/ index. html) • The Testament Of Quaker Simplicity (http:/ / www. nwfriends. org/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2007/ 09/ the-testimony-of-quaker-simplicity. pdf)

Neo-Luddism is a modern movement of opposition to specific or general technological development. The term "Neo-Luddite" is derived from Luddite, a political/historical term relating to a political movement by that name, that took place in England during the Industrial Revolution The term "neo-Luddite" is often deployed by advocates of technology to describe persons or organizations that resist technological advances.

Neo-Luddites come from a variety of political backgrounds, ranging from anarchists (such as anarcho-primitivists) to → political conservatives (such as eco-fascists). Neo-Luddites claim that there are a wide range of problems with the development of technology including: • Increases in government/corporate control over individual lives, which might lead to a totalitarian state • loss of personal privacy due to development of surveillance technologies • dehumanization • alienation[1] , depression, and other mental disorders[2] • environmental degradation[3] • increased division of labor[3] [4] • Health problems caused by industrialization, such as cancers, heart disease, and birth defects • social decay • the destruction of tribal[5] and → nature-based[6] ways of life Some neo-Luddites, such as those in the anarcho-primitivist or green anarchist movements advance explicitly anti-technology arguments, viewing technology as a fundamental form of oppression, destruction, and alienation. Notable thinkers and writers in this vein include → John Zerzan, → Derrick Jensen, → Jacques Ellul, → Kirkpatrick Sale, and → Chellis Glendinning. The actions and words of → Theodore Kaczynski[7] and groups like the Earth Liberation Front may also be seen as a militant articulation of Luddism. The historical Luddite movement of the early 19th century is often referenced positively by people who consider themselves Luddites.

Neo- Luddism


See also
• • • • • • • • • → Anarcho-primitivism Green anarchism Luddite → Deep ecology → Transhumanism → Monkeywrenching Eco-terrorism → Theodore Kaczynski CLODO

Further reading
• Sale, Kirkpatrick (1996) Rebels Against The Future: The Luddites And Their War On The Industrial Revolution: Lessons For The Computer Age Basic Books, ISBN 978-0201407181 • Postman, Neil (1992) Technopoly: The Surrender of Culture to Technology Knopf, New York, ISBN 0-394-58272-1 • Quigley, Peter (1998) Coyote in the Maze: Tracking Edward Abbey in a World of Words University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, ISBN 0-87480-563-5 • Roszak, Theodore (1994) The Cult of Information: A Neo-Luddite Treatise on High-Tech, Artificial Intelligence, and the True Art of Thinking (2nd ed.) University of California Press, Berkeley, California, ISBN 0-520-08584-1 • Tenner, Edward (1996) Why Things Bite Back: Technology and the Revenge of Unintended Consequences Knopf, New York, ISBN 0-679-42563-2

External links
• Bill Joy essay: Why The Future Doesn't Need Us - Wired Magazine [8] • Insurgent Desire (collection of neo-Luddite/Green Anarchist essays) [9] • Primitivism writings archive [10] • Luddism and the Neo-Luddite Reaction by Martin Ryder, University of Colorado at Denver School of Education [11]

[1] Jensen, Derrick; Julie Mayeda. " Enemy of the State: An Interview with John Zerzan (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ enemy. htm)". . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [2] Zerzan, John. " The Mass Psychology of Misery (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ massmisery. htm)". . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [3] Zerzan, John. " Greasing the Rails to a Cyborg Future (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ greasing. htm)". . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [4] Jensen, Derrick (May 15, 2001). " You May Be an Anarchist -And Not Even Know It (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ jensen. htm)". The Sun. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [5] Tucker, Kevin. " Revolt of the Savages: Primitive Revolts Against Civilization (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ savages. htm)". Green Anarchy Issue #14. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [6] Sepulveda, Jesus (August 2005). " Stones Can Speak: Bolivia and the Lulaization of South America (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ stones. htm)". Green Anarchy, Issue #21. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [7] Kaczynski, Theodore (Spring 2002). " Hit Where It Hurts (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ hti. htm)". Green Anarchy Issue #8. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [8] http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 8. 04/ joy. html

Neo- Luddism
[9] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk [10] http:/ / www. primitivism. com [11] http:/ / carbon. cudenver. edu/ ~mryder/ itc_data/ luddite. html


Deep ecology
Part of the Politics series on Green politics

Environment Portal Politics portal

Deep ecology is a somewhat recent branch of ecological philosophy (ecosophy) that considers humankind an integral part of its environment. It is a body of thought that places greater value on the life of human and non-human species alike, as well as on the ecosystem and processes in nature, and establishing environmental and green movements. Deep ecology has led to a new system of environmental ethics.

The retreat of Aletsch Glacier in the Swiss Alps (situation in 1979, 1991 and 2002), due to global warming.

The core principle of deep ecology is the claim that, like humanity, the living environment as a whole has the same right to live and flourish. Deep ecology describes itself as "deep" because it persists in asking deeper questions concerning "why" and "how" and thus is concerned with the fundamental philosophical questions about the impacts of human life as one part of the ecosphere, rather than with a narrow view of ecology as a branch of biological science, and aims to avoid merely anthropocentric environmentalism, which is concerned with conservation of the environment only for exploitation by and for humans purposes, which excludes the fundamental philosophy of deep ecology. Deep ecology seeks a more holistic view of the world we live in and seeks to apply to life the understanding that separate parts of the ecosystem (including humans) function as a whole.

Deep ecology


The phrase "deep ecology" was coined by the Norwegian philosopher Arne Næss in 1973,[1] and he helped give it a theoretical foundation. "For Arne Næss, ecological science, concerned with facts and logic alone, cannot answer ethical questions about how we should live. For this we need ecological wisdom. Deep ecology seeks to develop this by focusing on deep experience, deep questioning and deep commitment. These constitute an interconnected system. Each gives rise to and supports the other, whilst the entire system is, what Næss would call, an ecosophy: an evolving but consistent philosophy of being, thinking and acting in the world, that embodies ecological wisdom and harmony."[2] Næss rejected the idea that beings can be ranked according to their relative value. For example, judgments on whether an animal has an eternal soul, whether it uses reason or whether it has consciousness (or indeed higher consciousness) have all been used to justify the ranking of the human animal as superior to other animals. Næss states that from an ecological point of view "the right of all forms [of life] to live is a universal right which cannot be quantified. No single species of living being has more of this particular right to live and unfold than any other species." This metaphysical idea is elucidated in Warwick Fox's claim that we and all other beings are "aspects of a single unfolding reality".[3] . As such Deep Ecology would support the view of Aldo Leopold in his book, A Sand County Almanac that humans are "plain members of the biotic community". They also would support Leopold's "Land Ethic": "a thing is right when it tends to preserve the integrity, stability and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends otherwise." Daniel Quinn in Ishmael, showed that an anthropocentric myth underlies our current view of the world, and a jellyfish would have an equivalent jellyfish centric view[4] . Deep ecology offers a philosophical basis for environmental advocacy which may, in turn, guide human activity against perceived self-destruction. Deep ecology and environmentalism hold that the science of ecology shows that ecosystems can absorb only limited change by humans or other dissonant influences. Further, both hold that the actions of modern civilization threaten global ecological well-being. Ecologists have described change and stability in ecological systems in various ways, including homeostasis, dynamic [5] equilibrium, and "flux of nature". Regardless of which model is most accurate, environmentalists contend that massive human economic activity has pushed the biosphere far from its "natural" state through reduction of biodiversity, climate change, and other influences. As a consequence, civilization is causing mass extinction. Deep ecologists hope to influence social and political change through their philosophy.

Næss and Fox do not claim to use logic or induction to derive the philosophy directly from scientific ecology [6] but rather hold that scientific ecology directly implies the metaphysics of deep ecology, including its ideas about the self and further, that deep ecology finds scientific underpinnings in the fields of ecology and system dynamics. In their 1985 book Deep Ecology,[7] Bill Devall and George Sessions describe a series of sources of deep ecology. They include the science of ecology itself, and cite its major contribution as the rediscovery in a modern context that "everything is connected to everything else". They point out that some ecologists and natural historians, in addition to their scientific viewpoint, have developed a deep ecological consciousness—for some a political consciousness and at times a spiritual consciousness. This is a perspective beyond

Deep ecology the strictly human viewpoint, beyond anthropocentrism. Among the scientists they mention particularly are Rachel Carson, Aldo Leopold, John Livingston, Paul R. Ehrlich and Barry Commoner, together with Frank Fraser Darling, Charles Sutherland Elton, Eugene Odum and Paul Sears. A further scientific source for deep ecology adduced by Devall and Sessions is the "new physics." which they describe as shattering Descartes's and Newton's vision of the universe as a machine explainable in terms of simple linear cause and effect, and instead providing a view of Nature in constant flux and the idea that observers are separate an illusion. They refer to Fritjof Capra's The Tao of Physics and The Turning Point for their characterisation of how the new physics leads to metaphysical and ecological views of interrelatedness, which, according to Capra, should make deep ecology a framework for future human societies. Devall and Sessions also credit the American poet and social critic → Gary Snyder—with his devotion to Buddhism, Native American studies, the outdoors, and alternative social movements—as a major voice of wisdom in the evolution of their ideas. The scientific version of the Gaia hypothesis was also an influence on the development of deep ecology.


The central spiritual tenet of deep ecology is that the human species is a part of the Earth and not separate from it. A process of self-realisation or "re-earthing" is used for an individual to intuitively gain an ecocentric perspective. The notion is based on the idea that the more we expand the self to identify with "others" (people, animals, ecosystems), the more we realize ourselves. Transpersonal psychology has been used by Warwick Fox to support this idea. In relation to the Judeo-Christian tradition, Næss offers the following criticism: "The arrogance of stewardship [as found in the Bible] consists in the idea of superiority which underlies the thought that we exist to watch over nature like a highly respected middleman between the Creator and Creation."[8] This theme had been expounded in Lynn Townsend White, Jr.'s 1967 article "The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis",[9] in which however he also offered as an alternative Christian view of man's relation to nature that of Saint Francis of Assisi, who he says spoke for the equality of all creatures, in place of the idea of man's domination over creation.

Drawing upon the Buddhist tradition is the work of Joanna Macy. Macy, working as an anti-nuclear activist in USA, found that one of the major impediments confronting the activists' cause was the presence of unresolved emotions of despair, grief, sorrow, anger and rage. The denial of these emotions led to apathy and disempowerment. We may have intellectual understanding of our interconnectedness, but our culture, experiential deep ecologists like John Seed argue, robs us of emotional and visceral experience of that interconnectedness which we had as small children, but which has been socialised out of us by a highly anthropocentric alienating culture. Through "Despair and Empowerment Work" and more recently "The Work that Reconnects", Macy and others have been taking Experiential Deep Ecology into many countries including especially the USA, Europe (particularly Britain and Germany), Russia and Australia.

Deep ecology


Philosophical -- Spinoza and Deep Ecology
Arne Næss, who first wrote about the idea of Deep Ecology, from the early days of developing this outlook conceived Spinoza as a philosophical source[10] . Others have followed Naess' inquiry, including Eccy de Jonge, in Spinoza and Deep Ecology: Challenging Traditional Approaches to Environmentalism [11], and Brenden MacDonald, in Spinoza, Deep Ecology, and Human Diversity—Realization of Eco-Literacies

One of the topical centres of inquiry connecting Spinoza to Deep Ecology is "self-realization." See Arne Naess in The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology movement [13] and Spinoza and the Deep Ecology Movement [14] for discussion on the role of Spinoza's conception of self-realization and its link to Deep Ecology.

Proponents of deep ecology believe that the world does not exist as a resource to be freely exploited by humans. The ethics of deep ecology hold that a whole system is superior to any of its parts. They offer an eight-tier platform to elucidate their claims:[15] 1. The well-being and flourishing of human and nonhuman life on Earth have value in themselves (synonyms: intrinsic value, inherent value). These values are independent of the usefulness of the nonhuman world for human purposes. 2. Richness and diversity of life forms contribute to the realization of these values and are also values in themselves. 3. Humans have no right to reduce this richness and diversity except to satisfy vital human needs. 4. The flourishing of human life and cultures is compatible with a substantial decrease of the human population. The flourishing of nonhuman life requires such a decrease. 5. Present human interference with the nonhuman world is excessive, and the situation is rapidly worsening. 6. Policies must therefore be changed. These policies affect basic economic, technological, and ideological structures. The resulting state of affairs will be deeply different from the present. 7. The ideological change is mainly that of appreciating life quality (dwelling in situations of inherent value) rather than adhering to an increasingly higher standard of living. There will be a profound awareness of the difference between big and great. 8. Those who subscribe to the foregoing points have an obligation directly or indirectly to try to implement the necessary changes.

In practice, deep ecologists support decentralization, the creation of ecoregions, the breakdown of industrialism in its current form, and an end to authoritarianism. Deep ecology is not normally considered a distinct movement, but as part of the green movement. The deep ecological movement could be defined as those within the green movement who hold deep ecological views. Deep ecologists welcome the labels "Gaian" and "Green" (including the broader political implications of this term, e.g. commitment to peace). Deep ecology has had a broad general influence on the green movement by providing an independent ethical platform for Green parties, political ecologists and

Deep ecology environmentalists. The philosophy of deep ecology helped differentiate the modern ecology movement by pointing out the anthropocentric bias of the term "environment", and rejecting the idea of humans as authoritarian guardians of the environment. Interests in nature For something to require rights and protection intrinsically, it must have interests.[16] Deep ecology is criticised for presuming that plants, for example, have their own interests. Deep ecologists claim to identify with the environment, and in doing so, criticise those who claim they have no understanding what the environment's interests are. The criticism is that the interests that a deep ecologist purports to give to nature, such as growth, survival, balance are really human interests. "The earth is endowed with 'wisdom', wilderness equates with 'freedom', and life forms are said to emit 'moral' qualities."[17] It has also been argued that species and ecosystems themselves have rights.[18] However, the overarching criticism assumes that humans, in governing their own affairs, are somehow immune from this same assumption; i.e. how can governing humans truly presume to understand the interests of the rest of humanity. While the deep ecologist critic would answer that the logical application of language and social mores would provide this justification, i.e. voting patterns etc, the deep ecologist would note that these "interests" are ultimately observable solely from the logical application of the behavior of the life form, which is the same standard used by deep ecologists to perceive the standard of interests for the natural world.


Deep ecology is criticised for its claim to be deeper than alternative theories, which by implication are shallow. However despite repeated complaints about use of the term it still enjoys wide currency; deep evidently has an attractive resonance for many who seek to establish a new ethical framework for guiding human action with respect to the natural world. It may be presumptuous to assert that one's thinking is deeper than others'. When Arne Næss coined the term deep ecology he compared it favourably with shallow environmentalism which he criticized for its utilitarian and anthropocentric attitude to nature and for its materialist and consumer-oriented outlook.[19] [20] Against this is Arne Næss's own view that the "depth" of deep ecology resides in the persistence of its interrogative questioning, particularly in asking "Why?" when faced with initial answers.

Ecofeminist response
Both ecofeminism and deep ecology put forward a new conceptualization of the self. Some ecofeminists, such as Marti Kheel,[21] argue that self-realization and identification with all nature places too much emphasis on the whole, at the expense of the independent being. Ecofeminists contend that their concept of the self (as a dynamic process consisting of relations) is superior. Ecofeminists would also place more emphasis on the problem of androcentrism rather than anthropocentrism.

Deep ecology


Misunderstanding scientific information
Daniel Botkin[22] has likened deep ecology to its antithesis, the wise use movement, when he says that they both "misunderstand scientific information and then arrive at conclusions based on their misunderstanding, which are in turn used as justification for their ideologies. Both begin with an ideology and are political and social in focus." Elsewhere though, he asserts that deep ecology must be taken seriously in the debate about the relationship between humans and nature because it challenges the fundamental assumptions of western philosophy. Botkin has also criticized Næss's restatement and reliance upon the balance of nature idea and the perceived contradiction between his argument that all species are morally equal and his disparaging description of pioneering species.

"Shallow" View superior
Writer William Grey believes that developing a non-anthropocentric set of values is "a hopeless quest" He seeks an improved "shallow" view, writing, "What's wrong with shallow views is not their concern about the well-being of humans, but that they do not really consider enough in what that well-being consists. We need to develop an enriched, fortified anthropocentric notion of human interest to replace the dominant short-term, sectional and self-regarding conception."[23]

Deep ecology as not "deep" enough
Social ecologists such as Murray Bookchin[24] claim that deep ecology fails to link environmental crises with authoritarianism and hierarchy. Social ecologists believe that environmental problems are firmly rooted in the manner of human social interaction, and protest that an ecologically sustainable society could still be socially exploitative. Deep ecologists reject the argument that ecological behavior is rooted in the social paradigm (according to their view, that is an anthropocentric fallacy), and they maintain that the converse of the social ecologists' objection is also true in that it is equally possible for a socially egalitarian society to continue to exploit the Earth.

Links with other movements
Parallels have been drawn between deep ecology and other movements, in particular the animal rights movement and Earth First!. Peter Singer's 1975 book Animal Liberation critiqued anthropocentrism and put the case for animals to be given moral consideration. This can be seen as a part of a process of expanding the prevailing system of ethics to wider groupings. However, Singer has disagreed with deep ecology's belief in the intrinsic value of nature separate from questions of suffering, taking a more utilitarian stance. The feminist and civil rights movements also brought about expansion of the ethical system for their particular domains. Likewise deep ecology brought the whole of nature under moral consideration.[25] The links with animal rights are perhaps the strongest, as "proponents of such ideas argue that 'All life has intrinsic value'".[26] Many in the radical environmental direct-action movement Earth First! claim to follow deep ecology, as indicated by one of their slogans No compromise in defence of mother earth. In particular, David Foreman, the co-founder of the movement, has also been a strong advocate for deep ecology, and engaged in a public debate with Murray Bookchin on the

Deep ecology subject.[27] [28] Judi Bari was another prominent Earth Firster who espoused deep ecology. Many Earth First! actions have a distinct deep ecological theme; often these actions will ostensibly be to save an area of old growth forest, the habitat of a snail or an owl, even individual trees. It should however be noted that, especially in the United Kingdom, there are also strong anti-capitalist and anarchist currents in the movement, and actions are often symbolic or have other political aims. At one point Arne Næss also engaged in environmental direct action, though not under the Earth First! banner, when he tied himself to a Norwegian fjord in a successful protest against the building of a dam.[29] Robert Greenway and Theodore Roszak have employed the Deep Ecology (DE) platform as a means to argue for Ecopsychology. Although Ecopsychology is a highly differentiated umbrella that encompasses many practices and perspectives, its ethos is generally consistent with DE. As this now almost forty-year old "field" expands and continues to be reinterpreted by a variety of practitioners, social and natural scientists, and humanists, "ecopsychology" may change to include these novel perspectives.


Early Influences
• Mary Hunter Austin | Ralph Waldo Emerson | Aldo Leopold • John Muir | Henry David Thoreau

Notable advocates of deep ecology
• Judi Bari • Thomas Berry • Wendell Berry • Leonardo Boff • Fritjof Capra • Michael Dowd • David Foreman • Vivienne Elanta • Warwick Fox • Edward Goldsmith • Felix Guattari • Martin Heidegger (controversial: see Development above) • Derrick Jensen • Dolores LaChapelle • Pentti Linkola (controversial) • John Livingston • Joanna Macy • Jerry Mander • Freya Mathews • Terence McKenna • W.S. Merwin • Arne Næss • David Orton • Daniel Quinn • Theodore Roszak • Savitri Devi (controversial) • John Seed • Paul Shepard • Gary Snyder • Richard Sylvan • Douglas Tompkins • Oberon Zell-Ravenheart • John Zerzan

Deep ecology


See also
• Anarcho-primitivism • Coupled human-environment system • Earth liberation • EcoCommunalism • Ecopsychology • Environmental psychology • EcoTheology • Gaia hypothesis • Growth Fetish • Human ecology • Neotribalism • Negative Population Growth | Population Connection • Pathetic fallacy • Permaculture • Systems theory | The Great Story • Sustainable development • The Revenge of Gaia • Voluntary Human Extinction Movement

[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Næss, Arne (1973) 'The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology Movement.' Inquiry 16: 95-100 Harding, Stephan (2002), "What is Deep Ecology" Fox, Warwick, (1990) Towards a Transpersonal Ecology (Shambhala Books) Quinn, Daniel (1995), "Ishmael: An Adventure of the Mind and Spirit" (Bantam) Botkin, Daniel B. (1990). Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the Twenty-First Century. Oxford Univ. Press, NY, NY. ISBN 0-19-507469-6. [6] : The Shallow and the Deep, Long Range Ecology movements A summary by Arne Naess (http:/ / www. alamut. com/ subj/ ideologies/ pessimism/ Naess_deepEcology. html) [7] Devall, Bill; Sessions, George (1985). Deep Ecology. Gibbs M. Smith. ISBN 0-87905-247-3. pp. 85-88 [8] Næss, Arne. (1989). Ecology, Community and Lifestyle: Outline of an Ecosophy. p. 187. ISBN 0-521-34873-0 [9] White, Jr, Lynn Townsend (March 1967). "The Historical Roots of Our Ecological Crisis". Science 155 (3767): 1203–1207. doi: 10.1126/science.155.3767.1203 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 155. 3767. 1203). PMID 17847526. ( HTML copy (http:/ / www. zbi. ee/ ~kalevi/ lwhite. htm), PDF copy (http:/ / web. lemoyne. edu/ ~glennon/ LynnWhitearticle. pdf)). [10] Spinoza and Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. springerlink. com/ content/ e8213222t8hk5736/ ) [11] http:/ / ndpr. nd. edu/ review. cfm?id=2601 [12] http:/ / www. newciv. org/ mem/ prof-newslog. php?did=373& vid=373& xmode=show_article& artid=000373-000019& amode=standard& aoffset=0& time=1246755640 [13] http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=HTBMPKH9_2UC& source=gbs_navlinks_s [14] http:/ / www. springerlink. com/ content/ x36131180168g245/ [15] Devall and Sessions, op. cit., p. 70. [16] Feinberg, Joel. " The Rights of Animals and Future Generations (http:/ / www. animal-rights-library. com/ texts-m/ feinberg01. htm)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25. [17] Joff (2000). " The Possibility of an Anti-Humanist Anarchism (http:/ / library. nothingness. org/ articles/ anar/ en/ display/ 310)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25. [18] Pister, E. Phil (1995). " The Rights of Species and Ecosystems (http:/ / www. nativefish. org/ articles/ Fish_Rights. php)". Fisheries 20 (4). . Retrieved on 2006-04-25. [19] Great River Earth Institute. " Deep Ecology: Environmentalism as if all beings mattered (http:/ / www. greatriv. org/ de. htm)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25. [20] Panaman, Ben. " Animal Ethics Encyclopedia: Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. animalethics. org. uk/ aec-d-entries. html#Deep Ecology)". . Retrieved on 2006-04-25. [21] Kheel, Marti. (1990): Ecofeminism and Deep Ecology; reflections on identity and difference from: Diamond, Irene. Orenstein. Gloria (editors), Reweaving the World; The emergence of ecofeminism. Sierra Club Books. San Francisco. pp 128-137. ISBN 0-87156-623-0 [22] Botkin, Daniel B. (2000). No Man's Garden: Thoreau and a New Vision for Civilization and Nature. Shearwater Books. pp. 42, 39. ISBN 1-55963-465-0. [23] Anthropocentrism and Deep Ecology by William Grey (http:/ / www. uq. edu. au/ ~pdwgrey/ pubs/ anthropocentrism. html)

Deep ecology
[24] Bookchin, Murray (1987). " Social Ecology versus Deep Ecology: A Challenge for the Ecology Movement (http:/ / dwardmac. pitzer. edu/ Anarchist_Archives/ bookchin/ socecovdeepeco. html)". Green Perspectives/Anarchy Archives. . [25] Alan AtKisson. " Introduction To Deep Ecology, an interview with Michael E. Zimmerman (http:/ / www. context. org/ ICLIB/ IC22/ Zimmrman. htm)". In Context (22). . Retrieved on 2006-05-04. [26] Wall, Derek (1994). Green History. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-07925-X. [27] David Levine, ed (1991). Defending the Earth: a dialogue between Murray Bookchin and Dave Foreman. [28] Bookchin, Murray; Graham Purchace, Brian Morris, Rodney Aitchtey, Robert Hart, Chris Wilbert (1993). Deep Ecology and Anarchism. Freedom Press. ISBN 0-900384-67-0. [29] J. Seed, J. Macy, P. Flemming, A. Næss, Thinking like a mountain: towards a council of all beings, Heretic Books (1988), ISBN 0-946097-26-7, ISBN 0-86571-133-X.


Caution by the link to "The Shallow and the Deep" - there are several faults in the quote of the original article. (Added words, wrong commas which can by misleading)

• Bender, F. L. 2003. The Culture of Extinction: Toward a Philosophy of Deep Ecology Amherst, New York: Humanity Books. • Devall, W. and G. Sessions. 1985. Deep Ecology: Living As if Nature Mattered Salt Lake City: Gibbs M. Smith, Inc. • Drengson, Alan. 1995. The Deep Ecology Movement • Katz, E., A. Light, et al. 2000. Beneath the Surface: Critical Essays in the Philosophy of Deep Ecology Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. • Næss, A. 1989. Ecology, Community and Lifestyle: Outline of an Ecosophy Translated by D. Rothenberg. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • Nelson, C. 2006. Ecofeminism vs. Deep Ecology, Dialogue, San Antonio, TX: Saint Mary's University Dept. of Philosophy. • Passmore, J. 1974. Man’s Responsibility for Nature London: Duckworth. • Sessions, G. (ed) 1995. Deep Ecology for the Twenty-first Century Boston: Shambhala. • Taylor, B. and M. Zimmerman. 2005. Deep Ecology" in B. Taylor, ed., Encyclopedia of Religion and Nature, v 1, pp. 456-60, London: Continuum International. Also online at (http:/ / www. religionandnature. com/ ern/ sample. htm)

Further reading
• Conesa-Sevilla, J. (2006). The Intrinsic Value of the Whole: Cognitive and utilitarian evaluative processes as they pertain to ecocentric, deep ecological, and ecopsychological "valuing." The Trumpeter, 22, 2, 26-42. • Jozef Keulartz, Struggle for nature : a critique of radical ecology, London [etc.] : Routledge, 1998 • Michael Tobias ed, Deep Ecology, Avant Books (1984, 1988) ISBN 0-932238-13-0. • Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature, HarperOne (1990) ISBN 0062505955, 978-0062505958. • Harold Glasser (ed), The Selected Works of Arne Næss, Volumes 1-10. Springer, (2005), ISBN 1-4020-3727-9. ( review (http:/ / home. ca. inter. net/ ~greenweb/ Naess_Appreciation. html)) • Jack Turner, The Abstract Wild, Tucson, Univ of Arizona Press (1996) • de Steiguer, J.E. 2006. The Origins of Modern Environmental Thought. The University of Arizona Press. 246 pp.

Deep ecology


Educational Programs
• * Naropa University Master of Arts Transpersonal Psychology, Ecopsychology Concentration (http:/ / www. naropa. edu/ academics/ graduate/ psychology/ tcp/ ecoc/ )

External links
• Northwest Earth Institute (http:/ / www. nwei. org) Discussion course on Deep Ecology • Philosophy, Cosmology and Conciousness, California Institude of Integral Studies. (http:/ / www. ciis. edu/ pcc/ ) • Downloadable interview with Dr. Alan Drengson about Deep Ecology and Arne Næss. June 6, 2008. (http:/ / besustainable. com/ greenmajority/ 2008/ 06/ 06/ tgm-88/ ) • Nature Worship in Hinduism (http:/ / www. hinduwisdom. info/ Nature_Worship. htm) • Church of Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. churchofdeepecology. org/ ) • Deep Ecology Movement (http:/ / www. deepecology. org/ movement. htm), Alan Drengson, Foundation for Deep Ecology. • Environmental Ethics Journal (http:/ / www. cep. unt. edu/ enethics. html) • Foundation for Deep Ecology (http:/ / www. deepecology. org/ ) • Green Parties World Wide (http:/ / www. greens. org/ ) • The Great Story (http:/ / www. thegreatstory. org/ ) - a leading Deep Ecology/Deep Time educational website • Gaia Foundation (http:/ / gaia. iinet. net. au): an Australian organisation based upon the principles of Deep Ecology. See especially its links page. • The Green Web (http:/ / home. ca. inter. net/ ~greenweb/ index. htm) a left biocentric environmental research group, with a number of writings on deep ecology • The Trumpeter (http:/ / trumpeter. athabascau. ca/ ), Canadian journal of ecosophy, quite a number of articles from Næss among others • Welcome to All Beings (http:/ / www. joannamacy. net): Joanna Macy on the work of Experiential Deep Ecology • Social Ecology vs Deep Ecology (http:/ / dwardmac. pitzer. edu/ ANARCHIST_ARCHIVES/ bookchin/ socecovdeepeco. html) - A Challenge for the Ecology Movement by Murray Bookchin • Deep Ecology in the Song of Songs (http:/ / www. song-of-songs. net)

Neolithic Revolution


Neolithic Revolution
The Neolithic Revolution was the first agricultural revolution—the transition from → hunting and gathering communities and bands, to agriculture and settlement (settlement is currently being questioned). Archaeological data indicate that various forms of domestication of plants and animals arose independently in at least 7-8 separate locales worldwide, with the earliest known developments taking place in the Middle East around 10,000 BC (BCE) or earlier.[1] However, the Neolithic Revolution involved far more than the adoption of a limited set of food-producing techniques. During the next millennia it would transform the small, mobile and fairly egalitarian groups of hunter-gatherers that had hitherto dominated human history, into sedentary societies based in built-up villages and towns, which radically modified their natural environment by means of specialized cultivation and storage technologies (e.g. irrigation) that allowed extensive surplus production. These developments provided the basis for high population densities, complex labor diversification, trading economies, centralized administrations and political structures, hiearchical ideologies and depersonalized systems of knowledge (e.g. property regimes and writing). The first full-blown manifestation of the entire Neolithic complex is seen in the Middle Eastern Sumerian cities (ca. 5,300 BC), whose emergence also inaugurates the end of the prehistoric Neolithic and the beginning of historical time. The relationship of the above-mentioned Neolithic characteristics to the onset of agriculture, their sequence of emergence and empirical relation to each other at various Neolithic sites remains the subject of academic debate, and seems to vary from place to place, rather than being the outcome of universal laws of social evolution.[2] [3]

Agricultural transition
The term Neolithic Revolution was coined in the 1920s by Vere Gordon Childe to describe the first in a series of agricultural revolutions in Middle Eastern history. The period is described as a "revolution" to denote its importance, and the great significance and degree of change affecting the communities in which new agricultural practices were gradually adopted and refined. The beginning of this process in different regions has Knap of Howar farmstead on a site been dated from perhaps 10,000 years ago in occupied from 3500 BC to 3100 BC Melanesia[4] [5] to 2,500 BC in Subsaharan Africa, with some considering the developments of 9000-7000 BC in the → Fertile Crescent to be the most important. This transition everywhere seems associated with a change from a largely nomadic → hunter-gatherer way of life to a more settled, agrarian-based one, with the inception of the domestication of various plant and animal species - depending upon which species were locally available, and probably also influenced by local culture. There are several competing (but not mutually exclusive) theories as to the factors which drove populations to take up agriculture. The most prominent of these are:

Neolithic Revolution • The Oasis Theory, originally proposed by Raphael Pumpelly in 1908, popularized by Vere Gordon Childe in 1928 and summarised in Childe's book Man Makes Himself.[6] , which maintains that as the climate got drier, communities contracted to oases where they were forced into close association with animals, which were then domesticated together with planting of seeds. It has little support now because climate data for the time does not support the theory. • The Hilly Flanks hypothesis, proposed by Robert Braidwood in 1948, suggests that agriculture began in the hilly flanks of the Taurus and Zagros mountains, where the climate was not drier as Childe had believed, and fertile land supported a variety of plants and animals amenable to domestication.[7] • The Feasting model by Brian Hayden[8] suggests that agriculture was driven by ostentatious displays of power, such as giving feasts, to exert dominance. This required assembling large quantities of food which drove agricultural technology. • The Demographic theories proposed by Carl Sauer[9] and adapted by Lewis Binford[10] and Kent Flannery posit an increasingly sedentary population which expanded up to the carrying capacity of the local environment and required more food than could be gathered. Various social and economic factors helped drive the need for food. • The evolutionary/intentionality theory, developed by David Rindos[11] and others, views agriculture as an evolutionary adaptation of plants and humans. Starting with domestication by protection of wild plants, it led to specialization of location and then full-fledged domestication. • In Ronald Wright's book & CBC radio Ideas Massey Lecture Series A Short History of Progress, a case was made of the possibility of the development of agriculture coinciding with an increasingly stable climate. The case was extended to current issues of global warming/climate change presenting the thought that perhaps a major effect of increased CO2 levels in the atmosphere could very well be a shift to a less stable and more unpredictable climate. Such a shift could impact agriculture in profound ways. developed by Ronald Wright[12] • The Younger Dryas Impact Event, which devastated life on earth (megafauna extinction) and ended the last Ice Age, likely provided circumstances that required the evolution of agricultural societies for humanity to survive. The agrarian revolution itself is a reflection of typical over-population by certain species following initial events during extinction eras; this overpopulation itself ultimately propagates the extinction event. That is true in the present case as well (The Sixth Extinction) In contrast to the Paleolithic, in which more than one hominid species existed, only one (Homo sapiens) reached the Neolithic.


Neolithic Revolution


Domestication of plants
Once agriculture started gaining momentum, cereal grasses (beginning with emmer, einkorn and barley), and not simply those that would favour greater caloric returns through larger seeds, were selectively bred. Plants that possessed traits such as small seeds or bitter taste would have been seen as undesirable. Plants that rapidly shed their seeds on maturity tended not to be gathered at harvest, thus not stored and not Neolithic grind stone for processing grain seeded the following season; years of harvesting selected for strains that retained their edible seeds longer. Several plant species, the "pioneer crops" or Neolithic founder crops, were the earliest plants successfully manipulated by humans. Some of these pioneering attempts failed at first and crops were abandoned, sometimes to be taken up again and successfully domesticated thousands of years later: rye, tried and abandoned in Neolithic Anatolia, made its way to Europe as weed seeds and was successfully domesticated in Europe, thousands of years after the earliest agriculture.[13] Wild lentils present a different challenge that needed to be overcome: most of the wild seeds do not germinate in the first year; the first evidence of lentil domestication, breaking dormancy in their first year, was found in the early Neolithic at Jerf el-Ahmar, (in modern Syria), and quickly spread south to the Netiv HaGdud site in the Jordan Valley.[13] This process of domestication allowed the founder crops to adapt and eventually become larger, more easily harvested, more dependable in storage and more useful to the human population. Figs, barley and, most likely, oats were cultivated in the Jordan Valley, represented by the early Neolithic site of Gilgal, where in 2006[14] archaeologists found caches of seeds of each in quantities too large to be accounted for even by intensive gathering, at strata dateable c. 11,000 years ago. Some of the plants tried and then abandoned during the Neolithic period in the Ancient Near East, at sites like Gilgal, were later successfully domesticated in other parts of the world. Once early farmers perfected their agricultural techniques, their crops would yield surpluses which needed storage. Most hunter gatherers could not easily store food for long due to their migratory lifestyle, whereas those with a sedentary dwelling could store their surplus grain. Eventually granaries were developed that allowed villages to store their seeds for longer periods of time. So with more food, the population expanded and communities developed specialized workers and more advanced tools. The process was not as linear as was once thought, but a more complicated effort, which was undertaken by different human populations in different regions in many different ways.
A Sumerian Harvester's sickle dated to 3000 BC

Neolithic Revolution


Agriculture in Asia
The Neolithic Revolution is believed to have become widespread in southwest Asia around 8000 BC–7000 BC, though earlier individual sites have been identified. Although archaeological evidence provides scant evidence as to which of the genders performed what task in Neolithic cultures, by comparison with historical and contemporary hunter-gatherer communities it is generally supposed that hunting was typically performed by the men, whereas women had a more significant role in the gathering. By extension, it may be theorised that women were largely responsible for the observations and initial activities which began the Neolithic Revolution, insofar as the gradual selection and refinement of edible plant species was concerned. The precise nature of these initial observations and (later) purposeful activities which would give rise to the changes in subsistence methods brought about by the Neolithic Revolution are not known; specific evidence is lacking. However, several reasonable speculations have been put forward; for example, it might be expected that the common practice of discarding food refuse in middens would result in the regrowth of plants from the discarded seeds in the (fertilizer-enriched) soils. In all likelihood, there were a number of factors which contributed to the early onset of agriculture in Neolithic human societies.

Agriculture in the Fertile Crescent
Generalised agriculture apparently first arose in the → Fertile Crescent because of many factors. The Mediterranean climate has a long dry season with a short period of rain, which made it suitable for small plants with large seeds, like wheat and barley. These were the most suitable for domestication because of the ease of harvest and storage and the wide availability. In addition, the domesticated plants had especially high protein content. The Fertile Crescent had a large area of varied geographical settings and altitudes. The variety given made agriculture more profitable for former hunter-gatherers. Other areas with a similar climate were less suitable for agriculture because of the lack of geographic variation within the region and the lack of availability of plants for domestication.

Agriculture in Africa
The Revolution developed independently in different parts of the world, not just in the Fertile Crescent. On the African continent, three areas have been identified as independently developing agriculture: the Ethiopian highlands, the Sahel and West Africa.[15] The most famous crop domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands is coffee. In addition, Khat, Ensete, Noog, teff and finger millet were also domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands. Crops domesticated in the Sahel region include sorghum and pearl millet. The Kola nut, extracts from which became an ingredient in Coca Cola, was first domesticated in West Africa. Other crops domesticated in West Africa include African rice, African yams and the oil palm.[15] A number of crops that have been cultivated in Africa for millennia came after their domestication elsewhere. Agriculture in the Nile River Valley developed from crops domesticated in the → Fertile Crescent. Bananas and plantains which were first domesticated in Southeast Asia, most likely Papua New Guinea, were re-domesticated in Africa possibly as early as 5,000 years ago. Asian yams and taro were also cultivated in Africa.[15]

Neolithic Revolution Prof. Fred Wendorf and Dr. Romuald Schild, of the Department of Anthropology at Southern Methodist University, originally thought to have found evidence of early agriculture in Upper Paleolithic times at Wadi Kubbaniya, on the Kom Ombos plateau, of Egypt, including a mortar and pestle, grinding stones, several harvesting implements and charred wheat and barley grains — which may have been introduced from outside the region. AMS dating since their first reports has invalidated their hypothesis.[16] Many such grinding stones are found with the early Egyptian Sebilian and Mechian cultures and evidence has been found of a neolithic domesticated crop-based economy dating around 5000 BC.[17] Smith writes: "With the benefit of hindsight we can now see that many Late Paleolithic peoples in the Old World were poised on the brink of plant cultivation and animal husbandry as an alternative to the hunter-gatherer's way of life". Unlike the Middle East, this evidence appears as a "false dawn" to agriculture, as the sites were later abandoned, and permanent farming then was delayed until 4,500 BC with the Tasian and Badarian cultures and the arrival of crops and animals from the Near East.


Agriculture in the Americas
Corn, beans and squash were domesticated in Mesoamerica around 3500 BCE. Potatoes and manioc were domesticated in South America. In what is now the eastern United States, Native Americans domesticated sunflower, sumpweed and goosefoot around 2500 BCE.[15]

Domestication of animals
When hunter-gathering began to be replaced by sedentary food production it became more profitable to keep animals close at hand. Therefore, it became necessary to bring animals permanently to their settlements, although in many cases there was a distinction between relatively sedentary farmers and nomadic herders. The animals' size, temperament, diet, mating patterns, and life span were factors in the desire and success in domesticating animals. Animals that provided milk, such as cows and goats, offered a source of protein that was renewable and therefore quite valuable. The animal’s ability as a worker (for example ploughing or towing), as well as a food source, also had to be taken into account. Besides being a direct source of food, certain animals could provide leather, wool, hides, and fertilizer. Some of the earliest domesticated animals included dogs (about 15,000 years ago),[18] sheep, goats, cows, and pigs.[15]

Domestication of animals in the Middle East
The Middle East served as the source for many animals that could be domesticated, such as goats and pigs. This area was also the first region to domesticate the Dromedary Camel. The presence of these animals gave the region a large advantage in cultural and economic development. As the climate in the Middle East changed, and became drier, many of the farmers were forced to leave, taking their domesticated animals with them. It was this massive emigration from the Middle East that would later help distribute these animals to

Dromedary Camel caravan in Algeria

Neolithic Revolution the rest of Afroeurasia. This emigration was mainly on an east-west axis of similar climates, as crops usually have a narrow optimal climatic range outside of which they cannot grow for reasons of light or rain changes. For instance, wheat does not normally grow in tropical climates, just like tropical crops such as bananas do not grow in colder climates. Some authors like → Jared Diamond postulated that this East-West axis is the main reason why plant and animal domestication spread so quickly from the → Fertile Crescent to the rest of Eurasia and North Africa, while it did not reach through the North-South axis of Africa to reach the Mediterranean climates of South Africa, where temperate crops were successfully imported by ships in the last 500 years. The African Zebu is a separate breed of cattle that was better suited to the hotter climates of central Africa than the fertile-crescent domesticated bovines. North and South America were similarly separated by the narrow tropical Isthmus of Panama, that prevented the andes llama to be exported to the Mexican plateau.


Causes of the Neolithic Revolution
Jack Harlan, examining the causes for the Neolithic Revolution, suggests 6 principal reasons which can be summarized to 3 principal categories: 1. Domestication for religious reasons 2. Domestication by crowding and as a consequence of stress 3. Domestication resulting from discovery, based upon the perceptions of food gatherers With regard to the first explanation, Ian Hodder, who directs the excavations at Çatalhöyük (Turkey), has said that the earliest settled communities, and the Neolithic revolution they represent, actually preceded the development of agriculture. He has been developing the ideas first expressed by Jacques Cauvin, the excavator of the Natufian settlement at Mureybet in northern Syria. Hodder believes that the Neolithic revolution was the result of a revolutionary change in the human psychology, a "revolution of symbols" which led to new beliefs about the world and shared community rituals embodied in corpulent female figurines (see Venus of Willendorf) and the methodical assembly of aurochs horns. An alternative explanation for the origin of agriculture has been advanced by anthropologist → Mark Nathan Cohen. Cohen believes that following the widespread extinctions of large mammals in the late Palaeolithic, the human population had expanded to the limits of the available territory and a population explosion led to a food crisis. Agriculture was the only way in which it was possible to support the increasing population on the available area of land. This view has come under criticism due to the obvious problem of how a population explosion would occur without already having a surplus of food. Food gatherers (not the hunters) caring for children, keeping the fires alive, and foraging near the base camp, led the way in developing language and culture, in knowledge of plants, and increasingly semi-domesticated animals who travelled with the nomads from camp to camp.

Neolithic Revolution


Consequences of the Neolithic Revolution
Social change
It is often argued that agriculture gave humans more control over their food supply, but this has been disputed by the finding that nutritional standards of Neolithic populations were generally inferior to that of hunter gatherers, and life expectancy may in fact have been shorter, in part due to diseases. Average height, for example, went down from 5' 10" for men and 5' 6" for women to 5' 3" and 5' 1", respectively and it took until the twentieth century for average human height to come back to the pre-Neolithic Revolution levels.[19] Actually, by reducing the necessity for the carrying of children, Neolithic societies had a major impact upon the spacing of children (carrying more than one child at a time is impossible for hunter-gatherers, which leads to children being spaced four or more years apart). This increase in the birth rate was required to offset increases in death rates and required settled occupation of territory and encouraged larger social groups. These sedentary groups were able to reproduce at a faster rate due to the possibilities of sharing the raising of children in such societies. The children accounted for a denser population, and encouraged the introduction of specialization by providing diverse forms of new labor. The development of larger societies seemed to have led to the development of different means of decision making and to governmental organization. Food surpluses made possible the development of a social elite who were not otherwise engaged in agriculture, industry or commerce, but dominated their communities by other means and monopolized decision-making.

Subsequent revolutions
Andrew Sherratt has argued that following upon the Neolithic Revolution was a second phase of discovery that he refers to as the secondary products revolution. Animals, it appears were first domesticated purely as a source of meat. The Secondary Products Revolution occurred when it was recognised that animals also provided a number of other useful products. These included: • • • • •

Domesticated cow being milked in Ancient Egypt

hides and skins (from no domesticated animals) manure for soil conditioning (from all domesticated animals) wool (from sheep, llamas, alpacas, and Angora goats) milk (from goats, cattle, yaks, sheep, horses and camels) traction (from oxen, onagers, donkeys, horses and camels)

Sherratt argues that this phase in agricultural development enabled humans to make use of the energy possibilities of their animals in new ways, and permitted permanent intensive subsistence farming and crop production, and the opening up heavier soils for farming. It also made possible nomadic pastoralism in semi arid areas, along the margins of deserts, and eventually led to the domestication of both the dromedary and bactrian camel. Overgrazing of these areas, particularly by herds of goats, greatly extended the areal extent of deserts. Living in one spot would have more easily permitted the accrual of personal possessions and an attachment to certain areas of land. From such a position, it is argued, prehistoric people were able to stockpile food to survive lean times and trade unwanted

Neolithic Revolution surpluses with others. Once trade and a secure food supply were established, populations could grow, and society would have diversified into food producers and artisans, who could afford to develop their trade by virtue of the free time they enjoyed because of a surplus of food. The artisans, in turn, were able to develop technology such as metal weapons. Such relative complexity would have required some form of social organisation to work efficiently and so it is likely that populations which had such organisation, perhaps such as that provided by religion were better prepared and more successful. In addition, the denser populations could form and support legions of professional soldiers. Also, during this time property ownership became increasingly important to all people. Ultimately, Childe argued that this growing social complexity, all rooted in the original decision to settle, led to a second Urban Revolution in which the first cities were built.


Throughout the development of sedentary societies, disease spread more rapidly than it had during the time in which hunter-gatherer societies existed. Inadequate sanitary practices and the domestication of animals may explain the rise in deaths and sickness during the Neolithic Revolution from disease, as diseases jumped from the animal to the human population. Some examples of diseases spread from animals to humans are influenza, smallpox, and measles. In concordance with a process of natural selection, the humans who first domesticated the big mammals quickly built up immunities to the diseases as within each generation the individuals with better immunities had better chances of survival. In their approximately 10,000 Llama overlooking the ruins years of shared proximity with animals, Eurasians and Africans of the Inca city of Machu Picchu became more resistant to those diseases compared with the indigenous populations encountered outside Eurasia and Africa. For instance, the population of most Caribbean and several Pacific Islands have been completely wiped out by diseases. According to the Population history of American indigenous peoples, 90% of the population of certain regions of North and South America were wiped out long before direct contact with Europeans. Some cultures like the Inca Empire did have one big mammal domesticated, the Llama, but the Inca did not drink its milk or live in a closed space with their herds, hence limiting the risk of contagion. The causal link between the type or lack of agricultural development, disease and colonisation is not supported by colonization in other parts of the world. Disease increased after the establishment of British Colonial rule in Africa and India despite the areas having diseases that Europeans had no natural immunity to. In India agriculture developed during the Neolithic period with a wide range of animals domesticated. During colonial rule an estimated 23 million people died from cholera between 1865 and 1949, and millions more died from plague, malaria, influenza and tuberculosis. In Africa European colonisation was accompanied by great epidemics, including malaria and sleeping sickness and despite parts of colonised Africa having little or no agriculture Europeans were more susceptible than these Africans. The increase of disease has been attributed to increased mobility of people, increased population density, urbanisation, environmental deterioration and irrigation schemes that helped to spread malaria rather than the development of agriculture.[20]

Neolithic Revolution


In his book Guns, Germs, and Steel, → Jared Diamond argues that Europeans and East Asians benefited from an advantageous geographical location which afforded them a head start in the Neolithic Revolution. Both shared the temperate climate ideal for the first agricultural settings, both were near a number of easily domesticable plant and animal species, and both were safer from attacks of other people than civilizations in the middle part of the Eurasian continent. Being among the first to adopt agriculture and sedentary lifestyles, and neighboring other early agricultural societies with whom they could compete and trade, both Europeans and East Asians were also among the first to benefit from technologies such as firearms and steel swords. In addition, they developed resistances to infectious disease, such as smallpox, due to their close relationship with domesticated animals. Groups of people who had not lived in proximity with other large mammals, such as the Australian Aborigines and American indigenous peoples were more vulnerable to infection and largely wiped out by diseases. During and after the Age of Discovery, European explorers, such as the Spanish conquistadors, encountered other groups of people who had never or only recently adopted agriculture, such as in the Pacific Islands, or lacked domesticated big mammals such as the highlands people of Papua New Guinea.

See also
• • • • • • • • • Çatalhöyük, a Neolithic site in southern Anatolia Natufians, a settled culture preceding agriculture → Original affluent society Haplogroup G (Y-DNA) Haplogroup J2 (Y-DNA) Haplogroup J (mtDNA) Agricultural Revolution Neolithic tomb Surplus product

Further reading
• Bailey, Douglass. (2000). Balkan Prehistory: Exclusions, Incorporation and Identity. Routledge Publishers. ISBN 0-415-21598-6. • Bailey, Douglass. (2005). Prehistoric Figurines: Representation and Corporeality in the Neolithic. Routledge Publishers. ISBN 0-415-33152-8. • Balter, Michael (2005). The Goddess and the Bull: Catalhoyuk, An Archaeological Journey to the Dawn of Civilization. New York: Free Press. ISBN 0-7432-4360-9. • Bellwood, Peter. (2004). First Farmers: The Origins of Agricultural Societies. Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 0-631-20566-7 • Cohen, Mark Nathan (1977)The Food Crisis in Prehistory: Overpopulation and the Origins of Agriculture. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-02016-3. • Diamond, Jared (1999). Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. New York: Norton Press. ISBN 0-393-31755-2. • Diamond, Jared (2002) Evolution, Consequences and Future of Plant and Animal Domestication. Nature Magazine, Vol 418.

Neolithic Revolution • Grinin, L. 2007. Periodization of History: A theoretic-mathematical analysis. In: History & Mathematics [21]. Moscow: KomKniga/URSS. P.10-38. ISBN 9785484010011. • Harlan, Jack R. (1992) Crops & Man: Views on Agricultural Origins ASA, CSA, Madison, WI. http:/ / www. hort. purdue. edu/ newcrop/ history/ lecture03/ r_3-1. html • Wright, Gary A. (1971) "Origins of Food Production in Southwestern Asia: A Survey of Ideas" Current Anthropology, Vol. 12, No. 4/5 (Oct - Dec., 1971) , pp. 447–477 • Bartmen, Jeff M. (2008) Disease. • House of Anansi Press page [22] for the book • CBC Radio, Ideas, page on the Massey Lectures 2004 [23] also includes streaming audio of Chapter 1 of 5 • Chapter I - Gauguin's Questions [24] • Stu’s Notes #11 [25] a useful summary of many selected passages from the book • Civilization is a Pyramid Scheme [26] an online copy of Wright's earlier short article • Chapter I [27] podcast at http:/ / www. radio4all. net (note this site is notoriously unreliable but it does come back up eventually) • Chapter II [28] podcast at http:/ / www. radio4all. net • An Interview with Ronald Wright [29], April 10, 2005, EcoTalk on Air America podcast at http:/ / www. radio4all. net • Evidence for food storage and predomestication granaries 11,000 years ago in the Jordan Valley [30].


[1] "Origin of agriculture and domestication of plants and animals linked to early Holocene climate amelioration", Anil K. Gupta*, Current Science, Vol. 87, No. 1, 10 July 2004 (http:/ / www. ias. ac. in/ currsci/ jul102004/ 54. pdf) [2] "The Slow Birth of Agriculture", Heather Pringle* (http:/ / cas. bellarmine. edu/ tietjen/ images/ neolithic_agriculture. htm) [3] "Zawi Chemi Shanidar", EMuseum, Minnesota State University (http:/ / www. mnsu. edu/ emuseum/ archaeology/ sites/ middle_east/ zawichemishanidar. html) [4] Denham, Tim P.; et al. (2003). "Origins of Agriculture at Kuk Swamp in the Highlands of New Guinea". Science 301 (5630): 189–193. doi: 10.1126/science.1085255 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 1085255). PMID 12817084. [5] The Kuk Early Agricultural Site (http:/ / whc. unesco. org/ en/ tentativelists/ 5059/ ) [6] Gordon Childe (1936). Man Makes Himself. Oxford university press. [7] Charles E. Redman (1978). Rise of Civilization: From Early Hunters to Urban Society in the Ancient Near East. San Francisco: Freeman. [8] Hayden, Brian (1992). "Models of Domestication". in Anne Birgitte Gebauer and T. Douglas Price. Transitions to Agriculture in Prehistory. Madison: Prehistory Press. pp. 11–18. [9] Sauer, Carl, O (1952). Agricultural origins and dispersals. Cambridge, MA. [10] Binford, Lewis R. (1968). "Post-Pleistocene Adaptations". in Sally R. Binford and Lewis R. Binford. New Perspectives in Archaeology. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. pp. 313–342. [11] Rindos, David (December 1987). The Origins of Agriculture: An Evolutionary Perspective. Academic Press. ISBN 978-0125892810). [12] Wright (2004). A Short History of Progress first=Ronald. Anansi. ISBN 0-88784-706-4). [13] Weiss, Ehud; Kislev, Mordechai E.; Hartmann, Anat (2006). "Autonomous Cultivation Before Domestication". Science 312 (5780): 1608–1610. doi: 10.1126/science.1127235 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 1127235). PMID 16778044. [14] Tamed 11,400 Years Ago, Figs Were Likely First Domesticated Crop (http:/ / www. sciencedaily. com/ releases/ 2006/ 06/ 060602074522. htm), [15] Diamond, Jared (1999). Guns, Germs, and Steel. New York: Norton Press. ISBN 0-393-31755-2.

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[16] DR Harris, HE Gove, P Damon "The Impact on Archaeology of Radiocarbon Dating by Accelerator Mass Spectrometry" Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London A323, 23-43 1987 (http:/ / journals. royalsociety. org/ content/ q41hm53kk451q861/ fulltext. pdf) [17] The Cambridge History of Africa (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=JAca1F3qG34C& pg=PA70& lpg=PA70& dq=Africa,+ neolithic& source=web& ots=wWVGAvbwDC& sig=oLsfZADAq2fplcionxe5hXjBgXw& hl=en& ei=V8GKSaSbO9eitge6-eibBw& sa=X& oi=book_result& resnum=10& ct=result#PPA76,M1) [18] McGourty, Christine (2002-11-22). " Origin of dogs traced (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 2498669. stm)". BBC News. . Retrieved on 2006-11-29. [19] The Borderlands of Science by Michael Shermer. p. 250 [20] Marshall, P. J. Ed. (1996), Cambridge illustrated History: British Empire, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-00254-0, p. 142 [21] http:/ / urss. ru/ cgi-bin/ db. pl?cp=& page=Book& id=53184& lang=en& blang=en& list=1 [22] http:/ / www. anansi. ca/ titles. cfm?pub_subid=237 [23] http:/ / www. cbc. ca/ ideas/ massey/ massey2004. html [24] http:/ / www. ucalgary. ca/ ~eslinger/ crss/ 200/ 200_read/ 02. Wright,R. _Gaugin'sQuestions_ShortHistoryOfProgress(2004)1-26. pdf [25] http:/ / www. transportplanet. ca/ Stu'sNotes11. pdf [26] http:/ / www. awok. org/ civilization-is-a-pyramid-scheme/ [27] http:/ / www. radio4all. net/ pub/ archive/ 04. 01. 05/ anitya@graffiti. net/ 1400-1-20041124-Ronald_Wright_-_Short_History_of_Progress_-_1_-_Gauguin__s_Questions. mp3 [28] http:/ / www. radio4all. net/ pub/ archive/ 04. 01. 05/ anitya@graffiti. net/ 1400-1-20041125-Ronald_Wright_-_Short_History_of_Progress_-_2_-_The_Great_Experiment. mp3 [29] http:/ / www. radio4all. net/ pub/ archive/ 09. 01. 05/ philippe@bainbridge. net/ 1374-1-20050410-Ronald_Wright. mp3 [30] http:/ / www. pnas. org/ content/ early/ 2009/ 06/ 19/ 0812764106. full. pdf


Fertile Crescent
The Fertile Crescent is a region in the Near East, incorporating the Levant and Mesopotamia, and often incorrectly extended to Egypt. Mesopotamia is considered the cradle of civilization and saw the development of the earliest human civilizations and is the birthplace of writing and the wheel. The region broadly corresponds to present-day Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Kuwait, Jordan, south-eastern Turkey and City-states of the Fertile Crescent in the 2nd millennium BCE west and south-western Iran. The term "Fertile Crescent" was coined by University of Chicago archaeologist James Henry Breasted in his "Ancient Records of Egypt", around 1900.[1] The region was named so due to its rich soil and crescent shape.

Fertile Crescent


As crucial as rivers were to the rise of civilization in the Fertile Crescent, they were not the only factor in the area's precocity. Ecologically the area is important as the "bridge" between Africa and Eurasia. This "bridging role" has allowed the Fertile Crescent to retain a greater amount of biodiversity than either Europe or North Africa, where climate changes during the Ice Age led to repeated extinction events due to ecosystems becoming squeezed against the waters of the Mediterranean Sea. Coupled with the Saharan pump theory, this Middle Eastern land-bridge is of extreme importance to the modern distribution of Old World flora and fauna, including the spread of humanity. The fact that this area has borne the brunt of the tectonic divergence between the African and Arabian plates, and the converging Arabian and Eurasian plates, has also made this region a very diverse zone of high snow-covered mountains, fertile broad alluvial basins and desert plateaux, which has also increased its biodiversity further and enabled the survival into historic times of species not found elsewhere. Furthermore the Fertile Crescent had a climate diversity and major climatic changes which encouraged the evolution of many "r" type annual plants, which produce more edible seeds than "K" type perennial plants, and the region's dramatic variety of elevation gave rise to many species PPNB Neolithic settlements of the Fertile Crescent in the mid of edible plants for early 8th millennium BCE experiments in cultivation. Most importantly, the Fertile Crescent possessed the wild progenitors of the eight Neolithic founder crops important in early agriculture (i.e. wild progenitors to emmer wheat, einkorn, barley, flax, chick pea, pea, lentil, bitter vetch), and four of the five most important species of domesticated animals — cows, goats, sheep, and pigs — and the fifth species, the horse, lived nearby.[2] As a result the Fertile Crescent has an impressive record of past human activity. As well as possessing many sites with the skeletal and cultural remains of both pre-modern and early modern humans (e.g. at Kebara Cave in Israel), later Pleistocene → hunter-gatherers and Epipalaeolithic semi-sedentary hunter-gatherers (the Natufians), this area is most famous for its sites related to the origins of agriculture. The western zone around the Jordan and upper Euphrates rivers gave rise to the first known Neolithic farming settlements (referred to as Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA)), which date to around 9,000 BCE (and includes sites

Fertile Crescent such as Jericho). This region, alongside Mesopotamia (which lies to the east of the Fertile Crescent, between the rivers Tigris and Euphrates), also saw the emergence of early complex societies during the succeeding Bronze Age. There is also early evidence from this region for writing, and the formation of state-level societies. This has earned the region the nickname "The Cradle of Civilization." Both the Tigris and Euphrates start in the Taurus Mountains of what is today Turkey. Farmers in southern Mesopotamia had to protect their fields from flooding each year, except Northern Mesopotamia which had just enough rain to make some farming possible.[3] Since the Bronze Age, the region's natural fertility has been greatly extended by irrigation works, upon which much of its agricultural production continues to depend. The last two millennia have seen repeated cycles of decline and recovery as past works have fallen into disrepair through the replacement of states, to be replaced under their successors. Another ongoing problem has been salination — the gradual concentration of salt and other minerals in soils with a long history of irrigation. In the contemporary era, river waters remain a potential source of friction in the region. The Jordan lies on the borders of Israel, the kingdom of Jordan and the areas administered by the Palestinian Authority. Turkey and Syria each control about a quarter of the length of the Euphrates, on whose lower reaches Iraq is still heavily dependent.


See also
• • • • • • • • Ancient Near East Cradle of civilization Early civilizations Greater Syria Fertile Crescent Plan Levant Mesopotamia → Neolithic Revolution

External links
• Ancient Fertile Crescent Almost Gone, Satellite Images Show Geographic News, May 18, 2001

- from National

[1] " Fertile Crescent (http:/ / education. yahoo. com/ reference/ encyclopedia/ entry/ FertileC)". Columbia Encyclopedia. Columbia University Press. 2008. . Retrieved on 2008-09-23. [2] Diamond, J. (March 1997). Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 0-393-03891-2. [3] Beck, Roger B.; Linda Black, Larry S. Krieger, Phillip C. Naylor, Dahia Ibo Shabaka, (1999). World History: Patterns of Interaction. Evanston, IL: McDougal Littell. ISBN 0-395-87274-X. [4] http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2001/ 05/ 0518_crescent. html

Hunter- gatherer


A hunter-gatherer society is one whose primary subsistence method involves the direct procurement of edible plants and animals from the wild, foraging and hunting without significant recourse to the domestication of either. Hunter-gatherers obtain most from gathering rather than hunting; up to 80% of the food is obtained by gathering.[1] The demarcation between hunter-gatherers and other societies which rely more upon domestication (see agriculture and pastoralism and neolithic revolution) is not a clear-cut one, as many contemporary societies use a combination of both strategies to obtain the foodstuffs required to sustain themselves.

Hunting and gathering was presumably the subsistence strategy employed by human societies for more than two million years, until the end of the Mesolithic period. The first hunter-gatherers may have lived in mixed habitats which allowed them to collect seafood, eggs, nuts, and fruits and scavenge the occasional dead animal and in this sense were more meat scavengers than actual hunters. Rather than killing large animals themselves for meat, they used carcasses of large animals killed by other predators or carcasses from animals that died by natural causes.[2] The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture → originated and spread in several different areas including the Middle East, Asia, Mesoamerica, and the Andes beginning as early as 10,000 years ago. Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have perpetually declined partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Many of them reside in arid regions and tropical forests in the developing world. Areas which formerly were available to hunter-gatherers were -and continue to beencroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In addition, → Jared Diamond has blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods, particularly animal resources. In North and South America, for example, most large mammal species had gone extinct by the end of the Pleistocene, according to Diamond, because of overexploitation by humans,[3] although the overkill hypothesis he advocates is strongly contested. As the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. This process of agriculture-driven expansion led to the development of complex forms of government in agricultural centers such as the → Fertile Crescent, Ancient India, Ancient China, Olmec, and Norte Chico. As a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, the few contemporary hunter-gatherer cultures usually live in areas seen as undesirable for agricultural use.

Hunter- gatherer


Methods of study
Archaeological and paleontological evidence must be used to learn about prehistoric hunter-gatherers, and ethnographic studies, as well as historical information, provide information about living or historic hunter-gatherers. Interdisciplinary fields such as ethnohistory, ethnoarchaeology, human behavioral ecology, paleoanthropology and paleoethnobotany have also arisen in the search for insight into the hunter-gatherer past.

Common characteristics
Habitat and population
Hunter-gatherer societies tend to be relatively mobile or "nomadic", given their reliance upon the ability of a given natural environment to provide sufficient resources in order to sustain their population and the variable availability of these resources owing to local climatic and seasonal conditions. Their population densities tend to be lower than those of agriculturalists, since cultivated land is capable of sustaining population densities 60–100 times greater than land left uncultivated. Individual band societies tend to be small in number (10-30 individuals), but these may gather together seasonally to temporarily form a larger group (100 or more) when resources are abundant. In a few places where the environment is especially productive, such as that of the Pacific Northwest coast or Jomon-era Japan, hunter-gatherers are able to settle permanently. Hunter-gatherer settlements may be either permanent, temporary, or some combination of the two, depending upon the mobility of the community. Mobile communities typically construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available.

A San man from Namibia. Fewer than 10,000 San live in the traditional way, as hunter-gatherers. Since the mid-1990s the central government of Botswana has been trying to move San out of [4] their lands.

Social and economic structure
Hunter-gatherer societies also tend to have relatively non-hierarchical, egalitarian social structures. This might have been more pronounced in the more mobile societies, which generally are not able to store surplus food. Thus, full-time leaders, bureaucrats, or artisans are rarely supported by these societies.[5] [6] [7] In addition to social and economic equality in hunter-gatherer societies there is often though not always sexual parity as well.[8] [5] Hunter-gatherers are often grouped together based on kinship and band (or tribe) membership.[8] Others, such as the Haida of present-day British Columbia, lived in such a rich environment that they could remain sedentary, like many other Native Americans of the Pacific Northwest coast. These groups demonstrate more hierarchical social organization. War in hunter-gatherer societies is usually caused by grudges and vendettas rather than for territory or economic benefit.[8]

Hunter- gatherer A vast amount of ethnographic and archaeological evidence demonstrates that the sexual division of labor in which men hunt and women gather wild fruits and vegetables is an extremely common phenomenon among hunter-gatherers worldwide, but there are a number of documented exceptions to this general pattern. A study done on the Aeta people of the Philippines states: "About 85% of Philippine Aeta women hunt, and they hunt the same quarry as men. Aeta women hunt in groups and with dogs, and have a 31% success rate as opposed to 17% for men. Their rates are even better when they combine forces with men: mixed hunting groups have a full 41% success rate among the Aeta."[6] It was also found among the Ju'/hoansi people of Namibia that women helped the men during hunting by helping them track down quarry.[9] Moreover, recent archaeological research done by the anthropologist and archaeologist Steven Kuhn from the University of Arizona suggests that the sexual division of labor did not exist prior to the Upper Paleolithic and developed relatively recently in human history. The sexual division of labor may have arisen to allow humans to acquire food and other resources more efficiently.[10] It would, therefore, be an over-generalization to say that men always hunt and women always gather. At the 1966 "Man the Hunter" conference, anthropologists → Richard Borshay Lee and → Irven DeVore suggested that egalitarianism was one of several central characteristics of nomadic hunting and gathering societies because mobility requires minimization of material possessions throughout a population; therefore, there was no surplus of A 19th century engraving of an Indigenous Australian resources to be accumulated by any single encampment. member. Other characteristics Lee and DeVore proposed were flux in territorial boundaries as well as in demographic composition. At the same conference, → Marshall Sahlins presented a paper entitled, "→ Notes on the Original Affluent Society," in which he challenged the popular view of hunter-gatherers living lives "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short," as Thomas Hobbes had put it in 1651. According to Sahlins, ethnographic data indicated that hunter-gatherers worked far fewer hours and enjoyed more leisure than typical members of industrial society, and they still ate well. Their "affluence" came from the idea that they are satisfied with very little in the material sense. This, he said, constituted a Zen economy. One way to divide hunter-gatherer groups is by their return systems. James Woodburn uses the categories "immediate return" hunter-gatherers for egalitarian and "delayed return" for nonegalitarian. Immediate return foragers consume their food within a day or two after they procure it. Delayed return foragers store the surplus food (Kelly[11] , 31). Some Marxists have theorised that hunter-gatherers would have used primitive communism, and anarcho-primitivists elaborate the mechanics further by asserting it would have been a gift economy, (although this would not have applied for all hunter-gatherer societies). Mutual exchange and sharing of resources (i.e., meat gained from hunting) are important in the economic systems of hunter-gatherer societies.[8]


Hunter- gatherer


Problems with generalizing
There is far too much variability among hunter-gatherer cultures across the world to be able to illustrate a “typical” society in anything but the broadest strokes. The “hunter-gatherer” category roughly circumscribes an extremely diverse range of societies who happen to share certain traits. It is therefore important not to mistake common characteristics of hunter-gatherer societies for a universal description. On the other hand, that hunter-gatherer societies seem to manifest significant variability as studies in relatively modern times clearly support, does not allow us to generalize about the extent of variability characteristic of the human Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness (EEA) that is so important to the development of evolutionary psychological theory. The hunter-gatherer cultures examined today have had much contact with modern civilization and do not represent "pristine" original human culture (see succeeding paragraphs re: post-agricultural effect on original hunter-gatherers).[12] Much variability we now see in hunter-gatherers is also the result of this mode of living being carried into environmental conditions significantly divergent from our original habitat. Unlike other primates still living in warm climate conditions within Africa, the human primate has moved far beyond the realm of its original EEA ---the Inuit are a clear example of hunter-gatherers clearly divergent from the human EEA (understandably, there was little "gathering" of vegetation among the Inuit). Yet it may well be that, like the more rigidly defined social structures of other primates, our original social behaviors did not diverge so significantly from one nomadic family to the next in the EEA. So the point of not generalizing until more data is forthcoming extends not only to the possible behavioral consistency of social patterns in the human EEA, but also to possible behavioral variability of such social patterns. The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture is not necessarily a one way process. It has been argued that hunting and gathering represents an adaptive strategy which may still be exploited, if necessary, when environmental change causes extreme food stress for agriculturalists. [13] In fact, it is sometimes difficult to draw a clear line between agricultural and hunter-gatherer societies, especially since the widespread adoption of agriculture and resulting cultural diffusion that has occurred in the last 10,000 years. Many hunter-gatherers consciously manipulate the landscape through cutting or burning undesirable plants while encouraging desirable ones, some even going to the extent of slash-and-burn to create habitat for game animals. These activities are on an entirely different scale than those associated with agriculture, but they are nevertheless domestication on some level. Today, almost all hunter-gatherers depend to some extent upon domesticated food sources either produced part-time or traded for products acquired in the wild. Some agriculturalists also regularly hunt and gather (e.g. farming during the frost-free season and hunting during the winter). Still others in developed countries go hunting, primarily for leisure. In the Brazilian rainforest, groups which recently did or continue to rely on hunting and gathering techniques seem to have adopted this lifestyle, abandoning most agriculture, as a way to escape colonial control and as a result of the introduction of European diseases reducing their populations to levels where agriculture became difficult.

Hunter- gatherer


Modern context
In the early 1980s, a small but vocal segment of anthropologists and archaeologists attempted to demonstrate that contemporary groups usually identified as hunter-gatherers do not, in most cases, have a continuous history of hunting and gathering, and that in many cases their ancestors were agriculturalists and/or pastoralists who were pushed into marginal areas as a result of migrations, economic Shoshoni tipis, circa 1900. exploitation, and/or violent conflict. The result of their effort has been the general acknowledgement that there has been complex interaction hunter-gatherers and non-hunter-gatherers for millennia.


Some of the theorists who advocate this “revisionist” critique imply that, because the "pure hunter-gatherer" disappeared not long after colonial (or even agricultural) contact began, nothing meaningful can be learned about prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of modern ones (Kelly[14] , 24-29; see Wilmsen[15] ); however, most specialists who study hunter-gatherer ecology (see cultural ecology and human behavioral ecology) disagree with this conclusion. As well, Lee and Guenther have refuted most of the arguments put forward by Wilmsen and currently the revisionist school has been largely discredited. There are contemporary hunter-gatherer peoples who, after contact with other societies, continue their ways of life with very little external influence. One such group is the Pila Nguru or the Spinifex People of Western Australia, whose habitat in the Great Victoria Desert has proved unsuitable for European agriculture (and even pastoralism). Another are the Sentinelese of the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean, who live on North Sentinel Island and to date have maintained their independent existence, repelling attempts to engage with and contact them.

Social movements
There are some modern social movements related to the hunter-gatherer lifestyle: • → Anarcho-primitivism, which strives for the abolishment of civilization and the return to a life in the wild. • Freeganism involves gathering of discarded food (and sometimes other materials) in the context of an urban or suburban environment. • Gleaning involves the gathering of food that traditional farmers have left behind in their fields. • Paleolithic diet, which strives to achieve a diet similar to that of ancient hunter-gatherer groups.

Hunter- gatherer


See also
• Anarcho-primitivism • Anarchy • Batek • Bushmen • Cro-Magnon • Hadza people • Homo erectus • Human migration • Indigenous Australians • Indigenous peoples • Inuit • Man of Flores • Mbuti • Neanderthals • Neolithic Revolution • Nomads • Nukak-Makú • Paleolithic • Pirahã • Prehistoric music • Primitive skills • Pygmies • Sentinelese • Spinifex People • Uncontacted tribes

Further reading
• Barnard, A. J., ed. (2004). Hunter-gatherers in history, archaeology and anthropology. Berg. ISBN 1-85973-825-7. • Bettinger, R. L. (1991). Hunter-gatherers: archaeological and evolutionary theory. Plenum Press. ISBN 0-306-43650-7. • Brody, Hugh (2001). The Other Side Of Eden: hunter-gatherers, farmers and the shaping of the world. North Point Press. ISBN 0-571-20502-X. • Lee, Richard B. and Irven DeVore, eds. (1968). Man the hunter. Aldine de Gruyter. ISBN 0-202-33032-X. • Morrison, K. D. and L. L. Junker, eds. (2002). Forager-traders in South and Southeast Asia: long term histories. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-01636-3. • Panter-Brick, C., R. H. Layton and P. Rowley-Conwy, eds. (2001). Hunter-gatherers: an interdisciplinary perspective. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-77672-4. • Turnbull, Colin (1987). The Forest People. Touchstone. ISBN 978-0671640996.

External links
• African Pygmies [16] Culture and photos of these African hunter-gatherers. • Nature's Secret Larder - Wild Foods & Hunting Tools. [17] • Reconstructed bone flutes, sound sample and playing instructions. [18] • A wiki dedicated to the scientific study of the diversity of foraging societies without recreating myths [19] • Balmer, Yves (2003–2009). "Ethnological videos clips. Living or recently extinct traditional tribal groups and their origins. [20]". Andaman Association. http:/ / www. andaman-video. org.

Hunter- gatherer


[1] [2] [3] [4] Traditional Peoples Today: Continuity and Change in the Modern World by Göran Burenhult The Last Rain Forests: A World Conservation Atlas by David Attenborough, Mark Collins Diamond, Jared. (1998). Guns, Germs and Steel. London: Vintage. ISBN 0-09-930278-0. African Bushmen Tour U.S. to Fund Fight for Land (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2004/ 09/ 0914_040914_labushmen_2. html) [5] John Gowdy (1998). Limited Wants, Unlimited Means: A reader on Hunter-Gatherer Economics and the Environment. St Louis: Island Press. pp. 342. ISBN 155963555X. [6] Dahlberg, Frances. (1975). Woman the Gatherer (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=eTPULzP1MZAC& pg=PA120& dq=Gathering+ and+ Hominid+ Adaptation& sig=f2ulfIDfAvoqEcolNjz6MTIrM84#PPA126,M1). London: Yale university press. ISBN 0-30-02989-6. . [7] Erdal, D. & Whiten, A. (1996) "Egalitarianism and Machiavellian Intelligence in Human Evolution" in Mellars, P. & Gibson, K. (eds) Modelling the Early Human Mind. Cambridge MacDonald Monograph Series [8] Thomas M. Kiefer (Spring 2002). " Anthropology E-20 (http:/ / www. suluarchipelago. com/ E20Website2002/ default. htm)". Lecture 8 Subsistence, Ecology and Food production. Harvard University. . Retrieved on 2008-03-11. [9] Biesele, Megan; Barclay, Steve (March 2001), "Ju/’Hoan Women’s Tracking Knowledge And Its Contribution To Their Husbands’ Hunting Success", African Study Monographs Suppl.26: 67–84 [10] Stefan Lovgren. " Sex-Based Roles Gave Modern Humans an Edge, Study Says (http:/ / news. nationalgeographic. com/ news/ 2006/ 12/ 061207-sex-humans. html)". National Geographic News. . Retrieved on 2008-02-03. [11] Kelly, Robert L. (1995). The Foraging Spectrum: Diversity in Hunter-Gatherer Life ways. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. ISBN 1-56098-465-1. [12] Portera, Claire C.; Marlowe, Frank W. (January 2007). " How marginal are forager habitats? (http:/ / www. anthro. fsu. edu/ people/ faculty/ marlowe_pubs/ how marginal are forager habitats. pdf)" (PDF). Journal of Archaeological Science 34 (1): 59–68. doi: 10.1016/j.jas.2006.03.014 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ j. jas. 2006. 03. 014). . [13] Lee, Richard B. & Daly, Richard, eds., ed (1999). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-60919-4. [14] Kelly, Raymond (October 2005). "The evolution of lethal intergroup violence". PNAS 102: 15294. doi: 10.1073/pnas.0505955102 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1073/ pnas. 0505955102). PMID 16129826. [15] Wilmsen, Edwin (1989). Land Filled With Flies: A Political Economy of the Kalahari. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-90015-0. [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] http:/ / www. pygmies. info/ http:/ / www. naturessecretlarder. co. uk http:/ / www. ancientinstruments. co. uk http:/ / foragers. wikidot. com/ start http:/ / www. andaman-video. org

Original affluent society


Original affluent society
The "original affluent society" is a theory postulating that hunter-gatherers were the original affluent society. This theory was first articulated by → Marshall Sahlins at a symposium entitled "Man the Hunter" held in Chicago in 1966. The significance of the theory stems from its role in shifting anthropological thought away from seeing hunter-gatherer societies as primitive, to seeing them as practitioners of a refined mode of subsistence from which much can be learned. At the time of the symposium new research by anthropologists, such as → Richard B. Lee’s work on the !Kung of southern Africa, was challenging popular notions that hunter-gatherer societies were always near the brink of starvation and continuously engaged in a struggle for survival (Barnard, 197). Sahlins gathered the data from these studies and used it to support a comprehensive argument that states that hunter-gatherers did not suffer from deprivation, but instead lived in a society in which "all the people’s wants are easily satisfied" (Sahlins, Man, 85).

The basis of Sahlins’ argument is that hunter-gatherer societies are able to achieve affluence by desiring little and meeting those needs/desires with what is available to them. This he calls the "Zen road to affluence, which states that human material wants are finite and few, and technical means unchanging but on the whole adequate" (Sahlins, Original). This he compares to the western way towards affluence, which he terms as the "Galbraithean way" where "man’s wants are great, not to say infinite, whereas his means are limited..." and "the gap between means and ends can eventually be narrowed by industrial productivity" (Sahlins, Man, 86). Thus Sahlins argues that hunter-gatherer and western societies take separate roads to affluence, the former by desiring little, the latter by producing much (85). Through this comparison Sahlins also stresses that hunter-gatherer societies cannot be examined through an ethnocentric framework when measuring their affluence. For example, one cannot apply the general principles of economics (principles which reflect western values and emphasize surplus) to hunter-gatherers nor should one believe that the → Neolithic Revolution brought unquestioned progress. By stepping away from western notions of affluence, the theory of the original affluent society thus dispels notions about hunter-gatherer societies that were popular at the time of the symposium. Sahlins states that hunter-gatherers have a "marvellously varied diet" (Sahlins, Original) based on the abundance of the local flora and fauna. This demonstrates that hunter-gatherers do not exist on a mere subsistence economy but rather live amongst plenty. Through thorough knowledge of their environment hunter-gatherers are able to change what foreigners may deem as meagre and unreliable natural resources into rich subsistence resources. Through this they are able to effectively and efficiently provide for themselves and minimize the amount of time spent procuring food. "[T]he food quest is so successful that half the time the people do not know what to do with themselves" (Sahlins, Original). Hunter-gatherers also experience "affluence without abundance" (Sahlins, Original) as they simply meet their required ends and do not require surplus nor material possessions (as these would be a hindrance to their nomadic lifestyle). The lack of surplus

Original affluent society also demonstrates that they trust their environment will continuously provide for them. By foraging only for their immediate needs amongst plentiful resources, hunter-gatherers are able to increase the amount of leisure time available to them. Thus, despite living in what western society deems to be material poverty, hunter-gatherer societies work less than people practicing other modes of subsistence while still providing for all their needs, and therefore increase their amount of leisure time. These are the reasons why the original affluent society is that of the hunter-gatherer (Sahlins, Affluent). Through his thesis on the affluent society, Sahlins deconstructed the then popular notions that hunter-gatherers are primitive and constantly working hard to ward off starvation. However, one must take into consideration that there has been much progress in this field since 1966 and that ideas on the category of hunter-gatherer are always shifting, with new paradigms continuously emerging (Barnard, 210). One must also acknowledge that one cannot generalize about hunter-gatherer societies. Although they have been pushed to the margins of society, there are still many such societies in the world and they differ greatly from each other.


"Work time" and "leisure time"
Sahlins' argument relies on studies undertaken by McCarthy and McArthur in Arnhem Land, and by Richard Lee among the !Kung. These studies apparently show that hunter-gatherers need only work about twenty hours a week in order to survive and may devote the rest of their time to leisure (Sahlins, Affluent). However, Kaplan points out that it can be difficult to distinguish between work and leisure in hunter-gatherer societies as members of these societies do not have jobs or employment. Lee did not include food preparation time in his study, arguing that "work" should be defined as the time spent gathering enough food for subsistence. But, Kaplan argues, if work is defined as mere subsistence, people in Western societies would do hardly any work at all (Kaplan, 2000:313). When work is seen as all life-sustaining activity, the !Kung will be observed as working for more than forty hours a week (about as much as a Westerner spends at their job alone) (Kaplan, 2000:308). However, if cooking, bathing and all life-sustaining activity were counted in addition to employment in Western societies, the average person would spend far more than 40 hours per week sustaining themselves.

Further problems with the data used
Some anthropologists claim that the studies Sahlins relies on are far from representative of the people they observe. The Arnhem Land studies observe groups of only nine and thirteen over a period of one or two weeks. Moreover, McCarthy herself admitted that the individuals used in one of the studies were picked up from a mission station and were accustomed to using the food available at these stations (Bird-David, 1992:26; Kaplan, 2000:305). Lee's study is also alleged to be a poor representation of a hunter-gatherer society. Kaplan argues that as the investigation only covered a four-week period, it is in no way representative of the living conditions of a whole year -- especially as there are significant differences in climate between the wet and dry seasons (Kaplan, 2000:507). Moreover, Lee discovered that the !Kung he studied occasionally worked for wages or grew their own food

Original affluent society (Bird-David, 1992:26). Hence, it is claimed that the society studied is far from "purely" hunter-gatherer.


See also
• • • • → Marshall Sahlins → Hunter-gatherer → Richard Borshay Lee The Affluent Society

• Barnard, A. (1983). "Contemporary Hunter-Gatherers: Current Theoretical Issues in Ecology and Social Organization", Annual Review of Anthropology 12 pp.193-214. • Bird-David, N. (1992), “Beyond the Original Affluent Society: A Culturalist Reformation”, Current Anthropology 33(1) pp.25-47. • Kaplan, D. (2000), “The Darker Side of the Original Affluent Society”, Journal of Anthropological Research 56(3) pp.301-324. • Lee, R. B. (1965). Subsistence Ecology of !Kung Bushmen. PhD Dissertation, * University of California, Berkeley. • Lee, R. B. (1979). The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society. (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press). • Sahlins, M. (1968). "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", Man the Hunter. R.B. Lee and I. DeVore (New York: Aldine Publishing Company) pp.85-89. • Sahlins, M. (2005). The Original Affluent Society [1] [Online] in M. Sahlins, Stone Age Economics

[1] http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ affluent. html




Blue Marble composite images generated by NASA in 2001 (left) and 2002 (right).

The supreme reality of our time... is the vulnerability of this planet. —John F Kennedy

Sustainability, in a broad sense, is the capacity to endure. In ecology the word describes how biological systems remain diverse and productive over time. For humans it is the potential for long-term improvements in wellbeing, which in turn depend on the wellbeing of the natural world and the responsible use of natural resources. Sustainability has become a wide-ranging term that can be applied to almost every facet of life on Earth, from a local to a global scale and over various time periods. Long-lived and healthy wetlands and forests are examples of sustainable biological systems. Invisible chemical cycles redistribute water, oxygen, nitrogen and carbon through the world's living and non-living systems, and have sustained life for millions of years. As the earth’s human population has increased, natural ecosystems have declined and changes in the balance of natural cycles has had a negative impact on both humans and other living systems. There is now abundant scientific evidence that humanity is living unsustainably. Returning human use of natural resources to within sustainable limits will require a major collective effort. Since the 1980s, human sustainability has implied the integration of economic, social and environmental spheres to: “meet the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.”[2] Efforts to live more sustainably can take many forms from reorganising living conditions (e.g., ecovillages, eco-municipalities and sustainable cities), reappraising economic sectors (green building, sustainable agriculture), or work practices (sustainable architecture), using science to develop new technologies (green technologies, renewable energy), to adjustments in individual lifestyles.



Although the definition of sustainable development (above), given by the Brundtland Commission, is frequently quoted,[4] it is not universally accepted and has undergone various interpretations.[5] [6] Definitions of sustainability may be expressed as statements of fact, intent, or value with sustainability treated as either a "journey" or "destination."[7] Where we are now, where we need to be going, and how we are to get there are all open to interpretation[8] and will depend on the The three pillars of sustainability. Adams, W.M. particular context under consideration.[9] (2006). "The Future of Sustainability: Re-thinking What can meaningfully be described as Environment and Development in the Twenty-first sustainable will depend on the scale of Century." Report of the IUCN Renowned Thinkers Meeting, 29–31 January, 2006. Retrieved on: space and time that is appropriate to the 2009-02-16. item under consideration. For example, if time criteria have not been met, then assertions of sustainability are more like predictions than definitions.[10] This difficult mix has been described as a dialogue of values that defies consensual definition.[11] Sustainability has been regarded as both an important but unfocused concept like "liberty" or "justice"[12] [13] and as a feel-good buzzword with little meaning or substance.[14] [15] The idea of sustainable development is sometimes viewed as an oxymoron because development inevitably depletes and degrades the environment.[16] Consequently some definitions either avoid the word development and use the term sustainability exclusively, or emphasise the environmental component, as in "environmentally sustainable development."[17] The dimensions of sustainability are often taken to be: environmental, social and economic, known as the "three pillars".[19] These can be depicted as three overlapping circles (or ellipses), to show that they are not mutually exclusive and can be mutually reinforcing.[20] While this model initially improved the standing of environmental concerns,[21] it has since been criticised for not adequately showing that societies and economies are fundamentally reliant on the natural world. According to English Another representation showing economy and society environmentalist and author Jonathon [18] bounded by the environment. Porritt, "The economy is, in the first instance, a subsystem of human society ... which is itself, in the second instance, a subsystem of the totality of life on Earth (the biosphere). And no subsystem can expand beyond the capacity of the total system of which

Sustainability it is a part."[22] For this reason a second diagram shows economy as a component of society, both bounded by, and dependent upon, the environment. As the American World Bank ecological economist Herman Daly famously asked, "what use is a sawmill without a forest?"[23] The concept of living within environmental constraints underpins the IUCN, UNEP and WWF definition of sustainability: "improving the quality of human life while living within the carrying capacity of supporting eco-systems."[24] The Earth Charter goes beyond defining what sustainability is, and seeks to establish the values and direction needed to achieve it: "We must join together to bring forth a sustainable global society founded on respect for nature, universal human rights, economic justice, and a culture of peace. Towards this end, it is imperative that we, the peoples of Earth, declare our responsibility to one another, to the greater community of life, and to future generations."[25] The next section traces the evolution of thinking about sustainability in human history.


Early civilizations
In early human history, although the energy and other resource demands of nomadic hunter-gatherers was small, the use of fire and desire for specific foods may have altered the natural composition of plant and animal communities.[26] Between 8,000 and 10,000 years ago, agriculture emerged in various regions of the world.[27] Agrarian communities depended largely on their environment and the creation of a "structure of permanence."[28] Societies outgrowing their local food supply or depleting critical resources either moved on or faced collapse. Archeological evidence suggests that the first civilizations arose in Sumer, in southern Mesopotamia (now Iraq) and Egypt, both dating from around 3000 BCE. By 1000 BCE, civilizations were also established in India, China, Mexico, Peru and in parts of Europe.[29] [30] Sumer illustrates issues central to the sustainability of human civilization.[31] Sumerian cities practised intensive, year-round agriculture from ca. 5300 BCE. The surplus of storable food created by this economy Sumerian harvester's sickle, 3000 BC, allowed the population to settle in one place instead made from baked clay. of migrating in search of wild foods and grazing land. It also allowed for a much greater population density. The development of agriculture in Mesopotamia required many labourers to build and maintain its irrigation system. This, in turn, led to political hierarchy, bureaucracy, and religious sanction, along with standing armies to protect the emergent civilization. Intensified agriculture allowed for population increase, but also led to deforestation in upstream areas with resultant flooding and over-irrigation, which raised soil salinity. While there was a shift from the cultivation of wheat to the more salt-tolerant barley, yields still diminished. Eventually, decreasing agricultural production and other factors led to the decline of the civilization. From 2100 BC to 1700 BC, it is estimated that the population was reduced by nearly sixty percent.[31] [32] Civilizations similarly thought to have eventually

Sustainability fallen because of poor management of resources include the Mayans, Anasazi and Easter Islanders, among many others.[33] [34] In contrast, stable communities of shifting cultivators and horticulturists existed in New Guinea and South America, and large agrarian communities in China, India and elsewhere have farmed in the same localities for centuries. Polynesian cultures have maintained stable communities for between 1,000 and 3,000 years on small islands with minimal resources using rahui[35] and kaitiakitanga[36] to control human pressure on the environment.


Emergence of industrial societies
Technological advances over several millennia gave humans increasing control over the environment. But it was the Western industrial revolution of the 17th to 19th centuries that tapped into the vast growth potential of the energy in fossil fuels. Coal was used to power ever more efficient engines and later to generate electricity. Modern sanitation systems and advances in medicine protected large populations from disease.[37] Such conditions led to a human population explosion and unprecedented A Watt steam engine, the steam engine industrial, technological and scientific growth that fuelled primarily by coal that propelled the has continued to this day, marking the Industrial Revolution in Britain and the world commencement of a period of global human influence known as the Anthropocene. From 1650 to 1850 the global population doubled from around 500 million to 1 billion people.[38] Concerns about the environmental and social impacts of industry were expressed by some Enlightenment political economists and through the Romantic movement of the 1800s. Overpopulation was discussed in an essay by → Thomas Malthus (see Malthusian catastrophe), while John Stuart Mill foresaw the desirability of a "stationary state" economy, thus anticipating concerns of the modern discipline of ecological economics.[39] [40] [41] In the late 19th century Eugenius Warming was the first botanist to study physiological relations between plants and their environment, heralding the scientific discipline of ecology.[42]

Early 20th century
By the 20th century, the industrial revolution had led to an exponential increase in the human consumption of resources. The increase in health, wealth and population was perceived as a simple path of progress.[43] However, in the 1930s economists began developing models of non-renewable resource management (see Hotelling's rule)[44] and the sustainability of welfare in an economy that uses non-renewable resources (Hartwick's rule).[45] Ecology had now gained general acceptance as a scientific discipline, and many concepts vital to sustainability were being explored. These included: the interconnectedness of all living systems in a single living planetary system, the biosphere; the importance of natural cycles (of water, nutrients and other chemicals, materials, waste); and the passage of energy through trophic levels of living systems.[46]



Mid 20th century: environmentalism
Following the deprivations of the great depression and World War II the developed world entered a new period of escalating growth, a post-1950s "great acceleration ... a surge in the human enterprise that has emphatically stamped humanity as a global geophysical force."[47] A gathering environmental movement pointed out that there were environmental costs associated with the many material benefits that were now being enjoyed. Innovations in technology (including plastics, synthetic chemicals, nuclear energy) and the increasing use of fossil fuels, were transforming society. Modern industrial agriculture—the "Green Revolution" — was based on the development of synthetic fertilizers, herbicides and pesticides which had devastating consequences for rural wildlife, as documented by American marine biologist, naturalist and environmentalist Rachel Carson in Silent Spring (1962). In 1956, American geoscientist M. King Hubbert's → peak oil theory predicted an inevitable peak of oil production, first in the United States (between 1965 and 1970), then in successive regions of the world - with a global peak expected thereafter.[48] In the 1970s environmentalism's concern with pollution, the population explosion, consumerism and the depletion of finite resources found expression in Small Is Beautiful, by British economist E. F. Schumacher in 1973, and The Limits to Growth published by the global think tank, the Club of Rome, in 1975.

Late 20th century
→ Peak oil Mitigation of peak oil Predicting the timing of peak oil Hubbert peak theory Related articles

Environmental problems were now becoming global in scale.[49] [50] [51] [52] The 1973 and 1979 energy crises demonstrated the extent to which the global community had become dependent on a nonrenewable resource; President Carter in his State of the Union Address called on Americans to "Conserve energy. Eliminate waste. Make 1980 indeed a year of energy conservation."[53] While the developed world was considering the problems of unchecked development the developing countries, faced with continued poverty and deprivation, regarded development as essential to raise the living standards of their peoples.[54] In 1980 the International Union for Conservation of Nature had published its influential World Conservation Strategy,[24] followed in 1982 by its World Charter for Nature,[55] which drew attention to the decline of the world’s ecosystems.



In 1987 the United Nation's World Commission on Environment and Development (the Brundtland Commission), in its report Our Common Future suggested that development was acceptable, but it must be sustainable development that would meet the needs of the poor while not increasing environmental problems. Humanity’s demand on the planet has more than doubled over the past 45 years as a result of Solar concentrator population growth and increasing individual North America consumption. In 1961 almost all countries in the world had more than enough capacity to meet their own demand; by 2005 the situation had changed radically with many countries able to meet their needs only by importing resources from other nations.[50] A move toward sustainable living by increasing public awareness and adoption of recycling, and renewable energies emerged. The development of renewable sources of energy in the 1970s and 80's, primarily in wind turbines and photovoltaics and increased use of hydroelectricity, presented some of the first sustainable alternatives to fossil fuel and nuclear energy generation, the first large-scale solar and wind power plants appearing during the 1980s and 90's.[56] [57] Also at this time many local and state governments in developed countries began to implement small-scale sustainability policies.[58]

21st century: global awareness
Renewable energy

Biofuel Biomass Geothermal Hydropower Solar power Tidal power Wave power Wind power

Through the work of climate scientists in the IPCC there is increasing global awareness of the threat posed by the human-induced enhanced greenhouse effect, produced largely by forest clearing and the burning of fossil fuels.[59] [60] In March 2009 the Copenhagen Climate Council, an international team of leading climate scientists, issued a strongly worded statement: "The climate system is already moving beyond the patterns of natural variability within which our society and economy have developed and thrived. These parameters include global mean surface temperature, sea-level rise, ocean and ice sheet dynamics, ocean acidification, and extreme climatic events. There is a significant risk that many of the trends will accelerate, leading to an increasing risk of abrupt or irreversible

Sustainability climatic shifts."[61] Ecological economics now seeks to bridge the gap between ecology and traditional neoclassical economics.[62] [63] : it provides an inclusive and ethical economic model for society. A plethora of new concepts to help implement and measure sustainability are becoming more widely accepted including: the Car-free movement, Smart Growth (more sustainable urban environments), Life Cycle Assessment (the Cradle to Cradle analysis of resource use and environmental impact over the life cycle of a product or process), Ecological Footprint Analysis, green building, dematerialization (increased recycling of materials), decarbonisation (removing dependence on fossil fuels) and much more. The work of Bina Agarwal and → Vandana Shiva amongst many others, has brought some of the cultural wisdom of traditional, sustainable agrarian societies into the academic discourse on sustainability, and also blended that with modern scientific principles.[64] In 2009 the Environmental Protection Agency of the United States determined that greenhouse gases "endanger public health and welfare" of the American people by contributing to climate change and causing more heat waves, droughts and flooding, and threatening food and water supplies.[65] Rapidly advancing technologies now provide the means to achieve a transition of economies, energy generation, water and waste management, and food production towards sustainable practices using methods of systems ecology and industrial ecology.[66] [67]


Principles and concepts
Sustainability science and environmental science[68] form the basis for much of the philosophical and analytic framework of sustainability.[69] Quantitative data is collected through sustainability measurement and this data is then used in governance for sustainability.[70]

Scale and context
Sustainability is studied and managed over many scales (levels or frames of reference) of time and space and in many contexts of environmental, social and economic organization. The focus ranges from the total carrying capacity (sustainability) of planet Earth to the sustainability of economic sectors, ecosystems, countries, municipalities, neighbourhoods, home gardens, individual lives, individual goods and services, occupations, lifestyles, behaviour patterns and so on. In short, it can entail the full compass of biological and human activity or any part of it.[71] As Daniel Botkin, author and environmentalist, has stated: "We see a landscape that is always in flux, changing over many scales of time and space."[72]



Global goals
At the global level a number of key goals have been isolated:

Consumption & sustainability

• Intergenerational equity - providing future generations with the same environmental potential as presently exists • Decoupling economic growth from environmental degradation - managing economic growth to be less resource intensive and less polluting • Integration of all pillars - integrating environmental, social and economic sectors when developing sustainability policies • Ensuring environmental adaptability and resilience - maintaining and enhancing the adaptive capacity of the environmental system • Preventing irreversible long-term damage to ecosystems and human health • Ensuring distributional equity - avoiding unfair or high environmental costs on vulnerable populations • Accepting global responsibility - assuming responsibility for environmental effects that occur outside areas of jurisdiction • Education and grassroots involvement - people and communities investigating problems and developing new solutions[73]

Consumption, population, technology, resources
The overall driver of human impact on Earth systems is the consumption of biophysical resources. Human consumption can be divided into three key components: population numbers, levels of consumption (affluence), and impact per unit of resource use (which depends on the technology used). This has been expressed through an equation: I=P×A×T Where: I = Environmental impact, P = Population, A = Affluence, T = Technology[74] Historically, humanity has responded to a demand for more resources by trying to increase supply. Sustainability, instead, applies demand management of all goods and services by promoting reduced consumption, using renewable resources where possible, and encouraging practices that minimise resource intensity while maximising resource productivity. Careful resource management is applied at many scales, but especially at the levels of economic sectors like agriculture, manufacturing and industry as well as to individual goods and services and the consumption patterns of households and individuals.[75] [76]



According to the 2008 Revision of the official United Nations population estimates and projections, the world population is projected to reach 7 billion early in 2012, up from the current 6.9 billion (May 2009), to exceed 9 billion people by 2050. Most of the increase will be in developing countries whose population is Graph showing human population growth from 10,000 BC – AD 2000, projected to rise from 5.6 illustrating current exponential growth. billion in 2009 to 7.9 billion in 2050. This increase will be distributed among the population aged 15–59 (1.2 billion) and 60 or over (1.1 billion) because the number of children under age 15 in developing countries will decrease. In contrast, the population of the more developed regions is expected to undergo only slight increase from 1.23 billion to 1.28 billion, and this would have declined to 1.15 billion but for a projected net migration from developing to developed countries, which is expected to average 2.4 million persons annually from 2009 to 2050.[77] Long-term estimates of global population suggest a peak at around 2070 of nine to ten billion people, and then a slow decrease to 8.4 billion by 2100.[78] Emerging economies like those of China and India aspire to the living standards of the Western world as does the non-industrialized world in general. It is the combination of population increase in the developing world and unsustainable consumption levels in the developed world that poses a stark challenge to sustainability.[79]

Direct and indirect environmental impacts
At a fundamental level energy flow and biogeochemical cycling set an upper limit on the number and mass of organisms in any ecosystem.[80] Human impacts on the Earth are demonstrated through detrimental changes in the global biogeochemical cycles of chemicals that are critical to life, most notably those of water, oxygen, carbon, nitrogen and phosphorus.[81]


Phosphorus cycle Water cycle

Nitrogen cycle

Carbon cycle

Oxygen cycle




Sustainability measurement

To survive on planet Earth humans must live within its measurable biophysical constraints.[82] By establishing quantitative measures for sustainability it is possible to set goals, apply management strategies, and measure progress. The Natural Step (TNS) framework developed by Karl-Henrik Robèrt examines sustainability and resource use from its thermodynamic foundations to determine how humans use and apportion natural capital in a way that is sustainable and just. The TNS framework's system conditions of sustainability provide a means for the scientifically-based measurement of sustainability.[83] Natural capital includes resources from the earth's crust (i.e., minerals, oil), those produced by humans (synthetic substances), and those of the biosphere. Equitable access to natural capital is also a component of sustainability.[83] The energy generated in use of resources—referred to as exergy[84] —can be measured as the embodied energy of a product or service over its life cycle. Its analysis, using methods such as Life Cycle Analysis or Ecological Footprint analysis provide basic indicators of sustainability on various scales.[85] There is now a vast number of sustainability indicators,[86] metrics, benchmarks, indices, reporting procedures, audits and more. They include environmental, social and economic measures separately or together over many scales and contexts. Environmental factors are integrated with economics through ecological economics, resource economics and thermoeconomics, and social factors through metrics like the Happy Planet Index which measures the well-being of people in the nations of the world while taking into account their environmental impact.[87] [88] Some of the best known and most widely used sustainability measures are listed in the side bar, they include corporate sustainability reporting, Triple Bottom Line accounting, and estimates of the quality of sustainability governance for individual countries using the Environmental Sustainability Index and Environmental Performance Index.



Human sustainability
Is humanity living within the carrying capacity of the planet – are humans living sustainably on planet Earth? The Ecological footprint measures human consumption in terms of the biologically productive land needed to provide the resources, and absorb the wastes of the average global citizen. In 2008 it required 2.7 global hectares per person, 30% more than the natural Ecological footprint for different nations compared to their HDI. biological capacity of 2.1 global hectares (assuming no provision for other organisms).[50] The resulting ecological deficit must be met from unsustainable extra sources and these are obtained in three ways: embedded in the goods and services of world trade; taken from the past (e.g. fossil fuels); or borrowed from the future as unsustainable resource usage (e.g. by over exploiting forests and fisheries). The figure (right) indicates the sustainability of a range of countries in terms of the Ecological Footprint compared to the UN Human Development Index (a measure of standard of living): it shows what is necessary for countries to maintain an acceptable standard of living for their citizens while, at the same time, living at a globally sustainable level. The general trend is for higher standards of living to become less sustainable. As always population growth has a marked influence on levels of consumption and the efficiency of resource use.[89] At present Cuba is the best example in this category.[90] The sustainability goal is to raise the global standard of living without increasing the use of resources beyond globally sustainable levels; that is, to not exceed "one planet" consumption. A wealth of information generated by reports at the national, regional and city scales confirm the global trend towards societies that are becoming less sustainable over time.[91] [92]



Global human impact on biodiversity
The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment is an international synthesis by over 1000 of the world's leading biological scientists that analyses the state of the Earth’s ecosystems. It concludes that human activity is having a significant and escalating impact on the biodiversity of world ecosystems, reducing both their resilience and biocapacity. The report refers to natural systems as humanity's "life-support system", providing essential "ecosystem services". The assessment measures Chicago, a heavily urbanised area devoid of 24 ecosystem services concluding that only four natural ecosystems. have shown improvement over the last 50 years, 15 are in serious decline, and five are in a precarious condition.[93]

Environmental dimension
Healthy ecosystems provide vital goods and services to humans and other organisms. There are two major ways of reducing negative human impact and enhancing ecosystem services: a) Environmental management. This direct approach is based largely on information gained from earth science, environmental science and conservation biology. However, this is management at the end of a long series of indirect causal factors that are initiated by human consumption, so a second approach is through demand management of human resource use. b) Management of human consumption of resources, an indirect approach based largely on information gained from economics. Herman Daly has suggested three broad criteria for ecological sustainability: renewable resources should provide a sustainable yield (the rate of harvest should not exceed the rate of regeneration); for non-renewable resources there should be equivalent development of renewable substitutes; waste generation should not exceed the assimilative capacity of the environment. [94]



Environmental management
At the global scale and in the broadest sense environmental management involves the oceans, freshwater systems, land and atmosphere, but following the sustainability principle of scale it can be equally applied to any ecosystem from a tropical rainforest to a home garden.[95] Atmosphere, oceans, freshwater, land, forests, cultivated land Atmosphere

Natural Resource Management

In March 2009 at a meeting of the Copenhagen Climate Council 2,500 climate experts from 80 countries issued a keynote statement that there is now "no excuse" for failing to act on global warming and that without strong carbon reduction targets "abrupt or irreversible" shifts in climate may occur that "will be very difficult for contemporary societies to cope with".[96] [97] Management of the global atmosphere now involves assessment of all aspects of the carbon cycle to identify opportunities to address human-induced climate change and this has become a major focus of scientific research because of the potential catastrophic effects on biodiversity and human communities (see Energy below). Other human impacts on the atmosphere include the air pollution in cities, the pollutants including toxic chemicals like nitrogen oxides, sulphur oxides, volatile organic compounds and particulate matter that produce photochemical smog and acid rain, and the chlorofluorocarbons that degrade the ozone layer. Anthropogenic particulates such as sulphate aerosols in the atmosphere reduce the direct irradiance and reflectance (albedo) of the Earth's surface. Known as global dimming the decrease is estimated to have been about 4% between 1960 and 1990 although the trend has subsequently reversed. Global dimming may have disturbed the global water cycle by reducing evaporation and rainfall in some areas. It also creates a cooling effect and this may have partially masked the effect of greenhouse gases on global warming.[98] Oceans



Ocean circulation patterns have a strong influence on climate and weather and, in turn, the food supply of both humans and other organisms. Scientists have warned of the possibility, under the influence of climate change, of a sudden alteration in circulation patterns of ocean currents that could drastically alter the climate in some regions of the globe.[99] Major human environmental impacts occur in the more habitable regions of the ocean fringes – the estuaries, coastline Saltwater fish and bays. Ten per cent of the world's population – about 600 million people – live in low-lying areas vulnerable to sea level rise. Trends of concern that require management include: over-fishing (beyond sustainable levels); coral bleaching due to ocean warming and ocean acidification due to increasing levels of dissolved carbon dioxide;[100] and sea level rise due to climate change. Because of their vastness oceans also act as a convenient dumping ground for human waste.[101] Remedial strategies include: more careful waste management, statutory control of overfishing by adoption of sustainable fishing practices and the use of environmentally sensitive and sustainable aquaculture and fish farming, reduction of fossil fuel emissions and restoration of coastal and other marine habitat.[102] Freshwater

Biodiversity & sustainability

Water covers 71% of the Earth's surface . Of this, 97.5% is the salty water of the oceans and only 2.5% freshwater, most of which is locked up in the Antarctic ice sheet. The remaining freshwater is found in lakes, rivers, wetlands, the soil, aquifers and atmosphere. All life depends on the solar-powered global water cycle, the evaporation from oceans and land to form water vapour that later condenses from clouds as rain, which then becomes the renewable part of the freshwater supply.[103] Awareness of the global importance of preserving water for ecosystem services has only recently emerged as, during the 20th century, more than half the world’s wetlands have been lost along with their valuable environmental services. Biodiversity-rich freshwater ecosystems are currently declining faster than marine or land ecosystems [104] making them the world's most vulnerable habitats.[50] Increasing urbanization pollutes clean water supplies and much of the world still does not have access to clean, safe water.[103] In the industrial world demand management has slowed absolute usage rates but increasingly water is being transported over vast distances from water-rich natural areas to population-dense urban areas and

Sustainability energy-hungry desalination is becoming more widely used. Greater emphasis is now being placed on the improved management of blue (harvestable) and green (soil water available for plant use) water, and this applies at all scales of water management. [104] Land Loss of biodiversity stems largely from the habitat loss and fragmentation produced by the human appropriation of land for development, forestry and agriculture as natural capital is progressively converted to man-made capital. Land use change is fundamental to the operations of the biosphere because alterations in the relative proportions of land dedicated to urbanisation, agriculture, forest, woodland, grassland and pasture have a marked effect on the global water, carbon and nitrogen biogeochemical cycles and this can impact negatively on both natural and human systems.[105] At the local human scale major sustainability benefits accrue from the pursuit of green cities and sustainable parks and [106] [107] gardens. Forests Since the Neolithic Revolution about 47% of the world’s forests have been lost to human use. Present-day forests occupy about a quarter of the world’s ice-free land with about half of these occurring in the tropics[108] In temperate and boreal regions forest area is gradually increasing (with the exception of Siberia), but deforestation in the tropics is of major concern.[109] Forests moderate the local climate and the global water cycle through their light reflectance (albedo) and evapotranspiration. They also conserve biodiversity, protect water quality, preserve soil and soil quality, provide fuel and pharmaceuticals, and purify the air. These free ecosystem services have no market value and so forest conservation has little appeal when compared with the economic benefits of logging and clearance which, through soil degradation and organic decomposition returns carbon dioxide to the [110] atmosphere. The United Nations Food and Beech Forest – Grib Skov, Denmark Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that about 90% of the carbon stored in land vegetation is locked up in trees and that they sequester about 50% more carbon than is present in the atmosphere. Changes in land use currently contribute about 20% of total global carbon emissions (heavily logged Indonesia and Brazil are a major source of emissions).[110] Climate change can be mitigated by sequestering carbon in reafforestation schemes, plantations and timber products. Also wood biomass can be utilized as a renewable carbon-neutral fuel. The FAO has suggested that, over the period 2005–2050, effective use of tree planting could absorb about 10–20% of man-made emissions – so monitoring the condition of the world's forests must be part of a global strategy to mitigate emissions and protect ecosystem services.[111] However, climate change may pre-empt this FAO scenario as a study by the International Union of Forest Research Organizations in 2009 concluded that the stress of a 2.5C (4.5F) temperature rise above pre-industrial levels could result in the release of vast amounts of carbon[112] so the potential of forests to act as carbon "sinks" is "at risk of being lost entirely".[113]


Sustainability Cultivated land Feeding more than six billion human bodies takes a heavy toll on the Earth’s resources. This begins with the appropriation of about 38% of the Earth’s land surface[114] and about 20% of its net primary productivity.[115] Added to this are the resource-hungry activities of industrial agribusiness – everything from the crop need for irrigation water, synthetic fertilizers and pesticides to the resource costs of food packaging, transport (now a major part of global trade) and retail. Food is essential to Rice paddy life. But the list of environmental costs of food production is a long one: topsoil depletion, erosion and conversion to desert from constant tillage of annual crops; overgrazing; salinization; sodification; waterlogging; high levels of fossil fuel use; reliance on inorganic fertilisers and synthetic organic pesticides; reductions in genetic diversity by the mass use of monocultures; water resource depletion; pollution of waterbodies by run-off and groundwater contamination; social problems including the decline of family farms and weakening of rural communities.[116] All of these environmental problems associated with industrial agriculture and agribusiness are now being addressed through such movements as sustainable agriculture, organic farming and more sustainable business practices.[117] Extinctions Although biodiversity loss can be monitored simply as loss of species, effective conservation demands the protection of species within their natural habitats and ecosystems. Following human migration and population growth, species extinctions have progressively increased to a rate unprecedented since the Cretaceous–Tertiary extinction event. Known as the Holocene extinction event this current human-induced extinction of species ranks as one of the worlds six mass extinction events. Some scientific estimates indicate that up to half of presently existing species may become extinct by 2100.[118] [119] Current extinction rates are 100 to 1000 times their prehuman levels with more than 10% birds and mammals threatened, about 8% of plants, 5% of fish and more than 20% of freshwater species. [120]


The extinct Dodo (Raphus cucullatus)

The 2008 IUCN Red List warns that long-term droughts and extreme weather put additional stress on key habitats and, for example, lists 1,226 bird species as threatened with extinction, which is one-in-eight of all bird species.[121] [122] The Red List Index also identifies 44 tree species in Central Asia as under threat of extinction due to over-exploitation and human development and threatening the region's forests which are home to more than 300 wild ancestors of modern domesticated fruit and nut cultivars.[123]

Sustainability Biological invasions In many parts of the industrial world land clearing for agriculture has diminished and here the greatest threat to biodiversity, after climate change, has become the destructive effect of invasive species.[124] Increasingly efficient global transport has facilitated the spread of organisms across the planet. The potential danger of this aspect of globalization is starkly illustrated through the spread of human diseases like HIV AIDS, mad cow Kudzu (Pueraria lobata) infesting trees disease, bird flu and swine flu, but invasive plants and in Atlanta, Georgia animals are also having a devastating impact on native biodiversity. Non-indigenous organisms can quickly occupy disturbed land and natural areas where, in the absence of their natural predators, they are able to thrive.[125] At the global scale this issue is being addressed through the Global Invasive Species Information Network but there is improved international biosecurity legislation to minimise the transmission of pathogens and invasive organisms. Also, through CITES legislation there is control the trade in rare and threatened species. Increasingly at the local level public awareness programs are alerting communities, gardeners, the nursery industry, collectors, and the pet and aquarium industries, to the harmful effects of potentially invasive species.[126]


Management of human consumption
The underlying driver of direct human impacts on the environment is human consumption. This impact is reduced by not only consuming less but by also making the full cycle of production, use and disposal more sustainable. Consumption of goods and services can be analysed and managed at all scales through the chain of consumption, starting with the effects of individual lifestyle choices and spending patterns, through to the resource demands of specific goods and services, the impacts of economic Helix of sustainability – the carbon sectors, through national economies to the global economy. cycle of manufacturing Analysis of consumption patterns relates resource use to the environmental, social and economic impacts at the scale or context under investigation. The ideas of embodied resource use (the total resources needed to produce a product or service ), resource intensity (the resources needed for each dollar spent on a good or service), and resource productivity (the amount of good or service produced for a given input of resource) are important tools for understanding the impacts of consumption with simple key resource categories indicating human needs being food, energy, materials and water.

Sustainability Energy, water, food Energy The Sun's energy, stored by plants (primary producers) during photosynthesis, passes through the food chain to other organisms to ultimately power all living processes. Since the industrial revolution the concentrated energy of the Sun stored in fossilized plants as fossil fuels has been a major driver of technology which, in turn, has been the source of both economic and political power. In 2007 climate scientists of the IPCC concluded that there was at least a 90% Flow of CO2 in the global ecosystem probability that atmospheric increase in CO2 was human-induced, mostly as a result of fossil fuel emissions but, to a lesser extent from changes in land use. Stabilize the world’s climate will require high income countries to reduce their emissions by 60-90% over 2006 levels by 2050 which should hold CO2 levels at 450-650 ppm from current levels of about 380 ppm. Above this level and temperatures could rise by more than 2 °C (36 °F) to produce “catastrophic” climate change.[127] [128] Reduction of current CO2 levels must be achieved against a background of global population increase and developing countries aspiring to energy-intensive high consumption Western lifestyles.[129] Reducing greenhouse emissions, referred to as decarbonization, is being tackled at all scales, ranging from tracking the passage of carbon through the carbon cycle [130] to the exploration of renewable energies, developing less carbon-hungry technology and transport systems and attempts by individuals to lead carbon neutral lifestyles by monitoring the fossil fuel use embodied in all the goods and services they use.[131] Water


Water & sustainability

Water security and food security are inextricably linked. In the decade 1951-60 human water withdrawals were four times greater than the previous decade. This rapid increase resulted from scientific and technological developments impacting through the economy especially the increase in irrigated land, growth in industrial and power sectors, and intensive dam construction on all continents. This altered the water cycle of rivers and lakes, affected their water quality and had a significant impact on the global water cycle.[132] Currently towards 35% of human water use is unsustainable, drawing on diminishing aquifers and reducing the flows of major rivers: this percentage is likely to increase if climate change worsens, populations increase, aquifers become progressively depleted and supplies become polluted and unsanitary.[133] From 1961 to 2001 water

Sustainability demand doubled - agricultural use increased by 75%, industrial use by more than 200%, and domestic use more than 400%.[134] Humans currently use 40-50% of the globally available freshwater in the approximate proportion of 70% for agriculture, 22% for industry, and 8% for domestic purposes and the total volume is progressively [132] increasing. Water efficiency is being improved on a global scale by increased demand management, improved infrastructure, improved water productivity of agriculture, minimising the water intensity (embodied water) of goods and services, addressing shortages in the non-industrialised world, concentrating food production in areas of high productivity; and planning for climate change. At the local level people are becoming more water-self-sufficient by harvesting rainwater and reducing use of mains water. [104] [135] Food


Food & sustainability

The American Public Health Association (APHA) defines a "sustainable food system"[136] [137] as "one that provides healthy food to meet current food needs while maintaining healthy ecosystems that can also provide food for generations to come with minimal negative impact to the environment. A sustainable food system also encourages local production and distribution infrastructures and makes nutritious food available, accessible, and affordable to all. Further, it is humane and just, protecting farmers and other workers, consumers, and communities."[138] Concerns about the environmental impacts of agribusiness and the stark contrast between the obesity problems of the Western world and the poverty and food insecurity of the developing world have generated a strong movement towards healthy, sustainable eating as a major component of overall ethical consumerism.[139] The environmental effects of different dietary patterns depend on many factors, including the proportion of animal and plant foods consumed and the method of food production.[140] [141] [142] [143] The World Health Organization has published a Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health which was endorsed by the May 2004 World Health Assembly. It recommends the Mediterranean diet which is associated with health and longevity and is low in meat, rich in fruits and vegetables, low in added sugar and limited salt, and low in saturated fatty acids; the traditional source of fat in the Mediterranean is olive oil, rich in monounsaturated fat. The healthy rice-based Japanese diet is also high in carbohydrates and low in fat. Both diets are low in meat and saturated fats and high in legumes and other vegetables; they are associated with a low incidence of

Sustainability ailments and low environmental impact.[144] At the global level the environmental impact of agribusiness is being addressed through sustainable agriculture and organic farming. At the local level there are various movements working towards local food production, more productive use of urban wastelands and domestic gardens including permaculture, urban horticulture, local food, slow food, and organic gardening.[145] [146] Materials, toxic substances, waste As global population and affluence increases, so does the use of materials which has increased in volume, diversity and distance transported. Included here are raw materials, minerals, synthetic chemicals (including hazardous substances), manufactured products, food, living organisms and waste.[147]


Dematerialization and sustainability

Materials Sustainable use of materials has targeted the idea of dematerialization, converting the linear path of materials (extraction, use, disposal in landfill) to a circular material flow that reuses materials as much as possible, much like the cycling and reuse of waste in nature.[148] This approach is supported by product stewardship and the increasing use of material flow analysis at all levels, especially individual countries and the global economy.[149] Toxic substances Synthetic chemical production has escalated following the stimulus it received during the second World War. Chemical production includes everything from herbicides, pesticides and fertilizers to domestic chemicals and hazardous substances.[150] Apart from the build-up of greenhouse gas emissions in the atmosphere, chemicals of particular concern include: heavy metals, nuclear waste, chlorofluorocarbons, persistent organic pollutants and all harmful chemicals capable of bioaccumulation. Although most synthetic chemicals are harmless there there needs to be rigorous testing of new chemicals, in all countries, for adverse environmental and health effects. International legislation has been established to deal with the global distribution and management of dangerous goods.[151] [152]



Waste Every economic activity produces material that can be classified as waste. The average human uses 45-85 tonnes of materials each year.[147] To reduce waste industry, business and government are now mimicing nature by turning the waste produced by industrial metabolism into resource. The waste hierarchy Dematerialization is being encouraged through the [153] ideas of industrial ecology, ecodesign and ecolabelling (see side bar). In addition to the well-established “reduce, reuse and recycle” shoppers are using their purchasing power for ethical consumerism.[154]

Economic dimension
Sustainability interfaces with economics through the social and ecological consequences of economic activity.[155] Sustainability economics represents: "... a broad interpretation of ecological economics where environmental and ecological variables and issues are basic but part of a multidimensional perspective. Social, cultural, health-related and monetary/financial aspects have to The Great Fish Market, painted by Jan Brueghel the Elder be integrated into the [156] analysis." At present the average per capita consumption of people in the developing world is sustainable but population numbers are increasing and individuals are aspiring to high consumption Western lifestyles. The developed world population is only increasing slightly but consumption levels are unsustainable. The challenge for sustainability is to curb and manage Western consumption while raising the standard of living of the developing world without increasing its resource use and environmental impact. This must be done by using strategies and technology that break the link between, on the one hand, economic growth and on the other, environmental damage and resource depletion.[157] In addressing this issue several key areas have been targeted for economic analysis and reform: the environmental effects of unconstrained economic growth; the consequences of nature being treated as an economic externality; and the possibility of a more ethical economics that takes greater account of the social and environmental consequences of market behaviour.[158]



Decoupling environmental degradation and economic growth
In the second half of the 20th century world population doubled, food production tripled, energy use quadrupled, and overall economic activity quintupled.[159] Historically there has been a close correlation between economic growth and environmental degradation: as communities grow, so the environment declines. This trend is clearly demonstrated on graphs of human population numbers, economic growth, and environmental indicators.[160] Unsustainable economic growth has been starkly compared to the International Recycle malignant growth of a cancer[161] because it eats away at the Symbol Earth's ecosystem services which are its life-support system. There is concern that, unless resource use is checked, modern global civilization will follow the path of ancient civilizations that collapsed through overexploitation of their resource base.[162] [163] While conventional economics is concerned largely with economic growth and the efficient allocation of resources, ecological economics has the explicit goal of sustainable scale (rather than continual growth), fair distribution and efficient allocation, in that order.[164] [165] The World Business Council for Sustainable Development states that "business cannot succeed in societies that fail".[166] Sustainability studies analyse ways to reduce (decouple) the amount of resource (e.g. water, energy, or materials) needed for the production, consumption and disposal of a unit of good or service whether this be achieved from improved economic management, product design, new technology etc.[167] Ecological economics includes the study of societal metabolism, the throughput of resources that enter and exit the economic system in relation to environmental quality.[168] [169]

Nature as an economic externality

Economics & sustainability

The economic importance of nature is indicated by the use of the expression ecosystem services to highlight the market relevance of an increasingly scarce natural world that can no longer be regarded as both unlimited and free.[170] In general as a commodity or service becomes more scarce the price increases and this acts as a restraint that encourages frugality, technical innovation and alternative products. However, this only applies when the product or service falls within the market system.[171] As ecosystem services are generally treated as economic externalities they are unpriced and therefore overused and degraded, a situation sometimes referred to as the Tragedy of the Commons.[170] Part of the business of protecting the biological world has been the "internalisation" of these "externalities" using market strategies like ecotaxes and incentives, tradeable permits for carbon, water and nitrogen use etc., and an increasing willingness to accept payment for ecosystem services. Green economics encourages alternatives to free market capitalism

Sustainability by supporting a gift economy, local currencies, Local Exchange Trading Systems and other methods (see side bar).[172]


Economic opportunity
Treating the environment as an externality may generate short-term profit at the expense of sustainability.[173] Sustainable business practices, on the other hand, integrate ecological concerns with social and economic ones (i.e., the triple bottom line).[174] Growth that depletes ecosystem services is sometimes termed "uneconomic growth" as it leads to a decline in quality of life.[175] [176] Minimising such growth can provide opportunities for local businesses. For example, industrial waste can be treated as an "economic resource in the wrong place". The benefits of waste reduction include savings from disposal costs, fewer environmental penalties, and reduced liability insurance. This may lead to increased market share due to an improved public image.[177] Energy efficiency can also increase profits by reducing costs. The idea of sustainability as a business opportunity has led to the formation of organizations such as the Sustainability Consortium of the Society for Organizational Learning, the Sustainable Business Institute, and the World Council for Sustainable Development.[178] The expansion of sustainable business opportunities can contribute to job creation through the introduction of green-collar workers.[179]

Social dimension

Society & sustainability

Sustainability issues are generally expressed in scientific and environmental terms, but implementing change is a social challenge that entails, among other things, international and national law, urban planning and transport, local and individual lifestyles and ethical consumerism.[180] "The relationship between human rights and human development, corporate power and environmental justice, global poverty and citizen action, suggest that responsible global citizenship is an inescapable element of what may at first glance seem to be simply matters of personal consumer and moral choice."[181]

Peace, security, social justice
Social disruptions like war, crime and corruption divert resources from areas of greatest human need, they damage the capacity of societies to plan for the future and generally threaten human well-being and the environment.[181] Broad-based strategies for more sustainable social systems include: improved education and the political empowerment of women, especially in developing countries; greater regard for social justice notably equity between rich and poor both within and between countries; and intergenerational

Sustainability equity.[182] Depletion of natural resources including fresh water[183] increases the likelihood of “resource wars”.[184] This aspect of sustainability has been referred to as environmental security and creates a clear need for global environmental agreements to manage resources such as aquifers and rivers which span political boundaries, and to [185] protect global systems including oceans and the atmosphere.


Human settlements

Local sustainability

One approach to sustainable living, exemplified by small-scale urban transition towns and rural ecovillages, seeks to create self-reliant communities based on principles of → simple living, which maximise self-sufficiency particularly in food production. These principles, on a broader scale, underpin the concept of a bioregional economy.[186] Other approaches, loosely based around new urbanism, are successfully reducing environmental impacts by altering the built environment to create and preserve sustainable cities which support sustainable transport. Residents in compact urban neighbourhoods drive fewer miles, and have significantly lower environmental impacts across a range of measures, compared with those living in sprawling suburbs.[187] Ultimately, the degree of human progress towards sustainability will depend on large scale social movements which influence both community choices and the built environment. Eco-municipalities may be one such movement.[188] Eco-municipalities take a systems approach, based on sustainability principles. The eco-municipality movement is participatory, involving community members in a bottom-up approach. In Sweden, more than 70 cities and towns — 25 per cent of all municipalities in the country — have adopted a common set of "Sustainability Principles" and implemented these systematically throughout their municipal operations. There are now twelve eco-municipalities in the United States and the American Planning Association has adopted sustainability objectives based on the same principles.[189]

Human relationship to nature
Sustainability principles 1. Reduce dependence upon fossil fuels, underground metals, and minerals. 2. Reduce dependence upon synthetic chemicals and other unnatural substances. 3. Reduce encroachment upon nature. [189] 4. Meet human needs fairly & efficiently.

Sustainability According to Murray Bookchin, the idea that humans must dominate nature is common in hierarchical societies. Bookchin contends that capitalism and market relationships, if unchecked, have the capacity to reduce the planet to a mere resource to be exploited. Nature is thus treated as a commodity: “The plundering of the human spirit by the market place is paralleled by the plundering of the earth by capital.” [190] Still more basically, Bookchin [191] argued that most of the activities - work - that consume energy and destroy the environment is senseless because it contributes little to quality of life and well being. It's function is quite other. It is to legitimse, even constitute, hierarchy. Thus understanding the apparently unstoppable transformation of organic into hierarchical societies is crucial to finding a way forward. Social ecology, founded by Bookchin, is based on the conviction that nearly all of humanity's present ecological problems originate in, indeed are mere symptoms of, dysfunctional social arrangements. Whereas most authors proceed as if our ecological problems can be fixed by implementing recommendations which stem from physical, biological, economic etc studies, Bookchin's claim is that these problems can only be resolved by understanding the underlying social processes and intervening in those processes by applying the concepts and methods of the social sciences.[192] → Deep ecology establishes principles for the well-being of all life on Earth and the richness and diversity of life forms. This is only compatible with a substantial decrease of the human population and the end of human interference with the nonhuman world. To achieve this, deep ecologists advocate policies for basic economic, technological, and ideological structures that will improve the quality of life rather than the standard of living . Those who subscribe to these principles are obliged to make the necessary change happen.[193]


The earth has a finite capacity to provide resources and to absorb waste, and human demands already exceed that capacity.[194] Current lifestyles in the developed world, to which many people in the developing world also aspire, rely on depleting natural capital and are unsustainable.[195] The United Nations have stated, in the Millennium Declaration, that "current unsustainable patterns of production and consumption must be changed".[196] Yet weight of information and scientific evidence is often insufficient to produce necessary social change, especially if that change entails moving people out of their comfort zones.[197] There is a wealth of advice available to individuals wishing to reduce their personal impact on the environment through small, cheap and easily achievable steps.[198] [199] But the transition Old and new approaches to human use of the required to reduce global human consumption to within atmosphere sustainable limits involves much larger changes, at all levels and contexts of society.[200] The United Nations have recognised the central role of education, and have declared a decade of education for sustainable development, 2005-2014, which aims to "challenge us all to adopt new behaviours and practices to secure our future".[201] The Worldwide Fund for Nature proposes a strategy for

Sustainability sust.ainability that goes beyond education to tackle underlying individualistic and materialistic societal values head-on and strengthen people's connections with the natural world.[202] The level of change required to safeguard the life-supporting capacity of the Earth sets new challenges for community and political structures.[203] Al Gore states that "We have everything we need, save perhaps, political will. But, you know what, political will is a renewable resource.” [204] Political views appear to be changing, however. China initiated a National Climate Change Program in 2007, with a focus on raising the proportion of renewable energy and setting targets for reducing energy consumption per unit GDP.[205] On assuming office as prime minister of Australia in December 2007, Kevin Rudd immediately signed documents to ratify the Kyoto Protocol.[206] Since his election in 2008, U.S. President Barack Obama has initiated a science and technology-based approach to moving the U.S. towards sustainability.[207] During his election campaign, Obama had promised: "Generations from now, we will be able to look back and tell our children that... this was the moment when the rise of the oceans began to slow and our planet began to heal".[208]


See also
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Agroecology Applied Sustainability Conservation biology Conservation ethic Conservation movement Conservation reliant species centre for Appropriate Rural Technology Energy and Environment Energetics Environmental movement Environmental protection Ecology movement Habitat conservation List of sustainability principles Natural resource Social sustainability Timeline of environmental events Water conservation World Forestry Congress Zero carbon city



Further reading
• Atkinson, G., Dietz, S. & Neumayer, E. (2007). Handbook of Sustainable Development. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. ISBN 9781843765776. • Benyus, J. (1997). Biomimicry: Innovations Inspired by Nature. New York: William Morrow. ISBN 0060533226. • Blackburn, W.R. (2007). The Sustainability Handbook. London: Earthscan. ISBN 9781844074952. • Bookchin, M. (2005). The Ecology of Freedom: the Emergence and Dissolution of Hierarchy. Oakland, CA.: AK Press. ISBN 9781904859260. • Brundtland, G.H. (ed.), (1987). Our Common Future: The World Commission on Environment and Development, Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 019282080X. • Costanza, R., Graumlich, L.J. & Steffen, W. (eds), (2007). Sustainability or Collapse? An Integrated History and Future of People on Earth. Cambridge, MA.: MIT Press. ISBN 9780262033664. • Cothran, H. (ed.). (2003). Global Resources: Opposing Viewpoints. New York: Greenhaven Press. ISBN 1565106733. • Daly, H. (1996). Beyond Growth: The Economics of Sustainable Development. Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 0807047090 • Daly, H. & Cobb, J. (1989). For the Common Good: Redirecting the Economy Toward Community, the Environment, and a Sustainable Future. Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 0807047058 Review [209] Retrieved on: 2009-03-12. • Dodds, W.K. (2008). Humanity’s Footprint: Momentum, Impact, and our Global Environment. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231139670 . • Hargroves, K. & Smith, M. (eds.) (2005). The Natural Advantage of Nations: Business Opportunities, Innovation and Governance in the 21st Century. London: Earthscan/James&James. ISBN 1844071219. (See the book's online companion here [210]) Retrieved on: 2009-03-12. • McDonough, W. & Braungart, M. (2002). Cradle to Cradle. New York: North Point Press. ISBN 0865475873. • Norton, B. (2005). Sustainability, A Philosophy of Adaptive Ecosystem Management. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. ISBN 9780226595214. • Richardson, B.J. & Wood, S. (eds) (2006). Environmental Law for Sustainability: a Reader. Oxford: Hart Publishing. ISBN 9781841135441. • Robèrt, K-H. (2002). The Natural Step Story: Seeding a Quiet Revolution. Gabriola Island, BC.: New Society Publishers. ISBN 9780865714533. • Speth, J.G. (2008). The Bridge at the edge of the World: Capitalism, the Environment, and Crossing from Crisis to Sustainability. Devon, PA.: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300151152. • Steffen, A. (2006). Worldchanging: A User's Guide to the 21st Century. New York: Abrams. ISBN 9780810930957.



Articles and reports
• Adams, W. M. and Jeanrenaud, S. J. (2008). Transition to Sustainability: Towards a Humane and Diverse World. [211] Gland, Switzerland: IUCN. 108 pp. ISBN 9782831710723. Retrieved on: 2009-07-06. • Bartlett, A. (1998). Reflections on Sustainability, Population Growth, and the Environment—Revisited [212] revised version (January 1998) paper first published in Population & Environment 16(1): 5–35. Retrieved on: 2009-03-12. • Marks, N., Simms, A., Thompson, S., and Abdallah, S. (2006). The (Un)happy Planet Index. London: New Economics Foundation. • Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (2005). World Resources Institute, Washington, DC. Full set of reports available here [213]. • Raskin, P., Banuri, T., Gallopin, G., Gutman, P., Hammond, A., Kates, R., and Swart, R. (2002). "Great Transition: The Promise and Lure of the Times Ahead" [214]. Boston: Tellus Institute. Retrieved on: 2009-03-12. • Rolando, L. (2008). "Children and Youth in Sustainable Development" [215]. HUGS Movement, New York. Retrieved on: 2009-03-12.

External links
• Sustainability [216] at the Open Directory Project • Elements of sustainability [217] at Microdocs. • Breaking news in sustainability [218] at Microdocs • Roadmap for a Sustainable Earth [219] on-line book by Hiroshi Komiyama and Steven Kraines • Learning for sustainability [220] • International Federation of Accountants Sustainability Framework [221] • Sustainable Food Guidelines [222] published by Sustain: The alliance for better food and farming (UK) • Going Green: Sustainable Living Resource Guide [223] by Middletown Thrall Library • Compilation of Fact Sheets Published by the University of Michigan's Center for Sustainable Systems [224]

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Peak oil


Peak oil
→ Peak oil Mitigation of peak oil Predicting the timing of peak oil Hubbert peak theory Related articles

Peak oil is the point in time when the maximum rate of global petroleum extraction is reached, after which the rate of production enters terminal decline. The concept is based on the observed production rates of individual oil wells, and the combined production rate of a field of related oil wells. The aggregate production rate from an oil field over time usually grows exponentially until the rate peaks and then declines—sometimes rapidly—until the field is depleted. This concept is derived from the Hubbert curve, and has been shown to be applicable to the sum of a nation’s domestic production rate, and is similarly applied to the global rate of petroleum production. Peak oil is often confused with oil depletion; peak oil is the point of maximum production while depletion refers to a period of falling reserves and supply.

A bell-shaped production curve, as originally suggested by M. King Hubbert in 1956.

Peak oil depletion scenarios graph which depicts cumulative published depletion studies by ASPO and other depletion analysts.

M. King Hubbert created and first used the models behind peak oil in 1956 to accurately predict that United States oil production would peak between 1965 and 1970.[1] His logistic model, now called Hubbert peak theory, and its variants have described with reasonable accuracy the peak and decline of production from oil wells, fields, regions, and countries,[2] and has also proved useful in other limited-resource production-domains. According to the Hubbert model, the production rate of a limited resource will follow a roughly symmetrical bell-shaped curve based on the limits of exploitability and market pressures. Various modified versions of his

Peak oil original logistic model are used, using more complex functions to allow for real world factors. While each version is applied to a specific domain, the central features of the Hubbert curve (that production stops rising and then declines) remain unchanged, albeit with different profiles. Some observers, such as petroleum industry experts Kenneth S. Deffeyes and Matthew Simmons, believe the high dependence of most modern industrial transport, agricultural and industrial systems on the relative low cost and high availability of oil will cause the post-peak production decline and possible severe increases in the price of oil to have negative implications for the global economy. Predictions vary greatly as to what exactly these negative effects would be. If political and economic changes only occur in reaction to high prices and shortages rather than in reaction to the threat of a peak, then the degree of economic damage to importing countries will largely depend on how rapidly oil imports decline post-peak. According to the Export Land Model, oil exports drop much more quickly than production drops due to domestic consumption increases in exporting countries. Supply shortfalls would cause extreme price inflation, unless demand is mitigated with planned conservation measures and use of alternatives.[3] Optimistic estimations of peak production forecast the global decline will begin by 2020 or later, and assume major investments in alternatives will occur before a crisis, without requiring major changes in the lifestyle of heavily oil-consuming nations. These models show the price of oil at first escalating and then retreating as other types of fuel and energy sources are used.[4] Pessimistic predictions of future oil production operate on the thesis that either the peak has already occurred,[5] [6] [7] we are on the cusp of the peak, or that it will occur shortly[8] and, as proactive mitigation may no longer be an option, predict a global depression, perhaps even initiating a chain reaction of the various feedback mechanisms in the global market which might stimulate a collapse of global industrial civilization, potentially leading to large population declines within a short period. Throughout the first two quarters of 2008, there were signs that a global recession was being made worse by a series of record oil prices.[9]


Demand for oil
The demand side of peak oil is concerned with the consumption over time, and the growth of this demand. World crude oil demand grew an average of 1.76% per year from 1994 to 2006, with a high of 3.4% in 2003-2004. World demand for oil is projected to increase 37% over 2006 levels by 2030 (118 million barrels per day (18.8×106 m3/d) from 86 million barrels (13.7×106 m3)), due in large part to increases in demand from the transportation sector.[10] [11]

Petroleum: top consuming nations, 1960-2006

Energy demand is distributed amongst four broad sectors: transportation, residential, commercial, and industrial.[12] [13] In terms of oil use, transportation is the largest sector and the one that has seen the largest

Peak oil


growth in demand in recent decades. This growth has largely come from new demand for personal-use vehicles powered by internal combustion engines.[14] This sector also has the highest consumption rates, accounting for approximately 68.9% of the oil used in the United States in 2006,[15] and 55% of oil use worldwide as documented in the Hirsch report. Transportation is therefore of particular interest to those seeking to mitigate the effects of peak oil.
The world increased its daily oil consumption from 63 million barrels in 1980 to 85 million barrels in 2006








developing world, the United States is the world's largest consumer of petroleum. Between 1995 and 2005, US consumption grew from 17.7 million barrels a day to 20.7 million barrels a day, a 3 million barrel a day increase. China, by comparison, increased consumption from 3.4 million barrels a day to 7 million barrels a day, an increase of 3.6 million barrels a day, in the same time frame.[17] As countries develop, industry, rapid urbanization and higher living standards drive up energy use, most often of oil. Thriving economies such as China United States oil production peaked in 1970. By 2005 imports were twice the and India are quickly becoming large oil production. consumers.[18] China has seen oil consumption grow by 8% yearly since 2002, doubling from [16] 1996-2006, In 2008, auto sales in China were expected to grow by as much as 15-20%, resulting in part from economic growth rates of over 10% for 5 years in a row.[19] Although swift continued growth in China is often predicted, others predict that China's export dominated economy will not continue such growth trends due to wage and price inflation and reduced demand from the United States.[20] India's oil imports are expected to more than triple from 2005 levels by 2020, rising to 5 million barrels per day (790×103 m3/d).[21] The International Energy Agency estimated in January 2009 that oil demand fell in 2008 by 0.3%, and that it would fall by 0.6% in 2009. Oil consumption had not fallen for two years in a row since 1982-1983.[22] The EIA estimated that the United States' demand for petroleum-based transportation fuels fell 7.1% in 2008, which is "the steepest one-year decline since at least 1950." The agency stated that gasoline usage in the United States may have peaked in 2007, in part due to increasing interest in and mandates for use of biofuels and energy efficiency.[23]


Peak oil


Another significant factor on petroleum demand has been human population growth. Oil production per capita peaked in the 1970s.[24] The United States Census Bureau predicts that the world’s population in 2030 will be almost double that of 1980.[25] Author Matt Savinar predicts that oil production in 2030 will have declined back to 1980 levels as worldwide demand for World population oil significantly out-paces production.[26] [27] Physicist Albert Bartlett claims that the rate of oil production per capita is falling, and that the decline has gone undiscussed because a politically incorrect form of population control may be implied by mitigation.[28] Oil production per capita has declined from 5.26 barrels per year (0.836 m³/a) in 1980 to 4.44 barrels per year (0.706 m³/a) in 1993,[25] [29] but then increased to 4.79 barrels per year (0.762 m³/a) in 2005.[25] [29] In 2006, the world oil production took a downturn from 84.631 to 84.597 million barrels per day (13.4553×106 to 13.4498×106 m3/d) although population has continued to increase. This has caused the oil production per capita to drop again to 4.73 barrels per year (0.752 m³/a).[25] [29] One factor that has so far helped ameliorate the effect of population growth on demand is the decline of population growth rate since the 1970s, although this is offset to a degree by increasing average longevity in developed nations. In 1970, the population grew at 2.1%. By 2007, the growth rate had declined to 1.167%.[30] However, oil production is still outpacing population growth to meet demand. World population grew by 6.2% from 6.07 billion in 2000 to 6.45 billion in 2005,[25] whereas according to BP, global oil production during that same period increased from 74.9 to 81.1 million barrels (11.91×106 to 12.89×106 m3), or by 8.2%.[31] or according to EIA, from 77.762 to 84.631 million barrels (12.3632×106 to 13.4553×106 m3), or by 8.8%.[29] Agricultural effects and population limits Because supplies of oil and gas are essential to modern agriculture techniques, a fall in global oil supplies could cause spiking food prices and unprecedented famine in the coming decades.[32] [33] Geologist Dale Allen Pfeiffer contends that current population levels are unsustainable, and that to achieve a sustainable economy and avert disaster the United States population would have to be reduced by at least one-third, and world population by two-thirds.[34] The largest consumer of fossil fuels in modern agriculture is ammonia production (for fertilizer) via the Haber process, which is essential to high-yielding intensive agriculture. The specific fossil fuel input to fertilizer production is primarily natural gas, to provide hydrogen via steam reforming. Given sufficient supplies of renewable electricity, hydrogen can be generated without fossil fuels using methods such as electrolysis. For example, the Vemork hydroelectric plant in Norway used its surplus electricity output to generate renewable ammonia from 1911 to 1971.[35] Iceland currently generates ammonia using the electrical output from its hydroelectric and geothermal power plants, because Iceland has those resources in abundance while having no domestic hydrocarbon resources, and a high cost for importing natural gas.[36] However, in the near term, almost every large-scale source of renewable energy still requires petroleum inputs, such as to fuel construction equipment and to transport workers and materials. Iceland, for

Peak oil example, has abundant renewable energy resources, but still depends critically on liquid fuels from petroleum, all of which it must import. If the supply of petroleum should fall faster than people can learn how to build renewable energy infrastructure using only renewable inputs, it may not be possible to maintain the intensive agriculture necessary to support the high global population.


Petroleum Supply
“ All the easy oil and gas in the world has pretty much been found. Now comes the harder work in finding and producing oil from more challenging environments and work areas. — William J. Cummings, Exxon-Mobil company spokesman, December 2005 [37] ”

To pump oil, it first needs to be discovered. The peak of world oilfield discoveries occurred in 1965[38] at around 55 billion barrels(Gb)/year.[39] According to the ASPO, the rate of discovery has been falling steadily since. Less than 10 Gb/yr of oil were discovered each year between 2002-2007.[40]

Conventional crude oil reserves include all crude oil that is technically possible to produce from reservoirs through a well bore, using primary, secondary, improved, enhanced, or tertiary methods. This does not include liquids extracted from mined solids or gasses (oil sands, oil shales, gas-to-liquid processes, or coal-to-liquid processes).[41] Oil reserves are classified as proven, probable and possible. 2004 U.S. government predictions for oil production other than Proven reserves are generally in OPEC and the former Soviet Union intended to have at least 90% or 95% certainty of containing the amount specified. Probable Reserves have an intended probability of 50%, and the Possible Reserves an intended probability of 5% or 10%.[42] Current technology is capable of extracting about 40% of the oil from most wells. Some speculate that future technology will make further extraction possible,[43] but to some, this future technology is already considered in Proven and Probable reserve numbers. In many major producing countries, the majority of reserves claims have not been subject to outside audit or examination. Most of the easy-to-extract oil has been found.[37] Recent price increases have led to oil exploration in areas where extraction is much more expensive, such as in extremely deep wells, extreme downhole temperatures, and environmentally sensitive areas or where high technology will be required to extract the oil. A lower rate of discoveries per explorations has led to a shortage of drilling rigs, increases

Peak oil in steel prices, and overall increases in costs due to complexity.[44] Peak reserves Reserves in effect peaked in 1980, when production first surpassed new discoveries, though [6] creative methods of recalculating reserves has made this difficult to establish exactly. Concerns over stated reserves
“ World reserves are confused and in fact inflated. Many of the so-called reserves are in fact resources. They’re not delineated, they’re not accessible, they’re not available for production — Sadad I. Al Husseini, former VP of Aramco, presentation to the Oil and Money conference, [7] October 2007. ” [45]


Al-Husseini's estimated that 300 billion () of the world’s 1200 billion barrels (190×109 m3) of proved reserves should be recategorized as speculative resources.[7] One difficulty in forecasting the date of peak oil is the opacity surrounding the oil reserves classified as 'proven'. Many worrying signs concerning the depletion of 'proven reserves' have emerged in recent years.[46] [47] This was best exemplified by the 2004 scandal surrounding the 'evaporation' of 20% of Shell's reserves.[48] For the most part, 'proven reserves' are stated by the oil companies, the producer states and the consumer states. All three have reasons to overstate their proven reserves: • Oil companies may look to increase their potential
Graph of OPEC reported reserves showing refutable jumps in stated reserves without associated discoveries, as well as the lack of depletion despite yearly production.

worth. • Producer countries are bestowed a stronger international stature • Governments of consumer countries may seek a means to foster sentiments of security and stability within their economies and among consumers. The Energy Watch Group (EWG) 2007 report shows total world Proved (P95) plus Probable (P50) reserves to be between 854 and 1,255 Gb (30 to 40 years of supply if demand growth were to stop immediately). Major discrepancies arise from accuracy issues with OPEC's self-reported numbers. Besides the possibility that these nations have overstated their reserves for political reasons (during periods of no substantial discoveries), over 70 nations also follow a practice of not reducing their reserves to account for yearly production. 1,255 Gb is therefore a best-case scenario.[6] Analysts have suggested that OPEC member nations have economic incentives to exaggerate their reserves, as the OPEC quota system allows greater output for countries with greater reserves.[43] Kuwait, for example, was reported by a January 2006 issue of Petroleum Intelligence Weekly to have only 48 Gb in reserve, of which only 24 were "fully proven." This report was based on "leaks of confidential documents" from Kuwait, and has not been formally denied by the Kuwaiti authorities. This leaked document dates back from 2001[49] so the figure includes oil that have been produced since 2001, roughly 5-6 billion barrels,[17] but excludes revisions or discoveries made since then. Additionally, the reported 1.5 Gb of oil burned off by Iraqi soldiers in the first Gulf War[50] are conspicuously missing from Kuwait's

Peak oil figures. On the other hand investigative journalist Greg Palast argued in 2006 that oil companies have an interest in making oil look more rare than it is, to justify higher prices.[51] Other analysts in 2003 argued that oil producing countries understated the extent of their reserves to drive up the price.[52] Unconventional sources


Unconventional sources, such as heavy crude oil, oil sands, and oil shale are not counted as part of oil reserves. However, oil companies can book them as proven reserves after opening a strip mine or thermal facility for extraction. Oil industry sources such as Rigzone have stated that these unconventional sources are not as efficient to produce, however, requiring extra energy to refine, resulting in higher production costs and up to three times more Syncrude's Mildred Lake mine site and plant near Fort greenhouse gas emissions per [53] McMurray, Alberta barrel (or barrel equivalent). While the energy used, resources needed, and environmental effects of extracting unconventional sources has traditionally been prohibitively high, the three major unconventional oil sources being considered for large scale production are the extra heavy oil in the Orinoco Belt of Venezuela,[54] the Athabasca Oil Sands in the Western Canadian Sedimentary Basin,[55] and the oil shales of the Green River Formation in Colorado, Utah and Wyoming in the United States.[56] [57] Chuck Masters of the USGS estimates that, "Taken together, these resource occurrences, in the Western Hemisphere, are approximately equal to the Identified Reserves of conventional crude oil accredited to the Middle East."[58] Authorities familiar with the resources believe that the world's ultimate reserves of unconventional oil are several times as large as those of conventional oil and will be highly profitable for companies as a result of higher prices in the 21st century.[59]

Peak oil


Despite the large quantities of oil available in non-conventional sources, Matthew Simmons argues that limitations on production prevent them from becoming an effective substitute for conventional crude oil. Simmons states that "these are high energy intensity projects that can never reach high volumes" to offset significant losses from other sources.[61] Another study claims that even under highly optimistic assumptions, "Canada's oil sands will not prevent peak oil," although production could reach 5 million bbl/day by 2030 in a Unconventional resources are much larger than [60] "crash program" development effort.[62] conventional ones. Moreover, oil extracted from these sources typically contains contaminants such as sulfur, heavy metals and carbon that are energy-intensive to extract and leave highly toxic tailings.[63] The same applies to much of the Middle East's undeveloped conventional oil reserves, much of which is heavy, viscous and contaminated with sulfur and metals to the point of being unusable.[64] However, recent high oil prices make these sources more financially appealing.[43] A study by Wood Mackenzie suggests that within 15 years all the world’s extra oil supply will likely come from unconventional sources.[65] A 2003 article in Discover magazine claimed that thermal depolymerization could be used to manufacture oil indefinitely, out of garbage, sewage, and agricultural waste. The article claimed that the cost of the process was $15 per barrel.[66] A follow-up article in 2006 stated that the cost was actually $80 per barrel because the feedstock which had previously been considered as hazardous waste now had market value.[67]

The point in time when peak global oil production occurs is the measure which defines peak oil. This is because production capacity is the main limitation of supply. Therefore, when production decreases, it becomes the main bottleneck to the petroleum supply/demand equation. World wide oil discoveries have been less than annual production since 1980.[6] According to several sources, worldwide production is past or near its maximum.[5] [6]
[7] [8]

World oil production growth trends were flat from 2005 to 2008. According to a January 2007 International Energy Agency report, global supply (which includes biofuels, non-crude sources of petroleum, and use of strategic oil reserves, in addition to crude production) averaged 85.24 million barrels per day (13.552×106 m3/d) in 2006, up 0.76 million barrels per day (121×103 m3/d) (0.9%), from 2005.[68] Average yearly gains in

OPEC Crude Oil Production 2002-2006. Source: Middle East Economic Survey

Peak oil global supply from 1987 to 2005 were 1.2 million barrels per day (190×103 m3/d) (1.7%).[68] In 2008, the IEA drastically reduced its prediction of production decline from 3.7% a year to 6.7% a year, based largely on better accounting methods, including actual research of individual oil field production through out the world.[69] The IEA's March 2008 Oil Market report showed global supply to be 87.5 mb/d, compared to 84.3 mb/d in July 2007, a 3.8% increase on that interval. The great bulk of the increase came in the non-OPEC sector, which now makes up 65% of global production. Of the largest 21 fields, at least 9 are in decline.[70] In April, 2006, a Saudi Aramco spokesman admitted that its mature fields are now declining at a rate of 8% per year (with a national composite decline of about 2%).[71] This information has been used to argue that Ghawar, which is the largest oil field in the world and responsible for approximately half of Saudi Arabia's oil production over the last 50 years, has peaked.[43] [72] The world's second largest oil field, the Burgan field in Kuwait, entered decline in November, 2005.[73] According to a study of the largest 811 oilfields Alaska's oil production has declined conducted in early 2008 by CERA, the average rate of 65% since peaking in 1988 field decline is 4.5% per year. There are also projects expected to begin production within the next decade which are hoped to offset these declines. The CERA report projects 2017 production level of over 100mbpd.[74] Kjell Aleklett of the Association for the Study of Peak Oil & Gas agrees with their decline rates, but considers the rate of new fields coming online—100% of all projects in development, but with 30% of them experiencing delays, plus a mix of new small fields and field expansions—overly optimistic.[75] A more rapid annual rate of decline of 5.1% in 800 of the world's largest oil fields was reported by the IEA in their World Energy Outlook 2008.[76] Mexico announced that its giant Cantarell Field entered depletion in March, 2006,[77] due to past overproduction. In 2000, PEMEX built the largest nitrogen plant in the world in an attempt to maintain production through nitrogen injection into the formation,[78] but by 2006, Cantarell was declining at a rate of 13% per year.[79] OPEC had vowed in 2000 to maintain a production level sufficient to keep oil prices between $22–28 per barrel, but did not prove possible. In its 2007 annual report, OPEC projected that it could maintain a production level which would stabilize the price of oil at around $50–60 per barrel until 2030.[80] On November 18, 2007, with oil above $98 a barrel, King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, a long-time advocate of stabilized oil prices, announced that his country would not increase production to lower prices.[81] Saudi Arabia's inability, as the world's largest supplier, to stabilize prices through increased production during that period suggests that no nation or organization had the spare production capacity to lower oil prices. The implication is that those major suppliers who had not yet peaked were operating at or near full capacity.[43] Commentators have pointed to the Jack 2 deep water test well in the Gulf of Mexico, announced September 5, 2006,[82] as evidence that there is no imminent peak in global oil production. According to one estimate, the field could account for up to 11% of US production within seven years.[83] However, even though oil discoveries are expected after


Peak oil the peak oil of production is reached,[84] the new reserves of oil will be harder to find and extract. The Jack 2 field, for instance, is more than 20000 feet (6100 m) under the sea floor in 7000 feet (2100 m) of water, requiring 8.5 kilometers of pipe to reach. Additionally, even the maximum estimate of 15 billion barrels (2.4×109 m3) represents slightly less than 2 [13] years of U.S. consumption at present levels. The increasing investment in harder-to-reach oil is a sign of oil companies' belief in the end of easy oil.[37] In addition, while it is widely believed that increased oil prices spur an increase in production, an increasing number of oil industry insiders are now coming to believe that even with higher prices, oil production is unlikely to increase significantly beyond its current level. Among the reasons cited are both geological factors as well as "above ground" factors that are likely to see oil production plateau near its current level.[85] Recent work points to the difficulty of increasing production even with vastly increased investment in exploration and production, at least in mature petroleum regions. A 2008 Journal of Energy Security analysis of the energy return on drilling effort in the United States points to an extremely limited potential to increase production of both gas and (especially) oil. By looking at the historical response of production to variation in drilling effort, this analysis showed very little increase of production attributable to increased drilling. This was due to a tight quantitative relationship of diminishing returns with increasing drilling effort: as drilling effort increased, the energy obtained per active drill rig was reduced according to a severely diminishing power law. This fact means that even an enormous increase of drilling effort is unlikely to lead to significantly increased oil and gas production in a mature petroleum region like the United States.[86] Because world population grew faster than oil production, production per capita peaked in 1979 (preceded by a plateau during the period of 1973-1979).[24]


Control over supply
Entities such as governments or cartels can artificially reduce supply to the world market by limiting access to the supply through nationalizing oil, cutting back on production, limiting drilling rights, imposing taxes, etc. International sanctions, corruption, and military conflicts can also reduce supply. Nationalization of oil supplies Another factor affecting global oil supply is the nationalization of oil reserves by producing nations. The nationalization of oil occurs as countries begin to deprivatize oil production and withhold exports. Kate Dourian, Platts' Middle East editor, points out that while estimates of oil reserves may vary, politics have now entered the equation of oil supply. "Some countries are becoming off limits. Major oil companies operating in Venezuela find themselves in a difficult position because of the growing nationalization of that resource. These countries are now reluctant to share their reserves."[87] According to consulting firm PFC Energy, only 7% of the world's estimated oil and gas reserves are in countries that allow companies like ExxonMobil free rein. Fully 65% are in the hands of state-owned companies such as Saudi Aramco, with the rest in countries such as Russia and Venezuela, where access by Western companies is difficult. The PFC study implies political factors are limiting capacity increases in Mexico, Venezuela, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait and Russia. Saudi Arabia is also limiting capacity expansion, but because of a self-imposed cap, unlike the other countries.[88] As a result of not having access to countries

Peak oil amenable to oil exploration, ExxonMobil is not making nearly the investment in finding new oil that it did in 1981.[89] Cartel influence on supply OPEC is an alliance between 12 diverse oil producing countries (Algeria, Angola, Ecuador, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Venezuela) to control the supply of oil. OPEC's power was consolidated as various countries nationalized their oil holdings, and wrested decision-making away from the "Seven Sisters," (Anglo-Iranian, Socony-Vacuum, Royal Dutch Shell, Gulf, Esso, Texaco, and Socal.) and created their own oil companies to control the oil. OPEC tries to influence prices by restricting production. It does this by allocating each member country a quota for production. All 12 members agree to keep prices high by producing at lower levels than they otherwise would. There is no way to verify adherence to the quota, so every member faces the same incentive to ‘cheat’ the cartel.[90] Washington kept the oil flowing and gained favorable OPEC policies mainly by arming, and propping up Saudi regimes. According to some, the purpose for the second Iraq war is to break the back of OPEC and return control of the oil fields to western oil companies.[91] Alternately, commodities trader Raymond Learsy, author of Over a Barrel: Breaking the Middle East Oil Cartel, contends that OPEC has trained consumers to believe that oil is a much more finite resource than it is. To back his argument, he points to past false alarms and apparent collaboration.[52] He also believes that peak oil analysts are conspiring with OPEC and the oil companies to create a "fabricated drama of peak oil" to drive up oil prices and profits. It is worth noting oil had risen to a little over $30/barrel at that time. A counter-argument was given in the Huffington Post after he and Steve Andrews, co-founder of ASPO, debated on CNBC in June 2007.[92]


Timing of peak oil
M. King Hubbert initially predicted in 1974 that peak oil would occur in 1995 "if current trends continue."[93] However, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, global oil consumption [94] actually dropped (due to the shift to energy-efficient cars, the shift to electricity and natural gas for heating,[95] and other factors), then rebounded to a lower level of growth in the mid 1980s. Thus oil production did not peak in 1995, and has climbed to more than double the rate initially projected. This underscores the fact that the only reliable way to identify the timing of peak oil will be in retrospect. However, predictions have been refined through the years as up-to-date information becomes more readily available, such as new reserve growth data.[96] Predictions of the timing of peak oil include the possibilities that it has recently occurred, that it will occur shortly, or that a plateau of oil production will sustain supply for up to 100 years. None of these predictions dispute the peaking of oil production, but disagree only on when it will occur. According to Mathew Simmons, author of Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil Shock and the World Economy, "...peaking is one of these fuzzy events that you only know clearly when you see it through a rear view mirror, and by then an alternate resolution is generally too late."[97]

Peak oil


Pessimistic predictions of future oil production
Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah told his subjects in 1998, "The oil boom is over and will not return... All of us must get used to a different lifestyle." Since then he has implemented a series of corruption reforms and government programs intended to lower Saudi Arabia's dependence on oil revenues. The royal family was put on notice to end its history of excess and new industries were created to diversify the national economy.[98] The Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas (ASPO) predicted in their January 2008 newsletter that the peak in all oil (including non-conventional sources), would occur in 2010. This is earlier than the July 2007 newsletter prediction of 2011.[99] ASPO Ireland in its May 2008 newsletter, number 89, revised its depletion model and advanced the date of the peak of overall liquids from 2010 to 2007.[100] Kenneth S. Deffeyes argued at one point that world oil production peaked on December 16, 2005.[5] Sadad Al Husseini, former head of Saudi Aramco's production and exploration, stated in an October 29, 2007 interview that oil production had likely already reached its peak in 2006,[7] and that assumptions by the IEA and EIA of production increases by OPEC to over 45 MB/day are "quite unrealistic."[7] Texas oilman T. Boone Pickens stated in 2005 that worldwide conventional oil production was very close to peaking.[101] On June 17, 2008, in testimony before the U.S. Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, Pickens stated that "I do believe you have peaked out at 85 million barrels a day globally,".[102] Data from the United States Energy Information Administration show that world production leveled out in 2004, and an October 2007 retrospective report by the Energy Watch Group concluded that this data showed the peak of conventional oil production in the third quarter of 2006.[6] The July 2007 IEA Medium-Term Oil Market Report projected a 2% non-OPEC liquids supply growth in 2007-2009, reaching 51.0 mb/d in 2008, receding thereafter as the slate of verifiable investment projects diminishes. They refer to this decline as a plateau. The report expects only a small amount of supply growth from OPEC producers, with 70% of the increase coming from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Angola as security and investment issues continue to impinge on oil exports from Iraq, Nigeria and Venezuela.[103]

2004 U.S. government predictions for oil production other than in OPEC and theformer Soviet Union

World Crude Oil Production 1960-2004. Sources: DOE/EIA, IEA

In October 2007, the Energy Watch Group, a German research group founded by MP Hans-Josef Fell, released a report claiming that oil production peaked in 2006 and will decline by several percent annually. The authors predict negative economic effects and social unrest as a result.[6] [104] They state that the IEA production plateau prediction uses purely economic models which rely on an ability to raise production and discovery rates at will.[6]

Peak oil Matthew Simmons, Chairman of Simmons & Company International, said on October 26, 2006 that global oil production may have peaked in December 2005, though he cautions that further monitoring of production is required to determine if a peak has actually occurred.[105] At least one oil company, French supermajor Total S.A., has announced plans to shift their focus to nuclear energy instead of oil and gas. A Total senior vice president explained that this is because they believe oil production will peak before 2020, and they would like to diversify their position in the energy markets.[106] The UK Industry Taskforce on Peak Oil and Energy Security (ITPOES) reported in late October 2008 that peak oil is likely to occur by 2013. ITPOES consists of eight companies: Arup, FirstGroup, Foster + Partners, Scottish and Southern Energy, Solarcentury, Stagecoach Group, Virgin Group, Yahoo. Their report includes a chapter written by Shell corporation.[107]


Optimistic predictions of future oil production
Non-'peakists' can be divided into several different categories based on their specific criticism of peak oil. Some claim that any peak will not come soon or have a dramatic effect on the world economies. Others claim we will not reach a peak for technological reasons, while still others claim our oil reserves are regenerated quickly over time. Plateau oil CERA, which counts unconventional sources in reserves while discounting EROEI, believes that global production will eventually follow an “undulating plateau” for one or more decades before declining slowly.[4] In 2005 the group had predicted that "petroleum supplies will be expanding faster than demand over the next five years."[108] In 2007, The Wall Street Journal reported that "a
Monthly world oil supply data from 1995 to 2008. Supply is defined as crude oil production (including lease condensates), natural gas plant liquids, other liquids, and refinery processing gains.

growing number of oil-industry chieftains" believed that oil production would soon reach a ceiling for a variety of reasons, and plateau at that level for some time. Several chief executives stated that projections of over 100 million barrels of production per day are unrealistic, contradicting the projections of the International Energy Agency and United States Energy Information Administration.[109] In 2008, the IEA predicted a plateau by 2020 and a peak by 2030. The report called for a "global energy revolution" to prepare mitigations by 2020 and avoid "more difficult days" and large wealth transfers from OECD nations to oil producing nations.[69]

Peak oil Energy Information Administration and USGS 2000 reports The United States Energy Information Administration projects world consumption of oil to increase to 98.3 million barrels per day (15.63×106 m3/d) in 2015 and 118 million barrels per day (18.8×106 m3/d) in 2030.[110] This would require a more than 35% increase in world oil production by 2030. A 2004 paper by the Energy Information Administration based on data collected in 2000 disagrees with Hubbert peak theory on several points:[14] • Explicitly incorporates demand into model as well as supply • Does not assume pre/post-peak symmetry of production levels • Models pre- and post-peak production with different functions (exponential growth and constant reserves-to-production ratio, respectively) • Assumes reserve growth, including via technological advancement and exploitation of small reservoirs The EIA estimates of future oil supply are countered by Sadad Al Husseini, retired VP Exploration of Aramco, who calls it a 'dangerous over-estimate'.[111] Husseini also points out that population growth and the emergence of China and India means oil prices are now going to be structurally higher than they have been. Colin Campbell argues that the 2000 USGS estimates is a methodologically flawed study that has done incalculable damage by misleading international agencies and governments. Campbell dismisses the notion that the world can seamlessly move to more difficult and expensive sources of oil and gas when the need arises. He argues that oil is in profitable abundance or not there at all, due ultimately to the fact that it is a liquid concentrated by nature in a few places having the right geology. Campbell believes OPEC countries raised their reserves to get higher oil quotas and to avoid internal critique. He also points out that the USGS failed to extrapolate past discovery trends in the world’s mature basins.[112] No peak oil The view that oil extraction will never enter a depletion phase is often referred to as "cornucopian" in ecology and sustainability literature[113] [114] [115] Abdullah S. Jum'ah, President, Director and CEO of Saudi Aramco states that the world has adequate reserves of conventional and nonconventional oil sources that will last for more than a century.[116] [117] As recently as 2008 he pronounced "We have grossly underestimated mankind’s ability to find new reserves of petroleum, as well as our capacity to raise recovery rates and tap fields once thought inaccessible or impossible to produce.” Jum’ah believes that in-place conventional and non-conventional liquid resources may ultimately total between 13 trillion and 16 trillion barrels and that only a small fraction (1.1 trillion) has been extracted to date.[118]
“ I do not believe the world has to worry about ‘peak oil’ for a very long time. — Abdullah S. Jum'ah, 2008-01 [118] ”


Economist Michael Lynch says that the Hubbert Peak theory is flawed and that there is no imminent peak in oil production. He argued in 2004 that production is determined by demand as well as geology, and that fluctuations in oil supply are due to political and economic effects as well as the physical processes of exploration, discovery and production.[119] This idea is echoed by Jad Mouawad, who explains that as oil prices rise, new extraction technologies become viable, thus expanding the total recoverable oil

Peak oil reserves. This, according to Mouwad, is one explanation of the changes in peak production estimates.[120] Leonardo Maugeri, group senior vice president, Corporate Strategies of Eni S.p.A., dismissed the peak oil thesis in a 2004 policy position piece in Science as "the current model of oil doomsters," and based on several flawed assumptions. He characterizes the peak oil theory as part of a series of "recurring oil panics" which have "driven Western political circles toward oil imperialism and attempts to assert direct or indirect control over oil-producing regions". Maugeri claims that the geological structure of the earth has not been explored thoroughly enough to conclude that the declining trend in discoveries, which began in the 1960s, will continue. He goes on to claim that complete global oil production, discovery trends, and geological data are not available globally.[121] Abiogenesis The theory that petroleum is derived from biogenic processes is held by the overwhelming majority of petroleum geologists.[122] Abiogenic theorists however, such as the late professor of astronomy Thomas Gold at Cornell University, assert that the source of oil may not be a limited supply of “fossil fuels”, but instead an abiotic process. They theorize that if abiogenic petroleum sources are found to be abundant, Earth would contain vast reserves of untapped petroleum.[123] The abiogenic origin hypothesis lacks scientific support, and all current oil reserves have evidence of biological origin. It also has not been successfully used in uncovering oil deposits by geologists.[122] The most important counter arguments to the abiotic theory involve various biomarkers which have been found in all samples of all the oil and gas accumulations found to date. The prevailing view among geologists and petroleum engineers is that this evidence "provides irrefutable proof that 99.99999% of all the oil and gas accumulations found up to now in the planet earth have a biologic origin." In this process, oil is generated from kerogen by pyrolysis.[124] While Thomas Gold hypothesized that bacteria exist deep within the Earth's crust, and are the source of the biomarkers,[125] these bacteria have not been found, the natural abiogenic formation of high-carbon hydrocarbons has not been demonstrated, and evidence for the biotic origin of petroleum is abundant.


Possible effects and consequences of peak oil
The widespread use of fossil fuels has been one of the most important stimuli of economic growth and prosperity since the industrial revolution, allowing humans to participate in takedown, or the consumption of energy at a greater rate than it is being replaced. Some believe that when oil production decreases, human culture and modern technological society will be forced to change drastically. The impact of peak oil will depend heavily on the rate of decline and the development and adoption of effective alternatives. If alternatives are not forthcoming, the products produced with oil (including fertilizers, detergents, solvents, adhesives, and most plastics) would become scarce and expensive.

Peak oil


The Hirsch Report
In 2005, the US Department of Energy published a report titled Peaking of World Oil Production: Impacts, Mitigation, & Risk Management.[126] Known as the Hirsch report, it stated, "The peaking of world oil production presents the U.S. and the world with an unprecedented risk management problem. As peaking is approached, liquid fuel prices and price volatility will increase dramatically, and, without timely mitigation, the economic, social, and political costs will be unprecedented. Viable mitigation options exist on both the supply and demand sides, but to have substantial impact, they must be initiated more than a decade in advance of peaking." Conclusions from the Hirsch Report and three scenarios • World oil peaking is going to happen. • As a transition in energy usage, peak oil will be a unique challenge, in that it "will be abrupt and revolutionary". • Oil peaking will adversely affect global economies, particularly those most dependent on oil. • The problem is liquid fuels (growth in demand mainly from the transportation sector). • Mitigation efforts will require substantial time. • 20 years is required to transition without substantial impacts • A 10 year rush transition with moderate impacts is possible with extraordinary efforts from governments, industry, and consumers • Late initiation of mitigation may result in severe consequences. • Both supply and demand will require attention. • It is a matter of risk management (mitigating action must come before the peak). • Government intervention will be required. • Economic upheaval is not inevitable (“given enough lead-time, the problems can be solved with existing technologies.”) • More information is needed to more precisely determine the peak time frame. Possible Scenarios: • Waiting until world oil production peaks before taking crash program action leaves the world with a significant liquid fuel deficit for more than two decades. • Initiating a mitigation crash program 10 years before world oil peaking helps considerably but still leaves a liquid fuels shortfall roughly a decade after the time that oil would have peaked. • Initiating a mitigation crash program 20 years before peaking appears to offer the possibility of avoiding a world liquid fuels shortfall for the forecast period.

Other predictions
Export Land Model The Export Land Model states that after peak oil petroleum exporting countries will be forced to reduce their exports more quickly than their production decreases because of internal demand growth. Countries which rely on imported petroleum will therefore be affected earlier and more dramatically than exporting countries.[127] Mexico is already in this situation. Internal consumption grew by 5.9% in 2006 in the five biggest exporting countries, and their exports declined by over 3%. It is estimated that by 2010 internal

Peak oil demand will decrease worldwide exports by 2.5 million barrels.[128] Transportation and housing A majority of Americans live in suburbs, a type of low-density settlement designed around universal personal automobile use. Commentators such as James Howard Kunstler argue that because over ninety percent of transportation in the United States relies on oil, the suburbs' reliance on the automobile is an unsustainable living arrangement. Peak oil would leave many Americans unable to afford petroleum based fuel for their cars, and force them to move to higher density areas, where Housing subdivision near Union, Kentucky, a suburb walking and public transportation are more of Cincinnati, Ohio. viable options. Suburbia may become the "slums of the future."[129] [130] The issues of petroleum supply and demand is also a concern for growing cities in developing countries (where urban areas are expected to absorb most of the world's projected 2.3 billion population increase by 2050). Stressing the energy component of future development plans is seen as an important goal.[131] Methods which have been suggested for mitigating these urban and suburban issues include the use of non-petroleum vehicles such as electric cars, battery electric vehicles, transit-oriented development, new trains, new pedestrianism, smart growth, shared space, urban consolidation and New Urbanism.


To avoid the serious social and economic implications a global decline in oil production could entail, the Hirsch report emphasized the need to find alternatives at least 10–20 years before the peak, and to phase out the use of petroleum over that time,[132] similar to the plan Sweden announced in 2005. Such mitigation could include energy conservation, fuel substitution, and the use of unconventional oil. Because mitigation can reduce the consumption of traditional petroleum sources, it can also affect the timing of peak oil and the shape of the Hubbert curve.

Positive aspects of peak oil
There are those who believe that peak oil should be viewed as a positive event.[133] Many of these critics reason that if the price of oil rises high enough, the use of alternative clean fuels could help control the pollution of fossil fuel use as well as mitigate global warming.[134] Permaculture, particularly as expressed in the work of Australian David Holmgren, and others, sees peak oil as holding tremendous potential for positive change - assuming we act with foresight. The rebuilding of local food networks, energy production, and the general implementation of 'energy descent culture' are argued to be ethical responses to the acknowledgment of finite fossil resources.[135]

Peak oil The "Transition town" Movement, started in Ireland and spread internationally by 'The Transition Handbook' (Rob Hopkins) sees the combination of peak oil and climate change as an opportunity to restructure society with local resilience and ecological stewardship.[136]


Peak oil for individual nations
Peak oil as a concept applies globally, but it is based on the summation of individual nations experiencing peak oil. In State of the World 2005, Worldwatch Institute observes that oil production is in decline in 33 of the 48 largest oil-producing countries.[137] Other countries have also passed their individual oil production peaks. The following list shows significant oil-producing nations and their approximate peak oil production years, organized by year.[138] • Japan: 1932 (assumed; source does not specify) • Germany: 1966 • Libya: 1970 • Venezuela: 1970 • USA: 1970[139] • Iran: 1974 • Nigeria: 1979 • Trinidad & Tobago: 1981[140] • Egypt: 1987[141] • France: 1988 • Indonesia: 1991[142] • Syria: 1996[143] • India: 1997 • New Zealand: 1997 • • • • •
[144] US oil production (lower 48 crude oil only) and Hubbert's high estimate.

UK: 1999 Argentina: 1999 (BP statistical workbook 2007) Colombia: 1999 (BP statistical workbook 2007) Australia: 2000 (BP statistical workbook 2007) Norway: 2000[145]

• Oman: 2000[146] • Mexico: 2004[147]

Canadian conventional oil production peaked in 1973, but oil sands production is forecast to increase to at least 2020

• Russia: an artificial peak occurred in 1987 shortly before the Collapse of the Soviet Union, but production subsequently recovered, making Russia the second largest oil exporter in the world. Figures from early 2008, statements by officials, and analysis suggest that production may have peaked in 2006/2007.[148] [149] Lukoil vice president Leonid Fedun has said $1 trillion

Peak oil would have to be spent on developing new reserves if current production levels were to be maintained.[150] Peak oil production has not been reached in the following nations (these numbers are estimates and subject to revision):[151] • Kuwait: 2013


Mexican production peaked in 2004 and is now in decline

• Saudi Arabia: 2014 • Iraq: 2018 In addition, the most recent International Energy Agency and United States Energy Information Administration production data show record and rising production in Canada and China.

Oil price
In terms of 2007 inflation adjusted dollars, the price of oil peaked on 30 June 2008 at over $143 a barrel. Before this period, the maximum inflation adjusted price was the equivalent of $95–100, in 1980.[152] Crude oil prices in the last several years have steadily risen from about $25 a barrel in August 2003 to over $130 a barrel in May 2008, with the most significant increases happening within the last year. These prices are well above those which caused the 1973 and 1979 energy crises. This has contributed to fears of an economic recession similar to that of the early 1980s.[9] One important

New York Mercantile Exchange prices for West Texas Intermediate 1996 - 2009

Long-term oil prices, 1861-2007 (top line adjusted for inflation).

Peak oil indicator which supported the possibility that the price of oil had begun to have an effect on economies was that in the United States, gasoline consumption dropped by .5% in the first two months of 2008,[153] compared to a drop of .4% total in 2007.[154] However some claim the decline in the US dollar against other significant currencies from 2007 to 2008 is a significant part of oil's price increases from $66 to $130.[155] The dollar lost approximately 14% of its value against the Euro from May 2007 to May 2008, and the price of oil rose 96% in the same time period.


Helping to fuel these price increases were reports that petroleum production is at[5] [6] [7] or near full capacity.[8] [109] [156] In June 2005, OPEC admitted that they would 'struggle' to pump enough oil to meet pricing pressures for the fourth quarter of that year.[157] Demand pressures on oil have been strong. Global consumption of oil rose from 30 billion barrels (4.8×109 m3) in 2004 to 31 billion in 2005. These consumption rates are far above new discoveries for the period, which had fallen to only eight billion barrels of new oil reserves in new accumulations in 2004.[158] In 2005, consumption was within 2 million barrels per day (320×103 m3/d) of production, and at any one time there are about 54 days of stock in the OECD system plus 37 days in emergency stockpiles. Besides supply and demand pressures, at times security related factors may have contributed to increases in prices,[156] including the "War on Terror," missile launches in North Korea,[159] the Crisis between Israel and Lebanon,[160] nuclear brinkmanship between the US and Iran,[161] and reports from the U.S. Department of Energy and others showing a decline in petroleum reserves,[162] Another factor in oil price is the cost of extracting crude. As the extraction of oil has become more difficult, oil's historically high ratio of Energy Returned on Energy Invested has seen a significant decline. The increased price of oil makes unconventional sources of oil retrieval more attractive. For example, oil sands are actually a reserve of bitumen, a heavier, lower value oil compared to conventional crude. It only became attractive to production companies when oil prices exceeded about $25/bbl, high enough to cover the costs of production and upgrading to synthetic crude.

Effects of rising oil prices
In the past, the price of oil has led to economic recessions, such as the 1973 and 1979 energy crises. The effect the price of oil has on an economy is known as a price shock. In many European countries, which have high taxes on fuels, such price shocks could potentially be mitigated somewhat by temporarily or permanently suspending the taxes as fuel costs rise.[164] This method of softening price shocks is less in countries with much lower gas taxes, such as the United States.

World consumption of primary energy by energy type in [163] terawatts (TW), 1965-2005.

Peak oil Some economists predict that a substitution effect will spur demand for alternate energy sources, such as coal or liquefied natural gas. This substitution can only be temporary, as coal and natural gas are finite resources as well. Prior to the run-up in fuel prices, many motorists opted for larger, less fuel-efficient sport utility vehicles and full-sized pickups in the United States, Canada and other countries. This trend has been reversing due to sustained high prices of fuel. The September 2005 sales data for all vehicle vendors indicated SUV sales dropped while small cars sales increased. Hybrid and diesel vehicles are also gaining in popularity.[165] In 2008, a report by Cambridge Energy Research Associates stated that 2007 had been the year of peak gasoline usage in the United States, and that record energy levels would cause an "enduring shift" in energy consumption practices.[166] According to the report, in April gas consumption had been lower than a year before for the sixth straight month, suggesting 2008 would be the first year US gasoline usage declined in 17 years. The total miles driven in the US peaked in 2006.[167]


Historical understanding of world oil supply limits
Although the Earth's finite oil supply means that peak oil is inevitable, technological innovations in finding and drilling for oil have at times changed the understanding of the total oil supply on Earth. As scientific understanding of petroleum geology has increased, so has our understanding of the Earth's total recoverable reserves. Since 1965, major oil surveys have averaged a 95% confidence Estimated Ultimate Retrieval (P95 EUR) of a little under 2000 billion barrels (320×109 m3), though some estimates have been as low as 1500 billion barrels (240×109 m3), and as high as 2400 billion barrels (380×109 m3).[6] The EUR reported by the 2000 USGS survey of 2300 billion barrels (370×109 m3) has been criticized for assuming a discovery trend over the next 20 years which would reverse the observed trend of the past 40 years. Their 95% confidence EUR of 2300 billion barrels (370×109 m3) assumed that discovery levels would stay steady, despite the fact that discovery levels have been falling steadily since the 1960s. That trend of falling discoveries has continued in the 7 years since the USGS made their assumption. The 2000 USGS is also criticized for introducing other methodological errors, as well as assuming 2030 production rates which are inconsistent with projected reserves.[6]

Some do not agree with peak oil, at least as it has been presented by Matthew Simmons. The president of Royal Dutch Shell's US operations John Hofmeister, while agreeing that conventional oil production will soon start to decline, has criticized Simmons's analysis for being "overly focused on a single country: Saudi Arabia, the world's largest exporter and OPEC swing producer." He also points to the large reserves at the "US Outer Continental Shelf, which holds an estimated 100 billion barrels (16×109 m3) of oil and natural gas. As things stand, however, only 15 percent of those reserves are currently exploitable, a good part of that off the coasts of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi and Texas. Hofmeister also contends that Simmons erred in excluding unconventional sources of oil such as the oil sands of Canada, where Shell is already active. The Canadian oil sands — a natural combination of sand, water and oil found largely in Alberta — is believed to contain one trillion barrels of oil. Another trillion barrels are also said to be trapped in rocks in Colorado, Utah and Wyoming,[168] but are in the form of oil shale. These particular reserves

Peak oil


present major environmental, social, and economic obstacles to recovery.[169] [170] Hofmeister also claims that if oil companies were allowed to drill more in the United States enough to produce another 2 million barrels per day (320×103 m3/d), oil and gas prices would not be as high as they are in the later part of the 2000 to 2010 decade. He thinks that high energy prices are causing social unrest similar to levels surrounding the Rodney King riots.[171] Dr. Christoph Rühl, Chief economist of BP, repeatedly uttered strong doubts about the peak oil hypothesis[172] Physical peak oil, which I have no reason to accept as a valid statement either on theoretical, scientific or ideological grounds, would be insensitive to prices. (...)In fact the whole hypothesis of peak oil – which is that there is a certain amount of oil in the ground, consumed at a certain rate, and then it's finished – does not react to anything.... (Global Warming) is likely to be more of a natural limit than all these peak oil theories combined. (...) Peak oil has been predicted for 150 years. It has never happened, and it will stay this way. According to Rühl, the main limitations for oil availability are "above ground" and are to be found in the availability of staff, expertise, technology, investment security, money and last but not least in global warming. The oil question is about price and not the basic availability. His views are shared by Daniel Yergin of CERA, who added that the recent high price phase might add to a future demise of the oil industry - not of lack of resources or an apocalyptic shock but the timely and smooth setup of alternatives.[173]

In Fiction
A novel set in a Peak-Oil crisis is Alex Scarrow's book - Last Light.[174] The book portrays the collapse of the United Kingdom, as a result of a full-scale terrorist attack against several important key installations in the Middle-East. It follows the experiences of a family, a father trapped in Iraq, a mother far away from her children, a daughter and son fending for themselves, as the complete break-down of law and order causes looting, deaths and worse. James Howard Kunstler, author of The Long Emergency[175] and The Geography of Nowhere[176] , fictionalized his predictions of post-oil civilization into a novel entitled World Made by Hand[177] [178] The book portrays the efforts of Robert Earle, a former software executive elected mayor of a small town in New York State, who faces the struggle of rebuilding a civil society amid arguing factions. The Mad Max movies are based in a dystopian Australia, in which (Mad Max 2: The Road Warrior explains) the general social collapse has occurred because of a global energy shortage, particularly of oil.

Peak oil


See also
• Category:Peak oil
Prediction • • • • • • • Backstop resources Global strategic petroleum reserves Hirsch report Hubbert Linearization Malthusian catastrophe Oil depletion Oil Storm, a docudrama about a future oil-shortage crisis. Economics • • • • • • • • • • • • • Bioeconomics 2007–2008 world food price crisis Economic crisis of 2008 Energy Accounting Energy security Econophysics Food security Gross domestic product per barrel Kuznets curve Limits to Growth Low-carbon economy Oil crises Oil price increases since 2003

• Olduvai theory • → What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire documentary film • World energy resources and consumption Technology • Energy conservation • Energy efficiency • • • • • • Energy development Green Revolution Fuel economy in automobiles Oil phase-out in Sweden Renewable energy Soft energy path

• OPEC • The Carbon War: Global Warming and the End of the Oil Era (book) • Thermoeconomics Others • Energy Crisis and The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil, a documentary about the Special Period • • • • Oil Shockwave → Overpopulation Over-consumption Risks to civilization, humans and planet Earth

Further information
• Colin J. Campbell, • Campbell Colin J (2004). The Essence of Oil & Gas Depletion. Multi-Science Publishing. ISBN 0-906522-19-6. • Campbell Colin J (2004). The Coming Oil Crisis. Multi-Science Publishing. ISBN 0-906522-11-0. • Campbell Colin J (2005). Oil Crisis. Multi-Science Publishing. ISBN 0-906522-39-0. • Kenneth S. Deffeyes, • Deffeyes Kenneth S (2002). Hubbert's Peak: The Impending World Oil Shortage. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-09086-6. • Deffeyes Kenneth S (2005). Beyond Oil: The View from Hubbert's Peak. Hill and Wang. ISBN 0-8090-2956-1. • Eberhart Mark (2007). Feeding the Fire: The Lost History and Uncertain Future of Mankind's Energy Addiction. Harmony. ISBN 978-0307237446. • Goodstein David (2005). Out of Gas: The End of the Age Of Oil. WW Norton. ISBN 0-393-05857-3.

Peak oil • → Richard Heinberg, • → Heinberg Richard (2003). The Party's Over: Oil, War, and the Fate of Industrial Societies. New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-482-7. • → Heinberg Richard (2004). Power Down: Options and Actions for a Post-Carbon World. New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-510-6. • → Heinberg Richard (2006). The Oil Depletion Protocol: A Plan to Avert Oil Wars, Terrorism and Economic Collapse. New Society Publishers. ISBN 0-86571-563-7. • Huber Peter (2005). The Bottomless Well. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-03116-1. • Kleveman Lutz C (2004). The New Great Game: Blood and Oil in Central Asia. Atlantic Monthly Press. ISBN 0-87113-906-5. • Kunstler James H (2005). The Long Emergency: Surviving the End of the Oil Age, Climate Change, and Other Converging Catastrophes. Atlantic Monthly Press. ISBN 0-87113-888-3. • Leggett Jeremy K (2005). The Empty Tank: Oil, Gas, Hot Air, and the Coming Financial Catastrophe. Random House. ISBN 1-4000-6527-5. • Leggett Jeremy K (2005). Half Gone: Oil, Gas, Hot Air and the Global Energy Crisis. Portobello Books. ISBN 1-8462-7004-9. • Leggett Jeremy K (2001). The Carbon War: Global Warming and the End of the Oil Era. Routledge. ISBN 0415931029. • Lovins Amory et al. (2005). Winning the Oil Endgame: Innovation for Profit, Jobs and Security. Rocky Mountain Institute. ISBN 1-881071-10-3. • Pfeiffer Dale Allen (2004). The End of the Oil Age. Lulu Press. ISBN 1-4116-0629-9. • Newman Sheila (2008). The Final Energy Crisis (2nd ed.). Pluto Press. ISBN 978-0-7453-2717-4. OCLC 228370383 [179]. • Leonardo Maugeri (2006). The Age of Oil: The Mythology, History, and Future of the World's Most Controversial Resource. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 0275990087. • Rashid, Ahmed, • Rashid Ahmed (2001). Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-08902-3. • Rashid Ahmed (2003). Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-09345-4. Rifkin Jeremy (2003). The Hydrogen Economy: After Oil, Clean Energy From a Fuel-Cell-Driven Global Hydrogen Web [180]. New York: J.P. Tarcher. ISBN 0-7456-3042-1. http:/ / www. emagazine. com/ view/ ?171. Roberts Paul (2004). The End of Oil. On the Edge of a Perilous New World. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 9780618239771. Ruppert Michael C (2005). Crossing the Rubicon: The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil. New Society. ISBN 978-0865715400. Simmons Matthew R (2005). Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil Shock and the World Economy. Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley & Sons. ISBN 0-471-73876-X. Shah Sonia (2004). Crude, The Story of Oil. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1-58322-625-7.


• • • •

• Simon Julian L (1998). The Ultimate Resource. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-00381-5. • Smil Vaclav (2005). Energy at the Crossroads: Global Perspectives and Uncertainties. MIT Press. ISBN 0-262-19492-9. • Stansberry Mark A, Reimbold Jason (2008). The Braking Point. Hawk Publishing. ISBN 978-1-930709-67-6.

Peak oil • David Strahan (2007). The Last Oil Shock: A Survival Guide to the Imminent Extinction of Petroleum Man. John Murray Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7195-6423-9. • Tertzakian Peter (2006). A Thousand Barrels a Second. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 0-07-146874-9. • Yeomans Matthew (2004). Oil, Anatomy of an Industry. New Press. ISBN 1-56584-885-3. • Yergin Daniel (1993). The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money & Power. Free Press. ISBN 0-671-79932-0.


• Tinker Scott W (2005-06-25). "Of peaks and valleys: Doomsday energy scenarios burn away under scrutiny [181]". Dallas Morning News. http:/ / www. jsg. utexas. edu/ news/ rels/ 062505a. html. • Benner Katie (2005-12-07). "Lawmakers: Will we run out of oil? [182]". CNN. http:/ / money. cnn. com/ 2005/ 12/ 07/ markets/ peak_oil/ index. htm. • Benner Katie (2004-11-03). "Oil: Is the end at hand? [183]". CNN. http:/ / money. cnn. com/ 2004/ 11/ 02/ markets/ peak_oil/ . • Mitchell John V (2006-08). "A new era for oil prices [184]" (PDF). http:/ / www. chathamhouse. org. uk/ pdf/ research/ sdp/ Oilprices0806. pdf. • "The future of oil [185]". Foreign Policy. http:/ / www. foreignpolicy. com/ story/ cms. php?story_id=3233. • Robert Hirsch (2008-06). "Peak oil: "A significant period of discomfort" [186]". Allianz Knowledge. http:/ / knowledge. allianz. com/ en/ globalissues/ safety_security/ energy_security/ hirsch_peak_oil_production. html. • Didier Houssin, International Energy Agency (2008-05). "Oil: “If you invest more, you find more” [187]". Allianz Knowledge. http:/ / knowledge. allianz. com/ en/ globalissues/ safety_security/ energy_security/ iea_energy_houssin. html. • Campbell Colin, Laherrère Jean. "The end of cheap oil [188]". Scientific American. http:/ / dieoff. org/ page140. htm. • International Energy Agency. Press release. http:/ / www. iea. org/ Textbase/ press/ pressdetail. asp?PRESS_REL_ID=137. • Williams Mark. "The end of oil? [189]". Technology Review (MIT). http:/ / www. technologyreview. com/ articles/ 05/ 02/ issue/ review_oil. asp. • Appenzeller Tim. "The end of cheap oil [190]". National Geographic. http:/ / ngm. nationalgeographic. com/ ngm/ 0406/ feature5/ . • Lynch Michael C. "The new pessimism about petroleum resources [191]". http:/ / www. gasresources. net/ Lynch(Hubbert-Deffeyes). htm. • Leonardo Maugeri (2004-05-20). "Oil: Never Cry Wolf—Why the Petroleum Age Is Far from over [192]". Science (journal). http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ node/ 347. • Rapier Robert (2006-04). "Peak Lite [193]". http:/ / i-r-squared. blogspot. com/ 2006/ 04/ peak-lite. html. • Snyder Robert E (2004-08). "Oil shale back in the picture [194]". World Oil. http:/ / www. worldoil. com/ Magazine/ MAGAZINE_DETAIL. asp?ART_ID=2378& MONTH_YEAR=Aug-2004. • Roberts Paul (2004-08). "Last Stop Gas [195]". Harper's Magazine: 71–72. http:/ / www. harpers. org/ LastStopGas. html. • Larry West. "Sweden aims to be world's first oil-free nation by 2020 environment. about. com/ od/ renewableenergy/ a/ oilfreesweden. htm.

". http:/ /

Peak oil • "'Peak oil' enters mainstream debate [197]". BBC News. http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ business/ 4077802. stm. • Welch Dan. "Between Peak Oil and Climate Change [198]". The Peakist. http:/ / www. thepeakist. com/ manifesto/ . • Mosher Donna. "Actions everyone can take to prepare for the possible end of an era [199] ". Citizens League for Environmental Action Now. http:/ / www. cleanhouston. org/ energy/ features/ oilactions. htm. • Alex Kuhlman (2006-06). "Peak oil and the collapse of commercial aviation [200]" (PDF). Airways. http:/ / www. oildecline. com/ airways. pdf. • Anonymous (2005-02-20). "A letter from oil exploration insider [201]". Energy Bulletin. http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ 4466. html. • Cochrane Troy (2008-01-04). "Peak oil?: Oil supply and accumulation [202]". Cultural Shifts. http:/ / culturalshifts. com/ archives/ 205. • Jaeon Kirby & Colin Campbell (2008-05-30). "Life at $200 a barrel [203]". Maclean's. http:/ / www. macleans. ca/ business/ economy/ article. jsp?content=20080528_21002_21002.


Reports, essays, and lectures
• "Crude oil - the supply outlook [204]" (PDF). Energy Watch Group. 2007-10-22. http:/ / www. energywatchgroup. org/ fileadmin/ global/ pdf/ EWG_Oilreport_10-2007. pdf. • "Doctoral thesis: Giant oil fields - the highway to oil: giant oil fields and their importance for future oil production [205]". Uppsala University. 2007-03-30. http:/ / publications. uu. se/ abstract. xsql?dbid=7625. • "Review: Oil-based technology and economy - prospects for the future [206]". The Danish Board of Technology (Teknologirådet). 2005-06-09. http:/ / www. tekno. dk/ subpage. php3?article=1025& toppic=kategori11& language=uk& category=11/ . • Jim Bliss (2005-07-05). "An introduction to peak oil [207]". http:/ / www. thesharpener. net/ ?p=41. • City of Portland, Peak Oil Task Force (March 2007). "Descending the oil peak: navigating the transition from oil and natural gas [208]". City of Portland, Oregon. http:/ / www. portlandonline. com/ osd/ index. cfm?c=42894. • "The end of oil [209]" (PDF). University of Otago Department of Physics. 2005-07. http:/ / www. physics. otago. ac. nz/ eman/ The%20End%20of%20Oil%20essay%201. pdf. • CERA (2006-11-14). Peak oil theory – “World running out of oil soon” – is faulty; could distort policy & energy debate [210]. Press release. http:/ / www. cera. com/ aspx/ cda/ public1/ news/ pressReleases/ pressReleaseDetails. aspx?CID=8444. • "Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels [211]". Parliament of Australia - Senate. 2007-02-07. http:/ / www. aph. gov. au/ SENATE/ committee/ rrat_ctte/ oil_supply/ report/ index. htm.

Peak oil


Video Documentary
• • • • • PetroApocalypse Now? (2008) Crude Awakening: The Oil Crash (2006) The End of Suburbia: Oil Depletion and the Collapse of the American Dream (2004) The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil (2006) → What a Way to Go: Life at the End of Empire (2007)

[1] Hubbert, Marion King (June 1956). " Nuclear Energy and the Fossil Fuels 'Drilling and Production Practice' (http:/ / www. hubbertpeak. com/ hubbert/ 1956/ 1956. pdf)" (PDF) in Spring Meeting of the Southern District. Division of Production. American Petroleum Institute.: 22-27, San Antonio, Texas: Shell Development Company. Retrieved on 2008-04-18. [2] Brandt, Adam R. (May 2007). " Testing Hubbert (http:/ / www. iaee. org/ en/ students/ best_papers/ Adam_Brandt. pdf)" (PDF). Energy Policy (Elsevier) 35 (5): 3074–3088. doi: 10.1016/j.enpol.2006.11.004 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ j. enpol. 2006. 11. 004). . [3] Gwyn, Richard (2004-01-28). " Demand for Oil Outstripping Supply (http:/ / www. commondreams. org/ views04/ 0128-10. htm)". Toronto Star. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [4] " CERA says peak oil theory is faulty (http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ 22381. html)". Energy Bulletin (Cambridge Energy Research Associates (CERA)). 2006-11-14. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [5] Deffeyes, Kenneth S (2007-01-19). " Current Events - Join us as we watch the crisis unfolding (http:/ / www. princeton. edu/ hubbert/ current-events. html)". Princeton University: Beyond Oil. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [6] Zittel, Werner; Schindler, Jorg (October 2007) (PDF). Crude Oil: The Supply Outlook (http:/ / www. energywatchgroup. org/ fileadmin/ global/ pdf/ EWG_Oilreport_10-2007. pdf). Energy Watch Group. EWG-Series No 3/2007. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [7] Cohen, Dave (2007-10-31). " The Perfect Storm (http:/ / www. aspo-usa. com/ archives/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view& id=243& Itemid=91)". Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [8] Koppelaar, Rembrandt H.E.M. (September 2006) (PDF). World Production and Peaking Outlook (http:/ / peakoil. nl/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2006/ 09/ asponl_2005_report. pdf). Peakoil Nederland. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [9] Bruno, Joe Bel (2008-03-08). " Oil Rally May Be Economy's Undoing (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ money/ economy/ 2008-03-08-3190491488_x. htm)". USA Today (Associated Press). . Retrieved on 2009-07-11. [10] " World oil demand 'to rise by 37%' (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ business/ 5099400. stm)". BBC News. 2006-06-20. . Retrieved on 2008-08-25. [11] " Petroleum and other liquid fuels (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ oiaf/ archive/ ieo07/ pdf/ oil. pdf)" (PDF). 2007 International Energy Outlook. United States Energy Information Administration. May 2007. . Retrieved on 2009-07-11. [12] (PDF) Annual Energy Review 2008 (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ emeu/ aer/ pdf/ pages/ sec1_3. pdf). United States Energy Information Administration. 2009-06-29. DOE/EIA-0384(2008). . Retrieved on 2009-07-11. [13] " Global Oil Consumption (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ pub/ oil_gas/ petroleum/ analysis_publications/ oil_market_basics/ demand_text. htm#Global Oil Consumption)". United States Energy Information Administration. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [14] Wood, John H.; Long, Gary R.; Morehouse, David F. (2004-08-18). " Long-Term World Oil Supply Scenarios: The Future Is Neither as Bleak or Rosy as Some Assert (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ pub/ oil_gas/ petroleum/ feature_articles/ 2004/ worldoilsupply/ oilsupply04. html)". United States Energy Information Administration. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [15] " Domestic Demand for Refined Petroleum Products by Sector (http:/ / www. bts. gov/ publications/ national_transportation_statistics/ html/ table_04_03. html)". United States Bureau of Transportation Statistics. . Retrieved on 2007-12-20. [16] " International Petroleum (Oil) Consumption Data (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ emeu/ international/ oilconsumption. html)". United States Energy Information Administration. . Retrieved on 2007-12-20. [17] (PDF) BP Statistical Review of Energy (http:/ / www. bp. com/ liveassets/ bp_internet/ globalbp/ globalbp_uk_english/ reports_and_publications/ statistical_energy_review_2008/ STAGING/ local_assets/ downloads/ pdf/ statistical_review_of_world_energy_full_review_2008. pdf). BP. June 2008. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27.

Peak oil
[18] " Oil price 'may hit $200 a barrel' (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ business/ 7387203. stm)". BBC News. 2008-05-07. . Retrieved on 2009-07-11. [19] Mcdonald, Joe (2008-04-21). " Gas guzzlers a hit in China, where car sales are booming (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ money/ economy/ 2008-04-21-2494500625_x. htm)". USA Today (Associated Press). . Retrieved on 2009-07-11. [20] O'Brien, Kevin (2008-07-02). " China's Negative Economic Outlook (http:/ / seekingalpha. com/ article/ 83459-china-s-negative-economic-outlook)". Seeking Alpha. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [21] " China and India: A Rage for Oil (http:/ / www. businessweek. com/ bwdaily/ dnflash/ aug2005/ nf20050825_4692_db016. htm?chan=gb)". Business Week. 2005-08-25. . Retrieved on 2008-07-27. [22] Goldstein, Steve (2009-01-26). " IEA sees first two-year oil demand fall in 26 years (http:/ / www. marketwatch. com/ news/ story/ iea-forecasts-first-two-year-oil/ story. aspx?guid={046FC369-8971-4669-A3E2-F94414A8DA60})". The Wall Street Journal. . Retrieved on 2009-07-11. [23] Gold, Russell; Campoy, Ana (2009-04-13). " Oil Industry Braces for Drop in U.S. Thirst for Gasoline (http:/ / online. wsj. com/ article/ SB123957686061311925. html)". The Wall Street Journal. . Retrieved on 2009-04-21. [24] Duncan, Richard C (November 2001). " The Peak of World Oil Production and the Road to the Olduvai Gorge (http:/ / dieoff. org/ page224. htm)". Population and Environment (Springer Netherlands) 22 (5): 503–522. doi: 10.1023/A:1010793021451 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1023/ A:1010793021451). ISSN 1573-7810 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ issn/ 1573-7810). . Retrieved on 2009-07-11. [25] Total Midyear Population for the World: 1950-2050 (http:/ / www. census. gov/ compendia/ statab/ tables/ 09s1285. xls). United States Census Bureau. 2008-06-18. . Retrieved on 2007-12-20. [26] Savinar, Matt. " Are We 'Running Out'? I Thought There Was 40 Years of the Stuff Left (http:/ / www. lifeaftertheoilcrash. net/ )". Life After the Oil Crash. . Retrieved on 2007-12-20. [27] Mieszkowski, Katharine (2006-03-22). " The oil is going, the oil is going! (http:/ / www. salon. com/ news/ feature/ 2006/ 03/ 22/ peakoil/ )". (Salon Media Group). . Retrieved on 2008-03-08. [28] Bartlett, Albert A. (2004-08-27). " Thoughts on Long-Term Energy Supplies: Scientists and the Silent Lie (http:/ / fire. pppl. gov/ energy_population_pt_0704. pdf)" (PDF). Physics Today (American Institute of Physics) 57 (7): 53–57. ISSN 0031-9228 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ issn/ 0031-9228). . Retrieved on 2008-03-08. [29] " International Petroleum (Oil) Production Data (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ emeu/ international/ oilproduction. html)". United States Energy Information Administration. . Retrieved on 2008-03-31. [30] " The World Factbook (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ publications/ the-world-factbook/ geos/ XX. html)". United States Central Intelligence Agency. 2008-03-20. . Retrieved on 2008-03-31. [31] " Table of World Oil Production 2006 (http:/ / www. bp. com/ liveassets/ bp_internet/ globalbp/ globalbp_uk_english/ reports_and_publications/ statistical_energy_review_2006/ STAGING/ local_assets/ downloads/ pdf/ table_of_world_oil_production_2006. pdf)" (PDF). BP Statistical Review of Energy. BP. June 2006. . Retrieved on 2007-12-20. [32] Goodchild, Peter (2007-10-29). " Peak Oil And Famine:Four Billion Deaths (http:/ / www. countercurrents. org/ goodchild291007. htm)". Countercurrents. . Retrieved on 2008-08-21. [33] A list of over 20 published articles and books from government and journal sources supporting this thesis have been compiled at (http:/ / dieoff. org/ ) in the section "Food, Land, Water, and Population." [34] Pfeiffer, Dale Allen (2004). " Eating Fossil Fuels (http:/ / www. fromthewilderness. com/ free/ ww3/ 100303_eating_oil. html)". From The Wilderness Publications. . Retrieved on 2008-08-21. [35] Bradley, David (2004-02-06) (PDF). A Great Potential: The Great Lakes as a Regional Renewable Energy Source (http:/ / greengold. org/ wind/ documents/ 107. pdf). . Retrieved on 2008-10-04. [36] Hirsch, Tim (2001-12-24). " Iceland launches energy revolution (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 1727312. stm)". BBC News. . Retrieved on 2008-03-23. [37] Donnelly, John (2005-12-11). " Price rise and new deep-water technology opened up offshore drilling (http:/ / www. boston. com/ news/ world/ articles/ 2005/ 12/ 11/ price_rise_and_new_deep_water_technology_opened_up_offshore_drilling/ )". The Boston Globe. . Retrieved on 2008-08-21. [38] Campbell, C. J. (December 2000). " Peak Oil Presentation at the Technical University of Clausthal (http:/ / energycrisis. org/ de/ lecture. html)". . Retrieved on 2008-08-21. [39] Longwell, Harry J. (2002). " The Future of the Oil and Gas Industry: Past Approaches, New Challenges (http:/ / www. worldenergysource. com/ articles/ pdf/ longwell_WE_v5n3. pdf)" (PDF). World Energy Magazine (Loomis Publishing Services) 5 (3): 100-104. . Retrieved on 2008-08-21. [40] " The general picture (http:/ / www. aspo-ireland. org/ contentFiles/ newsletterPDFs/ Newsletter80_200708. pdf)" (PDF). Ireland: Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas. 2007-08. pp. 2. . Retrieved on 2008-08-21. [41] " Oil industry report says demand to outpace crude oil production (http:/ / www. iht. com/ articles/ ap/ 2007/ 07/ 16/ america/ NA-FIN-US-Oil-Report. php)". International Herald Tribune. 2007-07-16. . Retrieved on


Peak oil
2008-08-26. [42] " UK Oil Reserves and Estimated Ultimate Recovery 2007 (http:/ / www. og. dti. gov. uk/ information/ bb_updates/ chapters/ Table4_3. htm)". Department of Business Enterprise and Business Reform. 2007-9. . Retrieved on 2008-08-19. [43] Maass Peter (August 21, 2005). " The Breaking Point (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2005/ 08/ 21/ magazine/ 21OIL. html)". New York Times. . Retrieved on 2008-08-26. [44] " Briefing: Exxon increases budget for oil exploration (http:/ / www. iht. com/ articles/ 2007/ 03/ 07/ business/ ibrief. php)". International Herald Tribune. 2007-03-07. . Retrieved on 2008-08-26. [45] " Shell plans huge spending increase (http:/ / www. iht. com/ articles/ 2005/ 12/ 14/ news/ shell. php)". International Herald Tribune. 2005-12-14. . Retrieved on 2008-08-26. [46] Boxell, James (2004-10-10). " Top Oil Groups Fail to Recoup Exploration (http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ 2470. html)". Energy Bulletin. . Retrieved on 2008-08-26. [47] Gerth, Jeff (2004-02-24). " Forecast of Rising Oil Demand Challenges Tired Saudi Fields (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2004/ 02/ 24/ business/ 24OIL. html)". New York Times. . Retrieved on 2008-08-26. [48] Morsfeld, Carl (2004-10-10). " How Shell blew a hole in a 100-year reputation (http:/ / business. timesonline. co. uk/ tol/ business/ article991863. ece)". The Times. . Retrieved on 2008-08-26. [49] Darwish, Badrya (June 16, 2008). " What lies beneath? (http:/ / www. kuwaittimes. net/ read_news. php?newsid=MjM0ODI5MzU=)". Kuwait Times. . Retrieved on 2008-08-26. [50] Javed, Ali (2000-12-01). " The Economic and Environmental Impact of the Gulf War on Kuwait and the Persian Gulf (http:/ / www. american. edu/ TED/ kuwait. htm)". American University Trade and Environment Database. . Retrieved on 2007-11-18. [51] Palast, Greg (2006-05-23). " No Peaking: The Hubbert Humbug (http:/ / www. gnn. tv/ articles/ 2295/ No_Peaking_The_Hubbert_Humbug)". Guerrilla News Network. . Retrieved on 2007-11-16. 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A Scientific-Technical Journal (Estonian Academy Publishers) 20 (3): 193–252, ISSN 0208-189X (http:/ / worldcat. org/ issn/ 0208-189X), , retrieved on 2007-06-17 [57] Johnson, Harry R.; Crawford, Peter M.; Bunger, James W. (2004) (PDF). Strategic significance of America's oil shale resource. Volume II: Oil shale resources, technology and economics (http:/ / www. fossil. energy. gov/ programs/ reserves/ npr/ publications/ npr_strategic_significancev2. pdf). Office of Deputy Assistant Secretary for Petroleum Reserves; Office of Naval Petroleum and Oil Shale Reserves; United States Department of Energy. . Retrieved on 2007-06-23. [58] Excluding Unconventional World Oil Reserves (http:/ / www. runet. edu/ ~wkovarik/ oil/ 3unconventional. html) [59] Dusseault, Maurice (2002) (PDF). Emerging Technology for Economic Heavy Oil Development (http:/ / www. energy. gov. ab. ca/ OilSands/ pdfs/ RPT_Chops_app2. pdf). Alberta Department of Energy. . Retrieved on 2008-05-24. 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Peak oil
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External links
Web sites
• Association for the Study of Peak Oil International (http:/ / www. peakoil. net/ ) • ASPO-USA (http:/ / www. aspo-usa. org/ ) • Eating Fossil Fuels (http:/ / www. fromthewilderness. com/ free/ ww3/ 100303_eating_oil. html) • Energy Bulletin (http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ ) Peak Oil related articles • Global Oil Watch (http:/ / www. globaloilwatch. com/ ) - Extensive peak oil library • Energy Export Databrowser (http:/ / mazamascience. com/ OilExport/ ) - A visual review of production and consumption trends for individual nations; data from the 2009 BP Statistical Review. • Peak Oil For Dummies (http:/ / www. peakoilfordummies. com/ ) - concise quotes from renowned politicians, oil executives, and analysts • Petroleum Data (http:/ / www. eia. doe. gov/ oil_gas/ petroleum/ info_glance/ petroleum. html) U.S. Energy Information Agency • The Oil Age (http:/ / www. oilcareer. com/ the-oil-age-poster-2. htm) - poster showing petroleum data in relation to peak oil

Peak oil • Peak Oil Crisis News (http:/ / peak-oil-crisis. org/ ) - Automatically updated news from several news websites plus a real time crude price • Pro and Con arguments to the question "Is global oil production at (or past) its peak?" (http:/ / alternativeenergy. procon. org/ viewanswers. asp?questionID=001257)


Online audio, podcasts
• David Holmgren (2004-07-28). " David Holmgren talks about Peak Oil and Permaculture (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ holmgren_energy_descent)". http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ holmgren_energy_descent.

Online videos
• " EnergyChallenge TV - Peak Oil Video and Audio (http:/ / www. energychallenge. tv/ )". ASPO-USA. 2007-02-12. http:/ / www. energychallenge. tv/ . • " Rep. Prof. Roscoe Bartlett's to U.S. House of Representatives (http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ 5080. html)". CSPAN. 2005-04-05. http:/ / www. energybulletin. net/ 5080. html. • " Video interview with Richard Heinberg (http:/ / tv. oneworld. net/ article/ view/ 152547)". OneWorldTV. http:/ / tv. oneworld. net/ article/ view/ 152547. • (http:/ / www. whatispeakoil. com/ ) - A collection of 30 online videos related to Peak Oil, including 4 notable full length documentaries

Overpopulation is a condition where an organism's numbers exceed the carrying capacity of its habitat. In common parlance, the term usually refers to the relationship between the human population and its environment, the Earth.[1] Overpopulation does not Map of countries by population density, per square kilometer. (See depend only on the size or List of countries by population density.) density of the population, but on the ratio of population to available sustainable resources, and on the means of resource use and distribution used by that population. If a given environment has a population of 10 individuals, but there is



food or drinking water enough for only 9, then in a closed system where no trade is possible, that environment is overpopulated; if the population is 100 but there is enough food, shelter, and water for 200 for the indefinite future, then it is not overpopulated. Overpopulation can result from an increase in births, a decline in mortality rates due to medical advances, from an increase in immigration, or from an → unsustainable biome and depletion of resources. It is possible for very sparsely-populated areas to be overpopulated, as the area in question may have a meager or non-existent capability to sustain human life (e.g. the middle of the Sahara Desert or Antarctica).

Areas of high population densities, calculated in 1994.

Map of countries and territories by fertility rate (See List of countries and territories by fertility rate.)

The resources to be considered when evaluating whether an ecological niche is overpopulated include clean water, clean air, food, shelter, warmth, and other resources necessary to sustain life. If the quality of human life is addressed, there may be additional resources considered, such as medical care, education, proper sewage treatment and waste disposal. Overpopulation places competitive stress on the basic life sustaining resources, leading to a diminished quality of life.[2] Steve Jones, head of the biology department at University College London, has said, "Humans are 10,000 times more common than we should be, according to the rules of the animal kingdom, and we have agriculture to thank for that. Without farming, the world population would probably have reached half a million by now." [3] Some countries have managed to increase their carrying capacity by using technologies such as modern agriculture, desalination, and nuclear power.



Population growth
In order to better present the subject of overpopulation, it may be useful to first review the current population of the world in the context of human population from the dawn of civilization to date. Civilization began roughly 10,000 years ago, coinciding with: • the final receding of ice following the end of the most recent glacial period and • the start of the "→ Neolithic Revolution" when there was a shift in human activity away from “hunter-gathering” and towards very primitive farming. • At the dawn of agriculture, about 8,000BC, the population of the world was approximately 5 million[4] . • Minimal change in population for many thousands of years ending around 1,000BC. • Steady growth began around 1,000BC which then plateaued (or alternatively peaked [5]) around the year 0., at about 200 to 300 million. • The trend for next 800 - 900 years from around 800AD onwards was slow but steady growth, though with major disruption from frequent plagues (most notably the Black Death during the 14th century). • Yet faster growth from the start of the Industrial Revolution around 1700AD. About 1 billion persons estimated by 1804. • At over 6.7 billion[6] World Population is approximately 3 times higher in 2009 than it was at approximately 2.3 billion or less[7] in 1939, despite loss of life during World War II (an upper estimate of which is some 72 million). • Dramatic growth since around 1950 coinciding with greatly increased food production as a result of the heavy industrialisation of agriculture (known as the Green Revolution). Population is forecast to carry on growing to 8.9 billion, 9.2 billion [8], 9.5 billion [9] or perhaps even 11 billion [10] by 2050. Clearly, an inspection of the graphs above reveals the unusual and very pronounced negative skewing. In this case that means after many thousands of years of minimal population there has, for the first time in human history, been a period of consistently rapid

Overpopulation population increase followed more recently by a spectacular and unprecedented increase.


Projections to 2050
United Nations reports, such as World Population Prospects


• World population is currently growing by approximately 74 million people per year. If current fertility rates continued, in 2050 the total world population would be 11 billion, with 169 million people added each year. However, global fertility rates have been falling for decades, and the updated United Nations figures project that the world population will reach 9.2 billion around 2050.[12] [13] This is the medium variant figure which assumes a decrease in average fertility from the present level of 2.5 down to 2. • Almost all growth will take place in the less developed regions, where today’s 5.3 billion population of underdeveloped countries is expected to increase to 7.8 billion in 2050. By contrast, the population of the more developed regions will remain mostly unchanged, at 1.2 billion. The world's population is expected to rise by 40% to 9.1 billion. An exception is the United States population, which is expected to increase 44% from 305 million in 2008 to 439 million in 2050.[14] • In 2000-2005, the average world fertility was 2.65 children per woman, about half the level in 1950-1955 (5 children per woman). In the medium variant, global fertility is projected to decline further to 2.05 children per woman. • During 2005-2050, nine countries are expected to account for half of the world’s projected population increase: India, Pakistan, Nigeria, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Bangladesh, Uganda, United States of America, Ethiopia, and China, listed according to the size of their contribution to population growth. • Global life expectancy at birth, which is estimated to have risen from 46 years in 1950-1955 to 65 years in 2000-2005, is expected to keep rising to reach 75 years in 2045-2050. In the more developed regions, the projected increase is from 75 years today to 82 years by mid-century. Among the least developed countries, where life expectancy today is just under 50 years, it is expected to be 66 years in 2045-2050. • The population of 51 countries or areas, including Germany, Italy, Japan and most of the successor States of the former Soviet Union, is expected to be lower in 2050 than in 2005. • During 2005-2050, the net number of international migrants to more developed regions is projected to be 98 million. Because deaths are projected to exceed births in the more developed regions by 73 million during 2005-2050, population growth in those regions will largely be due to international migration. • In 2000-2005, net migration in 28 countries either prevented population decline or doubled at least the contribution of natural increase (births minus deaths) to population growth. These countries include Austria, Canada, Croatia, Denmark, Germany, Italy, Portugal, Qatar, Singapore, Spain, Sweden, United Arab Emirates and United Kingdom.[15] • Birth rates are now falling in a small percentage of developing countries, while the actual populations in many developed countries would fall without immigration.[16] • By 2050 (Medium variant), India will have almost 1.7 billion people, China 1.4 billion, United States 400 million, Indonesia 297 million, Pakistan 292 million, Nigeria 289 million, Bangladesh 254 million, Brazil 254 million, Democratic Republic of the Congo 187 million, Ethiopia 183 million, Philippines 141 million, Mexico 132 million, Egypt 121 million, Vietnam 120 million, Russia 108 million, Japan 103 million, Iran 100 million,

Overpopulation Turkey 99 million, Uganda 93 million, Tanzania 85 million, and Kenya 85 million. 2050 • • • • • Africa - 1.9 billion Asia - 5.2 billion Europe - 664 million Latin America & Caribbean - 769 million Northern America - 445 million[17]


Demographic transition
The theory of demographic transition, while unproven to apply to all world regions, holds that, after the standard of living and life expectancy increase, family sizes and birth rates decline. Factors cited include such social factors as later ages of marriage, the growing desire of many women in such settings to seek careers outside child rearing and domestic work, and the decreased need of children in industrialized settings. The latter factor stems from the fact that children perform a great deal of work in small-scale agricultural societies, and work less in industrial ones; it has been cited to explain the decline in birth rates in industrializing regions.

United Nation's population projections by location.

Another version of demographic transition is that of Virginia Abernethy in Population Politics, where she claims that the demographic transition occurs primarily in nations where women enjoy a special status (see Fertility-opportunity theory). In strongly patriarchal nations, where she claims women enjoy few special rights, a high standard of living tends to result in population growth. Many countries have high population growth rates but lower total fertility rates because high population growth in the past skewed the age demographic toward a young age, so the population still rises as the more numerous younger generation approaches maturity. "Demographic entrapment" is a concept developed by Maurice King, who posits that this phenomenon occurs when a country has a population larger than its carrying capacity, no possibility of migration, and exports too little to be able to import food. This will cause starvation. He claims that for example many sub-Saharan nations are or will become stuck in demographic entrapment, instead of having a demographic transition.[18] For the world as a whole, the number of children born per woman decreased from 5.02 to 2.65 between 1950 and 2005. A breakdown by continent is as follows: • Europe 2.66 to 1.41

Overpopulation • • • • • • • North America 3.47 to 1.99 Oceania 3.87 to 2.30 Central America 6.38 to 2.66 South America 5.75 to 2.51 Asia (excluding Middle East) 5.85 to 2.43 Middle East & North Africa 6.99 to 3.37 Sub-Saharan Africa 6.7 to 5.53


In 2050, the projected world number of children born per woman is 2.05. Only the Middle East & North Africa (2.09) and Sub-Saharan Africa (2.61) will then have numbers greater than 2.05.[19]

Carrying capacity
Scientific estimates of the carrying capacity of Earth range between one and two billion people, depending on the values used in calculations.[20] In a study titled Food, Land, Population and the U.S. Economy, David Pimentel, professor of ecology and agriculture at Cornell University, and Mario Giampietro, senior researcher at the US National Research Institute on Food and Nutrition (INRAN), estimate the maximum U.S. population for a → sustainable economy at 200 million. To achieve a sustainable economy and avert disaster, the United States must reduce its population by at least one-third, and world population will have to be reduced by two-thirds, says the study.[21] Steve Jones, head of the biology department at University College London, has said, "Humans are 10,000 times more common than we should be, according to the rules of the animal kingdom, and we have agriculture to thank for that. Without farming, the world population would probably have reached half a million by now." [22] Some groups (for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature[23] [24] and the Global Footprint Network[25] ) have stated that the carrying capacity for the human population has been exceeded as measured using the ecological footprint. In 2006, WWF's "Living Planet" report stated that in order for all humans to live with a high degree of luxury (European standards), we would be spending three times more than what the planet can supply.[26] But critics question the simplifications and statistical methods used in calculating ecological footprints. Some point out that a more refined method of assessing ecological footprint is to designate sustainable versus non-sustainable categories of consumption.[27]

David Pimentel,[29] Professor Emeritus at Cornell University, has stated that "With the imbalance growing between population numbers and vital life sustaining resources, humans must actively conserve cropland, freshwater, energy, and biological resources. There is a need to develop renewable energy resources. Humans everywhere must understand that rapid population growth damages the Earth’s resources and diminishes human well-being."[30] [31] These reflect the comments also of the United States Geological Survey in their paper The Future of Planet Earth: Scientific Challenges in the Coming Century [32]. "As the global population continues to grow...people will place greater and greater demands on the resources of our planet, including mineral and energy resources, open space, water, and

Overpopulation plant and animal resources." "Earth's natural wealth: an audit" by New Scientist magazine states that many of the minerals that we use for a variety of products are in danger of running out in the near future. "[no close quote follows.] A handful of geologists around the world have calculated the costs of new technologies in terms of the materials they use and the implications of their spreading to the developing world. All agree that the planet's booming population and rising standards of living are set to put unprecedented demands on the materials that only Earth itself can provide. Limitations on how much of these materials is available could even mean that some technologies are not worth pursuing long term.... "Virgin stocks of several metals appear inadequate to sustain the modern 'developed world' quality of life for all of Earth's people under contemporary technology".[33]


On the other hand, some writers, such as Julian Simon and Bjorn Lomborg believe that resources exist for further population growth. However, critics warn, this will be at a high cost to the Earth: "the technological optimists are probably correct in claiming that overall world food production can be increased substantially over the next few decades...[however] the environmental cost of what Paul R. and Anne H. Ehrlich describe as 'turning the Earth into a giant human feedlot' could be severe. A large expansion of agriculture to provide growing populations with improved diets is likely to lead to further deforestation, loss of species, soil erosion, and pollution from pesticides and fertilizer runoff as farming intensifies and new land is brought into production."[34] Since we are intimately dependent upon the living systems of the Earth,[35] [36] [37] scientists have questioned the wisdom of further expansion.[38] According to the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, a four-year research effort by 1,360 of the world’s leading scientists commissioned to measure the actual value of natural resources to humans and the world, "The structure of the world’s ecosystems changed more rapidly in the second half of the twentieth century than at any time in recorded human history, and virtually all of Earth’s ecosystems have now been significantly transformed through human actions."[39] "Ecosystem services, particularly food production, timber and fisheries, are important for employment and economic activity. Intensive use of ecosystems often produces the greatest short-term advantage, but excessive and unsustainable use can lead to losses in the long term. A country could cut its forests and deplete its fisheries, and this would show only as a positive gain to GDP, despite the loss of capital assets. If the full economic value of ecosystems were taken into account in decision-making, their degradation could be significantly slowed down or even reversed."[40] [41] The MA blames habitat loss and fragmentation for the continuing disappearance of species. Another study by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) called the Global Environment Outlook [42] which involved 1,400 scientists and took five years to prepare comes to similar conclusions. It "found that human consumption had far outstripped available resources. Each person on Earth now requires a third more land to supply his or her needs than the planet can supply." It faults a failure to "respond to or recognise the magnitude of the challenges facing the people and the environment of the planet... 'The systematic destruction of the Earth's natural and nature-based resources has reached a point where the economic viability of economies is being challenged - and where the bill we hand to our children may prove impossible to pay'... The report's authors say its objective is 'not to present a dark and gloomy scenario, but an urgent call to action'. It warns that tackling the problems may affect the vested interests of powerful groups, and that the environment must be moved to the core of decision-making... '[43]

Overpopulation Additionally, other issues involving quality of life - would most people want to live in a world of billions more people - and the basic right of other species to exist in their native environments come into play. Although all resources, whether mineral or other, are limited on the planet, there is a degree of self-correction whenever a scarcity or high-demand for a particular kind is experienced. For example in 1990 known reserves of many natural resources were higher, and their prices lower, than in 1970, despite higher demand and higher consumption. Whenever a price spike would occur, the market tended to correct itself whether by substituting an equivalent resource or switching to a new technology.[44]


Fresh water
Fresh water supplies, on which agriculture depends, are running low worldwide.[45] [46] This water crisis is only expected to worsen as the population increases. Lester R. Brown of the Earth Policy Institute argues that declining water supplies will have future disastrous consequences for agriculture.[47] Fresh water can also be obtained from salt water by desalination. For example, Malta derives two thirds of its freshwater by desalination. A number of nuclear powered desalination plants exist,[48] and some argue that there are billions of years of nuclear fuel available.[49] But the high costs of desalination, especially for poor countries, make impractical the transport of large amounts of desalinated seawater to interiors of large countries.[50] However, while desalinizing 1,000 gallons of water can cost as much as $3, the same amount of bottled water costs $7,945. [51] One study found that "one needs to lift the water by 2000 m, or transport it over more than 1600 km to get transport costs equal to the desalination costs. Desalinated water is expensive in places that are both somewhat far from the sea and somewhat high, such as Riyadh and Harare. In other places, the dominant cost is desalination, not transport. This leads to somewhat lower costs in places like Beijing, Bangkok, Zaragoza, Phoenix, and, of course, coastal cities like Tripoli." Thus while the study is generally positive about the technology for affluent areas that are proximate to oceans, it concludes that "Desalinated water may be a solution for some water-stress regions, but not for places that are poor, deep in the interior of a continent, or at high elevation. Unfortunately, that includes some of the places with biggest water problems."[52] Israel is now desalinating water for a cost of 53 cents per cubic meter,[53] Singapore at 49 cents per cubic meter.[54] In the United States, the cost is 81 cents per cubic meter ($3.06 for 1,000 gallons). [55] Another problem of desalination is the "lethal byproduct of saline brine that is a major cause of marine pollution when dumped back into the oceans at high temperatures."[56] The world's largest desalination plant is the Jebel Ali Desalination Plant (Phase 2) in the United Arab Emirates, which can produce 300 million cubic meters of water per year,[57] or about 2500 gallons per second. The largest desalination plant in the US is the one at Tampa Bay, Florida, which began desalinizing 25 million gallons (95000 m³) of water per day in December 2007.[58] A January 17, 2008, article in the Wall Street Journal states, "Worldwide, 13,080 desalination plants produce more than 12 billion gallons of water a day, according to the International Desalination Association." [59] After being desalinized at Jubail, Saudi Arabia, water is pumped 200 miles (320 km) inland though a pipeline to the capital city of Riyadh. [60]



Some argue there is enough food to support the world population,[61] dispute this, particularly if sustainability is taken into account.[63]

but other sources

More than 100 countries now import wheat and 40 countries import rice. Egypt and Iran rely on imports for 40% of their grain supply. Algeria, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan import 70% or more. Yemen and Israel import more than 90%. And just 6 countries - the US, Canada, France, Australia, Argentina and Thailand - supply 90% of grain exports. The US alone supplies almost half of world grain exports.[64] [65] A 2001 United Nations report says population growth is "the main force driving increases in agricultural demand" but "most recent expert assessments are cautiously optimistic about the ability of global food production to keep up with demand for the foreseeable future (that is to say, until approximately 2030 or 2050)", assuming declining population growth rates.[66] Global perspective The amounts of natural resources in this context are not necessarily fixed, and their distribution is not necessarily a zero-sum game. For example, due to the Green Revolution and the fact that more and more land is appropriated each year from wild lands for agricultural purposes, the worldwide production of food had steadily increased up until 1995. World food production per person was considerably higher in 2005 than 1961.[67] As world population doubled from 3 billion to 6 billion, daily calorie consumption in poor countries increased from 1,932 to 2,650, and the percentage of people in those countries who were malnourished fell from 45% to 18%. This suggests that Third World poverty and famine are caused by underdevelopment, not overpopulation.[68] However, others question these statistics.[69]

Growth in food production has been greater than population growth. Food per person increased during the 1961-2005 period.

The number of people who are overweight has surpassed the number who are undernourished. In a 2006 news story, MSNBC reported, "There are an estimated 800 million undernourished people and more than a billion considered overweight worldwide."[70] The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations states in its report The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2006, that while the number of undernourished people in the developing countries has declined by about three million, a smaller proportion of the populations of developing countries is undernourished today than in 1990–92: 17% against 20%. Furthermore, FAO’s projections suggest that the proportion of hungry people in developing countries could be halved from 1990-92 levels to 10% by 2015. The FAO also states "We have emphasized first and foremost that reducing hunger is no longer a question of means in the hands of the global community. The world is richer today than it was ten years ago. There is more food available and still more could be produced without excessive

Overpopulation upward pressure on prices. The knowledge and resources to reduce hunger are there. What is lacking is sufficient political will to mobilize those resources to the benefit of the hungry." [71]PDF


As of 2008, the price of grain has increased due to more farming used in biofuels,[72] world oil prices at over $100 a barrel,[73] global population growth,[74] climate change,[75] loss of agricultural land to residential and industrial development,[76] [77] and growing consumer demand in China and India[78] [79] Food riots have recently taken place in many countries across the world.[80] [81] [82] An epidemic of stem rust on wheat caused by race Ug99 is currently spreading across Africa and into Asia and is causing major concern. A virulent wheat disease could destroy most of the world’s main wheat crops, leaving millions to starve. The fungus has spread from Africa to Iran, and may already be in Afghanistan and Pakistan.[83] [84] [85] Africa In Africa, if current trends of soil degradation and population growth continue, the continent might be able to feed just 25% of its population by 2025, according to UNU's Ghana-based Institute for Natural Resources in Africa.[86] Hunger and malnutrition kill nearly 6 million children a year, and more people are malnourished in sub-Saharan Africa this decade than in the 1990s, according to a report released by the Food and Agriculture Organization. In sub-Saharan Africa, the number of malnourished people grew to 203.5 million people in 2000-02 from 170.4 million 10 years earlier says The State of Food Insecurity in the World report. According to the BBC, the famine in Zimbabwe was caused by government seizure of farmland.[87] However drought has also played a major role.[88] Drought in southern Africa now threatens 13 million people with famine, 6 million of whom live in Zimbabwe.[89] The current food shortages are projected to worsen. [89] Prior to this combination of drought and seizure of farmland, Zimbabwe exported so much food that it was called "the breadbasket of southern Africa", so other countries were also harmed by these farm seizures.[87] People who study the Zimbabwean famine claim that there are normally more [89] [90] [91] than enough natural resources to feed the people. Some claim that the dams and rivers in Zimbabwe are full, and that the famine has nothing to do with drought.[92] Although it is undoubtedly true that bad governance has exacerbated the famine, the article notes that "Four weeks without rain at the critical germination phase has led to the failure of [the villagers] small crops. There will be no harvest again until next June." Prior to President Robert Mugabe's seizure of the farmland in Zimbabwe, the farmers had been using irrigation to deal with drought, but during the seizures of the farmland, much of the irrigation equipment was vandalized and looted.[93] [94] A 2006 BBC article about the seizure of farmland states, "Critics say the reforms have devastated the economy and led to massive hunger. Much of the formerly white-owned land is no longer being productively used - either because the beneficiaries have no experience of farming or they lack finance and tools. Many farms were wrecked when they were invaded by government supporters."[95] Compared to Zimbabwe's population density of 33 people per square kilometre, Israel has 302 people per square kilometre.[96] Although Israel is a desert country with frequent drought and very high population density, it does not have famine. One possible reason for this is that its government encourages farmers to use modern agriculture and irrigation to

Overpopulation grow huge amounts of food.[97] [98] Another possible reason is that Israel is a net importer of food.[99] It must also be noted that the high productivity of modern agriculture depends on the unsustainable use of fossil fuels to produce fertilizer and pesticide and to drive farming machinery.[100] Asia In China, only 8% of children are underweight.[101] According to a 2004 article from the BBC, China, the world's most populous country, suffers from an obesity epidemic.[102] More recent data indicate China's grain production peaked in the mid 1990s, due to overextraction of groundwater in the North China plain.[103] Nearly half of India's children are malnourished, according to recent government data. Japan may face a food crisis that could reduce daily diets to the austere meals of the 1950s, believes a senior government adviser.[104] America According to a 2007 article from the BBC, scientists at Columbia University have theorized that in the future, densely populated cities such as Mexico City, Los Angeles, and New York City, which are the largest in North America, may use vertical farming to grow food on each floor of 30-story skyscrapers.[105] Population as a function of food availability Thinkers such as David Pimentel,[106] a professor from Cornell University, Virginia Abernethy,[107] Alan Thornhill,[108] Russell Hopffenberg[109] and author → Daniel Quinn[110] propose that like all other animals, human populations predictably grow and shrink according to their available food supply – populations grow in an abundance of food, and shrink in times of scarcity. Proponents of this theory argue that every time food production is increased, the population grows. Some human populations throughout history support this theory. Populations of → hunter-gatherers fluctuate in accordance with the amount of available food. Population increased after the → Neolithic Revolution and an increased food supply. This was followed by subsequent population growth after subsequent agricultural revolutions. Critics of this idea point out that birth rates are lowest in the developed nations, which also have the highest access to food. In fact, some developed countries have both a diminishing population and an abundant food supply. The United Nations projects that the population of 51 countries or areas, including Germany, Italy, Japan and most of the states of the former Soviet Union, is expected to be lower in 2050 than in 2005.[15] This shows that when one limits their scope to the population living within a given political boundary, human populations do not always grow to match the available food supply. Additionally, many of these countries are major exporters of food. Nevertheless, on the global scale the world population is increasing,[111] as is the net quantity of human food produced - a pattern that has been true for roughly 10,000 years, since the human development of agriculture. That some countries demonstrate negative population growth fails to discredit the theory. Food moves across borders from areas of abundance to areas of scarcity. Additionally, this hypothesis is not so simplistic as to be rejected by a single case study, as in Germany's recent population trends - clearly other factors are at work: contraceptive access, cultural norms and most importantly economic


Overpopulation realities differ from nation to nation. As a result of water deficits Water deficits, which are already spurring heavy grain imports in numerous smaller countries, may soon do the same in larger countries, such as China or India.[112] The water tables are falling in scores of countries (including Northern China, the US, and India) owing to widespread overdrafting beyond sustainable yields. Other countries affected include Pakistan, Iran, and Mexico. This overdrafting is already leading to water scarcity and cutbacks in grain harvest. Even with the overpumping of its aquifers, China has developed a grain deficit. This effect has contributed in driving grain prices upward. Most of the 3 billion people projected to be added worldwide by mid-century will be born in countries already experiencing water shortages. One suggested solution is for population growth to be slowed quickly by investing heavily in female literacy and family planning services.[113] Desalination is also considered a viable and effective solution to the problem of water shortages.[53] [54] After China and India, there is a second tier of smaller countries with large water deficits — Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Mexico, and Pakistan. Four of these already import a large share of their grain. Only Pakistan remains self-sufficient. But with a population expanding by 4 million a year, it will also soon turn to the world market for grain.[114]


World Resources Institute states that "Agricultural conversion to croplands and managed pastures has affected some 3.3 billion [hectares] — roughly 26 percent of the land area. All totaled, agriculture has displaced one-third of temperate and tropical forests and one-quarter of natural grasslands."[115] [116] Energy development may also require large areas; hydroelectric dams are one example. Usable land may become less useful through salinization, deforestation, desertification, erosion, and urban sprawl. Global warming may cause flooding of many of the most productive agricultural areas[117] . Thus, available useful land may become a limiting factor. By most estimates, at least half of cultivable land is already being farmed, and there are concerns that the remaining reserves are greatly overestimated.[118] High crop yield vegetables like potatoes and lettuce use less space on inedible plant parts, like stalks, husks, vines, and inedible leaves. New varieties of selectively bred and hybrid plants have larger edible parts (fruit, vegetable, grain) and smaller inedible parts; however, many of the gains of agricultural technology are now historic, and new advances are more difficult to achieve. With new technologies, it is possible to grow crops on some marginal land under certain conditions. Aquaculture could theoretically increase available area. Hydroponics and food from bacteria and fungi, like quorn, may allow the growing of food without having to consider land quality, climate, or even available sunlight, although such a process may be very energy-intensive. Some argue that not all arable land will remain productive if used for agriculture because some marginal land can only be made to produce food by unsustainable practices like slash-and-burn agriculture. Even with the modern techniques of agriculture, the sustainability of production is in question. Some countries, such as the United Arab Emirates and particularly the Emirate of Dubai have constructed large artificial islands, or have created large dam and dike systems, like the Netherlands, which reclaim land from the sea to increase their total land area.[119]

Overpopulation Some scientists have said that in the future, densely populated cities will use vertical farming to grow food inside skyscrapers.[105] The space taken by a humans themselves is not a problem. A number of thinkers who deny that overpopulation is a problem have noted that the whole world population could live on land with the area of Texas. The resources that are likely to run out first are good cropland, timber and fresh water.


Population optimists have also been criticized for failing to account for future shortages in fossil fuels, currently used for fertilizer and transportation for modern agriculture. (See Hubbert peak and Future energy development.) They counter that there will be enough fossil fuels until suitable replacement technologies have been developed, for example hydrogen in a hydrogen economy.[120] [121] In his 1992 book Earth in the Balance, Al Gore wrote, "... it ought to be possible to establish a coordinated global program to accomplish the strategic goal of completely eliminating the internal combustion engine over, say, a twenty-five-year period..."[122] Plug-in electric cars such as the Tesla Roadster suggest that Gore's prediction will come true. Earth has enough uranium to provide humans with all of their electricity needs until the sun blows up in 5 billion years, assuming that we develop large-scale breeder reactors.[49] There has also been increasing development in extracting renewable energy, such as solar, wind, and tidal energy. If used on a wide scale, these could theoretically fulfill most, if not all, of the energy needs currently being filled by non-renewable resources. Most renewable energy forms rely on an oil-based economy to produce, i.e. you cannot make a wind turbine without the oil-run machinery to begin with, making the whole process moot. Some of these renewable resources also have ecological footprints, although they may be different or smaller than some non-renewable resources.



Modern agriculture uses large amounts of fertilizer. Since much of this fertilizer is made from petroleum, the problem of → peak oil is of concern. According to articles in Discover Magazine (in 2003 and a 2006), it is possible to use the process of thermal depolymerization to manufacture fertilizer out of garbage, sewage, and agricultural waste.[123] [124]

Wealth and poverty
The United Nations indicates that about 850 million people are malnourished or starving,[125] and 1.1 billion people do not have access to safe drinking water.[126] Some argue that Earth may support 6 billion people, but only if many live in misery. The proportion of the world's population living on less than $1 per day has halved in 20 years, but these are inflation-unadjusted numbers and likely misleading.[127] The UN Human Development Report of 1997 states: "During the last 15-20 years, more than 100 developing countries, and As the world's population has grown, the percentage several Eastern European countries, have of the world's population living on less than $1 per suffered from disastrous growth failures. day (adjusted for inflation) has halved in 20 years. The graph shows the 1981-2001 period. The reductions in standard of living have been deeper and more long-lasting than what was seen in the industrialised countries during the depression in the 1930s. As a result, the income for more than one billion people has fallen below the level that was reached 10, 20 or 30 years ago". Similarly, although the proportion of "starving" people in sub-Saharan Africa has decreased, the absolute number of starving people has increased due to population growth. The percentage dropped from 38% in 1970 to 33% in 1996 and was expected to be 30% by 2010.[69] But the region’s population roughly doubled between 1970 and 1996. To keep the numbers of starving constant, the percentage would have dropped by more than half.[40] [128] Opponents of birth control sometimes argue that overpopulation is unrelated to extreme poverty. [129] [130] The chart to the right is illuminating.



As of 2004, there were 108 countries in the world with more than five million people. None of these in which women have, on the average, more than 4 children in their lifetime, have a per capita GDP of more than $5000. Conversely, in all but two of the countries with a per capita GDP of more than $5,000, women have, on the average, 2 or fewer children in their lifetime. Israel and Saudi Arabia are the only outliers, with per capita GDP between $15,000 and $25,000, and average lifetime births per woman between 2 and 4.

wealth per capita graphed against fertility rate.

The correlation does not imply cause and effect, however, Because the correlation is so strong, there is probably a feedback mechanism at work: poverty increases childbearing which increases poverty, and so on. Such cycles are inherently difficult to break.

Overpopulation has substantially adversely impacted the environment of Earth starting at least as early as the 20th century.[2] There are also economic consequences of this environmental degradation in the form of ecosystem services attrition.[131] Beyond the scientifically verifiable harm to the environment, some assert the moral right of other species to simply exist rather than become extinct. Says environmental author Jeremy Rifkin, "our burgeoning population and urban way of life have been purchased at the expense of vast ecosystems and habitats. ... It's no accident that as we celebrate the urbanization of the world, we are quickly approaching another historic watershed: the disappearance of the wild."[132] Says Peter Raven, former President of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) in their seminal work AAAS Atlas of Population & Environment [133], "Where do we stand in our efforts to achieve a sustainable world? Clearly, the past half century has been a traumatic one, as the collective impact of human numbers, affluence (consumption per individual) and our choices of technology continue to exploit rapidly an increasing proportion of the world's resources at an unsustainable rate. ... During a remarkably short period of time, we have lost a quarter of the world's topsoil and a fifth of its agricultural land, altered the composition of the atmosphere profoundly, and destroyed a major proportion of our forests and other natural habitats without replacing them. Worst of all, we have driven the rate of biological extinction, the permanent loss of species, up several hundred times beyond its historical levels, and are threatened with the loss of a majority of all species by the end of the 21st century."

Overpopulation A 2001 United Nations report has postulated that, although human activity can be blamed for much of the environmental degradation in the last century, overpopulation is not a major cause, but rising per-capita production and consumption and the use of particular technologies used in such production are more likely major factors. Further, even in countries which have both large population growth and major ecological problems, it is not necessarily true that curbing the population growth will make a major contribution towards resolving all environmental problems.[134] However, as developing countries with high populations become more industrialized, pollution and consumption will invariably increase.


In 1800 only 3% of the world's population lived in cities. By the 20th century's close, 47% did so. In 1950, there were 83 cities with populations exceeding one million; but by 2007, this had risen to 468 agglomerations of more than one million.[135] If the trend continues, the world's urban population will double every 38 years, say researchers. The UN forecasts that today's urban population of 3.2 billion will rise to nearly 5 billion by 2030, when three out of five people will live in cities.[136] The increase will be most dramatic in the poorest and least-urbanised continents, Asia and Africa. Projections indicate that most urban growth over the next 25 years will be in developing countries.[137] One billion people, one-sixth of the world's population, or one-third of urban population, now live in shanty towns,[138] which are seen as "breeding grounds" for social problems such as crime, drug addiction, alcoholism, poverty and unemployment. In many poor countries, slums exhibit high rates of disease due to unsanitary conditions, malnutrition, and lack of basic health care.[139] In 2000, there were 18 megacities – conurbations such as Tokyo, Mexico City, Mumbai (Bombay), São Paulo and New York City – that have populations in excess of 10 million inhabitants. Greater Tokyo already has 35 million, more than the entire population of Canada.[140] By 2025, according to the Far Eastern Economic Review, Asia alone will have at least 10 hypercities, those with 20 million or more, including Jakarta (24.9 million people), Dhaka (25 million), Karachi (26.5 million), Shanghai (27 million) and Mumbai (33 million).[141] Lagos has grown from 300,000 in 1950 to an estimated 15 million today, and the Nigerian government estimates that city will have expanded to 25 million residents by 2015.[142] Chinese experts forecast that Chinese cities will contain 800 million people by 2020.[143] Despite the increase in population density within cities (and the emergence of megacities), UN Habitat states in its reports that urbanization may be the best compromise in the face of global population growth.[144] Cities concentrate human activity within limited areas, limiting the breadth of environmental damage. [145] But this mitigating influence can only be achieved if urban planning is significantly improved[146] and city services are properly maintained.



Ecological footprint by world region
As set forth on page 18 of WWF's Living Planet report, the regions of the world with the greatest ecological footprint[147] are ranked as follows as of 2003: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Northern America Europe (European Union countries) Middle-East and Central Asia Asia and Pacific Islands Africa Europe (Non-European Union countries) Latin-America and the Caribbean

Effects of overpopulation
Some problems associated with or exacerbated by human overpopulation: • Inadequate fresh water[126] for drinking water use as well as sewage treatment and effluent discharge. Some countries, like Saudi Arabia, use energy-expensive desalination to solve the problem of water shortages.[148] [149] • Depletion of natural resources, especially fossil fuels[150] • Increased levels of air pollution, water pollution, soil contamination and noise pollution. Once a country has industrialized and become wealthy, a combination of government regulation and technological innovation causes pollution to decline substantially, even as the population continues to grow.[151] • Deforestation and loss of ecosystems[152] that sustain global atmospheric oxygen and carbon dioxide balance; about eight million hectares of forest are lost each year.[153] • Changes in atmospheric composition and consequent global warming[154] [155] • Irreversible loss of arable land and increases in desertification[156] Deforestation and desertification can be reversed by adopting property rights, and this policy is successful even while the human population continues to grow.[157] • Mass species extinctions.[158] from reduced habitat in tropical forests due to slash-and-burn techniques that sometimes are practiced by shifting cultivators, especially in countries with rapidly expanding rural populations; present extinction rates may be as high as 140,000 species lost per year.[159] As of 2007, the IUCN Red List lists a total of 698 animal species having gone extinct during recorded human history.[160] • High infant and child mortality.[161] High rates of infant mortality are caused by poverty. Rich countries with high population densities have low rates of infant mortality. [162] • Increased chance of the emergence of new epidemics and pandemics[163] For many environmental and social reasons, including overcrowded living conditions, malnutrition and inadequate, inaccessible, or non-existent health care, the poor are more likely to be exposed to infectious diseases.[164] • Starvation, malnutrition[125] or poor diet with ill health and diet-deficiency diseases (e.g. rickets). However, rich countries with high population densities do not have famine.[165] • Poverty coupled with inflation in some regions and a resulting low level of capital formation. Poverty and inflation are aggravated by bad government and bad economic policies. Many countries with high population densities have eliminated absolute poverty and keep their inflation rates very low.[166]

Overpopulation • Low life expectancy in countries with fastest growing populations[167] • Unhygienic living conditions for many based upon water resource depletion, discharge of raw sewage[168] and solid waste disposal. However, this problem can be reduced with the adoption of sewers. For example, after Karachi, Pakistan installed sewers, its infant mortality rate fell substantially. [169] • Elevated crime rate due to drug cartels and increased theft by people stealing resources to survive[170] • Conflict over scarce resources and crowding, leading to increased levels of warfare[171] • Lower wages. In the supply and demand economic model, an increase in the number of workers (supply-increase) results in lower demand and wages fall (price-decrease) as more people compete for available work. Some economists, such as Thomas Sowell[172] and Walter E. Williams[173] have argued that third world poverty and famine are caused by bad government and bad economic policies, and not by overpopulation. In his book The Ultimate Resource, economist Julian Simon argued that higher population density leads to more specialization and technological innovation, and that this leads to an improved standard of living.[174] But most sociologists see overpopulation as a serious problem.[2] [175]


Mitigation measures
While the current world trends are not indicative of any realistic solution to human overpopulation during the 21st century, there are several mitigation measures that have or can be applied to reduce the adverse impacts of overpopulation.

Birth regulations
Overpopulation is related to issue of birth control; some nations, like the People's Republic of China, use strict measures to reduce birth rates. Religious and ideological opposition to birth control has been cited as a factor contributing to overpopulation and poverty.[176] Some leaders and environmentalists (such as Ted Turner) have suggested that there is an urgent need to strictly implement a China-like one-child policy globally by the United Nations, because this would help control and reduce population gradually and most successfully as is evidenced by the success and resultant economic-growth of China due to reduction of poverty in recent years.[177] [178] Because such a policy would be uniformly and unanimously implemented globally and would be implemented by a reputable central-global organization (United Nations), it would face little political and social opposition from individual countries. Indira Gandhi, late Prime Minister of India, implemented a forced sterilization programme in the 1970s. Officially, men with two children or more had to submit to sterilization, but many unmarried young men, political opponents and ignorant men were also believed to have been sterilized. This program is still remembered and criticized in India, and is blamed for creating a wrong public aversion to family planning, which hampered Government programmes for decades.[179] Urban designer Michael E. Arth has proposed a "choice-based, marketable birth license plan" he calls "birth credits."[180] Birth credits would allow any woman to have as many children as she wants, as long as she buys a license for any children beyond an average allotment that would result in zero population growth (ZPG). If that allotment was

Overpopulation determined to be one child, for example, then the first child would be free, and the market would determine what the license fee for each additional child would cost. Extra credits would expire after a certain time, so these credits could not be hoarded by speculators. Another advantage of the scheme is that the affluent would not buy them because they already limit their family size by choice, as evidenced by an average of 1.1 children per European woman. The actual cost of the credits would only be a fraction of the actual cost of having and raising a child, so the credits would serve more as a wake-up call to women who might otherwise produce children without seriously considering the long term consequences to themselves or society.[181]


Education and empowerment
One option is to focus on education about overpopulation, family planning, and birth control methods, and to make birth-control devices like male/female condoms and pills easily available. An estimated 350 million women in the poorest countries of the world either did not want their last child, do not want another child or want to space their pregnancies, but they lack access to information, affordable means and services to determine the size and spacing of their families. In the developing world, some 514,000 women[citation needed] die annually of complications from pregnancy and abortion. Additionally, 8 million infants die, many because of malnutrition or preventable diseases, especially from lack of access to clean drinking water.[182] In the United States, in 2001, almost half of pregnancies were unintended.[183] Egypt announced a program to reduce its overpopulation by family planning education and putting women in the workforce. It was announced in June 2008 by the Minister of Health and Population Hatem el-Gabali. The government has set aside 480 million Egyptian pounds (about 90 million U.S. dollars) for the program.[184]

Extraterrestrial settlement
In the 1970s, Gerard O'Neill suggested building space habitats that could support 30,000 times the carrying capacity of Earth using just the asteroid belt and that the solar system as [185] a whole could sustain current population growth rates for a thousand years. Marshall Savage (1992, 1994) has projected a human population of five quintillion throughout the solar system by 3000, with the majority in the asteroid belt.[186] Arthur C. Clarke, a fervent supporter of Savage, argued that by 2057 there will be humans on the Moon, Mars, Europa, Ganymede, Titan and in orbit around Venus, Neptune and Pluto.[187] Freeman Dyson (1999) favours the Kuiper belt as the future home of humanity, suggesting this could happen within a few centuries.[188] In Mining the Sky, John S. Lewis suggests that the resources of the solar system could support 10 quadrillion (10^16) people. K. Eric Drexler, famous inventor of the futuristic concept of molecular nanotechnology, has suggested in Engines of Creation that colonizing space will mean breaking the Malthusian limits to growth for the human species. Many authors (eg. Carl Sagan, Arthur C. Clarke,[189] Isaac Asimov[190] ) have argued that shipping the excess population into space is no solution to human overpopulation, and that "the population battle must be fought or won here on Earth". (Clarke, 1999) The problem for these authors is not the lack of resources in space (as shown in books such as Mining the Sky[191] ), but the physical impracticality of shipping vast numbers of people into space to "solve" overpopulation on Earth. However, Gerard O'Neill's calculations show that Earth

Overpopulation could offload all new population growth with a launch services industry about the same size as the current airline industry in O'Neill, Gerard K. (1981). 2081: A Hopeful View of the Human Future. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0-671-44751-3..


Other approaches and effects
Many philosophers, including → Thomas Malthus, have said at various times that when humankind does not check population-growth, nature takes its course. But this course might not result in the death of humans through catastrophes; instead it might result in infertility. German scientists have reported that a virus called Adeno-associated virus might have a role in male infertility,[192] but is otherwise harmless to humans.[193] Thus, if this or similar viruses mutate, they might cause infertility on a large-scale, thus resulting in a natural and harmless human population-control over time.

See also
• Birth Credits • Eugenics • Human migration • • • • • • • • • • • • List of famines List of most highly-populated countries Medieval demography Over-consumption Overpopulation in companion animals Agriculture and population limits Population ageing Population control Rientrodolce, an Italian interest group which lobbies against overpopulation Risks to civilization, humans and planet Earth → Sustainability Tragedy of the commons

Further reading
• Virginia Abernethy, professor (emerita) of psychiatry and anthropology, Population Politics, (1993) • Albert Bartlett, emeritus professor of physics, Arithmetic, Population, and Energy: The Forgotten Fundamentals of the Energy Crisis, (1978) • Joel E. Cohen, Chair, Laboratory of Populations at the Rockefeller University, How Many People Can the Earth Support? (1996) • Barry Commoner, American biologist and college professor Making Peace with the Planet (1990) • Herman Daly, professor at the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland, College Park Ecological Economics and the Ecology of Economics (1999) • Paul R. Ehrlich, Bing Professor of Population Studies, The Population Bomb, (1968) The Population Explosion, (1990) The Population Bomb, (1995) reprint • Garrett Hardin, 1941 Stanford University - Ph.D. Microbiology, Living Within Limits, (1995) reprint

Overpopulation • Steven LeBlanc, Constant battles: the myth of the peaceful, noble savage, (2003) ISBN 0312310897 argues that local overpopulation has been the major cause of warfare since paleolithic times. • F. L. Lucas, The Greatest Problem (1960); an early wake-up call on over-population, by a distinguished Cambridge academic • Andrew Mason, Professor, head of the University of Hawaii's population studies program, Population change and economic development in East Asia: Challenges met, opportunities seized (2001) • Donella Meadows, lead author Ph.D. in biophysics from Harvard, Jorgen Randers, professor of policy analysis at the Norwegian School of Management, Dennis Meadows, director of the Institute for Policy and Social Science Research Limits to Growth: The 30-Year Update (Paperback) (2004) • → Thomas Malthus, English demographer and political economist, Essay on the Principle of Population, (1798) [194] • Julian Lincoln Simon, professor of Business Administration The Ultimate Resource 2, (1998)" • Ben J. Wattenberg, senior fellow at the neoconservative American Enterprise Institute, The Birth Dearth (1989) ??? Fewer: How the New Demography of Depopulation Will Shape Our Future, (2005) • → Daniel Quinn, author The Story of B, pp 304–305 (1996)


External links
• United Nations world population site.

Projections and historical information.

• UN Online databases with selectable variants, either basic [196] or detailed information. • "Bursting at the seams", Jeffrey Sachs's lectures on overpopulation [198] • AAAS Atlas of Population and Environment [133]

• U.S. Population Reaches 300 Million, Heading for 400 Million -- No Cause for Celebration • • • • Earth Policy Institute Resources on POPULATION and HEALTH [200] Chart: World Population Growth Through History [201] VOA News - World Population Growth to be Concentrated in Developing Nations Map over population density [203]


• Is World Population a Concern? Robert Heilbroner, Thomas Malthus, and the Application of Both [204] • Agriculture - how peak oil could lead to starvation [205] • Overpopulation: What you can do. [206] • National Geographic article on overpopulation [207] • Population and the Environment: The Global Challenge [208] • World Scientists' Warning to Humanity [209] • Too Many People? [210] By Dr Jacqueline Kasun • Catholic Social Teaching On Population Growth [211] An unofficial summary • Theories of population [212] - from the Catholic Encyclopedia • Article about overpopulation [213] • Lecture on population growth over human history [214] • Optimum Population Trust [215] • Populous Planet [216] FLYP Media story on the photography of overpopulation

Overpopulation • Rosling, Hans (25 January 2009). "What stops population growth? [217]". Gapminder. http:/ / www. gapminder. org/ videos/ what-stops-population-growth/ . Retrieved on 2009-07-06.


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[168] Wastewater Pollution in China (http:/ / www. dbc. uci. edu/ ~sustain/ suscoasts/ krismin. html) [169] Clean water could save millions of lives (http:/ / the-spark. net/ np787404. html),, November 27, 2006 [170] American Council for the United Nations University (2002) [171] Heidelberger Institut fur International Konfliktforschung, Konfliktbarometer 2003: 12. Jarlickhe Konfliktanalyse University of Heidelberg, Germany (2004) [172] Julian Simon, combatant in a 200-year war (http:/ / www. jewishworldreview. com/ cols/ sowell021298. html"), Thomas Sowell, February 12, 1998 [173] Population control nonsense (http:/ / www. jewishworldreview. com/ cols/ williams022499. asp), Walter Williams, Feb. 24, 1999 [174] The Ultimate Resource 2 (http:/ / www. juliansimon. com/ writings/ Ultimate_Resource/ ) by Julian Simon, chapter 26, "Population's Effects On Technology And Productivity." [175] E.O. Wilson, The Future of Life [176] " Birth rates 'must be curbed to win war on global poverty' (http:/ / news. independent. co. uk/ world/ politics/ article2201090. ece)". The Independent. 31 January 2007. . [177] http:/ / www. ajc. com/ metro/ content/ news/ stories/ 2008/ 04/ 03/ turner_0404. html [178] http:/ / www. jonesreport. com/ article/ 04_08/ 28turner_911. html [179] http:/ / www. sscnet. ucla. edu/ southasia/ History/ Independent/ Indira. html [180] http:/ / www. corrupt. org/ act/ interviews/ michael_e_arth/ Interview: City Architect and Reconstructor Michael E. Arth by Alex Birch [181] http:/ / laborsofhercules. org/ The Labors of Hercules Modern Solutions to 12 Herculean Problems-Labor II: Overpopulation [182] Q: should the United Nations support more family-planning services for poor countries? | Insight on the News | Find Articles at (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m1571/ is_46_17/ ai_80774574) [183] Finer LB, Henshaw SK (2006). "Disparities in rates of unintended pregnancy in the United States, 1994 and 2001". Perspect Sex Reprod Health 38: 90–96. doi: 10.1363/3809006 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1363/ 3809006). [184] IOL: Population woes weigh down Egypt (http:/ / www. iol. co. za/ index. php?from=rss_Africa& set_id=1& click_id=68& art_id=nw20080611085517622C989460) [185] *The High Frontier (1976, 2000) Gerard O'Neill, Apogee Books ISBN 1-896522-67-X [186] Marshall Savage, (1992, 1994) The Millennial Project: Colonizing the Galaxy in Eight Easy Steps. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-77163-5 [187] *Reader's Digest February 2001 (http:/ / www. generationterrorists. com/ quotes/ beyond_2001. html) [188] Freeman Dyson, The Sun, The Genome, and The Internet (1999) Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-513922-4 [189] [190] [191] [192] [193] [194] [195] [196] [197] [198] [199] [200] [201] [202] [203] [204] [205] [206] [207] [208] [209] [210] Greetings, Carbon-Based Bipeds! (1999) Arthur C. Clarke, Voyager ISBN 0-00-224698-8 The Good Earth Is Dying (1971) Isaac Asimov (published in Der Spiegel) Mining the Sky (1996) John S. Lewis. Addison Wesley. ISBN 0-201-47959-1 http:/ / www. newscientist. com/ article. ns?id=dn1483 http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ health/ 1620174. stm http:/ / www. ac. wwu. edu/ ~stephan/ malthus/ malthus. 0. html''An http:/ / www. un. org/ esa/ population/ unpop. htm http:/ / esa. un. org/ unpp/ index. asp?panel=1 http:/ / esa. un. org/ unpp/ index. asp?panel=2 http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ radio4/ reith2007/ http:/ / www. earth-policy. org/ Updates/ 2006/ Update59. htm http:/ / www. earth-policy. org/ Indicators/ Pop/ index. htm http:/ / www. guibord. com/ Democracy/ FILES-HTML/ overpopulation_graph. html http:/ / www. voanews. com/ english/ 2006-03-07-voa1. cfm http:/ / antwrp. gsfc. nasa. gov/ apod/ ap030305. html http:/ / www. framingbusiness. net/ heilbronerpopulation. htm http:/ / wolf. readinglitho. co. uk/ mainpages/ agriculture. html http:/ / worldpopulationbalance. org/ pop/ action. php http:/ / www. nationalgeographic. com/ eye/ overpopulation/ overpopulation. html http:/ / www. actionbioscience. org/ environment/ hinrichsen_robey. html http:/ / www. actionbioscience. org/ environment/ worldscientists. html http:/ / www. catholiceducation. org/ articles/ population/ pc0001. html


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Mass surveillance
Mass surveillance is the pervasive surveillance of an entire population, or a substantial fraction thereof. Modern governments today commonly perform mass surveillance of their citizens, explaining that they believe that it is necessary to protect them from dangerous groups such as terrorists, criminals, or political subversives and to maintain social control.
A closed-circuit television camera. Mass surveillance has been widely criticized on several grounds such as violations of privacy rights, illegality, and for preventing political and social freedoms, which some fear will ultimately lead to a totalitarian state where political dissent is crushed by COINTELPRO-like programs. Such a state may also be referred to as an Electronic Police State.

State enforced
Privacy International's 2007 survey, covering 47 countries, indicated that there had been an increase in surveillance and a decline in the performance of privacy safeguards, compared to the previous year. Balancing these factors, eight countries were rated as being 'endemic surveillance societies'. Of these eight, China, Malaysia and Russia scored lowest, followed jointly by Singapore and the United Kingdom, then jointly by Taiwan, Thailand and the United States. The best ranking was given to Greece, which was judged to have 'adequate safeguards against abuse'.[1] Many countries throughout the world have already been adding thousands of surveillance cameras to their urban, suburban and even rural areas.[2] [3] For example, the American Civil Liberties Union have directly stated that "we are fast approaching a genuine surveillance society in the United States - a dark future where our every move, our every transaction, our every communication is recorded, compiled, and stored away, ready to be examined and used against us by the authorities whenever they want."[4]

Mass surveillance


United Kingdom
The United Kingdom is seen as a pioneer of mass surveillance. At the end of 2006 it was described by the Surveillance Studies Network as being 'the most surveilled country' among the industrialized Western states.[5] On 6 February 2009 a report by the House of Lords Constitution Committee, Surveillance: Citizens and the State,[6] warned that increasing use of surveillance by A bank of seven Closed-circuit the government and private companies is a serious television cameras monitoring people threat to freedoms and constitutional rights, stating exiting Birmingham New Street that "The expansion in the use of surveillance Station, a major British railway station. represents one of the most significant changes in the life of the nation since the end of the Second World War. Mass surveillance has the potential to erode privacy. As privacy is an essential pre-requisite to the exercise of individual freedom, its erosion weakens the constitutional foundations on which democracy and good governance have traditionally been based in this country."[7] Public perception A YouGov poll published on December 4, 2006, indicated that 79% of those interviewed agreed that Britain has become a 'surveillance society’ (51% were unhappy with this).[3] In 2004 the Information Commissioner, talking about the proposed British national identity database gave a warning of this, stating, "My anxiety is that we don't sleepwalk into a surveillance society."[8] Other databases causing him concern were the National Child Database (ContactPoint), the Office for National Statistics' Citizen Information Project, and the NHS National Programme for IT. CCTV networks In 2002[9] it was estimated[10] that the United Kingdom was monitored by over 4.2 million CCTV cameras, some with a facial recognition capacity, with practically all town centres under surveillance. Serious concerns have been raised that the facial biometric information which will be stored on a central database through the national identity card scheme could be linked to facial recognition systems and state-owned CCTV cameras to identify individuals anywhere in the UK, or even to compile a database of citizens' movements without their knowledge or consent. Currently, in the City of Westminster, microphones are being fitted next to CCTV cameras. Westminster council claims that they are simply part of an initiative against urban noise, and will not "be used to snoop", but comments from a council spokesman appear to imply that they have been deliberately designed to capture an audio stream alongside the video stream, rather than simply reporting noise levels.[11]

Mass surveillance Public transport In London, the Oyster card payment system can track the movement of individual people through the public transport system, although an anonymous option is available, while the London congestion charge uses computer imaging to track car number plates. Communication In 2008 plans were being made to collect data on all phone calls, emails, chatroom discussions and web-browsing habits as part of the Government's Interception Modernisation Programme, thought likely to require the insertion of 'thousands' of black box probes into the country’s computer and telephone networks.[12] The proposals were expected to be included in the Communications Data Bill. The "giant database" would include telephone numbers dialed, the websites visited and addresses to which e-mails are sent "but not the content of e-mails or telephone conversations."[13] Chris Huhne, Home affairs spokesman said: "The government's Orwellian plans for a vast database of our private communications are deeply worrying."[14] Since October 2007 telecommunication companies have been required to keep records of phone calls and text messages for twelve months under the Data Retention Directive[15] Though all telecoms firms already keep data for a period, the regulations are designed to ensure a uniform approach across the industry.[16] This enables the Government and other selected authorities within the UK such as Police and Councils amongst others to monitor all phone calls made from a UK landline or Mobile upon request. In 2002 the UK government announced plans [17] to extend the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act(RIPA), so that at least 28 government departments would be given powers to browse citizens' web, email, telephone and fax records, without a warrant and without a subject's knowledge. Public and security authorities made a total of 440,000 requests to monitor people's phone and internet use [18] in 2005-2006. In the period 11 April to 31 December 2006 the UK gov issued 253,557 requests for communication data, which as defined by the RIPA includes who you phoned, when they phoned you, how long they phoned you for, subscriber information and associated addresses.[19]


Mass surveillance Mobile phone tracking Customers in shopping centres are being tracked by private companies. Utilising mobile phone signals, a system can tell when people enter the centre, how long they stay in a particular shop, and what route each customer takes. The system works by monitoring the signals produced by mobile handsets and then locating the phone by triangulation.[20] Vehicle tracking Across the country efforts are increasingly under way to track closely all road vehicle movements, initially using a nationwide network of roadside cameras connected to automatic number plate recognition systems. These tracks, record and store the details of all journeys undertaken on major roads and through city centres and the information is stored for five years.[21] In the longer term mandatory onboard vehicle telematics systems are also suggested, to facilitate road charging (see vehicle excise duty). DNA Database


Swiss European surveillance: facial recognition and vehicle make, model, color and license plate reader. In Germany and Switzerland the systems are near universal.

The British Police hold records of 5.5 million fingerprints and over 3.4 million DNA samples on the National DNA Database. There is increasing use of roadside fingerprinting [22] - using new police powers to check identity. Concerns have been raised [23] over the unregulated use of biometrics in schools, affecting children as young as three. Overseas travel In February 2009 it emerged that the government is planning a database to track and store records of all international travel into and out of the UK. The database will retain record of names, addresses, telephone numbers, seat reservations, travel itineraries and credit card details, which will be kept for 'no more than 10 years'.[24] Protests Forward Intelligence Teams conduct mass surveillance of political and environmental protestors and of journalists . The information they gather is then stored on the crimint database.[25]

Mass surveillance


United States
Internet Communications The Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act (CALEA) requires that all U.S. telecommunications companies modify their equipment to allow easy wiretapping of telephone, VoIP, and broadband internet traffic.[26] [27] [28] Billions of dollars per year are spent, by agencies such as the Information Awareness Office, NSA, and the FBI, to develop, purchase, implement, and operate systems such as Carnivore, ECHELON, and NarusInsight to intercept and analyze the immense amount of data thats traverse the Internet and telephone system every day. [29]

The Total Information Awareness program, of the Information Awareness Office, designed numerous technologies to be used to perform mass surveillance. Examples include advanced speech-to-text programs (so that phone conversations can be monitored en-masse by a computer, instead of requiring human operators to listen to them), social network analysis software to monitor groups of people and their interactions with each other, and "Human identification at a distance" software which allows computers to identify people on surveillance cameras by their facial features and gait (the way they walk). The program was later renamed "Terrorism Information Awareness", after a negative public reaction. The Electronic Frontier Foundation has an ongoing lawsuit (Hepting v. AT&T) against the telecom giant AT&T for its assistance of the U.S. government in monitoring the communications of millions of American citizens. It has managed thusfar to keep the proceedings open. Recently the documents, exposed by a whistleblower who previously worked for AT&T, showing schematics of the massive data mining system were made public.[30] [31] The FBI developed the computer programs "Magic Lantern" and CIPAV, which they can remotely install on a computer system, in order to monitor a person's computer activity. [32] In 1999 two models of mandatory data retention were suggested for the US: What IP address was assigned to a customer at a specific time. In the second model, "which is closer to what Europe adopted", telephone numbers dialed, contents of Web pages visited, and recipients of e-mail messages must be retained by the ISP for an unspecified amount of time.[33] [34] The Internet Stopping Adults Facilitating the Exploitation of Today's Youth (SAFETY) Act of 2009 also known as H.R. 1076 and S.436 would require providers of "electronic communication or remote computing services" to "retain for a period of at least two years all records or other information pertaining to the identity of a user of a temporarily assigned network address the service assigns to that user."[35]

Official seal of the Information Awareness Office -- a U.S. agency which developed technologies for mass surveillance

Mass surveillance Telephones In early 2006, USA Today reported that several major telephone companies were cooperating illegally with the National Security Agency to monitor the phone records of U.S. citizens, and storing them in a large database known as the NSA call database. This report came on the heels of allegations that the U.S. government had been conducting electronic surveillance of domestic telephone calls without warrants.[36] Law enforcement and intelligence services in the United States possess technology to remotely activate the microphones in cell phones in order to listen to conversations that take place nearby the person who holds the phone.[37] [38] U.S. federal agents regularly use mobile phones to collect location data. The geographical location of a mobile phone (and thus the person carrying it) can be determined easily (whether it is being used or not), using a technique known multilateration to calculate the differences in time for a signal to travel from the cell phone to each of several cell towers near the owner of the phone. [39] [40] Surveillance Cameras Traffic cameras, which were meant to help enforce traffic laws at intersections, have also sparked some controversy, due to their use by law enforcement agencies for purposes unrelated to traffic violations.[41] The Department of Homeland Security is funding networks of surveillance cameras in cities and towns as part of its efforts to combat terrorism.[42] In February 2009, Cambridge, MA rejected the cameras due to privacy concerns.[43] Data Mining The NSA has been gathering information on financial records, internet surfing habits, and monitoring e-mails. They have also performed extensive surveillance on social networks such as Myspace.[44] The FBI collected nearly all hotel, airline, rental car, gift shop, and casino records in Las Vegas during the last two weeks of 2003. The FBI requested all electronic data of hundreds of thousands of people based on a very general lead for the Las Vegas New Year's celebration. The Senior VP of The Mirage went on record with PBS' Frontline describing the first time they were requested to help in the mass collection of personal information.[45] Infiltration of Activist Groups The NYPD infiltrated and compiled dossiers on protest groups (most of whom were doing nothing illegal) before the 2004 Republican National Convention, leading to over 1,800 arrests and subsequent fingerprinting.[46]


European Union
The legislative body of the European Union passed the Data Retention Directive on 2005-12-15. It requires telecommunication operators to implement mass surveillance of the general public through retention of metadata on telecommunications and to keep the collected data at the disposal of various governmental bodies for substantially long times. Access to this information is not required to be limited to investigation of serious crimes, nor is a warrant required for access.

Mass surveillance


The SORM (and SORM-2) laws enable complete monitoring of any communication, electronic or traditional, by eight state agencies, without warrant.

Germany & Netherlands
The Netherlands and Germany are reputed to have the highest levels of covert governmental mobile phone tapping. The article on telephone tapping states: "There were proposals for European mobile phones to use stronger encryption, but this was opposed by a number of European countries, including the Netherlands and Germany, which are among the world's most prolific telephone tappers (over 10000+ phone numbers in both countries in 2003)." In 2002 German citizens were tipped off about the scale of tapping, when a software error led to a phone number allocated to the German Secret Service being listed on mobile telephone bills.[47]

East Germany
Before the Digital Revolution, one of the world's biggest mass surveillance operations was carried out by the Stasi, the secret police of the former East Germany. By the time the state collapsed in 1989, the Stasi had built up an estimated civilian network of 300,000 informants (approximately one in fifty of the population), who monitored even minute hints of political dissent among other citizens. Many West Germans visiting friends and family in East Germany were also subject to Stasi spying, as well as many high-ranking West German politicians and persons in the public eye. Most East German citizens were well aware that their government was spying on them, which led to a culture of mistrust: touchy political issues were only discussed in the comfort of their own four walls and only with the closest of friends and family members, while widely maintaining a façade of unquestioning followership in public.

Iran's crackdown on dissidents and protesters in the aftermath of the June 2009 election has been said to have been facilitated by surveillance technologies including some provided by Western European companies. Chip Pitts at has conducted a good analysis of the issues involved, noting the parallels to surveillance happening in the United States and in Western countries.

Commercial mass surveillance
As a result of the digital revolution, many aspects of life are now captured and stored in digital form. Concern has been expressed that governments may use this information to conduct mass surveillance on their populations. One of the most common forms of mass surveillance is carried out by commercial organizations. Many people are willing to join supermarket and grocery loyalty card programs, trading their personal information and surveillance of their shopping habits in exchange for a discount on their groceries, although base prices might be increased to encourage participation in the program. Since a significant proportion of purchases are carried out by credit or debit cards, which can also be easily tracked, it is questionable

Mass surveillance whether loyalty cards provide any significant additional privacy threat.


Literature and movies
Critical of mass surveillance
• Nineteen Eighty-Four, a novel by George Orwell depicting life under an omnipresent totalitarian state, and is probably the most prominent of the media listed; the 'Big Brother' who watches over the novel's characters is now used to describe any form of spying on or interfering with the public, such as CCTV cameras. • We, a little-known 1920 novel by Russian author Yevgeny Zamyatin, that predates Nineteen Eighty-Four and was read by its author George Orwell. • The Transparent Society by David Brin, discusses various scenarios for the future considering the spread of cheap web-cameras, increases in government security initiatives, and the possible death of encryption if quantum computing becomes reality. • The Minority Report, a story by Philip K. Dick about a society that arrests people for crimes they have yet to commit (made into a movie in 2002). • THX 1138, a 1971 film by George Lucas depicting life in an underground dystopia where all human activities are monitored centrally at all times. A high level of control is exerted upon the populace through ever-present faceless, android police officers and mandatory, regulated use of special drugs to suppress emotion, including sexual desire. The film was first made as a student project in the University of Southern California and called Electronic Labyrinth: THX 1138 4EB. • Oath of Fealty, a 1982 novel by Larry Niven and Jerry Pournelle describing a large arcology whose dwellers and visitors are constantly being of surveiled by a variety of technologies • Blue Thunder, 1983 movie starring Roy Scheider • Brazil, a film by Terry Gilliam depicting an oppressive total information awareness society • Pizza, a short Flash video by ACLU depicting ordering pizza by phone in a Total Surveillance Society. • Discipline and Punish by the critical theorist Michel Foucault is generally taken as being one of the paradigmatic works on theories of surveillance and discipline • Enemy of the State, 1998 film about the use of surveillance and the powers it provides a corrupt politician who could track a person who has evidence of a politically motivated crime that would expose a murder. • Equilibrium, 2002 film wherein a dystopic future society surviving the third world war takes an emotion-suppressing drug and where the general public is constantly watched by the government to make sure that no one breaks the equilibrium. • The Conversation, 1974 movie starring Gene Hackman. • "Welcome to the Machine: Science, Surveillance and the Culture of Control" by Social and Environmental philosopher, → Derrick Jensen thoroughly examines the use of RFID chips, nanotechnology, military technology, science, and surveillance. • The Listening, a 2006 movie in which a rogue NSA employee fights against the agency's Echelon system and one of its corporate partners. • The Dark Knight, the 2008 summer blockbuster delved into whether the public security against the Joker's actions warranted Batman's mass scale spying on Gotham City's citizens using cell phone technology. Lucius Fox, Morgan Freeman's character,

Mass surveillance threatened to quit Wayne Enterprises over Batman's private surveillance of Gotham claiming that no one man should possess such power.[48] • Eagle Eye, a 2008 movie which portrays how surveillance can go out of hand. • The Lives of Others, the 2006 German drama film, movingly conveys the terrible impact that constant surveillance has on the emotional wellbeing and life prospects of those subjected to it.


Praising mass surveillance
• The Light of Other Days is a science-fiction book that praises mass surveillance, under the condition that it is available to everyone. It shows a world in which a total lack of privacy results in a decrease in corruption and crime. • Digital Fortress, novel by Dan Brown, involving an NSA codebreaking machine called 'TRANSLTR', reading and decrypting email messages, with which the NSA allegedly foiled terrorist attacks and mass murders.

See also
• Communications Assistance For Law Enforcement Act • Criticisms of the War on Terrorism • Carnivore, FBI US digital interception program • Data privacy • Data retention • Government databases • ECHELON • Information Awareness Office • Lawful interception • Mastering the Internet • Network analysis • NSA call database • Pen register • RFID tagging • Right to privacy • Security culture • SIGINT • Stellar wind (code name) • Sousveillance • Traffic analysis • USA PATRIOT Act • Telephone tapping in the Eastern Bloc • Technologies of political control

• Narus: supplier of SIGINT system, NarusInsight, referred to in Hepting vs. AT&T • National security

External links
• • • • BBC: Is business the real Big Brother? [49] The UK House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee's report into ID cards Bigger databases...could also mean more unwelcome intervention [51] Telegraph Online report: Council plans to listen in on street life [52]

• Minnesota CriMNet Department of Public Safety Bureau of Criminal Apprehension databases [53] • Edward Higgs The Development of Central State Surveillance of the Citizen in England, 1500 - 2000 [54]

Mass surveillance


[1] " The 2007 International Privacy Ranking (http:/ / www. privacyinternational. org/ article. shtml?cmd[347]=x-347-559597)". Privacy International. 2007-12-28. . [2] " Police Surveillance: Go Snoop, Yourself (http:/ / blogs. zdnet. com/ BTL/ ?p=9662)". http:/ / www. zdnet. com. August 13, 2008. . [3] " YouGov / Daily Telegraph Survey Results (http:/ / www. yougov. com/ archives/ pdf/ TEL060101024_4. pdf)". . [4] " Surveillance Society (http:/ / www. aclu. org/ privacy/ spying/ surveillancesocietyclock2. html)". American Civil Liberties Union. August 2008. . [5] BBC News - Britain is 'surveillance society' (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ uk/ 6108496. stm), 2 November 2006 [6] Constitution Committee Reports (http:/ / www. publications. parliament. uk/ pa/ ld/ ldconst. htm), House of Lords Constitution Committee, published 2009-02-06, accessdate 2009-02-08 [7] " Lords say surveillance society erodes foundations of UK (http:/ / www. theregister. co. uk/ 2009/ 02/ 06/ lords_reject_government_data/ )". The Register. 2009-02-06. . Retrieved on 2009-02-08. [8] BBC News - Watchdog's Big Brother UK warning (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ uk_politics/ 3568468. stm), 16 August 2004 [9] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Mass_surveillance [10] McCahill, M. and Norris, C. 2002. Urbaneye: CCTV in London (http:/ / www. urbaneye. net/ results/ ue_wp6. pdf) [11] The Telegraph - Council plans to listen in on street life (http:/ / www. telegraph. co. uk/ news/ main. jhtml?xml=/ news/ 2005/ 05/ 04/ nmic04. xml& sSheet=/ news/ 2005/ 05/ 04/ ixhome. html), 4 May 2005 [12] " There’s no hiding place as spy HQ plans to see all (http:/ / www. timesonline. co. uk/ tol/ news/ uk/ article4882622. ece)". The Sunday Times. October 5, 2008. . Retrieved on 2009-02-08. [13] " Concern over giant database idea (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ uk_news/ politics/ 7671046. stm)". BBC. October 15, 2008. . Retrieved on 2008-10-15. "The government's terror watchdog has expressed concern about proposals for a giant database to store details of all phone calls, e-mails and internet use." [14] " Giant database plan 'Orwellian' (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ uk_news/ politics/ 7671046. stm)". BBC. October 15, 2008. . Retrieved on 2008-10-17. "Lib Dem home affairs spokesman Chris Huhne said: "The government's Orwellian plans for a vast database of our private communications are deeply worrying." "I hope that this consultation is not just a sham exercise to soft-soap an unsuspecting public."" [15] " Government orders data retention by ISPs (http:/ / www. theregister. co. uk/ 2008/ 05/ 16/ isp_data_retention_directive/ )". The Register. 2008-05-16. . Retrieved on 2008-10-17. [16] " UK phone records to be kept for a year (http:/ / www. theregister. co. uk/ 2007/ 07/ 27/ data_retention_law_passed/ )". . Retrieved on 2007-10-04. [17] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ sci/ tech/ 2038036. stm [18] http:/ / www. out-law. com/ page-7788 [19] " UK gov issued 250k phone tap licences in nine months (http:/ / www. theregister. co. uk/ 2008/ 01/ 29/ interception_communications_commissioner/ )". . [20] " Shops secretly track customers via mobile phone (http:/ / technology. timesonline. co. uk/ tol/ news/ tech_and_web/ article3945496. ece)". . [21] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ commentisfree/ henryporter/ 2009/ apr/ 24/ database-state-surveillance Henry Porter The Guardian Blog: Paying billions for our database state [22] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ uk/ 6170070. stm [23] http:/ / www. tes. co. uk/ 2262058 [24] " The government is compiling a database to track and store the international travel records of millions of Britons. (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ uk/ feedarticle/ 8347931)". The Guardian (The Press Association). 2009-02-08. . Retrieved on 2008-02-08. [25] Paul Lewis; Marc Vallée (07 March 2009). " Revealed: police databank on thousands of protesters (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ uk/ 2009/ mar/ 06/ police-surveillance-protesters-journalists-climate-kingsnorth)". The Guardian (London): p. 1-2. . Retrieved on 10 March 2009. "Police are targeting thousands of political campaigners in surveillance operations and storing their details on a database" [26] " CALEA Archive – Electronic Frontier Foundation (http:/ / w2. eff. org/ Privacy/ Surveillance/ CALEA/ ?f=archive. html)" (in English). Electronic Frontier Foundation (website). . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [27] " CALEA: The Perils of Wiretapping the Internet (http:/ / www. eff. org/ issues/ calea)" (in English). Electronic Frontier Foundation (website). . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [28] " CALEA: Frequently Asked Questions (http:/ / www. eff. org/ pages/ calea-faq)" (in English). Electronic Frontier Foundation (website). . Retrieved on 2009-03-14.

Mass surveillance
[29] McCullagh, Declan (January 30, 2007). " FBI turns to broad new wiretap method (http:/ / news. zdnet. com/ 2100-9595_22-151059. html)" (in English). ZDNet News. . Retrieved on 2009-03-13. [30] Unsealed Klein exhibits | Electronic Frontier Foundation (http:/ / eff. org/ legal/ cases/ att/ SER_klein_exhibits. pdf) [31] Press Releases: June, 2007 | Electronic Frontier Foundation (http:/ / www. eff. org/ news/ archives/ 2007_06. php) [32] " FBI's Secret Spyware Tracks Down Teen Who Made Bomb Threats (http:/ / www. wired. com/ politics/ law/ news/ 2007/ 07/ fbi_spyware)". Wired Magazine. 2007-07-18. . [33] " ISP snooping gaining support (http:/ / news. cnet. com/ ISP-snooping-gaining-support/ 2100-1028_3-6061187. html)". CNET. April 14, 2006. . Retrieved on 2009-03-17. [34] " FBI, politicos renew push for ISP data retention laws (http:/ / news. cnet. com/ 8301-13578_3-9926803-38. html)". CNET. April 14, 2006. . Retrieved on 2009-03-17. "Based on the statements at Wednesday's hearing and previous calls for new laws in this area, the scope of a mandatory data retention law remains fuzzy. It could mean forcing companies to store data for two years about what Internet addresses are assigned to which customers (Comcast said in 2006 that it would be retaining those records for six months)." [35] " Proposed Child Pornography Laws Raise Data Retention Concerns (http:/ / www. crn. com/ networking/ 214502232)". ChannelWeb. February 20, 2009. . Retrieved on 2009-03-17. [36] " - NSA has massive database of Americans' phone calls (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ news/ washington/ 2006-05-10-nsa_x. htm)". . [37] McCullagh, Declan; Anne Broache (December 1, 2006). " FBI taps cell phone mic as eavesdropping tool (http:/ / news. cnet. com/ FBI-taps-cell-phone-mic-as-eavesdropping-tool/ 2100-1029_3-6140191. html)" (in English). CNet News. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [38] Odell, Mark (August 1, 2005). " Use of mobile helped police keep tabs on suspect (http:/ / news. ft. com/ cms/ s/ 7166b8a2-02cb-11da-84e5-00000e2511c8. html)" (in English). Financial Times. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [39] " Tracking a suspect by mobile phone (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ technology/ 4738219. stm)" (in English). BBC News. August 3, 2005. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [40] Miller, Joshua (March 14, 2009). " Cell Phone Tracking Can Locate Terrorists - But Only Where It's Legal (http:/ / www. foxnews. com/ story/ 0,2933,509211,00. html)" (in English). FOX News. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [41] " Caught! Big Brother May Be Watching You With Traffic Cameras (http:/ / www. edmunds. com/ ownership/ driving/ articles/ 42961/ article. html)". . [42] " US doles out millions for street cameras (http:/ / www. boston. com/ news/ nation/ washington/ articles/ 2007/ 08/ 12/ us_doles_out_millions_for_street_cameras/ ?page=full)". . [43] " Cambridge rejects surveillance cameras (http:/ / www. boston. com/ news/ local/ breaking_news/ 2009/ 02/ cambridge_rejec. html)". . [44] Is the NSA reading your MySpace profile? | Tech news blog - CNET (http:/ / news. com. com/ 2061-10789_3-6082047. html) [45] FRONTLINE: spying on the home front: transcript | PBS (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ pages/ frontline/ homefront/ etc/ script. html) [46] " City Is Rebuffed on the Release of ’04 Records - New York Times (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 08/ 07/ nyregion/ 07police. html?ref=nationalspecial3)". . [47] http:/ / www. theregister. co. uk/ 2002/ 11/ 04/ german_secret_service_taps_phones/ [48] http:/ / online. wsj. com/ public/ article_print/ SB121694247343482821. html [49] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ business/ 5015826. stm [50] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ nol/ shared/ bsp/ hi/ pdfs/ 29_07_04_idcards. pdf [51] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ online/ insideit/ story/ 0,13270,1245613,00. html [52] http:/ / www. telegraph. co. uk/ news/ main. jhtml?xml=/ news/ 2005/ 05/ 04/ nmic04. xml& sSheet=/ news/ 2005/ 05/ 04/ ixhome. html [53] http:/ / www. crimnet. state. mn. us/ [54] http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ journal/ 119027415/ abstract




Biometrics refers to methods for uniquely recognizing humans based upon one or more intrinsic physical or behavioral traits. In information technology, in particular, biometrics is used as a form of identity access management and access control. It is also used to identify individuals in groups that are under surveillance. Biometric characteristics can be divided in two main classes: • Physiological are related to the shape of the body. Examples include, but are not limited to fingerprint, face recognition, DNA, hand and palm geometry, iris recognition, which has largely replaced retina, and odor/scent.

At Walt Disney World biometric measurements are taken from the fingers of guests to ensure that the person's ticket is used by the same person from day to day

• Behavioral are related to the behavior of a person. Examples include, but are not limited to typing rhythm, gait, and voice. Some researchers[1] have coined the term behaviometrics for this class of biometrics. Strictly speaking, voice is also a physiological trait because every person has a different pitch, but voice recognition is mainly based on the study of the way a person speaks, commonly classified as behavioral.

It is possible to understand if a human characteristic can be used for biometrics in terms of the following parameters:[2] • Universality – each person should have the characteristic. • Uniqueness – is how well the biometric separates individuals from another. • Permanence – measures how well a biometric resists aging.

The basic block diagram of a biometric system

• Collectability – ease of acquisition for measurement. • Performance – accuracy, speed, and robustness of technology used. • Acceptability – degree of approval of a technology. • Circumvention – ease of use of a substitute. A biometric system can provide the following two functions:[3]

Biometrics • Verification – Authenticates its users in conjunction with a smart card, username or ID number. The biometric template captured is compared with that stored against the registered user either on a smart card or database for verification. • Identification – Authenticates its users from the biometric characteristic alone without the use of smart cards, usernames or ID numbers. The biometric template is compared to all records within the database and a closest match score is returned. The closest match within the allowed threshold is deemed the individual and authenticated. The main operations a system can perform are enrollment and test. During the enrollment, biometric information from an individual is stored. During the test, biometric information is detected and compared with the stored information. Note that it is crucial that storage and retrieval of such systems themselves be secure if the biometric system is to be robust. The first block (sensor) is the interface between the real world and the system; it has to acquire all the necessary data. Most of the times it is an image acquisition system, but it can change according to the characteristics desired. The second block performs all the necessary pre-processing: it has to remove artifacts from the sensor, to enhance the input (e.g. removing background noise), to use some kind of normalization, etc. In the third block features needed are extracted. This step is an important step as the correct features need to be extracted in the optimal way. A vector of numbers or an image with particular properties is used to create a template. A template is a synthesis of all the characteristics extracted from the source, in the optimal size to allow for adequate identifiability. If enrollment is being performed the template is simply stored somewhere (on a card or within a database or both). If a matching phase is being performed, the obtained template is passed to a matcher that compares it with other existing templates, estimating the distance between them using any algorithm (e.g. Hamming distance). The matching program will analyze the template with the input. This will then be output for any specified use or purpose (e.g. entrance in a restricted area).


The following are used as performance metrics for biometric systems:[4] • false accept rate or false match rate (FAR or FMR) – the probability that the system incorreclty matches the input pattern to a non-matching template in the database. It measures the percent of invalid inputs which are incorreclty accepted. • false reject rate or false non-match rate (FRR or FNMR) – the probability that the system fails to detects a match between the input pattern and a matching template in the database. It measures the percent of valid inputs which are incorrectly rejected. • receiver operating characteristic or relative operating characteristic (ROC) – The ROC plot is a visual charactization of the trade-off between the FAR and the FRR. In general, the matching algorithm performs a decision based on a threshold which determines how close to a template the input needs to be for it to be considred a match. If the threshold is reduced, there will be less false non-matches but more false accepts. Correspondingly, a higher threshold will reduce the FAR but increase the FRR. A common variation is the Detection error trade-off (DET), which is obtained using normal deviate scales on both axes. This more linear graph illuminates the differences for higher performances (rarer errors). • equal error rate or crossover error rate (EER or CER) – the rate at which both accept and reject errors are equal. The value of the ERR can be easily obtained from the

Biometrics ROC curve. The ERR is a quick way to compare the accuarcy of devices with differnt ROC curves. In general, the device with the lowest ERR is most accurate. Obtained from the ROC plot by taking the point where FAR and FRR have the same value. The lower the EER, the more accurate the system is considered to be. • failure to enroll rate (FTE or FER) – the rate at which attempts to create a template from an input is unsuccessful. This is most commonly caused by low quality inputs. • failure to capture rate (FTC) – Within automatic systems, the probability that the system fails to detect a biometric input when presented correctly. • template capacity – the maximum number of sets of data which can be stored in the system.. As the sensitivity of the biometric device increaes, the FAR decreases but the FRR increases.


Issues and concerns
There are concerns whether our personal information taken through biometric methods can be misused, e.g. by the government to determine unwanted traits in humans for global population control. Also, the data obtained using biometrics can be used in ways the individual doesn't assent to.

Danger to owners of secured items
When thieves cannot get access to secure properties, there is a chance that the thieves will stalk and assault the property owner to gain access. If the item is secured with a biometric device, the damage to the owner could be irreversible, and potentially cost more than the secured property. For example, in 2005, Malaysian car thieves cut off the finger of a Mercedes-Benz S-Class owner when attempting to steal the car[5] .

Cancelable biometrics
One advantage of passwords over biometrics is that they can be re-issued. If a token or a password is lost or stolen, it can be cancelled and replaced by a newer version. This is not naturally available in biometrics. If someone’s face is compromised from a database, they cannot cancel or reissue it. Cancelable biometrics is a way in which to incorporate protection and the replacement features into biometrics. It was first proposed by Ratha et al.[6] Several methods for generating cancelable biometrics have been proposed. Essentially, cancelable biometrics perform a distortion of the biometric image or features before matching. The variability in the distortion parameters provides the cancelable nature of the scheme. Some of the proposed techniques operate using their own recognition engines, such as Teoh et al.[7] and Savvides et al.,[8] whereas other methods, such as Dabbah et al.,[9] take the advantage of the advancement of the well-established biometric research for their recognition front-end to conduct recognition. Although this increases the restrictions on the protection system, it makes the cancellable templates more accessible for available biometric technologies.



Countries applying biometrics
United States
The United States government has become a strong advocate of biometrics with the increase in fear of terrorism since September 11, 2001. The FBI is currently spending $1 billion to create a new biometric database, which will store DNA, fingerprints, and other biometric data. The computers running the database will be contained in an underground facility about the size of a football field.[10] Both the Department of Homeland Security and DARPA are heavily funding research into facial recognition systems.[11] The Information Processing Technology Office, ran a program known as Human Identification at a Distance which developed technologies that are capable of identifying a person at up to 500 ft by their facial features. Bush issued a presidential directive (NSPD 59, HSPD 24)[12] in 2008 which requires increased capability for sharing and interoperability in "collection, storage, use, analysis, and sharing of biometric and associated biographic and contextual information of individuals" among the departments and agencies of the executive branch of the U.S. federal government.[12] [13] Starting in 2005, US passports with facial (image-based) biometric data were scheduled to be produced. Privacy activists in many countries have criticized the technology's use for the potential harm to civil liberties, privacy, and the risk of identity theft. Currently, there is some apprehension in the United States (and the European Union) that the information can be "skimmed" and identify people's citizenship remotely for criminal intent, such as kidnapping. The US Department of Defense (DoD) Common Access Card, is an ID card issued to all US Service personnel and contractors on US Military sites. This card contains biometric data and digitized photographs. It also has laser-etched photographs and holograms to add security and reduce the risk of falsification. There have been over 10 million of these cards issued. According to Jim Wayman, director of the National Biometric Test Center at San Jose State University, Walt Disney World is the nation's largest single commercial application of biometrics.[14] However, the US-VISIT program will very soon surpass Walt Disney World for biometrics deployment.

The biometrics market in Germany will experience enormous growth until 2009. “The market size will increase from approximately 12 million € (2004) to 377 million €” (2009). “The federal government will be a major contributor to this development”.[15] In particular, the biometric procedures of fingerprint and facial recognition can profit from the government project.[15] In May 2005 the German Upper House of Parliament approved the implementation of the ePass, a passport issued to all German citizens which contain biometric technology. The ePass has been in circulation since November 2005, and contains a chip that holds a digital photograph and one fingerprint from each hand, usually of the index fingers, though others may be used if these fingers are missing or have extremely distorted prints. “A third biometric identifier – iris scans – could be added at a later stage”.[16] An increase in the prevalence of biometric technology in Germany is an effort to

Biometrics not only keep citizens safe within German borders but also to comply with the current US deadline for visa-waiver countries to introduce biometric passports.[16] In addition to producing biometric passports for German citizens, the German government has put in place new requirements for visitors to apply for visas within the country. “Only applicants for long-term visas, which allow more than three months' residence, will be affected by the planned biometric registration program. The new work visas will also include fingerprinting, iris scanning, and digital photos”.[17] Germany is also one of the first countries to implement biometric technology at the Olympic Games to protect German athletes. “The Olympic Games is always a diplomatically tense affair and previous events have been rocked by terrorist attacks - most notably when Germany last held the Games in Munich in 1972 and 11 Israeli athletes were killed”.[18] Biometric technology was first used at the Olympic Summer Games in Athens, Greece in 2004. “On registering with the scheme, accredited visitors will receive an ID card containing their fingerprint biometrics data that will enable them to access the 'German House'. Accredited visitors will include athletes, coaching staff, team management and members of the media”.[18] As a protest against the increasing use of biometric data, the influential hacker group Chaos Computer Club published a fingerprint of German Minister of the Interior Wolfgang Schäuble in the March 2008 edition of its magazine Datenschleuder. The magazine also included the fingerprint on a film that readers could use to fool fingerprint readers.[19]


Since the beginning of the 20th century, Brazilian citizens have had user ID cards. The decision by the Brazilian government to adopt fingerprint-based biometrics was spearheaded by Dr. Felix Pacheco at Rio de Janeiro, at that time capital of the Federative Republic. Dr. Pacheco was a friend of Dr. Juan Vucetich, who invented one of the most complete tenprint classification systems in existence. The Vucetich system was adopted not only in Brazil, but also by most of the other South American countries. The oldest and most traditional ID Institute in Brazil (Instituto de Identificação Félix Pacheco) was integrated at DETRAN[20] (Brazilian equivalent to DMV) into the civil and criminal AFIS system in 1999. Each state in Brazil is allowed to print its own ID card, but the layout and data are the same for all of them. The ID cards printed in Rio de Janeiro are fully digitized using a 2D bar code with information which can be matched against its owner off-line. The 2D bar code encodes a color photo, a signature, two fingerprints, and other citizen data. This technology was developed in 2000 in order to enhance the safety of the Brazilian ID cards. By the end of 2005, the Brazilian government started the development of its new passport. The new documents started to be released by the beginning of 2007, in Brasilia. The new passport included several security features, like Laser perforation, UV hidden symbols, security layer over variable data and etc. Brazilian citizens will have their signature, photo, and 10 rolled fingerprints collected during passport requests. All of the data is planned to be stored in ICAO E-passport standard. This allows for contactless electronic reading of the passport content and Citizens ID verification since fingerprint templates and token facial images will be available for automatic recognition.



Biometrics are being used extensively in Iraq to catalogue as many Iraqis as possible providing Iraqis with a verifiable identification card, immune to forgery. During account creation, the collected biometrics information is logged into a central database which then allows a user profile to be created. Even if an Iraqi has lost their ID card, their identification can be found and verified by using their unique biometric information. Additional information can also be added to each account record, such as individual personal history. This can help American forces determine whether someone has been causing trouble in the past. One major system in use in Iraq is called BISA.[21] This system uses a smartcard and a user's biometrics (fingerpint, iris, and face photos) to ensure they are authorized access to a base or facility.[22] Another is called BAT for Biometric Automated Toolset.[23]

Several banks in Japan have adopted either palm vein authentication or finger vein authentication technology on their ATMs. Palm vein authentication technology which was developed by Fujitsu, among other companies, proved to have a false acceptance rate of 0.01177% and a false rejection rate of 4.23%. Finger vein authentication technology, developed by Hitachi, has a false acceptance rate of 0.0100% and a false rejection rate of 1.26%.[24] Finger vein authentication technology has so far been adopted by banks such as Sumitomo Mitsui Financial Group, Mizuho Financial Group and Japan Post Bank. Palm vein authentication technology has been adopted by banks such as the Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ.[25]

United Kingdom
Fingerprint scanners used in some schools to facilitate the subtraction of funds from an account financed by parents for the payment of school dinners. By using such a system nutritional reports can be produced for parents to surveil a child's intake. This has raised questions from liberty groups as taking away the liberty of choice from the youth of society. Other concerns arise from the possibility of data leaking from the providers of school meals to interest groups that provide health services such as the NHS and insurance groups that may end up having a detrimental effect on the ability of individuals to enjoy equality of access to services.

Visitors intending to visit Australia may soon have to submit to biometric authentication as part of the Smartgate system, linking individuals to their visas and passports. Biometric data are already collected from some visa applicants by Immigration. Australia is the first country to introduce a Biometrics Privacy Code, which is established and administered by the Biometrics Institute. The Biometrics Institute Privacy Code Biometrics Institute [26] forms part of Australian privacy legislation. The Code includes privacy standards that are at least equivalent to the Australian National Privacy Principles (NPPs) in the Privacy Act and also incorporates higher standards of privacy protection in relation to certain acts and practices. Only members of the Biometrics Institute are eligible to subscribe to this Code. Biometrics Institute membership, and thus subscription to this Code, is voluntary.



Canada have begun research into the use of biometric technology in the area of border security and immigration. Citizenship and Immigration Canada and the Canada Border Services Agency will probably be the first government institutions to fully implement the technology in Canada.

Biometrics in popular culture
• The movie Gattaca portrays a society in which there are two classes of people: those genetically engineered to be superior (termed "Valid") and the inferior natural humans ("Invalid"). People considered "Valid" have greater privileges, and access to areas restricted to such persons is controlled by automated biometric scanners similar in appearance to fingerprint scanners, but which prick the finger and sample DNA from the resulting blood droplet. • The television program MythBusters attempted to break into a commercial security door equipped with biometric authentication as well as a personal laptop so equipped.[27] While the laptop's system proved more difficult to bypass, the advanced commercial security door with "live" sensing was fooled with a printed scan of a fingerprint after it had been licked. There is no basis to assume that the tested security door is representative of the current typical state of biometric authentication, however. With careful matching of tested biometric technologies to the particular use that is intended, biometrics provide a strong form of authentication that effectively serves a wide range of commercial and government applications.

See also
• • • • • • • • • • • • Access control AFIS Biometric passport Biometrics in schools British biometric national identity card Facial recognition system Fingerprint recognition Government databases Iris recognition Retinal scan Speaker recognition Surveillance



Further reading
• White Paper - Identification Flats: A Revolution in Fingerprint Biometrics [28]. Published by Aware, Inc., March 2009. • [29]. SecuGen Fingerprint Readers Now Work with Tutis Biometric Logon Software to Authenticate Users to Active Directory • NBSP Biometric Technology Application Manual [30]. Published by the National Biometric Security Project (NBSP), the BTAM is a comprehensive reference manual on biometric technology applications. • “Fingerprints Pay For School Lunch.” (2001). Retrieved 2008-03-02. [31] • Yun, Yau Wei. The ‘123’ of Biometric Technology, 2003. Retrieved from on November 21, 2005 from the World Wide Web: [32] • Biometric Digest newsletter. Published monthly with weekly updates. 64 issues per year. Primary source of news & information, vendors, case studies, calendar of events for expositions & conferences, financial reports, names in the news and more.[33] • “Biometrics in Australia.” (2006). Retrieved 2006-06-11. [34] • “Biometrics Institute Australia Conference”. (2006). Retrieved 2006-06-11. [35] • “Biometrics an emerging Technology: Market Report Australia”(2005) Retrieved 2006-06-11. [36] • “Germany clears biometric passports plan.” (2005). Globe and Insider Edition. Retrieved 2006-06-11. [37] • “Germany to phase-in biometric passports from November 2005”. (2005). E-Government News. Retrieved 2006-06-11. [38] • Oezcan, V. (2003). “Germany Weighs Biometric Registration Options for Visa Applicants”, Humboldt University Berlin. Retrieved 2006-06-11. [39] • Sturgeon, W. (2004). “Biometrics used to keep German Olympians safe...but what are they testing - moustache or mullet?” Security Strategy Retrieved 2006-06-11.[40] • “The Biometrics Market in Germany 2004-2009: Anti-terrorism Laws Drive Growth” (2004). Soreon Research. Retrieved 2006-06-11 [41]

[1] http:/ / www. cilab. upf. edu/ biosecure1/ public_docs_deli/ BioSecure_Deliverable_D10-2-3_b3. pdf [2] Jain, A. K.; Ross, Arun; Prabhakar, Salil (January 2004), " An introduction to biometric recognition (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1109/ TCSVT. 2003. 818349)", IEEE Transactions on Circuits and Systems for Video Technology 14th (1): 4–20, doi: 10.1109/TCSVT.2003.818349 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1109/ TCSVT. 2003. 818349) [3] Jain, A. K.; Ross, A.; Pankanti, S. (June 2006), " Biometrics: A Tool for Information Security (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1109/ TIFS. 2006. 873653)", IEEE Transactions on Information Forensics and Security 1st (2), doi: 10.1109/TIFS.2006.873653 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1109/ TIFS. 2006. 873653) [4] " "CHARACTERISTICS OF BIOMETRIC SYSTEMS" (http:/ / www. ccert. edu. cn/ education/ cissp/ hism/ 039-041. html)". Cernet. . [5] BBC News: Malaysia car thieves steal finger (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ asia-pacific/ 4396831. stm) Another report, giving more credence to the story: (http:/ / www. assaabloyfuturelab. com/ FutureLab/ Templates/ Page2Cols____266. aspx) [6] N. K. Ratha, J. H. Connell, and R. M. Bolle, "Enhancing security and privacy in biometrics-based authentication systems," IBM systems Journal, vol. 40, pp. 614-634, 2001. [7] A. B. J. Teoh, A. Goh, and D. C. L. Ngo, "Random Multispace Quantization as an Analytic Mechanism for BioHashing of Biometric and Random Identity Inputs," Pattern Analysis and Machine Intelligence, IEEE Transactions on, vol. 28, pp. 1892-1901, 2006. [8] M. Savvides, B. V. K. V. Kumar, and P. K. Khosla, ""Corefaces"- Robust Shift Invariant PCA based Correlation Filter for Illumination Tolerant Face Recognition," presented at IEEE Computer Society Conference on

Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition (CVPR'04), 2004. [9] M. A. Dabbah, W. L. Woo, and S. S. Dlay, "Secure Authentication for Face Recognition," presented at Computational Intelligence in Image and Signal Processing, 2007. CIISP 2007. IEEE Symposium on, 2007. [10] Arena, Kelly; Carol Cratty (February 4, 2008). " FBI wants palm prints, eye scans, tattoo mapping (http:/ / www. cnn. com/ 2008/ TECH/ 02/ 04/ fbi. biometrics/ )" (in English). CNN. . Retrieved on 2009-03-14. [11] Frank, Thomas (May 10, 2007). " Face recognition next in terror fight (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ news/ washington/ 2007-05-10-facial-recognition-terrorism_N. htm)". USA Today. . Retrieved on 2009-03-16. [12] Office of the Press Secretary, The White House (June 5, 2008). National Security Presidential Directive and Homeland Security Presidential Directive (http:/ / georgewbush-whitehouse. archives. gov/ news/ releases/ 2008/ 06/ 20080605-8. html). Press release. . Retrieved on 2008-06-30. [13] Bain, Ben (June 6, 2008). " Bush pushes biometrics for national security (http:/ / www. fcw. com/ online/ news/ 152750-1. html)". Federal Computer Week (Media, Inc.). . Retrieved on 2008-06-30. [14] Article describing Disney's 2006 biometric initiative replacing hand geometric scanners with fingerprint readers (http:/ / newsinitiative. org/ story/ 2006/ 08/ 14/ walt_disney_world_the_governments) [15] The Biometrics Market in Germany 2004-2009: Anti-terrorism Laws Drive Growth - Market Research Reports - Research and Markets (http:/ / www. researchandmarkets. com/ reports/ c4206/ ) [16] IDABC - DE: Germany to phase-in biometric passports from November 2005 (http:/ / europa. eu. int/ idabc/ en/ document/ 4338/ 194) [17] Migration Information Source - Germany Weighs Biometric Registration Options for Visa Applicants (http:/ / www. migrationinformation. org/ Feature/ display. cfm?ID=141) [18] Biometrics used to keep German Olympians safe - Software - Breaking Business and Technology News at (http:/ / software. silicon. com/ security/ 0,39024655,39123078,00. htm) [19] CCC publishes fingerprints of Wolfgang Schäuble, the German Home Secretary (http:/ / www. heise. de/ english/ newsticker/ news/ 105728), Heise Online, published 2008-03-31, accessed 2008-04-17 [20] http:/ / www. detran. rj. gov. br/ _documento. asp?cod=1438 [21] " Biometric Identification System for Access (http:/ / www. csc. com/ solutions/ security/ casestudies/ 2829. shtml)". . [22] " DoD Readies Biometric ID System for U.S. Bases in Iraq (http:/ / www. defenselink. mil/ news/ newsarticle. aspx?id=31641)". . [23] Biometrics on the front line (http:/ / www. gcn. com/ print/ 23_23/ 26930-1. html) [24] International Biometric Group Comparative Biometric Testing Round 6 Public Report (http:/ / www. biometricgroup. com/ reports/ public/ reports/ CBT6_report. htm) [25] Biometrics: Vein Scanners Show Promise (http:/ / www. businessweek. com/ globalbiz/ content/ feb2007/ gb20070206_099354. htm) [26] http:/ / www. biometricsinstitute. org/ displaycommon. cfm?an=1& subarticlenbr=8%20 [27] Video of the Mythbusters episode on how to hack fingerprint scanners (http:/ / gagspace. com/ video/ how_to_hack_a_fingerprint_scanner) [28] http:/ / www. aware. com/ biometrics/ whitepapers. htm [29] http:/ / www. send2press. com/ newswire/ 2008-02-0206-001. shtml [30] http:/ / biometricsinternational. org/ downloads/ documents/ 2007BTAMMasterVolume2. pdf [31] http:/ / www. cbsnews. com/ stories/ 2001/ 01/ 24/ national/ main266789. shtml [32] http:/ / www. itsc. org. sg/ synthesis/ 2002/ biometric. pdf [33] http:/ / www. biodigest. com [34] http:/ / www. biometricsaustralia. com/ [35] http:/ / www. biometricsinstitute. org/ displaycommon. cfm?an=1& subarticlenbr=62 [36] http:/ / www. buyusainfo. net/ docs/ x_1689471. pdf [37] http:/ / www. theglobeandmail. com/ servlet/ Page/ document/ v4/ sub/ MarketingPage?user_URL=http:/ / www. theglobeandmail. com%2Fservlet%2Fstory%2FRTGAM. 20050708. gtgermanyjul8%2FBNStory%2FTechnology%2F& ord=1150044536595& brand=theglobeandmail& force_login=true [38] [39] [40] [41] http:/ / europa. eu. int/ idabc/ en/ document/ 4338/ 194 http:/ / www. migrationinformation. org/ Feature/ display. cfm?ID=141 http:/ / software. silicon. com/ security/ 0,39024655,39123078,00. htm http:/ / www. researchandmarkets. com/ reports/ c4206/


Societal collapse


Societal collapse
Societal collapse broadly includes both quite abrupt societal failures typified by the Biblical story of the Tower of Babel, the Mayan Civilization collapse and others of the type, as well as more extended grinding declines of former superpowers like the Roman empire. The great irony expressed by these and others like them is that civilizations that seem ideally designed to creatively solve problems find themselves doing so self-destructively. What distinguishes these more dramatic failures of human societies, seeming to deserve the term "collapse", from less dramatic long term decline is not widely agreed on. The subject also then generally includes any other long term decline of a culture, its civil institutions or other major characteristics of it as a society or a civilization, generally permanent. The coupled breakdown of economic, cultural and social institutions with ecological relationships is perhaps the most common feature of collapse. The most accessible and thorough discussions of the subject are the review of the scientific anthropology literature by J.A. Tainter and the popular but thorough book of the same title by Jared Diamond. Although a societal collapse is generally an endpoint for that form of administering the social and economic life of a culture, it can be as another kind of change of administration of the same culture. Russian culture would seem to have outlived both the society of the Czars and the society of the Soviet Union, for example. Frequently the phenomenon is also a process of decentralization of authority after a 'classic' period of centralized social order, perhaps replaced by competing centers as the central authority weakens. Societal collapse is certainly not a benign social process, but remnants may linger long after the high culture of the society vanishes. As when the black plague contributed to breaking the hold of European feudal society on its underclass in the 1400s, societal failure may also result in a degree of empowerment for the lower levels of a former climax society, who escape from the burden of onerous taxes and control by exploitative elites. The common factors appearing to contribute to societal collapse are economic, environmental, social and cultural, but they manifest combined effects like a whole system out of balance. In many cases a natural disaster (e.g. tsunami, earthquake, massive fire or climate change) may seem to be an immediate cause, but, other cases of civilizations in similar situations that were resilient and survived the same kind of insult make such causes not sufficient. That is the very sharp reasoning method used by Joseph Tainter, and how he combed the evidence to weed out the insufficient causes in his thesis that societies essentially exhausted their own designs, and were unable to adapt to natural diminishing returns for what they knew as their method of survival. It matches closely Toynbee's idea that "they find problems they can't solve". The diversity of forms of societies correspond to diversity in their failures too. In other instances significant inequity may combine with lack of loyalty to a central power structure and result in an oppressed lower class to rise up and taking power from a smaller wealthy elite. If there is a general "antidote" to collapse it would seem to be societal cohesion, diversity, and adaptability.

Societal collapse


Linking Societal/Environmental dynamics
Modern social critics commonly interpret things like sedentary social behavior as symptomatic of societal decay, and link what appears to be laziness with the depletion of important non-renewable resources. Many primitive cultures actually have high degrees of leisure too, though, so if that is a cause in one place it is not in others, so it is then not a necessary cause. What produces modern sedentary life, unlike nomadic → hunter-gatherers, is extraordinary modern economic productivity. That exceptional productivity is actually more the sign of hidden weakness that Tainter points to, both because of our great dependence on it, and its potential to undermine its own basis for success by not being self limiting as demonstrated in our culture's ideal of perpetual growth. As population grows and technology makes it easier to exploit depleting resources, the environment's diminishing returns are hidden from view. Social complexity is then potentially threatened if it develops beyond what is actually sustainable, and a disorderly reorganization were to follow. That is like the scissors model of Malthusian collapse where population grows without limit and resources don't, and is the usual simple idea of great opposing environmental forces cutting into each other of concern. It also appears to occur in complex forms in real collapses. For the modern world economy, for example, the growing conflict between food and fuel, depending on many of the same finite and diminishing resources is visible in the recent major commodity price shocks, and is one of the key relationships people since the early studies of the Club of Rome have been most concerned with. A related economic model is proposed by Thomas Homer-Dixon[1] and by Charles Hall[2] in relation to our declining productivity of energy extraction, or Energy Return on Energy Invested or EROEI. This measures the amount of surplus energy a society gets from using energy to obtain energy. There would be no surplus if EROEI approaches 1:1. What Hall showed is that the real cutoff is well above that, estimated to be 3:1 to sustain the essential overhead energy costs of a modern society. Part of the mental equation is that the EROEI of our generally preferred energy source, oil, has fallen in the past century from 100:1 to the range of 10:1 with clear evidence that the natural depletion curves all are downward decay curves. An EROEI of more than ~3, then, is what appears necessary to provide the energy for socially important tasks, such as maintaining government, legal and financial institutions, a transportation infrastructure, manufacturing, building construction and maintenance and the life styles of the rich and poor that a society depends on. The EROEI figure also affects the number of people needed for food production. In the pre-modern world, it was often the case that 80% of the population was employed in agriculture to feed a population of 100%, with a low energy budget. In modern times, the use of cheap fossil fuels with an exceedingly high EROEI enabled 100% of the population to be fed with only 4% of the population employed in agriculture. Diminishing EROEI making fuel more expensive relative to other things may require food to be produced using less energy, and so increases the number of people employed in food production again.

Societal collapse


Population Dynamics and Other Features of Collapse
In the general study of cultural change and population dynamics a whole system displays complex ecosystem change, and organizational adaptability relates importantly to organizational diversity. Several key feature of human societal collapse can be related to population dynamics[3] Reversion/Simplification: A society's adaptive capacity may be reduced by either a sharp increase in population or social complexity, destabilizing social institutions and cause massive shifts in population and other social dynamics. In cases of collapse civilizations tend to revert to less complex, less centralized socio-political forms using simpler technology. These are characteristics of a Dark Age. Examples of such societal collapse are: the Hittite Empire, the Mycenaean civilization, the Western Roman Empire, the Mauryan and Gupta states of India, the Mayas, the Angkor in Cambodia, and the Han and Tang dynasties in China. Incorporation/Absorption: Alternately, a society may be gradually incorporated into a more dynamic, more complex inter-regional social structure. This happened in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, the Levantine cultures, the Eastern Roman Empire, the Mughal and Delhi Sultanates in India, Sung China, the Aztec culture in Mesoamerica, the Inca culture in South America, and the modern civilizations of China, Japan, and India as well as many modern states in the Middle East and Africa. Other Features • Destratification: Complex societies stratified on the basis of class, gender, race or some other salient factor become much more homogeneous or horizontally structured. In many cases past social stratification slowly becomes irrelevant following collapse and societies become more egalitarian. • Despecialization: One of the most characteristic features of complex civilizations (and in many cases the yardstick to measure complexity) is a high level of job specialization. The most complex societies are characterized by artisans and tradespeople who specialize intensely in a given task. Indeed, the rulers of many past societies were hyper-specialized priests or priestesses who were completely supported by the work of the lower classes. During societal collapse the social institutions supporting such specialization are removed and people tend to become more generalized in their work and daily habits. • Decentralization: As power becomes decentralized people tend to be more self-regimented and have many more personal freedoms. In many instances of collapse there is a slackening of social rules and etiquette. Geographically speaking, communities become more parochial or isolated. For example, following the collapse of the Mayan civilization many Maya returned to their traditional hamlets, moving away from the large cities that had been the centers of the empire. • Destructuralization: Epiphenomena, institutions, processes, and artifacts are all manifest in the archaeological record in abundance in large civilizations. After collapse, evidence of epiphenomena, institutions, and types of artifacts change dramatically as people are forced to adopt more self-sufficient lifestyles. • Depopulation: Societal collapse is almost always associated with a decline in population densities. In extreme cases, the collapse in population is so severe that the society disappears entirely, such as happened with the Greenland Vikings, or a number of

Societal collapse Polynesian islands. In less extreme cases, populations are reduced until a demographic balance is re-established between human societies and the depleted natural environment. A classic example is the case of Ancient Rome which had a population of about 1.5 million during the reign of Trajan in the early 2nd century AD, but had only 15,000 inhabitants by the 9th century.


Models of societal response
According to Joseph Tainter[4] (1990), too many scholars offer facile explanations of societal collapse by assuming one or more of the following three models in the face of collapse: 1. The Dinosaur: The best example is a large scale society in which resources are being depleted at an exponential rate and yet nothing is done to rectify the problem because the ruling elite are unwilling or unable to adapt to said changes. In such examples rulers tend to oppose any solutions that diverge from their present course of action. They will favor intensification and commit an increasing number of resources to their present plans, projects and social institutions. 2. Runaway Train: An example would be a society that only functions when growth is present. Societies based almost exclusively on acquisition, including pillage or exploitation, cannot be sustained indefinitely. The societies of the Assyrians and the Mongols, for example, both fractured and collapsed when no new conquests were forthcoming. Tainter argues that Capitalism can be seen as an example of the Runaway Train model as it requires whole economies, individual sectors, and companies to constantly grow on a three month basis. Current methods of resource extraction and food production may be unsustainable; however, the philosophy of consumerism and planned obsolescence encourage the purchase of an ever increasing number of goods and services to sustain the economy. 3. House of Cards: In this aspect of Tainter's model societies that grow to be so large and include so many complex social institutions that they are inherently unstable and prone to collapse.

An example of Tainter's Critique of Simplistic Models
Though superficially useful, Tainter argues that these models alone fail to account for societal collapse. Often they are seen as interconnected occurrences that reinforce each other. For example, leaders on Easter Island saw a rapid decline of trees but ruled out change (i.e. The Dinosaur). Timber was used as rollers to transport and erect large statues called moai as a form of religious reverence to their ancestors. Reverence was believed to result in a more prosperous future. It gave the people an impetus to intensify moai production (i.e. Runaway Train). Easter Island also has a fragile ecosystem because of its isolated location (i.e. House of Cards). Deforestation led to soil erosion and insufficient resources to build boats for fishing or tools for hunting. Competition for dwindling resources resulted in warfare and many casualties. Together these events led to the collapse of the civilization, but no single factor ("house of cards" for example) is adequate. Mainstream interpretations of the history of Easter Island also include the slave raiders who abducted a large proportion of the population, and epidemics which killed most of the

Societal collapse survivors (see Easter Island History#Destruction of society and population.) Again, no single point explains the collapse, but only a complex and integrated view. Tainter's position is that societal complexity is a recent and comparatively anomalous occurrence requiring constant support. He observes that collapse is best understood by grasping four axioms, best stated in his own words (p 194): 1. human societies are problem-solving organizations; 2. sociopolitical systems require energy for their maintenance; 3. increased complexity carries with it increased costs per capita; and 4. investment in sociopolitical complexity as a problem-solving response reaches a point of declining marginal returns. With these facts in mind, collapse can simply be understood as a loss of the energy, what Tainter calls "declining marginal returns," needed to maintain societal complexity. Collapse is thus the sudden loss of societal complexity, stratification, internal and external communication and exchange, and productivity.


Toynbee’s theory of decay
The British historian Arnold J. Toynbee, in his 12-volume magnum opus A Study of History, theorized that all civilizations pass through several distinct stages: genesis, growth, time of troubles, universal state, and disintegration. Toynbee argues that the breakdown of civilizations is not caused by loss of control over the environment, over the human environment, or attacks from outside. Rather, ironically, societies that develop great expertise in problem solving become incapable of solving new problems by overdeveloping their structures for solving old ones. The fixation on the old methods of the "Creative Minority," leads it to eventually cease to be creative and degenerates into merely a "Dominant Minority" (that forces the majority to obey without meriting obedience), failing to recognize new ways of thinking. He argues that creative minorities deteriorate due to a worship of their "former self," by which they become prideful, and fail to adequately address the next challenge they face. He argues that the ultimate sign a civilization has broken down is when the dominant minority forms a "Universal State," which stifles political creativity. He states:
“ First the Dominant Minority attempts to hold by force - against all right and reason - a position of inherited privilege which it has ceased to merit; and then the Proletariat repays injustice with resentment, fear with hate, and violence with violence when it executes its acts of secession. Yet the whole movement ends in positive acts of creation - and this on the part of all the actors in the tragedy of disintegration. The Dominant Minority creates a universal state, the Internal Proletariat a universal church, and the External Proletariat a bevy of barbarian war-bands. ”

He argues that, as civilizations decay, they form an "Internal Proletariat" and an "External Proletariat." The Internal proletariat is held in subjugation by the dominant minority inside the civilization, and grows bitter; the external proletariat exists outside the civilization in poverty and chaos, and grows envious. He argues that as civilizations decay, there is a "schism in the body social," whereby: • abandon and self-control together replace creativity, and • truancy and martyrdom together replace discipleship by the creative minority.

Societal collapse He argues that in this environment, people resort to archaism (idealization of the past), futurism (idealization of the future), detachment (removal of oneself from the realities of a decaying world), and transcendence (meeting the challenges of the decaying civilization with new insight, as a Prophet). He argues that those who Transcend during a period of social decay give birth to a new Church with new and stronger spiritual insights, around which a subsequent civilization may begin to form after the old has died. Toynbee's use of the word 'church' refers to the collective spiritual bond of a common worship, or the same unity found in some kind of social order.


Foreign invasions
The decline of the Roman Empire is one of the events traditionally marking the end of Classical Antiquity and the beginning of the European Middle Ages. Throughout the fifth century, the Empire's territories in western Europe and northwestern Africa, including Italy, fell to various invading or indigenous peoples in what is sometimes called the Barbarian invasions, although the eastern half still survived with borders essentially intact for several centuries (until the Arab expansion). North Africa's populous and flourishing civilization collapsed after exhausting its resources in internal fighting and suffering devastation from the invasion of the Bedouin tribes of Banu Sulaym and Banu Hilal.[5] Ibn Khaldun noted that the lands ravaged by Banu Hilal invaders had become completely arid desert.[6] In the brutal pillaging that followed Mongol invasions, the invaders decimated the populations of China, Russia, the Middle East, and Islamic Central Asia. Later Mongol leaders, such as Timur, though he himself became a Muslim, destroyed many cities, slaughtered thousands of people and did irreparable damage to the ancient irrigation systems of Mesopotamia. These invasions transformed a civil society to a nomadic one.[7] Encounters between European explorers and populations in the rest of the world often introduced local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. Smallpox ravaged Mexico in the 1520s, killing 150,000 in Tenochtitlán alone, including the emperor, and Peru in the 1530s, aiding the European conquerors.[8] Some believe that the death of up to 95% of the Native American population of the New World was caused by Old World diseases.[9]

Examples of civilizations and societies which have collapsed
By Reversion/Simplification • • • • • • • • • Hittite Empire Mycenaean Greece The Neo-Assyrian Empire Indus Valley Civilization Mauryan and Gupta states Angkor civilization of the Khmer Empire Han and Tang Dynasty of China Anasazi Etruscans

• Western Roman Empire • Izapa

Societal collapse • Maya • Munhumutapa Empire • Olmec By Incorporation/Absorption • • • • • • • • • • Sumer Ancient Egypt Babylonia Ancient Levant Classical Greece Eastern Roman Empire (Medieval Greek) of the Byzantines Modern North East Asian civilisations, Hindu and Mughal India Qin, Song, Mongol and Qing China Tokugawa Shogunate of Japan, ending with the Meiji Restoration Aztecs and Incas


Sites which are believed to represent "societal collapse"
• • • • • Cahokia Easter Island Norse colony on Greenland Pitcairn Island Malden Island

See also
• Classic Maya collapse • Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed by Jared Diamond • Crisis state • Decline • Decline of the Roman Empire • Diaspora • Earth 2100 • Economic collapse • Failed state • Fragile state • Late 2000s recession • List of disasters

• Lost cities • Malthusian catastrophe • Medieval demography • Millennium Ecosystem Assessment • Overpopulation • Peak oil • Population dynamics • Risks to civilization, humans, and planet Earth • Survivalism

• Global empire

Societal collapse


Further reading
• → Diamond, Jared M. (2005). Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. New York: Viking Books. ISBN 0-14-303655-6. • Homer-Dixon, Thomas. (2006). The Upside of Down: Catastrophe, Creativity, and the Renewal of Civilization. Washington DC: Island Press. • Tainter, Joseph A. (1990). The Collapse of Complex Societies (1st paperback ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-38673-X. • Toynbee, Arnold J. (1934-1961). A Study of History, Volumes I-XII. Oxford: Oxford University Press. • Wright, Ronald. (2004). A Short History of Progress. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. ISBN 0-7867-1547-2.

[1] Homer-Dixon, Thomas (2007), "The Upside of Down: Catastrophe, Creativity and the Renewal of Civilization" (Knopf, Canada) [2] Hall, Charles 2009 "What is the Minimum EROI that a Sustainable Society Must Have" ENERGIES (http:/ / www. mdpi. com/ 1996-1073/ 2/ 1/ 25) [3] Population crises and cycles in history (http:/ / home. vicnet. net. au/ ~ozideas/ poprus. htm), A review of the book Population Crises and Population cycles by Claire Russell and W M S Russell. [4] Tainter, Joseph (1990), The Collapse of Complex Societies (Cambridge University Press) pp. 59-60. [5] The Great Mosque of Tlemcen (http:/ / www. muslimheritage. com/ topics/ default. cfm?ArticleID=461), [6] Populations Crises and Population Cycles (http:/ / www. galtoninstitute. org. uk/ Newsletters/ GINL9603/ PopCrises3. htm), Claire Russell and W.M.S. Russell [7] Ibn Battuta's Trip: Part Three - Persia and Iraq (1326 - 1327) (http:/ / www. sfusd. k12. ca. us/ schwww/ sch618/ Ibn_Battuta/ Battuta's_Trip_Three. html) [8] Smallpox: Eradicating the Scourge (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ british/ empire_seapower/ smallpox_01. shtml) [9] The Story Of... Smallpox – and other Deadly Eurasian Germs (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ gunsgermssteel/ variables/ smallpox. html)



1. REDIRECT ecotage

Philosophy of technology
The philosophy of technology is a philosophical field dedicated to studying the nature of technology and its social effects.

Considered under the rubric of the Greek term techne (art, or craft knowledge), the philosophy of technology goes to the very roots of Western philosophy. • In his Republic, Plato sees techne as the basis for the philosophers' proper rule in the city. • In the Nicomachean Ethics (Book 6), Aristotle describes techne as one of the four ways that we can know about the world. • The Stoics argued that virtue is a kind of techne based upon a proper understanding of the universe.

20th century development
Whereas 19th Century philosophers such as Karl Marx were philosophically interested in tools and techniques, the most prominent 20th century philosophers to directly address modern technology were John Dewey and Martin Heidegger. Although both saw technology as central to modern life, (to speak roughly) Dewey was optimistic about the role of technology, while Heidegger was slightly more pessimistic. This is an oversimplification, however, as Heidegger can be seen as critical but open to technology. To Heidegger, technology's essence, Gestell or Enframing, is both the greatest danger and the greatest possibility for humankind. Dewey's work on technology was dispersed throughout his corpus, while Heidegger's major work on technology may be found in The Question Concerning Technology. In the 1960s, Marshall McLuhan became a major radical voice in the field, with such works as the bestseller The Medium is the Message, as well as The Gutenberg Galaxy and Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man.

Contemporary philosophy
Contemporary philosophers with an interest in technology include Jean Baudrillard, Albert Borgmann, Andrew Feenberg, Langdon Winner, Donna Haraway, Avital Ronell, Don Ihde, Paul Levinson, Carl Mitcham, Leo Marx, Gilbert Simondon, → Jacques Ellul and Bernard Stiegler. While a number of important individual works were published in the second half of the twentieth century, Paul Durbin has identified two books published at the turn of the century as marking the development of the philosophy of technology as an academic subdiscipline with canonical texts [1] ; these were Technology and the Good Life (2000), edited by Eric Higgs, Andrew Light, and David Strong and American Philosophy of Technology (2001) by

Philosophy of technology Hans Achterhuis.


Technology and Neutrality
With improvements in technology comes progress and a great concern over its shadowing effect on society. Leila Green uses recent gun massacres such as 'the Port Arthur Massacre' and the 'Dunblane Massacre' to bring out the concepts of technological determinism and social determinism. Technological determinism argues that 'it was features of technology that determined its use and the role of a progressive society was to adapt to [and benefit from]technological change.'[Green, Leila (2001) Technoculture, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, p 2.]. The alternative perspective would be social determinism which looks upon society being at fault for the 'development and deployment'[Green, Leila (2001) Technoculture, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest, p 3] of technologies. The reactions to the gun massacres were different in various regions, Tasmanian authorities made gun laws even stricter than before, while there was a demand in the US for the advocacy of fire arms. And here lies the split, both in opinion and in social dimension. According to Green, a technology can be thought of as a neutral entity only when the soci-cultural context and issues circulating the specific technology are removed, it will be then visible to us that there lies a relationship of social groups and power provided through the possession of technologies.

See also
• • • • • • • • • Artificial Critique of technology Ethics of technology History of technology Industrial sociology Philosophy of engineering Technological evolution Theories of technology Naturoid

Further reading
• Joseph Agassi (1985). Technology: Philosophical and Social Aspects, Episteme, Dordrecht: Kluwer, , ISBN 90-277-2044-4. • Hans Achterhuis American Philosophy of Technology (2001). Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-33903-4 • Jan Kyrre Berg-Olsen and Evan Selinger. (2006). Philosophy of Technology: 5 Questions. New York: Automatic Press / VIP, [2] • Borgmann, Albert. (1984). Technology and the Character of Contemporary Life. University of Chicago Press. • → Ellul, Jacques. (1964). The Technological Society. Vintage Books. • Feenberg, Andrew. (1999). Questioning Technology. Routledge Press. • Heidegger, Martin. (1977). The Question Concerning Technology. Harper and Row. • Hickman, Larry. (1992). John Dewey's Pragmatic Technology. Indiana University Press. • Eric Higgs, Andrew Light and David Strong. (2000). Technology and the Good Life Chicago University Press.

Philosophy of technology • David M. Kaplan, ed. (2004). Readings in the Philosophy of Technology. Rowman & Littlefield. • Manuel de Landa War in the Age of Intelligent Machines. (1991). Zone Books. ISBN 978-0942-29975-5. • Levinson, Paul. (1988). Mind at Large: Knowing in the Technological Age. JAI Press. • Lyotard, Jean-Francois. (1984). The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. University of Minnesota Press. • McLuhan, Marshall. • The Gutenberg Galaxy. (1962). Mentor. • Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. (1964). McGraw Hill. • Mitcham, Carl. (1994). Thinking Through Technology. University of Chicago Press. • Nye, David. (2006). Technology Matters. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-64067-1 • Scharff, Robert C. and Val Dusek eds. (2003). Philosophy of Technology. The Technological Condition. An Anthology. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-0-631-22219-4 • Seemann, Kurt. (2003) Basic Principles in Holistic Technology Education. Journal of Technology Education [3], V14.No.2. • Simondon, Gilbert. • Du mode d'existence des objets techniques. (1958). () • L'individu et sa genèse physico-biologique (l'individuation à la lumière des notions de forme et d'information), (1964). Paris PUF () • Stiegler, Bernard, (1998). Technics and Time, 1: The Fault of Epimetheus. Stanford University Press. • Winner, Langdon. (1977). Autonomous Technology. MIT Press. ISBN 978-0262-23078-0 • Leila Green (2001) Technoculture, Allen & Unwin, Crows Nest pp 1–20.


External links
• Ends and Means [4] • NetFuture - Technology and Human Responsibility [5] • Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology [6]

• Philosophy of Technology [7] entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy by Maarten Franssen, Gert-Jan Lokhorst, Ibo van de Poel • Society for Philosophy and Technology [8] • Essays on the Philosophy of Technology [9] compiled by Frank Edler

Philosophy of technology


[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] Techné Vol 7 No 1 (http:/ / scholar. lib. vt. edu/ ejournals/ SPT/ v7n1/ intro. html) http:/ / www. philosophytechnology. com http:/ / scholar. lib. vt. edu/ ejournals/ JTE/ v14n2/ seemann. html http:/ / www. abdn. ac. uk/ philosophy/ endsandmeans/ http:/ / www. netfuture. org/ http:/ / scholar. lib. vt. edu/ ejournals/ SPT/ http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ technology http:/ / www. spt. org/ http:/ / commhum. mccneb. edu/ philos/ techessay. htm

Technology and society
Technology and society or technology and culture refers to the cyclical co-dependence, co-influence, co-production of technology and society upon the other (technology upon culture, and vice-versa). This synergistic relationship occurred from the dawn of humankind, with the invention of the simple tools; and continues into modern technologies such as the printing press and computers. The academic discipline studying the impacts of science, technology, and society and vice versa is called (and can be found at) Science and technology studies.

Modern examples
There are an extraordinary number of examples how science and technology has helped us that can be seen in society today. One great example is the mobile phone. Ever since the invention of the telephone society was in need of a more portable device that they could use to talk to people. This high demand for a new product led to the invention of the mobile phone, which did, and still does, greatly influence society and the way people live their lives. Now many people are accessible to talk to whoever they want no matter where any of the two people are. All these little changes in mobile phones, like Internet access, are further examples of the cycle of co-production. Society's need for being able to call on people and be available everywhere resulted in the research and development of mobile phones. They in turn influenced the way we live our lives. As the populace relies more and more on mobile phones, additional features were requested. This is also true with today's modern media player. Society also determined the changes that were made to the previous generation media player that the manufactures developed. Take for example, today's media players. At the beginning, cassettes were being used to store data. However, that method was large and cumbersome so the manufactures developed compact disks, which were smaller and could hold more data. Later, compact disks were again too large and did not hold enough data that forced today's manufactures to create MP3 players which are small and holds large amount of data. Today's society determined the course of events that many manufactures took to improving their products so today's consumers will purchase their products.

Technology and society


Economics and technological development
Looking back into ancient history, economics can be said to have arrived on the scene when the occasional, spontaneous exchange of goods and services began to occur on a less occasional, less spontaneous basis. It probably did not take long for the maker of arrowheads to realize that he could probably do a lot better by concentrating on the making of arrowheads and barter for his other needs. Clearly, regardless of the goods and services bartered, some amount of technology was involved—if no more than in the making of shell and bead jewelry. Even the shaman's potions and sacred objects can be said to have involved some technology. So, from the very beginnings, technology can be said to have spurred the development of more elaborate economies.
Nuclear reactor, Doel, Belgium

In the modern world, superior technologies, resources, geography, and history give rise to robust economies; and in a well-functioning, robust economy, economic excess naturally flows into greater use of technology. Moreover, because technology is such an inseparable part of human society, especially in its economic aspects, funding sources for (new) technological endeavors are virtually illimitable. However, while in the beginning, technological investment involved little more than the time, efforts, and skills of one or a few men, today, such investment may involve the collective labor and skills of many millions.

Consequently, the sources of funding for large technological efforts have dramatically narrowed, since few have ready access to the collective labor of a whole society, or even a large part. It is conventional to divide up funding sources into governmental (involving whole, or nearly whole, social enterprises) and private (involving more limited, but generally more sharply focused) business or individual enterprises. Government funding for new technology The government is a major contributor to the development of new technology in many ways. In the United States alone, many government agencies specifically invest billions of dollars in new technology. [In 1980, the UK government invested just over 6-million pounds in a four-year program, later extended to six years, called the Microelectronics Education Programme (MEP), which was intended to give every school in Britain at least one computer, software, training materials, and extensive teacher training. Similar programs have been instituted by governments around the world.] Technology has frequently been driven by the military, with many modern applications being developed for the military before being adapted for civilian use. However, this has always been a two-way flow, with industry often taking the lead in developing and adopting a technology which is only later adopted by the military.

Technology and society Entire government agencies are specifically dedicated to research, such as America's National Science Foundation, the United Kingdom's scientific research institutes, America's Small Business Innovative Research effort. Many other government agencies dedicate a major portion of their budget to research and development. Private funding Research and development is one of the biggest areas of investments made by corporations toward new and innovative technology. Many foundations and other nonprofit organizations contribute to the development of technology. In the OECD, about two-thirds of research and development in scientific and technical fields is carried out by industry, and 20 percent and 10 percent respectively by universities and government. But in poorer countries such as Portugal and Mexico the industry contribution is significantly less. The U.S. government spends more than other countries on military research and development, although the proportion has fallen from about 30 percent in the 1980s to less than 100 percent.[1]


Other economic considerations
• → Appropriate technology, sometimes called "intermediate" technology, more of an economics concern, refers to compromises between central and expensive technologies of developed nations and those which developing nations find most effective to deploy given an excess of labour and scarcity of cash. • Persuasion technology: In economics, definitions or assumptions of progress or growth are often related to one or more assumptions about technology's economic influence. Challenging prevailing assumptions about technology and its usefulness has led to alternative ideas like uneconomic growth or measuring well-being. These, and economics itself, can often be described as technologies, specifically, as persuasion technology. • Technocapitalism • Technological diffusion • Technology acceptance model • Technology lifecycle • Technology transfer

Technology and society


Sociological factors and effects
The use of technology has a great many effects; these may be separated into intended effects and unintended effects. Unintended effects are usually also unanticipated, and often unknown before the arrival of a new technology. Nevertheless, they are often as important as the intended effect. Values The implementation of technology influences the values of a society by Downtown Tokyo (2005) changing expectations and realities. The implementation of technology is also influenced by values. There are (at least) three major, interrelated values that inform, and are informed by, technological innovations: • Mechanistic world view: Viewing the universe as a collection of parts, (like a machine), that can be individually analyzed and understood (McGinn 1991). This is a form of reductionism that is rare nowadays. However, the "neo-mechanistic world view" holds that nothing in the universe cannot be understood by the human intellect. Also, while all things are greater than the sum of their parts (e.g., even if we consider nothing more than the information involved in their combination), in principle, even this excess must eventually be understood by human intelligence. That is, no divine or vital principle or essence is involved. • Efficiency: A value, originally applied only to machines, but now applied to all aspects of society, so that each element is expected to attain a higher and higher percentage of its maximal possible performance, output, or ability. (McGinn 1991) • Social progress: The belief that there is such a thing as social progress, and that, in the main, it is beneficent. Before the Industrial Revolution, and the subsequent explosion of technology, almost all societies believed in a cyclical theory of social movement and, indeed, of all history and the universe. This was, obviously, based on the cyclicity of the seasons, and an agricultural economy's and society's strong ties to that cyclicity. Since much of the world is closer to their agricultural roots, they are still much more amenable to cyclicity than progress in history. This may be seen, for example, in Prabhat rainjan sarkar's modern social cycles theory [2]. For a more westernized version of social cyclicity, see Generations: The History of America's Future, 1584 to 2069 (Paperback) by Neil Howe and William Strauss; Harper Perennial; Reprint edition (September 30, 1992); ISBN 0-688-11912-3, and subsequent books by these authors.

Technology and society


Technology enables greater knowledge of international issues, values, and cultures. Due mostly to mass transportation and mass media, the world seems to be a much smaller place, due to the following, among others: • • • • Globalization of ideas Embeddedness of values Population growth and control Others

Ethics Winston (2003) provides an excellent summary of the ethical implications of technological development and deployment. He states there are four major ethical implications: • Challenges traditional ethical norms. Because technology impacts relationships among individuals, it challenges how individuals deal with each other, even in ethical ways. One example of this is challenging the definition of "human life" as embodied by debates in the areas of abortion, euthanasia, capital punishment, etc., which all involve modern technological developments. • Creates an aggregation of effects. One of the greatest problems with technology is that its detrimental effects are often small, but cumulative. Such is the case with the pollution from the burning of fossil fuels in automobiles. Each individual automobile creates a very small, almost negligible, amount of pollution, however the cumulative effect could possibly contribute to the global warming effect. Other examples include accumulations of chemical pollutants in the human body, urbanization effects on the environment, etc. • Changes the distribution of justice. In essence, those with technology tend to have higher access to justice systems. Or, justice is not distributed equally to those with technology versus those without. • Provides great power. Not only does technology A Lancaster dropping bundles of 4lb stick incendiaries (left), 30lb amplify the ability, and incendiaries and a "cookie" (right) hence the strength, of humans, it also provides a great strategic advantage to the human(s) who hold the greatest amount of technology. Consider the strategic advantage gained by having greater technological innovations in the military, pharmaceuticals, computers, etc. For example, Bill Gates has considerable influence (even outside of the computer industry) in the course of human affairs due to his successful implementation of computer technology.

Technology and society Lifestyle In many ways, technology simplifies life. • • • • • • • • The rise of a leisure class A more informed society,which can make quicker responses to events and trends Sets the stage for more complex learning tasks Increases multi-tasking (although this may not be simplifying) Global networking Creates denser social circles Cheaper prices Greater specialization in jobs


In other ways, technology complicates life. • Pollution is a serious problem in a technologically advanced society (from acid rain to Chernobyl and Bhopal) • The increase in transportation technology has brought congestion in some areas • Technicism (although this may not be complicating) • New forms of danger existing as a consequence of new forms of technology, such as the first generation of nuclear reactors • New forms of entertainment, such as video games and internet access could have possible social effects on areas such as academic performance • Increased probability of some diseases and disorders, such as obesity • Social separation of singular human interaction. Technology has increased the need to talk to more people faster. • Structural unemployment • Anthropocentric climate change Institutions and groups Technology often enables organizational and bureaucratic group structures that otherwise and heretofore were simply not possible. Examples of this might include: • The rise of very large organizations: e.g., governments, the military, health and social welfare institutions, supranational corporations. • The commercialization of leisure: sports events, products, etc. (McGinn) • The almost instantaneous dispersal of information (especially news) and entertainment around the world.

Technology provides an understanding, and an appreciation for the world around us. Most modern technological processes produce unwanted byproducts in addition to the desired products, which is known as industrial waste and pollution. While most material waste is re-used in the industrial process, many forms are released into the environment, with negative environmental side effects, such as pollution and lack of sustainability. Different social and political systems establish different balances between the value they place on additional goods versus the disvalues of waste products and pollution. Some technologies are designed specifically with the environment in mind, but most are designed first for economic or ergonomic effects. Historically, the value of a clean environment and more efficient productive processes has been the result of an increase in the wealth of society, because once people are able to provide for their basic needs, they are able to

Technology and society focus on less-tangible goods such as clean air and water. The effects of technology on the environment are both obvious and subtle. The more obvious effects include the depletion of nonrenewable natural resources (such as petroleum, coal, ores), and the added pollution of air, water, and land. The more subtle effects include debates over long-term effects (e.g., global warming, deforestation, natural habitat destruction, coastal wetland loss.) Each wave of technology creates a set of waste previously unknown by humans: toxic waste, radioactive waste, electronic waste. One of the main problems is the lack of an effective way to remove these pollutants on a large scale expediently. In nature, organisms "recycle" the wastes of other organisms, for example, plants produce oxygen as a by-product of photosynthesis, oxygen-breathing organisms use oxygen to metabolize food, producing carbon dioxide as a by-product, which plants use in a process to make sugar, with oxygen as a waste in the first place. No such mechanism exists for the removal of technological wastes. Humanity at the moment may be compared to a colony of bacteria in a Petri dish with a constant food supply: with no way to remove the wastes of their metabolism, the bacteria eventually poison themselves.


Construction and shaping
Society also controls technology through the choices it makes. These choices not only include consumer demands; they also include: • the channels of distribution, how do products go from raw materials to consumption to disposal; • the cultural beliefs regarding style, freedom of choice, consumerism, materialism, etc.; • the economic values we place on the environment, individual wealth, government control, capitalism, etc. According to Williams and Edge (1996), the construction and shaping of technology includes the concept of choice (and not necessarily conscious choice). Choice is inherent in both the design of individual artifacts and systems, and in the making of those artifacts and systems. The idea here is that a single technology may not emerge from the unfolding of a predetermined logic or a single determinant, technology could be a garden of forking paths, with different paths potentially leading to different technological outcomes. This is a position that has been developed in detail by Judy Wajcman Therefore, choices could have differing implications for society and for particular social groups.hh

Autonomous technology
In one line of thought, technology develops autonomously, in other words, technology seems to feed on itself, moving forward with a force irresistible by humans. To these individuals, technology is "inherently dynamic and self-augmenting." (McGinn 1991, p. 73) → Jacques Ellul is one proponent of the irresistibleness of technology to humans. He espouses the idea that humanity cannot resist the temptation of expanding our knowledge and our technological abilities. However, he does not believe that this seeming autonomy of

Technology and society technology is inherent. But the perceived autonomy is due to the fact that humans do not adequately consider the responsibility that is inherent in technological processes. Another proponent of these ideas is Langdon Winner who believes that technological evolution is essentially beyond the control of individuals or society.


Individuals rely on governmental assistance to control the side effects and negative consequences of technology. • Supposed independence of government. An assumption commonly made about the government is that their governance role is neutral or independent. However some argue that governing is a political process, so government will be influenced by political winds of influence. In addition, because government provides much of the funding for technological research and development, it has a vested interest in certain outcomes. Other point out that the world's biggest ecological disasters, such as the Aral Sea, Chernobyl, and Lake Karachay have been caused by government projects, which are not accountable to consumers. • Liability. One means for controlling technology is to place responsibility for the harm with the agent causing the harm. Government can allow more or less legal liability to fall to the organizations or individuals responsible for damages. • Legislation. A source of controversy is the role of industry versus that of government in maintaining a clean environment. While it is generally agreed that industry needs to be held responsible when pollution harms other people, there is disagreement over whether this should be prevented by legislation or civil courts, and whether ecological systems as such should be protected from harm by governments. Recently the social shaping of technology has had new influence in the fields of e-science and e-social science in the United Kingdom, which has made centers focusing on the social shaping of science and technology a central part of their funding programs.

See also
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • → Appropriate technology E-Social Science Golden hammer History of science and technology Technological evolution Deindustrialization High technology Humanities policy Innovation Internet Knowledge economy → Lewis Mumford List of emerging technologies → Anarcho-primitivism

• Science and technology studies • Social shaping of technology • Myth of Progress

Technology and society • • • • • • • Technology assessment Theories of technology Timeline of historic inventions Technological convergence Technology Tree List of "ologies" Technological superpowers


•      McGinn, Robert E. (1991). Science, Technology, and Society. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0-13-794736-4. • ^ Williams, Robin; Edge, David (1996). "What is the Social Shaping of Technology? (The Introduction to paper "The Social Shaping of Technology".) [3]". Research Policy 25. http:/ / www. rcss. ed. ac. uk/ technology/ SSTRP. html. Retrieved on August 10 2006. •
^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^^^

   Winston, Morton (2003). "Children of invention". in in Morton Winston and Ralph Edelbach (eds.),. Society, Ethics, and Technology (2nd ed. ed.). Belmont, Calif.: Thomson/Wadsworth. ISBN 0-534-58540-X.

• Adas, Michael (1989). Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of Western Dominance. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-2303-1. • Noble, David F. (1984). Forces of Production: A Social History of Industrial Automation. New York: Knopf. ISBN 0-394-51262-6. • Smil, Vaclav (1994). Energy in World History. Boulder: Westview Press. pp. pp. 259-267. ISBN 0-8133-1901-3. Cited at Technology Chronology [4] (accessed September 11, 2005). • Introduction to Social Macrodynamics: Compact Macromodels of the World System Growth by Andrey Korotayev, Artemy Malkov, and Daria Khaltourina. ISBN 5-484-00414-4 [5]

External links
• STS Wiki

• Engines of Our Ingenuity [7], site for a radio program that tells the story of how our culture is formed by human creativity. • Examples for Innovation and New Technologies [8] • Law, technology and other musings [9]

Technology and society


[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] http:/ / www. oecd. org/ dataoecd/ 49/ 45/ 24236156. pdf http:/ / www. metafuture. org/ sarkar/ prabhat. htm http:/ / www. rcss. ed. ac. uk/ technology/ SSTRP. html http:/ / www. thenagain. info/ webchron/ Technology/ Technology. html http:/ / urss. ru/ cgi-bin/ db. pl?cp=& lang=en& blang=en& list=14& page=Book& id=34250 http:/ / en. stswiki. org/ wiki/ Main_Page http:/ / www. uh. edu/ engines/ engines. htm http:/ / www. promot. org/ index. html http:/ / www. vicasting. com/ contents. aspx/ pid/ 4013/

Appropriate technology
Appropriate technology (AT) is technology that is designed with special consideration to the environmental, ethical, cultural, social and economical aspects of the community it is intended for. With these goals in mind, AT typically requires fewer resources, is easier to maintain, has a lower overall cost and less of an impact on the environment compared to industrialized practices.[1] The term is usually used to
The Universal Nut Sheller in use in Uganda, an example of appropriate technology

describe simple technologies suitable for use in developing nations or less developed rural areas of industrialized nations.[1] This form of appropriate technology usually prefers labor-intensive solutions over capital-intensive ones, although labor-saving devices are also used where this does not mean high capital or maintenance cost. In practice, appropriate technology is often something described as using the simplest level of technology that can effectively achieve the intended purpose in a particular location. In industrialized nations, the term appropriate technology takes a different meaning, often referring to engineering that takes special consideration of its social and environmental ramifications.[2]

Appropriate technology


Background and definition
The term appropriate technology came into some prominence during the 1973 energy crisis and the environmental movement of the 1970s. The term is typically used in two arenas: utilizing the most effective technology to address the needs of developing areas, and using socially and environmentally acceptable technologies in industrialized nations.

Sustainable portable classroom design proposal

Appropriate technology founders
In the modern world appropriate technology is supposed to commence from Mohandas Gandhi who advocated small, local, mostly village-based technology to help India's villages become self reliant and thus aid in the freedom struggle against British and wealthy Indians. Gandhi's philosophies on technology were contrary to the belief that technological development was inherently synonymous with progress. He believed the powers of technology should be produced and used artfully and the benefits should be close to the individual and widely produced and distributed in a decentralised fashion. Gandhi claimed that his favorite technologies were the sewing machine, because it was invented out of love, and the bicycle, because it kept one's feet close to the ground. He felt that the paradigm of technology should not be one that disenfranchises people and be used in the pursuit of violence, rather, it should be used in a way that empowers people broadly. Integrated with the movement for self-rule, which was based on local economies, Gandhi championed the spinning wheel, or charka, employed in the khadi movement in the 1920s, which produced cloth locally in an act of civil disobedience of the imperial system, causing the British monopoly on textiles to collapse. However, in the movement for Swaraj, or home rule, Gandhi believed in a total revolution of production, saying that "It is not about getting rid of the tiger and keeping the tiger's nature". Having said "it is better for a machine to be idle than a man to be idle", Gandhi rejected the factory model of industrialisation, which valued production over the worker. He raised money to offer a reward for someone to invent a spinning wheel that could employ people in the same way, while producing more thread. E. F. Schumacher who was very strongly influenced by Gandhi's philosophy took his village development further and coined "intermediate technology" in early 1970s. It is Schumacher's book Small is Beautiful that really started the appropriate technology movement.

Appropriate technology


Appropriate technology practitioners
Some of the wellknown practitioners of the appropriate technology-sector include: M K Ghosh [3], Chaman Lal Gupta, Sen Kapadia, B.V. Doshi [4] , Buckminster Fuller, William Moyer (1933–2002), Satish Kumar (1936–present), Anil K. Rajvanshi, Amy B. Smith, Amory Lovins, Sanoussi Diakité, Victor Papanek, Johan Van Lengen and Arne Næss (1912–present)

Appropriate technology in developing areas
The term has often been applied to the situations of developing nations or underdeveloped rural areas of industrialized nations. The use of appropriate technology in these areas seeks to fill in the gaps left by conventional development which typically focuses on capital-intensive, urban development.[5] Appropriate technologies are not necessarily "low" technology, and can utilize recent research, for example cloth filters which were inspired by research into the way cholera is carried in water. A type of high-efficiency, white LED lights is used by the Light Up the World Foundation in remote areas of Nepal to replace more traditional forms of lighting that cause health problems associated with kerosene lamps or wood fires.

Intermediate technology
Coined by E. F. Schumacher, the term intermediate technology is similar to appropriate technology. It refers specifically to tools and technology that are significantly more effective and expensive than traditional methods, but still an order of magnitude (one tenth) cheaper than developed world technology. Proponents argue that such items can be easily purchased and used by poor people, and according to proponents can lead to greater productivity while minimizing social dislocation. Much intermediate technology can also be built and serviced using locally available materials and knowledge. This intermediate technology is conducive to decentralization, compatible with the laws of ecology, gentle in its use of scarce resources, and designed to serve the human person instead of making him the servant of machines.

Appropriate hard and soft technologies
According to Dr. Maurice Albertson and Faulkner, appropriate hard technology is “engineering techniques, physical structures, and machinery that meet a need defined by a community, and utilize the material at hand or readily available. It can be built, operated and maintained by the local people with very limited outside assistance (e.g., technical, material, or financial). it is usually related to an economic goal.” Some have explored the use of classroom projects for university-level physics students to research, develop and test appropriate hard technology [6] . Albertson and Faulkner consider Appropriate soft technology as technology that deals with “the social structures, human interactive processes, and motivation techniques. It is the structure and process for social participation and action by individuals and groups in analyzing situations, making choices and engaging in choice-implementing behaviors that bring about change.”[7]

Appropriate technology


Appropriate technology in developed countries
The term appropriate technology is also used in developed nations to describe the use of technology and engineering that results in less negative impacts on the environment and society.[2] E. F. Schumacher asserts that such technology, described in the book Small is Beautiful[8] tends to promote values such as health, beauty and permanence, in that order. Often the type of appropriate technology that is used in developed countries is "Appropriate and Sustainable Technology" (AST); or appropriate technology that, besides being functional and relatively cheap (though often more expensive than true AT), is also very durable and lasts a long time (AT does not include this; see Sustainable design).[9] [10] Parallel to this theory, British architect interested in human settlements and development, John F. C. Turner (co-author and editor of the book Freedom To Build and author of the book Housing By People), has said that truly appropriate technology is technology that ordinary people can use for their own benefit and the benefit of their community, that doesn't make them dependent on systems over which they have no control. This definition focuses on the idea that technology typically creates dependencies and thus to truly be appropriate, technology should enhance the local or regional capacity to meet local needs, rather than creating or amplifying dependencies on systems beyond local control.

Determining a sustainable approach
Features such as low cost, low usage of fossil fuels and use of locally available resources can give some advantages in terms of → sustainability. For that reason, these technologies are sometimes used and promoted by advocates of sustainability and alternative technology. Besides using natural, locally available resources (eg wood, adobe, ...), and waste materials imported from cities using conventional (and inefficient) waste management may be gathered and re-used to build a sustainable living environment. Use of these cities' waste material allows the gathering of a huge amount of building material at a low cost. When obtained, the materials may be recycled over and over in the own city/community, using the Cradle to cradle method. Locations where waste can be found include landfills, junkyards, on water surfaces and anywhere around towns or near highways. Organic waste that can be reused to fertilise plants can be found in sewages. Also, town districts and other places (e.g. cemeteries) that are subject of undergoing renovation or removal can be used for gathering materials as stone, concrete, potassium, ... The waste materials include • recyclable plastics such as PE, PP, PVC, PS, SB; PSE, ABS PMMA, PTFE, PA, PC, PUR, EP, UP and PET. ISF has made 2 documents on how respectively discarded plastics and aluminum can be salvaged and reused in developing countries.[11] • ferrous waste materials (eg cans, ...) • sewage sludge (for use as a fertiliser) The waste materials can be gathered by waste pickers, or -if possible- with more sophisticated machines such as materials recovery facilities (MRFs),and solid waste processing facilities. The latter may allow better separation of the different metals, plastics, ... resulting in a higher -and more efficient- yield. Also, waste pickers -besides usually not being equipped to disassemble the materials- risk being exposed to various poisonings.

Appropriate technology Sewage sludge is collected not by hand, but through a sludge processing plant that automatically heats the matter and conveys it into fertiliser pellets (hereby removing possible contamination by chemical detergents, ...)[12] This approach allows to eliminate seawater pollution by conveying the water directly to the sea without treatment (a practice which is still common in developing countries, despite environmental regulation). Sludge plants are useful in areas that have already set-up a sewage-system, but not in areas without such a system, as composting toilets are more efficient and do not require sewage pipes (which break over time). After collection, the obtained materials often need to be melted and recasted in forgeries and/or may require bending, cutting, folding, ... in a workshop. Plastics are a special case that are too melted in a workshop, using small, purpose-build hand-operated melting containers. Metalworking tools that can be used to cut, fold, ... the metal are the OpenLathe and Multimachine. Also, some CNC metalworking tools [13] can be appropriate. In some cases, melting and recasting is not required, as some parts can be simply cut and used as is in different devices. An example is the passive solar collector build from old refridgerator tubing [14].


City construction
In order to increase the efficiency of a great number of city services (efficient water provisioning, efficient electricity provisioning, easy traffic flow, water drainage, decreased spread of disease with epidemics, ...), the city itself must first be built correctly. Having the city designed using a grid plan brings the benefits all in a single go. As in the developing world, a lot of cities are hugely expanding and new ones are being built. Looking into the cities design in advance is a must for every developing nation.

Building construction
• • • • • Adobe (including the variation called Super Adobe), Rammed earth, Compressed earth block, Dutch brick, Cob

• and/or other green building materials could be considered appropriate earth building technology for much of the developing world, as they make use of materials which are widely available locally and are thus relatively inexpensive. The local context must be considered as, for example, mudbrick may not be durable in a high rainfall area (although a large roof overhang and cement stabilisation can be used to correct for this), and, if the materials are not readily available, the method may be inappropriate. Other forms of natural building may be considered appropriate technology, though in many cases the emphasis is on sustainability/self-sufficiency rather than affordability or suitability. As such, many buildings are also built to function as an autonomous building (eg earthships, ...). One example of an organisation that applies appropriate earthbuilding techniques would be Builders Without Borders. The building structure must also be considered. Cost/effectiveness is an important issue in projects based around appropriate technology, and one of the most efficient designs herein is the Public housing approach. This approach lets everyone have their own sleeping/recreation space, yet incorporate communal spaces eg. mess halls, Latrines, public

Appropriate technology showers, ... In addition, to decrease costs of operation (heating, cooling, ...) techniques as Earth sheltering, Trombe walls, ... are often incorporated. Organizations as Architecture for Humanity also follows principles consistent with appropriate technology, aiming to serve the needs of poor and disaster-affected people.


The term soft energy technology was coined by Amory Lovins to describe "appropriate" renewable energy.[15] "Appropriate" energy technologies are especially suitable for isolated and/or small scale energy needs. However, high capital cost must be taken into account. Electricity can be provided from: • PV solar panels (which are expensive initially, but simple), and (large) Concentrating solar power plants. PV solar panels made from Low-cost photovoltaic cells or PV-cells which have first been concentrated by a Luminescent solar concentrator-panel are also a good option. Especially companies as Solfocus [16] make appropriate technology CSP plants which can be made from waste plastics polluting the surroundings (see above). In certain cases, a dish stirling setup could be appropriate (by using low-cost Small scale (DIY) generation Stirling engines as the Thermomechanical generator); system primarily as they have greater efficiency, reducing the size required for the plant. However, repair of these more efficient CSP setups is more difficult than with regular CLFR, solar power towers or parabolic troughs. • • • • • thermodynamic solar panels wind power (home do-it yourself turbines and larger-scale) micro hydro, and pico hydro[17] human-powered handwheel generators[18] other zero emission generation methods

Some intermediate technologies (causing still some degree of pollution) include: • Biobutanol, • nuclear power, • biodiesel, • and straight vegetable oil can be appropriate, direct biofuels in areas where vegetable oil is readily available and cheaper than fossil fuels. • Anaerobic digestion power plants • Biogas is another potential source of energy, particularly where there is an abundant supply of waste organic matter. A generator (running on biofuels) can be run more efficiently if combined with batteries and an inverter; this adds significantly to capital cost but reduces running cost, and can potentially make this a much cheaper option than the solar, wind and micro-hydro options. • Feces (eg cow dung, human, etc) can also be used. For example DEKA's DEKA's Project Slingshot stirling electricity generator works this energy source to make electricity.

Appropriate technology • Biochar is another similar energy source which can be obtained through charring of certain types of organic material (eg hazelnut shells, bamboo, chicken manure, ...) in a pyrolysis unit.[19] A similar energy source is terra preta nova. Electricity distribution could be improved so to make use of a more structured electricity line arrangement and universal AC power plugs and sockets (eg the CEE 7/7 plug). In addition, a universal system of electricity provisioning (eg universal voltage, frequency, ampère; eg 230V with 50 Hz), as well as perhaps a better mains power system (eg through the use of special systems as perfected single wire earth returns; eg Tunesia's MALT-system; which features low costs and easy placement)[20] [21] Electricity storage (which is required for autonomous energy systems) can be provided through appropriate technology solutions as deep-cycle and car-batteries (intermediate technology), long duration flywheels, electrochemical capacitors, compressed air energy [22] storage (CAES), liquid nitrogen and pumped hydro. Thanks to Daniel Nocera, low-cost hydrogen storage now also possible as a mid to short-term storage solution. [23] Many solutions for the developing world are sold as a single package, containing a (micro) electricity generation power plant and energy storage. Such packages are called Remote Area Power Supply


Water supply and treatment
• Foremost, rainwater harvesting systems are a very good (low cost) approach for gathering water. In certain areas, the water collected can also be clean enough to use as is (without water treatment). Sometimes however, water obtained through rainwater harvesting may need an extra purification. Also, rainwater harvesting may require an appropriate method of storage, especially in areas with significant dry seasons. • fog collection is suitable for areas which experience fog even when there is little rain. • Deep wells with submersible pumps are an appropriate technology for gathering subterranean water in areas where the groundwater (aquitards) are located at a large Hand-operated, reciprocating, positive displacement, water depth (eg 10-150 m). The wells may need to be dug pump in Košice-Tahanovce, mechanically (for depths from 50-150 m), or may (in some Slovakia (walking beam pump). cases) still be dug manually (depths up to 40 m). However, although the digging may be done manually for depths up to 40 m, the pump still needs to be electrical (or mechanical; eg through a windmill-waterpump) for these depths. If an electrical pump is used, this is best a brushless engine in stead of an induction engine. [24] [25] • Handpumps and treadle pumps may provide better quality water with less travel time than surface water sources, and are generally more appropriate to developing world contexts than motor-driven pumps. This is because handpumps are far cheaper than electrical wells (which are mostly dug deep, requiring specialised equipment). Handpumps and treadle pumps are however only an option in areas where the water (called an aquifer) is located at a relatively shallow depth (e.g. 10 m). For deeper aquifers (up to 15 m), submersible pumps placed inside a well) need to be used. A disadvantage

Appropriate technology with handpumps is the required maintenance; if left unused, they soon fail. Treadle pumps for household irrigation are now being distributed on a widespread basis in developing countries. The principle of Village Level Operation and Maintenance is important with handpumps, but may be difficult in application. • Condensation bags and condensation pits can be an appropriate technology to get water, yet yields are low and are (for the amount of water obtained), labour intensive. Still, it may be a good (very cheap) solution for certain desperate communities. • The hippo water roller allows more water to be carried, with less effort and could thus be a good alternative for ethnic communities who do not wish to give up water gathering from remote locations. • The roundabout playpump, developed and used in southern Africa, harnesses the energy of children at play to pump water. In addition, small-scale (or larger scale) water treatment is another possibility, which simply purifies already available water (eg from surface water as streams/rivers, instead of gathering it from groundsources or precipitation). Small-scale water treatment is reaching increasing fractions of the population in low-income countries, particularly in South and Southeast Asia, in the form of water treatment kiosks (also known as water refill stations or packaged water producers). While quality control and quality assurance in such locations may be variable, sophisticated technology (such as multi-stage particle filtration, UV irradiation, ozonation, and membrane filtration) is applied with increasing frequency. Such microenterprises are able to vend water at extremely low prices, with increasing government regulation. Initial assessments of vended water quality are encouraging.


Human powered-vehicles include the bicycle, which provides general-purpose, human-powered transportation at a lower cost of ownership than motorized vehicles, with many gains over simply walking, and the whirlwind wheelchair, which provides mobility for disabled people who cannot afford the expensive wheelchairs used in developed countries. animal powered vehicles/transport may also be another appropriate technology. Certain zero-emissions vehicles may be considered appropriate transportation technology, including compressed air cars, liquid nitrogen and hydrogen-powered vehicles. Also, vehicles with internal combustion engines may be converted to hydrogen or oxyhydrogen combustion. Bicycles can also be applied to commercial transport of A man uses a bicycle to cargo goods in Ouagadougou, Burkina goods to and from remote areas. An example of this is Faso (2007) Karaba, a free-trade coffee co-op in Rwanda, which uses 400 modified bicycles to carry hundreds of pounds of coffee beans for processing.[26] Other projects for developing countries include the redesign of cycle rickshaws to convert them to electric power.[27]

Appropriate technology


As of 2006, waterborne diseases are estimated to cause 1.8 million deaths each year, marking the importance of proper sanitation systems. It is clear that the developing world is heavily lacking in proper public sanitation and that solutions as sewerages (or alternatively small-scale treatment systems) need to be provided.[28] Ecological sanitation can be viewed as a three-step process dealing with human excreta: (1) Containment, (2) Sanitization, (3) Recycling. The objective is to protect human health and the environment while limiting the use of water in sanitation systems for hand (and anal) washing only and recycling nutrients to help reduce the need for synthetic fertilizers in agriculture. Small scale systems include:
A clivus Multrum composting toilet

• Composting toilets are the most environmental form of excrement disposal systems. In addition, the toilets design allows the nutrients to be reused (eg for fertilising food crops). Also, DIY composting toilets can be build at a very low cost.

• BiPu is a portable system suitable for disaster management, while other forms of latrine provide safe means of disposing of human waste at a low cost. The Orangi Pilot Project was designed based on an urban slum's sanitation crisis. Kamal Kar has documented the latrines developed by Bangladeshi villagers once they became aware of the health problems with open defecation. • Treatment ponds and constructed wetlands can help to purify sewage and greywater. They consist mostly of plants (eg reed, ...) and therefore require only little power, and are hugely self-sufficient. • Certain other options as Slow sand filters, UV-filters, ... may also be employed

• White LEDs and a source of renewable energy (such as solar cells) are used by the Light Up the World Foundation to provide lighting to poor people in remote areas, and provide significant benefits compared to the kerosene lamps which they replace. Certain other companies as Powerplus also have LED-flashlights with imbedded solar cells [29].[30] • Organic LEDs made by roll-to-roll production [31] are another source of cheap light that will be commercially available at low cost by 2015.

• Compact fluorescent lamps (as well as regular fluorescent lamps and LED-lightbulbs) can also be used as appropriate technology. Although they are less environmentally friendly then LED-lights, they are cheaper and still feature relative high efficiency (compared to incandescent lamps).

LED Lamp with GU10 twist lock fitting, intended to replace halogen reflector lamps.

Appropriate technology • The Safe bottle lamp is a safer kerosene lamp designed in Sri Lanka. Lamps as these allow relative long, mobile, lighting. The safety comes from a secure screw-on metal lid, and two flat sides which prevent it from rolling if knocked over. An alternative to fuel or oil-based lanterns is the Uday lantern, developed by Philips as part of its Lighting Africa [32] project (sponsored by the World Bank Group). • The Faraday flashlight is a led flashlight which operates on a capacitor. Recharging can be done by manual winching or by shaking, hereby avoiding the need of any supplementary electrical system. • HID-lamps finally can be used for lighting operations where regular LED-lighting or other lamps will not suffice. Examples are car headlights. Due to their high efficiency, they are quite environmental, yet costly, and they still require polluting materials in their production process.


Food production
Food production has often been included in autonomous building/community projects to provide security. Skilled, intensive gardening can support an adult from as little as 15 square meters of land. Some proven intensive, low-effort food-production systems include urban gardening (indoors and outdoors). Indoor cultivation may be set-up using hydroponics with Grow lights, while outdoor cultivation may be done using permaculture, forest gardening, no-till farming, Do Nothing Farming, etc. In order to better control the irrigation outdoors, special irrigation systems may be created as well (although this increases costs, and may again open the door to cultivating non-indigenous plants; something which is best avoided). One such system for the developing world is discussed here [33]. Crop production tools are best kept simple (reduces operating difficulty, cost, replacement difficulties and pollution, when compared to motorized equipment). Tools can include scythes,[34] animal-pulled plows[35] (although no-till farming should be preferred),[36] dibbers, wheeled augers[37] [38] (for planting large trees), kirpis, hoes, ... Greenhouses are also sometimes included (see Earthship Biotincture). Sometimes they are also fitted with irrigation systems, and/or heat sink-systems which can respectively irrigate the plants or help to store energy from the sun and redistribute it at night (when the greenhouse starts to cool down).

Food preparation
According to proponents, Appropriate Technologies can greatly reduce the labor required to prepare food, compared to traditional methods, while being much simpler and cheaper than the processing used in Western countries. This reflects E.F. Schumacher's concept of "intermediate technology," i.e. technology which is significantly more effective and expensive than traditional methods, but still an order of magnitude (10 times) cheaper than developed world technology. Key examples are: • the Malian peanut sheller • the fonio husking machine • the screenless hammer mill • the ISF corn mill [33] • the ISF rice huller [33]

Appropriate technology • all other types of electrical or hand-operated kitchen equipment (grinders, cutters, ...) Special multifunctional kitchen robots that are able to perform several functions (eg grinding, cutting, and even vacuum cleaning and polishing !) are able to reduce costs even more. Examples of these devices were eg the (now dicontinued) Piccolo household appliance from Hammelmann Werke (previously based in Bad Kissingen.) It was equipped with a flexible axis, allowing a variety of aids to be screwed on.[39] [40]


• Solar cookers are appropriate to some settings, depending on climate and cooking style. They are emission-less and very low-cost. Hybrid variants also exist that incorporate a second heating source such as electrical heating or wood-based. • Hot plates are 100% electrical, fairly low cost (around 20€) and are mobile. They do however require an electrical system to be present in the area of operation. • Smokeless and wood conserving stoves promise In Ghana, Zouzugu villagers use solar greater efficiency and less smoke, resulting in cookers for preparing their meals savings in time and labor, reduced deforestation, and significant health benefits. The stoves however still make use of wood. However, briquette makers can now turn organic waste into fuel, saving money and/or collection time, and preserving forests. • Rocket stoves and certain other woodstoves (eg Philips Woodstove[41] ) improve fuel efficiency, and reduce harmful indoor air pollution.

• Solar, special Einstein refrigerators and thermal mass refrigerators reduce the amount of electricity required. Also, solar and special Einstein refrigerators do not use haloalkanes (which play a key role in ozone depletion), but use heat pumps or mirrors instead. Solar refrigerators have been build for developing nations by Sopology.[42] [43] • The pot-in-pot refrigerator is an African invention which keeps things cool without electricity. It provides a way to keep food and produce fresh for much longer than would otherwise be possible. This can be a great benefit to the families who use the device. For example, it is claimed that girls who had to regularly sell fresh produce in the market can now go to school instead, as there is less urgency to sell the produce before it loses freshness.[44]

Appropriate technology


Ventilation and air conditioning
• Natural ventilation can be created by providing vents in the upper level of a building to allow warm air to rise by convection and escape to the outside, while cooler air is drawn in through vents at the lower level. • Electrical powered fans (eg ceiling fans) allow efficient cooling, at a far lower electricity consumption as airconditioning systems. • A solar chimney often referred to as thermal chimney Chunche, naturally ventilated sheds for drying raisins in Xinjiang improves this natural ventilation by using convection of air heated by passive solar energy. To further maximize the cooling effect, the incoming air may be led through underground ducts before it is allowed to enter the building. • A windcatcher (Badgir; ‫ )ریگداب‬is a traditional Persian architectural device used for many centuries to create natural ventilation in buildings. It is not known who first invented the windcatcher, but it still can be seen in many countries today. Windcatchers come in various designs, such as the uni-directional, bi-directional, and multi-directional. • A passive down-draft cooltower may be used in a hot, arid climate to provide a sustainable way to provide air conditioning. Water is allowed to evaporate at the top of a tower, either by using evaporative cooling pads or by spraying water. Evaporation cools the incoming air, causing a downdraft of cool air that will bring down the temperature inside the building.

Health care
According to the Global Health Council, rather than the use of professionally schooled doctors, the training of villagers to remedy most maladies in towns in the developing world is most appropriate.[45] Trained villagers are able to eliminate 80% of the health problems. Small (low-cost) hospitals -based on the model of the Jamkhed hospital- can remedy another 15%, while only 5% will need to go to a larger (more expensive) hospital. • Before being able to determine the cause of the disease or malady, accurate diagnosis is required. This may be done manual (trough observation, inquiries) and by specialised tools. These include e.g. the 1. Akubio disease detector [46] 2. Low-cost self-diagnosis tool [47] 3. Low-cost cardiac/diabetes detector


• Herbalist medicines (eg tincures, tisanes, decoctions, ...) are appropriate medicines, as they can be freely made at home and are almost as effective as their chemical counterparts. A previous program that made use of herbal medicine was the Barefoot doctor program. • A phase-change incubator, developed in the late 1990s, is a low cost way for health workers to incubate microbial samples. • Birth control is also seen as an appropriate technology, especially now, because of increasing population numbers (overpopulating certain areas), increasing food prices and

Appropriate technology poverty. It has been proposed to a certain degree by PATH (program for appropriate technology in health).[49] [50] • Jaipur leg was developed by Dr. P. K. Sethi and Masterji Ram Chander in 1968 as an inexpensive prosthetic leg for victims of landmine explosions. • Natural cleaning products can be used for personal hygiene and cleaning of clothing and eating utensils; in order to decrease illnesses/maladies. (as they eliminate a great amount of pathogens) Note that many Appropriate Technologies benefit public health, in particular by providing sanitation and safe drinking water. Refrigeration may also provide a health benefit. (These are discussed in the following paragraphs.) This was too found at the Comprehensive Rural Health Project[51] and the Women Health Volunteers projects in countries as Iran, Iraq and Nepal. [52]


Information and communication technology
• The OLPC XO, Simputer, Eee PC, and other low cost computers are computers aimed at developing countries. Besides the low price, other charisteristics include resistance to dust, reliability and use of the target language. • Eldis OnDisc and The Appropriate Technology Library are projects that use CDs and DVDs to give access to development information in areas without reliable and affordable internet access. • The Wind-up radio and the computer and communication system planned by the Jhai Foundation are independent from power supply. • There is also GrameenPhone, which fused mobile telephony with Grameen Bank's microfinance program to gives Bangladeshi villagers access to communication. • Mobile telephony is appropriate technology for many developing countries, as it greatly reduces the infrastructure required to achieve widespread coverage. However, mobile phone network may not always be available (it depends on the location) and may not always provide both voice and data services. • Loband, a website developed by Aptivate strips all the photographic and other bandwidth intensive content from webpages and renders them as simple text, while otherwise allowing you to browse them normally. The site greatly increasing the speed of browsing, and is appropriate for use on low bandwidth connections as generally available in much of the developing world. • An increasing number of activists provide free or very inexpensive web and email services using cooperative computer networks that run wireless ad hoc networks. Network service is provided by a cooperative of neighbors, each operating a router as a household appliance. These minimize wired infrastructure, and its costs and vulnerabilities. Private Internet protocol networks set up in this way can operate without the use of a commercial provider.
Netbooks as the Eee PC allow low cost information sharing and communication

Appropriate technology • Rural electrical grids can be wired with "optical phase cable", in which one or more of the steel armor wires are replaced with steel tubes containing fiber optics.[53] • Satellite Internet access can provide high speed connectivity to remote locations, however these are significantly more expensive than wire-based or terrestrial wireless systems. Wimax and forms of packet radio can also be used. Depending on the speed and latency of these networks they may be capable of relaying VoIP traffic, negating the need for separate telephony services. Finally, the Internet Radio Linking Project provides potential for blending older (cheap) local radio broadcasting with the increased range of the internet. • satellite-based telephone systems can also be used, as either fixed installations or portable handsets and can be integrated into a PABX or local IP-based network.


Money lending and finance
Through financial systems envisioned especially for the poor/developed world, many companies have been able to get started with only limited capital. Often banks lend the money to people wishing to start a business (such as with microfinance). In other systems, people for a Rotating Savings and Credit Association or ROSCA to purchase costly material together (such as Tontines and Susu accounts). Organisations, communities, cities or individuals can provide loans to other communities/cities (such as with the approach followed by [54], MicroPlace and LETS). Finally, in certain communities (usually isolated communities such as small islands or oases) everything of value is shared. This is called gift economy.

See also
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Alternative technology Alternative propulsion Appropedia Community-based economics Cradle to Cradle Critique of technology Lifehacking Myth of Progress DIY culture Source reduction Zero emission Eco-village List of environment topics Social entrepreneurship Green syndicalism Deindustrialization Permaculture Practical Action (charity based in the UK) Small is Beautiful Synthetic biology

• → Technology and society

Appropriate technology


External links
• Appropedia - The Sustainability Wiki - World Wide Wiki of Sustainable Technology. • International Journal for Service Learning in Engineering (IJSLE) [55] - Peer-reviewed, semi-annual online journal, covering appropriate and sustainable technologies and related areas. • GrAT - Center for Appropriate Technology [56] - GrAT is a scientific association for research and development of Appropriate Technology in Vienna, Austria. • [57] - An environmental education center with a focus on living with appropriate technologies.

[1] " Appropriate Technology Sourcebook: Introduction (http:/ / www. villageearth. org/ pages/ Appropriate_Technology/ ATSourcebook/ Introduction. php)" Accessed on 5 July 2008. [2] Schneider, Keith. "Majoring in Renewable Energy." (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 03/ 26/ business/ businessspecial2/ 26degree. html?scp=2& sq="appropriate+ technology"& st=nyt) 26 March 2008. [3] http:/ / www. indiaenvironmentportal. org. in/ node/ 5799 [4] [see http:/ / www. indiaenvironmentportal. org. in/ node/ 5799 and http:/ / www. auroville. org/ thecity/ architecture/ two_at_once. htm BV Doshi as AT founder] [5] Reyes, W., S. Unakul, M. Acheson. Research in the Development of Appropriate Technology for the Improvement of Environmental Health at the Village Level (http:/ / repository. searo. who. int/ handle/ 123456789/ 6018). World Health Organization. 8 April 1978. p 13. [6] Joshua M. Pearce, " Teaching Physics Using Appropriate Technology Projects (http:/ / scitation. aip. org/ getabs/ servlet/ GetabsServlet?prog=normal& id=PHTEAH000045000003000164000001& idtype=cvips& gifs=yes)", The Physics Teacher, 45, pp. 164-167, 2007. pdf [7] Faulkner, A. O. and M. L. Albertson. "Tandem use of Hard and Soft Technology: an Evolving Model for Third World Village Development" International Journal of Applied Engineering Education. Vol. 2, No. 2 pp 127-137, 1986. [8] Schumacher, E. F.; Small Is Beautiful: Economics As If People Mattered: 25 Years Later...With Commentaries. Hartley & Marks Publishers ISBN 0-88179-169-5 [9] Appropriate and Sustainable Technology (http:/ / www. edc-cu. org/ R& D. htm) [10] [ AST definition and technologies] [11] Recycling plastics in the developing world (http:/ / www. isf-iai. be/ index. php?id=17& L=2) [12] Sewage sludge to fertiliser plant (http:/ / tucsongreentimes. com/ wordpress/ ?p=484) [13] http:/ / www. berezin. com/ jeff/ 2008/ 03/ cnc-part-1-unboxing-and-connecting. html [14] http:/ / www. instructables. com/ id/ Solar-Thermal-Water-Heater-For-Less-Than-Five-Doll/ [15] Soft energy paths: toward a durable peace. San Francisco: Friends of the Earth International ; Cambridge, Mass: Ballinger Pub. Co., 1977 [16] http:/ / www. solfocus. com/ en/ technology/ [17] Micro hydro in the fight against poverty (http:/ / www. tve. org/ ho/ doc. cfm?aid=1636& lang=English) [18] Human powered handwheel generators example (http:/ / www. tinytechindia. com/ handwheelgenerator. htm) [19] Biochar burner/stirling engine setup (http:/ / www. biomassauthority. com/ a/ precer-bioracer-biomass-car/ ) [20] SWER-mains electricty system advantages (http:/ / www. ruralpower. org/ ) [21] Description of Tunesia's MALT-system (http:/ / practicalaction. org/ practicalanswers/ product_info. php?products_id=293) [22] Appropriate energy storage by Troy McBride (http:/ / users. etown. edu/ m/ mcbridet/ Research/ McBrideIRESNov2007Presentation trim. ppt) [23] Daniel Nocera's Low-cost Hydrogen Energy Storage System (http:/ / web. mit. edu/ newsoffice/ 2008/ oxygen-0731. html) [24] Energy Saving through Motor Control (http:/ / www. elektor. com/ magazines/ 2008/ january/ energy-saving-through-motor-control. 321729. lynkx) [25] Motor app gains efficiency with electronic control (http:/ / www2. electronicproducts. com/ Motor_app_gains_efficiency_with_electronic_control-article-FAJH_Energy_Nov2008-html. aspx) [26] Sherwood Stranieri (2008-07-24). " Coffee Cargo Bikes in Rwanda (http:/ / usingbicycles. blogspot. com/ 2008/ 07/ video-hauling-coffee-in-rwanda. html)". Using Bicycles. .

Appropriate technology
[27] Electric cycle rickshaws as a sustainable transport systems for developing countries (http:/ / www. ias. ac. in/ currsci/ sep252002/ 703. pdf) [28] "Safe Water System," (http:/ / www. cdc. gov/ safewater/ publications_pages/ fact_sheets/ WW4. pdf) US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Fact Sheet, June 2006.] [29] http:/ / www. powerplus. nl/ contents/ media/ l_solar_light_rond. JPG [30] Powerplus Stingray (http:/ / www. powerplus. nl/ ) [31] http:/ / cleantech. com/ news/ 2582/ ge-shows-how-to-roll-out-oleds [32] Uday lamp and lighting africa project description (http:/ / www. ledsmagazine. com/ news/ 5/ 7/ 10) [33] http:/ / www. isf-iai. be/ index. php?id=17& L=2 [34] The scythe, an intermediate technology (http:/ / www. villageearth. org/ pages/ Appropriate_Technology/ ATSourcebook/ Agriculturaltools. php) [35] http:/ / www. isf-iai. be/ index. php?id=17& L=2 plows [36] AT Plows (http:/ / www. villageearth. org/ pages/ Appropriate_Technology/ ATSourcebook/ Agriculturaltools. php) [37] Pflanzfuchs wheeled auger (http:/ / users. skynet. be/ sb021277/ Pages/ Nederlands/ Pflanzfuchs/ PF. html) [38] 3-point hitch augers for tractors (http:/ / www. rotomec. com/ english/ products/ mole/ mole. html) [39] Piccolo Hilft der Hausfrau (http:/ / www. antiqbook. de/ boox/ domdey/ 4332. shtml) [40] Electro As Piccolo (http:/ / www. liveauctioneers. com/ item/ 2421132) [41] Philips woodstove (http:/ / www. research. philips. com/ newscenter/ archive/ 2006/ 060227-woodstove. html) [42] Solar refrigerators for developing world (http:/ / news. cnet. com/ Hawaiian-firm-shrinks-solar-thermal-power/ 2100-11392_3-6207877. html) [43] Optimized Einstein Fridge (http:/ / www. greenoptimistic. com/ 2008/ 09/ 21/ einstein-fridge/ ) [44] "Development of a low-cost cooler to preserve perishable foods in countries with arid climates" (http:/ / www. itdg. org/ html/ agro_processing/ docs29/ FC29_34. pdf), ITDG Food Chain Journal, 29 November 2001. [45] Use of villagers rather than doctors (http:/ / ngm. nationalgeographic. com/ 2008/ 12/ community-doctors/ rosenberg-text/ 2) [46] http:/ / www. mtbeurope. info/ news/ 2006/ 610035. htm [47] http:/ / www. idsa. org/ IDEA_Awards/ gallery/ 2008/ award_details. asp?ID=35918307 [48] http:/ / research. microsoft. com/ en-us/ collaboration/ papers/ hyderabad. pdf [49] PATH proposing birth control as appropriate technology (http:/ / www. physiciansforlife. org/ content/ view/ 367/ 36/ ) [50] PATH working on devices for birth control (http:/ / thewelltimedperiod. blogspot. com/ 2007/ 03/ barrier-birth-control-methods. html) [51] NGM Necessary angels (http:/ / ngm. nationalgeographic. com/ 2008/ 12/ community-doctors/ follow-up-text) [52] Women Health Volunteers (http:/ / www. fmreview. org/ FMRpdfs/ FMR19/ FMR1921. pdf) [53] Northern Economics Inc. and Electric Power Systems Inc. April 2001. "Screening Report for Alaska Rural Energy Plan." (http:/ / www. dced. state. ak. us/ dca/ AEIS/ PDF_Files/ AIDEA_Energy_Screening. pdf) (Report published on government website). Alaska Department of Commerce, Community, and Economic Development, via Retrieved on 2007-09-16. [54] [55] [56] [57] http:/ / kiva. org http:/ / www. engr. psu. edu/ IJSLE/ index. htm http:/ / www. grat. at http:/ / www. aprovecho. net


Philosophy of science


Philosophy of science

Part of a series on: Science The philosophy of science is concerned with the assumptions, foundations, and implications of science. The field is defined by an interest in one of a set of "traditional" problems or an interest in central or foundational concerns in science. In addition to these central problems for science as a whole, many philosophers of science consider these problems as they apply to particular sciences (e.g. philosophy of biology or philosophy of physics). Some philosophers of science also use contemporary results in science to draw philosophical morals. Although most practitioners are philosophers, several prominent scientists have contributed to the field and still do. Philosophy of science focuses on metaphysical, epistemic and semantic aspects of science. Ethical issues such as bioethics and scientific misconduct are usually considered ethics or science studies rather than philosophy of science.

Nature of scientific concepts and statements
Karl Popper contended that the central question in the philosophy of science was distinguishing science from non-science.[1] Early attempts by the logical positivists grounded science in observation while non-science (e.g. metaphysics) was non-observational and hence nonsense.[2] Popper claimed that the central feature of science was that science aims at falsifiable claims (i.e. claims that can be proven false, at least in principle).[3] No single unified account of the difference between science and non-science has been widely accepted by philosophers, and some regard the problem as unsolvable or uninteresting.[4] This problem has taken center stage in the debate regarding evolution and intelligent design. Many opponents of intelligent design claim that it does not meet the criteria of science and should thus not be treated on equal footing as evolution.[5] Those who defend intelligent design either defend the view as meeting the criteria of science or challenge the coherence of this distinction.[6]

Scientific realism and instrumentalism
Two central questions about science are (1) what are the aims of science and (2) how ought one to interpret the results of science? Scientific realists claim that science aims at truth and that one ought to regard scientific theories as true, approximately true, or likely true. Conversely, a scientific antirealist or instrumentalist argues that science does not aim (or at least does not succeed) at truth and that we should not regard scientific theories as true.[7]

Philosophy of science Some antirealists claim that scientific theories aim at being instrumentally useful and should only be regarded as useful, but not true, descriptions of the world.[8] More radical antirealists, like Thomas Kuhn and Paul Feyerabend, have argued that scientific theories do not even succeed at this goal, and that later, more accurate scientific theories are not [9] [10] "typically approximately true" as Popper contended.


Realists often point to the success of recent scientific theories as evidence for the truth (or near truth) of our current theories.[11] [12] [13] [14] [15] Antirealists point to either the history of science,[16] [17] epistemic morals,[8] the success of false modeling assumptions,[18] or widely termed postmodern criticisms of objectivity as evidence against scientific realisms.[19] Some antirealists attempt to explain the success of our theories without reference to truth[8] [20] while others deny that our current scientific theories are successful at all.[9] [10]

Scientific explanation
In addition to providing predictions about future events, we often take scientific theories to offer explanations for those that occur regularly or have already occurred. Philosophers have investigated the criteria by which a scientific theory can be said to have successfully explained a phenomenon, as well as what gives a scientific theory explanatory power. One early and influential theory of scientific explanation was put forward by Carl G. Hempel and Paul Oppenheim in 1948. Their Deductive-Nomological (D-N) model of explanation says that a scientific explanation succeeds by subsuming a phenomenon under a general law.[21] Although ignored for a decade, this view was subjected to substantial criticism, resulting in several widely believed counter examples to the theory.[22] In addition to their D-N model, Hempel and Oppenheim offered other statistical models of explanation which would account for statistical sciences.[21] These theories have received criticism as well.[22] Salmon attempted to provide an alternative account for some of the problems with Hempel and Oppenheim's model by developing his statistical relevance model.[23] [24] In addition to Salmon's model, others have suggested that explanation is primarily motivated by unifying disparate phenomena or primarily motivated by providing the causal or mechanical histories leading up to the phenomenon (or phenomena of that type).[24]

Analysis and reductionism
Analysis is the activity of breaking an observation or theory down into simpler concepts in order to understand it. Analysis is as essential to science as it is to all rational enterprises. For example, the task of describing mathematically the motion of a projectile is made easier by separating out the force of gravity, angle of projection and initial velocity. After such analysis it is possible to formulate a suitable theory of motion. Reductionism in science can have several different senses. One type of reductionism is the belief that all fields of study are ultimately amenable to scientific explanation. Perhaps a historical event might be explained in sociological and psychological terms, which in turn might be described in terms of human physiology, which in turn might be described in terms of chemistry and physics. Daniel Dennett invented the term greedy reductionism to describe the assumption that such reductionism was possible. He claims that it is just 'bad science', seeking to find explanations which are appealing or eloquent, rather than those that are of use in

Philosophy of science predicting natural phenomena. He also says that: There is no such thing as philosophy-free science; there is only science whose philosophical baggage is taken on board without examination. —Daniel Dennett, Darwin's Dangerous Idea, 1995. Arguments made against greedy reductionism through reference to emergent phenomena rely upon the fact that self-referential systems can be said to contain more information than can be described through individual analysis of their component parts. Examples include systems that contain strange loops, fractal organization and strange attractors in phase space. Analysis of such systems is necessarily information-destructive because the observer must select a sample of the system that can be at best partially representative. Information theory can be used to calculate the magnitude of information loss and is one of the techniques applied by Chaos theory.


Grounds of validity of scientific reasoning
Empirical Verification
Science relies on evidence to validate its theories and models. The predictions implied by those theories and models should be in agreement with observation. Ultimately, observations reduce to those made by the unaided human senses: sight, hearing, etc. To be accepted by most scientists, several disinterested, competent observers (excluding the blind, etc.) should agree on what is observed. Observations should be repeatable, e.g., experiments that generate relevant observations can be (and, if important, usually will be) done again. Further, predictions should be specific; one should be able to describe a possible observation that would falsify the theory or model that implied the prediction. Nevertheless, while the basic concept of empirical verification is simple, in practice, there are difficulties as described in the following sections.

It is not possible for scientists to have tested every incidence of an action, and found a reaction. How is it, then, that they can assert, for example, that Newton's Third Law is in some sense true? They have, of course, tested many, many actions, and in each one have been able to find the corresponding reaction. But can we be sure that the next time we test the Third Law, it will be found to hold true? One solution to this problem is to rely on the notion of induction. Inductive reasoning maintains that if a situation holds in all observed cases, then the situation holds in all cases. So, after completing a series of experiments that support the Third Law, one is justified in maintaining that the Law holds in all cases. Explaining why induction commonly works has been somewhat problematic. One cannot use deduction, the usual process of moving logically from premise to conclusion, because there is simply no syllogism that will allow such a move. No matter how many times 17th century biologists observed white swans, and in how many different locations, there is no deductive path that can lead them to the conclusion that all swans are white. This is just as well, since, as it turned out, that conclusion would have been wrong. Similarly, it is at least possible that an observation will be made tomorrow that shows an occasion in which an action is not accompanied by a reaction; the same is true of any scientific law.

Philosophy of science One answer has been to conceive of a different form of rational argument, one that does not rely on deduction. Deduction allows one to formulate a specific truth from a general truth: all crows are black; this is a crow; therefore this is black. Induction somehow allows one to formulate a general truth from some series of specific observations: this is a crow and it is black; that is a crow and it is black; therefore all crows are black. The problem of induction is one of considerable debate and importance in the philosophy of science: is induction indeed justified, and if so, how?


Test of an isolated theory impossible
According to the Duhem-Quine thesis, after Pierre Duhem and W.V. Quine, it is impossible to test a theory in isolation. One must always add auxiliary hypotheses in order to make testable predictions. For example, to test Newton's Law of Gravitation in our solar system, one needs information about the masses and positions of the Sun and all the planets. Famously, the failure to predict the orbit of Uranus in the 19th century led, not to the rejection of Newton's Law, but rather to the rejection of the hypothesis that there are only seven planets in our solar system. The investigations that followed led to the discovery of an eighth planet, Neptune. If a test fails, something is wrong. But there is a problem in figuring out what that something is: a missing planet, badly calibrated test equipment, an unsuspected curvature of space, etc. One consequence of the Duhem-Quine thesis is that any theory can be made compatible with any empirical observation by the addition of suitable ad hoc hypotheses. This thesis was accepted by Karl Popper, leading him to reject naïve falsification in favor of 'survival of the fittest', or most falsifiable, of scientific theories. In Popper's view, any hypothesis that does not make testable predictions is simply not science. Such a hypothesis may be useful or valuable, but it cannot be said to be science. Confirmation holism, developed by W.V. Quine, states that empirical data are not sufficient to make a judgment between theories. In this view, a theory can always be made to fit with the available empirical data. However, that empirical evidence does not serve to determine between alternative theories does not necessarily imply that all theories are of equal value, as scientists often use guiding principles such as Occam's Razor. One result of this view is that specialists in the philosophy of science stress the requirement that observations made for the purposes of science be restricted to intersubjective objects. That is, science is restricted to those areas where there is general agreement on the nature of the observations involved. It is comparatively easy to agree on observations of physical phenomena, harder for them to agree on observations of social or mental phenomena, and difficult in the extreme to reach agreement on matters of theology or ethics (and thus the latter remain outside the normal purview of science).

Theory-dependence of observations
When making observations, scientists peer through telescopes, study images on electronic screens, record meter readings, and so on. Generally, at a basic level, they can agree on what they see, e.g., the thermometer shows 37.9 C. But, if these scientists have very different ideas about the theories that supposedly explain these basic observations, they can interpret them in very different ways. Ancient "scientists" interpreted the rising of the Sun in the morning as evidence that the Sun moved. Later scientists deduce that the Earth is rotating. Or some scientists may conclude that observations confirm some hypothesis;

Philosophy of science skeptical co-workers may suspect that something is wrong with the test equipment. Observations when interpreted by a scientist's theories are said to be theory-laden. Observation involves perception as well as a cognitive process. That is, one does not make an observation passively, but is actively involved in distinguishing the thing being observed from surrounding sensory data. Therefore, observations depend on some underlying understanding of the way in which the world functions, and that understanding may influence what is perceived, noticed, or deemed worthy of consideration. More importantly, most scientific observation must be done within a theoretical context in order to be useful. For example, when one observes a measured increase in temperature, that observation is based on assumptions about the nature of temperature and measurement, as well as assumptions about how the thermometer that is used to measure the temperature functions. Such assumptions are necessary in order to obtain scientifically useful observations (such as, "the temperature increased by two degrees"), but they make the observations dependent on these assumptions. Empirical observation is used to determine the acceptability of some hypothesis within a theory. When someone claims to have made an observation, it is reasonable to ask them to justify their claim. Such a justification must make reference to the theory – operational definitions and hypotheses – in which the observation is embedded. That is, the observation is framed in terms of the theory that also contains the hypothesis it is meant to verify or falsify (though of course the observation should not be based on an assumption of the truth or falsity of the hypothesis being tested). This means that the observation cannot serve as an entirely neutral arbiter between competing hypotheses, but can only arbitrate between the hypotheses within the context of the underlying theory. Thomas Kuhn denied that it is ever possible to isolate the hypothesis being tested from the influence of the theory in which the observations are grounded. He argued that observations always rely on a specific paradigm, and that it is not possible to evaluate competing paradigms independently. By "paradigm" he meant, essentially, a logically consistent "portrait" of the world, one that involves no logical contradictions and that is consistent with observations that are made from the point of view of this paradigm. More than one such logically consistent construct can paint a usable likeness of the world, but there is no common ground from which to pit two against each other, theory against theory. Neither is a standard by which the other can be judged. Instead, the question is which "portrait" is judged by some set of people to promise the most in terms of scientific “puzzle solving”. For Kuhn, the choice of paradigm was sustained by, but not ultimately determined by, logical processes. The individual's choice between paradigms involves setting two or more “portraits" against the world and deciding which likeness is most promising. In the case of a general acceptance of one paradigm or another, Kuhn believed that it represented the consensus of the community of scientists. Acceptance or rejection of some paradigm is, he argued, a social process as much as a logical process. Kuhn's position, however, is not one of relativism.[25] According to Kuhn, a paradigm shift will occur when a significant number of observational anomalies in the old paradigm have made the new paradigm more useful. That is, the choice of a new paradigm is based on observations, even though those observations are made against the background of the old paradigm. A new paradigm is chosen because it does a better job of solving scientific problems than the old one.


Philosophy of science That observation is embedded in theory does not mean that observations are irrelevant to science. Scientific understanding derives from observation, but the acceptance of scientific statements is dependent on the related theoretical background or paradigm as well as on observation. Coherentism, skepticism, and foundationalism are alternatives for dealing with the difficulty of grounding scientific theories in something more than observations. And, of course, further, redesigned testing may resolve differences of opinion.


Induction attempts to justify scientific statements by reference to other specific scientific statements. It must avoid the problem of the criterion, in which any justification must in turn be justified, resulting in an infinite regress. The regress argument has been used to justify one way out of the infinite regress, foundationalism. Foundationalism claims that there are some basic statements that do not require justification. Both induction and falsification are forms of foundationalism in that they rely on basic statements that derive directly from immediate sensory experience. The way in which basic statements are derived from observation complicates the problem. Observation is a cognitive act; that is, it relies on our existing understanding, our set of beliefs. An observation of a transit of Venus requires a huge range of auxiliary beliefs, such as those that describe the optics of telescopes, the mechanics of the telescope mount, and an understanding of celestial mechanics. At first sight, the observation does not appear to be 'basic'. Coherentism offers an alternative by claiming that statements can be justified by their being a part of a coherent system. In the case of science, the system is usually taken to be the complete set of beliefs of an individual scientist or, more broadly, of the community of scientists. W. V. Quine argued for a Coherentist approach to science, as does E O Wilson, though he uses the term consilience (notably in his book of that name). An observation of a transit of Venus is justified by its being coherent with our beliefs about optics, telescope mounts and celestial mechanics. Where this observation is at odds with one of these auxiliary beliefs, an adjustment in the system will be required to remove the contradiction.

Ockham's razor
“ William of Ockham (c. 1295–1349) … is remembered as an influential nominalist, but his popular fame as a great logician rests chiefly on the maxim known as Ockham's razor: Entia non sunt multiplicanda praeter necessitatem. No doubt this represents correctly the general tendency of his philosophy, but it has not so far been found in any of his writings. His nearest pronouncement seems to be Numquam ponenda est pluralitas sine necessitate, which occurs in his theological work on the Sentences of Peter Lombard (Super Quattuor Libros Sententiarum (ed. Lugd., 1495), i, dist. 27, qu. 2, K). In his Summa Totius Logicae, i. 12, Ockham cites the principle of economy, Frustra fit per plura quod potest fieri per pauciora. (Kneale and Kneale, 1962, p. 243) ”

The practice of scientific inquiry typically involves a number of heuristic principles that serve as rules of thumb for guiding the work. Prominent among these are the principles of conceptual economy or theoretical parsimony that are customarily placed under the rubric of Ockham's razor, named after the 14th century Franciscan friar William of Ockham who is credited with giving the maxim many pithy expressions, not all of which have yet been found among his extant works.[26]

Philosophy of science The motto is most commonly cited in the form "entities should not be multiplied beyond necessity", generally taken to suggest that the simplest explanation tends to be the correct one. As interpreted in contemporary scientific practice, it advises opting for the simplest theory among a set of competing theories that have a comparable explanatory power, discarding assumptions that do not improve the explanation. The "other things being equal" clause is a critical qualification, which rather severely limits the utility of Ockham's razor in real practice, as theorists rarely if ever find themselves presented with competent theories of exactly equal explanatory adequacy. Among the many difficulties that arise in trying to apply Ockham's razor is the problem of formalizing and quantifying the "measure of simplicity" that is implied by the task of deciding which of several theories is the simplest. Although various measures of simplicity have been brought forward as potential candidates from time to time, it is generally recognized that there is no such thing as a theory-independent measure of simplicity. In other words, there appear to be as many different measures of simplicity as there are theories themselves, and the task of choosing between measures of simplicity appears to be every bit as problematic as the job of choosing between theories. Moreover, it is extremely difficult to identify the hypotheses or theories that have "comparable explanatory power", though it may be readily possible to rule out some of the extremes. Ockham's razor also does not say that the simplest account is to be preferred regardless of its capacity to explain outliers, exceptions, or other phenomena in question. The principle of falsifiability requires that any exception that can be reliably reproduced should invalidate the simplest theory, and that the next-simplest account which can actually incorporate the exception as part of the theory should then be preferred to the first. As Albert Einstein puts it, "The supreme goal of all theory is to make the irreducible basic elements as simple and as few as possible without having to surrender the adequate representation of a single datum of experience".


Objectivity of observations in science
It is vitally important for science that the information about the surrounding world and the objects of study be as accurate and as reliable as possible. For the sake of this, measurements which are the source of this information must be as objective as possible. Before the invention of measuring tools (like weights, meter sticks, clocks, etc) the only source of information available to humans were their senses (vision, hearing, taste, tactile, sense of heat, sense of gravity, etc.). Because human senses differ from person to person (due to wide variations in personal chemistry, deficiencies, inherited flaws, etc) there were no objective measurements before the invention of these tools. The consequence of this was the lack of a rigorous science. With the advent of exchange of goods, trades, and agricultures there arose a need in such measurements, and science (arithmetics, geometry, mechanics, etc) based on standardized units of measurements (stadia, pounds, seconds, etc) was born. To further abstract from unreliable human senses and make measurements more objective, science uses measuring devices (like spectrometers, voltmeters, interferometers, thermocouples, counters, etc) and lately - computers. In most cases, the less human involvement in the measuring process, the more accurate and reliable scientific data are. Currently most measurements are done by a variety of mechanical and electronic sensors directly linked to computers—which further reduces the chance of human error/contamination of information. This made it possible to achieve astonishing accuracy of modern measurements. For example, current accuracy of

Philosophy of science measurement of mass is about 10-10, of angles—about 10-9, and of time and length intervals in many cases reaches the order of 10-13 - 10-15. This made possible to measure, say, the distance to the Moon with sub-centimeter accuracy (see Lunar laser ranging experiment), to measure slight movement of tectonic plates using GPS system with sub-millimeter accuracy, or even to measure as slight variations in the distance between two mirrors separated by several kilometers as 10-18 m—three orders of magnitude less than the size of a single atomic nucleus—see LIGO.


Philosophy of particular sciences
In addition to addressing the general questions regarding science and induction, many philosophers of science are occupied by investigating philosophical or foundational problems in particular sciences. The late 20th and early 21st century has seen a rise in the number of practitioners of philosophy of a particular science.

Philosophy of physics
Philosophy of physics is the study of the fundamental, philosophical questions underlying modern physics, the study of matter and energy and how they interact. The main questions concern the nature of space and time, atoms and atomism. Also the predictions of cosmology, the results of the interpretation of quantum mechanics, the foundations of statistical mechanics, causality, determinism, and the nature of physical laws. Classically, several of these questions were studied as part of metaphysics (for example, those about causality, determinism, and space and time).

Philosophy of biology
Philosophy of biology deals with epistemological, metaphysical, and ethical issues in the biological and biomedical sciences. Although philosophers of science and philosophers generally have long been interested in biology (e.g., Aristotle, Descartes, and even Kant), philosophy of biology only emerged as an independent field of philosophy in the 1960s and 1970s. Philosophers of science then began paying increasing attention to developments in biology, from the rise of Neodarwinism in the 1930s and 1940s to the discovery of the structure of Deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) in 1953 to more recent advances in genetic engineering. Other key ideas such as the reduction of all life processes to biochemical reactions as well as the incorporation of psychology into a broader neuroscience are also addressed.

Philosophy of mathematics
Philosophy of mathematics is the branch of philosophy that studies the philosophical assumptions, foundations, and implications of mathematics. Recurrent themes include: • • • • What What What What are the sources of mathematical subject matter? is the ontological status of mathematical entities? does it mean to refer to a mathematical object? is the character of a mathematical proposition?

• What is the relation between logic and mathematics? • What is the role of hermeneutics in mathematics? • What kinds of inquiry play a role in mathematics?

Philosophy of science • • • • • What What What What What are the objectives of mathematical inquiry? gives mathematics its hold on experience? are the human traits behind mathematics? is mathematical beauty? is the source and nature of mathematical truth?


• What is the relationship between the abstract world of mathematics and the material universe? • What is a number? • Are mathematical proofs exercises in tautology? • Why does it make sense to ask whether 1+1=2 is true? • How do we know whether a mathematical proof is correct?

Philosophy of chemistry
Philosophy of chemistry considers the methodology and underlying assumptions of the science of chemistry. It is explored by philosophers, chemists, and philosopher-chemist teams. The philosophy of science has centered on physics for the last several centuries, and during the last century in particular, it has become increasingly concerned with the ultimate constituents of existence, or what one might call reductionism. Thus, for example, considerable attention has been devoted to the philosophical implications of special relativity, general relativity, and quantum mechanics. In recent years, however, more attention has been given to both the philosophy of biology and chemistry, which both deal with more intermediate states of existence. In the philosophy of chemistry, for example, we might ask, given quantum reality at the microcosmic level, and given the enormous distances between electrons and the atomic nucleus, how is it that we are unable to put our hands through walls, as physics might predict? Chemistry provides the answer, and so we then ask what it is that distinguishes chemistry from physics? In the philosophy of biology, which is closely related to chemistry, we inquire about what distinguishes a living thing from a non-living thing at the most elementary level. Can a living thing be understood in purely mechanistic terms, or is there, as vitalism asserts, always something beyond mere quantum states? Issues in philosophy of chemistry may not be as deeply conceptually perplexing as the quantum mechanical measurement problem in the philosophy of physics, and may not be as conceptually complex as optimality arguments in evolutionary biology. However interest in the philosophy of chemistry in part stems from the ability of chemistry to connect the “hard sciences” such as physics with the “soft sciences” such as biology, which gives it a rather distinctive role as the central science.

Philosophy of science


Philosophy of economics
Philosophy of economics is the branch of philosophy which studies philosophical issues relating to economics. It can also be defined as the branch of economics which studies its own foundations and morality.

Philosophy of psychology
Philosophy of psychology refers to issues at the theoretical foundations of modern psychology. Some of these issues are epistemological concerns about the methodology of psychological investigation. For example: • What is the most appropriate methodology for psychology: mentalism, behaviorism, or a compromise? • Are self-reports a reliable data gathering method? • What conclusions can be drawn from null hypothesis tests? • Can first-person experiences (emotions, desires, beliefs, etc.) be measured objectively? Other issues in philosophy of psychology are philosophical questions about the nature of mind, brain, and cognition, and are perhaps more commonly thought of as part of cognitive science, or philosophy of mind, such as: • What is a cognitive module? • Are humans rational creatures? • What psychological phenomena comes up to the standard required for calling it knowledge? • What is innateness? Philosophy of psychology also closely monitors contemporary work conducted in cognitive neuroscience, evolutionary psychology, and artificial intelligence, questioning what they can and cannot explain in psychology. Philosophy of psychology is a relatively young field, due to the fact that psychology only became a discipline of its own in the late 1800s. Philosophy of mind, by contrast, has been a well-established discipline since before psychology was a field of study at all. It is concerned with questions about the very nature of mind, the qualities of experience, and particular issues like the debate between dualism and monism. Also, neurophilosophy has become its own field with the works of Paul and Patricia Churchland.

Social accountability
Scientific Openness
A very broad issue affecting the neutrality of science concerns the areas over which science chooses to explore, so what part of the world and man is studied by science. Since the areas for science to investigate are theoretically infinite, the issue then arises as to what science should attempt to question or find out. Philip Kitcher in his "Science, Truth, and Democracy"[27] argues that scientific studies that attempt to show one segment of the population as being less intelligent, successful or emotionally backward compared to others have a political feedback effect which further excludes such groups from access to science. Thus such studies undermine the broad consensus required for good science by excluding certain people, and so proving

Philosophy of science themselves in the end to be unscientific. See also The Mismeasure of Man.


Critiques of scientific method
Paul Feyerabend argued that no description of scientific method could possibly be broad enough to encompass all the approaches and methods used by scientists. Feyerabend objected to prescriptive scientific method on the grounds that any such method would stifle and cramp scientific progress. Feyerabend claimed, "the only principle that does not inhibit progress is: anything goes."[28] However there have been many opponents to his theory. Alan Sokal and Jean Bricmont wrote the essay "Feyerabend: Anything Goes" about his belief that science is of little use to society.

Sociology and anthropology of science
In his book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions Kuhn argues that the process of observation and evaluation take place within a paradigm. 'A paradigm is what the members of a community of scientists share, and, conversely, a scientific community consists of men who share a paradigm'.[29] On this account, science can be done only as a part of a community, and is inherently a communal activity. For Kuhn, the fundamental difference between science and other disciplines is in the way in which the communities function. Others, especially Feyerabend and some post-modernist thinkers, have argued that there is insufficient difference between social practices in science and other disciplines to maintain this distinction. It is apparent that social factors play an important and direct role in scientific method, but that they do not serve to differentiate science from other disciplines. Furthermore, although on this account science is socially constructed, it does not follow that reality is a social construct. (See Science studies and the links there.) Kuhn’s ideas are equally applicable to both realist and anti-realist ontologies. There are, however, those who maintain that scientific reality is indeed a social construct, to quote Quine: Physical objects are conceptually imported into the situation as convenient intermediaries not by definition in terms of experience, but simply as irreducible posits comparable, epistemologically, to the gods of Homer . . . For my part I do, qua lay physicist, believe in physical objects and not in Homer's gods; and I consider it a scientific error to believe otherwise. But in point of epistemological footing, the physical objects and the gods differ only in degree and not in kind. Both sorts of entities enter our conceptions only as cultural posits[30] See also cultural studies. A major development in recent decades has been the study of the formation, structure, and evolution of scientific communities by sociologists and anthropologists including Michel Callon, Elihu Gerson, Bruno Latour, John Law, Susan Leigh Star, Anselm Strauss, Lucy Suchman, and others. Some of their work has been previously loosely gathered in actor network theory. Here the approach to the philosophy of science is to study how scientific communities actually operate. More recently Gibbons and colleagues (1994) have introduced the notion of mode 2 knowledge production.

Philosophy of science Researchers in Information science have also made contributions, e.g., the Scientific Community Metaphor.


Continental philosophy of science
In the Continental philosophical tradition, science is viewed from a world-historical perspective. One of the first philosophers who supported this view was Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Philosophers such as Ernst Mach, Pierre Duhem and Gaston Bachelard also wrote their works with this world-historical approach to science. Nietzsche advanced the thesis in his "The Genealogy of Morals" that the motive for search of truth in sciences is a kind of ascetic ideal. All of these approaches involve a historical and sociological turn to science, with a special emphasis on lived experience (a kind of Husserlian "life-world"), rather than a progress-based or anti-historical approach as done in the analytic tradition. Two other approaches to science include Edmund Husserl's phenomenology and Martin Heidegger's hermeneutics. The largest effect on the continental tradition with respect to science was Martin Heidegger's assault on the theoretical attitude in general which of course includes the scientific attitude. For this reason one could suggest that the philosophy of science, in the Continental tradition, has not developed much further due to its inability to overcome Heidegger's criticism. Notwithstanding, there have been a number of important works: especially a Kuhnian precursor, Alexandre Koyré. Another important development was that of Foucault's analysis of the historical and scientific thought in The Order of Things and his study of power and corruption within the "science" of madness. Several post-Heideggerian authors contributing to the Continental philosophy of science in the second half of the 20th century include Jürgen Habermas (e.g., "Truth and Justification", 1998), Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker ("The Unity of Nature", 1980), and Wolfgang Stegmüller ("Probleme und Resultate der Wissenschafttheorie und Analytischen Philosophie", 1973-1986).

See also
• Cudos • Epistemology • Foundations of statistics • History and philosophy of science • History of science • Inquiry • Objectivity (philosophy) • Philosophy of language • Philosophy of mathematics • Philosophy of engineering • Positivism • Science studies • Scientific materialism • Scientific method • Scientism • Social construction • Sociology of scientific knowledge • Sociology of science • Timeline of the history of scientific method

Philosophy of science


Philosophers of science
Before the 16th century • • • • • • Plato Aristotle Empedocles Ibn al-Haytham (Alhacen) Robert Grosseteste Roger Bacon 1900-1930 • • • • • • • • • Henri Poincaré Pierre Duhem Niels Bohr Albert Einstein Bertrand Russell Frank P. Ramsey Moritz Schlick John Dewey Alfred North Whitehead 1960-1980 • • • • • • • • • Paul Feyerabend Mary Hesse Thomas Kuhn Imre Lakatos Ernest Nagel Hilary Putnam W.V. Quine Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker Mario Bunge

16th century • Sir Francis Bacon 17th century • Galileo Galilei • René Descartes • Sir Isaac Newton 18th century • George Berkeley • Immanuel Kant • David Hume 19th century • • • • • • Auguste Comte John Stuart Mill William Whewell Edmund Husserl Ernst Mach Charles Sanders Peirce

1930-1960 • Alfred Ayer • Hans Reichenbach • Georges Canguilhem • • • • • • • • • • • • Alexandre Koyré Sir Karl Popper Rudolph Carnap Michael Polanyi Otto Neurath Carl Gustav Hempel Paul Oppenheim Gaston Bachelard R. B. Braithwaite Werner Heisenberg Taketani Mitsuo Stephen Toulmin 1980-2000 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Patrick Suppes Bas van Fraassen Nancy Cartwright Larry Laudan Adolf Grünbaum Wesley C. Salmon Ronald Giere Peter Lipton Ian Hacking Richard Boyd Daniel Dennett David Stove Roger Penrose Wolfgang Stegmüller Philip Kitcher John Dupré Elliott Sober

Philosophy of science


• • • • • • Philosophy of biology Philosophy of chemistry Philosophy of physics Philosophy of psychology Neurophilosophy Philosophy of social sciences

Related topics
• Causality • Confirmation • Curve fitting • Demarcation problem • Dualism • Explanation • Faith and rationality • Free will and determinism • Philosophy of mathematics • Philosophy of space and time • Probability • Problem of induction • Problem of the criterion • Science Wars • Simplicity • Uniformity • Unobservables • Rhetoric of science

Further reading
• Agassi, J., (1975), Science in Flux, Reidel, Dordrecht. • Agassi, J. and Jarvie, I. C. (1987), Rationality: The Critical View, Kluwer, Dordrecht. • Augros, Robert M., Stanciu, George N., The New Story of Science: mind and the universe, Lake Bluff, Ill.: Regnery Gateway, c1984. ISBN 0895268337 • Ben-Ari, M. (2005) Just a theory: exploring the nature of science, Prometheus Books, Amherst, N.Y. • Bovens, L. and Hartmann, S. (2003), Bayesian Epistemology, Oxford University Press, Oxford. • Boyd, R., Gasper, P., and Trout, J.D. (eds., 1991), The Philosophy of Science, Blackwell Publishers, Cambridge, MA. • Feyerabend, Paul K. 2005. Science, history of the philosophy of. Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Oxford. • Glazebrook, Trish (2000), Heidegger's Philosophy of Science, Fordham University Press. • Godfrey-Smith, P. (2003) Theory and reality: an introduction to the philosophy of science, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London • Gutting, Gary (2004), Continental Philosophy of Science, Blackwell Publishers, Cambridge, MA. • Harris, Errol E. (1965), The Foundations of Metaphysics in Science , George Allen and Unwin, London, Reprinted by Routledge, London (2002). • Harris, Errol E. (1991), Cosmos and Anthropos, Humanities Press, New Jersey.

Philosophy of science • Hawking, Stephen. (2001), The Universe in a Nutshell, Bantam Press. ISBN 0-553-80202-X • Harré, R. (1972), The Philosophies of Science: An Introductory Survey, Oxford University Press, London, UK. • Heelan, Patrick A. (1983), Space-Perception and the Philosophy of Science, University of California Press, Berkeley, CA. • Honderich, Ted (Ed.) (2005) The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Oxford University Press. New York, NY. • Kearney, R. (1994), Routledge History of Philosophy, Routledge Press. See Vol. 8. • Klemke, E., et al. (eds., 1998), Introductory Readings in The Philosophy of Science, Prometheus Books, Amherst, New York, NY. • Kneale, William, and Kneale, Martha (1962), The Development of Logic, Oxford University Press, London, UK. • Kuipers, T.A.F. (2001), Structures in Science, An Advanced Textbook in Neo-Classical Philosophy of Science, Synthese Library, Springer-Verlag. • Ladyman, J. (2002), Understanding Philosophy of Science, Routledge, London, UK. • Losee, J. (1998), A Historical Introduction to the Philosophy of Science, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK. • Newton-Smith, W.H. (ed., 2001), A Companion to the Philosophy of Science, Blackwell Publishers, Malden, MA. • Niiniluoto, I. (2002), Critical Scientific Realism, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK. • Pap, A. (1962), An Introduction to the Philosophy of Science, The Free Press, New York, NY. • Papineau, D. (ed., 1997), The Philosophy of Science, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK. • Papineau, David. 2005. Science, problems of the philosophy of. Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Oxford. • Piattelli-Palmarini, Massimo (ed., 1980), Language and Learning, The Debate between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. • Polanyi, Michael (1946). Science, Faith, and Society [31]. Oxford Univ. Press. ISBN 0-226-67290-5. Reprinted by the University of Chicago Press, 1964. • Alexander Rosenberg, (2000), Philosophy of Science: A Contemporary Introduction, Routledge, London, UK. • Runes, D.D. (ed.), Dictionary of Philosophy, Littlefield, Adams, and Company, Totowa, NJ, 1962. • Salmon, M.H., et al. (1999), Introduction to the Philosophy of Science: A Text By Members of the Department of the History and Philosophy of Science of the University of Pittsburgh, Hacket Publishing Company, Indianapolis, IN. • Snyder, Paul (1977), Toward One Science: The Convergence of Traditions, St Martin's Press. • van Fraassen, Bas C. (1980), The Scientific Image, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK. • van Luik, James, The Energy of Ideas, Crow Hill Press, Cambridge, MA. 2000 • Walker, Benjamin, Caesar's Church: The Irrational in Science & Philosophy, Book Guild, Lewes, Sussex, 2001, ISBN 1-85776-625-3


Philosophy of science • Ziman, John (2000). Real Science: what it is, and what it means. Cambridge, Uk: Cambridge University Press.


External links
• The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy [32] - This contains many entries on different philosophy of science topics. • An introduction to the Philosophy of Science, aimed at beginners - Paul Newall. [33] • Essays on concepts in the Philosophy of Science [34] at The Galilean Library. • Center for Philosophy of Science, University of Pittsburgh [35] • Tilburg Center for Logic and Philosophy of Science (TiLPS) [36]

[1] Thornton, Stephen (2006). " Karl Popper (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ popper/ )". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved on 2007-12-01. [2] Uebel, Thomas (2006). " Vienna Circle (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ vienna-circle/ )". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved on 2007-12-01. [3] Popper, Karl (1959). The logic of scientific discovery. New York: Basic Books. [4] Laudan, Larry (1983). "The Demise of the Demarcation Problem". in Adolf Grünbaum, Robert Sonné Cohen, Larry Laudan. Physics, Philosophy, and Psychoanalysis: Essays in Honor of Adolf Grünbaum. Springer. ISBN 9027715335. [5] " Nobel Laureates Initiative (http:/ / media. ljworld. com/ pdf/ 2005/ 09/ 15/ nobel_letter. pdf)" (PDF). The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity. September 9, 2005. . Retrieved on 2007-07-19. [6] " The Demarcation of Science and Religion (http:/ / www. discovery. org/ scripts/ viewDB/ index. php?command=view& id=3524)". The History of Science and Religion in the Western Tradition (Garland Publishing). Discovery Institute. January 1, 2000. . Retrieved on 2007-12-07. [7] Levin, Michael (1984). "What Kind of Explanation is Truth?". in Jarrett Leplin. Scientific Realism. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 124–1139. ISBN 0520051556. [8] van Fraassen, Bas (1980). The Scientific Image. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. ISBN 019824424X. [9] Kuhn, Thomas (1962). The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. [10] Feyerabend, Paul (1993). Against Method. London: Verso. ISBN 086091481X. [11] Popper, Karl (1963). Conjectures and Refutations. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. [12] Smart, J. J. C. (1968). Between Science and Philosophy. New York: Random House. [13] Putnam, Hillary (1975). Mathematics, Matter and Method (Philosophical Papers, Vol. I). London: Cambridge University Press. [14] Putnam, Hillary (1978). Meaning and the Moral Sciences. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. [15] Boyd, Richard (1984). "The Current Status of Scientific Realism". in Jarrett Leplin. Scientific Realism. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 41–82. ISBN 0520051556. [16] Stanford, P. Kyle (2006). Exceeding Our Grasp: Science, History, and the Problem of Unconceived Alternatives. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195174083. [17] Laudan, Larry (1981). "A Confutation of Convergent Realism". Philosophy of Science 48: 218–249. doi: 10.1086/288975 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1086/ 288975). [18] Winsberg, Eric (September 2006). "Models of Success Versus the Success of Models: Reliability without Truth". Synthese 152: 1–19. doi: 10.1007/s11229-004-5404-6 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1007/ s11229-004-5404-6). [19] Boyd, Richard (2002). " Scientific Realism (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ scientific-realism/ )". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved on 2007-12-01. [20] Stanford, P. Kyle (June 2000). "An Antirealist Explanation of the Success of Science". Philosophy of Science 67: 266–284. doi: 10.1086/392775 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1086/ 392775). [21] Hempel, Carl G.; Paul Oppenheim (1948). "Studies in the Logic of Explanation". Philosophy of Science 15: 135–175. doi: 10.1086/286983 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1086/ 286983). [22] Salmon, Merrilee; John Earman, Clark Glymour, James G. Lenno, Peter Machamer, J.E. McGuire, John D. Norton, Wesley C. Salmon, Kenneth F. Schaffner (1992). Introduction to the Philosophy of Science. Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0136633455. [23] Salmon, Wesley (1971). Statistical Explanation and Statistical Relevance. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.

Philosophy of science
[24] Woodward, James (2003). " Scientific Explanation (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ scientific-explanation/ )". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved on 2007-12-07. [25] T. S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd. ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Pr., 1970, p. 206. ISBN 0226458040 [26] Ockham's razor, however, was not originally a principle of science but of theology and the issue of parsimony comes, not from science, but from the vow of poverty that was modeled on the life of Christ. However, the origins of the idea do not necessarily take away from its overall usefulness. [27] Kitcher, P. Science, Truth, and Democracy, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001 [28] Paul Feyerabend, Against Method: Outline of an Anarchistic Theory of Knowledge (1975), ISBN 0-391-00381-X, ISBN 0-86091-222-1, ISBN 0-86091-481-X, ISBN 0-86091-646-4, ISBN 0-86091-934-X, ISBN 0-902308-91-2 [29] Kuhn, T. S. (1970). "[Postcript]". The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2nd. ed.. [Univ. of Chicago Pr]. ISBN 0226458040. [30] Quine, Willard Van Orman (1980). " Two Dogmas of Empiricism (http:/ / www. ditext. com/ quine/ quine. html)". From a Logical Point of View. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674323513. . [31] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=6rqDqTn-bcoC& printsec=frontcover& source=gbs_summary_r& cad=0 [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu http:/ / www. galilean-library. org/ int6. html http:/ / www. galilean-library. org/ hps. html http:/ / www. pitt. edu/ ~pittcntr/ http:/ / www. tilburguniversity. nl/ faculties/ humanities/ tilps/


Part of Ideology series on TranshumanismTranshumanismIdeologies Abolitionism (bioethics)AbolitionismDemocratic transhumanismExtropianismBiological immortality#Technological immortalityImmortalismLibertarian transhumanismTransgenderismPostgenderismSingularitarianismTechnogaianismRelated articles Transhumanism in fictionTranshumanist artList of transhumanistsOrganizations Applied Foresight NetworkAlcor Life Extension FoundationForesight InstituteHumanity+Immortality InstituteSingularity Institute for Artificial IntelligenceTranshumanism Portal · Transhumanism is an international intellectual and cultural movement supporting the use of science and technology to improve human mental and physical characteristics and capacities. The movement regards aspects of the human condition, such as disability, suffering, disease, aging, and involuntary death as unnecessary and undesirable. Transhumanists look to biotechnologies and other emerging technologies for these purposes. Dangers, as well as benefits, are also of concern to the transhumanist movement.[1] The term "transhumanism" is symbolized by H+ or h+ and is often used as a synonym for "human enhancement".[2] Although the first known use of the term dates from 1957, the contemporary meaning is a product of the 1980s when futurists in the United States began to organize what has since grown into the transhumanist movement. Transhumanist thinkers predict that human beings may eventually be able to transform themselves into beings with such greatly expanded abilities as to merit the label "posthuman".[1] Transhumanism is therefore sometimes referred to as "posthumanism" or a form of transformational activism influenced by posthumanist ideals.[3] The transhumanist vision of a transformed future humanity has attracted many supporters and detractors from a wide range of perspectives. Transhumanism has been described by

Transhumanism one critic, Francis Fukuyama, as the world's most dangerous idea,[4] while one proponent, Ronald Bailey, counters that it is the "movement that epitomizes the most daring, courageous, imaginative, and idealistic aspirations of humanity".[5]


According to philosophers who have studied and written about the history of transhumanist thought,[1] transcendentalist impulses have been expressed at least as far back as in the quest for immortality in the Epic of Gilgamesh, as well as historical quests for the Fountain of Youth, Elixir of Life, and other efforts to stave off aging and death. Transhumanist philosophy, however, is rooted in Renaissance humanism and the Enlightenment. For example, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola called on people to "sculpt their own statue", and the Marquis de Condorcet speculated about the use of medical science to indefinitely extend the human life span, while Benjamin Franklin dreamed of suspended animation, and after Charles Darwin "it became increasingly plausible to view the current version of humanity not as the endpoint of evolution but rather as a possibly quite early phase."[1] However, Friedrich Nietzsche is considered by some to be less of an influence, despite his exaltation of the "overman", due to his emphasis on self-actualization rather than technological transformation.[1] Nikolai Fyodorov, a 19th-century Russian philosopher,

Cover of the first issue of H+ [6] Magazine , a web-based quarterly publication that focuses on transhumanism, covering the scientific, technological, and cultural developments that are challenging and overcoming human limitations.

advocated radical life extension, physical immortality and even resurrection of the dead using scientific methods.[7] In the 20th century, a direct and influential precursor to transhumanist concepts was geneticist J.B.S. Haldane's 1923 essay Daedalus: Science and the Future, which predicted that great benefits would come from applications of genetics and other advanced sciences to human biology -- and that every such advance would first appear to someone as blasphemy or perversion, "indecent and unnatural". J. D. Bernal speculated about space colonization, bionic implants, and cognitive enhancement, which have been common transhumanist themes since then.[1] Biologist Julian Huxley, brother of author Aldous Huxley (a childhood friend of Haldane's), appears to have been the first to use the actual word "transhumanism". Writing in 1957, he defined transhumanism as "man remaining man, but transcending himself, by realizing new possibilities of and for his human nature".[8] This definition differs, albeit not substantially, from the one commonly in use since the 1980s. Computer scientist Marvin Minsky wrote on relationships between human and artificial intelligence beginning in the 1960s.[9] Over the succeeding decades, this field continued to generate influential thinkers, such as Hans Moravec and Raymond Kurzweil, who oscillated between the technical arena and futuristic speculations in the transhumanist vein.[10] [11] The coalescence of an identifiable transhumanist movement began in the last decades of

Transhumanism the 20th century. In 1966, FM-2030 (formerly F.M. Esfandiary), a futurist who taught "new concepts of the Human" at the The New School in New York City, began to identify people who adopt technologies, lifestyles and world views transitional to "posthumanity" as "transhuman" (short for "transitory human").[12] In 1972, Robert Ettinger contributed to the [13] [14] conceptualization of "transhumanity" in his book Man into Superman. FM-2030 published the Upwingers Manifesto in 1973 to stimulate transhumanly conscious activism.[15] The first self-described transhumanists met formally in the early 1980s at the University of California, Los Angeles, which became the main center of transhumanist thought. Here, FM-2030 lectured on his "Third Way" futurist ideology. At the EZTV Media venue frequented by transhumanists and other futurists, Natasha Vita-More presented Breaking Away, her 1980 experimental film with the theme of humans breaking away from their biological limitations and the Earth's gravity as they head into space.[16] [17] FM-2030 and Vita-More soon began holding gatherings for transhumanists in Los Angeles, which included students from FM-2030's courses and audiences from Vita-More's artistic productions. In 1982, Vita-More authored the Transhumanist Arts Statement,[18] and, six years later, produced the cable TV show TransCentury Update on transhumanity, a program which reached over 100,000 viewers. In 1986, Eric Drexler published Engines of Creation: The Coming Era of Nanotechnology,[19] which discussed the prospects for nanotechnology and molecular assemblers, and founded the Foresight Institute. As the first non-profit organization to research, advocate for, and perform cryonics, the Southern California offices of the Alcor Life Extension Foundation became a center for futurists. In 1988, the first issue of Extropy Magazine was published by Max More and Tom Morrow. In 1990, More, a strategic philosopher, created his own particular transhumanist doctrine, which took the form of the Principles of Extropy,[20] and laid the foundation of modern transhumanism by giving it a new definition:[21] Transhumanism is a class of philosophies that seek to guide us towards a posthuman condition. Transhumanism shares many elements of humanism, including a respect for reason and science, a commitment to progress, and a valuing of human (or transhuman) existence in this life. […] Transhumanism differs from humanism in recognizing and anticipating the radical alterations in the nature and possibilities of our lives resulting from various sciences and technologies […]. In 1992, More and Morrow founded the Extropy Institute, a catalyst for networking futurists and brainstorming new memeplexes by organizing a series of conferences and, more importantly, providing a mailing list, which exposed many to transhumanist views for the first time during the rise of cyberculture and the cyberdelic counterculture. In 1998, philosophers Nick Bostrom and David Pearce founded the World Transhumanist Association (WTA), an international non-governmental organization working toward the recognition of transhumanism as a legitimate subject of scientific inquiry and public policy.[22] In 1999, the WTA drafted and adopted The Transhumanist Declaration.[23] The Transhumanist FAQ, prepared by the WTA, gave two formal definitions for transhumanism:[24] 1. The intellectual and cultural movement that affirms the possibility and desirability of fundamentally improving the human condition through applied reason, especially by developing and making widely available technologies to eliminate aging and to greatly enhance human intellectual, physical, and psychological capacities.


Transhumanism 2. The study of the ramifications, promises, and potential dangers of technologies that will enable us to overcome fundamental human limitations, and the related study of the ethical matters involved in developing and using such technologies. A number of similar definitions have been collected by Anders Sandberg, an academic and prominent transhumanist.[25] In possible contrast with other transhumanist organizations, WTA officials considered that social forces could undermine their futurist visions and needed to be addressed.[26] A particular concern is the equal access to human enhancement technologies across classes and borders.[27] In 2006, a political struggle within the transhumanist movement between the libertarian right and the liberal left resulted in a more centre-leftward positioning of the WTA under its former executive director James Hughes.[28] [] In 2006, the board of directors of the Extropy Institute ceased operations of the organization, stating that its mission was "essentially completed".[29] This left the World Transhumanist Association as the leading international transhumanist organization. In 2008, as part of a rebranding effort, the WTA changed its name to "Humanity+" in order to project a more humane image.[30] Humanity Plus and Betterhumans publish h+ Magazine, a periodical edited by R. U. Sirius which disseminates transhumanist news and ideas.[31] [32]


It is a matter of debate whether transhumanism is a branch of "posthumanism" and how posthumanism should be conceptualised with regard to transhumanism. The latter is often referred to as a variant or activist form of posthumanism by its conservative,[4] Christian[33] and progressive[34] [35] critics, but also by pro-transhumanist scholars who, for example, characterise it as a subset of "philosophical posthumanism".[3] A common feature of transhumanism and philosophical posthumanism is the future vision of a new intelligent species, into which humanity will evolve, which will supplement humanity or supersede it. Transhumanism stresses the evolutionary perspective, including sometimes the creation of a highly intelligent animal species by way of cognitive enhancement (i.e. biological uplift),[26] but clings to a "posthuman future" as the final goal of participant evolution.[36] Nevertheless, the idea to create intelligent artificial beings, proposed, for example, by roboticist Hans Moravec, has influenced transhumanism.[10] Moravec's ideas and transhumanism have also been characterised as a "complacent" or "apocalyptic" variant of posthumanism and contrasted with "cultural posthumanism" in humanities and the arts.[37] While such a "cultural posthumanism" would offer resources for rethinking the relations of humans and increasingly sophisticated machines, transhumanism and similar posthumanisms are, in this view, not abandoning obsolete concepts of the "autonomous liberal subject" but are expanding its "prerogatives" into the realm of the posthuman.[38] Transhumanist self-characterisations as a continuation of humanism and Enlightenment thinking correspond with this view. Some secular humanists conceive transhumanism as an offspring of the humanist freethought movement and argue that transhumanists differ from the humanist mainstream by having a specific focus on technological approaches to resolving human concerns and on the issue of mortality.[39] However, other progressives have argued that posthumanism, whether it be its philosophical or activist forms, amount to a shift away from concerns about social justice, from the reform of human institutions and from other Enlightenment preoccupations, toward narcissistic longings for a transcendence of the human body in

Transhumanism quest of more exquisite ways of being.[40] In this view, transhumanism is abandoning the goals of humanism, the Enlightenment, and progressive politics.


While many transhumanist theorists and advocates seek to apply reason, science and technology for the purposes of reducing poverty, disease, disability, and malnutrition around the globe, transhumanism is distinctive in its particular focus on the applications of technologies to the improvement of human bodies at the individual level. Many transhumanists actively assess the potential for future technologies and innovative social systems to improve the quality of all life, while seeking to make the material reality of the human condition fulfill the promise of legal and political equality by eliminating congenital mental and physical barriers. Transhumanist philosophers argue that there not only exists a perfectionist ethical imperative for humans to strive for progress and improvement of the human condition but that it is possible and desirable for humanity to enter a transhuman phase of existence, in which humans are in control of their own evolution. In such a phase, natural evolution would be replaced with deliberate change. Some theorists, such as Raymond Kurzweil, think that the pace of technological innovation is accelerating and that the next 50 years may yield not only radical technological advances but possibly a technological singularity, which may fundamentally change the nature of human beings.[41] Transhumanists who foresee this massive technological change generally maintain that it is desirable. However, some are also concerned with the possible dangers of extremely rapid technological change and propose options for ensuring that advanced technology is used responsibly. For example, Bostrom has written extensively on existential risks to humanity's future welfare, including risks that could be created by emerging technologies.[42]

Transhumanists engage in interdisciplinary approaches to understanding and evaluating possibilities for overcoming biological limitations. They draw on futurology and various fields of ethics such as bioethics, infoethics, nanoethics, neuroethics, roboethics, and technoethics mainly but not exclusively from a philosophically utilitarian, socially progressive, politically and economically liberal perspective. Unlike many philosophers, social critics, and activists who place a moral value on preservation of natural systems, transhumanists see the very concept of the specifically "natural" as problematically nebulous at best, and an obstacle to progress at worst.[43] In keeping with this, many prominent transhumanist advocates refer to transhumanism's critics on the political right and left jointly as "bioconservatives" or "bioluddites", the latter term alluding to the 19th century anti-industrialisation social movement that opposed the replacement of human manual labourers by machines.[44]



There is a variety of opinion within transhumanist thought. Many of the leading transhumanist thinkers hold views that are under constant revision and development.[45] Some distinctive currents of transhumanism are identified and listed here in alphabetical order: • Abolitionism, an ethical ideology based upon a perceived obligation to use technology to eliminate involuntary suffering in all sentient life.[46] • Democratic transhumanism, a political ideology synthesizing liberal democracy, social democracy, radical democracy and transhumanism.[47] • Extropianism, an early school of transhumanist thought characterized by a set of principles advocating a proactive approach to human evolution.[20] • Immortalism, a moral ideology based upon the belief that technological immortality is possible and desirable, and advocating research and development to ensure its realization.[48] • Libertarian transhumanism, a political ideology synthesizing libertarianism and transhumanism.[44] • Postgenderism, a social philosophy which seeks the voluntary elimination of gender in the human species through the application of advanced biotechnology and assisted reproductive technologies.[49] • Singularitarianism, a moral ideology based upon the belief that a technological singularity is possible, and advocating deliberate action to effect it and ensure its safety.[41] • Technogaianism, an ecological ideology based upon the belief that emerging technologies can help restore Earth's environment, and that developing safe, clean, alternative technology should therefore be an important goal of environmentalists.[47]

Although some transhumanists report a strong sense of secular spirituality, they are for the most part atheists.[22] A minority of transhumanists, however, follow liberal forms of Eastern philosophical traditions such as Buddhism and Yoga[50] or have merged their transhumanist ideas with established Western religions such as liberal Christianity[51] or Mormonism[52] . Despite the prevailing secular attitude, some transhumanists pursue hopes traditionally espoused by religions, such as "immortality",[48] while several controversial new religious movements, originating in the late 20th century, have explicitly embraced transhumanist goals of transforming the human condition by applying technology to the alteration of the mind and body, such as Raëlism.[53] However, most thinkers associated with the transhumanist movement focus on the practical goals of using technology to help achieve longer and healthier lives; while speculating that future understanding of neurotheology and the application of neurotechnology will enable humans to gain greater control of altered states of consciousness, which were commonly interpreted as "spiritual experiences", and thus achieve more profound self-knowledge.[50] The majority of transhumanists are materialists who do not believe in a transcendent human soul. Transhumanist personhood theory also argues against the unique identification of moral actors and subjects with biological humans, judging as speciesist the exclusion of non-human and part-human animals, and sophisticated machines, from ethical consideration.[54] Many believe in the compatibility of human minds with computer

Transhumanism hardware, with the theoretical implication that human consciousness may someday be transferred to alternative media, a speculative technique commonly known as "mind uploading".[55] One extreme formulation of this idea may be found in Frank Tipler's proposal of the Omega point. Drawing upon ideas in digitalism, Tipler has advanced the notion that the collapse of the Universe billions of years hence could create the conditions for the perpetuation of humanity in a simulated reality within a megacomputer, and thus achieve a form of "posthuman godhood". Tipler's thought was inspired by the writings of Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, a paleontologist and Jesuit theologian who saw an evolutionary telos in the development of an encompassing noosphere, a global consciousness.[56] The idea of uploading personality to a non-biological substrate and the underlying assumptions are criticised by a wide range of scholars, scientists and activists, sometimes with regard to transhumanism itself, sometimes with regard to thinkers such as Marvin Minsky or Hans Moravec who are often seen as its originators. Relating the underlying assumptions, for example, to the legacy of cybernetics, some have argued that this materialist hope engenders a spiritual monism, a variant of philosophical idealism.[57] Viewed from a conservative Christian perspective, the idea of mind uploading is asserted to represent a denigration of the human body characteristic of gnostic belief.[58] Transhumanism and its presumed intellectual progenitors have also been described as neo-gnostic by non-Christian and secular commentators.[59] [60] The first dialogue between transhumanism and faith was the focus of an academic seminar held at the University of Toronto in 2004.[61] Because it might serve a few of the same functions that people have traditionally sought in religion, religious and secular critics maintained that transhumanism is itself a religion or, at the very least, a pseudoreligion. Religious critics alone faulted the philosophy of transhumanism as offering no eternal truths nor a relationship with the divine. They commented that a philosophy bereft of these beliefs leaves humanity adrift in a foggy sea of postmodern cynicism and anomie. Transhumanists responded that such criticisms reflect a failure to look at the actual content of the transhumanist philosophy, which far from being cynical, is rooted in optimistic, idealistic attitudes that trace back to the Enlightenment.[62] Following this dialogue, William Sims Bainbridge conducted a pilot study, published in the Journal of Evolution and Technology, suggesting that religious attitudes were negatively correlated with acceptance of transhumanist ideas, and indicating that individuals with highly religious worldviews tended to perceive transhumanism as being a direct, competitive (though ultimately futile) affront to their spiritual beliefs.[63]


While some transhumanists take an abstract and theoretical approach to the perceived benefits of emerging technologies, others have offered specific proposals for modifications to the human body, including heritable ones. Transhumanists are often concerned with methods of enhancing the human nervous system. Though some propose modification of the peripheral nervous system, the brain is considered the common denominator of personhood and is thus a primary focus of transhumanist ambitions.[64] As proponents of self-improvement and body modification, transhumanists tend to use existing technologies and techniques that supposedly improve cognitive and physical performance, while engaging in routines and lifestyles designed to improve health and longevity.[65] Depending on their age, some transhumanists express concern that they will

Transhumanism not live to reap the benefits of future technologies. However, many have a great interest in life extension strategies, and in funding research in cryonics in order to make the latter a viable option of last resort rather than remaining an unproven method.[66] Regional and global transhumanist networks and communities with a range of objectives exist to provide support and forums for discussion and collaborative projects.


Technologies of interest
Transhumanists support the emergence and convergence of technologies such as nanotechnology, biotechnology, information technology and cognitive science (NBIC), and hypothetical future technologies such as simulated reality, artificial intelligence, superintelligence, mind uploading, and cryonics. They believe that humans can and should use these technologies to become more than human.[68] They therefore support the recognition and/or protection of cognitive liberty, morphological freedom, and procreative liberty as civil liberties, so as to guarantee individuals the choice of using human enhancement technologies on themselves and their children.[69] Some speculate that human enhancement techniques and other emerging technologies may facilitate more radical human enhancement by the midpoint of the 21st century.[41]

[67] Technologies , a 2002 report exploring the potential for synergy among nano-, bio-, info- and cogno-technologies, has become a landmark in near-future technological speculation.

A 2002 report, Converging Technologies for Improving Human Performance, commissioned by the National Science Foundation and US Department of Commerce, contains descriptions and commentaries on the state of NBIC science and technology by major contributors to these fields. The report discusses potential uses of these technologies in implementing transhumanist goals of enhanced performance and health, and ongoing work on planned applications of human enhancement technologies in the military and in the rationalization of the human-machine interface in industry.[70] While international discussion of the converging technologies and NBIC concepts includes strong criticism of their transhumanist orientation and alleged science fictional character,[71] [72] [73] research on brain and body alteration technologies has accelerated under the sponsorship of the US Department of Defense, which is interested in the battlefield advantages they would provide to the "supersoldiers" of the United States and its allies.[74] There has already been a brain research program to "extend the ability to manage information" while military scientists are now looking at stretching the human capacity for combat to a maximum 168 hours without sleep.[75]



Arts and culture
Transhumanist themes have become increasingly prominent in various literary forms during the period in which the movement itself has emerged. Contemporary science fiction often contains positive renditions of technologically enhanced human life, set in utopian Natasha Vita-More's Primo is an artistic depiction of a hypothetical (especially techno-utopian) Posthuman of transhumanist speculation. societies. However, science fiction's depictions of enhanced humans or other posthuman beings frequently come with a cautionary twist. The more pessimistic scenarios include many horrific or dystopian tales of human bioengineering gone wrong. In the decades immediately before transhumanism emerged as an explicit movement, many transhumanist concepts and themes began appearing in the speculative fiction of authors such as Robert A. Heinlein (Lazarus Long series, 1941–87), A. E. van Vogt (Slan, 1946), Isaac Asimov (I, Robot, 1950), Arthur C. Clarke (Childhood's End, 1953) and Stanislaw Lem (Cyberiad, 1967).[26] The cyberpunk genre, exemplified by William Gibson's Neuromancer (1984) and Bruce Sterling's Schismatrix (1985), has particularly been concerned with the modification of human bodies. Other novels dealing with transhumanist themes that have stimulated broad discussion of these issues include Blood Music (1985) by Greg Bear, The Xenogenesis Trilogy (1987–1989) by Octavia Butler; The Beggar's Trilogy (1990–94) by Nancy Kress; much of Greg Egan's work since the early 1990s, such as Permutation City (1994) and Diaspora (1997); The Bohr Maker (1995) by Linda Nagata; Oryx and Crake (2003) by Margaret Atwood; The Elementary Particles (Eng. trans. 2001) and The Possibility of an Island (Eng. trans. 2006) by Michel Houellebecq; and Glasshouse (2005) by Charles Stross. Many of these works are considered part of the cyberpunk genre or its postcyberpunk offshoot. Fictional transhumanist scenarios have also become popular in other media during the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries. Such treatments are found in comic books (Captain America, 1941; Transmetropolitan, 1997; The Surrogates, 2006), films (2001: A Space Odyssey, 1968; Blade Runner, 1982; Gattaca, 1997; Repo! The Genetic Opera, 2008), television series (the Cybermen of Doctor Who, 1966; The Six Million Dollar Man, 1973; the Borg of Star Trek: The Next Generation, 1989; manga and anime (Galaxy Express 999, 1978; Appleseed, 1985; Ghost in the Shell, 1989 and Gundam Seed, 2002), computer games (Metal Gear Solid, 1998; Deus Ex, 2000; Half-Life 2, 2004; and BioShock, 2007), and role-playing games (Shadowrun, 1989), Transhuman Space, 2002) In addition to the work of Natasha Vita-More, curator of the Transhumanist Arts & Culture center, transhumanist themes appear in the visual and performing arts.[76] Carnal Art, a form of sculpture originated by the French artist Orlan, uses the body as its medium and plastic surgery as its method.[77] Commentators have pointed to American performer Michael Jackson as having used technologies such as plastic surgery, skin-lightening drugs and hyperbaric oxygen therapy over the course of his career, with the effect of

Transhumanism transforming his artistic persona so as to blur identifiers of gender, race and age.[78] The work of the Australian artist Stelarc centers on the alteration of his body by robotic prostheses and tissue engineering.[79] Other artists whose work coincided with the emergence and flourishing of transhumanism and who explored themes related to the transformation of the body are the Yugoslavian performance artist Marina Abramovic and the American media artist Matthew Barney. A 2005 show, Becoming Animal, at the Massachusetts Museum of Contemporary Art, presented exhibits by twelve artists whose work concerns the effects of technology in erasing boundaries between the human and non-human.


Transhumanist thought and research depart significantly from the mainstream and often directly challenge orthodox theories. The very notion and prospect of human enhancement and related issues also arouse public controversy.[80] Criticisms of transhumanism and its proposals take two main forms: those objecting to the likelihood of transhumanist goals being achieved (practical criticisms); and those objecting to the moral principles or world view sustaining transhumanist proposals or underlying transhumanism itself (ethical criticisms). However, these two strains sometimes converge and overlap, particularly when considering the ethics of changing human biology in the face of incomplete knowledge. Critics or opponents often see transhumanists' goals as posing threats to human values. Some also argue that strong advocacy of a transhumanist approach to improving the human condition might divert attention and resources from social solutions. As most transhumanists support non-technological changes to society, such as the spread of civil rights and civil liberties, and most critics of transhumanism support technological advances in areas such as communications and health care, the difference is often a matter of emphasis. Sometimes, however, there are strong disagreements about the very principles involved, with divergent views on humanity, human nature, and the morality of transhumanist aspirations. At least one public interest organization, the U.S.-based Center for Genetics and Society, was formed, in 2001, with the specific goal of opposing transhumanist agendas that involve transgenerational modification of human biology, such as full-term human cloning and germinal choice technology. The Institute on Biotechnology and the Human Future of the Chicago-Kent College of Law critically scrutinizes proposed applications of genetic and nanotechnologies to human biology in an academic setting. Some of the most widely known critiques of the transhumanist program refer to novels and fictional films. These works of art, despite presenting imagined worlds rather than philosophical analyses, are used as touchstones for some of the more formal arguments.

Infeasibility (Futurehype argument)
In his 1992 book Futurehype: The Tyranny of Prophecy, sociologist Max Dublin points out many past failed predictions of technological progress and argues that modern futurist predictions will prove similarly inaccurate. He also objects to what he sees as scientism, fanaticism, and nihilism by a few in advancing transhumanist causes, and writes that historical parallels exist to millenarian religions and Communist doctrines.[81] Several notable transhumanists have predicted that death-defeating technologies will arrive (usually late) within their own conventionally-expected lifetimes. Wired magazine founding executive editor Kevin Kelly has argued these transhumanists have overly optimistic

Transhumanism expectations of when dramatic technological breakthroughs will occur because they hope to be saved from their own deaths by those developments.[82] Despite his sympathies for transhumanism, in his 2002 book Redesigning Humans: Our Inevitable Genetic Future, public health professor Gregory Stock is skeptical of the technical feasibility and mass appeal of the cyborgization of humanity predicted by Raymond Kurzweil, Hans Moravec and Kevin Warwick. He believes that throughout the 21st century, many humans will find themselves deeply integrated into systems of machines, but will remain biological. Primary changes to their own form and character will arise not from cyberware but from the direct manipulation of their genetics, metabolism, and biochemistry.[83]


In his 2006 book Future Hype: The Myths of Technology Change, computer scientist and engineer Bob Seidensticker argues that today's technological achievements are not unprecedented. Exposing major myths of technology and examining the history of high tech hype, he aims to uncover inaccuracies and misunderstandings that may characterise the popular and transhumanist views of technology, to explain how and why these views have been created, and to illustrate how technological change in fact proceeds.[84] Those thinkers who defend the likelihood of massive technological change within a relatively short timeframe emphasize what they describe as a past pattern of exponential increases in humanity's technological capacities. This emphasis appears in the work of popular science writer Damien Broderick, notably his 1997 book, The Spike, which contains his speculations about a radically changed future. Kurzweil develops this position in much detail in his 2005 book, The Singularity Is Near. Broderick points out that many of the seemingly implausible predictions of early science fiction writers have, indeed, come to pass, among them nuclear power and space travel to the moon. He also claims that there is a core rationalism to current predictions of very rapid change, asserting that such observers as Kurzweil have a good track record in predicting the pace of innovation.[85]

Some transhumanist thinkers assert the pace of technological innovation is accelerating and that the next 50 years may yield not only radical technological advances but possibly a technological singularity

Hubris (Playing God argument)
There are two distinct categories of criticism, theological and secular, that have been referred to as "playing god" arguments: The first category is based on the alleged inappropriateness of humans substituting themselves for an actual god. This approach is exemplified by the 2002 Vatican statement Communion and Stewardship: Human Persons Created in the Image of God,[86] in which it is stated that, "Changing the genetic identity of man as a human person through the production of an infrahuman being is radically immoral", implying, as it would, that "man has full right of disposal over his own biological nature". At the same time, this statement argues that creation of a superhuman or spiritually superior being is "unthinkable", since true improvement can come only through religious experience and "realizing more fully the image of God". Christian theologians and lay activists of several churches and denominations have expressed similar objections to transhumanism and claimed that

Transhumanism Christians already enjoy, however post mortem, what radical transhumanism promises such as indefinite life extension or the abolition of suffering. In this view, transhumanism is just another representative of the long line of utopian movements which seek to immanentize the eschaton i.e. try to create "heaven on earth".[87] [88] The second category is aimed mainly at "algeny", which Jeremy Rifkin defined as "the upgrading of existing organisms and the design of wholly new ones with the intent of 'perfecting' their performance",[89] and, more specifically, attempts to pursue transhumanist goals by way of genetically modifying human embryos in order to create "designer babies". It emphasizes the issue of biocomplexity and the unpredictability of attempts to guide the development of products of biological The biocomplexity spiral is a depiction evolution. This argument, elaborated in particular by of the multileveled complexity of the biologist Stuart Newman, is based on the organisms in their environments, recognition that the cloning and germline genetic which is seen by many critics as the ultimate obstacle to transhumanist engineering of animals are error-prone and inherently ambition. disruptive of embryonic development. Accordingly, so it is argued, it would create unacceptable risks to use such methods on human embryos. Performing experiments, particularly ones with permanent biological consequences, on developing humans, would thus be in violation of accepted principles governing research on human subjects (see the 1964 Declaration of Helsinki). Moreover, because improvements in experimental outcomes in one species are not automatically transferable to a new species without further experimentation, there is claimed to be no ethical route to genetic manipulation of humans at early developmental stages.[90] As a practical matter, however, international protocols on human subject research may not present a legal obstacle to attempts by transhumanists and others to improve their offspring by germinal choice technology. According to legal scholar Kirsten Rabe Smolensky, existing laws would protect parents who choose to enhance their child's genome from future liability arising from adverse outcomes of the procedure.[91] Religious thinkers allied with transhumanist goals, such as the theologians Ronald Cole-Turner and Ted Peters, reject the first argument, holding that the doctrine of "co-creation" provides an obligation to use genetic engineering to improve human biology.[92] [93] Transhumanists and other supporters of human genetic engineering do not dismiss the second argument out of hand, insofar as there is a high degree of uncertainty about the likely outcomes of genetic modification experiments in humans. However, bioethicist James Hughes suggests that one possible ethical route to the genetic manipulation of humans at early developmental stages is the building of computer models of the human genome, the proteins it specifies, and the tissue engineering he argues that it also codes for. With the exponential progress in bioinformatics, Hughes believes that a virtual model of genetic expression in the human body will not be far behind and that it will soon be possible to accelerate approval of genetic modifications by simulating their effects on virtual humans.[26] Public health professor Gregory Stock points to artificial chromosomes as an alleged safer alternative to existing genetic engineering techniques.[83] Transhumanists


Transhumanism therefore argue that parents have a moral responsibility called procreative beneficence to make use of these methods, if and when they are shown to be reasonably safe and effective, to have the healthiest children possible. They add that this responsibility is a moral judgment best left to individual conscience rather than imposed by law, in all but extreme [26] cases. In this context, the emphasis on freedom of choice is called procreative liberty.


Contempt for the flesh (Fountain of Youth argument)
Philosopher Mary Midgley, in her 1992 book Science as Salvation, traces the notion of achieving immortality by transcendence of the material human body (echoed in the transhumanist tenet of mind uploading) to a group of male scientific thinkers of the early 20th century, including J.B.S. Haldane and members of his circle. She characterizes these ideas as "quasi-scientific dreams and prophesies" involving visions of escape from the body coupled with "self-indulgent, uncontrolled power-fantasies". Her argument focuses on what she perceives as the pseudoscientific speculations and irrational, fear-of-death-driven fantasies of these thinkers, their disregard for laymen, and the remoteness of their eschatological visions.[94] Many transhumanists see the 2006 film The Fountain's theme of necrophobia and critique of the quixotic quest for eternal youth as depicting some of these criticisms.[95] What is perceived as contempt for the flesh in the writings of Marvin Minsky, Hans Moravec, and some transhumanists, has also been the target of other critics for what they claim to be an instrumental conception of the human body.[38] Reflecting a strain of feminist criticism of the transhumanist program, philosopher Susan Bordo points to "contemporary obsessions with slenderness, youth, and physical perfection", which she sees as affecting both men and women, but in distinct ways, as "the logical (if extreme) manifestations of anxieties and fantasies fostered by our culture.”[96] Some critics question other social implications of the movement's focus on body modification. Political scientist Klaus-Gerd Giesen, in particular, has asserted that transhumanism's concentration on altering the human body represents the logical yet tragic consequence of atomized individualism and body commodification within a consumer culture.[59] Nick Bostrom asserts that the desire to regain youth, specifically, and transcend the natural limitations of the human body, in general, is pan-cultural and pan-historical, and is therefore not uniquely tied to the culture of the 20th century. He argues that the transhumanist program is an attempt to channel that desire into a scientific project on par with the Human Genome Project and achieve humanity's oldest hope, rather than a puerile fantasy or social trend.[1]



Trivialization of human identity (Enough argument)
In his 2003 book Enough: Staying Human in an Engineered Age, environmental ethicist Bill McKibben argued at length against many of the technologies that are postulated or supported by transhumanists, including germinal choice technology, nanomedicine and life extension strategies. He claims that it would be morally wrong for humans to tamper with fundamental aspects of themselves (or their children) in an attempt In the US, the Amish are a religious to overcome universal human limitations, such as group probably most known for their avoidance of certain modern vulnerability to aging, maximum life span, and technologies. Transhumanists draw a biological constraints on physical and cognitive ability. parallel by arguing that in the Attempts to "improve" themselves through such near-future there will probably be manipulation would remove limitations that provide a "Humanish", people who choose to "stay human" by not adopting human necessary context for the experience of meaningful enhancement technologies, whose human choice. He claims that human lives would no choice they believe must be respected longer seem meaningful in a world where such [97] and protected. limitations could be overcome technologically. Even the goal of using germinal choice technology for clearly therapeutic purposes should be relinquished, since it would inevitably produce temptations to tamper with such things as cognitive capacities. He argues that it is possible for societies to benefit from renouncing particular technologies, using as examples Ming China, Tokugawa Japan and the contemporary Amish.[98] Transhumanists and other supporters of technological alteration of human biology, such as science journalist Ronald Bailey, reject as extremely subjective the claim that life would be experienced as meaningless if some human limitations are overcome with enhancement technologies. They argue that these technologies will not remove the bulk of the individual and social challenges humanity faces. They suggest that a person with greater abilities would tackle more advanced and difficult projects and continue to find meaning in the struggle to achieve excellence. Bailey also claims that McKibben's historical examples are flawed, and support different conclusions when studied more closely.[99] For example, few groups are more cautious than the Amish about embracing new technologies, but though they shun television and use horses and buggies, some are welcoming the possibilities of gene therapy since inbreeding has afflicted them with a number of rare genetic diseases.[83]

Genetic divide (Gattaca argument)
Some critics of libertarian transhumanism have focused on its likely socioeconomic consequences in societies in which divisions between rich and poor are on the rise. Bill McKibben, for example, suggests that emerging human enhancement technologies would be disproportionately available to those with greater financial resources, thereby exacerbating the gap between rich and poor and creating a "genetic divide".[98] Lee M. Silver, a biologist and science writer who coined the term "reprogenetics" and supports its applications, has nonetheless expressed concern that these methods could create a two-tiered society of genetically-engineered "haves" and "have nots" if social democratic reforms lag behind implementation of enhancement technologies.[100] Critics who make these arguments do not thereby necessarily accept the transhumanist assumption that

Transhumanism human enhancement is a positive value; in their view, it should be discouraged, or even banned, because it could confer additional power upon the already powerful. The 1997 film Gattaca's depiction of a dystopian society in which one's social class depends entirely on genetic modifications is often cited by critics in support of these views.[26] These criticisms are also voiced by non-libertarian transhumanist advocates, especially self-described democratic transhumanists, who believe that the majority of current or future social and environmental issues (such as unemployment and resource depletion) need to be addressed by a combination of political and technological solutions (such as a guaranteed minimum income and alternative technology). Therefore, on the specific issue of an emerging genetic divide due to unequal access to human enhancement technologies, bioethicist James Hughes, in his 2004 book Citizen Cyborg: Why Democratic Societies Must Respond to the Redesigned Human of the Future, argues that progressives or, more precisely, techno-progressives must articulate and implement public policies (such as a universal health care voucher system that covers human enhancement technologies) in order to attenuate this problem as much as possible, rather than trying to ban human enhancement technologies. The latter, he argues, might actually worsen the problem by making these technologies unsafe or available only to the wealthy on the local black market or in countries where such a ban is not enforced.[26]


Threats to morality and democracy (Brave New World argument)
Various arguments have been made to the effect that a society that adopts human enhancement technologies may come to resemble the dystopia depicted in the 1932 novel Brave New World by Aldous Huxley. Sometimes, as in the writings of Leon Kass, the fear is that various institutions and practices judged as fundamental to civilized society would be damaged or destroyed.[101] In his 2002 book Our Posthuman Future and in a 2004 Foreign Policy magazine article, political economist and philosopher Francis Fukuyama designates transhumanism the world's most dangerous idea because he believes that it may undermine the egalitarian ideals of democracy in general and liberal democracy in particular, through a fundamental alteration of "human nature".[4] Social philosopher Jürgen Habermas makes a similar argument in his 2003 book The Future of Human Nature, in which he asserts that moral autonomy depends on not being subject to another's unilaterally imposed specifications. Habermas thus suggests that the human "species ethic" would be undermined by embryo-stage genetic alteration.[102] Critics such as Kass, Fukuyama, and a variety of Christian authors hold that attempts to significantly alter human biology are not only inherently immoral but also threats to the social order. Alternatively, they argue that implementation of such technologies would likely lead to the "naturalizing" of social hierarchies or place new means of control in the hands of totalitarian regimes. The AI pioneer Joseph Weizenbaum criticizes what he sees as misanthropic tendencies in the language and ideas of some of his colleagues, in particular Marvin Minsky and Hans Moravec, which, by devaluing the human organism per se, promotes a discourse that enables divisive and undemocratic social policies.[103] In a 2004 article in Reason, science journalist Ronald Bailey has contested the assertions of Fukuyama by arguing that political equality has never rested on the facts of human biology. He asserts that liberalism was founded not on the proposition of effective equality of human beings, or de facto equality, but on the assertion of an equality in political rights and before the law, or de jure equality. Bailey asserts that the products of genetic engineering may well ameliorate rather than exacerbate human inequality, giving to the many what were

Transhumanism once the privileges of the few. Moreover, he argues, "the crowning achievement of the Enlightenment is the principle of tolerance". In fact, he argues, political liberalism is already the solution to the issue of human and posthuman rights since, in liberal societies, the law is meant to apply equally to all, no matter how rich or poor, powerful or powerless, educated or ignorant, enhanced or unenhanced.[5] Other thinkers who are sympathetic to transhumanist ideas, such as philosopher Russell Blackford, have also objected to the appeal to tradition, and what they see as alarmism, involved in Brave New World-type arguments.[104]


Dehumanization (Frankenstein argument)
Biopolitical activist Jeremy Rifkin and biologist Stuart Newman accept that biotechnology has the power to make profound changes in organismal identity. They argue against the genetic engineering of human beings, because they fear the blurring of the boundary between human and artifact.[105] [90] Philosopher Keekok Lee Australian artist Patricia Piccinini's concept of what human-animal hybrids sees such developments as part of an accelerating trend might look like are provocative in modernization in which technology has been used to creatures which are part of a sculpture transform the "natural" into the "artifactual".[106] In the entitled "The Young Family," extreme, this could lead to the manufacturing and produced to address the reality of such possible parahumans in a enslavement of "monsters" such as human clones, compassionate way. Transhumanists human-animal chimeras or bioroids, but even lesser would call for the recognition of dislocations of humans and non-humans from social and self-aware parahumans as persons. ecological systems are seen as problematic. The film Blade Runner (1982), the novels The Boys From Brazil (1978) and The Island of Dr. Moreau (1896) depict elements of such scenarios, but Mary Shelley's 1818 novel Frankenstein is most often alluded to by critics who suggest that biotechnologies could create objectified and socially-unmoored people and subhumans. Such critics propose that strict measures be implemented to prevent what they portray as dehumanizing possibilities from ever happening, usually in the form of an international ban on human genetic engineering.[107] Writing in Reason magazine, Ronald Bailey has accused opponents of research involving the modification of animals as indulging in alarmism when they speculate about the creation of subhuman creatures with human-like intelligence and brains resembling those of Homo sapiens. Bailey insists that the aim of conducting research on animals is simply to produce human health care benefits.[108] A different response comes from transhumanist personhood theorists who object to what they characterize as the anthropomorphobia fueling some criticisms of this research, which science writer Isaac Asimov termed the "Frankenstein complex". They argue that, provided they are self-aware, human clones, human-animal chimeras and uplifted animals would all be unique persons deserving of respect, dignity, rights and citizenship. They conclude that the coming ethical issue is not the creation of so-called monsters but what they characterize as the "yuck factor" and "human-racism" that would judge and treat these creations as monstrous.[22] [54]



Specter of coercive eugenicism (Eugenics Wars argument)
Some critics of transhumanism allege an ableist bias in the use of such concepts as "limitations", "enhancement" and "improvement". Some even see the old eugenics, social Darwinist and master race ideologies and programs of the past as warnings of what the promotion of eugenic enhancement technologies might unintentionally encourage. Some fear future "eugenics wars" as the worst-case scenario: the return of coercive state-sponsored genetic discrimination and human rights violations such as compulsory sterilization of persons with genetic defects, the killing of the institutionalized and, specifically, segregation from, and genocide of, "races" perceived as inferior.[109] Health law professor George Annas and technology law professor Lori Andrews are prominent advocates of the position that the use of these technologies could lead to such human-posthuman caste warfare.[107] [110] For most of its history, eugenics has manifested itself as a movement to sterilize against their will the "genetically unfit" and encourage the selective breeding of the genetically fit. The major transhumanist organizations strongly condemn the coercion involved in such policies and reject the racist and classist assumptions on which they were based, along with the pseudoscientific notions that eugenic improvements could be accomplished in a practically meaningful time frame through selective human breeding. Most transhumanist thinkers instead advocate a "new eugenics", a form of egalitarian liberal eugenics.[111] In their 2000 book From Chance to Choice: Genetics and Justice, (non-transhumanist) bioethicists Allen Buchanan, Dan Brock, Norman Daniels and Daniel Wikler have argued that liberal societies have an obligation to encourage as wide an adoption of eugenic enhancement technologies as possible (so long as such policies do not infringe on individuals' reproductive rights or exert undue pressures on prospective parents to use these technologies) in order to maximize public health and minimize the inequalities that may result from both natural genetic endowments and unequal access to genetic enhancements.[112] Most transhumanists holding similar views nonetheless distance themselves from the term "eugenics" (preferring "germinal choice" or "reprogenetics")[100] to avoid having their position confused with the discredited theories and practices of early-20th-century eugenic movements.[113]

Existential risks (Terminator argument)
Struck by a passage from Unabomber → Theodore Kaczynski's anarcho-primitivist manifesto (quoted in Ray Kurzweil's 1999 book, The Age of Spiritual Machines[11] ), computer scientist Bill Joy became a notable critic of emerging technologies.[114] Joy's 2000 essay "Why the future doesn't need us" argues that human beings would likely guarantee their own extinction by developing the technologies favored by transhumanists. It invokes, for example, the "grey goo scenario" where out-of-control self-replicating nanorobots could consume entire ecosystems, resulting in global ecophagy.[115] Joy's warning was seized upon by appropriate technology organizations such as the ETC Group. Related notions were also voiced by self-described neo-luddite Kalle Lasn, a culture jammer who co-authored a 2001 spoof of Donna Haraway's 1985 Cyborg Manifesto as a critique of the techno-utopianism he interpreted it as promoting.[116] Lasn argues that high technology development should be completely relinquished since it inevitably serves corporate interests with devastating consequences on society and the environment.[117]

Transhumanism In his 2003 book Our Final Hour, British Astronomer Royal Martin Rees argues that advanced science and technology bring as much risk of disaster as opportunity for progress. However, Rees does not advocate a halt to scientific activity; he calls for tighter security and perhaps an end to traditional scientific openness.[118] Advocates of the precautionary principle, such as the Green movement, also favor slow, careful progress or a halt in potentially dangerous areas. Some precautionists believe that artificial intelligence and robotics present possibilities of alternative forms of cognition that may threaten human life.[119] The Terminator franchise's doomsday depiction of the emergence of an A.I. that becomes a superintelligence - Skynet, a malignant computer network which initiates a nuclear war in order to exterminate the human species, has been cited by some involved in this debate.[120] Transhumanists do not necessarily rule out specific restrictions on emerging technologies so as to lessen the prospect of existential risk. Generally, however, they counter that proposals based on the precautionary principle are often unrealistic and sometimes even counter-productive, as opposed to the technogaian current of transhumanism which they claim is both realistic and productive. In his television series Connections, science historian James Burke dissects several views on technological change, including precautionism and the restriction of open inquiry. Burke questions the practicality of some of these views, but concludes that maintaining the status quo of inquiry and development poses hazards of its own, such as a disorienting rate of change and the depletion of our planet's resources. The common transhumanist position is a pragmatic one where society takes deliberate action to ensure the early arrival of the benefits of safe, clean, alternative technology rather than fostering what it considers to be anti-scientific views and technophobia.[121] One transhumanist solution proposed by Nick Bostrom is differential technological development, in which attempts would be made to influence the sequence in which technologies developed. In this approach, planners would strive to retard the development of possibly harmful technologies and their applications, while accelerating the development of likely beneficial technologies, especially those that offer protection against the harmful effects of others.[42]


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[94] Midgley, Mary (1992). Science as Salvation. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-06271-3. OCLC 181929611 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 181929611). [95] Dvorsky, George (2006). Aronofsky's pro-death Fountain (http:/ / sentientdevelopments. blogspot. com/ 2006/ 12/ aronofskys-pro-death-fountain. html). . Retrieved on 2007-01-23. [96] Bordo, Susan (1993). Unbearable Weight: Femininism, Western Culture and the Body. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-08883-2. OCLC 27069938 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 27069938). [97] Alexander, Brian (2000). Don't die, stay pretty: introducing the ultrahuman makeover (http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 8. 01/ forever. html). . Retrieved on 2007-01-08. [98] McKibben, Bill (2003). Enough: Staying Human in an Engineered Age. Times Books. ISBN 0-8050-7096-6. OCLC 237794777 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 237794777). [99] Bailey, Ronald (2003). Enough Already (http:/ / www. reason. com/ 0310/ cr. rb. enough. shtml). . Retrieved on 2006-05-31. [100] Silver, Lee M. (1998). Remaking Eden: Cloning and Beyond in a Brave New World. Harper Perennial. ISBN 0-380-79243-5. OCLC 40094564 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 40094564). [101] Kass, Leon (May 21, 2001). "Preventing a Brave New World: why we must ban human cloning now". The New Republic. [102] Habermas, Jürgen (2004). The Future of Human Nature. Polity Press. ISBN 0-7456-2987-3. OCLC 49395577 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 49395577). [103] Platt, Charles (1995). Superhumanism (http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 3. 10/ moravec. html). . Retrieved on 2006-12-05. [104] Blackford, Russell (2003). Who's afraid of the Brave New World? (http:/ / www. users. bigpond. com/ russellblackford/ brave_new_world. htm). . Retrieved on 2006-02-08. [105] Otchet, Amy (1998). Jeremy Rifkin: fears of a brave new world (http:/ / www. unesco. org/ courier/ 1998_09/ uk/ dires/ txt1. htm). . Retrieved on 2006-02-20. [106] Lee, Keekok (1999). The Natural and the Artefactual. Lexington Books. ISBN 0-7391-0061-0. OCLC 231842178 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 231842178). [107] Darnovsky, Marcy (2001). Health and human rights leaders call for an international ban on species-altering procedures (http:/ / www. genetics-and-society. org/ newsletter/ archive/ 20. html). . Retrieved on 2006-02-21. [108] Bailey, Ronald (2001). Right-Wing Biological Dread: The Subhumans are coming! The Subhumans are coming! (http:/ / www. reason. com/ news/ show/ 34926. html). . URL accessed on January 18, 2007 [109] Black, Edwin (2003). War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race. Four Walls Eight Windows. ISBN 1568582587. [110] Annas, George, Andrews, Lori and Isasi, Rosario (2002). "Protecting the endangered human: toward an international treaty prohibiting cloning and inheritable alterations". Am. J. Law & Med. 28: 151. [111] World Transhumanist Association (2002–2005). Do transhumanists advocate eugenics? (http:/ / www. transhumanism. org/ index. php/ WTA/ faq21/ 66/ ). . Retrieved on 2006-04-03. [112] Buchanan, Allen; Brock, Dan W.; Daniels, Norman; Wikler, Daniel (2000). From Chance to Choice: Genetics and Justice. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-66977-4. OCLC 41211380 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 41211380). [113] Humphrey, Stephen (2004). No death, please, I'm bionic (http:/ / www. nowtoronto. com/ issues/ 2004-08-12/ news_story. php). . Retrieved on 2006-02-21. [114] Kaczynski, Theodore (1995). Industrial Society and Its Future. Retrieved on 2006-02-21. [115] Joy, Bill (2000). Why the future doesn't need us (http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 8. 04/ joy_pr. html). . Retrieved on 2005-11-14. [116] Walker, Ian (2001). Cyborg Dreams: Beyond Human (http:/ / www. abc. net. au/ rn/ talks/ bbing/ stories/ s409607. htm). . Retrieved on 2007-02-02. [117] Lasn, Kalle (2005). " Changesurfer Radio: Tech for People, not for Corporate Control (http:/ / www. radio4all. net/ proginfo. php?id=11260)". . Retrieved on 2006-06-12. [118] Rees, Martin (2003). Our Final Hour: A Scientist's Warning: How Terror, Error, and Environmental Disaster Threaten Humankind's Future In This Century—On Earth and Beyond. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-06862-6. OCLC 51315429 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 51315429). [119] Arnall, Alexander Huw (2003) (PDF). Future technologies, today's choices: nanotechnology, artificial intelligence and robotics. (http:/ / www. greenpeace. org. uk/ MultimediaFiles/ Live/ FullReport/ 5886. pdf). Greenpeace U.K. . Retrieved on 2006-04-29. [120] Layman, Dale (2002). Robowatch 2002: Mankind At The Brink (http:/ / www. robowatch. org/ main2. html). London Diplomatic Academy. . Retrieved on 2007-01-23. [121] Dvorsky, George (2003). Technophiles and Greens of the World, Unite! (http:/ / archives. betterhumans. com/ Columns/ Column/ tabid/ 79/ Column/ 305/ Default. aspx). . Retrieved on 2007-03-19.


Marx's theory of alienation


Marx's theory of alienation
Part of a series on Marxist theory

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Marx's theory of alienation (Entfremdung in German), as expressed in the writings of the young Karl Marx (in particular the Manuscripts of 1844), refers to the separation of things that naturally belong together, or to put antagonism between things that are properly in harmony. In the concept's most important use, it refers to the social alienation of people from aspects of their "human nature" (Gattungswesen, usually translated as 'species-essence' or 'species-being'). He believed that alienation is a systematic result of capitalism. Marx's theory relies on Feuerbach's The Essence of Christianity (1841), which argues that the idea of God has alienated the characteristics of the human being. Stirner would take the analysis further in The Ego and Its Own (1844), declaring that even 'humanity' is an alienating ideal for the individual, to which Marx and Engels responded in The German Ideology (1845).

In the labour process
Marx's Theory of Alienation is based upon his observation that in emerging industrial production under capitalism, workers inevitably lose control of their lives and selves, in not having any control of their work. Workers never become autonomous, self-realized human beings in any significant sense, except the way the bourgeois want the worker to be realized. Alienation in capitalist societies occurs because in work each contributes to the common wealth, but can only express this fundamentally social aspect of individuality through a production system that is not publicly(socially) owned, but privately owned, for which each individual functions as an instrument, not as a social being: 'Let us suppose that we had carried out production as human beings. Each of us would have in two ways affirmed himself and the other person. 1) In my production I would have objectified my individuality, its specific character, and therefore enjoyed not only an individual manifestation of my life during the activity, but also when looking at the object I would have the individual pleasure of knowing my personality to be objective, visible to the senses and hence a

Marx's theory of alienation power beyond all doubt. 2) In your enjoyment or use of my product I would have the direct enjoyment both of being conscious of having satisfied a human need by my work, that is, of having objectified man’s essential nature, and of having thus created an object corresponding to the need of another man’s essential nature. ... Our products would be so many mirrors in which we saw reflected our essential nature.'" (Comment on James Mill) Marx attributes four types of alienation in labour under capitalism.[1] These include the alienation of the worker from his or her ‘species essence’ as a human being rather than a machine; between workers, since capitalism reduces labour to a commodity to be traded on the market, rather than a social relationship; of the worker from the product, since this is appropriated by the capitalist class, and so escapes the worker's control; and from the act of production itself, such that work comes to be a meaningless activity, offering little or no intrinsic satisfactions. Marx also put emphasis on the role of religion in the alienation process, independently from his famous quote on the opium of the masses. [2] Simply put and taken directly from George Ritzer's: "Contemporary Sociological Theory and Its Roots", the four types of alienation of workers from capitalist/owners are: -Activities of the workers are chosen by the owners, capitalist; who in return pay them. -Ownership of production/product in hands of capitalist. -Workers are likely to be separated from their fellow workers. -Workers driven away from their potential and tasks become mindless.


Significance in Marx's thought
Influence from Hegel and Feuerbach
Alienation is a foundational claim in Marxist theory. Hegel described a succession of historic stages in the human Geist (Spirit), by which that Spirit progresses towards perfect self-understanding, and away from ignorance. In Marx's reaction to Hegel, these two, idealist poles are replaced with materialist categories: spiritual ignorance becomes alienation, and the transcendent end of history becomes man's realisation of his species-being; triumph over alienation and establishment of an objectively better society. This teleological reading of Marx, particularly supported by Alexandre Kojève before World War II, is criticized by Louis Althusser in his writings about "random materialism" (matérialisme aléatoire). Althusser claimed that said reading made the proletariat the subject of history (i.e. Georg Lukacs's History and Class Consciousness [1923] published at the Hungarian Soviet Republic's fall), was tainted with Hegelian idealism, the "philosophy of the subject" that had been in force for five centuries, which was criticized as the "bourgeois ideology of philosophy".

Relation to Marx's theory of history
In The German Ideology Marx writes that 'things have now come to such a pass that the individuals must appropriate the existing totality of productive forces, not only to achieve self-activity, but, also, merely to safeguard their very existence' [3]. In other words, Marx seems to think that, while humans do have a need for self-activity (self-actualisation, the opposite of alienation), this will be of secondary historical relevance. This is because he thinks that capitalism will increase the economic impoverishment of the proletariat so rapidly that they will be forced to make the social revolution just to stay alive - they

Marx's theory of alienation probably wouldn't even get to the point of worrying that much about self-activity. This doesn't mean, though, that tendencies against alienation only manifest themselves once other needs are amply met, only that they are of reduced importance. The work of Raya Dunayevskaya and others in the tradition of Marxist humanism drew attention to manifestations of the desire for self-activity even among workers struggling for more basic goals .


In this passage, from The Holy Family, Marx says that capitalists and proletarians are equally alienated, but experience their alienation in different ways: The propertied class and the class of the proletariat present the same human self-estrangement. But the former class feels at ease and strengthened in this self-estrangement, it recognizes estrangement as its own power and has in it the semblance of a human existence. The class of the proletariat feels annihilated in estrangement; it sees in it its own powerlessness and the reality of an inhuman existence. It is, to use an expression of Hegel, in its abasement the indignation at that abasement, an indignation to which it is necessarily driven by the contradiction between its human nature and its condition of life, which is the outright, resolute and comprehensive negation of that nature. Within this antithesis the private property-owner is therefore the conservative side, the proletarian the destructive side. From the former arises the action of preserving the antithesis, from the latter the action of annihilating it. [4]

Further reading
"I am not interested in dry economic socialism. We are fighting against misery, but we are also fighting against alienation. One of the fundamental objectives of Marxism is to remove interest, the factor of individual interest, and gain, from people’s psychological motivations. Marx was preoccupied both with economic factors and with their repercussions on the spirit. If communism isn’t interested in this too, it may be a method of distributing goods, but it will never be a revolutionary way of life." — Che Guevara

Alienation is a theme in Marx's writing that runs right throughout his work, from the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, to Capital - especially the unpublished sections entitled Results of the Immediate Process of Production. An online archive of almost everything written by Marx can be found at the Marxists Internet Archive [6]- at which you can search for 'alienation'. Another good way to approach Marx's original writing is through a good collection - Karl Marx: selected writings (second edition), edited by David Mclellan clearly indicates sections on alienation in its contents. Key works on alienation include the Comment on James Mill and The German Ideology. An example of characterisation of alienation in Marx's later work (which differs strongly in emphasis, if not in actual content from earlier presentations) can be found in the Grundrisse. Marx's work can sometimes be daunting - many people would recommend reading a short introduction (such as one of those indicated below) to the concept first.

Marx's theory of alienation


Secondary literature
• Introductory article on alienation [7] - from the Encyclopaedia of the Marxists Internet Archive. • Short article on alienation [8] - drawing mainly on the earlier works (from Lewis A. Coser, Masters of Sociological Thought: Ideas in Historical and Social Context, 2nd Ed., Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., 1977: 50-53.) • Paul Blackledge Marxism and Ethics [9] • G.A. Cohen (1977) discusses alienation and fetishism in Ch. VI of Karl Marx's Theory of History: A Defence. • Althusser, For Marx, Verso • Marcuse, Herbert, Reason & Revolution, Beacon • Part I: Alienation of Karl Marx by Allen W. Wood in the Arguments of the Philosophers series provides a good introduction to this concept. • Why Read Marx Today? by Jonathan Wolff provides a simple introduction to the concept. It is especially clear differentiating the various types of alienation which Marx discusses. • Marx and human nature: refutation of a legend by Norman Geras, a brief book, contains much of relevance to alienation by studying the closely related concept of human nature. • Alienation: Marx's conception of man in capitalist society by Bertell Ollman. Selected chapters can be read online [10]. • Alienation and Techne in the Thought of Karl Marx, by Kostas Axelos • Shlomo Avineri, Hegel's Philosophy of Right and Hegel's Theory of the Modern State • Lukacs' The Young Hegel and Origins of the Concept of Alienation by István Mészáros • Marx's Theory of Alienation [11] by István Mészáros • Ludwig Feuerbach [12] at • The Evolution of Alienation: Trauma, Promise, and the Millennium, edited by Lauren Langman and Devorah K. Fishman. Lanham, 2006. • "Does Alienation Have a Future? Recapturing the Core of Critical Theory," by Harry Dahms (in Langman and Fishman, The Evolution of Alienation, 2006). • Alienation in American Society [13] by Fritz Pappenheim, Monthly Review Volume 52, Number 2 • Karl Marx's Philosophy of Man (1975) by John Plamenatz • Alienation (1970) by Richard Schacht • Making Sense of Marx (1994) by Jon Elster

Marx's theory of alienation


See also
• Commodity fetishism • Ludwig Feuerbach's The Essence of Christianity (1841) • Georg Lukacs's theory of class consciousness and reification

External links
• Bertell Ollman on Alienation

[1] [2] [3] [4] A Dictionary of Sociology, Article: Alienation Marx on Alienation (http:/ / uregina. ca/ ~gingrich/ s3002. htm) http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx/ works/ 1845/ german-ideology/ ch01d. htm Chapter 4 of The Holy Family (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx/ works/ 1845/ holy-family/ ch04. htm)see under Critical Comment No. 2 [5] The Many Faces of Socialism: Comparative Sociology and Politics, 1983, by Paul Hollander, Transaction Pub, ISBN: 0887387403, Pg. 224 [6] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ marx [7] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ glossary/ terms/ a/ l. htm [8] http:/ / media. pfeiffer. edu/ lridener/ DSS/ Marx/ ch6. htm [9] http:/ / www. isj. org. uk/ index. php4?id=486& issue=120 [10] http:/ / www. nyu. edu/ projects/ ollman/ books/ a. php [11] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ meszaros/ works/ alien/ [12] http:/ / www. marxists. org/ reference/ archive/ feuerbach/ [13] http:/ / www. monthlyreview. org/ 600papp. htm [14] http:/ / www. alienationtheory. com

"Counter-Enlightenment" is a term used to refer to a movement that arose in the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries in opposition to the eighteenth century Enlightenment. The term is usually associated with Isaiah Berlin, who is often credited with coining it, perhaps taking up a passing remark of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, who used the term Gegenaufklärung at the end of the nineteenth century. It has not been widely used since. The first known use of the term 'counter-enlightenment' in English was in 1949. Berlin published widely about the Enlightenment and its enemies and did much to popularise the concept of a Counter-Enlightenment movement that he characterised as relativist, anti-rationalist, vitalist and organic,[1] and which he associated most closely with German Romanticism. Some recent scholarship has challenged this view for focusing too narrowly on Germany and stopping abruptly in the early nineteenth century, thereby ignoring the Enlightenment's many subsequent critics, particularly in the twentieth century. Some scholars reject the use of the term 'the Counter-Enlightenment' on the grounds that there was no single Enlightenment for its alleged enemies to oppose.

Counter- Enlightenment


The Counter-Enlightenment Movement vs Counter-Enlightenments
Although the term 'the Counter-Enlightenment' was first used in English (in passing) by William Barrett in a 1949 article ("Art, Aristocracy and Reason") in Partisan Review, it was Isaiah Berlin who established its place in the history of ideas. He used the term to refer to a movement that arose primarily in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Germany against the rationalism, universalism and empiricism commonly associated with the Enlightenment. Berlin's widely read essay "The Counter-Enlightenment" was first published in 1973, and later reprinted in a popular collection of his essays (Against the Current) in 1981. The term has only had wide currency since then.

Joseph-Marie, Comte de Maistre was one of the more prominent throne-and-altar conservatives who vehemently opposed Enlightenment ideas

Berlin argues that, while there were enemies of the Enlightenment outside of Germany (e.g. Joseph de Maistre) and before the 1770s (e.g. Giambattista Vico), Counter-Enlightenment thought did not really 'take off' until the Germans 'rebelled against the dead hand of France in the realms of culture, art and philosophy, and avenged themselves by launching the great counter-attack against the Enlightenment.' This reaction was led by the Konigsberg philosopher J. G. Hamann, 'the most passionate, consistent, extreme and implacable enemy of the Enlightenment', according to Berlin. This German reaction to the imperialistic universalism of the French Enlightenment and Revolution, which had been forced on them first by the Francophile Frederick II of Prussia, then by the armies Isaiah Berlin traces the formal Counter-Enlightenment movement of Revolutionary France, and finally by Napoleon, was back to J. G. Hamann. crucial to the epochal shift of consciousness that occurred in Europe at this time, leading eventually to Romanticism. According to Berlin, the surprising and unintended consequence of this revolt against the Enlightenment has been pluralism, which owes more to the Enlightenment's enemies than it does to its proponents, most of whom were monists whose political,

Counter- Enlightenment intellectual and ideological offspring have often been terror and totalitarianism. Richard Wolin (The Seduction of Unreason 2004) has traced the modern descendants of the Counter-Enlightenment in postmodernism’s deep suspicion of “universalism,” paralleled by its endorsement of “identity politics,” and concludes that it has worked against the values of toleration and mutual recognition, not merely of diversity but of commonality. In his book "Enemies of the Enlightenment" (2001), historian Darrin McMahon extends the Counter-Enlightenment both back to pre-Revolutionary France and down to the level of 'Grub Street,' thereby marking a major advance on Berlin's intellectual and Germanocentric view. McMahon focuses on the early enemies of the Enlightenment in France, unearthing a long-forgotten 'Grub Street' literature in the late-eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries aimed at the philosophes. He delves into the obscure and at times unseemly world of the 'low Counter-Enlightenment' that attacked the encyclopedistes and fought an often dirty battle to prevent the dissemination of Enlightenment ideas in the second half of the century. A great many of these early opponents of the Enlightenment attacked it for undermining religion and the social and political order. This later became a major theme of conservative criticism of the Enlightenment after the French Revolution appeared to vindicate the warnings of the anti-philosophes in the decades prior to 1789. In his 1996 article for The American Political Science Review (Vol. 90, No. 2), Arthur M. Melzer identifies the origin of the Counter-Enlightenment in the religious writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, showing Rousseau as the man who fired the first major shot in the war between the Enlightenment and its enemies. Graeme Garrard follows Melzer in his "Rousseau's Counter-Enlightenment" (2003). This contradicts Berlin's depiction of Rousseau as a philosophe (albeit an erratic one) who shared the basic beliefs of his Enlightenment contemporaries. Also, like McMahon, it traces the beginning of Counter-Enlightenment thought back to France and prior to the German 'Sturm und Drang' movement of the 1770s. Garrard's book "Counter-Enlightenments" (2006) broadens the term Graeme Garrard traces the origin of even further, arguing against Berlin that there was no the Counter-Enlightenment to single 'movement' called 'The Counter-Enlightenment'. Rousseau. Rather, there have been many Counter-Enlightenments, from the middle of the eighteenth century through to twentieth century Enlightenment critics among critical theorists, postmodernists and feminists. The Enlightenment has enemies on all points of the ideological compass, from the far left to the far right, and all points in between. Each of the Enlightement's enemies depicted it as they saw it or wanted others to see it, resulting in a vast range of portraits, many of which are not only different but incompatible. This argument has been taken a step further by some, like intellectual historian James Schmidt, who question the idea of 'the Enlightenment' and therefore of the existence of a movement opposing it. As our conception of 'the Enlightenment' has become more complex and difficult to maintain, so too has the idea of 'the Counter-Enlightenment'. Advances in Enlightenment scholarship in the last quarter century have challenged the stereotypical


Counter- Enlightenment view of the eighteenth century as an 'Age of Reason', leading Schmidt to speculate on whether 'the Enlightenment' might not actually be a creation of its enemies, rather than the other way round. The fact that the term 'the Enlightenment' was first used in English to refer to a historical period in 1894 (see Schmidt 2003) lends some support to this argument that it was a later construction projected back on to the eighteenth century.


Counter-Enlightenment and Counter-Revolution
Although serious doubts were raised about the Enlightenment prior to the 1790s (e.g. in the works of Jean-Jacques Rousseau in France and J. G. Hamann in Germany in particular), the Reign of Terror during the French revolution fueled a major reaction against the Enlightenment, which many writers blamed for undermining traditional beliefs that sustained the ancien regime, thereby fomenting revolution. Counter-Revolutionary conservatives like Edmund Burke, Joseph de Maistre and Augustin Barruel all asserted a close link between the Enlightenment and the Revolution, as did many of the revolutionary leaders themselves, so that the Enlightenment became increasingly discredited as the Revolution became Conservative political thinker Edmund increasingly bloody. That is why the French Revolution Burke opposed the French Revolution and its aftermath was also a major phase in the in his Reflections on the Revolution in France development of Counter-Enlightenment thought. For example, while Edmund Burke's "Reflections on the Revolution in France" (1790) contains no systematic account of the connection between the Enlightenment and the Revolution, it is heavily spiced with hostile references to the French Revolutionaries as merely politicised philosophes. Barruel argues in his best-selling Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism (1797)--one of the most widely read books of its period--that the Revolution was the consequence of a conspiracy of philosophes and freemasons. In "Considerations on France" (1797), Maistre interprets the Revolution as divine punishment for the sins of the Enlightenment.

The Romantic Revolt Against the Eighteenth Century
Many, but by no means all, early Romantic writers like Chateaubriand, 'Novalis' (Georg Philipp 'Friedrich Freiherr von Hardenberg') and Samuel Taylor Coleridge inherited this Counter-Revolutionary antipathy towards the philosophes. All three directly blamed the philosophes (in France) and Aufklärer (in Germany) for devaluing beauty, spirit and history in favour of a view of man as a soulless machine and the universe as a meaningless, disenchanted void lacking richness and beauty. Of particular concern to early Romantic writers was the allegedly anti-religious nature of the Enlightenment, even though very few of the philosophes and Aufklarer were actually atheists. (Most were deists.) This view of the Enlightenment as an age hostile to religion is common ground between these Romantic writers and many of their conservative, Counter-Revolutionary predecessors. However, Chateaubriand, 'Novalis' and Coleridge are exceptions here; few Romantic writers had

Counter- Enlightenment much to say for or against the Enlightenment. (The term itself didn't even exist at the time.) For the most part, they ignored it. The philosopher Jacques Barzun argues that Romanticism had its roots in the Enlightenment. It was not anti-rational, but balanced rationality against the competing claims of intuition and the sense of justice. This view is expressed in Goya's "Sleep of Reason" (left), in which one of the nightmarish owls offers the dozing social critic of Los Caprichos a piece of drawing chalk: even the rational critic is inspired by irrational dream-content, under the gaze of the sharp-eyed lynx [2]. Marshall Brown makes much the same argument as Barzun in 'Romanticism and Enlightenment', questioning the stark opposition between these two periods. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the memory of the French Revolution was fading and Romanticism had more or less run its course. In this optimistic age of science and industry, there were few critics of the Enlightenment, and few explicit Francisco de Goya, "The Sleep of Reason Produces defenders. The German philosopher Monsters" (1799) Friedrich Nietzsche is a notable (and highly influential) exception. After an initial defence of the Enlightenment during his so-called 'middle period' (late-1870s to early 1880s), Nietzsche turned vehemently against it and subscribed to the earlier view of conservative Counter-Revolutionaries like Burke and Maistre, who blamed the French Revolution (which Nietzsche always hated) on the Enlightenment.


Enlightened Totalitarianism
It was not until after WWII that 'the Enlightenment' re-emerged as a key organising concept in social and political thought and the history of ideas. Shadowing it has been a resurgent Counter-Enlightenment literature blaming the eighteenth century faith in reason for twentieth century totalitarianism. The locus classicus of this view is Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno's "Dialectic of Enlightenment" (1947), which traces the degeneration of the general concept of enlightenment from ancient Greece (epitomised by the cunning 'bourgeois' hero Odysseus) to twentieth century fascism. (They say little about soviet communism, referring to it as a regressive totalitarianism that "clung all too desperately to the heritage of bourgeois philosophy"[3] ). While this influential book takes 'enlightenment' as its target, this includes its eighteenth century form – which we now call 'the Enlightenment' – epitomised by the Marquis de Sade. Many postmodern writers and some feminists (e.g. Jane Flax) have made similar arguments, likewise seeing the Enlightenment conception of reason as totalitarian, and as

Counter- Enlightenment not having been enlightened enough since, for Adorno and Horkheimer, though it banishes myth it falls back into a further myth, that of individualism and formal (or mythic) equality under instrumental reason. Michel Foucault, for example, argued that attitudes towards the "insane" during the late-eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries show that supposedly enlightened notions of humane treatment were not universally adhered to, but instead, that the Age of Reason had to construct an image of "Unreason" against which to take an opposing stand. Berlin himself, although no postmodernist, argues that the Enlightenment's legacy in the twentieth century has been monism (which he claims favours political authoritarianism), whereas the legacy of the Counter-Enlightenment has been pluralism (something he associates with liberalism). These are two of the 'strange reversals' of modern intellectual history.


The Enlightenment Perversion of Reason
What seems to unite all of the Enlightenment's disparate enemies (from eighteenth century religious opponents, counter-revolutionaries and Romantics to twentieth century conservatives, feminists, critical theorists and environmentalists) is a rejection of what they consider to be the Enlightenment perversion of reason: the distorted conceptions of reason of the kind each associates with the Enlightenment in favour of a more restricted view of the nature, scope and limits of human rationality. However, very few of the enemies of the Enlightenment have abandoned reason entirely. The battle has been over the scope, meaning and application of reason, not over whether it is good or bad, desirable or undesirable, essential or inessential per se. The conflict between the Enlightenment and the Counter-Enlightenment is not a conflict between friends and enemies of reason, any more than it is between friends and enemies of the notion of "enlightenment." Although objections have consistently been raised against what has been taken as the 'typical' Enlightenment view of reason by its opponents (on all points of the ideological spectrum, left, right, and centre), this has almost never been generalised to reason as such by Counter-Enlightenment thinkers. Some charge that the Enlightenment inflated the power and scope of reason, while others claim that it narrowed it.

See also
• • • • • • • • • • • • The Enlightenment philosophe Jean-Jacques Rousseau J. G. Hamann Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi Joseph de Maistre Augustin Barruel Memoirs Illustrating the History of Jacobinism Chateaubriand Novalis Friedrich Nietzsche Sigmund Freud

• Norbert Elias • Leo Strauss

Counter- Enlightenment • • • • • • • • • Max Horkheimer Theodor Adorno Zeev Sternhell Isaiah Berlin Michel Foucault Charles Taylor John Gray Alasdair MacIntyre Natural philosophy


External links
• Isaiah Berlin,"The Counter-Enlightenment", in Dictionary of the History of Ideas (1973)

• Darrin M. McMahon, "The counter-Enlightenment and the low-life of literature in pre-Revolutionary France," [5] from Past & Present, May 1998

• Berlin, Isaiah, "The Counter-Enlightenment" in The Proper Study of Mankind: An Anthology of Essays, ISBN 0-374-52717-2. • Berlin, Isaiah, Three Critics of the Enlightenment: Vico, Hamann, Herder, Henry Hardy, editor, Princeton University Press, 2003 • Garrard, Graeme, Rousseau's Counter-Enlightenment: A Republican Critique of the Philosophes (2003) ISBN 0-7914-5604-8 • Garrard, Graeme, Counter-Enlightements: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present (2006) ISBN 0-415-18725-7 • Garrard, Graeme, "Isaiah Berlin's Counter-Enlightenment" in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, ed. Joseph Mali and Robert Wokler (2003), ISBN 0-87169-935-4 • Masseau, Didier, Les ennemis des philosophes:. l’antiphilosophie au temps des Lumières, Paris: Albin Michel, 2000. • McMahon, Darrin M., Enemies of the Enlightenment: The French Counter-Enlightenment and the Making of Modernity details the reaction to Voltaire and the Enlightenment in European intellectual history from 1750 to 1830. • Norton, Robert E. "The Myth of the Counter-Enlightenment," Journal of the History of Ideas, 68 (2007): 635-658. • Schmidt, James, What Enlightenment Project?, Political Theory, 28/6 (2000), pp. 734 - 57. • Schmidt, James, Inventing the Enlightenment: Anti-Jacobins, British Hegelians and the Oxford English Dictionary, Journal of the History of Ideas, 64/3 (2003), pp. 421 - 43. • Wolin, Richard, The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism (Princeton University Press) 2004, sets out to trace “the uncanny affinities between the Counter-Enlightenment and postmodernism.”

Counter- Enlightenment


[1] Aspects noted by Darrin M. McMahon, "The Counter-Enlightenment and the Low-Life of Literature in Pre-Revolutionary France" Past and Present No. 159 (May 1998:77-112) p. 79 note 7. [2] [3] [4] [5] http:/ / www. worldandi. com/ newhome/ public/ 2004/ february/ bkpub1. asp Adorno & Horkeimer, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 1947, pp.32-33 http:/ / etext. lib. virginia. edu/ cgi-local/ DHI/ dhi. cgi?id=dv2-11 http:/ / www. findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_m2279/ is_n159/ ai_21029551



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Conservatism is a political and social term from the Latin verb conservare meaning to save or preserve.[1] As the name suggests it usually indicates support for tradition and traditional values though the meaning has changed in different countries and time periods. The modern political term conservative was used by French politician Chateaubriand in 1819.[2] In Western politics, the term conservatism often refers to the school of thought started by Edmund Burke and similar thinkers.[3] Scholar R. J. White wrote: "To put

Conservatism conservatism in a bottle with a label is like trying to liquify the atmosphere […] The difficulty arises from the nature of the thing. For conservatism is less a political doctrine than a habit of mind, a mode of feeling, a way of living."[4] Russell Kirk considered conservatism "the negation of ideology".[5] Conservative political parties have diverse views; the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan, the Republican Party in the United States, the Conservative Party in Britain, the Liberal Party of Australia, and the Bharatiya Janata Party in India are all considered major conservative parties with varying positions.


Development of Western conservatism
From the beginning, some political thought could be labelled "conservative" but it was not until the Age of Enlightenment, and the reaction to events surrounding the French Revolution of 1789, that conservatism rose as a distinct political attitude or train of thought. Many point to the rise of a conservative disposition in the wake of the Protestant Reformation, specifically to the works of influential Anglican theologian, Richard Hooker, emphasizing moderation in the political balancing of interests towards the goals of social harmony and common good. Edmund Burke’s polemic Reflections on the Revolution in France helped conservatism gain prominence.
Edmund Burke (1729–1797)

Edmund Burke supported the American Revolution, but opposed the French Revolution, which he saw as violent and chaotic. He pressed for parliamentary control of royal patronage and expenditure.[6] His classical conservative position insisted that conservatism has no ideology, in the sense of a utopian program, with some form of master plan. Burke developed his ideas in response to the enlightened idea of a society guided by abstract reason. He anticipated the critique of modernism, a term used at the end of the 19th century by the Dutch religious conservative Abraham Kuyper. Burke did not seek "to give praise or blame to any thing which relates to human actions, and human concerns, on a simple view of the object in all the nakedness and solitude of metaphysical abstraction".[7]



Burke said some people had less reason than others, and thus some people will make better governments than others if they rely upon reason. The proper formulation of government came not from abstractions such as reason, but from time-honoured development of the state, piecemeal progress through experience and the continuation of other important societal institutions such as the family and the Church. He argued that tradition draws on the wisdom of many generations and the tests of time, while reason may be a mask for the preferences of one man, and at best represents only the untested wisdom of one generation. However, Burke wrote, "A state without the means of change is without the means of its conservation." Burke insisted further change be organic rather than revolutionary. An attempt to modify the complex Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) web of human interactions that form human society, for the sake of some doctrine or theory, runs the risk of running afoul of the iron law of unintended consequences. Western Conservatism has also been influenced by the → Counter-Enlightenment works of Joseph de Maistre. Maistre argued for the restoration of hereditary monarchy, which he regarded as a divinely sanctioned institution, and for the indirect authority of the Pope over temporal matters. He also defended the principle of hierarchical authority, which the Revolution sought to destroy. Maistre published in 1819 his masterpiece Du Pape ("On the Pope"). The work is divided into four parts. In the first he argues that, in the Church, the pope is sovereign, and that it is an essential characteristic of all sovereign power that its decisions should be subject to no appeal. Consequently, the pope is infallible in his teaching, since it is by his teaching that he exercises his sovereignty. In the remaining divisions the author examines the relations of the pope and the temporal powers, civilization and the welfare of nations, and the schismatic Churches. He argues that nations require protection against abuses of power by a sovereignty superior to all others, and that this sovereignty should be that of the papacy, the historical saviour and maker of European civilization. Conservatives strongly support the right of property, and Carl B. Cone, in Burke and the Nature of Politics, pointed out that this view, expressed as philosophy, also served the interests of the people involved.[8] Conservatives are usually economic liberals, diverging from classical liberalism in the tradition of Adam Smith.[9] Some conservatives look to a modified free market order, such as the American System, ordoliberalism, or Friedrich List's National System. The latter view differs from strict laissez-faire, in that the state's role is to promote competition while maintaining the national interest, community and identity. Most conservatives strongly support the sovereign nation (although that was not so in the 19th century), and patriotically identify with their own nation. Nationalist separatist movements may be both radical and conservative.



Forms of conservatism
Liberal conservatism
Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism that combines conservative values and policies with liberal stances. As these latter two terms have had different meanings over time and across countries, liberal conservatism also has a wide variety of meanings. Historically, the term often referred to the combination of economic liberalism, which champions laissez-faire markets, with the classical conservatism concern for established tradition, respect for authority and religious values. It contrasted itself with classical liberalism, which supported freedom for the individual in both the economic and social spheres. Over time, the general conservative ideology in many countries adopted economic liberal arguments, and the term liberal conservatism was replaced with conservatism. This is also the case in countries where liberal economic ideas have been the tradition, such as the United States, and are thus considered conservative. In other countries where liberal conservative movements have entered the political mainstream, such as Italy and Spain, the terms liberal and conservative may be synonymous. The liberal conservative tradition in the United States combines the economic individualism of the classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism (which has also become part of the American conservative tradition, such as in the writings of Russell Kirk). A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative (less traditionalist) views with those of social liberalism. This has developed as an opposition to the more collectivist views of socialism. Often this involves stressing what are now conservative views of free-market economics and belief in individual responsibility, with social liberal views on defence of civil rights, environmentalism and support for a limited welfare state. This philosophy is that of Swedish Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt. In continental Europe, this is sometimes also translated into English as social conservatism.

Conservative liberalism
Conservative liberalism is a variant of liberalism that combines liberal values and policies with conservative stances, or, more simply, the right wing of the liberal movement.[10] [11] [12] The roots of conservative liberalism are found at the beginning of the history of liberalism. Until the two World Wars, in most European countries the political class was formed by conservative liberals, from Germany to Italy. Conservative liberalism is a more positive and less radical version of classical liberalism.[13] The events such as World War I occurring after 1917 brought the more radical version of classical liberalism to a more conservative (i.e. more moderate) type of liberalism.[14]

Libertarian conservatism
Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies within the United States and Canada which combines libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism. Its five main branches are Constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, neolibertarianism, small government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They generally differ from paleoconservatives, in that they are in favor of more personal and economic freedom.[15]

Conservatism Agorists such as Samuel right-libertarianism.[16] [17] Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism


In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire policies such as free trade, opposition to the Federal Reserve and opposition to business regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare, subsidies, and other areas of economic intervention. Many of them have views in accord to Ludwig von Mises. However, many of them oppose abortion, as they see it as a positive liberty and violates the non-aggression principle because abortion is aggression towards the fetus.[18]

Fiscal conservatism
Fiscal conservatism is the economic philosophy of prudence in government spending and debt. Edmund Burke, in his 'Reflections on the Revolution in France', articulated its principles: ...[I]t is to the property of the citizen, and not to the demands of the creditor of the state, that the first and original faith of civil society is pledged. The claim of the citizen is prior in time, paramount in title, superior in equity. The fortunes of individuals, whether possessed by acquisition or by descent or in virtue of a participation in the goods of some community, were no part of the creditor's security, expressed or implied...[T]he public, whether represented by a monarch or by a senate, can pledge nothing but the public estate; and it can have no public estate except in what it derives from a just and proportioned imposition upon the citizens at large. In other words, a government does not have the right to run up large debts and then throw the burden on the taxpayer; the taxpayers' right not to be taxed oppressively takes precedence even over paying back debts a government may have imprudently undertaken.

Green conservatism
Green conservatism is a term used to refer to conservatives who have incorporated green concerns into their ideology. The Conservative Party in the United Kingdom under David Cameron has embraced a green agenda that includes proposals designed to impose a tax on workplace car parking spaces, a halt to airport growth, a tax on 4x4 vehicles and restrictions on car advertising.

Cultural conservatism
Cultural conservatism is a philosophy that supports preservation of the heritage of a nation or culture. The culture in question may be as large as Western culture or Chinese civilization or as small as that of Tibet. Cultural conservatives try to adapt norms handed down from the past. The norms may be romantic, like the anti-metric movement that demands the retention of avoirdupois weights and measures in Britain and opposes their replacement with the metric system. They may be institutional: in the West this has included chivalry and feudalism, as well as capitalism, laicité and the rule of law. In the subset social conservatism, the norms may also be what is viewed as a question of morality. In some cultures, practices such as homosexuality are seen as immoral. In others, it is considered immoral for a woman to reveal too much of her body.

Conservatism Cultural conservatives often argue that old institutions have adapted to a particular place or culture and therefore ought to be preserved. Others argue that a people have a right to their cultural norms, their own language and traditions.


Religious conservatism
Religious conservatives seek to apply the teachings of particular ideologies to politics, sometimes by proclaiming the value of those teachings, at other times seeking to have those teachings influence laws. Religious conservatism may support, or be supported by, secular customs. In other places or at other times, religious conservatism may find itself at odds with the culture in which the believers reside. In some cultures, there is conflict between two or more different groups of religious conservatives, each claiming both that their view is correct, and that opposing views are wrong. Because many religions preserve a founding text, or at least a set of well-established traditions, the possibility of radical religious conservatism arises. These are radical both in the sense of abolishing the status quo and of a perceived return to the radix or root of a belief. They are ante conservative in their claim to be preserving the belief in its original or pristine form. Radical religious conservatism generally sees the status quo as corrupted by abuses, corruption, or heresy. One example of such a movement was the Radical Reformation within the Protestant Reformation and the later Restorationists of the 1800s. Similar phenomena have arisen in practically all the world's religions, in many cases triggered by the violent cultural collision between the traditional society in question and the modern Western society that has developed throughout the world over the past 500 years.

Conservatism in different countries
Conservatism in Australia is related to British and American conservatism in many respects, but has a distinct political tradition. One scholar argues that Australian conservatism is traditionally composed of diverse groups and interests that are united more by opposition to certain political developments than by a distinct shared ideology.[19] In terms of partisan politics, conservatism has often been defined as opposition to the Australian Labor Party. Australian groups that have historically been grouped on the conservative side include social conservatives, British Empire nationalists, organizations supporting rural interests, anti-socialist Catholics, fundamentalist Christians and free-market liberals."[19]

Malcolm Turnbull, the leader of Liberal Party of Australia.

Historically, for the first 70 years after the Federation of Australia, the non-Labor (and hence implicitly conservative) side of Australian politics was associated with policies of moderate protectionism in trade, and of support for the welfare state, coupled with maintenance of Australia's ties to the British Empire. Many scholars have seen the government of Robert Menzies as exemplifying this trend.[19] However, from the 1980s, free-market economic policies were increasingly associated with conservatism in Australian

Conservatism politics, following the same trend as the United States under Ronald Reagan and the United Kingdom under Margaret Thatcher.[19] In contemporary Australian politics, the Liberal Party of Australia is seen as the main conservative party.


Seretse Khama founded the conservative Botswana Democratic Party and it has been the most popular party in Botswana. According to the Economic Freedom of the World survey, Botswana is Africa's second most capitalist country.

Canadian conservatism has always been rooted in a preference for the traditional and established ways of doing things, even as it has shifted in economic, foreign and social policy. Like Burke, they rejected the sense of both ideology and revolution, preferring pragmatism and evolution. It is for that reason that unlike conservatives in the United States, Canadian conservatives are generally not republicans, preferring the monarchy and Westminster system of government. (The United States is a federal republic, while Canada is a constitutional monarchy, a distinction resulting from the American Revolution and its aftermath.)

People's Republic of China
In the People's Republic of China, New Conservatism (新保守主义), sometimes translated as "Neoconservatism", was a movement which first arose in the early 1990s and argued that progress was best accomplished through gradual reform of society, eschewing revolution and sudden overthrow of the governmental system. This movement was based heavily on the ideas of Edmund Burke and was described in the West by the scholar Joseph Fewsmith. Other than the name, the movement had no connection with neoconservatism in the United States (the US movement is instead referred to as Niukang in Chinese), though, from the standpoint of philosophy, it can be identified as a form of conservative thought, albeit ideologically different from "old conservatism" (旧保守主义).

Republic of China
In the Republic of China, the conservative Kuomintang (KMT) (the most popular party) generally supports Chinese nationalism and Chinese reunification.

Republic of China's current President Ma Ying-jeou, who pledged to expand free trade.



In Germany, conservatism has often been represented by Christian Democratic parties. They form the bulk of the European People's Party faction in the European Parliament. The origin of these parties is usually in Catholic parties of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and Catholic social teaching was their original inspiration. Over the years, conservatism gradually became their main ideological inspiration, and they generally became less Catholic. The German Christian Democratic Union (CDU), its Bavarian sister party Christian Social Union (CSU), and the Dutch Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) are Protestant-Catholic parties.

Angela Merkel, the first female chancellor of Germany.

Conservatism in India is represented by Hindu nationalist parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)[20] . BJP advocates conservative social policies, self reliance, robust economic growth, foreign policy driven by a nationalist agenda, and strong national defense. Hindutva has a special place in its ideology and the party believes that ancient Hindu culture and values will make India a more enlightened society. BJP falls more correctly in the Centre-right definition.

In Iran, conservatism is represented by parties such as the Combatant Clergy Association (CCA), which includes the nation’s foremost politicized clerics (including the current Ayatollah) [21] and is considered to be part of the "Islamic right".[22] The CCA was the majority party in the fourth and fifth parliaments after the Islamic revolution.[23] It was founded in 1977 by a group of clerics with intentions to use cultural approaches to overthrow the Shah.[24] Some conservative Iranian political parties and organizations are part of the powerful Alliance of Builders of Islamic Iran.

In Israel, Likud is the major centre-right political party. Founded in 1973 as an alliance of several right-wing and liberal parties, Likud's victory in the 1977 elections was a major turning point in the country's political history.[25] Likud supports free market capitalism and liberalism. Likud, under the guidance of Finance minister Binyamin Netanyahu, pushed through legislation to reduce value added tax (VAT), income and corporate taxes, as well as customs duty. The party has instituted free trade (especially with the European Union and the United States) and has dismantled certain monopolies (e.g. Bezeq and the sea ports). It has privatized numerous government-owned companies (e.g. El Al and Bank Leumi). Likud has in the past espoused hawkish policies towards the Palestinians, including opposition to Palestinian statehood and support of the Jewish settlers in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. However, it has also been the party which carried out the first peace agreements with Arab states. For instance, in 1979, Likud Prime Minister, Menachem Begin, signed the Camp David Accords with Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat, which returned the Sinai Peninsula (occupied by Israel in the Six-Day War of 1967) to Egypt in

Conservatism return for peace between the two countries. Yitzhak Shamir also granted some legitimacy to the Palestinians by meeting them at the ill-fated Madrid Conference following the Persian Gulf War in 1991. However, Shamir refused to concede the idea of a Palestinian state, and as a result was blamed by some (including U.S. Secretary of State James Baker) for the failure of the summit. Later, as Prime Minister, Binyamin Netanyahu restated Likud's position of opposing Palestinian statehood, which after the Oslo Accords was largely accepted by the opposition Labor Party, even though the shape of any such state was not clear. The Likud emphasize such nationalist themes as the flag and the victory in Israel's 1948 war with neighbouring Arab states. The Likud advocates teaching values in childhood education. The Likud endorses press freedom and promotion of private-sector media, which has grown markedly under governments Likud has led. A Likud government headed by Ariel Sharon, however, closed the popular right-wing pirate radio station Arutz 7 ("Channel 7). Arutz 7 was popular with the settlement movement and often criticised the government from a right-wing perspective. However, the Likud is inclined towards the Torah and expresses support for it within the context of civil Judaism, as a result of its Irgun past, which aligned itself according to the word of the Tanakh.


Japan's conservative Liberal Democratic Party - which has dominated elections for half a century - traditionally identified itself with a number of general goals such as rapid, export-based economic growth and close cooperation with the United States in foreign and defense policies, as well as several newer issues, such as administrative reform. Administrative reform encompassed several themes: simplification and streamlining of government bureaucracy; privatization of stateowned enterprises; and adoption of measures, including tax reform, needed to prepare for the strain on the economy posed by an aging society.

Junichiro Koizumi, a leader of the right-wing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) who won the largest party majority ever in modern Japanese history.

Other priorities in the early 1990s included promoting a more active and positive role for Japan in the rapidly developing Asia-Pacific region, internationalizing Japan's economy by liberalizing and promoting domestic demand, creating a hightechnology information society, and promoting scientific research.

The Nepali politics can be viewed as a very interesting clash of left wing parties, liberal democratic parties, conservative democratic parties and the ultra-conservatism practiced by the now-abolished Monarchy. Because of the decade long Maoist insurgency and the movements of other parties, people of Nepal seem to be rejecting the idea of extreme conservatism, and consequently the Nepalese monarchy has now been abolished. However, an intense debate still exists between intellectuals and political activists regarding the degree of conservatism in Nepali politics. While the Unified CPN (Maoist) propose a progressive ideology, rejecting all the conservative ideas; The CPN-UML, a democratic party with communist background, seems to be supporting progressive ideas blended with

Conservatism some conservatism. The right wing party of Nepali Congress, is considered to be more conservative than others because of their history of supporting the idea of the now abolished Hindu State as well as the idea of Ceremonial Monarchy. However, Nepali Congress too has adopted a Republican set up after the 2006 democracy movement in Nepal. Historians view the inter party clash in this small nation as a melting pot of all the ideologies of the political spectrum and the intense discussions continues to intrigue many political analysts.


In the strict sense, the Netherlands did not have a conservative tradition until the early 2000s. In the nineteenth-century, Dutch statesmen such as Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer and Abraham Kuyper heavily criticized modernity, but their ideas evolved toward Christian Democracy instead of conservatism. Explicit conservatism in the Netherlands starts with Andreas Kinneging a philosopher of law who denounced liberalism in favour of the Christian and classical foundations of Western civilization. In the early 2000s, he gathered around a group of young conservatives, among them activist Joshua Livestro and journalist Bart Jan Spruyt, and founded the Edmund Burke Foundation with the ambition of becoming either a major intellectual influence or a political movement. This project failed. The Foundation now focuses on introducing conservatism to students. Traditionally, the Dutch conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy combines advocacy of free market economy and lower taxes with advocacy of such personal liberties as euthanasia and the use of softdrugs. The Party for Freedom is a newly formed party with conservative sentiments, advocating strict restriction on immigration from Muslim countries and a return to what it calls the 'Judeo-Christian civilization'. However, it defends values which are usually not associated with conservatives, such as same-sex marriages. Furthermore, on social and economic issues it recently tends to vote as often with parties on the Left as well as on the Right. The party is led by Geert Wilders.

Ayaan Hirsi Ali, a writer and a former MEP from the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy.



New Zealand
The New Zealand National Party ("National" or "the Nats") currently[26] forms the largest (in terms of parliamentary seats) political party in the next New Zealand Parliament, and thus function as the core of a governing coalition. For many decades "National" has been the largest liberal-conservative political party in New Zealand. The National Party currently[26] advocates policies of reducing taxes, reducing social welfare payments, promoting free trade, restoring or maintaining New Zealand's defence alliances, and promoting one standard of citizenship for all New Zealanders ("One law for all").
John Key, Current Prime Minister of New Zealand.

Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia has been under the influence of conservative clerics who uphold a strict interpretation of Islamic law, and the monarchy supports conservative social polices.[27] Women are required to dress modestly, and all sexual activity outside of a traditional heterosexual marriage is illegal. Dancing, playing music or showing movies in public are forbidden.[28]

Scandinavian countries
In Scandinavian countries, conservatism has been represented in liberal conservative parties such as the National Coalition party in Finland, the Moderate Party in Sweden, Høyre in Norway and the Conservative People's Party in Denmark. Domestically, these parties generally support market-oriented policies. Denmark's conservative-liberal Venstre has been characterized as a classical liberal party. Their former leader (Anders Fogh Rasmussen) wrote the book Fra Socialstat til Minimalstat (English: From Social State to Minimal State), which advocated an extensive reform along classical liberal lines.

South Korea
In the 2008 parliamentary elections, the conservative Grand National Party won 37% of the vote in South Korea, compared with 25% for the liberal United Democratic Party[29] . After decades of free market policies, free trade, and low taxation, South Korea is a major economic power and one of the wealthiest countries in Asia. It had one of the world's fastest growing economies since the 1960s, now highly developed[30] and the fourth largest[31] in Asia and 13th largest[32] in the world. Forming the G20 industrial nations and the world's top ten exporters, it is an APEC and OECD member, defined as a High Income Nation by the World Bank and an Advanced Economy by the IMF and CIA. The Asian Tiger is leading the Next Eleven nations and is still among the world's fastest growing developed countries.[30] Today, its success story is known as the "Miracle on the Han", a role model for many developing countries.[33]



United Kingdom
Conservatism in the United Kingdom is related to its counterparts in other Western nations, but has a distinct tradition. Edmund Burke is often considered the father of conservatism in the English-speaking world. Burke was a Whig, while the term Tory is given to the later Conservative Party. One Australian scholar argues, "For Edmund Burke and Australians of a like mind, the essence of conservatism lies not in a body of theory, but in the disposition to maintain those institutions seen as central to the beliefs and practices of society."[19] The old established form of English, and after the Act of Union, British conservatism, was the Tory Party. It reflected the attitudes of a rural land owning class, and championed the institutions of the monarchy, the Anglican Church, the family, and property as the best defence of the social order. In the early stages of the industrial revolution, it seemed to be totally opposed to a process that seemed to undermine some of these bulwarks. The new industrial elite were seen by many as enemies to the social order. Robert Peel was able to reconcile the new industrial class to the Tory landed class by persuading the latter to accept the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. He created a new political group that sought to preserve the old status quo while accepting the basics of laissez-faire and free trade. The new coalition of traditional landowners and sympathetic industrialists constituted the new Conservative Party.

Margaret Thatcher, United Kingdom prime minister and Ronald Reagan, American president.

Benjamin Disraeli gave the new party a political ideology. As a young man, he was influenced by the romantic movement and medievalism, and developed a devastating critique of industrialism. In his novels, he outlined an England divided into two nations, each living in perfect ignorance of each other. He foresaw, like Karl Marx, the phenomenon of an alienated industrial proletariat. His solution involved a return to an idealised view of a corporate or organic society, in which everyone had duties and responsibilities towards other people or groups. This "one nation" conservatism is still a significant tradition in British politics. It has animated a great deal of social reform undertaken by successive Conservative governments. Although nominally a Conservative, Disraeli was sympathetic to some of the demands of the Chartists and argued for an alliance between the landed aristocracy and the working class against the increasing power of the middle class, helping to found the Young England group in 1842 to promote the view that the rich should use their power to protect the poor from exploitation by the middle class. The conversion of the Conservative Party into a modern mass organisation was accelerated by the concept of Tory Democracy attributed to Lord Randolph Churchill.



A Liberal-Conservative coalition during World War I, coupled with the ascent of the Labour Party, hastened the collapse of the Liberals in the 1920s. After World War II, the Conservative Party made concessions to the socialist policies of the Left. This compromise was a pragmatic measure to regain power, but also the result of the early successes of central planning and state ownership forming a cross-party consensus. This was known as Butskellism, after the almost identical Keynesian policies of Rab Butler on behalf of the Conservatives, and Hugh Gaitskell for Labour.

David Cameron, the leader of Conservative Party.

However, in the 1980s, under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, and the influence of Keith Joseph, there was a dramatic shift in the ideological direction of British conservatism, with a movement towards free-market economic policies. As one commentator explains, "The privatization of state owned industries, unthinkable before, became commonplace [during Thatcher's government] and has now been imitated all over the world."[34] Some commentators have questioned whether Thatcherism was consistent with the traditional concept of conservatism in the United Kingdom, and saw her views as more consistent with radical classical liberalism. Thatcher was described as "a radical in a conservative party"[34] , and her ideology has been seen as confronting "established institutions" and the "accepted beliefs of the elite"[34] , both concepts incompatible with the traditional conception of conservatism as signifying support for the established order and existing social convention.

United States
Conservatism in the United States includes a variety of political ideologies including fiscal conservatism, supply-side economics, social conservatism, libertarian conservatism, bioconservatism and religious conservatism,[35] as well as support for a strong military. Modern American conservatism was largely born out of alliance between classical liberals and social conservatives in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[36] Contemporary American conservatism traces its heritage back to Irish political philosopher Edmund Burke, who developed his views in response to the French Revolution.[37] US President Abraham Lincoln wrote, that conservatism is "the adherence to the old and tried, against the new and untried."[38] US president Ronald Reagan, who was a self-declared conservative, is widely seen as a symbol of American conservatism.[39] In an interview, he said "I believe the very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism."[40] Organizations in the US committed to promoting conservative ideology include the American Conservative Union, Eagle Forum, Heritage Foundation and the Hoover Institution. US-based media outlets that are conservative include Human Events, National Review, The American Conservative, Policy Review, The Weekly Standard. and The Fox News Channel In the US, social conservatives emphasize traditional views of social units such as the family, church, or locale. Social conservatism may entail defining marriage as relationships between one man and one woman (thereby prohibiting same-sex marriage and polygamy) and laws placing restrictions on the practice of abortion. While many religious conservatives believe that government should have a role in defending moral values, libertarian conservatives such as Barry Goldwater advocated a hands-off government where social values were concerned.



A meta-analysis of research literature by Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway in 2003 found that many factors, such as intolerance of ambiguity and need for cognitive closure, contribute to the degree of one's political conservatism.[41] A study by Kathleen Maclay stated these traits "might be associated with such generally valued characteristics as personal commitment and unwavering loyalty." The research also suggested that both liberals and conservatives are resistant to change; liberals simply have a higher tolerance.[42] According to psychologist Robert Altemeyer, individuals who are politically conservative tend to rank high in Right-Wing Authoritarianism on his RWA scale. [43] This finding was echoed by Theodor Adorno. A study done on Israeli and Palestinian students in Israel found that RWA scores of right-wing party supporters were significantly higher than those of left-wing party supporters.[44] However, a 2005 study by H. Michael Crowson and colleagues suggested a moderate gap between RWA and other conservative positions. "The results indicated that conservatism is not synonymous with RWA." [45] Psychologist Felicia Pratto and her colleagues have found evidence to support the idea that a high Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) is strongly correlated with conservative political views, and opposition to social engineering to promote equality, though Pratto's findings have been highly controversial.[46] Pratto and her colleagues found that high SDO scores were highly correlated with measures of prejudice. They were refuted in this claim by David J. Schneider, who wrote that "correlations between prejudice and political conservative are reduced virtually to zero when controls for SDO are instituted" [47] and by Kenneth Minogue who wrote "It is characteristic of the conservative temperament to value established identities, to praise habit and to respect prejudice, not because it is irrational, but because such things anchor the darting impusles of human beings in solidities of custom which we do not often begin to value until we are already losing them. Radicalism often generates youth movements, while conservatism is a condition found among the mature, who have discovered what it is in life they most value." [48] Another study stated that opposition is not based on racism or sexism, but on a "principled conservatism,"[49] a perspective based on "concern for equity, color-blindness, and genuine conservative values." Furthermore, the study suggested that racism and conservatism are independent, and weakly correlated among the highly educated. In an effort to examine the relationship between education, SDO, and racism, Sidanius and his colleagues conducted a survey in which subjects were asked about their political and social attitudes.[49] Results indicated partial support for the principled-conservatism position. However, contrary to predictions, correlations among SDO, political conservatism, and racism were strongest among the most well educated, and weakest among the least well educated.[49]

See also
• 'And' theory of conservatism • Black conservatism • Classical liberalism • Conservative liberalism • Conservative Party (UK) • Liberal Democratic Party (Japan) • Liberalism • Liberal Party of Australia • Libertarianism • Libertarian Republican


• Neoconservatism • Paleoconservatism • Political spectrum • Reactionary • Right-wing politics • Roman Catholic conservatism

• Conservative Political Parties • Conservative Revolutionary movement • Free market • Free trade • Globalization • Latin Conservatism • Liberal conservatism

[1] (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=I0QINMoSGykC& pg=PA114& dq=etymology+ conservative+ conservare& as_brr=3)Freedom and Consumerism: A Critique of Zygmunt Bauman's Sociology By Mark Davis, Zygmunt Bauman Edition: revised Published by Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2008 ISBN 0754672719, 9780754672715 189 pages page 114 [2] The Scary Echo of the Intolerance of the French Revolution in America Today (http:/ / hnn. us/ articles/ 43075. html) [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] BBC: Edmund Burke (1729 - 1797) (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ historic_figures/ burke_edmund. shtml) As part of introduction to The Conservative Tradition, ed. R.J. White (London: Nicholas Kaye, 1950) "10 Conservative Principles" (http:/ / www. kirkcenter. org/ kirk/ ten-principles. html) BBC: Edmund Burke (1729 - 1797) (http:/ / www. bbc. co. uk/ history/ historic_figures/ burke_edmund. shtml) RRF, Langford 1981-, Volume VIII, 58 Carl B. Cone, Burke and the Nature of Politics, University of Kentucky Press, 1957 OCLC 399586 (http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ oclc/ 399586) [9] American Chronicle | Liberal / Conservative (Part 1) Economics (http:/ / www. americanchronicle. com/ articles/ viewArticle. asp?articleID=1689) [10] http:/ / www. wikipolitique. fr/ Libéralisme_conservateur [11] http:/ / www. parties-and-elections. de/ contents. html [12] M. Gallagher, M. Laver and P. Mair, Representative Government in Europe, p. 221. [13] Allen R.T., Beyond Liberalism, p. 2. [14] Allen R.T., Beyond Liberalism, p. 13. [15] " Paleoconservatives - Definition on Worddiq (http:/ / www. wordiq. com/ definition/ Paleoconservatives)". . [16] " New Libertarian Manifesto (http:/ / agorism. info/ NewLibertarianManifesto. pdf)". . [17] " Interview With Samuel Edward Konkin III (http:/ / www. spaz. org/ ~dan/ individualist-anarchist/ software/ konkin-interview. html)". . [18] Vance, Laurence (January 29, 2008). " Is Ron Paul Wrong on Abortion? (http:/ / www. lewrockwell. com/ vance/ vance133. html)" (in English). . Retrieved on 2008-07-01. [19] Worthington, Glen, Conservatism in Australian National Politics (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060913184447/ http:/ / www. aph. gov. au/ library/ pubs/ rn/ 2001-02/ 02RN29. htm), Parliament of Australia Parliamentary Library, 19 February 2002 [20] Thomas Blom Hansen, The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India, Princeton University Press, 2001, ISBN 140080342X, 9781400803422 [21] http:/ / www. s2online. org/ news/ country/ Iraq/ IRANpol. htm [22] Elections Summaries for POLS 168 -- Middle East Politics (Fall 2007) (http:/ / www. uvm. edu/ ~fgause/ 168read. htm) [23] akhbare-rooz (iranian political Bulletin) (http:/ / www. akhbar-rooz. com/ article. jsp?essayId=4844) [24] (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0304-2421(199606)25:3<349:ICAATR>2. 0. CO;2-9) [25] Israel at the Polls, 1992 By Daniel Judah Elazar, Shmuel Sandler [26] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ Conservatism [27] Oxford Islamic Studies Online Saudi Arabia (http:/ / www. oxfordislamicstudies. com/ article/ opr/ t236/ e0709) [28] Saudi Arabia Country Specific Information (http:/ / travel. state. gov/ travel/ cis_pa_tw/ cis/ cis_1012. html) [29] http:/ / psephos. adam-carr. net/ countries/ k/ korea/ korea2008. txt [30] Korea, Republic of (http:/ / travel. state. gov/ travel/ cis_pa_tw/ cis/ cis_1018. html) [31] IMF (2007). World Economic Outlook Database, October 2007 (http:/ / www. imf. org/ external/ pubs/ ft/ weo/ 2007/ 02/ weodata/ weorept. aspx?sy=2006& ey=2008& scsm=1& ssd=1& sort=country& ds=. & br=1& pr1.



x=56& pr1. y=12& c=512,941,914,446,612,666,614,668,311,672,213,946,911,137,193,962,122,674,912,676,313,548,419,556,513,678,316,181,913 s=PPPGDP& grp=0& a=). 2007. IMF. . Retrieved on 2008-02-12.

[32] IMF. October 2007 World Economic Outlook Database, October 2007 (http:/ / www. imf. org/ external/ pubs/ ft/ weo/ 2007/ 02/ weodata/ weorept. aspx?pr. x=56& pr. y=6& sy=2007& ey=2007& scsm=1& ssd=1& sort=country& ds=. & br=1& c=512,941,914,446,612,666,614,668,311,672,213,946,911,137,193,962,122,674,912,676,313,548,419,556,513,678,316,181,913 s=PPPGDP& grp=0& a=). 2007. IMF. October 2007. Retrieved on 2008-02-12. [33] Seoul's Green Revolution - TIME (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,361781,00. html) [34] Davies, Stephen, Margaret Thatcher and the Rebirth of Conservatism (http:/ / www. ashbrook. org/ publicat/ onprin/ v1n2/ davies. html), Ashbrook Center for Public Affairs, July 1993 [35] About atheism (http:/ / atheism. about. com/ library/ weekly/ aa070898. htm) [36] Clark, B. (1998). Political economy: A comparative approach. Westport, CT: Praeger. [37] Kirk, Russell, The Conservative Mind, p. 6. [38] Kirk, Russell, The Conservative Mind, p. 8. [39] " conservatism (http:/ / www. bartleby. com/ 65/ co/ conservatsm. html)". The Columbia Encyclopedia (6th ed.). 2008. . [40] Inside Ronald Reagan (http:/ / www. reason. com/ news/ show/ 29318. html), a Reason magazine Interview with Ronald Reagan, July 1975. [41] Jost, J.J, Glaser, J., Kruglanski, A.A., & Sulloway, F.J. (2003). Political conservatism as motivated social cognition. Psychological Bulletin, 129(3), 339-375. [42] http:/ / berkeley. edu/ news/ media/ releases/ 2003/ 07/ 22_politics. shtml [43] Altemeyer, B. (1981). Right-wing authoritarianism. Winnipeg, Canada: University of Manitoba Press. [44] Rubinstein, G. (1996). Two peoples in one land: A validation study of Altemeyer's Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale in the Palestinian and Jewish societies in Israel. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 27, 216-230. [45] Crowson, H. Michael, Stephen J. Thoma, and Nita Hestevold. "Is political conservatism synonymous with authoritarianism?." The Journal of Social Psychology 145.5 (Oct 2005): 571(22). Expanded Academic ASAP. Gale. Remote Access. 20 May 2009 <>. [46] Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Stallworth, L.M., & Malle, B.F. (1994). Social dominance orientation: A personality variable predicting social and political attitudes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(4), 741-763. [47] The psychology of stereotyping, David J. Schneider, Guilford Press, 2005 ISBN 1593851936, 9781593851934 704 pages page 275 [48] The Social science encyclopedia, Jessica Kuper, Taylor & Francis, 1985 ISBN 0710200080, 9780710200082 916 pages pp 155-6 [49] Sidanius, J., Pratto, F., & Bobo, L. (1996). Racism, conservatism, affirmative action, and intellectual sophistication: A matter of principled conservatism or group dominance? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 70(3), 476-490.

Further reading
• (http:/ / www. rightwingersguide. com) • Our Culture, What's Left of It: The Mandarins and the Masses / Theodore Dalrymple (2005) ISBN 1566636434 • Fascists and conservatives : the radical right and the establishment in twentieth-century Europe / Martin Blinkhorn., 1990 • Edmund Burke. Reflections on the Revolution in France, Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. October 1997: ISBN 0-87220-020-5 (paper). • Crunden, Robert, The Superfluous Men: Critics of American Culture, 1900–1945, 1999. ISBN 1-882926-30-7 • Recent conservative political thought : American perspectives / Russell G Fryer., 1979 • Paul E. Gottfried, The Conservative Movement, 1993. ISBN 0-8057-9749-1 • The British Right : Conservative and right wing politics in Britain / Neill Nugent., 1977 • America alone : the neo-conservatives and the global order / Stefan A Halper., 2004 • Ted Honderich Conservatism • Russell Kirk, The Conservative Mind, 7th Ed., 2001. ISBN 0-89526-171-5

Conservatism • Russell Kirk, The Politics of Prudence, 1993. ISBN 1-882926-01-3 • The conservative press in twentieth-century America / Ronald Lora., 1999 • From the New Deal to the New Right: race and the southern origins of modern conservatism / Joseph E Lowndes., 2008 • Jerry Z. Muller Conservatism • Right-wing women : from conservatives to extremists around the world / P Bacchetta., 2002 • Unmaking law : the Conservative campaign to roll back the common law / Jay M Feinman., 2004 • Radicals or conservatives? The contemporary American right / James McEvoy., 1971 • Robert Nisbet Conservatism: Dream and Reality, 2001. ISBN 0-7658-0862-5 • James Page, 'Ought the Neo-Cons Be Considered Conservatives? A Philosophical Response'.AQ: Journal of Contemporary Analysis. 75(6):32-33/40. 2003; available on-line at http:/ / eprints. qut. edu. au/ archive/ 00003599/ • Conservatism in America since 1930 : a reader / Gregory L Schneider., 2003 • Noel O'Sullivan Conservatism • The new racism : conservatives and the ideology of the tribe / Martin Barker., 1982 • A time for choosing : the rise of modern American conservatism / Jonathan M Schoenwald., 2001 • Roger Scruton The Meaning of Conservatism • Facing fascism : the Conservative party and the European dictators, 1935–1940 / N J Crowson., 1997 • James Fitzjames Stephen, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.


External links
• Dictionary of the History of Ideas, Conservatism (http:/ / etext. lib. virginia. edu/ cgi-local/ DHI/ dhi. cgi?id=dv1-60).

Post- left anarchy


Post-left anarchy
Post-left anarchy is a recent current in anarchist thought that promotes a critique of anarchism's relationship to traditional leftism. Some post-leftists seek to escape the confines of ideology in general. Post-left anarchy is marked by a focus on social insurrection and a rejection of leftist social organisation.[1]

The left, even the revolutionary left, post-leftists argue, is anachronistic and incapable of creating change. Post-left anarchy offers critiques of radical strategies and tactics which it considers antiquated: the demonstration, class-oriented struggle, focus on tradition, and the inability to escape the confines of history. The book Anarchy in the Age of Dinosaurs, for example, criticizes traditional leftist ideas and classical anarchism while calling for a rejuvenated anarchist movement. The → CrimethInc. essay "Your Politics Are Boring as Fuck" is another critique of "leftist" movements: Why has the oppressed proletariat not come to its senses and joined you in your fight for world liberation? ... [Because] they know that your antiquated styles of protest – your marches, hand held signs, and gatherings – are now powerless to effect real change because they have become such a predictable part of the status quo. They know that your post-Marxist jargon is off-putting because it really is a language of mere academic dispute, not a weapon capable of undermining systems of control… —Nadia C., "Your Politics Are Boring as Fuck"[2] Some post-anarchists have come to similar conclusions, if for different reasons: There is a certain litany of oppressions which most radical theories are obliged to pay homage to. Why is it when someone is asked to talk about radical politics today one inevitably refers to this same tired, old list of struggles and identities? Why are we so unimaginative politically that we cannot think outside of this 'shopping list' of oppressions? —Saul Newman, From Bakunin to Lacan, p. 171[3]

Conflicts with leftism
Advocates of post-left anarchy argue that anarchism has been weakened by its long attachment to contrary leftist movements and single-issue causes (anti-war, anti-nuclear, etc.). It calls for a synthesis of anarchist thought and a specifically anti-authoritarian revolutionary movement outside of the authoritarian leftist milieu. It sometimes focuses on the individual rather than speaking in terms of class and in some cases shuns organizational tendencies in favor of attempts at absence of hierarchy, with some attention paid to the idea that informal, unstructured groups tend to create informal hierarchies. The authoritarian left, post-leftists argue, is anachronistic and incapable of effecting change. Several post-leftists have also argued that an essential element of authoritarian leftism is a reliance on "compulsory moralism". Such socialized value judgements perpetuate alienation and an inability on the part of individuals to think critically. Post-leftists believe that anarchism necessitates organic, subjectively derived self-theory.

Post- left anarchy


Proponents and detractors
Groups and individuals associated with Post-left anarchism include → CrimethInc., Jason McQuinn, → Bob Black, and the magazines → Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed and → Green Anarchy. The ideas associated with post-left anarchy have been criticized by other anarchists, notably Murray Bookchin, whose polemic, Social Anarchism Or Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm, attacks these recent trends in anarchist thinking. → Bob Black wrote a book in response to Bookchin's arguments called Anarchy After Leftism.

See also
• • • • • • Green syndicalism Illegalism Insurrectionary anarchism Left anarchism Post-structuralism Situationist International

Further reading
• → Black, Bob (1997). Anarchy after Leftism. Birmingham: CAL Press. ISBN 9781890532000.

External links
• "Anarchy After Leftism [4]" a comprehensive primer and portal from • "Primitivist and post-left 'anarchism' [5]" from • " [6]" a hub for like-minded writers and theorists of the post-left school of thought • "[7] Letter to "Anarchy" magazine criticizing Post-Left Anarchism

[1] Macphee, Josh (2007). Realizing the Impossible. Stirling: AK Press. ISBN 1904859321. [2] Nadia C. " Your Politics Are Boring As Fuck (http:/ / www. crimethinc. com/ texts/ selected/ asfuck. php)", CrimethInc. Selected Primary Texts. [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] Newman, Saul (2001). From Bakunin to Lacan. Lexington: Lexington Books. p. 171. ISBN 0739102400. http:/ / www. infoshop. org/ afterleftism. html http:/ / anarchism. ws/ postleft. html http:/ / www. ifightbears. org http:/ / flag. blackened. net/ revolt/ anarchism/ writers/ anarcho/ movement/ AJODAplatform2. html


Fredy Perlman
Fredy Perlman (August 20, 1934 – July 26, 1985) was an author, publisher and activist. His most popular work, the book → Against His-Story, Against Leviathan!, is a major source of inspiration for → anti-civilisation perspectives in contemporary anarchism.

Childhood and youth
Perlman was born in Brno, Czechoslovakia. He emigrated with parents to Cochabamba, Bolivia in 1938 just ahead of the Nazi takeover. The Perlman family came to the United States in 1945 and finally settled in Lakeside Park, Kentucky. In 1952 he attended Morehead State College in Kentucky and then UCLA from 1953-55. Perlman was on the staff of The Daily Bruin, the school newspaper, when the university administration changed the constitution of the newspaper to forbid it from nominating its own editors, as the custom had been. Perlman left the newspaper staff at that time and, with four others, proceeded to publish an independent paper, The Observer, which they handed out on a public sidewalk at the campus bus stop, since they were forbidden by the administration to distribute in on the campus. {Source: Loud Bark and Curious Eyes, by George Garrigues at [1]). In 1956-59 he attended Columbia University, where he met his life-long companion, Lorraine Nybakken. He enrolled as a student of English literature but soon concentrated his efforts in philosophy, political science and European literature. One particularly influential teacher for him at this time was C. Wright Mills.

Travel and study
In late 1959, Perlman and his wife took a cross-country motor scooter trip, mostly on two-lane highways traveling at 25 miles per hour. From 1959 to 1963, they lived on the lower east side of Manhattan while Perlman worked on a statistical analysis of the world's resources with John Ricklefs. They participated in anti-bomb and pacifist activities with the Living Theatre and others. Perlman was arrested after a sit-down in Times Square in the fall of 1961. He became the printer for the Living Theatre and during that time wrote The New Freedom, Corporate Capitalism and a play, Plunder, which he published himself. In 1963, the husband and wife left the U.S. and moved to Belgrade, Yugoslavia after living some months in Copenhagen and Paris. Perlman received a master's degree in economics and a PhD at the University of Belgrade's Law School; his dissertation was titled "Conditions for the Development of a Backward Region," which created an outrage among some members of the faculty. During his last year in Yugoslavia, he was a member of the Planning Institute for Kosovo and Metohija.

Fredy Perlman


Professional life
During 1966-69 the couple lived in Kalamazoo, Michigan. Perlman taught social science courses at Western Michigan University and created outrage among some members of the faculty when he had students run their own classes and grade themselves. During his first year in Kalamazoo, he and Milos Samardzija, one of his professors from Belgrade, translated Isaac Illych Rubin's Essay on Marx's Theory of Value. Perlman wrote an introduction to the book: "An Essay on Commodity Fetishism." In May 1968, after lecturing for two weeks in Turin, Italy, Perlman went to Paris on the last train before rail traffic was shut down by some of the strikes that were sweeping Western Europe that season. He participated in the May unrest in Paris and worked at the Censier center with the Citroen factory committee. After returning to Kalamazoo in August, he collaborated with Roger Gregoire in writing Worker-Student Action Committees, May 68. During his last year in Kalamazoo, Perlman had left the university and together with several other people, mostly students, inaugurated the Black and Red magazine, of which six issues appeared. Typing and layout was done at the Perlman house and the printing at the Radical Education Project in Ann Arbor, Michigan. In January 1969 Perlman completed The Reproduction of Daily Life. While traveling in Europe in the spring of 1969, he spent several weeks in Yugoslavia and there wrote Revolt in Socialist Yugoslavia, which was suppressed by the authorities, who called it a CIA plot. In August 1969 he and his wife moved to Detroit, where he wrote The Incoherence of the Intellectual and with others translated → Guy Debord's Society of the Spectacle. This edition was indicated by Debord himself as containing "obvious weaknesses."[2] In 1970 Perlman was one of a large group that set up the Detroit Printing Co-op with equipment from Chicago. For the next decade, Black & Red publications were printed there, along with countless other projects ranging from leaflets to newspapers to books. Between 1971 and 1976 he worked on several books, originals as well as translations, including Manual for Revolutionary Leaders, Letters of Insurgents, Peter Arshinov's History of the Makhnovist Movement, Voline's The Unknown Revolution, and → Jacques Camatte's The Wandering of Humanity. During the same years, Perlman began playing the cello, often in chamber music sessions twice a week. In 1971 he and his wife traveled to Alaska by car. In 1976 Perlman underwent surgery to replace a damaged heart valve. After, he helped write and perform Who's Zerelli? a play critiquing the authoritarian aspects of the medical establishment. During 1977-80 he studied (and charted) world history. During these years, he traveled to Turkey, Egypt, Europe and regions of the U.S. to visit historic sites with Lorraine. In 1980 he began a comprehensive history of The Strait (Detroit and surroundings). He did not finish this work, and the first and last chapters remain unwritten. In July 1985, he estimated that it would take him eight or ten months to complete and edit the manuscript. Both Perlman and Lorraine helped on the anti-authoritarian magazine The Fifth Estate, doing typesetting and proofreading as well as contributing articles. His most recent contributions were Anti-Semitism and the Beirut Pogrom and The Continuing Appeal of Nationalism. During 1982-83, he suspended work on The Strait to write Against His-story, Against Leviathan!.

Fredy Perlman In 1983, Perlman joined the cello section of the Dearborn Orchestra and in June 1985 performed quartets by Mozart and Schumann at a program for Physicians for Social Responsibility. On July 26, 1985, Perlman underwent heart surgery at Henry Ford Hospital, where he died. In 1989, his widow Lorraine Perlman published a biography of Fredy, Having Little, Being Much on the press they founded, Black & Red. Lorraine Perlman continues to run the press in Detroit, Michigan and still contributes to Fifth Estate.


Selected Publications
• “Essay on Commodity Fetishism”. Telos

6 (Fall 1970). New York: Telos Press.

See also
• → Anarcho-primitivism • → John Zerzan • Fifth Estate periodical

[1] http:/ / ulwaf. com/ Daily-Bruin-History/ 15_Epilogue. html [2] Letter from Guy Debord to Donald Nicholson-Smith, 27 April 1978 (http:/ / www. notbored. org/ debord-27April1978. html) [3] http:/ / www. telospress. com

• This article was adapted from text in Fifth Estate

External links
• Black and Red Books, the press founded by the Perlmans (http:/ / www. blackandred. org/ ) • Loud Bark and Curious Eyes: A History of the UCLA Daily Bruin, 1919-1955 (http:/ / www. ulwaf. com/ cgi-bin/ webglimpse/ home/ ulwaf/ ulwaf-www?query=perlman& errors=0& age=& maxfiles=50& maxlines=30& maxchars=10000& cache=yes) • Fredy Perlman's writings online (http:/ / www. geocities. com/ ~johngray/ indx1. htm#perlman) • Excerpt from Against His-story, Against Leviathan! (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ leviathan. htm)

John Zerzan


John Zerzan
John Zerzan

Zerzan in Belgrade, Serbia Born Occupation 1943 Salem, Oregon, United States Philosopher, author

John Zerzan (born 1943) is an American anarchist and → primitivist philosopher and author. His works criticize agricultural civilization as inherently oppressive, and advocate drawing upon the ways of life of prehistoric humans as an inspiration for what a free society should look like. Some of his criticism has extended as far as challenging domestication, language, symbolic thought (such as mathematics and art) and the concept of time. His five major books are Elements of Refusal (1988), → Future Primitive and Other Essays (1994), Running on Emptiness (2002), → Against Civilization: Readings and Reflections (2005) and Twilight of the Machines (2008).

Early life and education
Zerzan was born in Salem, Oregon to immigrants of Bohemian heritage. He studied as an undergraduate at Stanford University and later received a Master's degree in History from San Francisco State University. He completed his coursework towards a Ph.D. at the University of Southern California but dropped out before completing his dissertation.

Zerzan's work
Zerzan's theories draw on Theodor Adorno's concept of negative dialectics to construct a theory of civilization as the cumulative construction of alienation. According to Zerzan, original human societies in paleolithic times, and similar societies today such as the !Kung, Bushmen and Mbuti, live a non-alienated and non-oppressive form of life based on primitive abundance and closeness to nature. Constructing such societies as a kind of political ideal, or at least an instructive comparison against which to denounce contemporary (especially industrial) societies, Zerzan uses anthropological studies from such societies as the basis for a wide-ranging critique of aspects of modern life. He portrays contemporary society as a world of misery built on the psychological production of a sense of scarcity and lack.[1] The history of civilisation is the history of renunciation; what stands against this is not progress but rather the Utopia which arises from its negation.[2]

John Zerzan Zerzan is an anarchist, and is broadly associated with the philosophies of → anarcho-primitivism, green anarchy, anti-civilisation, → post-left anarchy, → neo-luddism and embodiment, and in particular opposition to technology.[3] He rejects not only the state, but all forms of hierarchical and authoritarian relations. "Most simply, anarchy means 'without rule.' This implies not only a rejection of government but of all other forms of domination and power as well."[4] Zerzan's work relies heavily on a strong dualism between the "primitive" — viewed as non-alienated, wild, non-hierarchical, ludic, and socially egalitarian — and the "civilised" — viewed as alienated, domesticated, hierarchically organised and socially discriminatory. Hence, "life before domestication/agriculture was in fact largely one of leisure, intimacy with nature, sensual wisdom, sexual equality, and health."[5] Zerzan's claims about the status of primitive societies are based on a reading of the works of anthropologists such as → Marshall Sahlins and → Richard B. Lee. Crucially, the category of primitives is restricted to pure hunter-gatherer societies with no domesticated plants or animals. For instance, hierarchy among Northwest Coast Native Americans whose main activities were fishing and foraging is attributed to their having domesticated dogs and tobacco.[5] [6] Zerzan calls for a "Future Primitive", a radical reconstruction of society based on a rejection of alienation and an embracing of the wild. "It may be that our only real hope is the recovery of a face-to-face social existence, a radical decentralization, a dismantling of the devouring, estranging productionist, high-tech trajectory that is so impoverishing."[4] The usual use of anthropological evidence is comparative and demonstrative - the necessity or naturality of aspects of modern western societies is challenged by pointing to counter-examples in hunter-gatherer societies. "Ever-growing documentation of human prehistory as a very long period of largely non-alienated life stands in sharp contrast to the increasingly stark failures of untenable modernity."[2] It is unclear, however, whether this implies a re-establishment of the literal forms of hunter-gatherer societies or a broader kind of learning from their ways of life in order to construct non-alienated relations. Zerzan's political project calls for the destruction of technology. He draws the same distinction as → Ivan Illich, between tools that stay under the control of the user, and technological systems that draw the user into their control. One difference is the division of labour, which Zerzan opposes. In Zerzan's philosophy, technology is possessed by an elite which automatically has power over other users; This power is one of the sources of alienation, along with domestication and symbolic thought. Zerzan's typical method is to take a particular construct of civilisation (a technology, belief, practice or institution) and construct an account of its historical origins, what he calls its destructive and alienating effects and its contrasts with hunter-gatherer experiences. In his essay on number, for example, Zerzan starts by contrasting the "civilized" emphasis on counting and measuring with a "primitive" emphasis on sharing, citing Dorothy Lee's work on the Trobriand Islanders in support, before constructing a narrative of the rise of number through cumulative stages of state domination, starting with the desire of Egyptian kings to measure what they ruled.[7] This approach is repeated in relation to time,[8] gender inequality,[9] work,[10] technology,[11] art and ritual,[6] agriculture[12] and globalization.[13] Zerzan also writes more general texts on anarchist,[4] primitivist theory,[2] [5] critiques of "postmodernism", and of perceived opponents such as Hakim Bey.[14]


John Zerzan


Political development
In 1966, Zerzan was arrested while performing civil disobedience at a Berkeley anti-Vietnam War march and spent two weeks in the Contra Costa County Jail. He vowed after his release never again to be willingly arrested. He attended events organized by Ken Kesey and the Merry Pranksters and was involved with the psychedelic drug and music scene in San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury neighborhood.[15] [16] In the late 1960s he worked as a social worker for the city of San Francisco welfare department. He helped organize a social worker's union, the SSEU, and was elected vice president in 1968, and president in 1969.[17] [16] The local Situationist group Contradiction denounced him as a "leftist bureaucrat".[18] He became progressively more radical as he dealt further with his and other unions. He was also a voracious reader of the Situationists, being particularly influenced by → Guy Debord.[16] In 1974, Black and Red Press published Unions Against Revolution by Spanish ultra-left theorist Grandizo Munis that included an essay by Zerzan which previously appeared in the journal Telos. Over the next 20 years, Zerzan became intimately involved with the → Fifth Estate, → Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed, Demolition Derby and other anarchist periodicals. He began to question civilization in the early 80's, after having sought to confront issues around the neutrality of technology and division of labour, at the time when Fredy Perlman was making similar conclusions.[19] He saw civilization itself as the root of the problems of the world and that a hunter-gatherer form of society presented the most egalitarian model for human relations with themselves and the natural world.

Zerzan and the "Unabomber"
In the mid-1990s, Zerzan became a confidant to → Theodore Kaczynski, the "Unabomber", after he read Industrial Society and Its Future, the so-called Unabomber Manifesto. Zerzan sat through the Unabomber trial and often conversed with Kaczynski during the proceedings. It was after becoming known as a friend of the Unabomber that the mainstream media became interested in Zerzan and his ideas. In Zerzan's essay "Whose Unabomber?" (1995), he signaled his support for the Kaczynski doctrine, but criticised the bombings: ...the mailing of explosive devices intended for the agents who are engineering the present catastrophe is too random. Children, mail carriers, and others could easily be killed. Even if one granted the legitimacy of striking at the high-tech horror show by terrorizing its indispensable architects, collateral harm is not justifiable...[20] However, Zerzan in the same essay offered a qualified defense of the Unabomber's actions: The concept of justice should not be overlooked in considering the Unabomber phenomenon. In fact, except for his targets, when have the many little Eichmanns who are preparing the Brave New World ever been called to account?… Is it unethical to try to stop those whose contributions are bringing an unprecedented assault on life?[20] Two years later, in the 1997 essay "He Means It - Do You?," Zerzan wrote: Enter the Unabomber and a new line is being drawn. This time the bohemian schiz-fluxers, Green yuppies, hobbyist anarcho-journalists, condescending organizers of the poor, hip nihilo-aesthetes and all the other "anarchists" who

John Zerzan thought their pretentious pastimes would go on unchallenged indefinitely - well, it's time to pick which side you're on. It may be that here also is a Rubicon from which there will be no turning back. In a 2001 interview with The Guardian, he said: Will there be other Kaczynskis? I hope not. I think that activity came out of isolation and desperation, and I hope that isn't going to be something that people feel they have to take up because they have no other way to express their opposition to the brave new world.[21]


Zerzan and Pacific Northwest anarcho-primitivism
On May 7, 1995, a full-page interview with Zerzan was featured in The New York Times.[22] Another significant event that shot Zerzan to celebrity philosopher status was his association with members of the Eugene, Oregon anarchist scene that later were the driving force behind the use of black bloc tactics at the 1999 anti-World Trade Organization protests in Seattle, Washington. Anarchists using black bloc tactics were thought to be chiefly responsible for the property destruction committed at numerous corporate storefronts and banks. News media coverage started a firestorm of controversy after the riots, and Zerzan was one of those that they turned to in order to explain the actions that some had taken at the demonstrations. After gaining this public notoriety, Zerzan began accepting speaking engagements and giving interviews around the world explaining anarcho-primitivism and the more general Global Justice Movement. Recently Zerzan has been involved with the → Post-left anarchist trend, which argues that anarchists should break with the political left. Zerzan is currently one of the editors of → Green Anarchy, a journal of anarcho-primitivist and insurrectionary anarchist thought. He is also the host of Anarchy Radio in Eugene on the University of Oregon's radio station KWVA [23] which airs Tuesday nights 7 to 8 pm Pacific Standard Time (PST) as of June 30, 2009. He has also served as a contributing editor at Anarchy Magazine and has been published in magazines such as AdBusters. He does extensive speaking tours around the world, and is married to an independent consultant to museums and other nonprofit organizations.

In his essay "Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm", Murray Bookchin directed criticism from an anarchist point of view at Zerzan's anti-civilisational and anti-technological perspective. → Bob Black's Anarchy After Leftism is a known book within primitivist circles, written as a rebuttal to Bookchin. Another notable anarchist work directed at Bookchin's perspective is → David Watson's Beyond Bookchin. Aside from Murray Bookchin, several other anarchist critiques of Zerzan's primitivist philosophies exist. The pamphlet, "Anarchism vs. Primitivism" by Brian Oliver Sheppard criticizes many aspects of the primitivist philosophy. [24] Some authors, such as Andrew Flood, have argued that destroying civilization would lead to the death of a significant majority of the population. [25] John Zerzan contends the collapse of civilization as having a gradual decrease on population size, with the possibility of people having the need to seek means of sustainability more close to nature.[26] Additionally, several primitivists, such as → Derrick Jensen, point out that civilization is in fact unsustainable, and as such the problem

John Zerzan addressed by the primitivists in maintaining overpopulation is not a question of their choosing, while they seek other possible scenarios and look for appropriate courses of actions.[27] [28] [29]


Selected works
• Telos 21, Organized Labor versus "The Revolt Against Work:" The Critical Contest. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Fall 1974. (Telos Press [3]). • Telos 124, Why Primitivism?. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Summer 2002. (Telos Press [3]). • Telos 137, Breaking the Spell: A Civilization Critique Perspective. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Winter 2008. (Telos Press [3]). • Telos 141, Second-Best Life: Real Virtuality. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Winter 2007. (Telos Press [3]). • Telos 27, Unionization in America. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Spring 1976. (Telos Press [3] ). • Telos 28, Unionism and the Labor Front. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Summer 1978. (Telos Press [3]). • Telos 49, Origins and Meaning of World War I. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Fall 1981. (Telos Press [3]). • Telos 50, Anti-Work and the Struggle for Control. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Winter 1981-1982. (Telos Press [3]). • Telos 60, Taylorism and Unionism: The Origins of a Partnership. New York: Telos Press Ltd., Summer 1984. (Telos Press [3]).

See also
• • • • • → Anarcho-primitivism Green anarchism Neo-Tribalism → Green Anarchy, publication where John Zerzan works as one of the editors → Surplus, a Swedish movie (atmo, 2003) which contains an interview with John Zerzan

• → Fifth Estate, publication where Zerzan published consistently through 1988

External links
• John Zerzan's website

• Green Anarchist archive [31] Green anarchy archive that includes book and writings of John Zerzan and other anti-civilization writers. • Textos de John Zerzan (spanish) [32] • Green Anarchy web site [33] • Insurgent Desire [9] – John Zerzan writings and interviews can be read online • [10] – Writings by Zerzan and other primitivist authors and essayists • Creel Commission [39] – June 2006 conversation with John Zerzan and the UK band • ZNet's Primitivism Debate [34], Michael Albert vs John Zerzan, Eric Blair and the → Green Anarchy Collective • Guide to John Zerzan's papers at the University of Oregon [35] • John Zerzan's conferences in Montreal, intro and videos (May '08) • John Zerzan's Turkish articles [36] • John Wisniewski interviews John Zerzan [37]

John Zerzan • Resources on Green Anarchism that include some of Zerzan's writings and ideas at Jesus Radicals [37]


[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] John Zerzan - The Mass Psychology of Misery (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ massmisery. htm) John Zerzan - Why Primitivism? (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ whyprim. htm) John Zerzan (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ mayday/ story/ 0,7369,475181,00. html) The Guardian John Zerzan - What is Anarchism? (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ whatisanarchism. htm) John Zerzan - Future Primitive (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ future-primitive. htm) John Zerzan - Running on Emptiness: The Failure of Symbolic Thought (http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ emptiness. htm)

[7] John Zerzan - Number: Its Origin and Evolution (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ number. htm) [8] John Zerzan - Time and its Discontents (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ time. htm) [9] John Zerzan - Patriarchy, Civilization, and the Origins of Gender (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ patriarchy. htm) [10] John Zerzan - Organized Labor versus "The Revolt Against Work" (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ organisedlabour. htm) [11] John Zerzan - Technology (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ technology. htm) [12] John Zerzan - Agriculture (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ agriculture. htm) [13] John Zerzan - Globalization and its Apologists: An Abolitionist Perspective (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ globalization. htm) [14] John Zerzan - "Hakim Bey," Postmodern Anarchist (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ pmanarchist. htm) [15] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 2001/ apr/ 18/ mayday. features11 [16] John Zerzan - did you become an anarchist? (http:/ / www. modukit. com/ anarhija-blok45/ zerzan/ sadrzaj/ textz/ html/ Z_so-how-did-you-become-an-anarchist. html) [17] History of the union (http:/ / www. shapingsf. org/ ezine/ labor/ nopaid/ main. html) [18] "Open Letter to John Zerzan, anti-bureaucrat of the San Francisco Social Services Employees Union" (http:/ / www. bopsecrets. org/ PH/ zerzan. htm) [19] http:/ / www. corrupt. org/ act/ interviews/ john_zerzan [20] John Zerzan - Whose Unabomber? (http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ whoseunabomber. htm) [21] http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 2001/ apr/ 18/ mayday. features11 [22] Prominent Anarchist Finds Unsought Ally in Serial Bomber (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=990CE3DD113FF934A35756C0A963958260& sec=& spon=& & scp=1& sq=zerzan& st=cse) (New York Times article) [23] http:/ / gladstone. uoregon. edu/ ~kwva/ [24] Anarchism vs. Primitivism by Brian Oliver Sheppard (http:/ / libcom. org/ library/ anarchism-vs-primitivism) [25] Civilization, Primitivism, Anarchism by Andrew Flood (http:/ / www. anarkismo. net/ newswire. php?story_id=1451) [26] [27] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ fp. htm Endgame, Vol. 1: The Problem of Civilization, Seven Stories Press (http:/ / www. endgamethebook. org/ ) http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ primprimer. htm http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ impoverishment. htm http:/ / www. johnzerzan. net http:/ / www. green-anarchy. wikidot. com http:/ / www. johnzerzan. com. ar. istemp. com http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org http:/ / www. zmag. org/ debateprim. htm http:/ / nwda-db. wsulibs. wsu. edu/ findaid/ ark:/ 80444/ xv81752 http:/ / yabanil. net/ ?tag=john-zerzan http:/ / greylodge. org/ gpc/ ?p=1623

Derrick Jensen


Derrick Jensen
Derrick Jensen (born December 19, 1960) is an American author and environmental activist living in Crescent City, California.[1] Jensen has published several books questioning and critiquing contemporary society and its values, including A Language Older Than Words, The Culture of Make Believe, and → Endgame. He holds a B.S. in Mineral Engineering Physics from the Colorado School of Mines and an M.F.A. in Creative Writing from Eastern Washington University.[2] He has also taught creative writing at Pelican Bay State Prison and Eastern Washington University.[3]

Themes in Jensen's work
Jensen is often labeled an anarcho-primitivist, by which is meant he concludes that civilization[4] is inherently unsustainable and based on violence. He argues that the modern industrial economy is fundamentally at odds with healthy relationships, the natural environment, and indigenous peoples. He concludes that the very pervasiveness of these behaviors indicates that they are diagnostic symptoms of the greater problem of civilization itself. Accordingly, he exhorts readers and audiences to help bring an end to industrial civilization. In A Language Older Than Words and also in an article entitled Actions Speak Louder Than Words, Jensen states "Every morning when I awake I ask myself whether I should write or blow up a dam. I tell myself I should keep writing, though I'm not sure that's right".[5] Jensen proposes that a different, harmonious way of life is possible, and that it can be seen in many past societies including many Native American or other indigenous cultures. He claims that many indigenous peoples perceive a primary difference between Western and indigenous perspectives: even the most open-minded Westerners generally view listening to the natural world as a metaphor, as opposed to the way the world works. Furthermore, these indigenous peoples understand the world as consisting of other beings with whom we can enter into relationship; this stands opposed to the more Western belief that the world consists of objects or resources to be exploited or used.

A Language Older Than Words uses the lens of domestic violence to look at the larger violence of western culture. The Culture of Make Believe begins by exploring racism and misogyny and moves to examine how this culture’s economic system leads inevitably to hatred and atrocity. Strangely Like War is about deforestation. Walking on Water is about education (It begins: "As is true for most people I know, I’ve always loved learning. As is also true for most people I know, I always hated school. Why is that?").[6] Welcome to the Machine is about surveillance, and more broadly about science and this culture’s obsession with control. Endgame is about what he describes as the inherent unsustainability of civilization. In this book he asks: "Do you believe that this culture will undergo a voluntary transformation to a sane and sustainable way of living?" Nearly everyone he talks to says no. His next question is: "How would this understanding — that this culture will not voluntarily stop destroying the natural world, eliminating indigenous cultures, exploiting the poor, and killing those who resist — shift our strategy and tactics? The answer? Nobody knows, because we never

Derrick Jensen talk about it: we’re too busy pretending the culture will undergo a magical transformation." Endgame, he says, is "about that shift in strategy, and in tactics."[7] Jensen's writing uses the first-person and interweaves personal experiences with cited facts to construct arguments. His books are written like narratives, lacking a linear, hierarchical structure. They are not divided into distinct sections devoted to an individual argument. Instead, his writing is conversational, leaving one line of thought incomplete to move on to another, returning to the first again at some later point. Jensen uses this creative non-fiction style to combine his artistic voice with logical argument. Jensen often uses quotations as reference points for ideas explored in a chapter. (For example, he introduces the first chapter of Walking on Water with a quote from Jules Henry's book Culture Against Man.)[8] Jensen wrote and Stephanie McMillan illustrated the graphic novel As the World Burns (2007).


Awards and acclaim
• 2008: Grand Prize winner, Eric Hoffer Book Award for Thought to Exist in the Wild, Derrick Jensen, Photographs by Karen Tweedy-Holms.[9] • 2006: Named "Person of the Year" by Press Action for the publication of Endgame.[10] • 2003: The Culture of Make Believe was one of two finalists for the J. Anthony Lukas Book Prize.[11] • 2000: Hackensack, NJ, Record declared A Language Older Than Words its best book of the year. • 2000: Language was nominated for Quality Paperback Book Club's New Vision Award. • 1998: Second Prize in the category of small budget non-profit advertisements, as determined by the Inland Northwest Ad Federation, for the first ad in the "National Forests: Your land, your choice" series. • 1995: Critics' Choice for one of America's ten best nature books of 1995, for Listening to the Land: Conversations About Nature, Culture, and Eros.[2]

Published works
Spoken word on CD
• Derrick Jensen Standup Tragedy (live CD) • ---- The Other Side of Darkness (live CD), 2004 • ---- Now This War Has Two Sides (live CD), PM Press, 2008

• Derrick Jensen, 1995, Listening to the Land: Conversations about Nature, Culture, and Eros, Sierra Club Books, ISBN 0-87156-417-3 Republished 2004 by Chelsea Green Publishing Company, ISBN 978-1931498562 • ----, George Draffan and John Osborn, 1995, Railroads and Clearcuts: Legacy of Congress's 1864 Northern Pacific Railroad Land Grant, Keokee Company Publishing, ISBN 1-879628-08-2 • ---- 2000, A Language Older Than Words, Context Books, ISBN 1-893956-03-2 Republished 2004 by Chelsea Green Publishing Company, ISBN 978-1931498555

Derrick Jensen • ---- The Culture of Make Believe, New York: Context Books, 2002, ISBN 1-893956-28-8 Republished 2004 by Chelsea Green Publishing Company, ISBN 978-1931498579 • ---- and George Draffan, 2003, Strangely Like War: The Global Assault on Forests, Chelsea Green, ISBN 978-1931498456 • ---- and George Draffan, 2004, Welcome to the Machine: Science, Surveillance, and the Culture of Control, Chelsea Green Publishing Company, ISBN 1-931498-52-0 • ---- 2005, Walking on Water: Reading, Writing, and Revolution, Chelsea Green, ISBN 978-1931498784 • ---- 2006, → Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization, Seven Stories Press, ISBN 1-58322-730-X • ---- 2006, → Endgame, Volume 2: Resistance, Seven Stories Press, ISBN 1-58322-724-5 • ---- and Karen Tweedy Holmes, 2007, Thought to Exist in the Wild: Awakening from the Nightmare of Zoos, No Voice Unheard, ISBN 978-0972838719 • ---- and Stephanie McMillan, 2007, As the World Burns: 50 Things You Can Do to Stay in Denial, Seven Stories Press, ISBN 1-58322-777-6 • ---- 2008, How Shall I Live My Life?: On Liberating the Earth from Civilization, PM Press, ISBN 978-1604860030 • ---- and Aric McBay, 2009, What We Leave Behind, Seven Stories Press, ISBN 978-1583228678 • ---- 2009, Songs of the Dead, PM Press, ISBN 978-1604860443


Further reading
Related authors include → John Zerzan (→ Against Civilization and Elements of Refusal), George Draffan, Ward Churchill, → Chellis Glendinning, Inga Muscio, Terry Tempest Williams, Frederick W. Turner (Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit Against the Wilderness), Jack Forbes (Columbus and Other Cannibals), Dave Edwards, → Daniel Quinn (Ishmael, Beyond Civilization, The Man Who Grew Young), Neil Evernden (The Natural Alien), David Watson (Against the Megamachine), → Stanley Diamond (In Search of the Primitive: A Critique of Civilization), → Jacques Ellul (The Technological Society), Thom Hartmann (Last Hours of Ancient Sunlight), and → Lewis Mumford (Technics and Human Development and The Pentagon of Power).

External links
• Official personal website
[13] [12]

• The website for Jensen's latest book Endgame, which includes numerous online excerpts • • • • • • Jesus Radicals' New Review of Endgame, Vol. 1 [14] A Talk given by Derrick Jensen at The Santa Cruz Vets Hall on 03-29-06 [15] A Conversation with Derrick Jensen, published in Black Oak Presents, Summer 2008 Conversation with Derrick Jensen, published in ascent magazine, summer 2008 [17] An interview with Derrick Jensen in [18] Contribution to HopeDance Magazine [19]


• Earth: A Wake-up Call for Obama Nation, April 25, 2009 Speaking Event, Arlington, VA

Derrick Jensen


[1] [2] [3] [4] Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization, Seven Stories Press (ISBN 1-58322-730-X), p.17 Derrick Jensen (http:/ / www. derrickjensen. org/ about. html) Jensen D., 2003, Walking on Water: Reading, Writing, and Revolution, Context Books (ISBN 1-893956-37-7). He defines a civilization as "a culture — that is, a complex of stories, institutions, and artifacts — that both leads to and emerges from the growth of cities (civilization, see civil: from civis, meaning citizen, from Latin civitatis, meaning state or city), with cities being defined — so as to distinguish them from camps, villages, and so on — as people living more or less permanently in one place in densities high enough to require the routine importation of food and other necessities of life." Jensen D., 2006, Endgame, Volume 1: The Problem of Civilization, Seven Stories Press (ISBN 1-58322-730-X), p.17

[5] [6] [7] [8]

Actions Speak Louder Than Words (http:/ / www. hopedance. org/ archive/ issue30/ articles/ jensen. htm) Walking on Water, p.1 Endgame V.1, p.1 Jensen D., 2004, Walking on Water: Reading, Writing, and Revolution, Chelsea Green (ISBN 1-931498-48-2), p.1 [9] " HOFFERAWARD.COM (http:/ / www. hofferaward. com/ )". . Retrieved on 2008-04-27. [10] Press Action ::: Press Action Awards 2006 (http:/ / www. pressaction. com/ news/ weblog/ full_article/ awards12292006/ ) [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] Derrick Jensen (http:/ / www. derrickjensen. org/ published. html) http:/ / www. derrickjensen. org http:/ / www. endgamethebook. org http:/ / anarchism. jesusradicals. com/ primitivism/ endgamereview. pdf http:/ / www. indybay. org/ archives/ archive_by_id. php?id=4470& category_id=60 http:/ / www. blackoakmedia. org/ interviews/ jensen. html http:/ / ascentmagazine. com/ articles. aspx?articleID=282& page=read& subpage=current& issueID=38/ http:/ / www. nocompromise. org/ issues/ 26jensen. html http:/ / www. hopedance. org/ archive/ issue30/ articles/ jensen. htm http:/ / www. pressaction. com/ news/ weblog/ earth

Richard Borshay Lee


Richard Borshay Lee
Richard Borshay Lee (born 1937) is a Canadian anthropologist. Lee has studied at the University of Toronto and University of California, Berkeley, where he received a Ph.D. Presently, he holds a position at the University of Toronto as Professor Emeritus of Anthropology. Lee is also currently researching issues concerning the indigenous people of Botswana and Namibia, particularly their ecology and history. Known best for his work on the Ju'/hoansi, Lee won the 1980 Anisfield-Wolf Book Award for his book The !Kung San: Men, Women, and Work in a Foraging Society. With → Irven DeVore, Lee was co-organiser of the 1966 University of Chicago Symposium on "Man the Hunter". [1] In 2003, Anthropologica, the journal of the Canadian Anthropology Society, dedicated an issue to Lee's oeuvre. Most recently, Lee edited The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunter-Gatherers, which was published in March 2005.

Selected publications
• Subsistence Ecology of !Kung Bushmen (1965), PhD Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. • The !Kung San: Men, Women and Work in a Foraging Society (1979), Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. • The Dobe Ju/'hoansi (2003), 3rd ed., Thomson Learning/Wadsworth.

• 1980 Anisfield-Wolf Book Award for The !Kung San: Men, Women, and Work in a Foraging Society • 1980 Herskovits Award of the African Studies Association for The !Kung San: Men, Women, and Work in a Foraging Society

External links
• Anthropologica Vol. 45 No. 1, 2003 [2] • Expanded Bibliography by Jacqueline Solway • Biography of Richard Lee [4]

This article about an anthropologist is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by Borshay Lee expanding it [5].

Richard Borshay Lee


[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0014-1801(197224)19%3A1%3C83%3AMTH%3E2. 0. CO%3B2-U http:/ / www. anthropologica. ca/ past_issues/ vol45-1. html http:/ / www. wlupress. wlu. ca/ ~wwwpress/ jrls/ anthro/ issues/ 45_1/ solway-bib. pdf http:/ / www. mnsu. edu/ emuseum/ information/ biography/ klmno/ lee_richard. html http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ :Richard

Tim Ingold
Tim Ingold is a British social anthropologist. His bibliography includes The Perception of the Environment. Essays in Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill, Routledge, 2000, which is a collection of essays, some of which had been published earlier.

• Lines: a brief history (2007). London: Routledge. • The perception of the environment: essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill (2000). London: Routledge. • Evolution and social life (1986). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • The appropriation of nature: essays on human ecology and social relations (1986). Manchester: Manchester University Press. • Hunters, pastoralists and ranchers: reindeer economies and their transformations (1980). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. • The Skolt Lapps today (1976). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

See also

External links
• University of Aberdeen
[1] [2]

This article about an educator is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it


[1] http:/ / www. abdn. ac. uk/ ~wap001/ staff/ details. php?id=tim. ingold [2] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?stub& title=Tim_Ingold& action=edit

Marshall Sahlins


Marshall Sahlins
Marshall David Sahlins (born December 27, 1930, Chicago, Illinois) is a prominent American anthropologist. He received both a Bachelors and Masters degree at the University of Michigan where he studied with Leslie White, and earned his Ph.D. at Columbia University in 1954 where his main intellectual influences included Karl Polanyi and Julian Steward. He returned to teach at the University of Michigan and in the 1960s became politically active, protesting against the Vietnam War. In the late 1960s he also spent two years in Paris, where he was exposed to French intellectual life (and particularly the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss) and the student protests of May 1968. In 1973 he moved to the University of Chicago, where he is today the Charles F. Grey Distinguished Service Professor of Anthropology Emeritus. Sahlins' work has focused on demonstrating the power that culture has to shape people's perceptions and actions. He has been particularly interested to demonstrate that culture has a unique power to motivate people that is not derived from biology. His early work focused on debunking the idea of 'economically rational man' and to demonstrate that economic systems adapted to particular circumstances in culturally specific ways. After the publication of Culture and Practical Reason in 1976 his focus shifted to the relation between history and anthropology, and the way different cultures understand and make history. Although his focus has been the entire Pacific, Sahlins has done most of his research in Fiji and Hawaii. In his Evolution and Culture (1960) he touched the areas of cultural evolution and neoevolutionism. He divided the evolution of societies into 'general' and 'specific'. General evolution is the tendency of cultural and social systems to increase in complexity, organization and adaptiveness to environment. However, as the various cultures are not isolated, there is interaction and a diffusion of their qualities (like technological inventions). This leads cultures to develop in different ways (specific evolution), as various elements are introduced to them in different combinations and on different stages of evolution. In the late 1990s Sahlins became embroiled in a heated debate with Gananath Obeyesekere over the details of Captain James Cook's death in the Hawaiian Islands in 1779. At the heart of the debate was how to understand the rationality of indigenous people. Obeyesekere insisted that indigenous people thought in essentially the same way as Westerners and was concerned that any argument otherwise would paint them as 'irrational' and 'uncivilized'. Sahlins, on the other hand, was critical of Western thought and argued that indigenous cultures were distinct and equal to those of the West. In 2001, Marshall Sahlins became the executive publisher of a small press called Prickly Paradigm.

Marshall Sahlins


See also
• → Original affluent society • Economic anthropology

• • • • • • • • • • Social Stratification in Polynesia (1958) Moala: Culture and Nature on a Fijian Island (1962) Evolution and Culture (ed., 1960) Stone Age Economics (1974: ISBN 0422745308) Tribesmen (1968) The Use and Abuse of Biology (1976: ISBN 0472087770) Culture and Practical Reason (1976: ISBN 0226733599) Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities (1981: ISBN 0472027212) Waiting For Foucault (1999: ISBN 1891754114) Islands of History (1985: ISBN 0226733572)

• Anahulu: The Anthropology of History in the Kingdom of Hawaii (1992: ISBN 0226733637) • How "Natives" Think: About Captain Cook, for Example (1995: ISBN 0-226-73368-8) • Culture in Practice (2000: ISBN 094229937X) • Apologies to Thucydides: Understanding History as Culture and Vice Versa (2004: ISBN 0226734005) • The Western Illusion of Human Nature (2008: ISBN 13-9780979405723)

External links
• The Original Affluent Society [1] - the seminal article by Marshall Sahlins • Faculty Page [1] - from the University of Chicago Department of Anthropology web site • http:/ / www. mnsu. edu/ emuseum/ information/ biography/ pqrst/ sahlins_marshall. html • Waiting for Foucault, Still [2] A small, pocket-sized book by Sahlins. Published in 2002 by Prickly Paradigm, now available for free online(in pdf). • Poor Man, Rich Man, Big Man, Chief: Political types in Melanesia and Polynesia [3] - free online text About the controversy with Obeyesekere (See also Death of Cook article, about the 2004 re-discovery of the original painting of the incident by John Cleveley the Younger, showing a less idealised Cook): • http:/ / www. ahs. cqu. edu. au/ humanities/ history/ 52148/ modules/ pacific_peoplesC. html#obey • http:/ / www. snarkout. org/ archives/ 2004/ 07/ 20/

Marshall Sahlins


[1] http:/ / anthropology. uchicago. edu/ faculty/ faculty_sahlins. shtml [2] http:/ / www. prickly-paradigm. com/ paradigm1. pdf [3] http:/ / www. scribd. com/ doc/ 22292/ Marshall-Sahlins-Poor-Man-Rich-Man-BigMan-Chief-Political-Types-in-Melanesia-and-Polynesia

Pierre Clastres
Pierre Clastres, (1934-1977), was a French anthropologist and ethnographer. He is best known for his fieldwork among the Guayaki in Paraguay and his theory on stateless societies. Some people regard him as giving scientific validity to certain → anarchist perspectives.[1] In his most famous work, Society Against the State (1974), Clastres indeed criticizes both the evolutionist notion that the state would be the ultimate destiny of all societies, and the Rousseauian notion of man's natural state of innocence (the myth of the noble savage). Knowledge of power is innate in any society, thus the natural state for humans wanting to preserve autonomy is a society structured by a complex set of customs which actively avert the rise of despotic power. The state is seen as but a specific constellation of hierarchical power peculiar only to societies who have failed to maintain these mechanisms which prevent separation from happening. Thus, in the Guayaki tribes, the leader has only a representational role, being his people's spokesperson towards other tribes ("international relations"). If he abuses his authority, he may be violently removed by his people, and the institution of "spokesperson" is never allowed to transform itself into a separate institution of authority. Pierre Clastres' theory thus was an explicit criticism of vulgar Marxist theories of economic determinism, in that he considered an autonomous sphere of politics, which existed in stateless societies as the active conjuration of authority. The essential question which Clastres sought to answer was: why would an individual in an egalitarian (eg foraging) society chose to subordinate himself to an authority? He considered the consequent rise of the state to be due to the power disparaties that arise when religion credits a prophet or other medium with a direct knowledge of divine power which is unattainable by the bulk of society. It is this upsetting of the balance of power that engendered the inequality to be found in more highly structured societies, and not an initial economic disparity as argued by the Marxist school of thought.

• « Liberté, malencontre, innommable » dans Étienne de La Boétie, Le Discours de la servitude volontaire • Chronicle of the Guayaki Indians (Chronique des indiens Guayaki), 1972 • Society Against the State (La Société contre l'État'), 1974 • Le Grand Parler. Mythes et chants sacrés des Indiens Guaraní, 1974 • French Marxists and their Anthropology (Les marxistes et leur anthropologie), 1978 • Recherches d'anthropologie politique, 1980 • Archeology of Violence (Archéologie de la violence. La guerre dans les sociétés primitives.) • Bartholomew Dean “Critical Re-vision: Clastres' Chronicle and the optic of primitivism”, 2002 In Best of Anthropology Today, 1974-2000, ed. J. Benthall, with a preface by M.

Pierre Clastres Sahlins. London: Routledge. [2] • Geertz, Clifford: "Deep Hanging Out", The New York Review of Books, Vol. XLV (1998), no. 16 (Oct 22), pp. 69- 72


See also
• • • • Anarchism in Africa Anthropology and ethnology Power (sociology) Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari Anti-Oedipus (1978)

External links
• An Excerpt from Society Against the State
[4] [3]


• A page from the Librairie Libertaire, describing Clastres and linking to some of his essays

• The essay La question du pouvoir dans les sociétés primitives [5] () • Entry [6] of the French Encyclopædia Universalis on the concept of ethnocide ()

[1] John Zerzan - Origins of War (http:/ / www. greenanarchy. org/ index. php?action=viewwritingdetail& writingId=543& kw=origins+ of+ war) [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] http:/ / www. amazon. com/ gp/ reader/ 0415262550 http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ society-state. htm http:/ / perso. wanadoo. fr/ libertaire/ archive/ 2000/ 228-mai/ clastres. htm http:/ / increvablesanarchistes. org/ articles/ 1968_81/ clastre_pouvoirprimitif. htm http:/ / vadeker. club. fr/ corpus/ ethnocide. html

Brian Ferguson


Brian Ferguson
1. REDIRECT Lucas Gray

Paul Shepard
Paul Howe Shepard, Jr. Born Died Occupation Nationality Subjects Notable work(s) 1926 Kansas City, MO July 27, 1996 (age 69–70) Salt Lake City, Utah Author, Professor American Ecology, Domestication, Ecopsychology The Tender Carnivore and the Sacred Game, Nature and Madness, Coming Home to the Pleistocene, Where we Belong, the Others.

Paul Howe Shepard, Jr. (1926–July 27, 1996) is an American environmentalist and author best known for introducing the "Pleistocene paradigm" to → deep ecology. His works have attempted to establish a normative framework in terms of evolutionary theory and developmental psychology. He offers a critique of sedentism / civilization and advocates modeling human lifestyles on those of nomadic prehistoric humans. He explores the connections between domestication, language, and cognition. He died of lung cancer on July 21, 1996 in Salt Lake City.[1] Based on his early study of modern ethnographic literature examining contemporary nature-based peoples, Shepard created a developmental model for understanding the role of sustained contact with nature in healthy human psychological development, positing that humans, having spent 99% of their social history in hunting and gathering environments, are therefore evolutionarily dependent on nature for proper emotional and psychological growth and development. Drawing from ideas of neoteny, Shepard postulated that many humans in post-agricultural society are often not fully mature, but are trapped in infantilism or an adolescent state.

Early life and Education
Shepard was born in Kansas City and earned his bachelor's degree from the University of Missouri. He went on to earn a doctorate from Yale, and his 1967 book Man in the Landscape: a Historic View of the Esthetics of Nature was based on his thesis. From 1973 until his retirement in 1994 he taught at Pitzer College and Claremont Graduate School.

Shepard's books have become landmark texts among ecologists and helped pave the way for the modern → primitivist train of thought, the essential elements being that "civilization" itself runs counter to human nature - that human nature, as Shepard so eloquently stated, is

Paul Shepard a consciousness shaped by our evolution and our environment. We are, essentially, "beings of the Paleolithic." Some of his most influential books are The Tender Carnivore and the Sacred Game, Nature and Madness, Coming Home to the Pleistocene, Where we Belong, and the Others.


Selected Bibliography (FP)
• Encounters With Nature: Essays by Paul Shepard, ed. by Florence R. Shepard with an Introduction by David Petersen, Washington, D.C: ISLAND PRESS/Shearwater Books, 1999). • Coming Home to the Pleistocene, ed. by Florence R. Shepard (Washington D.C. : ISLAND PRESS/Shearwater Books, 1998). • Nature and Madness, with a Foreword by C.L.Rawlins (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1998)(San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1982). • Thinking Animals: Animals and the Development of Human Intelligence, with a Foreword by Max Oelschlaeger(Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1998) (New York: The Viking Press, 1978) • The Tender Carnivore and the Sacred Game with a Foreword by George Sessions (Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press, 1998) ( New York: Scribners, 1973). • Traces of an Omnivore, with an Introduction by Jack Turner (Washington, D. C.: Island Press/Shearwater Books, 1996). • The Only World We've Got : A Paul Shepard Reader (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1996). • The Others: How Animals Made Us Human (Washington, D. C.: Island Press/Shearwater Books, 1996). • Man in the Landscape: An Historic View of the Esthetics of Nature (College Station, TX: Texas A & M University Press, 1991) (New York: Knopf, 1967). • The Sacred Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth, and Literature (with Barry Sanders) (New York: The Viking Press,1985) (New York: Arcana Books, Penguin, 1992). • Environ/mental: Essays on the Planet as Home (with Daniel McKinley) (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1971). • The Subversive Science: Essays Toward an Ecology of Man (with Daniel McKinley) (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969).

[1] Pace, Eric. "Paul Shepard Professor and Author, 71". Obituary in the New York Times, July 22, 1996, page A15

• Conesa-Sevilla, J. (2007). “Minding Animals”: Paul Shepard’s “Selfish” Argument for His Own Question “What Good Are Animals?” The Trumpeter, 23, 3, 78-91.

Mark Nathan Cohen


Mark Nathan Cohen
Mark Nathan Cohen is an American anthropologist and a professor in the State University of New York.[1] He has an A.B. degree from Harvard College (1965) and a Ph.D. degree in anthropology (Columbia University, 1971). His areas of research and teaching include human evolution and demographic history, cultural evolution, biology, medical care and forensic anthropology. He has written several books in the field of population growth and life expectancy.

Among other books, he has authored: • • • • • Health and the Rise of Civilization (Yale University Press, 1989) Paleopathology at the Origins of Agriculture (Academic Press 1984) Culture of Intolerance (Yale University Press 1998) Ancient Health (University Press of Florida 2007) Darwin and the Bible (Pearson Educacion and Allyn & Bacon 2008)

• The Food Crisis in Prehistory (Yale University Press 1977) • Biosocial Mechanisms of Population Regulation (Yale University Press 1980)

[1] http:/ / www. plattsburgh. edu/ academics/ anthropology/ faculty/ cohen. php

Harold Barclay
Harold B. Barclay (born January 3, 1924[1] ) is professor emeritus in anthropology at the University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta. His research has focussed on rural society in modern Egypt and the northern Arab Sudan as well as political anthropology and anthropology of religion. He is also commonly acknowledged as a notable writer in anarchist theory, specialising in → theories involving the destruction of the state and how society would operate if leaderless.

Select bibliography
1. Buurri al Lamaab, a suburban village in the Sudan. Cornell studies in anthropology. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1964. 2. The role of the horse in man's culture. London: J.A. Allen, 1980. ISBN 0851313299 3. Culture: the human way. Calgary. Alta., Canada: Western Publishers, 1986. ISBN 0919119115 4. People without Government: An Anthropology of Anarchy, rev. ed., Seattle: Left Bank Books, 1990. ISBN 0-939306-09-3. 5. Culture and anarchism. London: Freedom Press, 1997. ISBN 0900384840 6. The state. London: Freedom Press, 2003. ISBN 1904491006 7. Longing for Arcadia: memoirs of an anarcho-cynicalist anthropologist. Victoria, B.C.: Trafford, 2005. ISBN 1412056799

Harold Barclay


[1] Barclay, Harold (2005). Longing for Arcadia. Trafford Publishing. ISBN 9781412056793.

This article about an educator is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it (http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?stub& title=Harold_Barclay& action=edit).

Stanley Diamond
Stanley Diamond (January 4, 1922 – March 31, 1991) was an American poet and anthropologist. As a young man, he identified as a poet and attended first the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and then New York University, graduating from the latter with a B.A. in English and Philosophy. At the outbreak of World War II, Diamond joined the British Army Field Service and served in North Africa. Like many veterans of his generation, he went to graduate school on the G.I. Bill and received a Ph.D. in anthropology from Columbia University in 1951. After graduation, he held a teaching position at the University of California at Los Angeles, but as a result of denouncing the McCarthyist politics of that era he was dismissed and found that no other university was willing to hire him for the next three years. It was during this period that he conducted his first ethnographic fieldwork, which took him to an Israeli kibbutz and a nearby Arab mountain village. On his return to the United States, he taught at Brandeis University and Syracuse University before moving to the New School for Social Research in 1966, where he founded the New School anthropology program; within a few years, this program developed into a full department. Diamond served as the department chair until 1983, when he was named Distinguished Professor of Anthropology and Humanities at the New School and also Poet in the University. He later taught as visiting professor in Berlin and Mexico and at Bard College. As an ethnographer and social critic, Diamond conducted research in Israel; among the Anaguta of the Jos Plateau in the Nigeria during the last years of British colonial rule; among the Seneca Nation of upstate New York; and in Biafra during the 1967-1970 Biafran War, when he advocated for Biafran independence. Diamond is also known for founding the social science journal Dialectical Anthropology in 1976, as well as for a number of published books, including several volumes of poetry, including Totems and Going West. He founded the first department of critical anthropology in the United States at the New School for Social Research in New York. He also founded the most widely circulated international journal of anthropology in the world, Dialectical Anthropology. His best-known book is a collection of essays called In Search Of The Primitive.

Stanley Diamond


Major publications
• Culture in history, Columbia University Press, 1960. • Primitive views of the world, Columbia University Press, 1964. • Music of the Jos Plateau and other regions of Nigeria (audio recording), Folkways Records, 1966. • The transformation of East Africa: Studies in political anthropology (Stanley Diamond and Fred G. Burke, editors), Basic Books, 1967. • Anthropological perspectives on education (Murray L. Wax, Stanley Diamond, and Fred O. Gearing, editors), Basic Books, 1971. • In search of the primitive: A critique of civilization, Transaction Books, 1974. • Toward a Marxist anthropology: Problems and perspectives, Mouton, 1979. • Anthropology: Ancestors and heirs (Stanley Diamond, editor), Mouton, 1980. • Culture in history: Essays in honor of Paul Radin (Stanley Diamond, editor), Octagon Books, 1981.

• "Stanley Diamond: In Memoriam," Dialectical Anthropology, vol. 16, no. 2 (June, 1991), pp. 105-106. This article about an anthropologist is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by Diamond expanding it [1].

[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ wiki/ :Stanley

Irven DeVore


Irven DeVore
Irven DeVore (October 7, 1934) is an anthropologist and evolutionary biologist, and Curator of Primatology at Harvard University's Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. He also teaches at Harvard. Professor DeVore was doing field research on the behavior and ecology of baboons in 1959, at the same time Jane Goodall was doing her research on chimpanzees and Robert Ardrey was writing African Genesis, and has also studied the San of southern Africa. DeVore was also an early supporter of the field of sociobiology. Professor DeVore has also appeared on many television programs as an expert or narrator. Irven DeVore once said, "There is no excuse for boring students when you're talking about human nature. It's too interesting." DEGREES: B.A. 1956, University of Texas, Philosophy and Anthropology, M.A. 1959, University of Chicago, Anthropology, Ph.D. 1962, University of Chicago, Anthropology, M.A. 1963, Harvard University, Honorary AWARDS: President, Section H (Anthropology), American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1988-89 Fellow, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, elected 1968 Fellow, American Association for the Advancement of Science, elected 1967 Fellow, American Anthropological Association, elected 1962 The Walker Prize for Science, Museum of Science, Boston, 1970 Lifetime Achievement Award, Institute of Human Origins, New York, 1990 Teaching and Fellowships • • • • • • Chairman, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, 1987-1992 Ruth Moore Professor of Biological Anthropology, since 1991 Distinguished Visiting Professor, University of Cape Town, South Africa, 1992 Professor of Anthropology and Biology, Harvard University, since 1969 Visiting Lecturer, Human Biology, Stanford University, 1964 and 1966 Lecturer in Anthropology, Harvard University, 1963

• Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, 1962-63 • Fellow, Miller Institute for Basic Research in Science, Berkeley, 1961 • Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, 1960-61 Offices in Professional Organizations (selected): • Director, 1996-97, and Acting Director, 1994, Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University • Trustee, 1974-present, Co-Chair, Science & Grants Committee, 1980-present, L. S. B. Leakey Foundation, San Francisco, California • Board of Advisors, 1976-94, The Center for Field Research ("Earthwatch"), Belmont, Massachusetts • Co-Founder and President, 1986-present, Dolphins of Shark Bay Research Foundation, Western Australia • Board of Directors, 1973-94, Cultural Survival, Inc., Cambridge, Massachusetts • Advisory Council, Section H (Anthropology), 1987-90, American Association for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C. • Advisory Council, 1979-83, Wenner-Gren Foundation, New York, New York • Co-Founder, Kalahari Peoples Fund, 1970

Irven DeVore • • • • • Executive Board, 1970-73, American Anthropological Association, Washington, D. C. Board of Directors, 1972-75, Foundations' Fund for Research in Psychiatry, New Haven Advisory Committee on Primate Research Centers, 1964-67, National Institutes of Health Board of Directors, 1968-72, Education Development Center, Cambridge, Massachusetts Advisor, 1968-72, The Danforth Foundation, St. Louis, Missouri


• Board of Directors, 1971-73, Ninth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethological Sciences, Inc., Chicago • Committee on Conservation of Nonhuman Primates, 1972-73, National Research Council, National Academy of Sciences, Washington, D.C.

• Primate Behavior: Field Studies of Monkeys and Apes, ed., Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York. • 1965 The Primates, with S. Eimerl (Series: LIFE Nature Library), Time-Life, New York. • 1968 Man the Hunter, with Richard B. Lee, eds. Aldine Publ., Chicago. • 1976 Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers, with Richard B. Lee, eds., Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. • 1982 Field Guide for the Study of Adolescence, with Beatrice Whiting, John Whiting, et al. A 200-page field manual prepared by the staff and post-doctoral trainees for use at the field sites in our cross-cultural study of adolescence; revision for publication as a general field guide is under consideration.

External links
• Curriculum vitae [1] - his professional résumé • Interview transcript [2] • Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology

[1] http:/ / www. discoverlife. org/ who/ CV/ DeVore,_Irven. html [2] http:/ / www. meta-library. net/ transcript/ devore-frame. html [3] http:/ / www. peabody. harvard. edu

Clive Ponting


Clive Ponting
Clive Ponting (born 1947) is a British writer, former academic and former senior civil servant. He is the author of a number of revisionist books on British and world history. However, he is perhaps best known for leaking documents about the Belgrano affair of the Falklands War.

General Belgrano
Formerly a senior civil servant at the Ministry of Defence (MoD), Clive Ponting achieved notoriety in July 1984, when he sent two documents to Labour MP, Tam Dalyell, about the sinking of an Argentine naval warship General Belgrano, a key incident in the Falklands War of 1982. The documents revealed that the General Belgrano had been sighted a day earlier than officially reported, and was steaming away from the Royal Navy taskforce, and was outside the exclusion zone, when the cruiser was attacked and sunk.

Official Secrets Act
Ponting admitted revealing the information and was charged with a criminal offence under Section 2 of the 1911 Official Secrets Act. His defence rested on two issues: • that the matter was in the public interest, and • that disclosure to a Member of Parliament was privileged. Although Ponting fully expected to be imprisoned – and had brought his toothbrush and shaving kit along to the court on February 11, 1985 – he was acquitted by the jury. The acquittal came despite the judge's direction to the jury that "the public interest is what the government of the day says it is". He resigned from the civil service on February 16, 1985.

Right to know
The Ponting case was seen as a landmark in British legal history, raising serious questions about the validity of the 1911 Official Secrets Act and the public's "right to know". Shortly after his resignation, The Observer began to serialize Ponting's book entitled The Right to Know: the inside story of the Belgrano affair. The Conservative government reacted by tightening up UK secrets legislation, introducing the 1989 Official Secrets Act and removing the public interest defence which Ponting had successfully used to avoid being convicted.

Clive Ponting


Ponting was educated at Bristol Grammar School. Following his resignation from the Civil Service, Ponting served as a Reader in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Wales, Swansea, until retirement in 2004.

About the case
• Norton-Taylor, Richard. The Ponting Affair. Cecil Woolf, 1985. ISBN 0-900821-73-6

By Clive Ponting
• The Right to Know: The Inside Story of the Belgrano Affair (1985), Sphere Books, ISBN 0-7221-6944-2 • Whitehall - Tragedy and Farce (1986), Hamish Hamilton, ISBN 0-2411-1835-2 • Breach of Promise - Labour in Power, 1964-70 (1989), Hamish Hamilton, ISBN 0-2411-2683-5 • 1940: Myth and Reality (1990), Hamish Hamilton, ISBN 978-0241126684 • A Green History of the World: The Environment and the Collapse of Great Civilizations (1991), Penguin, ISBN 0-1401-7660-8 • Churchill (1994), Sinclair-Stevenson, ISBN 1-8561-9270-9 • Armageddon - The Second World War (1995), Random House, ISBN 0-6794-3602-2 • Progress and Barbarism: The World in the Twentieth Century (1998), Chatto & Windus, ISBN 1-8561-9610-0 • World History - A New Perspective (2000), Chatto & Windus, ISBN 0-7011-6834-X • Thirteen Days - Diplomacy and Disaster, the Countdown to the Great War (2003), Pimlico, ISBN 0-7126-6826-8 • The Crimean War - The Story Behind the Myth (2004), Pimlico, ISBN 0-7126-6826-8 • Gunpowder - The Story (2005), Chatto & Windus, ISBN 0-7011-7752-7 • A New Green History of the World: The Environment and the Collapse of Great Civilizations (2007), Penguin, ISBN 0-1430-3898-2 Penguin's description of the book

See also
• • • • Tam Dalyell Sarah Tisdall Patrick Haseldine Jury nullification

External links
• Falklands' row civil servant resigns • A Green History of the World [3]

Clive Ponting


[1] http:/ / booksellers. penguin. com/ nf/ Book/ BookDisplay/ 0,,9780143038986,00. html [2] http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ onthisday/ hi/ dates/ stories/ february/ 16/ newsid_2545000/ 2545907. stm [3] http:/ / ecobooks. com/ books/ history. htm

Thomas Malthus
1. REDIRECT Thomas Robert Malthus

Jared Diamond


Jared Diamond
Jared Diamond


Jared Mason Diamond 10 September 1937 Boston, Massachusetts United States American Physiology Biophysics Ornithology Environmentalism Ecology Geography Evolutionary Biology Anthropology University of California, Los Angeles Harvard College Cambridge University Phi Beta Kappa Award in Science (1997) Royal Society Prize for Science Books (1992, 1998 & 2006) Pulitzer Prize (1998) National Medal of Science (1999)

Residence Citizenship Fields

Institutions Alma mater

Notable awards

Jared Mason Diamond (born 10 September 1937) is an American scientist and nonfiction author whose work draws from a variety of fields. He is currently Professor of Geography and Physiology at UCLA. He is best known for the award-winning books The Third Chimpanzee; Guns, Germs, and Steel; and Collapse.

Diamond was born in Boston, Massachusetts, to a Polish-Jewish family. His father was the physician Louis K. Diamond, and his mother a teacher, musician, and linguist. He attended the Roxbury Latin School, earning his A.B. degree from Harvard College in 1958, and his Ph.D. in physiology and membrane biophysics from the University of Cambridge in 1961. After graduating from Cambridge, he returned to Harvard as a Junior Fellow until 1965, and, in 1968, became Professor of Physiology at UCLA Medical School. While in his twenties, he also developed a second, parallel, career in the ornithology of New Guinea, and has since undertaken numerous research New Guinea and nearby islands. In his fifties,

Jared Diamond Diamond gradually developed a third career in environmental history, and become a Professor of Geography at UCLA, his current position.[1] He was awarded an honorary doctorate by Westfield State College in 2009. He is married to Marie Diamond (née Marie Nabel Cohen), granddaughter of Polish politician Edward Werner, and has two adult sons named Josh and Max Diamond. In 1999, he was awarded the National Medal of Science. His sister Susan Diamond is a successful novelist. Her book What Goes Around has sold many copies. Diamond speaks a dozen languages, listed in the order learned: English, Latin, French, Greek, German, Spanish, Russian, Finnish, Fore (a New Guinea language), New Melanesian, Indonesian, and Italian.


As well as scholarly books and articles in the fields of ecology and ornithology, Diamond is the author of a number of popular science books, which are known for combining sources from a variety of fields other than those he has formally studied. The first of these, The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal (1991), examined human evolution and its relevance to the modern world, incorporating insights from anthropology, evolutionary biology, genetics, ecology, and linguistics. It was well-received by critics, and won the 1992 Rhône-Poulenc Prize for Science Books[2] and the Los Angeles Times Book Prize.[3] In 1997, he followed this up with Why is Sex Fun?, which focused in on the evolution of human sexuality, again borrowing from anthropology, ecology, and evolutionary biology. His third and best known popular science book, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies, was published in 1997. In it, Diamond seeks to explain Eurasian hegemony throughout history. Using evidence from ecology, archaeology, genetics, lingustics, and various historical case studies, he argues that the gaps in power and technology between human societies do not reflect cultural or racial differences, but rather originate in environmental differences powerfully amplified by various positive feedback loops. As a result, the geography of the Eurasian landmass gave its human inhabitants an inherent advantage over the societies on other continents, which they were able to dominate or conquer. Although certain examples in the book, and its alleged environmental determinism, have been criticised, it became a best-seller, and received numerous awards, including a Pulitzer Prize, an Aventis Prize for Science Books[2] (Diamond's second), and the 1997 Phi Beta Kappa Award in Science. A television documentary based on the book was produced by the National Geographic Society in 2005. Diamond's most recent book, Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed (2005), examines a range of past civilizations in an attempt to identify why they either collapsed or succeeded, and considers what contemporary societies can learn from these historical examples. As in Guns, Germs, and Steel, he argues against traditional culture-historical explanations for the failure of past societies, and instead focuses on ecological factors. Among the societies he considers are the Norse and Inuit of Greenland, the Maya, the Anasazi, the indigenous people of Rapa Nui (Easter Island), Japan, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and modern Montana. While not as successful as Guns, Germs and Steel, Collapse was again both critically acclaimed and subject to accusations of environmental determinism and specific inaccuracies. It won Diamond his third Royal Society Prize for Science Books (previously known as the Rhône-Poulenc and Aventis Prize)[2] .

Jared Diamond


On 21 April 2009, Henep Isum Mandingo and Hup Daniel Wemp of Papua New Guinea filed a $10 million USD defamation lawsuit against Diamond over a New Yorker Magazine article titled Vengeance Is Ours: What can tribal societies tell us about our need to get even? The article is an account of feuds and vengeance killings among tribes in the New Guinea highlands which Mandingo and Wemp claim have been misrepresented and embellished by Diamond.[4] The lawsuit came in the wake of an investigation by Rhonda Roland Shearer which highlighted factual inaccuracies in the article, most notably the fact that Mandingo, the alleged target of the feud who was rendered wheelchair-bound in the fighting, is fit and healthy.[5] Diamond and the New Yorker stand by the article. They maintain that it is a faithful account of the story related to Diamond by Wemp while they worked together in 2001 and in a formal interview in 2006, based on "detailed notes", and that both Diamond and the magazine did all they reasonably could to verify the story. Furthermore they claim that in a taped interview between Wemp and a New Yorker fact-checker, Wemp failed to raise any significant objections. Pauline Wiessner, an expert on tribal warfare in Papua New Guinea, points that out that young men often exaggerate or make up entirely their exploits in tribal warfare, and that Diamond was naïve to accept and publish Wemp's stories at face value.[6]

Selected Publications
• 1972 Avifauna of the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea, Publications of the Nuttall Ornithological Club, No. 12, Cambridge, Mass., pp. 438.[7] • 1975 M. L. Cody and J. M. Diamond, eds. Ecology and Evolution of Communities [8]. Belknap Press, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. • 1979 J. M. Diamond and M. LeCroy. Birds of Karkar and Bagabag Islands, New Guinea. Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist. 164:469-531 • 1984 J. M. Diamond. The Avifaunas of Rennell and Bellona Islands. The Natural History of Rennell Islands, British Solomon Islands 8:127-168 • 1986 J. M. Diamond and T. J. Case. eds. Community Ecology. Harper and Row, New York • 1986 B. Beehler, T. Pratt, D. Zimmerman, H. Bell, B. Finch, J. M. Diamond, and J. Coe. Birds of New Guinea. Princeton University Press,Princeton • 1992 The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal, ISBN 0-060-98403-1 • 1997 Why is Sex Fun? The Evolution of Human Sexuality, ISBN 0-465-03127-7 • 1997 Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W.W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-393-06131-0 • 2001 The Birds of Northern Melanesia: Speciation, Ecology, & Biogeography (with Ernst Mayr), ISBN 0-195-14170-9 • 2003 Guns, Germs, and Steel Reader's Companion, ISBN 1-586-63863-7. • 2005 Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed. New York: Viking Books. ISBN 1-586-63863-7. • 2006 [re-release] The Third Chimpanzee: The Evolution and Future of the Human Animal. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 0-060-84550-3.

Jared Diamond


• Island Biogeography and the Design of Natural Reserves (1976), in Robert M. May's Theoretical Ecology: Principles and Applications, Blackwell Scientific Publications, pp. 163–186. • Ethnic differences. Variation in human testis size. (April 1986) Nature 320(6062):488-489 PubMed [9]. • The Worst Mistake in the History of the Human Race [10] (May 1987) Discover pp. 64–66 • Curse and Blessing of the Ghetto (March 1991) Discover, pp.60–66 • Race Without Color [11] (November 1994) Discover • The Curse of QWERTY [12] (April 1997) Discover • Japanese Roots (June 1998) Discover • What’s Your Consumption Factor? [13] (January 2, 2008) The New York Times

• Editorial board, Skeptic Magazine, a publication of The Skeptics Society • Member, the American Philosophical Society • Member, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences • Member, the National Academy of Sciences • US regional director of the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF/World Wildlife Fund)

Awards and honors
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1961-1965 Prize Fellowship in Physiology, Trinity College, Cambridge, England 1968-1971 Lederle Medical Faculty Award 1972 Distinguished Teaching Award, UCLA Medical Class 1973 Distinguished Teaching Award, UCLA Medical Class 1975 Distinguished Achievement Award, American Gastroenterological Association 1976 Kaiser Permanente/Golden Apple Teaching Award 1976 Nathaniel Bowditch Prize, American Physiological Society 1978 American Ornithologists Union, elected fellow 1979 1985 1989 1990 1992 1992 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1998 Franklin L. Burr Award, National Geographic Society MacArthur Foundation “Genius” Grant Archie Carr Medal MacArthur Foundation Fellow Tanner Lecturer, University of Utah and many other endowed lectureships Rhône-Poulenc Prize for Science Books for The Third Chimphanzee[2] Los Angeles Times Science Book Prize[3] Zoological Society of San Diego Conservation Medal Skeptics Society, Randi Award Honorary doctor of literature, Sejong University, Korea Faculty Research Lecturer, UCLA Phi Beta Kappa Science Book Prize for Guns, Germs and Steel Pulitzer Prize for Guns, Germs and Steel Elliott Coues Award, American Ornithologists' Union

• 1998 California Book Awards, Gold Medal in nonfiction for Guns, Germs and Steel • 1998 Aventis Prize for Science Books for Guns, Germs and Steel[2] • 1998 International Cosmos Prize[1]

Jared Diamond • • • • • • 1999 2001 2002 2006 2006 2008 Lannan Literary Award for Nonfiction Tyler Prize for Environmental Achievement Lewis Thomas Prize for Writing about Science Royal Society Prize for Science Books for Collapse[2] Dickson Prize in Science Ph.D. Honoris Causa at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium


See also
• Assembly rules

• Richmond Forum • Rivers 2006 [15]

[1] " The Prize Winner, 1998 (http:/ / www. expo-cosmos. or. jp/ jusyou/ 1998_e. html)". Expo-Cosmos. . Retrieved on 2009-05-18. [2] " Prize for Science Books previous winners and shortlists (http:/ / royalsociety. org/ bookspage. asp?id=6372)". Royal Society. . Retrieved on 2009-05-18. [3] " Los Angeles Times Festival of Books - Book Prizes - Winners by Award (science) (http:/ / www. latimes. com/ extras/ bookprizes/ winners_byaward. html#science)". Los Angeles Times. . Retrieved on 2009-05-18. [4] Maull, Samuel (April 22, 2009). " Author Jared Diamond sued for libel (http:/ / apnews. myway. com/ article/ 20090422/ D97NNPMO0. html)". AP News. . Retrieved on 2009-04-23. [5] Shearer, Rhonda Roland (21 April 2009). " JARED DIAMOND’S FACTUAL COLLAPSE: New Yorker Mag’s Papua New Guinea Revenge Tale Untrue…Tribal Members Angry, Want Justice (http:/ / www. stinkyjournalism. org/ latest-journalism-news-updates-149. php)". Stinky . Retrieved on 18 May 2009. [6] Baltar, Michael (15 May 2009). " ‘Vengeance’ Bites Back At Jared Diamond (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org. ezphost. dur. ac. uk/ cgi/ content/ summary/ 324/ 5929/ 872?maxtoshow=& HITS=10& hits=10& RESULTFORMAT=& andorexacttitleabs=and& andorexactfulltext=and& searchid=1& FIRSTINDEX=0& volume=324& firstpage=872& resourcetype=HWCIT)". Science (American Association for the Advancement of Science) 324 (5929): 872-874. doi: 10.1126/science.324_872 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 324_872). ISSN 1095-9203 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ issn/ 1095-9203). . Retrieved on 23 June 2009. [7] http:/ / www. expo-cosmos. or. jp/ jusyou/ 1998_e. html [8] http:/ / www. hup. harvard. edu/ catalog/ CODECO. html [9] http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ entrez/ query. fcgi?cmd=Retrieve& db=PubMed& list_uids=3083267& dopt=Abstract [10] http:/ / www. environnement. ens. fr/ perso/ claessen/ agriculture/ mistake_jared_diamond. pdf [11] http:/ / discovermagazine. com/ 1994/ nov/ racewithoutcolor444 [12] http:/ / discovermagazine. com/ 1997/ apr/ thecurseofqwerty1099 [13] http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 01/ 02/ opinion/ 02diamond. html?_r=1& sq=Jared%20Diamond& st=nyt& adxnnl=1& scp=1& adxnnlx=1229112115-QuKQJMC9jvJdKsW/ aQhaZg [14] http:/ / www. richmondforum. org/ bio_JaredDiamond. asp [15] http:/ / www. rivers2006. org/ html/ diamond. htm

Jared Diamond


External links
• Diamond's page at UCLA department of geography (http:/ / www. geog. ucla. edu/ people/ faculty. php?lid=3078& display_one=1& modify=1) • Diamond's page at the UCLA school of medicine (http:/ / dgsom. healthsciences. ucla. edu/ research/ institution/ personnel?personnel_id=45273) • Jared Diamond, linguist, molecular physiologist, bio-geographer, etc. / UCLA Spotlight (http:/ / spotlight. ucla. edu/ faculty/ jared-diamond/ ) • Diamond biography at The Edge (http:/ / www. edge. org/ 3rd_culture/ bios/ diamond. html) • Jared Diamond Video Presentation of Collapse (http:/ / vimeo. com/ 2761241) - Video of a talk given at The Earth Institute atColumbia University in April 2007 • TED Talks: Jared Diamond on why societies collapse (http:/ / www. ted. com/ talks/ view/ id/ 365) at TED in 2003 • The Evolution of Religions - lecture at The Center for Religion and Civic Culture, University of Southern California (http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=th7CFye03gQ) at YouTube • Interview with Charlie Rose (http:/ / www. charlierose. com/ guests/ jared-diamond)

Desmond Morris


Desmond Morris
Desmond Morris Born January 24, 1928 Purton, Wiltshire, England, United Kingdom English Zoologist and Ethologist

Nationality Occupation

Desmond John Morris (born 24 January 1928, Purton, north Wiltshire[1] ) is a British zoologist and ethologist, but is also known as a surrealist painter and popular author.

Morris was educated at Dauntsey's School, an independent school in West Lavington, Wiltshire. After military service, he attended the University of Birmingham where he graduated in 1951 with a First Class Honours Degree in Zoology. In 1954, he was awarded a D.Phil. from Oxford University for his thesis on the Reproductive Behaviour of the Ten-spined Stickleback, supervised by Niko Tinbergen. He was employed by the Zoological Society of London as Curator of Mammals at the London Zoo, eventually leaving in 1966 in frustration about stagnation at the zoo. He is sometimes wrongly stated to be a relative of Welsh entertainer Johnny Morris, best remembered for presenting the BBC television series Animal Magic, but this is not the case. [2]

In the media
Morris first came to public attention in the 1950s as a presenter of the ITV television programme Zoo Time,[3] but achieved world-wide fame in 1967 with his book The Naked Ape.[4] The book is an unabashed look at the human species, notable for its focus on humanity's animal-like qualities and our similarity with apes, and for explaining human behaviour as largely evolved to meet the challenges of prehistoric life as a → hunter-gatherer. Reprinted many times and in many languages, it continues to be a best-seller. His later studies, books and television shows have continued this focus on human behaviour, explained from a bluntly zoological point of view. This approach itself, and his specific conclusions, have often attracted controversy.

Desmond Morris


In addition to his scientific pursuits, he is an surrealist artist. His work has been exhibited alongside works by Spanish painter Joan Miró and contributed significantly to the British Surrealist movement. He had his first solo show in 1948, and has shown regularly since then. In 1957, he curated an exhibition of chimpanzee paintings and drawings at the Institute of Contemporary Arts, London, including paintings by a young chimpanzee called Congo.
Painting by Congo.

Film adviser
Morris oversaw the creation of the gestural and body language for the Paleolithic human characters in the 1981 film Quest for Fire.

See also
• Sociobiology • Sexual selection in human evolution

• The Biology of Art (1963) - a look at the paintings of primates and their relation to human art • The Mammals: A Guide to the Living Species (1965) — a comprehensive and compelling listing of all mammal genera, all non-rodent non-bat species, and additional information on select species. • The Naked Ape (1967) — an unabashed look at the human species. The book is notable for its focus on humanity's animal-like qualities and our similarity with apes. Reprinted many times and in many languages, it continues to be a best-seller. • The Human Zoo (1969) — a continuation of the previous book, analysing human behaviour in big modern societies and their resemblance to animal behaviour in captivity. • Intimate Behaviour (1971) — this book examines and analyses any physical contact acted out by human animals. From clapping, to having a hair cut, to hand jive, to patting on the back, to hugging, to babe suckling, to copulation... • Manwatching (1977), reprinted as Peoplewatching (2002) • Gestures: Their Origin and Distribution (1979) • Animal Days (1979) — Autobiographical • The Soccer Tribe (1981) • Pocket Guide to Manwatching (1982) • Inrock (1983) • Bodywatching – A Field Guide to the Human Species (1985) — Hundreds of photos analyzing the human body from hair down to the feet. • Catwatching (1986) — a study of one of the most popular of household pets across the centuries.

Desmond Morris • Dogwatching (1986) — an in-depth study of "man's best friend". • Horsewatching (1989) — subtitled "Why does a horse whinny and everything else you ever wanted to know" • Animalwatching (1990) • Babywatching (1991) • The Human Animal (1994) — book and BBC documentary TV series • Cat World: A Feline Encyclopedia (1997) • The Naked Eye (2001) • Dogs: The Ultimate Dictionary of over 1000 Dog Breeds (2001) • Peoplewatching: The Desmond Morris Guide to Body Language (2002) • The Naked Woman: A Study of the Female Body (2004) • Linguaggio muto (Dumb language) (2004) • Watching (2006) • The Naked Man: A Study of the Male Body (2008)


External links
• Official website

including a complete biography

[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] http:/ / www. sirc. org/ about/ desmond_morris. html http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ uk/ 337622. stm http:/ / www. wildfilmhistory. org/ person/ 91/ Desmond+ Morris. ht http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ society/ 2008/ sep/ 07/ children. family http:/ / www. desmond-morris. com/

Chellis Glendinning


Chellis Glendinning
Chellis Glendinning (born June 1947) is a European-American author of creative nonfiction, licensed psychotherapist[1] , and political activist. She is noted as a pioneer in the field of ecopsychology, [2] , a proponent of land-based culture, and a critic of technological society, having worked with such contemporaries as → Jerry Mander, → Vandana Shiva, Helena Norberg-Hodge, and → Kirkpatrick Sale.[3] Glendinning's relations include Thomas Hooker, founder of the colony of Connecticut; Dr. Frank E. Bunts, founder of the Cleveland Clinic; and the civil rights activist, her mother Mary Hooker Glendinning.[4] . She has written five books, as well as for journals, magazines, and newspapers including Orion [5], Chellis Glendinning [6] [7] [8] CounterPunch , ColdType: The Reader , Alternet , Tikkun [9], Race, Poverty and the Environment [10] San Francisco Bay Guardian and Santa Fe New Mexican [11]. In 2007 Glendinning’s bilingual folk opera De Un Lado Al Otro, written in collaboration with ethnomusicologist Cipriano Vigil, was presented at the Lensic Performing Arts Center in Santa Fe NM. Robert Castro directed.[12] Glendinning graduated from the University of California, Berkeley in social sciences in 1969[13] , at which time she was inducted into Phi Beta Kappa (Alpha of California Chapter).[14] She received her Ph.D in psychology from Columbia Pacific University in 1984.[15] Her Off the Map won the 2000 National Federation of Press Women Book Award [16] in general nonfiction, and Chiva was honored with the same award in 2006. In 1989 she received the New Mexico Humanities Council First Times Award for Short Story Writing,[17] and was named Best Local Writer by the Río Grande Sun of Española NM in 2000 and 2003.[18] In 1997 Glendinning won the Río Arriba County, Zero Injustice Award for her “courageous stand in support of the customs, culture, and traditions of the Native American and Indo-Hispano people of northern New Mexico."[19] Her papers are housed in the Labadie Collection of the University of Michigan.[20]

Chellis Glendinning


• My Name Is Chellis and I’m in Recovery from Western Civilization [21]. Gabriola BC Canada: New Society Publishers/New Catalyst/ Sustainability Classics, 2007; and Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1994. • Chiva: A Village Takes on the Global Heroin Trade [16]. New Society Publishers, 2005. • Winner of the National Federation of Press Women 2006 Book Award for general nonfiction. • Winner of the New Mexico Press Women 2006 Communications Award for general nonfiction. • Finalist for 2007 New Mexico Book Awards in nonfiction. • Off the Map: An Expedition Deep into Empire and the Global Economy [22]. New Society Publishers, 2002; and Off the Map: An Expedition Deep into Imperialism, the Global Economy and Other Earthly Whereabouts. Shambhala Publications, 1999. • Winner of the National Federation of Press Women 2000 Book Award for general nonfiction. • Winner of the New Mexico Press Women 2000 Communications Award for general nonfiction. • A Map: From the Old Connecticut Path to the Rio Grande Valley and All the Meaning Inbetween. Great Barrington MA: E.F. Schumacher Society, 1999. • When Technology Wounds [23]. New York: William Morrow, 1990. • Waking Up in the Nuclear Age [24]. William Morrow, 1987.

• De Un Lado Al Otro, with composer Cipriano Vigil, 2006.

Selected Essays
• "Cuestionando la Tecnología: Si al Alambre de Fardo y No a las Torres de Microondas" in Amadao Lascár y Jesús Sepúlveda, eds., Rebeldes y Terrestres: Propuestas de Cambio y Subversión. Santiago de Chile: Mosquito Comunicaciones, 2008. • "Cheering for Morgan Stanley," [25], Counterpunch, November 18, 2008. • "Wireless Mind, Gullible Mind," [25], Counterpunch, October 10-12, 2008. • "Technofascismo: Los Mecanismos del Totalitarianismo Inverso [26]," Rebelión, translated by Germán Leyens, June 20, 2008. • "Techno-Fascism: Every Move You Make," [25] Counterpunch, June 19, 2008. • "Notes toward a Neo-Luddite Manifesto," [27] Utne Reader, 38, no. 1 (March/April 1990): 50–53. • "Technology, Trauma, and the Wild." [28] In Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth, Healing the Mind. edited by T. Roszak, et al., 41–54. San Francisco. Sierra Club Books, 1995 • "La Tecnología, El Trauma, y Lo Salvaje," PanNatura. Quito de Ecuador: Fundación Sangay, 2006. • "Cocaína No, Coca Sí [29]," April 2006. • “Hear Tell: Invisibility, Invasiveness, and the Cell Phone,”, Spring 2002. • “Re-membering Decolonization,” Tikkun, January/February 2002.

Chellis Glendinning • “Fear and Loathing in Los Alamos: On the Lam from the Cerro Grande Fire,” Orion, Winter 2001. • "The Conversation We Haven’t Had: Trauma, Technology, and the Wild" in Michael Shuman and Julia Sweig, eds., Technology for the Common Good. Washington DC: Institute for Policy Studies Books, 1993. • "Men/Women, War/Peace: A Systems Approach" (with Ofer Zur) in Mark Macy, ed., Solutions for a Troubled World. Boulder CO: Earthview Press, 1987.


[1] Licensed Professional Clinical Counselor/Licensed Mental Health Counselor #1946, State of New Mexico, USA. Issue date: July 31, 1994. [2] Theodore Roszak, Mary E. Gomes, and Allen D. Kanner, eds., Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth, Healing the Mind. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1995, pp. 44-54, 336; JayWalljasper and Jon Spade, eds., Visionaries: People and Ideas to Change Your Life. Gabriola Island CAN: New Society Publishers, 2001, pp. 260-263; and John Mongillo and Bibi Booth, eds., Environmental Activists. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 2001, pp. 110-114. [3] Stephanie Mills, ed., Turning Away from Technology. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1997, p. xxviii; and Z. Pascal Zachary, “Not So Fast,” Wall Street Journal, June 26, 1997. [4] Simon Sacket's Ancestors and Descendents, [5] http:/ / www. orionmagazine. org/ pages_toc/ om_toc/ ombi/ index_ombi_98-02. html [6] http:/ / www. google. com/ search?q=glendinning& btnG=Google+ Search& domains=http%3A%2F%2Fwww. counterpunch. org& sitesearch=http%3A%2F%2Fwww. counterpunch. org [7] http:/ / www. coldtype. net/ reader. html [8] http:/ / www. alternet. org. authors/ 6002 [9] http:/ / www. tikkun. org/ archive/ backissues/ xtik0201 [10] http:/ / www. urbanhabitat. org/ printarchives/ 5-3and4 [11] http:/ / www. centerforinvestigativereporting. org/ investigations/ outlet?page=59 [12] (http:/ / www. sfreporter. com/ stories/ performing_arts_books_September_12_18/ 1871/ ) ; and [13] University of California Berkeley, Class of 1969; and Mongillo and Booth, pp. 110-114 [14] Phi Beta Kappa, Alpha of California, 1969; and Mongillo and Booth, pp. 110-114. [15] Columbia Pacific University, San Rafael CA, Class of 1984; (http:/ / www. behaviorresearch. org/ Columbia-Pacific-University. htm) ; and Mongillo and Booth, pp. 110-114 [16] http:/ / www. newsociety. com/ bookid/ 3860 [17] Laura Buelow, Chellis Glendinning and Marjorie Moore, First Times in New Mexico. Albuquerque NM: Educational Foundations, Special Projects, University of New Mexico, 1990 [18] “Readers Choice 2000”/”Best Local Writer,” Río Grande Sun, August 2000; and “Readers Choice 2003”/”Glendinning Top Writer,” Río Grande Sun, 24 July 2003. [19] (http:/ / www. lajicarita. org/ 97oct. htm) [20] Accession Form #08-L13, University of Michigan/Special Collections Library. Date of Accession: 21 August 2008. Collection Name: Glendinning, Chellis, Papers. Processor: Will Lovick, 16 September 2008; http:/ / quod. lib. umich. edu/ cgi/ f/ findaid/ findaid-idx?c=sclead& idno=umich-scl-glendinning [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [29] http:/ / www. newsociety. com/ bookid/ 3989 http:/ / www. newsociety. com/ bookid/ 3798 http:/ / www. amazon. com/ When-Technology-Wounds-Consequences-Progress/ dp/ 0688072828 http:/ / www. amazon. ca/ Waking-Up-Nuclear-Age-Therapy/ dp/ 0688069371 http:/ / www. counterpunch. org http:/ / firgoa. usc. es/ drupal/ node/ 40271 http:/ / www. jesusradicals. com/ anarchism/ technology/ http:/ / www. jesusradicals. com/ wp-content/ uploads/ technology-trauma-and-the-wild. pdf http:/ / upsidedownworld. org/ main/ content/ view/ 250/ 1

Kirkpatrick Sale


Kirkpatrick Sale
Kirkpatrick Sale (born in Ithaca, New York, 1937) is an independent scholar and author who has written prolifically about environmentalism, luddism, technology and political decentralism. He has been described as "a leader of the Neo-Luddites"[1] and "the theoretician for a new secessionist movement."[2]

Life and work
Sale graduated from Cornell University, majoring in history, in 1958.[3] [4] He served as editor of the student-owned and managed newspaper, the Cornell Daily Sun. Sale was one of the leaders of the May 23, 1958 protest against university policies forbidding male and female students fraternizing and its "in loco parentis" policy. Sale and his friend and roommate Richard Farina, and three others, were charged by Cornell. The protest was described in Farina's 1966 novel, Been Down So Long It Looks Like Up to Me.[2] Upon graduation, Sale married Faith Apfelbaum (in Cornell, 1958) who later worked as an editor with Thomas Pynchon, Kurt Vonnegut, Joseph Heller and Amy Tan. Faith died in 1999.[5] Sale worked initially in journalism for the leftist journal New Leader and the New York Times Magazine, before becoming a freelance journalist. He spent time in Ghana and wrote his first book about it. His second book, SDS, was about the radical 1960s group Students for a Democratic Society. Subsequent books explored radical decentralism, bioregionalism, environmentalism, the Luddites and similar themes.[4] He has continued to write for publications like The Nation, CounterPunch, The New York Review of Books, Utne Reader and Mother Jones.

Secessionist activism
Sale argues that the major theme of contemporary history, from the dissolution of the Soviet Union to the expansion of United Nations membership from 51 in 1945 to 192 nations today, is the breakup of great empires. Some on both left and right call for smaller, less powerful government.[2] In 2004, Sale and members of the Second Vermont Republic formed the Middlebury Institute which is dedicated to the study of separatism, secession, and self-determination. Sale is director of the institute. In 2006, Middlebury sponsored the First North American Secessionist Convention [6], which attracted 40 participants from 16 secessionist organizations, and was described as the first gathering of secessionists since the American Civil War. Delegates issued a statement of principles of secession which they presented as The Burlington Declaration [7]. In October 2007, the New York Times interviewed Sale about the Second North American Secessionist Convention [8], co-hosted by the Middlebury Institute. Sale told the interviewer: “The virtue of small government is that the mistakes are small as well...If you want to leave a nation you think is corrupt, inefficient, militaristic, oppressive, repressive, but you don’t want to move to Canada or France, what do you do? Well, the way is through secession, where you could stay home and be where you want to be.”[2] The convention received worldwide media attention. [9] [10] [11]

Kirkpatrick Sale


In 1995, Sale made a public bet with Kevin Kelly that by the year 2020, there would be a convergence of three disasters: Global currency collapse, significant warfare between rich and poor, and environmental disasters of some significant size. The bet was turned into a claim on the FX prediction market, where the probability has hovered around 25%.[12] [1] In his 1990 book The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy, Sale argued that Christopher Columbus was an imperialist bent on conquest from his first voyage. In a New York Times book review, historian and member of the Christopher Columbus Quincentenary Jubilee Committee William H. McNeill wrote about Sale: "he has set out to destroy the heroic image that earlier writers have transmitted to us. Mr. Sale makes Columbus out to be cruel, greedy and incompetent (even as a sailor), and a man who was perversely intent on abusing the natural paradise on which he intruded."[13] The book Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History presents a debate between Sale and Robert Royal, vice president for research at the Ethics and Public Policy Center, who insisted that Columbus was a courageous risk-taker who advanced knowledge about other parts of the world.[14] Sale has described personal computers as "the devil's work"[2] and in the past opened personal appearances by smashing one. During promotion of his 1995 book Rebels Against the Future: The Luddites and Their War on the Industrial Revolution, Sale debated with Newsweek Magazine senior editor and technology columnist Steven Levy "about the relative merits of the communications age".[15] However, Sale currently uses a computer in his secessionist organizing.[2] News stories about the Second North American Secessionist Convention [8], co-sponsored by Sale's Middlebury Institute, mentioned the controversial Southern Poverty Law Center's allegations that the other co-sponsor, The League of the South, was a "racist hate group." Sale responded: "They call everybody racists. There are, no doubt, racists in the League of the South, and there are, no doubt, racists everywhere."[9] [10] The Southern Poverty Law Center later criticized the New York Times' October 2007 Peter Applebombe interview of Sale for not covering its allegations.[16]

• After Eden: The Evolution of Human Domination, Duke University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0-8223-3938-0 • The Fire of His Genius: Robert Fulton and the American Dream, Free Press, 2001. • Why the Sea Is Salt: Poems of Love and Loss, iuniverse, 2001. • Rebels Against the Future: The Luddites and Their War on the Industrial Revolution: Lessons for the Computer Age, Addison Wesley, 1995. • The Green Revolution: The American Environmental Movement, 1962-1992, Hill and Wang, 1993. • The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy, Knopf, 1990. • Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 1985. ISBN 0-87156-847-0 • Human Scale. New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1980. ISBN 0-698-11013-7 • Power Shift: The Rise of the Southern Rim and Its Challenge to the Eastern Establishment. New York: Random House, 1975.

Kirkpatrick Sale • SDS, Random House, 1973. Vintage Books edition (paperback) 1974. ISBN 0394478894 • The Land and People of Ghana, Lippincott, 1963, 1972.


Writings on-line
• links Sale articles as updated [17] at Middlebury Institute, including "Breakdown of Nations," "Small Is Powerful," "Lessons of 9/11," "Things Fall Apart," "Seeing Red - and Seeing Blue," "The Case for American Secession," as well as videos featuring Sale. • Sale contribution in The American Conservative magazine to the topic What is Left? What is Right? Does it matter? [18], August 28, 2006. • Blue State Secession [19], The Nation, December 13, 2005. • Imperial Entropy: Collapse of the American Empire [20], CounterPunch, February 22, 2005. • An End to the Israeli Experiment? Unmaking a Grievous Error [21], CounterPunch, March 3, 2003. • the Fire of His Genius, Robert Fulton and the American Dream [22], summary and first chapter of Sale’s book. • Unabomber's Secret Treatise: Is There Method In His Madness? Electronic Frontier Foundation web site. • The Imposition of Technology [24] • Five Facets of a Myth [25]

, printed at

• An Overview of Decentralism [26], Keynote Remarks at E. F. Schumacher Society Decentralist Conference, June 28-30, 1996. • The Columbian Legacy and the Ecosterian Response [27], E. F. Schumacher Society Third Annual Lecture, October 1990. • Mother of All: An Introduction to Bioregionalism [28], E. F. Schumacher Society Third Annual Lecture, October 1983.

• Interview on Luddism at • • • •

Luddism in the New Millennium, David Kupfer interview [30] Kevin Kelly interview (WiReD) [31], 2004. The Bioregionalist Vision, Julie A. Wortman interview [32] Apostle of Catosptrophe, Derek Turner interview [33], Quarterly Review, 2007 (PDF).

• A Vision of a Nation No Longer in the U.S., Peter Applebaum interview Times, 2007.

, New York

Kirkpatrick Sale


See also
• • • • • → Simple living Secession Bioregionalism Decentralization Human scale

External links
• Prof. Martin Ryder's page on Luddites and neo-Luddites with information on Kirkpatrick Sale [11]

[1] Kevin Kelly, Interview with the Luddite (http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 3. 06/ saleskelly_pr. html), Wired Magazine, 1995. [2] Peter Applebombe, A Vision of a Nation No Longer in the U.S. (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 10/ 18/ nyregion/ 18towns. html), New York Times, October 18, 2007. [3] Richard and Mimi Farina "fan site" (http:/ / www. richardandmimi. com/ cornell. html). [4] Thinkquest Biography Kirkpatrick Sale (http:/ / library. thinkquest. org/ 26026/ People/ kirkpatrick_sale. html). [5] Bruce Weber, Obituary: Faith Sale, 63, a Fiction Editor Known as a Writers' Advocate (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9902E4DE1031F930A25751C1A96F958260), New York Times, December 13, 1999. [6] [7] [8] [9] http:/ / middleburyinstitute. org/ secessionconvention2006. html http:/ / middleburyinstitute. org/ burlingtondeclaration2006. html http:/ / middleburyinstitute. org/ secessionconvention2007. html Bill Poovey, Secessionists Meeting in Tennessee (http:/ / www. wilmingtonstar. com/ article/ 20071004/ NEWS/ 710040357/ -1/ State), Associated Press, October 3, 2007. [10] Leonard Doyle, Anger over Iraq and Bush prompts calls for secession from the US (http:/ / news. independent. co. uk/ world/ americas/ article3028714. ece), Independent, UK, October 4, 2007. [11] WDEF News 12 Video report on Secessionist Convention (http:/ / wdef. com/ news/ secessionists_say_second_north_american_secessionists_convention/ 10/ 2007), October 3, 2007. [12] FX Claim NLud (http:/ / ideafutures. com/ fx-bin/ Claim?claim=NLud& uid=2) [13] William H. McNeill, Review of Kirkpatrick Sale's The Conquest of Paradise (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9C0CE5DD1739F934A35753C1A966958260& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=all), New York Times, October 7, 1990. [14] Larry Madaras, James M. SoRelle, Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History (http:/ / www. dushkin. com/ catalog/ 0072850299. mhtml?SECTION=TOC), McGraw-Hill/Dushkin, 2002. [15] Kirkpatrick Sale-Steven Levy Debate At New Jersey Institute of Technology Will Address Merits of Technology (http:/ / www. njit. edu/ v2/ News/ Releases/ 3336. htm), February 1998. [16] Mark Potok, New York Times Feature on Sale Left Out a Fact or Two (http:/ / www. splcenter. org/ blog/ 2007/ 10/ 23/ times-feature-on-sale-left-out-a-fact-or-two/ ), October 23, 2007. [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] http:/ / www. middleburyinstitute. net http:/ / www. amconmag. com/ article/ 2006/ aug/ 28/ 00004/ http:/ / www. thenation. com/ doc. mhtml?i=20041213& s=sale http:/ / www. counterpunch. org/ sale02222005. html http:/ / www. counterpunch. org/ sale03032003. html http:/ / www. ulster. net/ ~hrmm/ diglib/ fulton/ foreward. html http:/ / www. eff. org/ / Censorship/ Terrorism_militias/ sale_unabomber. analysis http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ imposition. htm http:/ / www. non-fides. fr/ spip. php?article231

[26] http:/ / www. schumachersociety. org/ conferences/ kirkkey. html [27] http:/ / www. schumachersociety. org/ publications/ sale_90. html [28] http:/ / www. schumachersociety. org/ publications/ sale_83. html [29] http:/ / www. primitivism. com/ sale. htm [30] http:/ / yeoldeconsciousnessshoppe. com/ art42. html

Kirkpatrick Sale
[31] [32] [33] [34] http:/ / www. wired. com/ wired/ archive/ 3. 06/ saleskelly_pr. html http:/ / thewitness. org/ archive/ 9906/ currentarticle. html http:/ / www. quarterly-review. org/ sitebuildercontent/ sitebuilderfiles/ qr3sale. pdf http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2007/ 10/ 18/ nyregion/ 18towns. html


Jerry Mander
Jerry Mander is an American activist and author, best known for his 1977 book, Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television. His most recent book, The Superferry Chronicles, is about efforts by Hawaiian activists to halt the operation of the Hawaii Superferry. Mander worked in advertising for 15 years, including five as partner and president of Freeman, Mander & Gossage in San Francisco. Mander worked with the noted environmentalist, David Brower, managing the Sierra Club's advertising campaigns to prevent the construction of dams in the Grand Canyon, to establish Redwood National Park, and to stop the U.S. Supersonic Transport (SST) project. In 1971 he founded the first non-profit advertising agency in the United States, Public Interest Communications. Mander is currently the director of the International Forum on Globalization, and the program director for Megatechnology and Globalization at the Foundation for Deep Ecology. Notwithstanding its resemblance to the term "gerrymander", "Jerry Mander" is his real name, not a pseudonym; he was born to Harry and Eva Mander.

• The Great International Paper Airplane Book, with George Dippel and Howard Gossage (1971) ISBN 0-671-21129-3 • Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television (1977) ISBN 0-688-08274-2 • In the Absence of the Sacred (1991) ISBN 0-87156-509-9 • The Case Against the Global Economy and for a Turn Toward the Local, with Edward Goldsmith (1996) ISBN 0-87156-865-9. • Alternatives to Economic Globalization: A Better World Is Possible, Contributor, with the International Forum on Globalization Alternatives Task Force (2004) ISBN 1576753034, ISBN 9781576753033. • Paradigm Wars: Indigenous Peoples' Resistance to Globalization, with Victoria Tauli-Corpuz (2006) ISBN 1-57805-132-0 • The Superferry Chronicles: Hawaii’s Uprising Against Militarism, Commercialism, and the Desecration of the Earth, [1] with Koohan Paik, Koa Books (2008) ISBN 978-0-9773338-8-2

Jerry Mander


External links
• Bad Magic: The Failure of Technology [2] - An Interview with Jerry Mander by Catherine Ingram (from "The Sun" magazine) • The Perils of Globalization [3] - An Interview with Jerry Mander by Scott London (from the radio series "Insight & Outlook") • Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television [4] - A Book Review • The Homogenization of Global Consciousness: Media, Telecommunications and Culture [5] , an Article by Jerry Mander at Lapis Magazine Online • On "Paradigm Wars" [6] - A Talk by Jerry Mander, November 28, 2006 (video) • The Foundation for Deep Ecology [7]

[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] http:/ / www. superferrychronicles. com http:/ / www. ratical. org/ ratville/ AoS/ theSun. html http:/ / www. scottlondon. com/ insight/ scripts/ mander. html http:/ / www. turnoffyourtv. com/ reviews/ Jerry. Mander. html http:/ / www. lapismagazine. org/ content/ view/ 120/ 2/ http:/ / fora. tv/ fora/ showthread. php?t=533 http:/ / www. deepecology. org/

David Watson (anarchist)
David Watson (b. 1951) is an American anarchist author who for many years was a primary contributor to the anti-authoritarian magazine → Fifth Estate, originally founded in Detroit, Michigan and based there for many years. Watson started working with Fifth Estate in the 1960s, but has not been active in the publication for the last few years. As a member of the Fifth Estate staff, Watson has written under many pseudonyms, including George Bradford, T. Fulano, Primitivo Solis, Dogbane Campion, and Mr. Venom. He wrote on a wide variety of subjects for the newspaper, and was an early voice in the anarchist current of radical political ecology and → anarcho-primitivism; his seminal essay "Against the Megamachine" was published in 1981, a number of years before then- → Fifth Estate contributor → John Zerzan completed the series of "origins essays" (about time, language, art, agriculture and number) which established Zerzan's primitivist intellectual foundations. Watson's version of primitivism had many distinctions from Zerzan's, including differences over the question of agriculture, time, and mediation. Watson argued for a "reasoned primitivism," pointedly so in his 1996 critique of social ecologist Murray Bookchin, Beyond Bookchin: Preface for a Future Social Ecology. This was in Watson's view a primitivist orientation, (following Stanley Diamond and ethno-poetics) that would affirm the insights of primitive (or original) and indigenous societies while avoiding simplistic imitation of their lifeways in the context of modern society. While defending the perspectives of indigenous peoples, Watson also worked to publish news on and to support indigenous land and rights struggles. Troubled by the views of Zerzan and other primitivist writers such as → John Moore, Watson distanced himself from ideological primitivism in his 1996 essay "Swamp Fever." Watson's poetry, translations, essays, and articles have been published in various literary magazines and journals. His work has been translated into Spanish (his book Contra la

David Watson (anarchist) megamaquina was published by aliKornio ediciones in 2002 in Barcelona), Portuguese, Italian, and Russian. He is currently working on a book about the responses of the left to the collapse of Yugoslavia, the subsequent wars, and Western intervention. Some of his articles on this subject can be found at the Balkan Witness website.


External links
• • • • • • • • • • Beyond Bookchin [1] Against the Megamachine [2] "Swamp Fever, Primitivism & the "Ideological Vortex": Farewell to All That" "Civilization Is Like A Jetliner" by T Fulano [4] "On the Road to Nowhere" [5] "On the 150th Anniversary of the Communist Manifesto" [6] "We All Live in Bhopal" by George Bradford [7] "Milosevic “Crucified”: Counter-Spin as Useful Idiocy" [8] "The Balkan Wars and the New World Dis/Order" [9] "Late Summer Wars" [10]

[1] http:/ / www. blackandred. org/ pages/ catalog. html [2] http:/ / bookstore. autonomedia. org/ index. php?main_page=pubs_product_book_info& products_id=5 [3] http:/ / www. insurgentdesire. org. uk/ swampfever. htm [4] http:/ / www. beatingheartspress. com/ civilizationjetliner. html [5] http:/ / www. newint. org/ issue266/ road. htm [6] http:/ / www. newint. org/ issue307/ manifesto. htm [7] http:/ / www. eco-action. org/ dt/ bhopal. html [8] http:/ / citycellar. com/ BalkanWitness/ watson2. htm [9] http:/ / citycellar. com/ BalkanWitness/ watson. htm [10] http:/ / 72. 29. 73. 163/ ~vox/ ac/ F08/ f08. html

Bob Black


Bob Black
Western Philosophy 20th-century philosophy Full name Birth School/tradition Robert Charles Black, Jr. January 4, 1951
→ Post-left anarchy

Bob Black (born Robert Charles Black, Jr. on January 4, 1951) is an American anarchist and lawyer. He is the author of The Abolition of Work and Other Essays, Beneath the Underground, Friendly Fire, Anarchy After Leftism, and numerous political essays. Kenn Thomas hailed Black in 1999 as a "defender of the most liberatory tendencies within modern anti-authoritarian thought".[1]

Literary work
Beginning in the late 1970s, Bob Black was one of the earliest people to advocate what is now called → post-left anarchy. In his vociferously confrontational writing style he has criticized many of the perceived sacred cows of leftist, anarchist, and activist thought. An unaffiliated New Leftist in his college years, Black became dissatisfied with authoritarian socialist ideology and after discovering anarchism spent much of his energy analyzing authoritarian tendencies within ostensibly "anti-authoritarian" groups. In his essay "My Anarchism Problem" he writes: "To call yourself an anarchist is to invite identification with an unpredictable array of associations, an ensemble which is unlikely to mean the same thing to any two people, including any two anarchists." Though not an → anarcho-primitivist, he sometimes writes for and has strongly influenced anarcho-primitivist publications. Some of his work from the early 1980s (anthologized in The Abolition of Work and Other Essays) highlights his critiques of the nuclear freeze movement ("Anti-Nuclear Terror"), the editors of Processed World ("Circle A Deceit: A Review of Processed World"), "radical feminists" ("Feminism as Fascism"), and Libertarians ("The Libertarian As Conservative").

The Abolition of Work
The Abolition of Work, Black's most widely read essay, draws upon the ideas of Charles Fourier, William Morris, Paul Goodman, and → Marshall Sahlins. In it he argues for the abolition of the producer- and consumer-based society, where, Black contends, all of life is devoted to the production and consumption of commodities. Attacking Marxist state socialism as much as market capitalism, Black argues that the only way for humans to be free is to reclaim their time from jobs and employment, instead turning necessary subsistence tasks into free play done voluntarily - an approach referred to as "ludic". The essay argues that "no-one should ever work", because work - defined as compulsory productive activity enforced by economic or political means - is the source of most of the misery in the world. Black denounces work for its compulsion, and for the forms it takes - as subordination to a boss, as a "job" which turns a potentially enjoyable task into a meaningless chore, for the degradation imposed by systems of work-discipline, and for the large number of work-related deaths and injuries - which Black typifies as "homicide". He

Bob Black views the subordination enacted in workplaces as "a mockery of freedom", and denounces as hypocrites the various theorists who support freedom while supporting work. Subordination in work, Black alleges, makes people stupid and creates fear of freedom. Because of work, people become accustomed to rigidity and regularity, and do not have the time for friendship or meaningful activity. Most workers, he states, are dissatisfied with work (as evidenced by petty deviance on the job), so that what he says should be uncontroversial; however, it is controversial only because people are too close to the work-system to see its flaws. Play, in contrast, is not necessarily rule-governed, and is performed voluntarily, in complete freedom, as a gift economy. He points out that → hunter-gatherer societies are typified by play, a view he backs up with the work of → Marshall Sahlins; he recounts the rise of hierarchal societies, through which work is cumulatively imposed, so that the compulsive work of today would seem incomprehensibly oppressive even to ancients and medieval peasants. He responds to the view that "work," if not simply effort or energy, is necessary to get important but unpleasant tasks done, by claiming that first of all, most important tasks can be rendered ludic, or "salvaged" by being turned into game-like and craft-like activities, and secondly that the vast majority of work does not need doing at all. The latter tasks are unnecessary because they only serve functions of commerce and social control that exist only to maintain the work-system as a whole. As for what is left, he advocates Charles Fourier's approach of arranging activities so that people will want to do them. He is also skeptical but open-minded about the possibility of eliminating work through labour-saving technologies. He feels the left cannot go far enough in its critiques because of its attachment to building its power on the category of workers, which requires a valorization of work.


Anarchy After Leftism, and the Bookchin controversy
Beginning in 1997, Black became involved in a debate sparked by the work of anarchist and founder of the Institute for Social Ecology Murray Bookchin, an outspoken critic of the post-left anarchist tendency. Bookchin wrote and published Social Anarchism or Lifestyle Anarchism: An Unbridgeable Chasm, labeling post-left anarchists and others as "lifestyle anarchists" - thus following up a theme developed in his Philosophy of Social Ecology. Though he does not refer directly to Black's work (an omission which Black interprets as symptomatic), Bookchin clearly has Black's rejection of work as an implicit target when he criticises authors such as → John Zerzan and → Dave Watson, whom he controversially labels part of the same tendency. For Bookchin, "lifestyle anarchism" is individualistic and childish. "Lifestyle anarchists" demand "anarchy now", imagining they can create a new society through individual lifestyle changes. In his view this is a kind of fake-dissident consumerism which ultimately has no impact on the functioning of capitalism because it fails to recognise the realities of the present. He grounds this polemic in a social-realist critique of relativism, which he associates with lifestyle anarchism as well as postmodernism (to which he claims it is related). Ludic approaches, he claims, lead to social indifference and egotism similar to that of capitalism. Against this approach, he advocates a variety of anarchism in which social struggles take precedence over individual actions, with the evolution of the struggle emerging dialectically as in classical Marxist theory. The unbridgeable chasm of the book's title is between individual "autonomy" - which for Bookchin is a bourgeois illusion - and social "freedom", which implies direct democracy, municipalism, and leftist concerns with

Bob Black social opportunities. In practice his agenda takes the form of a combination of elements of anarchist communism with a support for local-government and NGO initiatives which he refers to as Libertarian Municipalism. He claims that "lifestyle anarchism" goes against the fundamental tenets of anarchism, accusing it of being "decadent" and "petty-bourgeois" and an outgrowth of American decadence and a period of declining struggle, and speaks in nostalgic terms of "the Left that was" as, for all its flaws, vastly superior to what has come since. In response, Black published Anarchy After Leftism which later became a seminal post-left work.[1] The text is a combination of point-by-point, almost legalistic dissection of Bookchin's argument, with bitter theoretical polemic, and even personal insult against Bookchin (whom he refers to as "the Dean" throughout). Black accuses Bookchin of moralism, which in post-left anarchism, refers to the imposition of abstract categories on reality in ways which twist and repress desires (as distinct from "ethics", which is an ethos of living similar to Friedrich Nietzsche's call for an ethic "beyond good and evil"), and of "puritanism", a variant of this. He attacks Bookchin for his Stalinist origins, and his failure to renounce his own past affiliations with what he himself had denounced as "lifestylist" themes (such as the slogans of May 1968). He claims that the categories of "lifestyle anarchism" and "individualist anarchism" are straw-men. He alleges that Bookchin adopts a "work ethic", and that his favored themes, such as the denunciation of Yuppies, actually repeat themes in mass consumer culture, and that he fails to analyze the social basis of capitalist "selfishness"; instead, Black calls for an enlightened "selfishness" which is simultaneously social, as in Max Stirner's work. Bookchin, Black claims, has misunderstood the critique of work as asocial, when in fact it proposes non-compulsive social relations. He argues that Bookchin believes labour to be essential to humans, and thus is opposed to the abolition of work. And he takes him to case for ignoring Black's own writings on work, for idealizing technology, and for misunderstanding the history of work. He denounces Bookchin's alleged failure to form links with the leftist groups he now praises, and for denouncing others for failings (such as not having a mass audience, and receiving favourable reviews from "yuppie" magazines) of which he is himself guilty. He accuses Bookchin of self-contradiction, such as calling the same people "bourgeois" and "lumpen", or "individualist" and "fascist". He alleges that Bookchin's "social freedom" is "metaphorical" and has no real content of freedom. He criticizes Bookchin's appropriation of the anarchist tradition, arguing against his dismissal of authors such as Stirner and Paul Goodman, rebuking Bookchin for implicitly identifying such authors with anarcho-capitalism, and defending what he calls an "epistemic break" made by the likes of Stirner and Nietzsche. He alleges that the post-left "disdain for theory" is simply Bookchin's way of saying they ignore his own theories. He offers a detailed response to Bookchin's accusation of an association of eco-anarchism with fascism via a supposed common root in German romanticism, criticising both the derivation of the link (which he terms "McCarthyist") and the portrayal of romanticism itself, suggesting that Bookchin's sources such as Mikhail Bakunin are no more politically correct than those he denounces, and accusing him of echoing fascist rhetoric and propaganda. He provides evidence to dispute Bookchin's association of "terrorism" with individualist rather than social anarchism. He points to carnivalesque aspects of the Spanish Revolution to undermine Bookchin's dualism.


Bob Black Black then rehearses the post-left critique of organization, drawing on his knowledge of anarchist history in an attempt to rebut Bookchin's accusation that anti-organizationalism is based in ignorance. He claims among other things that direct democracy is impossible in urban settings, that it degenerates into bureaucracy, and that organizationalist anarchists such as the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo sold out to state power. He argues that Bookchin is not an anarchist at all, but rather, a "municipal statist" or "city-statist" committed to local government by a local state - smattering his discussion with further point-by-point objections (for instance, over whether New York is an "organic community" given the alleged high crime-rate and whether confederated municipalities are compatible with direct democracy). He also takes up Bookchin's opposition to relativism, arguing that this is confirmed by science, especially anthropology - proceeding to produce evidence that Bookchin's work has received hostile reviews in social-science journals, thus attacking his scientific credentials, and to denounce dialectics as unscientific. He then argues point-by-point with Bookchin's criticisms of → primitivism, debating issues such as life-expectancy statistics and alleged ecological destruction by hunter-gatherers. And he concludes with a clarion-call for an anarchist paradigm-shift based on post-left themes, celebrating this as the "anarchy after leftism" of the title. Bookchin never replied to Black's critiques, which he continued in such essays as "Withered Anarchism," "An American in Paris," and "Murray Bookchin and the Witch-Doctors." Bookchin later repudiated anarchism in favor of a form of direct democracy he called "communalism".


Controversy concerning the Church of the SubGenius
According to two accounts by Black, he received a bomb in the mail at his street address on November 22, 1989.[2] Black claimed it was a member of the Church of the SubGenius, John Hagen-Brenner, who sent him an "improvised explosive device consisting of an audio cassette holder wired with four cadium-type batteries, four flashbulbs, and five firecrackers",[3] as described in the charging document filed in Federal District Court. According to Black, he thought the package looked suspicious, then on impulse "threw it against the wall. There was a flash (the flashcubes) and a puff of smoke, but the firecrackers did not go off."[3] Black turned the device in to the police. Black believes that the device was sent to him because of criticism he had made of the Church, and he has repeatedly brought up the incident in his writings concerning the Church.[2] Ivan Stang and other members of the Church have denied any involvement in this incident, and no one else was charged. One of Black's texts was reposted and dismissed on the SubGenius mailing-list.[2]

Bob Black


Hogshire Controversy
After a visit to the house of drugs writer Jim Hogshire during which Black claimed to have been threatened by Mr Hogshire, Black sent a letter to the Seattle police [4] which resulted in Hogshire's arrest, and the rejection of Mr Black's work by his former publisher, Loompanics.

Other notable controversy
In Ward Churchill's "A Little Matter Of Genocide", Bob Black downplays the genocide and massacre of the indigenous natives; Black countered with negative articles about Churchill on the web.

External links
• Bob Black

at the Spunk Library

• The entire text of Bob Black’s 1986 collection The Abolition of Work and Other Essays at Inspiracy [6] • The Abolition of Work [7] • Gerry Reith archive at Inspiracy [8] • Future Nexus [9] • Listen Anarchist! [10] a critique by Chaz Bufe

[1] Thomas, Kenn (1999). Cyberculture Counterconspiracy. Book Tree. ISBN 1585091251. [2] Black, Bob (1989). "Bomb 'Em If They Can't Take a Joke" (http:/ / www. inspiracy. com/ black/ bomb. html), 1989 (post-November 22), reprinted at [3] Black, Bob. " They Don't Call it SubGenius for Nothing (http:/ / www. spunk. org/ library/ writers/ black/ sp001674. html)". Spunk Library. . Retrieved on 2008-10-28. [4] http:/ / www. seesharppress. com/ black. html [5] http:/ / www. spunk. org/ library/ writers/ black [6] http:/ / inspiracy. com/ black/ [7] http:/ / www. zpub. com/ notes/ black. html [8] http:/ / www. inspiracy. com/ minitrue/ index. html [9] http:/ / futurenexus. blogspot. com [10] http:/ / www. seesharppress. com/ listen. html

Edward Abbey


Edward Abbey
Edward Paul Abbey (January 29, 1927 – March 14, 1989) was an American author and essayist noted for his advocacy of environmental issues and criticism of public land policies. His best-known works include the novel The Monkey Wrench Gang, which has been cited as an inspiration by radical environmental groups, and the non-fiction work Desert Solitaire. Writer Larry McMurtry referred to Abbey as the "Thoreau of the American West".

Abbey was born in Indiana, Pennsylvania, and grew up in nearby Home, Pennsylvania, where there is a Pennsylvania state historical marker in his honor.[1] This Appalachian upbringing remained an influence on him throughout his life, and he addressed it at various points in his writing, most extensively in The Fool's Progress and Appalachian Wilderness. In the summer of 1944 he headed west, and fell in love with the desert country of the Four Corners region. He wrote, "For the first time, I felt I was getting close to the West of my deepest imaginings, the place where the tangible and the mythical became the same." He received a Master's Degree in philosophy from the University of New Mexico and also studied at the University of Edinburgh. In the late 1950s Abbey worked as a seasonal ranger for the United States National Park Service at Arches National Monument (now a national park), near the town of Moab, Utah, which was not then known for extreme sports but for its desolation and uranium mines. It was there that he penned the journals that would become one of his most famous works, 1968's Desert Solitaire, which Abbey described "...not [as] a travel guide, but an elegy." Desert Solitaire is regarded as one of the finest nature narratives in American literature, and has been compared to Aldo Leopold's A Sand County Almanac and Thoreau's Walden. In it, Abbey vividly describes the physical landscapes of Southern Utah and delights in his isolation as a ba