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Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Congress in the American V7ar,

of the












President of the united states of America.






you a fmall Treatife

in defence

of thofe Principles of Freedom which your exemplary Virtue hath fo eminently contributed to

That the Rights of

Man may


as univerfal as

your Benevolence can wifh, and that you
the Happinefs of feeing the
the old,



New World


the Prayer of

Your much


Obedient humble Servant,



from a long and recent refidence at the Court of Verfailles in the tic Diplomait department. it reflects honor the on the fource from which flows. and. at the fame time that it does juftice to the writings of Mr. Paine. equal- ly eminent in the councils of America." . that the Prinits hopes the diftinguifhed writer will excufe It pre- fent appearance. rally a have no doubt our citizens will fecond " time round ihejiandard of Common Sense. State obferves the Secretary of " I am extremely pleafed to find it will be re- " printed here. and converfant in the affairs of France. proceeds from a character. by directing mind to a contemplation of that Republican firmnefs their poffef- and Democratic fimplicity which endear for to* every friend of the " PviGHTs of Man?' After fome prefatory remarks. and that fomething is at length to " be publicly faid againft the political herefies which " have fprung up among " I us.: THE ter following Extraft from a note accompathis nying a copy of Pamphlet for republication. its is fo refpe&able a teftimony of value.

or the malignancy of his defpair. nor fortitude to fupport it and now that there is one. that it furnifhes him with new pretences to go on. Neither the people of France. There is fcarcely an epithet of abufe to be found in the Englifh language. Hitherto Mr. When the tongue or the pen is let loofe in a phrenzy of paffion. nor the National Affembly. that the French had neither fpirit to undertake it. Price (one of the beft-heartod men that lives. Burke's pamphlet on the French Revolution is an extraordinary inftance. prejudice. the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and irritate each other. Mr. both in parliament and in public. ftitutional Societies.. nor juftified on that of policy. or the EngliiTi Parliament and why Mr. Burke has not loaded the French nation and the National Affembly. that becomes exhaufted. There was a time when it was impoflible to make Mr. In the ftrain and on the plan Mr. Burke His opinion believe there would be any revolution in France. Every thing which rancour. he feeks an efcape by condemning it. ignorance or knowledge could fuggeft. Burke was writing. &c. Not fufficiently content with abuiing the National Affembly. with which Mr. were troubling themfelves about the affairs of England. he might have wrote on to as many thoufands. is a conduct that cannot be pardoned on the fcore of manners. Burke has been miftaken and difappointed in the opinions he had formed of the affairs of France but fuch is the ingenuity of his hope. and not the fubjecl. B £**• . a great part of his work is taken up with abuiing Dr.RIGHTS A MONG . are poured forth in the copious fury of near four hundred pages. then was.) and the two focieties in England known by the name of the Revolution and the Coaj *. of MAN. Burke Ihould commence an unprovoked attack upon them. it is the man.

Mr. and that fuch rights do not now exift in the nation. ** binds us— (mean* <c ing the people of that day)-— our heirs and our pqjierity9 €S to them. he quotes a declaration made by parliament about a hundred years ago. and what ' more ftrangc the practf- and marvellous. but to maintain they have net rights* ical an entire new fpeeies of difcovery. frame a government for ourfelves. or anywhere at all. and that they will it refift cal afltTtion of with their lives and fortunes. that. in thefe words : " The Lords fpiritual and temporal.' 3. to William and Mary. that the people of England utter- ly difclaim fuch a right. and fuitedtothe paradoxgenius of Mr. b^ing the anniverfary of what is called in England the RtvVution which took place 1688. which lie enforces by faying that they exclude . and with 4< ** the name of the people aforefaid living) fubmit and pofterities % for ever. Price does not fay that the right to do thefe things * To To To chnfe our own governors. for his arguments are. the peo* pie of England have acquired three fundamental rights Dr. and fpend their is and fortunes. that the perfons. denies that fuch a right exifts in the nation. Burke conceives his point fufficiently eftabliftied by faithfully cc England then — moft — (meaning the people of humbly and themfelves. bur that that it is a right re- %lem part. in whom they did exift. Burke. or in this or in that defcription. of perfons. and Commons. not to maintain their rights. exifts in the whole-. Burke. do. he * * fays. in are dead. Dr. The method which Mr. fpeaking of a this * * The political Divine proceeds dogmatically by the principles of the Revolution. 1789. chalhier them for mifconducl. to the end of time." Mr.* lives That men fhould take up arms. Price had preached fermon." He alfo quotes a claufe of another ac*t of parliament made in the fame reign. he fays. the terms of which. exifts in this or in that it perfun. fays.: E <5 3 fermon on the 4th of November. their heirs producing thofe claufes. Burke takes to prove that the people of England have no fuch rights. ' 2. c 1 1. to afTert. or the generation of perfons. Burke. either in whole or in part. on the contrary. their hevs and pofterity. either in is ftill whole or ia or that it exifts aay where. them the right is dead alfo. To prove this. in the nation --- Mr. is Of the fame marvellous and monftrous kind with what he has already faid.

Burke occafionalfy applies the poifon (if it his horrid principles is not a prophanation to drawn from call them by the name of principles) not only to the Englifh nation. but. that of binding and controuling pofterity to the end of time. that if repeated over and over again. the right which they pofTeiTed by delegation.*— Every age and generation muft be as free to act for itfelf. therefore. they fet up another right by afftimption. in nil cafes > as the ages and generations which preceded it. had no more right to difpofe of the people of the prefent day. for themfelves.— C 7 3 : exclude the right of the nation for ever •with and not yet content fuch making fuch fays. and there never can exift a parliament. with refpect to the fecond.not only in England. or to bind or to controul them in anyjhape •whatever* . . but to the French Revolution and the National AlTembly. and which it appeared right fhould ne done but. fans ceremonie. illuminated and illuminating body of men with the epithet of ufurpers. The Englifh Parliament of l 688 did a certain thing. he further * the people of England pofleiTed a right before the Revolution. in any country. or who (hall govern it And therefore all fuch claufes. which they pofTeiTed by delegation. (which he acknowledges to have been the cafe. is the moft ridiculous and infolent of all tyrannies. but throughout Europe. and for all their pojlerity for ever? As Mr. The vanity and prefumption of governing beyond the grave. I reply— There never did. place another fyftem of principles in oppoiition to his. Man has no property in man . in addition to this right. or any generation of men. at * the time of the Revolution. : : neither has any generation a property in the generations which are to follow. there never will. J he firft is admitted. or of any other period. The cafe. at an early period) c yet that the Englifh nation did. divides itfelf into two parts. tnoft folemnly renounce and ab1 dicate it. and the right which they fet up by afTumption. and charges that auguft. by which the makers of them attempt to do what they have neither the right nor the power to do. which for themfelves and their conftituents. they had a right to dp. I fhall. or any defcription of men. acts or declarations. pofiefTed of the right or the power of binding and contiouling pofleriry to the " end of time* or of commanding for ever how the world fhallbe governed. The parliament or the people of i688. nor the power to execute. * declarations. are in themfelves null and void.

he has no longer any authority in dithe living.. and controuled and contracted for. The laws of every country mufr. and configned the field. omnipotent as it has called itfelf. are of the fame nature. to all the purpofes recting who fhall be its governors. by the manuand Mr. bind or controul thofe who are to live a hundred or a thoufand years hence. that are to be accommodated. or how adminiftered. that two non-entities. any party here or elfewhere. When man ceafes to be. that the one fhould controul the other to the end of | lime fa . people like beafts of the pointed. or any other parliament. his power and his wants ceafe with him . Burke fays. what rule or principle can be laid down. Every generation is and muft be competent quire. be analogous to fome cornmen principle. and who never can meet in this world. the one out of exiftence. and againfi: their being willed away. tending for the authority of the dead over the rights and free- dom their of the living. nor againft. quitted the world. No. and having no longer any participation in the concerns of this world. ed. or how its government fhall be organized. nor againfr. any form of government. can bind or controul the perfonal freedom even of an individual beyond the age of twenty-one years On what ground of right : then could the parliament of 1688. In England. which a whole nation choofes to do. Where then does the right exift ? I am contending for the right of the living. Burke builds church. It is which its occafions reand not the dead. no parent or matter. and mentary is to whatever fucceiTor they ap- now fo exploded as fcarcely to be rememberparliahis political monftrous as hardly to be believed : But the claufes upon which Mr. crowns by This fo will There was a time when kings difpofed of upon their death-beds.C 8 ] whatever. nor all the authority of parliament. and the other not in. nor for. That Mr. bind all pofterity for ever ? Thole' who have it. than the parliament or the people of the prefent day have to difpofe of. it has a right to do. and thofe who as the are not yet arrived at are as remote from each other utmoft ob- ftretch of mortal imagination can conceive: What poffible ligation then can exift between them. Burke is confcript afTumed authority of the dead . I am not contending for.

ferve to demonftrate how neceffary it is at all times to watch againft the attempted encroachment of power. has the divine right to govern been impoMr. not to his caufe. and he has fhortened his journey to Rome. certainly be more than human. Burke has difcovered sed on the credulity of mankind a new one. both of them muft be equally null and void. and that there does not now exift in the nation. becaufe none could give it) over the perfons and freedom of pofterity for ever. who exifted a hundred years ago. a power to alter it. and of no effect.acted". It is fomewhat extraordinary. and t® prevent its running to excefs. as of divine authodays ! . (for in principle they differ not) that the one was an ufurper over the living. than what Mr. or from whence. and could not have it. and limit and confine their rights of acting in certain cafes for ever.r 9 ] In England. rity : for that power muft. who were not in exiftence to give or with-hold their confent ? A ^greater abfurdity cannot ing of man. tells prefent ' itfelf to the underftand- Burke offers to his readers.. it is faid that money cannot be taken out of : the pockets of the people without their confenr rized. that the offence for which James II. by bringing thofe claufes into public view. by the parliament that expelled him. But Mr. He them. but to his country. by appealing to the power of this infallible parliament of former and he produces what it has done. and the other over the unborn •. that the rights of man were but imperfectly underftood at the Revolution . that the right which that parliament fet up by ajjiunption (for by delegation it had it not. for certain it is. does Mr. that of fist* ting up power by ajfiimption^ mould be re. But who autho- controul and and who could authorize the parliament of 1688 to take away the freedom of pofterity. or abfurdities. and he tells the world to come. ties. Burke prove the of any human power to bind pofterity for ever | He has produce4 . which no human power to the end of time can alter. under another fhape and form. Under how many -fubtil* nor ever can. was of the fame tyrannical unfounded kind which James attempted to fet up over the parliament and the nation. Burke has done fome fervice. and for which he was expelled. was expelled. dy of men. From rigljt what. made a law. It {hews. They The only difference is. and as the one has no better authority to ftand upon than the other. that a certain bo- . nor ever will.

for whatever appertains to the naIt is the natuie ture of man. deftroy the Tney become null* by attempting to become The nature of them piecludes confent. and. and he will continue to die as long as he contiBut Mr. cannot be annihilated by man. parliament of 1688 might as well have pafTed an aft to have aut«horifed themfelves to live for ever. It requires but a very fmall glance of thought to perceive. and therefore cannot be a right of parliament. . If it ever that fuch a right exifted. Burke's pofitions. he muft therefore prove that his Adam pofleffed fuch a power. and as government is it is the living only that That which may be thought right and found . live for ever ! The circumftances of the world are continually changing. and (hew how it exifted. Burke has fet up a fort of political nues to be born. the authorities muft have been given up. of man to die. he would have proceeded as Mr. ft retchis and the worfe the policy to ftreuh unlefs it in- tended to break it. it mult now exift . The parliament. A repealed continues in force. Burke's their favour. exifted. the lefs will it bear to be it. yet that they continue to law not derive their force from the confent of the Jiving. formality of words. . The weaker any ed. Burke has done. and the non-repealing pafles for eonfent. had faid. in whom all pofterity are bound for ever. They right which they might have. not becaufe it cannot be repealed.C if* 3 but he muft produce alfo his proofs. that they are a as if thofe who ufed them had addrefTed a congratulation to themfelves. as to make their All therefore that can be faid cf them authority live for ever. and the inftant the queftion of right was darted. on purpofe to have calltd the right of them into queftion . or fuch a right. but becaufe it is not repealed . and not for the dead. by grounding it on Immortal power is not a hua right which they cannot have. produced his claufes .Adam. Had a perfon contemplated the overthrow of Mr. He would h^ve magnified the authorities. in the oriental ftile of antiquity. is. man right. has any right in it. But Mr. and the opinions of men change alfo for the living. claufes have not even this qualification in Immortal. cord is is. that although laws made in one generation often continue in force through fucceeding generations. of as much import.

and which take a and to be free. and emphatically fays. or the dead ? As almoft one hundred pages of Mr. In fuch cafes." from which Mr. " re" nounced and abdicated for ever. that all his voluminous inferI reft ences and declamation drawn therefrom. that if theclaufes themielvts. are all his declamation and his argument. Burke's book has the appearance of being written struction the French nation . but if I may permit myfelf the ufe of an extravagant metaphor. Burke's book are employed upon thefe claufes. We now come more to particularly to the affairs of France. are null and void alfo : and on this ground the matter. Who is to decide." by thofe who are now no more. it will confequently follow*. though gay with flowers. as in- Mr. and do it only for diftinction's fake) to the National AfTembly on the iithof July 1789. and in their nature null and void. as Mr. While I am writing this. parchments to prove that the rights of the living are loft. fo far as they fet up an affumed. is the fource fhe wills it. de la Fayette* I take the liberty of adding an anecdote refpecting his fare- well . there is accidentally before me fome propofals for a declaration of rights by the Marquis dc la Fayette (I afk his pardon for ufing his former addrefs. and foul-animating fentiments Few and fhort as they are. and do not finifti. fuited to the extravagance of the cafe. and obfeure. Burke draw their Inftead of referring to mufty records and mouldy principles. and I cannot but be (truck how oppofite the fources are from which that Gentleman and Mr. and nothing in the cient that (he it . As trill I have introduced the mention of M. it is fufneient that How dry. may be thought wrong and found inconvenient in another. de la Fayette applies to the living world. compared with thefe clear. ufurp~ 4d dominion over pofterity for ever. concife. M. is fuffi- knows heart. with mufic in the ear. i " u recognized by all: — For new force when they are folemnly it a nation to love liberty. it is darknefs attempting to illuminate light. ** Call to mind the fenti" ments which Nature has engraved in the heart of every citi<l zen. the living. they lead on to a vaft field of generous and manly thinking. barren. are unauthoritative.C » 3 found convenient in one age. like Mr. Burke's periods. Burke has done. three days before the taking of the Baftille . or founded thereon. Burke labours 5 and how ineffectual.

who would exchange fuch a fcene for the woods and wildernefs of America. that Count Vergennes was an ariftocratical defpot at home. and he was on the point of taking his final departure.. he prefented himfelf 10 Congrefs. Jap of fenfual Situated in a country that was like the and with the means of enjoying it. and the augean ftable of parafites and plunderers too abominably filthy to be cleanfed. as certain other perfons now dread the example of and Mr. and they were become too deeply rooted to be removed. but never could obtain his confent. ferve as a lejfon to the " Qpprefor. or the moft fanguinary tyrant. raifed to Liberty. Burke fhews that he is ignorant of the fprings and principles of the French revolution. and which occurred frefh to my mind when I faw Mr. he applied to Count Vergennes to have it inferted in The the French Gazette. who was then in France. and pafs the flowery years of youth in unprofitable danger and hardfhip But fuch is the fact. and dreaded the example of the American revolution in France. and continued a vo- lunteer in her fervice to the end. Burke's tribute of the French revolution in England J:ear (for in this light his book muft be confidered) runs paralpleafure. with more fury. " We have feen (fays Mr. than any people has been known to rife againft the " moft illegal ufurper."— This is one among a thoufand other inftances. It was not againft Louis the XVIth. in his affectionate farewell. His conduct through the whole of that enterprife is one of the moft extraordinary that hiftory of a young man. to return more parti* cularly to his work. but againft the despotic principles of the government. outrage.— M. and an example to the oppreffedl" When this addrefs came to the hands of Doctor Franklin. fcarcely then is to be found in the twenty years of age. the revolution he had feen. But. When the war ended.'de la Fayette went to America at an early period of the war. Burke) the French rebel againit " a mild and lawful Monarch. that the nation revolted. Burked thundering attack on the French Revolution. exprefied himfelf in thefe words " May & this great monument. and contemplating. Thefe principles had not their origin in him.— [ 12 ] well addrefs to the Congrefs of America in 1 783. . how few are there to be found ! : -. and " infill t. lel with Count Vergennes' refufal. many centuries back . but in the original eftablifhment. in which Mr. fact was.

It takes in a too vaft for their views to explore. acted under that hereditary defpo- were ft ill liable to be revived in the hands of a fucceflbr. and there remained no choice but to The King was act with determined vigour. revolution. it was againft the hereditary defpotifm of the eftablifhed government. while there lies no charge of defpotifm againft the former. That was then arrived. tifm. by any thing fhort of a complete and univerfal revolution. contributed nothing to alter the hereditary defpotifm of the monarchy.[ 13 3 •d. revolution has been carried. defpotifm has eftablifhed it is for ages in a country. and not againft the perfon or principles of the former. Burke. is not a difcontinuance of its principles. or not attempt it. that the revolt commenced. But there are many points of view in which this revolution itfelf may be confidered. It A Charles on the virtue and fortitude of the nation. ever poflefTed a heart fo little difpofed to the exercife of that fpecies of power as the pre- itfelf ftill But the principles of the government remained the fame. and proceeds with a mightinefs of reafon they cannot keep pace with. Burke does not attend to the diftinction between men and principles. the latter. the former depends on the virtue of the individual who is in immediate pofteffion of the power . and James II. and this circumftance was favorable to the enterprife. the whole heart and foul crifis fhould go into the meafurc. of the practice of defpotifm. the revolt was againft the perfonal defpotifm of the men . are not qualified to judge of this field pofterity for ever like Mr. not in the perfon of the la King only that it It has the appearance of being fo C . or not to act at all. Mr. and therefore he does not fee that a revolt may take place againft the defpotifm of the latter. In the cafe of I. When it becomes neceffary to do a thing. AU the tyrannies of former reigns. and the fent King of France. Perhaps no man bred up in the ftile of au abfolute King. of England. The Monarch and the Monarchy were diftinct and feparate things . When refides. known to be the friend of the nation. and it was againft the eftablifhed defpotifm of the latter. as in France. whereas in France. The natural moderation of Louis XVI. encafual difcontinuance lightened as (he was then become. was not the refpite of a reign that would fatisfy France. But men who can confign over the rights of on the authority of a mouldy parchment.

and the ministerial defpotifm operating every-where. proceeding on through an endlefs. but it is not fo in pracIt has its ftandard every where. till at laft the whole of it is acted by deputation. But. there was a rival/hip of defpotifm. in the inftance of ^rance. divides and fubdivides itfelf into a thoufand fhapes and forms. and in nominal authority . Every place has its Baftille. and tyrannifes under the pretence of obey- When a man reflects on the condition which France was from the nature of her government. and he became the victim. he will fee ether caufes for revolt than thofe which immediately connect themselves with the perfon or character of Louis XVI. labyrinth of office till the fource of it is fcarceiy perceptible. Burke confiders as a reproach to the French Revolution (that of bringing it forward under a reign more mild than the preceding ones). though the difpofitions of the men were as remote as tyranny and benevolence. and neither the one nor the other fure independent of man as Mr. What Mr. and the church. It ftrengthens itfelf by aflumiug the appearance of duty. have been excited by perfonal hatred. The revolutions that have taken place in other European countries. ion of the King. as Louis XIV. tice. there is no mode of ing. Mr. fpeaks as if France was a village. befides the feudal defpotifm operating locally. Burke exifted. Burke. redrefs. which had grown up under the hereditary defpotifm of the monarchy. by conlidering the King as the only poffible object of a revolt. There were. Bui ke might have been in the Baftille his whole life. if in I may fo exprefs it. we fee a revolution generated in the rational contemthat fuch a principles of the known v plation . and in fact. But Mr. and againft this fpe- of defpotifm. and every Baftille its The original hereditary defpotifm refident in the per^ defpot. a thoufand defpotifms to be reformed in France. founded upon cuftom and ufage. and no oppreffion could be acted but what he could immediately controul. The rage was againft the man.C 14 j in fhow. cies This was the cafe in France. in which every thing that pafFed n uft be known to its commanding officer. The defpotic government were the fame in both reigns. Every office and department has its defpotifm. the parliament. Between the monarchy. and became fo rooted as to be in a great meait. as well under Louis XVI. is one of its higheft honors.

Burke muft compliment every government in the world.C «5 1 plation of the rights of man. u cheap defence of natiens. it continually recedes and prefents i'ftf at a diftance a-head and when you have got as far as you can go. When we intended fee a man dramatically lamenting in a publication " The age of chivalry is gone I " that The glory of Europe is extingui/hed for ever ! that The " unb ought grace of life (if any one knows what it is). It is therefore difficult to reply to him. whether fold into flavery. when " Ten years ago (fays he) is contemplating governments. that . that Mr. are wholly forgotten. Burke venerates . " without enquiring what the nature of that government was. Burke has outrawork upon that of his readers. through the weaknefs of fympathy. becaufe you proceed along the more. or tortured out of exiftence. Juft thus it is with Mr. Burke ihould recollect that he is writing hiftory. <f I could have felicitated France on her having a government. Burke appears to have no idea of principles. the. there is no point at all. I know a place in America called Point-no-Point . tion. he is difqualified to judge between them. I now proceed to other conlidefeel for the rights rations. Burke's three-hundred and fifty-fix' pages. they are very well calculated for theatrical reprefentation where facts are manufactured for the fake of mow. and not principles. a weeping effect. It is power. and not Plays and that his readers will expect truth. it is in his paradoxes that we muft look for as \ his arguments.'* he tional man? Is it the language of a heart feeling as it ought: to and happinefs of the human race? On this ground Mr. But Mr. the nurfe of manlyfentiment and heto be believed. gay and flowery as Mr Burke's language. But as the points he wifhes to efta'blifh may be inferred from what he abufes. and not the fpouting rant of high-toned exclama*. As ged to the tragic paintings his own imagination.— Thus much for his opinion as to the occasions of the French Revolution. tc roic enterprize % is gone /" and all this beeaufe the Quixote age . and accommodated to produce. and under this abominable depravity. while the victims who fuffer under them. and feeks to by which Mr. *' or how it was Is this the language of a raadminiflered. and diftinguifhiag from the be- ginning between perfons and principles v But Mr.

but in. or what regard can we pay to his facts ? In the rhapfody of his imagination. manner. Burke's horrid paintings. the taking it is mentioned as implying criminality in the French guards who affifled in demollfhing it. the aftoniShnient will be. like the perfon called Lord George Gordon. It . and finiSh with exclaiming pat ion's gone f n Notwithstanding Mr. it is unworthy a rational coniideration. and that with a kind of implication as if he were forry it is pulled down. and tenanted the manSion . and " "We have rebuilt Newgate wifhed it were built up again. and fought a higher conqueft than could be produced by the downfal of an enemy. "They have not (fays he) forgot the taking the king's caftles at Paris. in which the name of the Baftille is mentioned. t( (fays he)." As to what a madman. valry. with but a decent appearance of refpeft. fufhxient apology was a madman that libelled and that is and it afforded an opportunity for confining — * Since writing the above. what opinion can we form of his judgment. The mind of the nation was acted upon by a higher Stimulus than what the consideration of perfons could infpire. Among the few who fell there do not appear to be any that were intentionally Singled out. l n tne one > he introduces it in a fort of obfeure queftion. that were the meditated objects of deftruc"t. and his forrows are. » . Mr. the fame. Burke's pamphlet. cordially obey the orders of thofe whom but the other day. cold-blooded. But fall. Burke. might fay.— [ i<5 ] age of chivalry nonfenfe is gone. that there are no Quixotes to attack them. They all of them had their fate in the circumstances of the moment. unabated revenge which purfued the unfortunate Scotch in the affair of 1745- Mr. — — • • \ . may continue his pa" Othello's occurody to the end. and were not purfued with that long. Burke's book I do not obferve mentioned more than once. who pretends to write on cpnft^tt* tioial freedom. and not perfons. and we have prifons the whole of is Through that the Baftille " €f alrnoft as Strong as the Baftille for thofe who dare to libel the Queens of France*.ion. and to whom Newgate is rather a bedlam than a prifon. when the French Revolution is compared with that of ether countries."—-This is Mr. like that of chi- Should and they had originally fome connection. he has difcovered a world of wind mills. two other places occur in Mr. in bis name> they had committed to the Baftille?" In the other. the trumpeter of the Order. and aiks " Will any minifters who now ferve fuch a king. but this aftonifhment will ceafe when we reflect that it was principles . Burke. if the age of ariftocracy. that it is marked with fa few facrifices .

has he beftowed on thofe who lingered out the moft wretched of lives. But we are to confider it as the ftrength of the parties. a life without hope. He is not affected by the reality of diftrefs touching upon his heart. At a diftance. the whole reprefentative authority of France . and in the grofTeft ftile of the moft vulgar abufe. that I can find throughout his book. not one commiferating reflection. Aiding into death in the filence of a dungeon. Accuftomed to kifs the ariftocratical hand that hath purloined him from himfelf. Burke is forry. the power of the Pope. whatever other people may do. but by the fhowy refemblance of it ftriking his imagination. and not the real pri- muft be a tragedy-victim expiring in soner of mifery. Burke than he is to her. I will give. It is painful to behold a man employing his talents to corrupt himfelf. in the moft unprovoked manner. Burke. and contending for the hTue» The Baftille brought was to . fian to man. His hero or his heroin* fhow. it is difficult not to believe that Mr. appeared only as an act of heroifm. in the moft miferable of prifons. when confidered with the treacherous and hoftile aggravations of the enemies of the Revolution. ceive the poffibility of this tranfaction has its quieting fo foon. i From his violence nuine foul of nature forfakes him. and Burke takes his feat in the Britifh Houfe of Commons and his grief. Burke Baftille has patted over the whole tranfaction of the is (and his filence nothing in his favour). and the Baftille. They will ferve to fhew. has libelled. The mind can hardly picture to itfelf a more tremendous fcene then what the city of Paris exhibited at the time of taking the Baftille. are pulled down.t fining '7 J him. but forgets the dying bird. who does not call himfelf a madman. winch was the thing that was wimed for: But certain it is that Mr. that lefs mifchief could fcarcely have accompanied fuch an event. he degenerates into a competition of art and the geyet tyr. and has en- tertained his readers with reflections on fuppofed fince facts diftor- he has not. nor conted into real falfehoods. (landing on itfelf 5 and the clofe political connection it had with the Revolution is loft in the brilliancy of the achievement. extremely forry. his filence on fome points and his excefs on others. Nature has been kinder to Mr. fome account of the circumftances which preceded that tranfaction. and for two days before and after. Not one glance of companion. that arbitrary power. He pities the plumage. As Mr.

and they knew it. all hopes and profpects of forming a free government. irien can be fuppofed to act in. as defcribed to me in a troops. The National AfTembly. were inftantly difmifTed. was fitting at Verfailies. and commu- nication between that city and the National AfTembly at Verfailies. and to his fhare was given the command of thofe The character of this man. letter which I communicated to Mr. and from an authority which Mr. as well as of freedom. The troops deftined for this fervice were chiefly the this foreign troops in the pay of France. it was The miniftry who judged time to put the plan into execution. fake of humanity. Burke well knows was good. it was necefTary to collect to cut off the large military force round Paris. were who. Burke before he began to write his book. They had the hearts and wifhes of their country on their fide. The guards of Broglio furrounded the hall where the AfTembly — fat. for parti- drawn from the diftant provinces where When they were collected. amount of between twenty five and thirty thoufand. and who were friendly to the Revolution. by a coup de main. twelve miles diftant from About a week before it the riling of the Parifians. were then in office. was that of "an high flying ariftocrat. among whom was Count de Broglio. j in order to carry a" it into execution. when they are fuccefsful againft what they call a revolt. Paris. and capable of every mifchief. feising its members.[ is ] to be either the prize or the prifon of the afTailants." While thefe matters were agitating. the National AfTembly flood in the mod perilous and critical fituation that a body of They were the devoted victim's. to the they were then ftationed. was discovered that a plot was for- ming. the King's youngeft brother. Thisplan mufthavebeen forne time in contemplation bccWfe not fucceed. and thereby crufhing. it For the is well this plan did fully vindictive Examples are not wanting to fhew how dreadand cruel are all old governments. . but military authority they had none. " cool. before and at the time of taking the Baftille. for demoliihing the National AfTembly. and their taking the Baftille. The downfalof tt included the idea of the dewnfal of Defpotifm 5 and this compounded image was become as figuratively united as Bunyan's Doubting Caftle and giant defpair. and a new miniftry formed of thofe who had concerted the project . at the head of which was the Count d'Artois. and cular purpofe.

The reader will carry in his mind j . ready. the caufe they were engaged in. (M. and bolder fortitude. Every thing now was drawing to a crifis. and the crifis then ged. was necefTary . that if the National Afla ward by M. On one fide. The Archbifhop of Vienne was the National AfTembly . an army of nearly thirty thoufond men on the other. ready to burft which mould determine their perfonal and poliand that of their country. but their numbers were fmall. Fayette. and their officers were . reafon for bringing it forward at this moment. were as unarmed and as undifciplined as the citizens of London are now. not a tenth part of the force that Broglio commanded. none but a heart callous with prejuitfelf or corrupted by dependance. de page 15. Had the National AfTembly deferted their truft. and the tical fate. The French guardshad given flrong fymptoms of their being attached to the national ca ife . can avoid interefting at this in their fuccefs. or a few hours. in the intereft of Broglio. The event was freedom or flavery.C fat. '9 J to feize their perfons. in It was haflily fembly mould fall in the threatened definition that then fur- rounded it. or had they exhibit- ed figns of weaknefs or fear. and this It the only inftance of a vice-preiident being chofen. the new miniffry made their appearance ia office. Matters being now ripe for execution. and probably of Europe. A man of more activity. at the word of command. as had bee done the year before to the parliament in Paris. for the prefidency is frill refided in the archbifhop) M» de la Fayette. a perfon too old to time president of undergo the fcene that a few days. fome traces of its principles might have the chance of furviving the wreck. on whom the National AfTembly mud then immediately depend. — . for the citizens of Paris. and the National AfTembly chofe (under the form of a vice-prefident. might bring forth. an unarmed body of citizens . dice. are taken into one view. de la Fayette has fince informed me) was. agreed upon and The particular adopted afterwards by the National AfTembly. their enemies had been encouracountry deprefTedWhen the fituation they flood in. was at the moment that this dorm was pend- ing (July 11) that a declaration of rights was brought for- and is the fame which is alluded to drawn up> and makes only a part of a more extenfive declaration of rights.

Immediately on the news of the change of miniftry reaching Paris in the afternoon. Approached by the Place of Lewis XV. party of the French guards. and a cry of T§ arms ! fpread itfelf in a moment over the city. and with thefe the people attacked the cavalry. In his march. being narrow. they had no idea that Liberty was capable of fuch infpiration. pikes. were large piles of (tones collected for building the new bridge. he infulted and (truck an old man with his fword. The French are remarkable for their refpeft to old age. from which great annoyance might be given. iron crows. when every hope is at ftake. &c. and the night was fpent in providing themfelvcs with every fort of weapon they could make or procure Guns. fwords. ment of this day was employed in collecting arms. The foreign troops began to advance towards the city. which connects itfelf with fome of the ftreets. clubs. upon hearing the firing. it appeared to be done. blackfmiths hammers. they were arms : A The fence . The change of miniftry was confidcred as the prelude of hoftilities. &c. pitchforks. next morning. fupplies. and the ftill more incredible refolution they exhiLittle did bited. or that a body of unarmed citizens would dare to Every moface the military force of thirty thoufand men. for a while. numbers with which they aiTembled the.[ 20 ] was taken the 14th of July: the is the rath. the want of arms. concerting plans. halberts. embarraffed and aftonifhed their enemies. carpenters ax: es. Accuftomed to flavery the new miniftry expect fuch a falute. The Prince de Lambefc. and the infolence with which mind. confifting of many ftories. fecured them againft nocturnal enterprifes . that the Baftille i point of time lam now fpeaking to. and arranging themfelves into the beft order which fuch an inftantaneous movement could afford* Broglio continued incredible The lying . nor fcarcely any who knew the ufe of them butdefperatc refolution. were fhut up. uniting with the general fermentation / to in. produced a powerful effect. who commanded a body of German cavalry. themfelves. Arms they had none. Near where the Prince de Lambefc was drawn up. fpits. and the opinion was rightly founded. are favourable for de- and the loftinefs of the houfes. all the play-houfes and places of entertainment. rulhed from their quarters and joined the people ^ and night coming on the cavalry retreated. (hops and houfes. ftreets of Paris.

It was therefore neceiTary to attack it that day but before this could be done. of the attack. it By forne intercepted correfpon- was difcovered. eclat of carrying fuch a fortrefs in the face was the Baftille and the of fuch an army. and armed with all forts of weapons. they marched to attack the Baftille . to meet. were to the citizens All was myftery and hazard. that the Mayor of Pa- to be in their intereft. and as the place was not defeniible. and of the anxiety for the events which a few hours or a few minutes might produce*^ What plans the miniftry was forming. it was fjrft necefTary to procure a better fupply of arms than they were then pofTefTed of.f 2! ] lying round the city. and of all degrees. a large magazine of arms depofited at the Hofpital of the invalids. . in addition to being the high altar D and . I is an event fully pofTefTed of. as what the citizens were doing was unknown to them . Thus fupplied. the city. there remained no doubt that Broglio would reinforce the Baftille the enfuing evening. a vafl mixed multitude of all ages. fpire. But defence only was not the object of the citizens. and in fuch a fituation. and which fell with the Theprifon to which the new miniftry were dooming its the National AfTembly. The object that now prefented itfelf. *. There was adjoining to the city. which the citizens fummonfed to furrender . were as unknown to the people within. on which depended their freedom or their fLivery. they foon fucceeded. but bringing into view the confpiracy which provoked it. and what movements Broglio might make DefliefTelles. this had time morning. or to hear of one made on the National AfTembly . for the fupport equally as well or relief of the place. who appeared betraying them •. am not undertaking a detail againft the nation Baftille. the mod prompt meafures are fometimes the beft. fuch only as the higheft animation of liberty could in- unknown. and the fucceeding night paffed with as much tranquillity as inch a fcene could poffibly produce. M. Imagination would fail in defcribing to itfelf the appearance of fuch a proceffion. could not fail to ftrike a terror into the new miniftry. nor attempted much defence. They every moment expected an attack. and carried which the world is in the fpace of a few hours. who had fcarcely yet dence ris. They had a caufe at flake. was and from this difcovery. but made no further advances tins day. That the Baftille was attacked with an enthuflafm of heroifm.

No plot was formed againft them: it were they who were plotting and thofe who fell. the puagainft others nifhment they were preparing to execute. by a miracle to be expected that nothing will of exertion. no inte* fibility. The troops of Broglio ciifperfed. contrived with the fubtlety of an am- bufcade. Burke and the liberties all of the nation . not unjuftly. Mr. is the calmnefs of philofophy. to yet the greateft that which himfelf Jias reft at ftake. palled over the circurnftances that might throw *. now to fly and that he might not. But will Mr. They were themfelves the devoted victims of this plot. and menaced with the profpect new ones. Burke had no provocation. yet Mr. who was detected in the act of betraying . but lit has never once fpoken of this plot againft the National AfTembly. the fuccefsful party would have re- ' ftrained their wrath fo foon ? Let the hiftory of all old governments anfwer the queftion. but cheriihed through a fpace of ten months. and in. from the deft ruction meditated againft them. Burke exclaims againft outrage His committed. met.[ 21 ] and with. who had accepted the office of intendant Their heads were ftuck upon fpikes. one of the new miniftry. became the proper object to begia This enterprife broke up the new miniftry. book is a volume of outrage. and delivering themfelves.forth of a whole people. and they have not retaliated . is it happen ? When men are fore of with the fenfe of opprefiions. and Bertheir his fon-in-law. Mr. and carried of Paris. had fucceeded. tempers and characters are confounded. in which all degrees. cattle of defpotifm. if this plot. or the palfy of infenbe looked for is ? . : but four or perfons were feized by the populace. Burke has fpoken a great deal about plots. fay. and from whom he has had hfo leffon. he has it in his way. More citizens fell five in this ftruggle than of their opponents Baftille. and afterwards Foulon. not apologized for by the impulfe of a moment. and the them . why then are they charged with revenge they have not acted? In the tremendous breaking. that. who began from the ruin th'ey had prepared for others. and himfelrfled alfo. The exrlto who have fled from France. whofe cafe he i'o much interefts himfelf in. about iiantly put to death the Governor of the Mayor of Paris. no life. "Whom has the National AfTembly brought to the fcaffold f None. fled in confequence of the mifcarriage of this plot.

cles cite Who does not remember the execution of Daml- torn to pieces by horces? The effect of thofe cruel fpecta- exhibited to the populace. which they communicated to the King and effect. and held up to the view of the populace. Mr. theft fanguinary punifliments which barbarous. Lee therefore examine how men came by the idea of punilhing in manner. and teach governments hucorrupt mankind. and it is is on them that it operates to the oband they inflict in their turn the examples of terror they have been inftructed to practife. done by the Englifh government. inftrucls or hardens their hearts-. and of this clafs were thofe who carried the heads upon fpikes in Paris. but it iignifies much to the living: it either tortures it their feelings. they become precedents. There are in all European countries. that it fignifies nothing to a man what is done to him after he is dead. In England. and by the bafe and falfe idea of governing men is by terror.C 23 this 1 about the city . and in either cafe. the punifliments were not iefs L. to undergo their examination at the Hotel de Viile for the National Affembly. It is manity. or exrevenge. the heart of the fufferer is cut out.iy then the axe to the root. Burke this builds a great part of his tragic fcenes. differed nothing in the horror of the fcene retaliate the They from thole carried about upon fpikes at Paris: yet this was It may perhaps be faid. worrl They have fenfe enough to feel they are the jects aimed at. and fent to Paris. Cabinet. immediately on the new miniftry coming into office. and it is upon mode of punifhment that us. In France under the former government. It over the loweft clafs of mankind that government by terror intended to operate. and it from the punifhments they have been accuftomed to behold. . to punifh them how when power falls into their hands. paffed a decree. which remained for years upon Temple bar.. The Jieads ftuck upon fpikes. is by banging drawing and quartering . learn * governments they live under. the puniihment in certain cafes. a large clafs of people of that defcription which in England are called the '* mob" Of this clafs were thofe who committed the burnings and devaluations in London in 1780. is to deflroy tendernefs. en. inftead of reafon. Foulon and Berthier were taken up in the country.that they (the National Affembly) would hold the minifsry .

as muclras Thefe outrages were any one thing he could have alTerted. of . incenfed at the appearance of Foulon and Berthier. with greater In the comglare. is by diftortedly exalting fome men. if they do not eftablifh the certainty of what I here lay down ? Admitting them to be true. the honour of the National AfFembly. Never were more pains taken to inftruct and enlighten mankind. to bring forward. and take the reproach of them to your own fide. beyond the controul of all authority. give to Mr. and which Place them then to the Revolution is calculated to reform. and to make them fee that their intehave been able. or thofe in Ireland on all his country. their proper caufe. much. vaft mafs of mankind are degradediy thrown into the background of the human picture. reflection feels an anfwer. and executed them on the fpot. derogatory to the human character. to reftrain fo reft . and miniltry. Burke his theatrical exaggerations for facts. or the ignorant rous in all old countries The inftant queftion. they fhew the neceffity of the French Revolution.i m ] which Foulon was one. refponfible for the mcafures they were advifing and purfuing but the mob. England included with the reft. out of the ill conftruction of the old It governments in Europe. Why then does Mr. them have fome claim that fuch vaft clafTes Even the beings who commit our conflderatiom How then is it of mankind as are diftinguifhed by the to ? appellation of the vulgar. mob. But every thing we fee or hear offenfive to our feelings. but of the degraded mind that exifted before the Revolution. and the city of Paris. and have yet A to be inltructed I how to reverence all it. tore them from their conductors before they were carried to the Hotel de Ville. till the whole is out of nature. mencement of a Revolution. are £0 numewe afk ourfelves this They arife. fliould lead to other reflec- tions than thofe of reproach. that they It is to by the influence of example and exhortation. the puppet-fhow of urate and ariftocracy. that others are diftortedly debafed. not the effect of the principles of the Revolution. that during fuch a tremendous fcene of arms and confufion. Burke charge outrages of this kind 01 a whole people ? As well may he charge the riots and outrages of 1780 on all the people of London. thofe men are rather the followers of the camp than of the Jlandard of liberty. as an unavoiall dable confequence. and I then a& him.

and even parties directly oppofite in principle. and it is from as caufes are known to be : true is conjecture even in Paris thofe plot? that all the mifchiefs have arifen. and a difpoiltion to mifinterpret each other. by the poetical liberties he has taken of omitting fome facts. If the crimes of men one of the arts of the drama to do fo.[ reft confifted 25 3 in their virtue. and not in their revenge. October 5th and 6th. (the expedition to Verfailles ) it ftill remains enveloped in all that kind of myftery which ever accompanies events produced more from a concurrence of awkward cirWhile the characters of cumftances. He begins this account by omitting the only facts which thefe every thing beyond j and he then works up a tale accommodated to his own pailions and prejudices. and he muft. I think. that considerable uneafinefs was at this time excited at Paris. failles.— I novr proceed to make forae remarks on Mr. that he never fpeaks of plots againji the Revolution . have considered it in the fame light himfelf. Burke's book in Scarcely any other light than a dramatic performance . I cannot contider Mr. will fometimes concur in pulhing forward the fame movement with very different views. there is a reciprocal fufpicion. Burke's account of the expedition to Verfailles. by the delay of the King in not Sanctioning and forwarding the decrees of the National Affemblv. and with the hopes of its producing vegreat deal of this may be disry different confequences. particularly that of the Declaration of the rights of Mail) and the decrees of the fourth of Auguft> which contained the foundation principles on which the conftitution was A . After all the inveftigations that have been made into this intricate affair. diftorting others. were exhibited with tfeeir fufferings. the ftage effect would fometimes be loft. men are forming. It fuits his purIt is pofe to exhibit the confequences without their caufes. The only things certainly known. and yet the iffue of the whole was what nobody had in view. are. thaa what have been difplayed in the Revolution of France. and making the whole machinery bend to produce a ftage efOf this kind is his account of the expedition to Verfect. and the audience would be inclined to approve where it was intended they fhould commiferate. than from fixed defign. Burke's book. It is to be obferved throughout Mr. as is always the cafe in revolutions. covered in this embarraffed affair.

that on the mor" ning of the 6th of Oct. on t fignal given. alarmed and enraged the Parifians. the enemies of the revolution derived hopes from the delay. termined to call the Garde du Corps There was certainly nothing of the cowardice of ailaffination in march- ing in the face of day to demand fatisfaction. the Garde du Corps tore the National cockade from their hats. is of refpite. gave an entertainment at Veras I. and if men will give challenges. of perfons connected with the Court. as if the By object of the expedition was againlt them. difmay. unea- During this ftate of fufpence." " This it. to indulge nature in a few hours repofe. It was like declaring war . and the caufe itfelf. " Hiflory will record. might well be exThe colours of were become too united to and the Parifians were deto an account. the Garde du Corps. had of thofe not been in- for the moderating prudence volves in his cenfures. as pected. mounted to defiance. The matter kindeft. 1789. the King and Queen of France ct after a day of confulion. keeping the Garde du Corps out Mr. Burke of light. before they were finally fanctioned andfent to the provinces but be finefs. is. to return to my ac- This conduct of the Garde du Corps. lay this " down under <c the pledged fecurity of public faith. and replaced it with a counter cockAn indignity of this kind aade prepared for the purpofe. and flaughter. the caufe. if fuch a phrafe voluntarily may be ufed. much when regiments generally are. of putting the King and Queen count. which was compofed.) to fuch failles (Oct. miftaken. they muft expect conlequencesBut all Mr. and the entertainment was at the height. One would at think there had been a battle it and a battle there probably would have been. . Burke has carefully kept tfut of light. whom Mr. nor the every thing to be leaft intention of It leaves gueffed at.-— But. may. and .— C 26 ] was" to be erected. jecture to upon this and perhaps the faireft conthat fome of the minilrers intended make remarks and this as it obfervations upon certain parts of them. of a body of armed men who had given . and troubled melancholy neither the fober ftile of hi (lory. Burke has afforded himfelfthe dramatic licence his in their places. rniftake the intention of the infult. alarm. trampled it under foot. fome foreign regiments then arrived. and the friends of the revolution. He begins his account by faying.




But the circumftance which ferves to throvr. this affair into embarraffmcnt is, that the enemies of the revolution appear to have encouraged it, as well as its friends. The one hoped to prevent a civil war by checking it, in time, and the other to make one. The hopes of thofe oppofed to the revolution, refted in making the King of their party, and getting him from Verfailles to Metz, where they expected to We have therefore, collect a force, and fet up a ftandard. two different objects prefenting themfelves at the fame time, and to be accomplished by the fame means the one, to chafwhich was the object of the Parifians i tife the Garde du Corps
given defiance.


the other, to render the confufion of fuch a fcene an induce-


to the


to fet off for


numerous body of women, and men in the difguife of women, collected round the Hotel de Ville or town-hall at Paris, and fet off for Verfailles. Their profeffed object was -the Garde du Corps but prudent men readily recollect that mifchief is eafler begun than ended , and this impreffed itfelf with the more force, from the fufpicions already ftated, and the irregularity of fuch a cavalcade. .As foon therefore as a fufficient force could be collected, M. de la Fayette, by orders from the civil authority of Paris, fet off after them at the head of twenty thoufand of the Paris Hiilitia. The revolution could derive no benefit from confufiBy an amiable and fpirited manon, and its oppofers might. ner of addrefs, he had hitherto been fortunate in calming disquietudes, and in this he was extraordinarily fuccefsful ; to fruftrate, therefore, the hopes of thofe who might feek to improve this fcene into a fort of justifiable neceflity for the King's quitting Verfailles and withdrawing to Metz, and to prevent at the fame time, the confequences that might enfue between the Garde du Corps and this phalanx of men and women, he forwarded expreffes to the King, that he was on his march to Verfailles, at the orders of the civil authority of Paris, for the purpofe of peace and protection, expreffing at the fame time, the neceflity of retraining the Garde du Corps from
the 5th of October,
a. very




the people*.

He arriveed at Verfailles between ten and eleven at night. The Garde du Corps was drawn up, and the people had arrived


am warranted in afierting this, as T had it perfonally from M. whom I have lived in habits, of friendfhip for fourteen years.


la Fayette,





fomc time before, but every

had remained fufpended.

Wifdom and
into a

now confifted in changing a fcene of danger M. de la Fayette became the mediator happy event.

between the enraged parties; and the King, to remove the uneatinefs which had arifen from the delay already ft.ued, fent for the Prefident or the National AfTembly, and figned the Declaration of the rights of Man> and fuch other parts of the conflitution as were in readinefs. Every thing appearIt was now about one in the morning. ed to be compofed, and a general congratulation took place. At the beat of drum a proclamation was made, that the citito their

zens of Verfailles would give the hofpitality of their houfes Thofe who could not be fellow-citizens of Paris.

accommodated in this manner, remained in the flreets, or took up their quarters in the churches ; and at two o'clock the King and Queen retired. In this frate matters paffed till the break of day, when a
frefh difturbance


from the cenfurable conduct of fome

of both

all fuch of the Garde du Corps appeared at one of the windows of the palace, and the people who had remained during the night in the ftreets accofted him with reviling and


for fuch characters there will be in


Inftead of retiring, as in fuch a cafe provocative language. prudence would have dictated, he prefented his mufket, £red, and killed one of the Paris militia. The peace being thus

broken, the people rufhed into the palace

in queft

of the of-


attacked the quarters of the Garde du Corps

within the palace, and purfued them throughout the avenues of On this tumult, not it, and to the apartments of the King.


only, as

Mr. Burke has reprefented


but every

and M. de perfon in the palace, was awakened and alarmed la Payette had a fecond time to interpofe between the parties,
the event of which was, that the Garde du Corps put on the national cockade, and the matter ended as by oblivion, after
the lofs of two or three lives. During the latter part of the time in which this confufion

was acting, the King and Queen were in public at the balcony, and neither of them concealed for fafety's fake, as Mr. Burke Matters being thus appeafed, and tranquillity reinfinuates. ftored, a general acclamation broke forth, of Le Roi a Paris Le Rei a Paris The King to Paris. It was the fhout of




] the* part


and immediately

accepted on

of the King.



future projects of trepanning the King


Metz, and letting up the ftandard of oppoiition to the conwere prevented, and the fufpicions extiriguifhed.

his family reached Paris in the evening, and were congratulated on their arrival hy M. Bailley the Mayor of Mr. Burke, who throughParis, in the name of the citizens. out his book confounds things, perfons, and principles, has in his remarks on M. Baiiley's addrefs, confounded time alfo. He cenfures M. Baiiley for calling it, " im toujour" a good

The King and

Mr. Burke fhould have informed himfelf, that this up the fpace of two days, the day on which it began with every appearance of danger and mifchief, and the day on which it terminated without the mifchiefs that threatened and that it is to this peaceful termination that M. Bailley alludes, and to the arrival of the King at Paris. Not lefs than three hundred thoufand perfons arranged themfelves in the proceflion from Verfailles to Paris, and not an act of moleftation was committed during the whole march. Mr. Burke, on the authority of M. Lally Tollendal, a defer; er from the National AfTembly, fays, that on entering
fcgqe took


the people ihouted, cc Tons les eveques a la lanterne" All bifhops to be hanged at the lantborn or lamp-pofts.— It is


nobody fhould hear


but Lally Tollendal,

and that nobody fhould believe it but Mr. Burke. It has not the leaft connection with any part of the tranfaclion, and is totally foreign to every circumftance of it. The bifhops have never been introduced before into any fcene of Mr. Burke's drama: Why then are they, all at once, and altogether, tout a coup et tous enfemble> introduced now ? Mr. Burke brings forward his bifhops and his lanthorn like figures in a magic
lanthorn, and raifes his fcenes by contraft inftead of connecit ferves to fhew, with the reft of his book, what ought to be given, where even probability is fet at defiance, for the purpofe of defaming ; and with this reflection, inftead of a foliloquy in praife of chivalry, as Mr. Burke has done, I clofe the account of the expedition to Verfailles*'. I have now to follow Mr. Burke through a pathlefs wildernefs of rhapfodies, and a fort of defcant upon governments, in








account of the expedition to Verfailles may be feen in N°. 13. of the Rmoluti* *n de Farh, containing the events from the 3d to the icth of O&ober 1789.


muft be eftablifhed. we {hall find a direct contrary opinion and practice prevailing. and how came man by them originally? The error of thofe who reafon by precedents drawn from antiquity. Burke.C 30 3 which he its whatever he pleafcs. or denied. and thofe ancients had others. to the time when man came Man him. it ours than to make a proper ufe of the errors or the improvements which the hiftory of it prefents. a if antiquity is to be authori- thoufand fuch authorities may be produced. aud produce what was then done as a rule for the prefent day. and a higher cannot be given of man. certain Before any thing can be reafoned tipon to a conclusion. for who is there in the world but man? But if Mr. the people who are to live an us. admitted. vel ftill farther into antiquity. facts. with his ufual outrage. without offering either evidence or reafons aflcrts for fo doing. hundred or a thoufand years hence. They flop in fome of the intermediate ftages of an hundred or a thoufand years. If we traThis is no authority at all."— -Does Mr. and in at What But of are fpeak hereafter. abufes the Declaration of the rights of Man. is. now got As to at the origin the manner governed from that day to this. may as well for a precedents as we make a precedent of thofe who lived . Thofe who lived a hun-> dred or a thoufand years ago. publifhed by the National Aflembly of France as the bads on which the conftitution of France is built/ This he blurred (beets of paper about the rights of calls " paltry and man. then he muft mean that there are no fuch things as rights any where. we fhall at laft come out right. what are thofe rights. If the mere name of antiquity take is which the world has been is no farther any concern of to govern in the affairs of life. the origin of We his rights. and that he has none himfelf. Burke mean to deny that man has any rights? If he does. They had their ancients. the queftion then will be. principles. and ty. we (hall come from the hand of his Maker. on the preemption of being believed. reflecting the rights of man. that they do not go far enough into antiquity. They do not go the whole way. and we alfo mail be ancients in our turn. was his high and only titles I fhall title. or data. were then moderns as we are now. was he then ? Man. to reafon from. Mr. Burke means to admit that man has rights. fuceffively contradicting each other: but if we proceed on.

and confequently that all men are born equal. his natural right in it is of the fame kind. Though religion. that portions of antiquity. Every hiftory of the creation. equal in rights to the generations which preceded by the fame rule that every individual is born equal in rights with his cotemporary. Becauie there have been an upftart of governments. in the fame manner as if posterity had been continued by crewhich ation inftead of generation. not fet any up. not only to the living fucceeding each other. and our reafon finds Here our a home.C 31 3 lived an hundred or a thoufand years ago. and prefumptuoufly working to unmake man. ing the any generation of men ever pofTefTed the right of dictatmode by which the world fhouldbe governed for ever. Why then not trace I will anfwer of man ? the rights of the queftion. and every traditionary account. I yet mean not to touch upon any fedlarian principle of it may be worth obferving. (for it has its origin from the Maker of man) is relates. The . thrufting tbemfelves between. it was the firft generation that exifted . the latter being which the former exiftence to the is carried forward . enquiries find a refting-piace. eveits ry child born into the world muft be confidered as deriving from God. It is authority agaiuft authority all the way. but to generations of neration men Every geit. only the mode by and confequently. the unity of man . that the genealogy of Chrift is traced to man to the creation Adam. and it is to the fame fource of authority that we muft now refer. If man had arofe at the diftance of an hundred years from the creation. by proving every thing. The world and is as new to him as it was firft man that exifted. The illuminating and divine If principle of the equal rights of man. The till fact: is. whether from the lettered or unlettered world. and if that generation did not do it. individuals. it is to this fource of authority they muft have referred. eftablifh nothing. however they lars. we come to the divine origin of the rights of a difpute about the rights of man at the creation. by mean that man is all of one degree. and with equal natural rights. no fucceeding generation can fhew any authority for doing it. all I may vary in their opinion or belief of certain particu- agree in eftablifhing one point.

on the unity of man. or merely hiftOrical. that the religions known in the world are founded. Burke has forgot to put in ** chivalry" He has alfo forgot to put in Peter. that he becomes dilTolute. io far as they relate to man. and with refpect to his neighbour. His duty io God. Whether in heaven or in hell. or. and it is not among the leaft of the evils of the prefent exifting govern- ments cial in all parts throwmback chafm to a vail dlftance of Europe. is The duty of man not a wildernefs of turnpike gates. and fhews doct- that the equality of rine. he fays--** We fear God---we look with awe to kings. fo far from being upon record. to ufe a more fafliionable phrafe. that man. as being all of one degree. It is whether to his part. and the artifia fuccefrlon filied up by of barriers* or a fort of I turnpike gates. It is plain and Simple. Nay. of which he is a only when he forgets his origin. and not in perfons. whether taken is vine authority. and with refpecl to nobility. or in whatever irate man may be fuppofed to exift hereafter. is from his Maker. the good and the bad are the only diftinctions. of governments are obliged to Aide into this principle. by making degrees to confift in crimes. Burke's catalogue of barriers that he has fet up between man and his Maker. It is vantage to cultivate. Creator. it places him in a clofe connection with ail his duties. mage. through which he has to pafs. and of the higheit adBy coniidering man in this light." it man in our own iGod created he him. '* '* " And God faid. even the laws. will quote Mr. a If this be not divine authority. " with affection to parliaments— with duty to magistrates-— ** with reverence to priefts. his birth andfa-mily. is the oldeft man. the unity or equality of man- fully up to rhis point. or to the creation. confidered as man. one of the greateft of all truths. In the image of male created he them. is at lead historical authority. and in by indrucling him to confider hinafelf this light. Putting himferf in the character of a herald. through which he is to pafs by tickets from one to the other." Mr.C 3* 3 as di- The Mofaic account of the creation. which every man muft feel . The exprefiions admit of no con- troverfy. and coniifts but of two points. . male and feThe diftinclion or fexes is pointed Let us make is out. but no other diitinetion even implied. all modern It is alfo to be obferved.

reliperfect in gion one of thofe are all The natural rights which are not is retained. which appertain to man in right of are all Natural rights are his exiftence. by natural right. but His natural rights are the to have thofe rights better fecured* foundation of all his civil rights. But in order to purfue this dlfiinction with more preciilon. are : all the intellectual rights. and alfb all thofe rights of acting as an individual for his own comfort and happinefs. thofe in which. is concerned. though the right the individual. and to fhew how the one originates out of the other. or rights of the mind. the rational world can whom no power know nothing of them. they will be refpected if not. A few words will explain this. to do as he would be done by. before mentioned. has a right and fo far as the right of the mind . Of this kind are all thofe which relate to fecurity and protection* From this fhort review. it will be necefTary to mark thofe the different qualities of natural and civil rights. The natural rights which he power to execute is are all thofe in which the as perfect in the individual as the right as is itfelf. Hitherto we have fpoken only (and that but in part) of the natural rights of man. Among is this clafs. They man. but to which his individual power is not. he never furrenders it But what availeth it him to judge. they will be defpiied: and with regard to thofe to delegated. a which man retains after entering and thofe which he throws into common frock as retains. Man did not enter into fociety to become ivorfe than he wis before. confequently. to judge in his own caufe : A j jirsn . If thofe to . the power to execute them is defective.C 33 ] neighbour.— Civil rights are thofe which appertain to man in Every civil right has right of his being a member of fociety. which are not injurious to the natural rights of others. member of fociety. for its foundation fome natural right pre exifting in the individual. and takes the llts anfwer not his purpofe. Of this kind the intellectual rights. if he has not power to redrefs ? He therefore depothis right in the common ftock of fociety. it will be eafy to diftinguiih between that clafs of natural rights into fociety. rights of We have now to confider the civil man. fufficiently competent. but who afifume it. in all cafes. or rights of the mind rights. nor to have lefs rights than he had before. whom power is is delegated do well.

and on which they havs been founded. Firft. and anfwers not his purpofe . from thofe which have not to place this in a clearer light than what a fmgle glance may afford. Society grants him nothing. When a fet of artful men pretended. cannot be applied to invade the natural rights which are retained in individual. or endeavoured to fhew. That the power produced from the aggregate of natural rights. and draws on the capital as a matter of right. In cafting our eyes over the world it is extremely eafy to diftinguifh the governments which have arifen out of fociety. is Secondly. it will be proper to take a review of the feveral fources from which governments have arifen. Firft. in preference dition to his own. or But out of the focial compact. fuch. the common intereft of fociety. two or three certain conclufions will That every civil is right grows out of a natural right. The oracles were confulted. rights or. becomes competent to the purpofe of every one. Secondly. and the third of reafon. have now. which becomes defective In the individual in puinc of power.C 34 is J arm of is fociety. and in adEvery man a proprietor in fociety. the fecond of conquerors. Thirdly. and of thofe which are exchanged for civil rights. few words. That civil power. a natural right exchanged. the quality of the natural rights retained. the world was completely under the government of fuperftition. Power. Thirdly. and this fort of government lafted as After long as this fort of fuperftition lafted. They may be all comprehended under three heads. and whatever they were made to fay. the and in which the power in a to execute is as perfect as the right itfelf. but when collected to a focus. as familiarly as they now march up the back-ftairs in European courts. imperfect in power in the individual. thofe premifes. We individual to a member of : . traced fociety. through the medium of oracles. and the common rights of man. in other words. The firft was a government of prieft-craft. of which he a part. Let us now apply thofe principles to governments. to hold intercourfe with the Deity. From follow. properly considered as made up of the aggregate of that clafs of the natural of man. became the law . Superftition. man from a natural and ihewn.

and confequently there could originally exift no governors to form fuch a compact with. Mr. when I feel. in contradiftinction to thofe which arofe out of fuperftition and conqueft. and the key of the Treafury. was founded in power. Burke has made no diftinction. there necefTarily was a time when governments did not exift. and the only principle on which they have a right to exift. either out of the people. The key of St. We have now to review the governments which arife out of fociety. and the fword aflumed the name of thus eftablilhed. entered into a compaclivith each other to produce a government and this is the only mode in which governments have a right to arife. I become irritated at the attempt to govern mankind by force and fraud. Governments fupport them laft as long as the power to but that they might avail themfelves of every engine in favour. or ought to be. a fcepter. and can fcarcely avoid difguft at thofe who are thus impofed upon. who affects to be fpiritual and temporal. Peter. and the wondering cheated their they united fraud which they called Divine Right. andjn contradiction to the Founder of the Chriftian Religion. called Church and State. became quartered on one another. that the individuals themfelves. as if they were all knaves and fools. It has been thought a considerable advance towards eftablifhing the principles of Freedom. To poffefs ourfelves of a clear idea of what government is. The fact therefore muft be. lafts . that government is a compact between thofe who govern and thofe who are governed but this cannot be true. to fay.[ 35 1 After thefe a race of conquerors arofe. in imitation of the Pope. and therefore he confounds every thing: but he Uas fignifiedhis intention ©f : : . like that of William the Conqueror. whofe government. for as man muft have exifted before governments exifted. Nature has not been kind enough to me to blunt my feelings) for the honour and happinefs of its character. multitude worshipped the invention. we muft trace it to its origin. and fet up an idol and which. to force. each in his own pergonal and fovereign right. He inveftigates nothing to its fource. we fhall eafily difcover that governments muft have arifen. twifted itlei f afterwards into an idol of another fhape. or over the people. becaufe it is putting the effect before the caufe . In doing this. When (for I contemplate the natural dignity of man.

Burke will not. we may fairly conclude. neither can . deny the pofltion 1 have already advanced. at the fame time. becaufe it affords me. and consequently that the people have yet a alter conftitution to form. and which contains the principles on which the government mall be efrathe manner the which it fhall be organized. them . mode of elections. or over the people. an opportunity of purfuing the fubjecl: with refpect to governments I take hini arifing out of fociety. but In fact. Mr. only. It government. up on his own ground. liaments. the pow- fhall have. no fuch thing as a conftitution exifts. and by which it fhall be bound. that though it has been fo much talked about. and quote in by article . It is in high challenges that high truths have the right of appearing. The Englifh. I prefume.C 3<5 3 fome future opportunity. and. that governments arife either out is cf the people. A conftitution. As he thus of undertaking renders it at a fubjecl: of controverfy by throwing the gauntlet. a eonftitution* not fufficient that we adopt the word it. to is article which you can blifhed. there is none. of its conftkuting a government. namely. and I accept it with the more readinefs. ers it refer. we It snuft fix alfo a ftandard fignification to A is conftitution is not a filing in name . have. what the laws made afterwards by that government are to a court of judicature. Can then Mr. the powers which the executive part of the government fhall relates to the compleat government. government one of thofe which arofe out of a conqueft. Burke produce the Englifh Conftitution? If he cannot. but a real exiftence be produced in a a thing viflble and wherever cannot antecedent to a form. it has not an ideal. or ever did exift. it only acts in conformity to the laws made and the government is in like manner governed by the conftitution. and the principles on which it fhall act. is to a government. a comparifon between the conftitutions of England and France. government. and A a conftitution is government only the creature of a conftitution. in fine. but of the people the body of elements. therefore. But it will be firft neceflary It is to define what is meant by . and not out of fociety . The conftitution of a country is not the act. every thing that organization of a civil The it court of judicature does not make the laws. the duration of paror by what other name fuch bodies may be called.

and is therefore without a declined going perceive the reafon why Mr. the country has been much has never yet regenerated conftitution. among numerous other inftances. cannot have the itfelf. and though modified from the opportunity of circumftances iince the time of William the Conqueror. the Clergy. His book is certainly bulky enough to have contained all he could fay on this fubject. that when the National AfTembly. that no fuch thing as a conftitution exifted on his fide the queftion.[ 3? '3 fociety. The perfons fo met. Burke does not underhand what a Conftitution is. Why then has thing that was worth while to write upon? he declined the only It was the ftrongeft ground he could take. This fhews. that Mr. and the NoblefTe. becaufe he could not but perceive. and it would have been the beft manner in which people could have judged of into the comparifon between the Englilh their feparate merits. the perfonal focial compact its The members of its are the delegates of the nation in blies will ter. K -F might .) that France had then a good Conftitution. If it had. ftrictly it ing. the principles on which conftitutional go- vernments arhlng out of fociety are eftablifhed. or additions are necefTary. conjliiutioriy but a fpeak- $onvention to make The prefent National AfTembly of France is. the conftitution will point out the mode by which fuch things fhall be done. were ndt a a conftitution. I readily itfelf. future afTem- be the delegates of the nation in authority of the organized characis The prefent AfTembly different to what the authority of future AfTemblies will be. rity of the prefent one is to form a conftitution ty of future AfTemblies will The autho: the authori. and not leave it to the tlifcretionary A government on fight of altering power of the future government. if they were not . is either a fign that he could not pofTefs it. Burke has faid in a fpeech laft winter in parliament. if the advantages were on his fide. it would be arbitrary. but the weakeft. or could not maintain it. and his declining to take it. be to legiflate according to the principles and forms prefcribed in that conftitution perience fhould hereafter fhew that alterations. when he fat down to the tafk. (the Tiers Etats. firft met in three Orders. original character. it and confequently it arofe over the people. and if examendments. Mr. Burke and French conftitutions.

as the viiible Capricious— becaufe the loweft chaand who has not fo much means of an honeft livelihood. and all forts of follies are blended with all forts of crimes. The Bill which the pr. was on the fame erronethere is ous principle. I mall proceed to other French conftitution. it ihews there and wherever fuch aright no conftitution. There is moreover a paradox in the idea of vitiated bodies reforming themfelves. to hold the other parts of it the better fubjectThis is the reafon why fo many of thofe ed to their wilL The people were averfe to the Charters abound in Cornwall. by the fame felf-authority. and bribed one part of it by what they called Charters. and 6d.. and with a known character. What article will Mr. and it is from this country iti this fource that the capricioufnefs of elections arifes. and mean to be as concife as poffibie. "William the Conqueror and his defcendents parcelled out the manner. and with a property on that farm to three or four times that Every thing is out amount. . than what the qualifications of electors are in England ? Limited-— "becaufe not one man in an hundred (I fpeak much within comparts of the } pafsj is admitted to vote racter . Thfr . as I I thefe preliminaries I proceed to draw forne companhave already fpoken of the declaration of rights . gina-l The right of refirin is in the nation in its ori- character. From ions. or for life. government eftablimed at the conqueft. It might. as Mr. in other places. Burke fays on another occafion. (2s. Pitt brought into parliament fbnie years ago. and at the fame time more capricious. Englifh ) is an elector. have fit apy greater number of years. that every man who pays a tax of iixty fous^r annum. The conftitution of France fays. The act by which itfelf •the Englsfll Parliament empowered tofetfevenyears. and the towns were All the old garrifoned and bribed to enflave the country. Charters are the badges of this conqueft. is an elector in fome : places taxes.that can be fuppofed to exift. ihews no conHiuuion iti England. to reform parliament.efent Mr. and the confhtutlonal method would be by a general convention elected for the purpofe. of nature. while. fair the man who pays very large and the farmer who rents to the amount of three or four hundred pounds a year.[ 3§ •> J might make -is itfelf what it is pleafetf fer up. Burke place againft this ? Can any thing be more limited. in this frrange chios. is not admitted to be an elector.

Is there any principle in thefe things ? Is there any thing by which you can trace the marks of freedom. thefe monopolies. a is part of the country. two county members and fo conftitmion fays. game is made — the property of thofe at whofe expence refpect to monopolies. What article will Mr. and every man free to of any kind follow any occupation by which he can procure an honed livelihood. Burke no right at all in government perfectly arbitrary with refpect and he can quote for his authority. Burke fay to this ? In England. are other monopolies.and Every chartered town monopolies. and with cut up into monopolies. fends two members rhapfodies. Burke has declined the comparifon. The French conftitmion fays. that the National Afiembly article will every two years. there fhall be no game laws that the farmer nn whofe lands wild game fhall be found (for are fed) fliall have a it is by the produce of thofe lands they That there fliall be no monopolies right to what he can take. In a city. whi. and endeavored to lead his readers from the point by a wild unfyfternatical difplay of paradoxical chefter. ? What place again ft this the cafes 'hat the to this point . In thefe chartered monopolies. and in any place.. r 39 3 number of reprefennumber of taxaelector. the country is it is not £ed . Burke means by a confutation man coming from another hunted from them as if he were a foreign enemy. fend-. that all trades fhail be {vec. which contains not an hundredth part of that number. and the town of Manwhich contains upwards of hxty thoufand fouls. not three hoults. What will Mr. town or city throughout the nation. and Within tells him he is not a freeman— that he has no right. The French fhall be elected constitution fays. that the nation has is Mr. fuch for initance . Burke place againft this ? The co mty of Yorkfhire. An Engiilhman is not free of his own country : every one of thofe places prefents a barrier in his way. Is this ? is an ariftocratical monopoly the qualification of electors proceeds out of thofe chartered freedom ? Is this what Mr. in itfeif. the precedent of a former parliament. does the county of -Rutland. h contains . that the The French any place ble inhabitants or tatives for fhall be in a ratio to the . Why. The town cf old Sarum. or difcover thofe of wifdom ? No wonder then Mr. which contains near a million of fouls. is not admitted to fend any.

and the country is May then the example of all France contribute to regenerate the freedom which a province of it deftroyed 1 The French Affembly fhall conftitution fays. Burke pofTerfed talents fimilar to the author " On the Wealth of Nations. And A man even of the within thefe monopolies are ftill others. but from the diforderly cad of his genius. that he is unfitted for the fubjeft he writes upon. Burke place againft this ? I will anfwer Loaves and Fiftes. will Mr. and. come to re- upon them. in many cafes. they will. Even his genius is without a conftitution. whofe parents were not in circumstances to give him an occupation. Had governments agreed to quarrel on purpofe to fleece their countries by taxesj they could pot have fucceeded better than they ^aye 4 on e* Every .— -Had Mr. Are rating thefe things examples to hold out to a country regene- itfelf from flavery. like France. The National AfTembly has made the difco^ and it holds out the example to the world.r iuftance as 40 ] Bath. But he muft fay fomething He has therefore mounted in the air like a balloon. by affemblage. fame town. and not a genius conftitnted. It is not from his prejudices of loaves and fillies has more mifchief his wbfper Ah! in it this government than people have yet reflected on. It is a genius at random. like and certain flect am I. to draw the eyes of the multitude from the ground they ftand — upon. a place. ral right is debarred." he would have comprehended all the parts which enter into. from the natu|it of acquiring one. whicU contains between twenty and thirty thoufand inhabitants. Con-* queft and tyranny tranfplanted themfelves with William the yet disfigured with the marks. Much is to be learned from the French conftitution. He would have reafoned from minutiae to magnitude. the right of electing reprefentatives to parliament is monopolifed into about thirty one perfons. — What : be an officer of the government. form a conftitution. That to preferve the national reprefentation from being corrupt. annihilate thofe badges of ancient oppreflion. no member of the National or a pensioner. Conquerer from Normandy into England. that when the people of England France?-— Certainly they are not. very. be his genius or induftry what may. thofe traces of a conquered nation.

but in thofe who are to pay the expence? In England. ought and of what it is laid to be. a ftander-bv. it me the The is parliament. not warped by intereft. -Neither the minifterial party. ' like a man which an Englifh parliament is being both mortgager and morttruft. its wars and its taxes. the abfurdjties they defpife in in others It ? may with is reafon be faid. rides on. is for any inanimate metaphor We calf. it is thcmfelves accountable. and as revenue cannot be increafed without taxes. and the Comedy of Errors concludes with the Pantomime of Hush. each mounts upon. fhewn Tower would all amd it for iixpence or a {hilling a-piece: fo are ihe lions. and is I*. in all countries. imperfectly and capricioufly elected as nation: is. nor the oppoThe national purfe is the sition. in Cgnifies not where this right refides. Where elfe fhould it reflde. and in the cafe in of mifapplication of the cri- minal fitting the fupplies judgment upon himfelf. but why do men con- tinue to praclife in themfelves. and walks on.<» . or two.of the Englifli government. and are to account for the expenditure of thole fupplies to thofe who voted them. at the this right is faid to refide in a metaphor . harveft of thofe who participate in the diviflon jpot wosld de- clare. and ties again j and fa®R . whether the crown or all in the parliament. . common hack which country people then pall. and then ties the horfe to agate.. ne- verthelefs fuppo/ed to hold the national purfe in trujl for the but in the it is manner in conflructed. War is the com- mon and expenditure of public money.C 4i 3 Every thins reverfe ©f what in the it Englifh government appears to to be. that the one mounts and rides two or three miles a-head. "-—They order thefe things better in France. which like the national purfe will not carry double. the object of it is an increafe of revenue^. it is gagee . he takes the horfe. \ih a practice in fome parts of the country. In reviewing the hiftory. that the right of war and peace in the nation. when two travellers have but one horfe. blinded hy prejudice. be a ftep nearer to reafon to fay it refided in them. If thofe who vote are the fame perfons who receive the fupplies when voted. a pretence muft be made for expenditures. that it the manner the Englifli nation reprefented. will touch upon this cafe. andpafleshi* compauiMid? OfiiitjA. can fee the abfurdity no more than a hat or a cap. It is like little u Ride and tie— You ride a what the way. The French conftitution fays. It is the art of conquering at home . of worfhipping Aaron's molton or Nebuchadnezzar's golden image. to them[elves. * When <an a n.ile the fecond traveller arrives.

the people of England appea- much interefted in the event. by remarking In defpotic goon the different motives which produce them. that a government fo formed obtains more . therefore. he denies. Mr. try as to another. than it could either by direct defpotifm. ground of intereft. that the portion of liberty enjoyed in .— -As a principle. and his defendants have ever flnce claimed it under him as a right. French make upon it. he throws the of modification. more producand that as the real object of ail def~ tively than by defpotifm potifm is revenue. vernments. or in a the full ftate of free- dom. in favour of their own. as a conqueror . is a and though he profeflcs himpart of the Englim government felf an enemy to war. that taxes were not raifed to carry on wars. as a Member of the Houfe of Commons. therefore. cafe back to the Norman. Burke has afferted the right of the parlia*? ment at the Pievolution to bind and controul the nation and pofterity for ever. he makes it necefTary to enquire who and what William the Conqueror was. it the decifion. a model in all its parts. Avars are the effect of pride . to The French both thofe pence muft provide againft evils. minifters. applies as much to applaud one coun- William the Conqueror. England. or by a fort By his taking this ground. and by thus running a line pf fuceeffion fpringing from William the Conqueror to the prefent day. that the calls parthe liament or the nation had any right to alter what he fuceeffion of the anything but in part. held this power of war and peace in himfeif. but in thofe governments in which they become the means of taxation. but that wars were raifed to carry on taxes. the remarks which the. at the fame time. in intp . and where he came from j and crown. Although Mr. on They account alfo both. oppofed to for the readinefs which always ap- pears in fuch governments for engaging in wars. they ac- quire thereby a more permanent promptitude.Conqueft . and placed the right where the exwar and peace was and highly to When red to be the queftion on the right of agi- tating in the National Aflembly.[ 42 j clare. to France \ but he fhould fir ft know They contend. is jure enough to enflave a country by. Burke. he abufes the French Conftitution. Conftitution. has taken away the power of declaring war from kings and fall. which He holds up the Englifti government as feeks to explode it. and is.

and be made a fcreen to this both. who wifhed to go to the land that floweth with milk and honey. It will always happen. and the other peremptorily with-holds the fupplies as a matter of right. three things are to be con fide red. that the other ties its hands : contraft will end in a collulion between the parties. of flipit porting clared. prero^ Every thing muft have had a beginning. for It alfo unfortunateit is to this origin that his argument goes. Franklin. in running this line of fucceffion. which is now in the hands of M. and among the reft. of Paris-— I anecdote which While the Doctor refided in France as minifter ftating.— C 43 3 into the origin. Burke bring forward his William of Normandy. and by way of relieving the fatigue of argument. But the more probable iflue is. this the cafe in ail countries. and nature of what are called gatives. that amendments do not make it right. then Mr. He introduced his propofal to the Doctor by letter. But it will perhaps. parallel thereto. he had numerous propofals made to him by projectors of every country and of every kind. —Were is declared. and the fog Lee of time and antiquity fhould be penetrated to difcover faid. I will introduce an had from Dr. the nation runs in the line of being conquered. held in check by the right of the parliament to with-hold the fupplies. from America during the war. and the the difeafe. which is. America. Beaumarchais. the mode of conducting after it is dethe The French fall. that if the fucceffion runs in the line of the conqueft. it : On Firft. the remedy becomes as bad or worfe than The one forces the nation to a combat. there was one who offered himfelf to be King. that another line. the right of declaring it* Secondly. and it ought to refcue itfelf from this reproach. ly happens. / . prefents itfelf. of right. we fhould hear Before I but little more of wars. to The mode of conducting the executive department. proceed to confider other parts of the French conftitution. that though the power of declait is ring war defcends in the heritage of the conqueft. when a thing is originally wrong. Thirdly. queftion of war. conftitution places the this it right where configns expence mufl: and union can be only after it in the it nation. and it often happens that they do as much mifchief one way as good the other and fuch for if the onerafhly declares war as a matter is the cafe here : . hiftory.

firft. Mr. that they honourable defcent. with great dignity. garter . and that they are defcendants of the Norman line in right of the Conqueft. frory to return to the matters of the conftitution The French ia conftitution fays. It renders man into the diminutive of man in things which are great. the projector wr@te a fecond letter . It talks about its fine blue ribbon like a girl. would want another. Burke fo much admires. difmified «r fent away. which Mr. and the peer is exalted into man. that there was already a precedent in England. and confequently that the good people of England. that clafs of equivocal generation. but it marks a fort of foppery in the human character which degrades it. that in cafe of that natural extinction to which all mortality is fubject. Burke's arguments on this fubject go to fhew. ancient family than the Dukes of Normandy. propofed. be of fervice to his doctrine to snake this known." and in others " nobiis done away. that there is no Englifli origin of Kings.— [ 44 1 bating. threaten to go over and conquer America. which fome countries is called P ari/locracy. and of a more their King. enjoining that the Doctor would forward it to But as the Doctor did not do this. lity. But. and fhews its new * The word he ufed was renvoye. as all arguments refpedting fucceffion muft neceflarily connect that fucceffion with fome beginning. Titles are but nick-names. might have done much better. and they had known his. Secondly. of Kings coming out of Normandy and on thefe grounds he reded his offer. that as the Americans had difmified or feet away* . on more reafonable terms than William the Conqueror . and to inform him. all There Jloall be no titles of confequence. in which he did not.000 might be made to him for his generofity Now. and . and the counterfeit of woman in things which are little. Fourthly. that if his offer was not accepted. that an acknowledgment of about £. at the Revolution of i6tf8. nor yet fend America. his line having never been baftardized. 30. that kings may again be had from Normandy. had fuch a generous Norman as this known their The chivalry character wants. : ! It may therefore. is certainly much eafier to make a bargain with than a hard-dealing Dutchman. it is true. him an anfwer. but only. Thirdly. and every nick-name is a title* The thing is perfectly harmlefs in itfelf. that he was of a more that himfelf was a Norman.

wifdom or folly. and furveys at a diftance the envied life of man. all their value is gone. fays. but titles baffle even the powof fancy. or Earl has ceafed to pleafe. there is not fuch an animal Duke or a Count . and. and are a chimerical non-defcript.E 45 ] garter like a child. a child. from the elevated mind of France. It has put clown the dwarf. take titles away. and which means nothing ? Imagination has given figure and charaaer to centaurs. and it rife. up the man. to that we connect any mean ftrengrh or which defcribes nothing. it Through as a all the vocabulary of Adam. thirfting for its native home. This fpecies of imaginary confe- has vifibly declined in every part of Europe. a child or a man. or the rider or What refpect then can be paid the horfe. as a child . contemns the gewgaws that feparate him from it. Is it then any wonder that titles mould fall in France ? Is st not a greater wonder they fhould be kept up any where ? What are they ? What is their worth. neither can Whether they Certain idea to the words. and <c what is their amount ?" When we think Or fpeak of a Judge or a General^ we aflociate with it the ideas of office and character we think of gravity in the one. " When I was " came a man. to fct it has exalted. But this is not all. It has outgrown the baby-cloths of Count and Duke. no ideas aflociate with . or Count. kaftens to its exit as the world of reafon continues to rence Q There . and none will own them. and down to all the fairy tribe . that the of titles have fallen. for they take themfelves away when fociety ers concurs to ridicule them. France folly has not levelled. as they outgrew the rickets. It is. The punyifm of a fenfelefs word ke Duke. A certain writer of fome antiquity. have defpifed the rattle. fatyrs. weaknefs. is all equivocal. to contract the fphere of man's felicity. I I thought but when I oe- put away childiih things/* properly. l . and bravery in the other: but when we ufe a word merely as a title.— If a whole country is difpofed to hold them in contempt. and breeched itfelf in manhood. Titles are like circles drawn by the magician's wand. fociety. The genuine mTrid of man. It is common opinion only that makes them any thing There is no occafion to or nothing. Even thofe who poffcffzd them have difowned the gibberifh. or worfe than nothing. He lives immured within the Baftille of a word.

in general. then. they and formal deftruction. alt the younger branches of thofe families were difinherited. and the law of primogeniture/hip fet up. the folly of titles. It muft now take the fubftantial ground of character. and when a man in armour riding throughout Chriftendom in queft of adventures was more ftared at than a modern Duke. Ariftocracy has never but one child. It is a law againft every law of nature. fome countries. The patriots of France have difcovered in good time. The reft are begotten to be devoured. arofe out of the ture herfelf calls for its deftruction. that rank and dignity in fociety muft take a new giotmd. All the children except the eldeft) to be provided which the ariftocracy difowns (which are are. but at a offices Unneceffary and places in governments and courts are created at the cxpence of the public. five are expofed. to maintain them.» greater charge. and this makes it neceiTary to enquire further into the nature and chaitfelf to If no mifchief had annexed would not have been worth a ferious racter of ariftocracy. orphans on a parifli. and ariftocracy falls. a burnt-offering to reafon. in a family of fix children. all. which is called ariftocracy in and nobility in others.— C 46 J nonow. By the ariftocratical law of piimoge- niturefhip. The old one has fallen through. and to keep up a fuccefiion of this order for the purpofe for which it was eftablifhed. governments founded upon conqueft. As every thing which is out of nature in man. The nature and character of ariftocracy fhews itfelf to us in this law. and the farce of titles will follow its fate. and NaThat. With / . inftead of the chimerical ground of titles and they have brought their titles to the altar. more or lefs. Eftablifh family juftice. and the natural parent prepares the unnatural repaft. affects. and made of them a time There was bility when the loweft clafs of what are is called was more thought of than the higheft . the intereft of fociety. and it has fallen by being laughed at. They are thrown to the cannibal for prey. fuch as the National AfFembly have decreed them . fo does caft like this. The world has feen this folly fall. for by the public. It was originally a military order for the purpofe of fupporting military government (for fuch were all governments founded in conqueft' .

domeftically or publicly. and Mr. But wheof view. blood of their parents in one line. Hitherto we have coniidered ariftocracy chi . and fociety— and to exterminate the monfter Ariftocracy. in the iirft place. tributive jujiice are corrupted at the very fource. and children to their parents— relations man to clfe. and relations of every kind. It was not " a corporation a body of hereditary legislators. are children. ariftocracy is kept up by family tyranny and injuftice. may write its epitaph. • .fly in one point We have now to conflder it in another. ariftocracy had one feature countenance It did not compofe than what it has in fome other countries. ther we view it before or behindj or fide ways. root and branch -—the French constitution has deftroyed the Here then lies the monfter. therefore. Burke. lefs in its In France. To reftore. if he pleafes. and as ridiculous as an hereditary poet-Iaureat. Let us then examine the grounds upon which the French conftitution has refolved againft having fuch an Houfe in France. ter an houfe of legiflation. who abforbs in his own perfon the inheritance of a whole family of children. or hereditary juries. Becaufe. They be- gin by trampling on all their younger brothers and lifters. law of Primogenitureship. Becaufe a body of men holding themfelves ac~ countable to nobody. Becaufe the idea of hereditary legislators consistent as that as in- of hereditary judges. and are taught and educated fo With what ideas of juftice or honor can that man ento do. but by ariftoThey are the flefh and cracy they are baftards and orphans. and by marriage they are heirs . parents to their child- to each other. it is ftill a monfter. Fourthly. or doles out to them life fome pitiful portion with the infolence of a gift? is Thirdly. or any way ren. and as abfurd as an hereditary mathematician. or an heredita- ry wife man. as is already mentioned. Secondly. tf arifiocracy" for fuch 1 have heard M. de la Fayette de- fcribe an Englifti Houfe of Peers.[ 47 3 With what kind of parental reflexions can the father or By nature they mother contemplate their younger offspring. Becaufe there is an unnatural unfitnefs in an ariTheir ideas of clifftocracy to be legiflators for a nation. ought not to be trufted by any body. Fifthly. and nothing akin to them in the other.

Becaufe it is continuing the uncivilized principle of governments founded in conqueft. conflitution has reformed the condition of the has raifed the income of the lower and middle claf- fes. Burke talks of nobility. and taken from the higher. and in the few inftances (for there are fome in all countries) in whom nature. lb me what like Sternhold and Hopkins. when feparated from the general ftock of foand intermarrying conflantly with each other. to the people in general.000 'fqulre. s< that the people of England can fee without pain ** lt <c or grudging. let him {hew what it is. and the bafe idea of man having property in man. Ariftocracy has not been able to keep a proportionate pace with democracy. and becomes in time the oppofite of what is noble in man. and by the infhmce of the Jews proved. whether the archbifhop precedes the $uke. or Hopkins and Sternhold. Burke. or a bifhop of Winchefter. and governing him by perfonal right. Mr. The comparifon is out of ppdef as I confefs that I will not contend it . Burke bout two or three thoufand pounds. they can fee a bifhop of Durham. that the human fpecies has a tendency to degenerate. I with Mr. I believe. None are nowlefs than twelve hundred livres (fifty pounds fterling) nor any h*'c. Burke has not put the cafe right. in any fmall number of perfons." a-year. an archbifhop precede a duke. Mr. The French clergy. He *s fays. Sixthly. and cannot fee why it is in than eftates to the like amount in the hands of that And Mr.her than aWhat will Mr. By the univerfal ceconomy of nature it is it is known. The greateft characters the world have known. Burke offers this as worfe hands this earl or an example to France. place againft this? Hear what he fays. it is. It deits pretended end.r 48 a Fifthly. Becaufe ariftocracy has a tendency to degenerate the human fpccies. ciety. has furvived in But it is time to proariftocracy} those men despise it. I have fomething to fay. have rofe on the democratic floor. you may put which you pleafe firit: and do not underftand the merits of this cafe. in pofTeffion of £ r 0. feats even cetd to a new It fubjecl:. The artificial Noble fhrinks into a dwarf before the Noble of Nature . or the duke the bifhop. As to the firft part. as by a miracle. But wah refpec~t to the latter.

of men. tence might be. confiitution hath abolifhed or renounced 'Toleand Intoleration alfo. it will ftand thus: ' t ly without great pain or grudging. they certainen thirty or jorty pounds a~year er lefs. it is in the condition of an eflate held between two parties. on principles of equity. coufequently. and hath eltablifhed Universal Right of Conscience. do not fee thofe things It is ** the church] the church /" was reMr. and then §ut pain or grudging. in poffefjtGn often thoufand pounds a-year. conftitution has abolished tythes. that fource of perpetual difcontent between the tythe-holder and the paWhen land is held on tythe. r 49 1 &rder by being put between the bifliop and the earl or the It ought to be put between the bifliop and the curate.. and the other nine tenths of the produce: and. the farmer bears the whole expence. and by this union obtained redrefs. if the eftate can be improved. or in any other ratio. or a hi/hop $f Winthefter. Sir. Burke's book. and by this means gets the value This is another cafe that calls of two-tenths inftead of one. the one receiving one tenth. a bijhop of The people of England can fee -with* Durham. pal objefts of it. joined their cafe co thofe of every other opprelled clafs The French rifhioner. to prevent any regulation of income taking place between thofe They. the expence of fuch improvement ought to be borne in like proportion beBut this is tween the parties who are to (hare the produce. not the cafe in tythes . and made «to produce by that improvement double or treble what it did before. ration. it was themfelves who were one of the princiIt was the cry of the high beneficed clergy. In France. Tquire. that whatever the preby this cry any lunger. and a curate No. is a cafe that applies kicif to every man's fenfe of juftice. The one afTum »s to of wkh-hol4ing liberty of Coafctencej and the other . and qne among many that calls aloud for a conititution. The French Toleration the right is not the oppofite of Intoleration. for a constitution. but 19 the counterfeit of i^ itfelf Both are defpotifms. in addition to the original tenth. and the tythe-holder takes a tenth of the improvement. the cry of as in peated as often there fare. and as loudiy as when the difient«rs' bill was berore the Engiifh parliament but the generality of the French clergy were not to be deceived They knew. ©f ten thoufand pounds a year and the parifh prieil.

but if they are to judge of each others religion. Man wor/hips not himfelf. places itfelf. But Toleration may be viewed in a much ftronger light. but his Maker and the liberty of conkience which he claims. Toleration. If he believes not as thou believeft. all the world are right. nor between one denomination of religion and another. or all the world are wrong. art thou. we rauft neceffarily bot of his God. not between man and man. there is no fuch thing as a religion that is wrong . armed with fire and faggor. therefore. between the being who worfhips. In this cafe. a Church or a State. without regard %o names. entitled " An act Almighty to receive the C£ worfhip of a Jew or a Turk. . and the Immortal Being who is worshipped. there is no fuch thing as a religion that is right \ and therefore. but between God and man .* The former is church and ftate. and there is no earthly power can determine between you. for the aiTo- and the worjbipped cannot be fe« parated. Were **. therefore." or u to prohibit the Almighty from receiving it:" all men would ftartle. it tion of toleration in religious matters would then prefent itbut the prefumption is not the lefs becaufe felf unmaiked to tolerate or grant liberty to the : the name of " Man" only appears to thofe laws. have the afTociated idea of two beings . is not for the fervice of himfelf.I So is 1 the pope. *. church and traffic. But with refpecT: to religion itfelf. whether a King. the mortal who renders the worfhip. and call There would be an uproar. if every one is left to judge of its own religion. a Bill brought into any parliament. a Parliament or any thing elfe. and the other is the pope felling or granting in. and as directing itfelf from the univerfal family of ciated idea of the worfbipper ! mankind . nor between church and church. it is a proof that thou believeft not as he believeth. a Bifhop. that obtrudeft thine infignificance between the foul of man and its Maker ? Mind thine own concerns. other olr granting The one it. and the Being who is worand by the fame a£t of afFlmed authority by which fhipped pay his worfhip.-— Who. With refpect to what are called denominations of religion. it prefumptuoufly and it tolerates man to blafphemoufly fets itfelf up to tolerate the Almighty to receive it. The preempblafphemy. then. vain duft and afhes by whatever name thou art called. and the latter is diligences.

to the his is the grateful tribute of every one accepted. perfecuting. By engendering the church with the ftate. : wards. Let us be/tow a few thoughts on this fubjeet All religions are in their nature mild and benign. if Church and State :" he does not mean fome one particular church. ters to among the inhabi- and that drove the people called Quakers and DiiTenAmerica. and become morofe and intolerant ? It proceeds from the connection which Mr. capable only of deftroying. and though. it The inquifition in Spain does not proceed from the religion originally profefted. Like every thing elfe. nor a pig. unit is neither the one nor the other der the figure of an eftablifhed church. One of the continual chorufes of Mr. or fome one particular ftate. it is man bringMaker the fruits of his heart . they had their beginning j and they proceeded by perfuafion. but from this mule animal. exhortation. or a Bifhop of Winchefter. even from its birth. thofc may differ from each other like the fruits of the earth. by profeffing any thing that was vicious^ cruel. Durham. called The Church eftablifhed by Lazv. Burke recommends. becaufe it is not a fheaf of wheat . and not of breeding It is ft up. and he cenfures the National Affembly for not having done this in France. will not refufe a tytheBilhop of A nor a cock fheaf of wheat. ftranger. and whom in time kicks out and deftroys. Burke's book is. They could not have made profelytes at firft. is produced. and united with principles of morality. engendered between the church and the ftate. becaufe it is not a cock of hay of hay. How then is it that they lofe their native mildnefs. a fort of mule animal. will not permit their Maker to receive the varied tithes of man's devotion. Perfecution is not an original feature in any but it religion*. to any parent mother on which it is begotten. The burnings in Smithiield proceeded from the fame heterogeneous production 5 and it was the regeneration of this ftrange animal in England after•. or immoral.mankind ing to fruits Divine object of all adoration. but any church and and he ufes the term as a general figure to hold ftate . forth the political doctrine of always uniting the church with the ftate in every country. that renewed rancour and irreligion tants. or the Archbiihop who heads the Dukes. and example. becaufe but thefe fame perfons. is always the ftrongly-marked feature of all law- .

extra els from certain acts t« prevent machines. In America. Thofe manufactures are withdrawing. one of the richeft manufacturers in England faidin my hearing. all the unrepreiented pai t o£ England. but perhaps too late. and eftablifhed a fort It was the only afyium that then offered. the edict of Nantz drove the CONSCIENCE. and are arifing in other There is now erecting atPaffey. and the fame men have it in their power to carry them away. places. and the generality of the inhabitants of what is called in of England. where Teft-laws more particularly operate. " Englattd. a large cotton mill. and this proceeds. to enquire int# A . and it is doing juftice to both parties to tell them. Sir. from going out of the counIt appears from thefe. and as far as it can extend to perfons. dictate in England. is a good citizen a an Epifcopalian Mi- of the fame defcription ent of the men. that America has been warned againft it . (for it is within but a few years). and ni (ler is good neighbour : . Soon after the rejecting the Bill for repealing the Teft-law. but the remedy of force can never fupply the remedy of reafon. and feveral are already erected in America. Take away its the original Le.. and intereft. and it is by experiencing them in France. the foreign market will be lofL There are frequently appearing in the London Gazette. and then all thofe matters will com* regularly before them. what reafon and juftice could not. independfrom there being no law eftablifhmem in this America. for of afylum for themfelves in thofe places But the cafe is now changing.. that the ill effects of the teft-laws and church-eftablifhtry. itaje of church and try into has impoverifhcd Spain.I 52 3 law-religions. but wili benefit by his folly. that the National AfTembry have abolitned it. It was by obferving the ill effects of it in England. the church efiablijhed by laiv and they. has eftablifhed universal right of . . AND UNIVERSAL RIGHT OF CITIZENSHIP*. therefore. of all denominations. It will do fome good. little obfervation will explain the cafe. like America. Let then Mr Burke continue to preach his anti-political doctrine of Church and State. and initiate them into all the rights of citizenfhip. will. Birmingham. France and America the reft of Europe was worfe. are not thofe places. they natuhas a talent for obfervation and inveftigation. the ill effects has had on the profperity of nations. may begin to feel the neceffity ©f a conftitution. and every religion reaflumes llignity. Thefe are truths. and Sheffield. are the From whence did this arife? ttioft principal manufactures in England. The principal. or religions eftablilhed by law. In the progrefs of lefs than a century. Policy bid all comers welcome. we mail fre The union The revoking filk manufacture from that counEngland and church and ftate aie now driving the cotton manufacture from England to America and France. ©r their fathers. withdrew from the perfecution of the chartered towns. and though thofe manufactures would afterwards continue to be made in thofe places. and. law-eftablifhment. If alfo we view it matter in a temporal fcnfe. I will * When in any country we rally lead any man who the caufes. is not a country for a diffenter to live in— we muft go to France. a Catholic Prieft a good character. which is at ieaft a h-indred times the mot numerojw. three miles from Paris. fee extraordinary circumftances taking place. The National Affembly will not follow his advice. It is chiefly the diffenters that have carried Englifh manufactures to the height they are now at. ment begin to be much fufpected. The manufactures of Manchefter.

By the French conftitution. and this arifes from the original eftablifhment of what is called its monarchy for. I fhall make no other remark upon it than that it is the nature of conqueft to turn every thing upfide down . becaufe laws muft have exiftence. cutive io is The French conftitution puts the legiflative before the exethe Law before the King La Loi> Le Roi. a King is the fountain— that he is the fountain of all honour. in addreffing himfelf to the National AfTembly. The executive power in each country is in the hands of a perfon {tiled. the fountain and the fpout. originate in and from the people by election. . as by the conqueft all the rights of the people or the nation were abforbed into the hands of the Conqueror. But as this idea is evidently defcended from the conqueft. but the French conftitution diftinguifhes between the King and the Sovereign: It conliders the ftation of King as official. in England. and as Mr. The Parliament in England. in both its branches. or in the nation* are held in England as grants from what is called the Crown. before they can have execution. he will be right the fecond time. and places Sovereignty in the ples of the nation. and conclude this part of the fubject with a few obfervations on the organization of the formal parts of the French and Englifh governments. thofe fame matters which in France are now held as rights in the people. This al. tional AfTembly. as an inherent right in the people. which compofe the Naand who are the legiflative power. were erected by patents from the defcendants of the ConqueThe Houfe of Commons did not originate as a matter of ror. " My afTembly.£ I will 53 3 here ceafe the comparifon with refpedt to the princi- French conftitution. that. .. In England it is otherwife . and as there are but two parts in the figure. right in the people to delegate or elect. the Nation is always named bereprefentatives of the nation. The fore the King. the King . Burke will not be refufed the privilege of fpeaking twice. King in France does not. fay. The third article of the Declaration of rights the fource " The nation is ejfentially (or fountain) of all fovereignty" Mr. and who added the title of King to that of Conqueror. fays. but as a grant or boon." fimilar to the phrafe ufed in England of " my Parliament j neither can he ufe it A U confifteut . in the natural order of things . Burke argues.

filth of rotten boroughs. to their In the addrefles of the Englifh Parliaments Kings. or their addrefs. That this vaflalage idea and ftile of fpeaking was not got rid of even at the Revolution . and fide preferves. the vaflalage clafs of manners. elected by the greateft body of men exerciiing the right of electThey fprung not from the ion the European world ever law. neither do we fee in them any thing of the ftile of Englifh manSince then they ners. which borders fomewhat on bluntnefs. becaufe. nor naturally of Englifh production. and with refpect to the National AfTembly.L 54 J nor could it be admitted. and manly. or the perfon it who and ftile. whether fororagainft a queftidn. knows no extremes. their origin muff. we fee neither the intrepid fpirit of the old Parliaments of France. the ufe of They were it is their duty. and extends to all the parts and circumftances of the cafe. Speech is. (the King. and the nation is their authority. by patent or boon and not out of the inherent rights of the people. There may be propriety in the ufe of it in England. are neither of foreign extraction. nor bend with the cringe of fycophantic infignificance. be fought for elfewhere. The Prefident of the National AfTembly does not afk the King to grant to the AJfembly liberty of fpeecb> as is the cafe with the Englifh Houfe of Commons. — fubject refpecting the executive department. bold. The confthutional dignity of the National AfTembly cannot debafe itfelf. Their parliamentary language.) comes before them. fame They Hand not aloof with the gaping vacuity of vulgar igno- rance. nor the ferene dignity of the prefent National AfTembly. and emphatically mark the proftrate diftance that exifts in no other condition of men than between the conqueror and the conquered. racter. and language of gentlemen returned in the their anfwer. one of the natural rights of man always retained .. and wkofe name defignates its origin. prefides in it. as the National AfTembly does in France. is free. as is before mentioned. both Houfes of Parliament originated out of what is called the Crown. nor are they the vafTai reprefentatives Feeling the proper dignity of their chaof ariitocratical ones. the is is debated on \ with the fpirit of men. The graceful pride of truth life. If any matter or confident with the conftitution. and They are evidently of that origin is the Norman Conqueft. they fupport it. Let us now look to the other of the queftion. in every latitude of the right-angled character of man. in the firft place.

" Submiffion is wholly a vaflalage term. for ever. eclipfed by the enlarging orb of reafon. all as well as Mr Burke's labours. our heirs and pof: M terities. but were the audience there made as themfelves. notiuithJiandlng appearances^ there is not any defcription of men that But they well know. the jugfcarcely believe that a country calling itfelf free. for ever. that if it were feen by others. I wrote to him laft winter from Paris. I referred to the happy iituation the National Affembly were placed in > that they had taken a ground on which their moral duty and their political interefi: were united. is and whom the folly of that fo familiar that they ridicule as wife. " to the family vault of the Capulets. Among other fubjecls in that letter. : . and gave him an account how profperoufly matters were going on. believhim then to be a man of founder principles than his book fhews him to be. as it is feen by them. They have not to hold out a language which they do not believe. like bond-men and bond-women. for the fraudulent purpofe of making others believe it. But there is a truth that ought to be made known I have had the opportunity of feeing it which is. 1 ufed fometimes to correfpond with Mr. repugnant to the dignity of Freedom. however from circumflances it may have It is already been exalted beyond its value. As the eftimation of all things is by comparifon. and clothe him with power on purpofe to put themfelves in fear of him. and give him almoft a mil-> lion fterling a-year for leave to fubmit themfelves and their pofterity. is evident from the declaration of Parliament to William and Mary. on the wane. will find its level. defpife monarchy fo much as courtiers. that. it will go. in this refpect. between a republican and a courtier with refpecl to monarchy that the one oppofes monarchy believing it to be fomething. another century." Mankind will then would fend to Holland for a man. gle could not be kept up. and the other laughs at it knowing it to be nothing. Their ftation requires no artifice to As ing fbpport . men who fhow to be get their living by a fhow. the Revolution of 1688. They are in the condition of to it . in thefe words " We do moft humbly and faithfully fubrnit ourfelves.E 55 1 *-' volution of 16S8. would be an end to the fhow and the profits with The difference is. Burke. and the In lefs than luminous revolutions of America and France. and an echo of the language ufed at the Conqueft. it.

"to rne. not of the affairs of France alone. perhaps of more than Europe. The principles harmonife with the forms. and can only be maintained by enlightening mannot their intereft to cherifh ignorance. It looks. to avoid apology makes worfe bringing it into view. The National AiTembly muft throw open a magazine of light." fays he. Burke to fupprefs the comparison. but to difare not in the cafe of a ministerial or an oppo- It is They England. Mr. " taken together. ing that Mr. . but this is a miftake. it. As Mr. as if I were in a ** great erifis. whether there is not fome radical defect in what is called the Englifh conftitution. we fee tional in it a ra- order of things. the French revolution is the moft aftoniih* ( ing that has hitherto happened in the world. him to that ftandard. Burke's book was upwards of eight months in hand. but of all il All circumftances Europe. Burke has not written on conftitutions. pel it. though they are oppofed. his and men on the Englifh fide the water will begin to confider. that made it neceflary in Mr. and other peohas he written on the French : ple at wife ones> I know not on which ground to account for Mr. It muft fhew man the proper character of man and the nearer it can bring iition party in frill united to keep . and operate to continue the principles they grow from. and is extended to a volume of three hundred and . that they are nothing more than Forms grow out of principles. gifes (in page 241) for not doing it. He only exprefies count of its commencement or its progrefs." As wife men are aftonimed at foolifh things. by faying that he had not time. In contemplating the French conftitution. are up the common myftery. Burke had voluntarily declined ^oing into a comHe apoloparifon of the Englifh and French conftitutions. who. fifty-fix pages. I began it by remarkI will here finally cloie this fubjecl:. forms. It is impoffible to praclife a bad form on any thing but a bad principle. fo neither He gives no acrevolution. the ftronger the National AfTembly be- comes. it is a certain indication that the principles are bad alfo. and wherever the forms in any government are bad. *c his wonder. It cannot be ingrafted on a good one . and both with their origin. As it his omiffion does injury to .[ 56 ] fupport kind. It may perhaps be faid as an excufe for bad forms. his caufe.

Montefquieu. we find in the writings of RoufTeau. than that of fpreading a it of lethargy over the nation. that the people appear to have loft ty in all fenfe of their : own digni- contemplating that of their grand Monarch andthewhole fort reign of Louis XV. The defpotifm of Louis XIV. and at the fame time fo fafcinated the mind of France. remarkable alteration omy for weaknefs and effemi- nacy. expreiTed. his mind often appears under a veil. and mark the circumthe France. a lovelinefs of fentiment in favour of Liberty. went as far as a writer under a defpotic government could well proceed and being obliged to divide himfelf between principle and prudence. but from his ftrong capacity of feeing folly in propeniity to expofe ous were however as and he merits j mankind. and Abbe Raynal. had fo humbled. formidable as if the motives had been virtuits it. trace out the growth of the French revolution. made no other rife. His forte lay in expofing and ridi- culing the fuperftitions which prieft-craft united with ftatecraft had interwoven with governments. It has apparently burft forth like a creation from a chaos.t 57 3 Mr. (for fatire and philanthropy are not naturally concordant). prefident of the Parliament of Bourdeaux. united with the gaiety of his Court. the human but having . took another line. or his love of mankind. from which tion to (hewed no difpofiof liberty du- The only figns which appeared of the fpirit ring thofe periods. It was not from the purity of his principles. ftances that have contributed to produce it. but certain it is. and we ought to give him credit for more than he has . and the new order of things has naturally followed the new order of thoughts. true fhape. that he does not underftand the French revolution. that the thanks rather than the cfteem of On the the contrary. Voltaire. as cbncifcly as I can. and his irrcfiftible They he made thofe attacks. who was both the flatterer and the fatyrift of deC- potifm. but it is no more than confequence of a mental revolution priorily exifting in The mind of the nation had changed before hand. and the gaud^ oftentation of his character. and elevates.-— I will here. are to be found in the writings of the French philofophers. faculties . that excites refpecl:. Burke's aftonifhmenf.

the publication of thofe events in France neceffarily con« nected themfeives with the principles that produced them. In the war which France afterwards engaged in. Franklin . and Quifne and Turgot by their moral maxims and fyftems of cecononiy. Each of them had its view but thofe views were directed to different objects . Count Vergennes was the perfonal and focial friend of Dr. and the : Doctor had obtained. Turgot. than the government itfelf. are of the ierious kind. but are rather directed to ceconomife and reform the adminiflration of the government. and learned the practice as well as the principles of it by heart. Asit was impoffible to feparate the military events which took place in America from the principles of the American revolution. and the other retaliation on England. But all thofe writings and many others had their weight. a fort of influence over him. Count Vergennes. Count Ths Vergennes was a defpoc. readers of every clafs met with fomething to their tafte. was not the friend of America. . Montefquieu by his judgment and knowledge of laws. were eventually placed in the fchool of Freedom. that it was the Queen of France who gave the caufe of America a fafhion at the French Court. ance between France and America. and juftified refiftance to oppreffion. fuch as the declaration of American independence. an object.C S8 J its Ting railed this animation. and the treaty of alii-. their writings abound with moral maxims of government. which recognifed the natural right of man. The then Minifter of France. it is very well known that the nation appeared to be before hand with the French miniftry. and foldiers who after this went to America. Many of the facts were in themfeives principles. Voltaire by his wit. and by the different manner in which they treated the fubject of government. the one fought liberThe French officers ty. by his fenfible gracefulnefs. gan to diffufe itfelf through the nation at the time the difpute between England and the then colonies of America broke out. and it is both juftice and gratitude to fay. and the friends of thofe authors. they do not direct operations and leave the mind in love with it. without defcribing the means of pofTeffing The writings of Quifne. but with refpect to principles. PtoufTeau and Raynal by their animation. and a fpirit of political enquiry be-. but they laboured under the fame difadvantage with Montefquieu.

was opportunity. France. was in clofe friendfhip with the civil government of America. joined to the theory knowledge of the practice was then and all that was wanting to give it real exigence. as well as with the military peculiar ikuation of the then in the great chain. what a grammar is to language they define its parts of fpeech. properly fpeaking. Franklin as Minifter from America to France mould be taken into the chain of circumftances. which was nearly twenty-four millions Mr. and this was the circumftance which the nation laid hold of to bring forward a revolution. Man cannot. Count Vergennes refitted for a confiderable time the publication of the American conflkutions in France. reinforcement Liberty fpread itfelf officers andfoldiers. He difcuffions fpoke the language of the country. It forbids intercourfe by a reciprocity of is fufpicion and the Diplomatic continually repelling and repelled. Neckar was difplaced in May 178 1 and by the Ill-management of the finances afterwards. the revenue of fterling per was become unequal to the expenditures. it make his circumftances for his to purpofe. Franklin. and his circle of fociety in France was univerfal. : way them into fy n tax. not becaufe the revenue had decreafed. but he always has . but even in this he was obliged to and a fort of propriety in admitting to appear what he had undertaken to defend. M. . But this was not the cafe not the diplomatic of a Court. with Dr. The another link He ferved in line. in power improve them when they occur and this was the cafe in France. Pit*.[ 59 ] The fituation of Dr. The diplomatic character that is of itfelf the narrowed fphere of fociety a Tort of unconnected atom. act in. The American conltitutions were to liberty. A . and practically construct give to public opinion. M. When the war clofed. The Englifh Minifter. of MAN. and by the univerfality of his acquaintance. and particularly daring •. but becaufe the expences had increafed . entered into the on the principles of government. tranflated into the French language . a vaft. Calonne. but His character as a philosopher had been longeita- He was blifhed. and was always a to the caufe of over France^ by the return of the French welcome friend at any election. the extravagant adminitlration of year. Marquis de la Fayette is America as an American officer under a commiffion of Congrefs. man can .

But. and as he knew the fturdy difpofition of the Parliaments with refpect to new taxes. either to withdraw the edict raifed in France. as an Englifh parliament is to grant them.C 60 ] Mr. and fent them to the Parliaments to be registered for until they were registered by the Parliaments. as a matter of choice. The firft practical ftep towards the proper to enter into fome particulars reAfTembly of the Notables has in fome places been mittaken for the States-General. nor yet any revolution . Calonne wanted money . Pitt." or Men of Note. matter of authority. has frequently alluded to the ftate of the French the fubject. Calonne could not depend upon forty members. and confuted of one hundred and But as M. a majority . that they had not only a right to remonftrate. the States-General being always by election. he ingenioufly fought either to approach direct authority. without understanding Had the French Parliaments been as ready to regifter edicts for new taxes. to return to the order of my narrative— M. tinder this An AfTembly name had been it called in 1617. perfons who compofed the AfTembly of the Notables were all nominated by the King. finances in his budgets. the authority of Parliament went no further than to remonftrate or (hew reafons againft the tax. for this pnrpofe. and who were either to recommend taxes to the Parliaments. but this will better explain itfelf as I proceed. As we fpecting are to view this as the will be revolution. acting . I them by a more gentle means than that of or to get over their heads by a manoeuvre : and. it. there had been no derangement in the finances. framed the edicts for taxes at their own difcretion. but was wholly a differThe ent body. Difputes had long exifted between they were not operative. referving to itfelf the right of determining whether the reafons were well or ill-founded . or to act as a Parliament themfelves. or rather the Court or Miniftry under the ufe of that name. under the ftile of an " AfTembly of the Notables. and in confequence thereof. but to reject . he revived the project of afTembling a 1 body of men from the feveral provinces. It will be necefTary here to (hew how taxes were formerly The King. and on this ground they were always fupported by the nation. who met in 1787. or to order it to be enregiftered as a The Parliaments on their part in lifted. the Court and the Parliament with refpect to the extent of the The Court iniifted that Parliament's authority on this head.

but by a majority of committees . upon various fubjects. arrears already incurred. of twenty members each. and as objects of reform. But thofe I matter . he very ingeniously arranged them in fuch a manner as to make forty-four a ma- jority of one hundred and forty : to effect this. that he would. but brought a melTage from the King to that purport. of which Count D'Artois was Prefident and as money-matters was the object. M. it naturally brought into view : every circurnftance connected with it. (the keeping of which were attended with great expence). Every general queftion was to be decided. Calonne had good reafon to conclude. was to contend with the Court on' the taxes. Calonne was foon off to England. and as eleven votes would make a majority in a committee. M. if afked the Mar- he would render the charge in writing ? He replied. he difpofed of them into ftven feparate committees. and four committees a majority of feven. With refpect to the ground of ject. he propofed to abolifh the Baftille. and fet de la Fayette from the experience he hadfeen in Amewas better acquainted with the fcience of civil government than the generality of the members who compofed the Affembly of the Notables could then be. by accommodating the expences to the revenue. for felling intimidate. miffed by the King. But M. in a manner that appeared to be unknown to the King. and to fupprefs Uttres de Cachet. the latter propofed to remedy them. M. M. The Count D'Artois (as if to a verbal charge againft CalOnne. he could not be out-voted. But all his plans. The then Marquis de la Fayette was placed in the fecond committee. de la Fayette made crown lands to the amount of two millions of livres. and all the State-prifons throughout the nation. finefs fell considerably to his (hare. not by a majority of perfons. that as forty-four would determine any general queftion. de la Fayette then delivered in his charge in writing. inftead of the revenue to the expences. The plan of thofe who had a constitution in view.E -* 61 ] majority of this AfTembly in his favour. The Count D'Artois did not demand it. undertaking to fupport it.deceived him. and in the event became his overthrow. for the Baflille was then in being) quis. the brunt of the bu- As M rica. No farther proceedings after dif- were had upon this affair . to be given to the King. and fome of them openly profeffed their obDifputes frequently arofe between Count D'Artois and de la Fayette.

courfe came firft before the Parliament of Paris. that of getting the Afact as a Parliament. the Chief of each of the principal departments tranfacted bufinefs immediately with but when a Prime Minifter was appointed. the King When . State-authority than any Minifter iince the The Archbifhop arrived to more Duke de Choifeuil. The two have been efthnated at about five millions SterL per ann. and funk into difgrace. The AfTembly of the Notables having broke up. the AfTembly agreed to recommend two new taxes to be enregiftered by the Parliament. on whom the bufinefs was again devolving The Archbifhop of Thouloufe (fince Archbifhop of Sens. who returned tor . that he not only would do this. but by a conduct fcarcely to be accounted for. As one fembly to of the plans had thus failed. On this fubject. they did bufinefs only with him. and the other a territorial tax. Will you. a much attended to. foon after the difmiffion of Calonne. M. faid the Count D'Artois.r 62 ] matters were not then Lettres de Cachet. faid the Count D'Artois. to be enregiftered. that of recommending. fo made Prime Minifter. the one a ftamp-tax. the other came into view. In a debate on this fubject. he perverted every opportunity. the AfTembly declined taking the matter on themfelves. to be given to the King? The other replied. but that he would go farther. for the King to agree to the eftablifhment of a constitution. the new Minifter fent the edicts for the two new taxes recommended by They of the AfTembly to the Parliaments. Do you mean. that the effectual mode would be. or fort of land-tax. that he did. in his favour . We have now to turn our attention to the Parliaments. and now a Cardinal) was appointed to the adminiftration of He was althe finances. freely elected by the people. concurring in the opinion that they had not authority. de la Fayette replied. On the fubject of fuppiying the Treafury by new taxes. turned out a defpot. that railing money by taxes could only be done by a National AfTembly. and with refpedt to majority of the Nobles appeared to be in favour of them. line of and the nation was ftrongly difpofed and a Cardinal. de la Fayette faid. and fay. not exift. and acting as their reprefentatives. an office that did not always exift in this office did France. iign what you fay. the States General? M.

word Aux armes (To arms) was given out by the officer of the guard who attended him. the name of taxes night not to be mentioned) but for the j of reducing them . Mr. he came from Verfailles to Paris. the Parliament was ordered to Verfailles. The edicts were again tendered to them. in the manner mentioned in page 90. . he had to return with thofe of mortification and disappointment. On this refuial. by an orOn this.[ <5 3 3 for anfwer. in the ufual form. All the members of Parliament were then ferved with Lettres but as they continued as inde Cachet. On alighting from his carriage to afcend the fteps of the Parliament Houfe. He endeavoured to imprefs the Parliament by great words. and the. our Lord " and Mafter." The Parliament received him very coolly. declaring that every thing done at Verfailles was illegal. and could not avoid reflecting how wretched was the condition of a difrefpected man. and the Count D'Artois undertook to act as reprefentative for the King. and with iheir ufual determination not to regifter the taxes : and in this manner the interview ended. the Parliament immediately returned to Paris. it would be well that lie noticed this as an example. mentions the French finances again in thp Bnglilh Parliament. " The King. That •withfuch a revenue as the Nation then fup~ ported. that it echoed through the avenues of the Houfe." The marked difapprobation which he faw. Pitt. who wants more of our money to fpend. the crowd (which was numeroufly collected) threw cut trite expreffions. government was called a were enregiltered in prefence of the Parliament. . they were after a fhort time recalled to Paris. impreffed him with apprehensions . and as vengeance did not fupply the place of taxes. and threw both the the edicts out*. : King held. and exiled to Trois flexible in exile as before. faying. After . and whatever ideas of importance he might fet off with. It was fo loudly vociferated. der of State. and ordered the enregifleriag to be {truck out. in a train of proceflion . renewed their fcffion in form. But {how and parade had loft their influence in France. and the Parliament were aflembled to receive him. " this is Monfieur D'Ar" tois. For this purpofe. and the two edicts * When the Englifh Minifter. what under the old Bed of Juflice. and opened his authority by faying. wn'ere. and produced a temporary confufion I was then ftanding in one of the apartments through which he had to pafs.

and. the Parliament of Paris at laft declared. and a new criminal code of laws. and law proceedings. The Cabinet had high expectations from their new con-^ trivance. the Parliament could no longer with propriety continue to debate had not authority to act. The King after this came and held a meeting with the Parliament. they hit on a pro- ject calculated to elude. contained better principles than thofe upon which the government had hitherto been adminiftered but with refpect to the Cour fleniere. in which he continued from ten in the morning till about fix in the evening. without appearing to oppofe. it was no other than a medium through which defpotifm was to pafs. and as it was necefiary to carry a fair appearance. It was to commence on the 8th of : . gave his word to the Parliament. For purpofe. without appearing to act directly from itfelf. in* a manner that appeared to proceed from him. The thing. that if the to calling the States-General : States-General were allembled. But after this another fcene arofe. Keeper of the Seals. that although it had been cuftomary for Parliaments to enregifter edicts for taxes as a matter of convenience. as if unconfulted upon with the cabinet or the mini firry y on what it to Paris. were to be nominated by the King . who afterwards fhot himfelf. This new arrangement confided in efrabHfhing a body under the name of a Cour pl£niere> or full Court. The minifter and the cabinet were averfe They well knew. and King had not mentioned any this time. was fubftituted in room of the former. in many points. in which were inveflred all the powers that the government might have oc-? The perfons compofing this Court cafion to make ufe of. the itfelf : Conftitution It Court fet about making a fort of wat principally the work of M. The perfons who were to compofe the Cour pleniere y were already nominated . La- Tnoignon. the right belonged only to the States-General-. that the States-General fhould be convened. the contended right of taxation was given up on the part of the King. many of the beft characters in the nation were appointed among the number. and that.r 64 ] : After tliis a new fubject took place In the various debates and contefts that arofe between the Court and the Parliaments on the fubject of taxes. that themfelves muft as the fall . on a ground different from all the former. therefore.

Neckar was recalled into office. and lived as in a befieged citadel . they refitted alfo. and fome of the principal members were {hut up in different prifons. When the edict for and ftrenuoufly oppofed the whole plan. and put into execution. The project of the Cour pleniere was at laft obliged to be given up. and the conteft renewed itfelf between the Parliament While the Parand the Cabinet more ftrongly than ever. liament were fitting in debate on this fubjedt. that the Cour pliniere was nothing more than a larger Cabinet. to remonftrate againfl the eftablifhment of the Cour pleniere . on tw# Form. and M.. Parliament of Paris not only refufed. that it contented itfelf with keeping up a fort of quiet refiftance. and many others. [ <5 5 3 it. and as this had no effect. Luxembourg. The Members fent out for beds and provifion. the commanding officer was ordered to enter the Parliament Houfe and feize them. was contended. and that if the practice was once admitted. eftablifhing this new Court was lent to the Parliaments to be The enregiflered. and not a right of government. that of withholding taxes. That govern- 8th of May 1788 grounds — : But an oppofition arofe to the one as to Principle. which itfelf did not perceive. The then Duke de la Rouchefoucault. the Miniftry ordered a regiment of foldiers to furround the Houfe. and to unhinge it from the fuperltitious au- ment was a national And thority . on the ground of Form. the other as to On the ground of principle it ment had not a right to alter itfelf. but denied the authority. and the Prime Minifter not long afterwards followed its fate . which effectually overthrew all the plans at that time formed againft it. and it was fo fully fenfible of the ftrong ground it had taken. it was contended. which he did. and form a blockade. it would grow into a principle. that infenfibly ferved to put the old ©ne out of fight. About the fame time a deputation of perfons arrived from the province of Brittany. De Noailles. and be made a precedent for any future alterations the government might wi£h to eftablifh : that the the right of altering the govern- right. The attempt to eftablifh the Cour pleniere had an effect upon the Nation. refufed to accept the nomination. and thofe the Archbifhop fent to the BafBut the fpirit of the Nation was not to be overcome tille. It was a fort of new form of government.

and three hundred by the ariflocracy . but with refpecl to the mode of aflTembling themfelves. by attempting to make a new one. and they decided in favor of the mode of 161 4. mode of 6 4 would anfwer Commons fhould all fit fhould be equal to the other two. in which neither the wants of the government. But as he did not chufe to take the decifion upon himfeif. and the Com- mons but their numbers. and the old one. fays. could not well efcapc the fagacity of M. : ber finally determined on was twelve hundred be chofen by the portion is fix hundred to Commons. The politics. made a chafin. (and this was lefs than their proought to have been when their worth and confequence coniidered on a national fcale) three hundred by the clergy. dinary occafions. Neckar. that the 1 neither the purpofe of the then go1 nernment. and vote in one body. he fummoned again the Affembly of ths Notables.. It was government dethroning government. As matters were at that time circumftanced. Burke (and I muft take the liberty of telling Kim he is very unacquaited with French affairs). and alfo againft the wifhcs of the Court ariflocracy oppofed itfelf to both. and they voted by orders. what was then the NoblefTe. or their proportions. This body was in general interefted in the decifion. and that they The numin one houfe. fpcaking upon this fubjed. the It lafl of which was in 1614. The * Mr. thofe matters were referred*. their num- bers were then in equal proportions. There was no fettled form for convening the Statesall that it pofitively meant. and referred it to them. The debates would have been endlefs upon privileges and exemptions. being chiefly of the ariflocracy and the high-paid clergy . would have been attended to. was a deputation from called the Clergy. who recommended that the number of the .[ 66 ] thorityof antiquity. They had been convened only on extraor. or the manner in which they fhould vote. whether together or apart. The fubjecl was then taken up by the Parliament. had not been always the fame. nor of the nation. This decifion was againft the fenfe of the for the Nation. it would have been too contentious to agree upon any thing. nor the withes of the nation for a conftitmion. and contended for privileges independent of either. " The ftrft thing that ftru ck . failure of this ing the States General General : fcheme renewed the fubjecl of convenand this gave rife to a new feries of .

not men.' Intrigue du Cabinet. it fhews that he is unacquainted with circumftances. I faw diftinclly. and of giving their confent or their negative in that manner . and the whole time paffed away in alterca*' tions. then could he diftin&ly fee all the parts. The Tiers Etai (as they w ere then called) difowned any knowledge of artificial orders and artificial privileges . who wrote before any revolution was thought of in France. and very nearly as it has happened. was manifeft that no conftitution could be formed by admitting as National men. when the whole was out of fight. " They held the public in fufpenfe five months. and parade.r 67 ] but an animated one. they increafed the confufion they were called to compofe. that there would be a revolution . The departure was neceffary. but was not able to make him fee it. They fituated themfelves in three feparate chambers. but fomewhat difr dainful. part of their order. The candidates were . I have endeavoured to imprefs him. but by the clafh of arranging them by orders. and from the the ariftocracy had fhewn by upholding Lettres de Cachet. They began as a to confider ariftocracy as a kind of fundifpofition gus growing out of the corruption of fociety. but Societies were formed in Paris. that could not be admitted eved branch of it it . all that was to follow. jority of the ariftocracy claimed what they called the privilege of voting as a feparate body. of correfpondence and communication eftablifhed throughout the nation. and the heat with which they were put. me men in any other character then After in the calling the States-General. from the experience had upon ifc. and he foon How V . neither would he believe it. and in fundry other inftances. The States-General were to meet at Versailles in April 1789. it * c appears that the great (les grandi ) thought more to fatisfy their particular paffions* ** than to procure the good of the nation. " From the moment I read the lift. The author of 'Intrigue du Cabinet (Intrigue of the Cabinet). 329. and they were not only refolute on this point. but did not afTemble till May. ceremonies. was not a eontefled cle&lon. and explaining to them the principles of civil government. and committees principles. And with refped to the " departure from the ancient courfe. Burke certainly did not fee all that was to follow." after fays. and many of the bifhops and the high-ben eficed clergy claimed the fame privilege on the The elecYion that followed. was a great departure from the ancient courfe. p. that the ancient courfe was a bad one. that it did not give rife even to the rumour of tumult. as well before as after the States-General met. Vol. The StatesGeneral of 1614 were called at the commencement of the civil war in the minority of Louis XIII. x. is beyond my comprehenfion. K and by the queftions agitated therein. fpeaking of the States-General of 1614. or rather the clergy and the This maariftocracy withdrew each into a feparate chamber. " i." befides the natural weaknefs of the remark. fays." Mr. and fo orderly was the election conducted. for the purpofe of enlightening the people.

fent an invitation to the two chambers. which with a majority of the clergy. as had been concerted. A majority of the clergy. The ariftocracy had hitherto oppofed the defpotifm of the Court. and in confequence of this arrangement.. very different is a man of a good pofed to recommend a union of to the general clafs called heart. or National Affembly. and concerted between the national reprefentatives and the patriotic members of the two chambers. and the whole of the national reprefentatives. (hewed himfelf dif- the three chambers. to unite with them in a national character. and forty-five from the other chamber joined in like manner. The King. and foon after to a greater number. This motion was not made in a precipitate manner: It was the refult of cool deliberation." This proceeding extinguished the ftile of Etats Generaux or only c< and could States-General. the national reprefentatives. In a little time. and that the two Orders could be conftdered but as deputies of corporations^ have a deliberative voice but 'when they a/Jem" bled in a national char abler with the national reprefentatives. who. On carrying this motion. which is neceflary to its explanation judged prudent that all the patriotic members of the chamber. . the Tiers Etat or Commons (as they were then called) declared themfelves (on amotion made f* * for that purpofe by the Abbe Sieyes) " THE " representatives of the nation*. There is a fort of fecret hiftory belonging to this laft It was not circumftance. (as the Englilh Barons oppofed King John). chiefly of the parifh withdrew from tke clerical chamber. and injuftice of artificial pivileged diftinctions. and erected it into the ftile it now bears. by that name. and affected the language of patriotifm. put the mal-contents in a very diminutive con: dition. and joined the nation. It was become evident. on the ground . and proceed to bufinefs. they drew off by degrees. as well to reafon the cafe. could be eftablifhed on anything lefs than a national ground. {tiling itfelf the Nobles. that no conftitution. fhould quit it at once . priefts. and it now oppofed the nation from the fame motives. that of L'AfTemble Nationale.t 66 3 After various altercations on this head. but it oppofed it as its rival. who faw into the folly. mifchief.worthy of being called by that name. the numbers encreafed from forty-five to eighty. always leaving fome. as to watch the fufpected.

They had no objection to a conftitution. vifible imbecillity the more it it was defpifed. the other hand. in cafe they could not accomplifh this object. jreforted to their efientially deftroyed. than dreaded as a lion. declaration of the chambers feparately. to overthrow the National AflTembly entirely. The more ariftocracy appeared. the Nation difowned knowing any thing of them but as citizens. it j own clumbers. had hitherto atand the Count D'Artois became their chief. in all now of two things. chiefly of bifhops and high-benificed clergy and thefe men were determined to put every thing to iflue. according the old form. and was ra- ther jeered at as -an afs. Neck. they began now to plan of the mal-contents confided either to deliberate cultivate a friendship with the defpotifm they The tempted to rival. but it muft be fuch an one as themfelves ftiould (dictate. but the mal-contcnts it. or what are called Nobles or Nobility. was lefs than man. ground from contempt more than from hatred. as well by ftrcngth as by ftratagem. ai fto ratical chamber. to confult on a oroteft againft £ . immediately alter th. To effect one or other of thefe objects. and was determined to (hut out all fuch exerted thefntelves to prevent : . and a minority of the clerical that while It loft affected to be more than citizen. up-ftait pretenfions.. The King (who has (ince declared himfelf deceived into their meafures) held. and vote by chambers. though prefentatives. minifter was in wno now began that he was growing out of faihion at Court. and b^gan now to have anoTheir numbers confided o( a majority ther project n view. and that another cotm nio'a tidn>« in As the form of lifting fepnrate chambers was yet appathe national re*- rency kept up. (by which the ariftocratical chamber would have had a negative on any article of the conftitution) or. there was a and want »of intellects in the majority. (or orders). King was made to perceive again (t the advice of M. but referved the deliberation and upon all queftions refpecting a conftitution to the three This.C 69 1 ground the National AflTembly had taken.s declaration of the King. a Bed of Jufiice x in which he accorded to the deliberation and vote par tete (by head) upon feverai objects vote . On and fuited to their own views and particular fituations. a fort ofyV nefais quoi. of the. or rather No-ability. more efpecialiy on all queftions reflecting a conftitution. countries* This is the general character of ariftocracy.

after renewing their feffion. it is to this policy that a declaration made by Count D'Artois muft be attributed.C it. that while the mal-contents continued to refort to their chambers feparate from the National and which It AfTembly. and. and now wanted a pretence for quitting it. which was But to as force to aftemble thirty accomplim the overthrow of the National would be necefTary. is here proper to be introduced. <f That if they took not apart in the National 16 djjembiy. as the moft convenient place they could find. over the intended conftitution by a feparate vote. the life of the King -would he endangered . But as they had taken their ground. and as they faw. it was necefTary that one fhould be devifed. the door of the chamber of the National AiTembly was fhut againft them. they prepared themfclves for their final object—that of confpiring againft it. and that the plot might be fufpected. retired to a private The mal-contents had by houfe." on which they quitted their chambers. until they had eftablifhed a conftitution As the experiment of fhutting up the houfe had no other effect than that of producing a clo{er connection in the Members. and mixed with the AfTembly in one body* At . orders were ifTued thoufand troops. that more jealoufy would be excited than if they were mixed with it. management was necefTary to keep this plan concealed till the moment it mould be ready for execution. the National AfTembly. one of the new-intended Miniftry. the command of which was given to Broglio. On this. and guarded by troops . from the difcontent which the declaration excited. 7° J and the minority of the chamber (calling itfelf the Nowho had joined the national caufe. We now are to have in view the forming of the new MiniItry. Th's was effectually accomplished by a declaration made by Count D'Artois. which Count D'Artois undertook to conduct . took an oath never to feparate from each other. AfTembly. this time concerted their meafures with the Court. they withdrew to a tenis-ground in the neighbourhood of Verfaiiles. who But as fome was recalled from the country for this purpofe. to confult in like manner. could not but occur. under any circumftance whatever. and overthrowing The the next morning. that they could not obtain a controul bles). it was opened again the next day and the public bufinefs recommenced in the ufual place. and members were refufed admittance. death excepted. and the oppofition making againft it.

the Baftille was taken. But in a few days from this time. on the day. The two places were at this moment like the feparate head-quarters of two combatant enemies . and this fhort-lived attempt at a counterrevolution. this concluiion would have been good. fpace of three days. that he had no other object in view than to preferve the public tranquillity. AiTL-mbly found itfelf furrounded by troops. But as things beft explain themfelves by their events. by order of the Affembly. the it The event was. was arrived to fupport them. In a little time the National anfwer that purpofe. this apparent union was only a cover to the machinations that were fecretly going on and the declaration accommodated . as is already related in the former part of this work. yet the Court was as perfectly ignorant of the information which had arrived from Paris to the National Affenibly. which appeared to be much difturbed. and thoufands daily arriving. remonftrating on the itfesf to The impropriety of the meaiure. as himfelf afterwards declared. where the Court was fitting. and calculated the outitanding Members of the two cham. and . The palace of Verfailles. M. and up to the evening on which the Baftille was taken. who (as has been altance. was not more than four hundred yards diftant from the hall where the National AfTembly was fitting.C 7i 3 it At merely bers the time this declaration was made. The maik was now thrown off. as if it had reiided at an hundred miles difThe then Marquis de la Fayette. the plot unravelled itfelf. from the diminutive iituation they were put in and if nothing more had followed. Neckar and the Mini (try were difplaced. named. three fucceffive deputations to the King. and to in- prudent to glio form . and Broand his foreign troops difperfed . matters were come to a criiis. in was generally treat- ed as a piece of abfurdity to relieve Count D'Artois. There are fome curious circumftances in the hiftory of this inert-lived miniftry. and demanding the reafon. who was not in the fecret of this hufinefs. with between twenty-live and thirty thoufand foreign troops. of the enemies of the Revolution and Broglio. ready mentioned) was chofen to prefide in the National Affembly on this particular occafion. On this a very ftrong declaration was made by the National Affernbly to the King. that in the new Miniftry and their abettors found fly the nation . gave fubftantially for anfwer. and a new one formed. King.

and unalienable rights : minds of the members of the body focial. DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS OF MAN AND OF CITIZENS. or on the abfurdity of hereditary <ucIt is the faculty of the human mind to become what ceffion. who knew not ded all hirn fo on the of it affairs : but the rni- much as that was attacked. of the National Aflembty. and which is here fubjoined. being capable of being every moment compared with and the end of political inftitutions. . neglect. inftead of vindictive proclamations. as the bafis on which the new conftitution was to be built. preclu- communication. teroufly they had fucceeded though It is it flew fart. in a folemn declaration. are the fole caufes of public misfortunes and corruptions of government. considering that ignorance. pied with eftabliihing a constitution founded on the Rights of Man and the authority of the People. By the National Assembly <c of of FRANCE. they may be ever kept attentive to their rights and their duties : That the acls of the legislative and executive powers of government. that the National AfTembly neither purfucd thofe fugitive confpirators. thefe natural. imprescriptiThat this declaration being conble. nor fought to retaliate in any fhape whatever. which. nor took any notice of Occuthem. France formed The Reprefentatives of the people into a National AfTembly. flew not fo faft as themfelves. was to outride the news left they fhould be ftopt. and fome in andefks and run. one of the firft works. arrived fo thick and fad. and none in their own character. and to act in unifon with its objectThe confpiracy being thus difperfed. or contempt of human rights. founding themfelves on their own authority. published a declaration of the Rights of Man. have refolved to fet forth. that they had to ftart from their Some fet off in one difguife. 72 ] ftate form and confer with niftry. Their anxiety now other. the National AfTembly felt none of thofe mean paflions which mark the character of impertinent governments. worth remarking. and were folacing themfelves how dexbut in a few hours the accounts .r. the only authority on which government has a right to exift in any country. as has been the cafe with other governments. it contemplates. may be more refpec"ted stantly prefent to the : alfo.

* VIII. in the fame to all. The law ought to prohibit only actions hurtful to fo* ciety. to mote. the fellow ngfacred : rights of I. 1 III. difiintiioiis . and acAll who proit has prescribed. being directed by fimple and inconteftible principles. has no other limits than thofe which are neceffary to fecure to every other rights * '. tled to any authority which not exprefsly derived from IV. Civil continue free. according to their different c without any other difiintlion than that created by their virtues and talents* VII. equal in its fight. commu- nity. fecurity. nor mould any one be compelled to that which the law is does not require* * VI. arretted. or caufe be executed. The law an expreflion of the will of the formation. the National Assembly doth recognize and declare. It Ihouid be whether it protects or punifhes. property. or held in concafes finement. n&rcan ' individual. may always tend to the maintenance of the confeitution. and renders himfelf culpable by refinance. The exercife of the natural rights of every man. and refflance of oppreffwn. and every citizen called upon or apprehended by virtue of the law. ought immediately to obey. ihouid not be hin- dered*. and imprefcriptible rights of man and ihefe rights arc liberty. What is not prohibited oy the law. ere equally eligible to all honors abilities. V. ' The end of all political affociathns the natural is the prefervation of . in re- fpetl can be founded only on public utility* II. All citizens have aright to concur. arbitrary orders. men and of citizens Men are born and always of their rights. 73 J that the future claims of the citizens. except in cording to the forms which determined by the law. either perfonally. and employments. its or by their reprefentatives.C alfo. and all being . 44 For thefe reafons. is effcnti&lly the fource of all fovereignty . Political Liberty . execute.. No man ihouid be accufed.conilfts in the power of doing whate- ver does not injure another. and the general hapuinefs. in the prcfence of the with * the hope of his bleffing Supreme Being. be enti(i. ought to be punifhed-. The law ought to impofe no other! penalties than : fuch as are abfolutely and evidently neceiTary and no one ought . The nation any. and equal therefore. and and favor. or is any body of men. places. folicit. man the free exert ife of the fame and thefe limits are determinable only by the law.

The right to property being inviolable and facred.*' QBSEtU . provided his avowal of them does not difturb the public order eftablifhcd by the law. either by himfelf or his * ' reprefentative. and their amount. IX. that force is inftituted for the benefit of the community. and legally applied. * XVII.[ f 74 in 3 •ught to be punifhed. and duration. the appropriation of them. to a free voice in determining the neceffity of * ' ' * public contributions. and not for the particular benefit c of the perfons with * whom it is entrufted. it ought to be divided equally among the members of the community. an account of their conduct. c XV. No man ought to be molelted on account of his opinions. * XI. XIII. provided he is refponfible for the abufe of this liberty in cafes determined ' * by the law.. and for defraying the other expences of government. no one ought to be deprived of it. * XIV. wants a conftitution. * XII. Every community has a right to demand of all its agents. Every citizen has a right. not even on account of his religious opinions. A common contribution being neceffkry for the fup- * * port of the public force. all * I * convicted. A public force being neceflary to give fecurity to the * ' rights of men and of citizens. mode of afTeffment. * X. whenever his detention becomes indifpenfible. and on condition of a * * * * previous juft indemnity. but * virtue of a law promulgated * before the offence. according to their abilities. except in cafes of evident public neceffity legally afcertained. Every man being prefumed innocent till he has been. write. more than is neceffary to fecure his perfon. * * ' s * ought to be provided againft by the law. every citizen may fpeak. Every community in which a feparation of powers and a fecurity of rights is not provided for. The unreftraincd communication of thoughts and opinions being one of the mod precious rights of man. and publifli freely. * XVI. rigour to him.

are fubftantially contained in the principles of the preceding articles 5 but. . which. cannot fo much as be made a fubjeci of human laws and that all laws muft conform themfelves to this prior exifting compacl. muft have been devotion . It then Man. will prevent any man. 10th. from going wrong on the fubjedt of Religion which is. it intended to accord with takes off its from the force dignity of religion. or any body of men. a Declaration of du- A of another to pefTcfs.of human laws. and 6th. befides being human. 5th. which. ha- he fees right. that if a Declaration of rights was publifhed. that before any human inftitntions of government were known in the world. are declaratory of principles upon which laws fliall be conftruded conformaBut it is queftioned by fomc ble to rights already declared. is. The remaining articles. The 7th. While the Declaration of Rights was before the National Aflembly fome of its members remarked. the mind to prefents itfdf to in make it a fubjett. comprehend : articles genera! terms. if I may fo exprefsit. are fubfcquent thereto. and a world furnifhed for his reception. and nothing to reverence in the dufky ray*. as well as 5 The a fingle idea. define more particularly what is only generally cxprefTed in the xft. at ft mfpears right to kin* i and governments do mjfrbief by interfering. and nth articles. * Whatever is my right as a man. . The 4th. which is a part of this compact. by reciprocity. and 3d. there exifted. like light intercepted by a cloudy meit which the fource of is obfeured from his fight. only erred by not reflecting far enough. 9th. beginning with the twelfth. flected. that religious devotion. or any ways altered by any human laws or human authority. if it upon the mind either in a legal or a relieious fenfe. as well as to fet up what was what in another it was proper to be more particular than condition of things would be neceffary. is alfo the right and it becomes my duty to guarantee. 8th.r is 3 OBSERVATIONS The three fir ft on the DECLARATION in OF RIGHTS. and weakens operative upon dium. from the beginning of time and that as the relation and condition which man in his individual per/on ftands in towards his Maker cannot be changed. . or any government. guarantees the right it is befides which. There is ftrikes rightly . and not affume to make the compact conform to the laws. and devotion muft ever continue facred to every individual man. the whole of a Declaration of Rights All the fucceeding articles crhu. The it fhould be accompanied by a declaobfervation difcovered a mind that re- and it Declaration of Rights ties alfo. very good people whether the I Oth divine in article fufficiently : France. ving to undo what was wrong. in the particular filiation which France then was.originate out of them. or follow as elucidations. The firil act of man. as well as in other countries. ration of duties. 2d. a compact between God and Man. when he looked around and faw himfelf a creature which he did not make.

and the free. and where corrupt. we fee the folemn and majeftic fpectacle of a Nation opening its comm'ffion. it and Time will record it with a Having now traced the progrefs of the French Revolution through moft of its principal ftages. than all the laws and ftatutes that have yet been promulgated In the declaratory exordium which prefaces the Declaration of Rights. that the name of a Revolution is diminurive of its character. the more fparks it will emit .-—N. and fo tranfeendently eftabtUh a Government unequalled by any thing in the European world. de la Fayette—*-May great monument rai- fed to Liberty. ferve as a lejjon to the opprejfor y and an example to the oppreffed / MIS- * Seepage 12 of this wbrk. and will do more good. perhaps Mr. but a fcene of iniquity and opprerlim ? it is that of England ? Does not its own inhabitants fay.* The three firft articles . and the fear is. nor can any country be called as well indi- Wh whole of the Declaration of Rights is of more value to the world. and they are but publithing the groans of a wounded vice. Had flagrant defpoit confined itfelf merely to the deftruction of tifm. under the aufpices of its Creator. Since the taking the Baftille. ion is co nmon traffic. ftead of fuffering. Their fear difcovers itfelf in their venal tribe are all alarmedoutrage.. vernments of Europe. It has nothing to dread from attacks: Truth. from its commencement to the taking Of the Baftille. I will clofe the fubjeel: with this the energetic apoftrophe of M. and it FiWhat are the prefent Gofes into a Regeneration of man. that the French Revolution is traduced. can be but very little known. as may eafxiy be feen. it has gone It /tares corruption in the face. B. Their cry now is. . and continue to preferve them pure. and fome of them. it will not be ftruck enough. . It is a rn&rkej where every man has his price. receives an homage. whofe government does not take its beginning from the principles they contain. " It has gone too far:" that is. Burke and fome others had been lilent. But from fuch oppoiition. and its eftablifhment by the Declaration of Rights. the occurrence* have been publifhed : but the matters recorded in this narrative. vidual as national are the bafis of Liberty. at the expence of a deluded people ? No wonder. are prior to that period. inThe more it is ft ruck. and the too far for them. then. the French' Revolution. to a fcene fo new. has given name as an effcablifhment lading as his own.

L But. proceeding with an orderly arrangement. . want of beyond the compafs of his argument together. His intention was to in attack on the French Revolution but initead of . Notwithstanding the nonfenfe. left a now made! To and fcarcely has name mowed down and and he legible in the lift of kings thinned the Houfe of Peers. in its operation wifdom of an takes is fatal may commit the government of a nation to the ideot. with a •. that Mr. is any thing elfe than fome polar truth or fure to be ail capacity. or the narrative that follows refcrved obfervations to be thrown together into a Mifcellaneous . tumbling over and deitroying one an- > confufion and contradiction in Mr. he has pwabbed the deck. a man in a long caufe attempts to fteer his courfe by pi inciple. make them uoke this . it mull neceiTarily follow.will in one guide always i'upply the in view. To of ter prevent interrupting the argument in the it. and hereditary rights. (as they are called) can make no part and of it. The argument changes rights to hereditary wifeft from hereditary is. Burke not good to be a king.. The ground which Mr. Burke has aiTerted about hereditary rights. becaufe it is impoffible to make wifdom hereditary on the other hand. it. Burke now to every part of his caufe. for it deferves no better name. that cannot be a wife contrivance. fays he. wifdom 5 and the queftion that every Who is is the man ? He muft now £hew one title in the line of hereditary fucceffion was a Solomon. fome Chap- by which variety might not be cenfured for confufion. preceding part I this work. is ea£ily accounted he to When loft. keep the parts of an iiTue. or his What a ftroke has Mr. ufe a failor's phrafe. and by any other means than having Neither memory nor invention The former fails him. which •.C 11 ] MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER. Mr. fo>'. and the It is latter betrays him. and that a Nation has not a right to form a Government for itfelf . Burke's Book is all Mifcellany. he has ftormed with a it Mob this of ideas. that hereditary fucceffion. Burke's Book. it happened to fall in his way " Government) to give fome account of what Government is. and hereditary fucccfiion. fcythe as formidable as Death and Time. is a contrivance of human ivifdom" Admitting that Government is a contrivance of human wifdm.

he proceeds with aflrological myfterious importance. Whether be from a fenfe of fhame. It is without an origin. juji as it In fbort 9 that government is arbitrary power.[ 7* ] But. monopoly of wifdom. fclf talking to. and he then proclaims. or wifdom (realiug government. but a He puts the nation as fools on one fide. and he has taken care to guard againft it a by making government to be not only a contrivance of human wifdom. " Men have a RIGHT that their w ants Jhoidd be provided u for alfo ly. to tell to them its in governand thefe are often in balances f* between and in compromifes fomedifferences of good " times between good and evil. and not " metaphyflcally or mathematically. or good evil. true moral demonftra- powers. I then. intrepreter. or from both. and of its vail capacity for all purpofes. pof&b'e or impoflible. by this wifdom" next proceeds to Having thus made proclamation. or from a confeiouf- nefs of fome radical defect in a government necelTary to be kept out of fight. i " ment are their advantages t( tions. that it can make evil good. I un- dertake ." As will the wondering audience whom Mr. Burke has forgotten. But there are fome things which Mr. it h either government treating wifdom. and fometimes between evil 1C and evil. Political reafon is a computing principle . in thefe words-—" The Rights of men . He has not (hewn where the wifdom originally came from and fecondly. that . that they have it : a right (not to any of the wifdom) but to be governed by and in order to imprefs them with a folemn reverence for this monopoly-government of wifdom. it it is ufurpation. he has not fhewn by what authority it fir ft began to act. Burke appears to have been aware of this retort. Mr. morally. and its powers without au: people of That government thority. In the manner he introduces the matter. and In this he has fucceeded dextrouftheir wants to be a what for he is their rights are. may not underftand its this undertake to be all this is. he explain to them what their wants are. and places his government of wifdom. pleafes. or from any other caufe. makes want of wifdom •. he then informs them. <l fubtracting. In fhort. multiplying. adding. right or wrong. all wife men of Gotham. The meaning is good governed by no principle whatever . Firft. but as this but cold comfort. on the other fide . all Burke fuppofeshimlearned jargon. and dividing. and fays.

there is the fountain of honour. (hew how little they under/land of man. which renders him This may account for fome ftrange doctrine he has advanced in his book.E 79 1 it is. made ignorant. There is its foner never traces government to fource. Burke is labouring in vain to flop the progrefs of knowledge . Thofe who talk of a counter revolution in There does France. or It is A ! the head of the a proftitute. acts in the fame . will look back with contemplative pride on the origin of their governments. left fome robber cr fome Robin Hood ftioitld rife from the long obfcurity of time. Burke laboured the Regency Bill and hereditary fucceffion two years ago. by making them feel and when : once the rance is veil begins to rend. The revolutions of America and France have thrown a beam of light over the world. The means muft be an obliteration of knowledge and his it has never yet been difcovered. and fay. and it. when once any object has been feen. he cannot be not originally a thing of itfelf. which. thofe who fhall live in America or in France. impoffible to re-eftablifli It is the abfence of knowlege rant. A certain fomething forbids him to look back to a beginning. lift. and iky » 1 am the origin* Hard as Mr. not exift in the compafs of language. are changing fa ft in all countries. The enormous expence of governments have provoked people to think. dertake not to determine*. the fon of and the plunderer of the Englifh nation. which reaches into man. one of the fiibboleths by which he may be known. but is only and though man may be kept igno. or unthink his thoughts. it is impoffible to put the mind back to the fame condition it was in before it faw it. This was the work of our glorious anceflors ! But what can a monarchical talker fay ? What has he to exult in ? Alas he has nothing. as there is a certain tranfaction known in the city. knowlege. it admits not of repair. in discovering manner as it acts through the eye in difcovering object . and lay. an arrangement of words to exprefs fo much as the means of effecting a counter revolution. and it comes with the worfe grace from him. he ftili had not boldnefs enough to bring up William of Normandy. how to make man unknow truth. and much as he dived for precedents. but fo that a monarchical rea- from its fource. fufpected of being a pendoner in a fictitious name. The mind. . thoufand years hence. it is Igno- of a peculiar nature: once difpelled. The opinions of men with refpect to government. Mr.

will . as well in its original. how imports foreign families to be Kings. though he points tually it Revolution Society. that the nation then continued to accord to the form of annexing a monarchical branch to its government . is effec- directed againft the whole Nation. than what it does to the ear of another perfon. one of the petty them. (taking it for gran. or in its if there is not a right to a vote in any of- the characters. a fingle vote for a colletlively . as in its reprefentative character. refpect to the doctrine." " hol^s his Crown (for " ** it does not belong to the nation. It is not theRevolution Society that Mr. and he has taken care to make himfelf underftood. I am at no lofs to judge. it is always a foreign heufe of Kings hating foreigners. come to the Crown with fame c$n- " tempt of tc their choice. or whether the people chufe a Cheroto that kee Chief. it try. in contempt of the choice of the Revolution Society.r 80 at the 3 which. Burke means. fo it is far as it relates to the Rights of abominable as any thing ever uttexed in the moft enflaved country under heaven. The Revolution Society is compofed of citizens of all denominations. the parliament could not have had authority to have fent cither to Holland or to Hanover. ted. is not a matter that but with that to themfelves I trouble myfelf about. by not being accuftomed to hear fuch defpotifm. as Men and and confequently. fays he. " The King of England. with which his Majefty has fucceeded which he now wears. who " have not " dually or <fc King among them his Majefly's heirs. there can be no right to any either in the nation parliament. that although the people of England a caution to every It is This ought to be have been in the habit of talking about Kings. I am not fo well a judge of. for without this. yet governed by It is now the Hotife of Brunfwick. It has hitherto been the practice of the Englifh Parliaments. and of members of both the Houfes of Parliament . As to who is king in England or elfewhere. tribes of Germany. or a Heffian Hufiar for a King. or whether there is any king at all. either indivi- and each the in their time and order. to what curious counfomeobferve. to regulate what was called the iucceflion. according to Mr. it is the Nation. by faying that they have not a vote either colletlively or individually. Whether it founds vorfe to my ear. be . but of its abominable principle. Nations. Burke). or to impofe a King up- on .

" it is laying too much even to the humbled individual in the country . " America is a fine free couathe late war " try. which the country gives the perfon it (tiles a King. the nation . master of every thing. it had a right to be a Republic . When Mr. whofe liberties are to be protected by German principles of government and princes of Brunfwick. will come to the "crown with the-y^m^ contempt of their choice with which " His Majefty has fucceeded to that he wears. which is applicab'e do not directly charge my memory with every particular j but the words and the purport. we have no longer any occafion for you. The nation is the payoriginal right. as univerfal as taxation. each in their time and order. Germany . "-—God help that country. and to pay for contempt. of Peers. and that but from a very i mall part of. The right of a Parliament is only aright in truft. it had a right to have it fo . I . thought I. we eat draw. and reminds me of what one of the Brunfvvick foldiers told me. it becomes worfe . as nearly as I remember. but right of the nation mm oft the goes to the whole cafe. and time he was Minifter.) And this mud be the limit to which Parliament can go upon the cafe . As Mr. who was taken prifoner by the Americans in " Ah!" faid he. a right by delegation. and if it afterwards chofe to be a Republic. : general* . and to fay to a King. be it England or elfewhere.C »i J on the nation againft its will. fometimes of Trance. if the prince * fay. Burke fometimes fpeaks of England. by I the then Earl of Shelburne. it is worth the people's righting for. Burke fays that " His Majefty's heirs and fuc<s ceiTors. is defpotifm . in my country. and every thing muft conform to its general will. were thefe: That the form of a Government was a m-ztter wholly at the will of a Nation at all times : that if it chofe a monarchicalform . but when contempt is added. part of whofe daily labour goes towards making up the million ilerling a year. becaufe it has the right of changing its whole form of government. and one of But the right of the nation is an its Houfes has not even this. is the This fpecies of Government comes from excefs of flavery. Eat draw. and fometimes of the world. Government with Infolence. I know the dif" ference by knowing my own . and of government in think was at the to this cafe. *I remember taking it notice of a fpeech in what is called the Englifh Houfc.

can our liberties be regularly perpetuated and preferved facred as our hereditary aflc them away ? M. it had a power to operate not only independent. fays. But. right." I is Mr. ." But befides the eat ftraw. . and that the people of England folly of the declaration. in fpeaking to France. like time. and the legality of which in a few if it ! Mr. to hear what thofe of other countries have to fay refpecting it. or as if it were a thing or a fubject univerfally confented to. de la " For a Nation to he free. It may is alfo learn When Nations opened. he fays. c< it is fvfficient that /he wills it. which is frequently the cafe with Mr. but in fpite of man . As it is fometimes of advantage to the people of one country. and James the fecond. as were i'ome production of nature . it is preparing itfelf to tempt. Burke's Book. without evils and as knowledge is the object contended for. that Charles the firft.r 82 3 general. Burke who to take Fayette. talks about what he calls an hereditary crown. its fomething from the anfwers it will occafion. holding it in " conIf England is funk to this. it is poffible that the people of France may learn fomething from Mr. are inftances of this truth. and the more fo when circumftances are put for arguments. but is the reverfe It is a thing in imagination. addreffing himfef to the people of France. Burke years will be denied. the propriety of of them all. Lurke reprefents England as wanting capacity to take care of itfelf and that its liberties muft be taken care of by a King. a wide field of debate The argument commences with the rights of war. which is more than doubted. the liberties of the people were endangered. it is Government are general next to impoffible in them from the idea of place and circumftance . fall out about freedom. yet neither of them went fo far as to hold the Nation in contempt. as in Hanover or in Brunfwick. many cafes to feparate " (meaning *' (i ts the Englifh). the party that fuflains the defeat obtains the prize." But Mr. " No experience has taught us. . Burke. it happens that the facts are all againft was by the Government being hereditary. that in any other courfe or method than that of an hereditary crown. Burke. Mr. it is difficult to meeting him on the anfwer his book without apparently fame ground. Alas it has none of thofe properties. or as if. Although principles of fubjects. In the former part of his Book.

fhall fay to a Nation. or any other distinction. an hereditary fucceflion to the Government of a Nation.a perfon in he was fold by his parent. it Signifies relief. tempt" of you. I hold this power in " con. Secondly. The right of a Nation to eftabiifh a particular fa- With reSpect to xhejirji of thefe heads. all men will con- prove it. In order to arrive at a it more perfect decifion on this head. it does not prefent itfelf but if men will permit a as defpotifm on the firft reflection fecond reflection to take place. But the y^ceW head. to reflect that tablifhed as a ^egal thing. refpect to fucceeding generations. or thofe who Stand in fucceffion to him. It operates to preclude the confent of the Succeeding generation. more properly fpeaking. will be proper to confider the generation which undertakes rate with hereditary powers. heads under which (what is called) an hereditary crown. cur in calling it deSpotiSm . hereditary fucceffion cannot be tfIt is no flavery. and the preclusion of confent is defpotifm.[ 83 ] But. acts iih. to arrange this matter neral expreflions can convey. The at the generation which its firft Selects a perfon. When the perfon who at any time ihall be in poffeffion of a Government. that of a its family eftabiifhing itfelf with hereditary powers on and independent of theconfent of a Nation. be wiSe or fool- as a free agent for itfelf. they will then fee that hereditary fucceffion becomes in its confequences the fame defpotifm to others. . and it would be treSpafling on their understanding to attempt to own authority. not on what authority he pretends but an aggravation to. to fay it. and carry that reflection forward but one remove out of their own perfons to that of their offspring. and puts title it him head of Government. diftinct in a clearer it view than what ge1 will be neceflary to ftate ihc or. The perfon fo Set up is not hereditary. a-part and fepafrom the generations which are to follow and alfo to confider the character in which \l\tjirft generation ads with to eftablifh a family . its either with the of King. can be considered which are. mily. own ehoice. Firft. and as that which heightens the criminality of an aft cannot be produced to prove the legality of it. that of a Nation eltabliihing a particular family with hereditary powers . •. The right of a particular family to eitabiifh itfelf. which they reprobated for themfeives.

and which can only contempt for his proftitutc principles. by virtue of a will and teftament. the objects to which it applies itfelf are not within the compafs of any law. but under a government of its own choice and. we have now character in which that generation acts with refpect to the commencing 'generation. (and which it has not authority to make) to take from the commencing generation. or any oand cut off the defcent. are difpofed to be flaves. and it is not in the power of any generation to intercept finally. transferable. ther.eitaWere the generation who fets him up. to which It has neither right a Teftator. a new and different form of government Itfelf. does not live under an hereditary govecpi ment. But. are neither devifeable. demife of the makers. but felected and appointed and the generation who him up. rights The of men in fociety. la . the fucceeding generation to be free: wrongs cannot have a legal defcent. in this cafe. or of any «• will or teftament. which Legifiator to is nor and it to have operation after the *. or pity for his ignorance. is follow on the death of the As therefore hereditary fucceffion out of the quedion with to consider the refpect to thejirfi generation. changes itfelf affects to make its from a Will. to live forever. but under a Government of its own choice and eftablifhment and it now attempts. hereditary. to all fucceeding ones. and all future ones. it affumes a character. Burke attemps that the Engli/h Nation did at the Revolution of 1688 mojl jolemnly renounce and abdicate their rights for themfelvesy and for all their pofierity for every he fpeaks a language that merits not excite reply. When Mr. the rights and free agency by which •. not under an hereditary Government. but to and eftablHh on the fuc- ceeding generation. it does not ieffen the righf of to maintain. hereditary fuccefSon can only firft parties. as is already obferveci. If the prefent generation. itfelf acted. lived under which itfelf lived. perfon fo fet up. to bequeath the Government not only attempts to bequeath. nor nor annihilable. exclulive of the right which any generation has to act collectively as a teftator. and It title.C s4 ] . and the blifhment. itnever could become hereditary fets fucceffion \ and of confequence. but are defcendable only.

it miftook the cargo. or is it a name. in what does that neceffity confifr. or in the man? Doth cap. than there was in America to have done a fimilar thing. that they have no rights^ that their rights are already bequeathed to him. after all. From fuch principles. yet this is the manner in which (what is called) hereditary fucceflion by law. or rather what is monarchy ? Is it a thing. and that he will govern in contempt of them. if wifdom was at fuch a low ebb in England. or is it. and even if it was. A ! pretences? Is it a thing necefTary to a nation ? If it is." I might afk him. " or of human craft to obtain money from a nation under fpecious felf. and ceils them in Mr. and the refpeel: for his perfonal character. or a German Elector. what is this metaphor called a crown. and give it to C. . fome countries In America it is con- of its exiftencc. a -fraud ? Is it " a contrivance of human wifdom. falling into ridicule. how is a foreigner to underftand M them.C *S ] In whatever light hereditary fucceffion. and in France it has fo far declined. Burke defcribes it. as growing out of fome former generation. what is its bufinefs. If Government be what Mr. who afterwards comes forward. that the goodnefs of the man. is The wifdom of every all its country. A certain former generation made a will to take away the rights of the commencing generation and all future ones. and convey thofe rights to a third perfon. and fuch ignorance. prefenfs itcannot make a will to take from B the property of B. "a contri- vance of human wifdom. 5 when properly exerted. that it was become necefTary to import it from Holland and from Hanover ? But I will do fbe country thejufticeto fay. the ? gold- fmith it that makes the crown. andwhat are its merits? Doth the virtue confid in the metaphor. Good Lord deliver the world But. that was not the cafe. are the only things that preferve the appearance unnecessary fidered as an abfurdity. Burk's language. and as and expenfive. It appears to be a fomethihg going rejected in much out of fafhion. what fervices does it perform. operates. If a country does not underftand its own affairs. it is the will and teftament of an abfurdity. fufHcient for purpofes and there could exift no more real occafion in England to have fent for a Dutch Stadtholder. make the virtue like ? aifo Doth operate Fortunatus's wifliing or Harlequin's ? wooden {word what both is it ? Doth it make a man a conjuror In fine.

Lords of the kitchen. can find as many reafons for monarchy as their If there . King? he retorts. fuch as placemen. our reafon cannot afk us — What are thofe men rica kept for is any thing in monarchy which we people of Amedo not underftand. all civilized nations will agree in. that of obliging them to call him " Their Sovereign Lord the King. part of it. is Nothing of monarchy appears in any republican goverment. jf I afk paid at the expence of the country. Burk would be fo kind as to I fee in America. and obferve its but when we cad our and. the merchant. including trial by jury. All that part but civil government is republican government. except the name which Wiliiam the Conqueror impofed upon the Englifh. quarter-feliion. fomething If I afk monarchy is to him ? he can give me him what monarchy is. a country ten times as large as England. why is it kept up any where ? and if a neceiTary thing. a government extending over inform us. is making a rapid progrefs in the world." It is eafy to conceive. that of men ? the race of kings are the moll infigniheant fail to in capacity. Lords of the bed-chamber. If monarchy is a ufelefs thing. the manufacturer. Lords of the neceffkry-houfe. . ] its them. others. in it. the occupations of amount to the to . . how can it be difpenfed with ? That civil government is necefiary. but the farmer. Iwifh Mr. pensioners. that his wifdom was neceiTary fome rcafon might be offered for monarchy eyes about a country. the generality of people living in a and I fee ftile of plenty unknown in monarchical countries that the principle of its government. and afks me if I take him for an ideot ? How is it that this difference happens ? are we more or lefs wife than mothers? I fee in America.C 26 laws. all and when we look around the world. fee how every part underftands own affairs. falaries. nor its lan- guage If there exifted a man fo rranfeendently wife above all to inftruct a nation. if he wants a cofts in England. and conducted with regularity for a fortieth part of the expence which government If I afk a man in America. the tradefall man. what fervice life common no anfwer. who knows ? neither its manners. of the government of England which begins with the office of conflable. which is that of the equal Rights of Man. and general affize. and proceeds through the department of magiftrate. and down through labourer. that a band of Interested men. he believes it is Notwithstanding like a finecure. and the Lord knows what beiides.

and the people in flavilh vafTalage. Arbitrary Power How then could : A German it Elector is in be expected that he Should be attached to principles of liberty in one country.iides the endlefs German intrigues that rnuft fol- Elector being King of England. There . excluries'. Burke's words. there is a natural impoffibility of uniting in the fame perfon the principles of Freedom and the principles of Defpotifm. is under the fame wretched Slate of arbitrary power. (and When it would puzzle a wifer man than Mr. fubject ncceiiarily extends itfelf to the monarchical the people of England fent for George the Firft. fuccefs to the principles of Liberty in France. they kail to have conditioned for the abandonment of \Be. and the Electorate I as the eftate. while his intereft in another was to be fupportedby defpotifm ? The union cannot exift and it might eaiily have been forefeen. or as it is ufually a German called in his electorate a defpot England. Burke what fervice to difover for wjiat he could be wanted. the the internal part. The Englifh may wiih. low from he cold render). while the connection lafts. laid to be for the expences left vernment. '.' that German Electors * The Engliih have been in the habit of considering a King of Endand only in the character in which he appears to them : whereas the fame perfon. where the prefent Queen's family governs. or in Germany . Con- government is executed by the any nation people. almoft at" its own charge. in Mr. they cannot be accounted for on the fcore of civil government. would make German Kings. the taxes of England ought to be lighted of As this are the contrary. of defpotiim in his electo- and the Dutchy of Mecklenburgh. has a home-feat in another country. or ought at Hanover. Jo Europe s initead of which. it is ftill evident that the fenfe of the Nation is magistrates and juto govern itfelf. would affume government with contempt. and the principles of the governments in oppofition to each other— To fuch a perfon England will appear as a town-refidence. or. but a Ger- man rate Elector trembles for the fate . the intereft of which is different to their own.C 37 J Notwithstanding the taxes of England |>enteen millions a year. almoit the only charge that sidering that ail is amount to almoft or' Go- paid out of the revenue. on The Salaries of the Judges are sive of theexpence of taxes. and does govern itfelf by republican principles. as believe they do.

it now promife to is probable the Nation would not have patiently fub- George the Fir ft and Second were fenfiand as they could not but conflder themfelves asftanding on their good behaviour. A higher ftimulus . as nations : againlt Liberty. that it had frrongly that : appearance. fudden tranlition. they had prudence to keep their German principles of Government to themfelves but as the Stuart Family wore away. and what were called prerogatives. and the fondnefs of Mr. nothing could operate togive a more general (hock than an immediate coalition of the champions themfelves. continued to heat the Nation till fome time after the conclusion of the American War. and each was extolling the merits of its parliamentary champions for and againfi prerogative. . As the Nation had formed itfelf into two parties. The animofily of the Englifh Nation. and to diftinguifli the the politics of when it became the Englifh to more circumfpedtly than at the prepolitics of the Electorate from the Nation. The conteft between rights. it is very well remembered. . it is proper to obtwo difiin<5t fpecies of popularity the one excited by merit. The revolution of France has entirely changed the ground with refpect to England and but the German defpots. view of the ftate of parties world becomes matter and take a concife reand politics in England.C 83 ] There never was fent a time watch continental intrigues moment. I leave to Mr. ble of a rival in the remains of the Stuarts . had the true principles 'of Liberty been as well understood then as they be. the other by refentment.. as Mr. Pitt for office. Burke has done in France. now quit this fubjeel. are combining gainft this intrigue. and felt muturelief meafure. . no other^ than uniting in a common execration againfi: both. when all at once it fell a calm execration exchanged itfelf for applaufe. with Prufiia at France. and the mtereft which all his family connections have obtained. the prudence became lefs neceiTary. Burke certain however it is. that there are . ran high and. The partiaccount for this To ferve. As every thing which pafTes in the I will forhiftory. Whether the prefent reign commenced with contempt. mitted to fo much. fans ally of each being thus fuddenly heated with difguft at the left in the lurch. do not give fufBcient fecurity atheir head. and Court popularity fprung up like a mufhroom in the night.

the new Minifter. had a right in himfelf to arTume the government. could popular not fail to be and from hence arofe the popularity of the Court. as it affbided the means of it .C s9 ] ftimulus of reientment being thus excited. This was oppofed by Mr. uni-. but becaufe it it had re- folved to do its out of refentment to another. or worfe in their extent. was delufion more fuccefsfully nor a nation more completely deceived. as heir in fucceffion. whereas the perfons it ought to punifh bufinefs. and the a-year to fink itfelf. Meawhich at o. which they liked belt— -but. Fox had ftated in the Houfe of Commons. were as bad. Never in the the courfe of acted. my observation. is the national mod prefents the affair matter which of the Regency. Tranfitions of this kind exhibit a Nation under the govern. Mr. Pitt. But the principles which Mr. Mr. Palling over the two bubbles. and. than thofe . and acts perfuafion upon itfelf to foffocate its judgement. not out of regard to himfelf. it was juft. But. the fame people gratifying the refentment of the Nation. as to extinguifh and without any change cf principles on the part of the who had reprobated its defpotifm. fo far as the oppohtion was confined to the doctrine. to be at the expence in of buying up the rotten boroughs. the return of a new Parliament. and fought only that of gratification. fo effectually funerfeded the indignation againft the Court. : ment of temper. inftead of a fixed and Heady principle having once committed itfelf. to revenge themfelves on the Coalition Parliament. however rafhly. He introduced himfelf to public notice by a propofed reform of Parliament. The cafe was not. The dilfolution of the Coalition Parliament. to make this appear. and the leaft hated paffed for love. Pitt maintained on the contrary fide. found himfelf in a fecure majority and the Nation gave : him credit. Court. The Nation was. it feels fures and itfelf urged along to jullify by continuance its firft proceeding. that the Prince of Wales. it now approves. who deal in the traffic. it will be neceffary to go over the circumftances. On Pitt.ther times it would cenfure. The indignation at the Coalition. ted with it. which operation would have amounted to a public juftification of corruption. than what the conteft on prerogatives had occafioned. which they hated m oft . the Nation quitted all former objects of rights and wrongs. of the million Dutch debt.

they both took hereditary Pitt took the worft of the two. Fox. on all national queflions. Nation it . . Had Mr. fuppofed to confift of three parts is :-• . the parts have a national /landings independent of each other. it With by ly Houfe of Commons. and faid. Fox Pitt pafTed through Parlia- ment. Pitt was ther from the point than Mr. Where merited popularity of exalting this hereditary power reditary over another he- power lefs independent of the Nation than what itfelf afTumed to be. in oppofition to refpeel: to the it. the hereditary ground. but the fact is. Mr. is elected but a fmall part of. the Nation difpofed to continue this form. fo far as thev' refer to the verfal as taxation. wholthen was the independent of the Nation. far- without regard to It is merits or demerits. without perceiving that Mr. it would ftill be onand cannot pofTefs inherent When the National Aflembly of France refolves a rights. muft then have contended (what he called) the right of the Parliament. Mr. the Englifh Whether is form of Government be good or bad. Houfe . which the organ of the Nation. than be. It .[ 90 ] thofeof Mr. and authority. is made up of two Houfes . Fox took ground. Fox. and of abforbing the rights of the Nation into a Houfe over which it has neither election nor controul ? The general impulfe of the Nation was right reflection. what the Crown (as it is called) is an hereditary ariftocracy. the refolve is made in right of the Nation . Pitt the parliamentary ground. What is called the Parliament. is one of which fuppofed to ly more It is hereditary. not in this cafe the queftion its but. and are not the creatures of each other. Mr. and more beyond the con- troul of the Nation. aiTuming and irrevocable rights aiTerting indefealible. becaufe they went to eftabliin an ariftocracy over the Nation. and over the fmall reprefentation it has m the Houfe of Commons. therefore. of the Nation. and Mr. but it acled approved the oppofition made to the right fet up by Mr. more remote from the without Nation. matter. bur Mr. and Mr. the but were the election as uni- ought to be.while. that the perfon alluded to clsimed on the ground of the Nation. Pitt. Pitt was fupporting another indefeafible right. againft the right By the appearance which the conteft made. taking it as it ftands. Fox.

as he muft be Regent at his Among the curiolities which this contentious dec lie. ftnee the progrefs of Liber- ty in France. of fpeaking of Conftitution. Nation itfelf into a cypher. (hews there and that the whole is merely a form of Government without a Conftitution. which is appropriated to the executive department: and Mr. tuning Formerly it itfelf to the ear of the Nation. and makes the organ into a Nation. finitely more value to the Nation. In a few words. abforbs the rights of the Nation into the organ. with an extent of rich and fertile country above four times larger than England. would terminate by producing the Conftitution. and the deConftitution. and the. was the univerfal fupremacy of Parliament-— the Parliament . is as certain as that the fame thing has happened in France. That is Conftitution— -To-day it is one thing . and conftiIf there were a tuting itfelf with what powers it pleafes. i nal Powers. as they now ftand. are worth. another fays. was to be royal authority. and to-morrow. it is fomething elfe while the maintaining none . it confequently and a good Conftitution would be of inIs o itfelf nothing. One member lays. If. without fet ting up the Supremacy and when this was accompliihed. than what the three Nomi. ffbrded. Pitt could not po fiefs himfelf of any management of this fum. but without the fubftance. If France. omnipotence oj But. Conftitution is now the cant word of Parliament. and the Englifh Parliament have catched the fafhion from the National Aflembly. Parliament. Conftitution in the Englifh The continual ufe of the is word . As make defects the prefent generation of people in England did not the : Government. the affixiru) of which to an act.r 91 ] Honfe of Commons. the que (Hon on the Regency was a queftion on a million a year. with a but that fooner or later revenue of nearly twenty-four millions fterling. thofe phrafes have a defpotic harflinefs in their note . they are not accountable for any of its it muft come into their hands to undergo a conftitutional reformation. it was inof Parliament r rent who (hould be Regent. — the debate proves there is none. tiiecefose. Royal Authority is a Great Seal. was that of making the Great Seal into a King. with a population of twenty four-millions of inhabittants . it certainly would be referred to base on any conftitutional point. This is Conftitution.

under the former Government (hews that it is impcffible to compel the payment of taxes by force. and fends the annuity to market. and for properly the The funding which it fyftem It not money . inftead of the ftandard of twenty-four livres to a pound fterling . is man is *. to defray the That a government could not always have gone on by the fame fyftem which has been fallowed for annual expenditures. and lays on a tax to keep the ima- ginary capital alive by the payment of intereft. fpeaking. Burke.t 92 3 upwards of ninety millions fterof gold and filver circulating in the nation.. eighty-eight In doing this. he has.of which Lord Hawkefbury is prefident. George (1786) an account of the quantity of money in each nation. credit. and Mr. Neckar's ftatement. that. neither it. it the fame reafon mud be evident to every cannot always go on. from which Mr. to be fold for paper already in circulation. from whatever it caufe. when a whole nation is determined to take its ftand upon that ground. what is fuppofed to be the cre- The inftance of France dit of Government expires with it. to come to a icttleiuent of its problem of funding for both countries* It is out of the queftion to fay how long. I ates the quantity of gold and filver in France. in effect. from . divided by the difference of exchange. creates upon paper fum appears to borrow. at about millions fterling. When this difpofition expires. for M. the queftion is. the Englifli conftitution has lafted. affairs. If any credit is given. Neckar France. yet in thru ihort rent expences. in his review of the finances of France. and to argue from thence how long it is to laft . with ling ceffary. it is to the difpofition of the people to pay the tax. ft Mr. and has life of a man . prefume. together with the curit requires an amount of taxes at lead equal to the whole landed rental of the nation in acres. Burke's is taken. what is called. is two ihoufcmd twe hundred millions of livres^ which is upwards of ninety-one millions and an half in fterling. has fo far accumulated. laft the feventy years. and with a debt lefs than the prefent debt of England— ftill found it ncants to fupport taxation. how long can the funding folves the fyftem laft? It is a thing not yet continued beyond the fpace it but of modern invention. publifhed nearly about the fame time Office of M. Chalmers of the Trade and Plantation in England. and not to the Government which lays it on.

recoined from the old doin which was called in. after deducting for waiie. Chalmers. the revenue was about a fourth part of the national amount of gold and filver. . III. including Scotland and Ireland. and in various lhapes . Neckar has ftated. and. without referring to the records of the French Mint for proofs. that the amount of money in France. to be twenty millions fterling*. M. and the quantity of money ftated to be in the nation at that time. To account for this deficiency on prefented the part of England. It can be of no real fervice to a Nation. was two thoufand five hundred millions of livres. taking it as Mr. That the quantity of money in France cannot be under this fum. the more opportunities it are af- forded to export the fpecie and admits of a poffibility (by N * extending See Efnmaie of the Comparative Strength of Great Britain.[ 93 J from the returns of the Mint of each nation. the whole revenue was collected upon gold and filver . and as paper had then na exigence in France. ftates the circulating quantity at home. to fubftitute it operates to multiply paper. Burke has put it. or to permit itfelf to be impofed upon . and the impofition of others. dates the quantity of money in England. and other poflible circumfiances. in the is room of money. have always reFrance as a nation pofiefling but little money— whereas the quantity is not only more than four times what the quantity is in England. from the returns of the Englifli Mint at the Tower of London. Neckarf fays. and it would have been impoffible to have collected' fuch a quantity of revenue upon a lefs national quantity than M. by M. as may be known by referring to the revenue prior to King William. Neckaf. but is confiderably greater on a proportion of numbers. . was nearly twenty-four millions flerling . The revenue of France prior to the Revolution. Mr. which was nearly as much as it is now. by G. to impofe upon itfelf. Before the eftabliihtnent of paper in England. Chalmer*. but the prejudices of fome. may at once be feen from the (fate of the French Revenue. to be ninetyone millions and an half fterliog v but. it is fixty-eight millions more than the national quan- tity in England. Vol. fome reference fhould be had to the It Englifh fyftem of funding. and the more paper multiplied. f See Adminiftratigo of 'ih* Finances of France. (upwards of one hundred and four millions fterling) . and what may be in the Weft-Indies.

to afcertain the quantity of in fufnciently true. but on an average of fifteen fucceeding years. as to require the attention of men intei tiled in mode) There is a circumftancc tranfa&ions of a public nature* A * • am ed by M. which is fixty millions fterling. which is fe- -venty-five millions fterling*. Mr. the amount of the annual tinporca Europe. the quantity remaining after thefe the 1 From to the time deductions * Adminillration of the Finances of France. in his treatife on r^e adminillration of i • which has never been attended to in England* which forms the only bafis whereon to eftimate the a of money (gold and filver) which ought to be In ever] in Europe. fubjecl: to there U no money I left. is that the importation of ^old and into Europe. . Neckar makes for France. the regifters of L'tfoon and filver M. in which time* the amount was one thoufand eight hundred million iivres. and the relative propori. I tributed can be ascertained. Neckar. aiv! % 'en afterwards divides and fpreads itfelf over Europe by n a b of commerce. the proportion which Britain fhould draw by commerce of this fum. therefore. tion into Europe can be known.L 94 1 till extending it to final! notes) of increaflng paper. which M. ncney which ought to be found any nation at any given time. would be three hundred and iixty millions fterling. in that time. iii. from 1763 to 1777? both incktiive . is feventy-two years. to preferve a relative proportion with otircr a Lifbon and Cadiz are the two ports into winch (*mop gold and iilver from South America are imported.of the foreign commerce of the feverai nations by which it is diffinances. and the quantity imported into Europe. and if the fame allowance for wafte and accident be made for England. If the foreign commerce of Great Britain be ftated at a fixih part of what the whole foreign commerce of Europe amounts to. ( which is probably an inferior ettimation to what the gentlemen at the Exchange would allow).o-. bli- the matters going to mention. feives. it five annually. Chalmers puhUStcd. Neckar (hews from millions fterling Cad'Z. would be alfo a fixth part. to keep herfelf on a proportion with the reft of Europe. Vol. commencement of the Hanover fucceffion in 7 '4. know this I is nor a pleafafct Englifh readers . they give a rule. He has not taken on a iirgle year. and increafes the quantity or money in all pai :s of If. are io important in then-..

and its ablence is fupplied by paper*. Chalmers. In the f tuation tar. . with ten horfes each. and from the number of i>. that the gold and fiiver which arrive annually in the regifter{ pa to v -pain and Portugal. Chalmers publifh- t v Idition to the i Bicnt of the fum which was in the nation a*.es not on iy ieii'en pital of a nation. While Dr Price. The general part of the money in France is fiiver and it would take upwards of twenty of the lafgefl broad wheel waggons. and. do not remain in thofe countries. Mr. her to disprove. couvf. the circumftance was not adverted to. rumours have been fet afloat in England to induce a belief of money. which is forty-fix millions below too&ie quantity. there cannot have been lei's than four hundred millions flerling imported into Europe .•: . Taking the value half in i o ami haii in fiiver. or whether the Goit out after it is brought in. Eden (now Auckland) Mr.r 1 95 3 . It is certain. ' and any commodity the quantity of money coined poiltively known.lions. When . and is therefore obliged to keep up a large navy . or the gold it brings in leak continually away by unfeen at die average rate of about three quarters of a million in the year. would be fifty-two millions in the and this fum ought iiave in been nation (at the time Mr. in a fecret manner. . but that the deficiency exifts. Is it then to beTuppofed. i the— uier^ England now is. which. to remove one million flerling of fiiver. the leadthe i. it is impofiible ihe can increafe in money. is Either. The idea is ridiculous.-. de at ieaft iixty-fix millions iietiing b it : inftead of which. uantity of gold and fiiver impcrted into Lifbon ore exactly afcertained than that of r oi E •iji'and and as London is ftill more .-. *ndthefea to croft. without referring to * Whether the Englifh commerce does not bring vernment lends . Some fallacious. could bring even afumciency for their own expence*.d .refori. the quantity fufhciently proves itfelf. isnot in the power oi e.p-r. the naval {lores fnuft be purchafed from abroad. if gold imdlilver had come into the nation in the proportion it ought.j. among others. the quantity in England ought at le^fl to have been four times greater than h v. that fin. and ethers. c t ' : ~+ions. galloon* employed in the trade of bringing thofe metals from South America 10 Portugal and Spain.. The in money. unproductive of profit. the balance ihe has loft by nlon. were der ing whether the quantity of money in England was greater or lefs'thari at the Re^ volution. that of the French refugees bringing great quantities.e the Revolution. or in poft chaifes. but though the navy is built in England. the comHanover fucccin n. therefore.' nor admit of controversy. that a few people fleeing on horfe-hack. and t!. twenty mi. By the politics which the Britifh Government have carried on with the Inland Powers of Germany and the Continent.ycoi: England tlver wJhuch . High the property of the individuals but they leffen alio the money-caby inducing fmuggling.. is what '(he mould have been able to hav^ done by foiid money. or had not been £• pi out and (he is endeavoring to reftore by paper. ••" at the Revnxiion. which can only be carried on by gold and fiiver.-y. accounts for the deficiency. and to have made in •.of feventy-two years. it has made an enemy of all the Maritime Powers. it /is about four hundred tons an ". to be on a proportion with Europe. is a matter which the parries concerned can explain. . What England is now doing oy p-. and having the French Cuftom-Houfe to pafs. and that from countries where the greateft part muft be paid for in gold and fiiver.

The moll frugal fyrtem that England could now adopt. all that once was France. it (hews that a Gorich. he it. but in the circlq of money tranfaclions. in effect. The infolvency of the late Government of France. differed in no other refpect than as the difpciluon The people of France refufed their aid of the people differ. and which up with a conftitution more formidable in refources than the power which had expired. and it referved its means for the fupport of the new Government. it A Government may be faid to be infolvent. and fhe mufi be in fome confiderable proportion behind every country in Europe. What is called the Crown in England. Burke. Although that which of defpotifm had was to be filled When millions of money are fpoken of. has been infolvent feveral times \ the laft of which. becaufe the returns of the Englifh Mint do not fhew in'increefe of money. caji his eyes §ver the map of Europe^ and Jaw a chafm er of dreams. while iheregifters of Lifbon ond Cadiz fhew a European i»eafe of between three arid four hundred millions fterling. In a country of fuch vaft extent and population as France. and the people of England fhbmit to to the old Government taxation without enquiry. and the prefent Government of England. vernment may be in a ftate of infolvency. every time ap- Nation to discharge its arrears. talked like a dream- The fame natural France exifted as before.000. the Britifh Parliament^. it fhould be recollected. The French Nation. publicly known. and therefore to could no longer fupport all felf-— but with refpect the Nation. and all thofe who were unacquainted with the affairs of France. to confound the French Nation with the French Government. not only in the political fphere. it- was infolvent j becaufe the Nation would no longer fupport it its extravagance. in a fpeech laft Winter in plies to a •. that fuch fums can only accumulate in a country by flow degrees. the natural means cannot be wanting . and a long proceffion of time. Among others. would not recover in a century the balance fhe has loft in money fince the commencement of the Hanover fuce'eflion. was in May 17773 when it applied to the Nation to (Hfcharge upwards of ^600.[ 96 is J The Revolution of France attended with many novel cir^ cumftances. When Mr. f 1 ' . private debts. for the purpofe of taking Government into its own hands . and the natural means exifted with the extinction The only chafm was left. She is feventy millions behind France. the means exifted. which otherwife it could not pay. Pitt. Burke. It was the error of Mr. and the political means appear the inftant the Nation is difpofed to permit them. is and a nation So it far as the fact confined to the late Government of France. endeavoured to render the late Government infolvent. Mr.

extortioners and mifers of former days. . will place France in a fltuation worthy the imitation of Europe. as the precedent is fatal to the policy by which Governments have fuppofcd themfelves fecure. had bequeathed immenfe property in truft to the priefthood. i of the inafter. and that in all pofiible revolutions that may happen in Governments. they have lowered feveral millions a-year in France* Not a word has cither Mr. and the other by the fale of the monaftic and ecclefiaflical landed The devotees and penitent debauchees. that the permanent fecunty of the creditor is in the Nation. refled themfelves on the Nation. Burke has been talking of a general bankruptcy in France.. means eftates. Burke. it . This appears greatly to difturb Mr. cr ditors ought to have abided the fate of the Government which they rutted. by paying off upwards of one hundred millions of the capital which. but the example in France fhews. and The National Affemthe priefthood kept it for themfelves. but the National AfFembly confidered them as the creditors of the Nation? and not of the Government— real paymarter. the French Nation rendered the Government dtd not permit the infolvency to act towards the creditors and the creditors confidering the Nation as the and the Government only as the agent. the annual intereft of the debt of France will be reduced at leafl fix millions fterling. Natwirhitau'ding the late Government could not difcharge the current expences. for pious ufes . and while taxes have increafed near a million aJear in England. how vafl is the contraft While Mr. the prefent Government has paid off a This has been accomplifhed by two great part of the capital. the National Affembly has been paying off the capital of its debt. Burke or Mr. with a view of attaching what is called the monied interefc of a Nalion to their fu. in preference to the Government. the means are always with the Nation. Upon a whole review of the fubjec~l. the one by leiTening the expences of Government. and not of the fte ward. with leffening the former expences of Government at leafl three millions. andmot in the Government. Burke argues.>port. Pitt faid about ! . bly has ordered it to be fold for the good of the whole Nation. that the the Nation "always in exigence. to enfure themfelves a better world than that which they were about to leave. In confequence of the Revolution. They have contracted debts. and Mr. C 97 3 late Although Infolvent. and the priefthood to be decently provided for.

F 98 3 1 I bout French affairs. detached and feparate from the intereft of Nations . and that France by her Revolution had annihilated her power. He ' writes in a rage agaiqft the National AfTembly. CONCLUSION.or the ftate of the French finances. Burke's Book. . is in mournHe writes neither in the character of a Frenchman nor ing. James or of Cariton-Houfe. and irnpoficion ferves no longer. thing can be more terrible to a Court or a Courtier. Burke means. The two modes of Government which prevail in the world. the machinery of Government goes eaflly on. COURT. well underftood. bitternefs to them . firft* Government by election ly Government by hereditary fucceJEon. but in the fawning character of that creature known in all countries. (coniidering himfeifas a national man. are. but what is he enraged about ? If his afTertions were as true as they are groundlefs. REASON and Ignorance. and become what he calls a chaf7n> it might excite the grief of a Frenchman. fignifies not for the caterpillar principles of all Courts and CourThey form a common policy throughout Eutiers are alike. dreading the fame fate. rendered fufficiently exteniive in a country. Burke ?— Alas! it is not the Nation of France and every that Mr. an Englifhman. . and a friend to none. in the The iubjeel logins to be too prefent SefEon of Parliament. Reafon obeys itfelf 5 and Igno- rance fubmits to whatever is dictated to it.) and provoke his rage abut why fhould it excite the gainft the National AfTembly rage of Mr. than Nothe That which is a bleffing to Nations. or the Court of St. but the Court in Europe. There is a general enigma running through the whole of Mr. the oppofites of each other. a Courtier. they tremble at the approach of princiand dread the precedent that threatens their overthrow. Whether it be the Court of Verfailies. and as their exiftence depends on the duplicity ples. and reprefentation SecondThe former is ge: nerally . in- If either of thefe can be fluence the great bulk of mankind. and rope. of a country. is Revolution of France. they agree to plunder. or the Court in expectation. : while they appear to quarrel.

implies a fufpicion. A Mr. a Government is and t'other. that a King can d9 ruption. the human faculties act with boidnefs. a gigantic manlinefs. election ftill of ne^ ceffity. therefore. what it is that gives motion to that fpecies of Government which is called mixed Governof the whole fyftem. that France. to act as a whole. Corruption. which h's reafon cannot fubferibe. under this form of Government.C rurally 99 ] known by the name of republic . did not adopt what he calls " A Britijh Conjiitution j" and the regretful manner in which he expreffes himfelf on this occafion. his ignorance. ed. fince (he . we have next to coniider. When it is laid down as a maxim. As. However imperfect is and reprefengive exercife tation may be in mixed Governments. each of thofe forms acts on a different bafe. of Government. the latter by that of monarchy and ariftocracy. The moving power in thls % that. man beyond what his reafon its can give* operation and its bed fupported when beft underftood. and acquire. as it is fometimes ludicroufly this fpecies fliled.efcape. contrives at the fame time its own . that the Britifh Conftitution needed fomething to keep its defects in countenance. it is and the more ignorant of any country vernment. cementing and foldering the difcordant parts together by cor. erect thcmfelves on the two diftinct and oppofite bails of Reafon As and to the exercife Qf as talents Government requires abilities talents and Ignoranceand abilities^ it is and cannot have -hereditary defcent. the better fitted for this fpecies Go- On He the contrary. Government in a well conftituted republic requires no belief from fees the rationale . the other by ignorance . and which can only be eftablifhed upon is. and therefore it becomes neceiTary to buy the reamixed Government is an imperfect every-thing. the one moving freely by the aid of reafon. n$ wrongyh places him in a ftate of fimilar fecurity with that of ' ideots . belief evident that hereditary fucceflion requires a from man. In mixed Governments there is no refponfibility the parts cover each other till refponlibility is loft . Burke appears highly difgufthad refolved on a revolution. Thofe two diftinct and oppofite forms. they to a greater portion of reafon than convenient to the here- ditary part fon up. aud the corruption which moves the machine. origin and as it is ment of or.

f JOO ] is ideots and perfons infane. there is monarchy. the parts which. penfions. and refponfibility It out of the quef* tion with refpect to himfelf. In this rotary mot:oil. and finally refolvGovernment by Committee in which the dd+ . nifter. When money to be obtained. it there fs a part in a it Government which can do no is only the machine of another power. But in a well-eonftituted ring. however it may be arranged into legiflative and executive. and a profusion of parliamentary praifes pafTes between the parts. the mafs of variety apparently diffolves. When wrong. and As there are no difcordant diftinctions. the the difintereftednefs of the other and wifdom. who then defcends upon the Mifhelters himfelf under a majority in Parliament. difowa any flattering application to vanity. and and as the Cabinet is always a part of the Parliament. the actors. Each admires with aftonifliment •. are the fame perpantomlmical contrivance. entailing upon a country. praifing. which. and corruption. The parts are they have all one and the fame natural fource. the approvers. he can always command 5 and that majority juftifies itfelf by the fame authority with which it protects the Mi nifter. not confound by contrivance. all of thern breath a nothing of this folde- pitying figh at the burthens of the Nation. a mixed Goverment becomes a continual enigma . fons. the expence of fupport-* ing all the forms of into a ing itfelf Government at once. The continual whine of lamenting . by whofe advice and direction it acts. vifers. can take place 5 the reprefentation being equal throughout the country. and change of fcene and help each other out in matters. and pitying. and the perfons not refponfible. the liberality. refponfibility is thrown off from the parts. \ and the members juftifying in one character what they adyife and act in another. the perfons re- fponfible. Public meafures appeal of themfelves to the understanding of the Nation. What is fuppofed to be the King in mixed Governments. like democracy. By this character. by the quantity of cornet ruption necefTary to folder the parts. and from the whole. and complete in itfelf. and. retting on their own merits. not foreigners to each other. ariftocracy. is the Cabi- implies that does nothing. the juftifiers. republic. nothing to corrupt by compromife. is neither of them fingly would afTume to act. by places.

and the rapidity of : by which revolutions are generated Ail the old governments have received a fhock from thofe that already appear. : From the Revolutions of America and France. When wefurvey the wretched condition of man under the monarchical and hereditary fy Items of Government. and that element is man himfelf. however fuccefsfully it may be mixed Governments. O thounh . at whofe expence it is fupported and . and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies. there can be but one element of human power .d. we fhouid then fee the feveral origins to which thofe terms would defcriptively apply but as there is but one fpecies of man. and that a principle and confrrucTion of general the Governments is neceiTary. which men affign to the progrefs of time and accomplishment of great mir. than a general revolution in Europe would be now. but of the whole community. and a thoufand fuch may be contrived. Monarchy. . or why does he impofe upon himfelf ? When men are fpoken of as kings and fnbjects. and compafs of changes. is inconfiiknt with the fenfe and logy fpirit of a republic. and democracy. aswell as three. Why then is man thus impofed upon. the apo- itfelf implies an impeachment. ariftocracy. are but creatures of imagination . and which were once more improbable. or when Government is mentioned under the diftincV or combined heads of monarchy.pracYifed in lamenting the burden of taxes. and from its nature cannot be. they are of courfe advantageous but they require an apology. What is government more than the management of the affairs of a Nation ? It is not. too mechanical to meafure the forcQofthe reflection. and the it fymptoms that have appeared in other countries. and democracy. is that revolutions are not within the political calculations. the property of any particular man or family.. is is evident fyft- that the opinion of the world changing with refpeel. it becomes evident that revolution in thofe fyftems are bad. The circumftances. ariftocrary. or driven by another. to ems of Government. If if taxes are neceffary. dragged from his home by one power. and are a greater fubjecl of wonder. what is it that reafoning man is to underftand by the terms? If there reaily exiited in the world two or more diftinc't and feparate elements of human power.

are a renovation of the natural order of things. and not to any individual . In this view of Government. or an alteration of local circumftances. * * fpetl of their Civil difiincliQnSy therefore. who know nothing of the world beyond the walls of a Convent. the republican fyftem. and a Nation has at all times an inherent indefeaiible right to abolifh any form of Government it finds inconvenient. property. cannot that of citizens j and is exploded by the principle upon which Governments are now founded. were little more than a change of per fans. as a matter of right. though it may fait the condition of courtiers. as fuch. The nation is effentially the fource of all Sovereignty * n*r . and had nothing in their exigence or their fate that could influence beyond the fpot that produced them. and thefe rights f and refiftance of oppreffion* j III. a fyftem of principles as universal as truth and the exiftence of man. Men are born and always continue free. barbarous diftincYiOn of men into Kings obedience can be only to the laws. to by embrace the whole of a Naas eftablifhed and the knowledge neceffajy to the intereft of all the is to be found in the center. When men farily think of what it Government knowledge of is is. and happinefs. difpofirion. and. But what we now fee in the world. and eftablifh fuch as accords with usurpation Sovereignty. Government by Monks. parts. appertains its The romantic and and fubjedts. They rofe and fell like things of courfe. man . : • I. The end of all political are i affociations is the prefervation * the natural and imprefcriptible rights of liberty. they muft necefthe objects and fuppofe to pofTefs a its all matters upon which authority to be exercifed. and equal in re* rights. from the Revolutions of America and France. can acknowledge no perfonal fubjection . and his intereft. 4 II. America and France.[ IQ2 it t has been ufurped into an in- though by force or contrivance heritance. and combining moral with political happinefs and national profperity. What were formerly called Revolutions. operates tion. can be of * founded only on public utility. fecurity. Every citizen is a member of the Sovereignty. is as conilftent as Government by Kings. which the parts by representation form But the old Governments are on a conftruction that excludes knowledge as well as happinefs . to the Nation only. the cannot alter the right of things.


I0 3








tied to any authority ivbich is not exprefsly derived from


In thefe principles,



nothing to throw a Nation into

confufion by inflaming ambition.
forth wifdom and


are calculated to call

and to exercife them for the public good, and not for the emolument or aggrandizement of parMonarchical foveticular defcriptions of men or families. reignty, the enemy of mankind, and the fource of mifeiy, is aboliflied ; and fovereignty itfelf is reftored to its natural Were this the cafe throughand original place, the Nation. out Europe, the caufe of wars would be taken away. It is attributed to Henry the Fourth of France, a man of an enlarged and benevolent heart, that he propofed, about the year 1610, a plan for abolifhing war in Europe. The plan confirmed in constituting a European Congrefs, or as the French Authors ftile it, a Pacific Republic ; by appointing delegates from the feveral Nations, who were to act as a Court of arbitration in any difputes that might arile between nation and nation.


fuch a plan been adopted

at the



was propofed,

would have been at leaft ten millions feeding, annually to each Nation lefs than they were at the commencement of the French Rethe taxes of England and France, as two of the parties, volution.


conceive a caufe

why fuch


plan has not been adopted,

(and that inftead of a Congrefs for the purpofe of preventing war, it has been called only to terminate a war, after a fruitlefs

expence of feveral years)



be necefiary

to coniider

the intereft of


as a diftincl: intereft to that

of Na-

a Nation, becomes alfo Government. Eveiy war terminates with an addition of taxes, and confequently with an addition of revenue ; and in any event of war, in the manner they are now commenced and concluded, the power and intereft of Governments are increafed. War, therefore, from


the caufe of taxes to

the means of revenue to a


produelivenefs, as
for taxes


eaiily furnifhes the pretence

of necef-


and appointments

a principal part of

any mode

becomes Governments ; and to abolifh war, however advantageous it might
to places



fyftem of old




might be

to Nations,

would be

to take

from fuch Govern*.

merit the molt lucrative of



frivolous mat-

upon which war is made, (hew the difpofition and avidity of Governments to uphold the fyfteni of war, and betray the motives upon which they act.


are not Republics plunged into war, but becaufe the

nature of their Government does not admit of an intereft dif-

Nation ? Even Holland, though an ill-conand with a commerce extending over the world, exiited nearly a century without war: and the inftant the form of Government was changed in France, the republican principles of peace and domeftic profperity and cecononry $rote with the new Government; and the fame confequences would follow the fame caufes in other Nations. As war is the fyftem of Government on the old construction, the anicnofity which Nations reciprocally entertain, is nothing more than what the policy of their Governments ex- 1 Each Government cite, to keep up the fpirit of the iyftem. accufes the other of perfidy, intrigue, and ambition, as a means of heating the imagination of their refpective Nations, ana incenfing them to hoftilities. Man is not the enemy of man, but through the medium of a falfe fyftem of Government, Inftead, therefore, of exclaiming againft the ambition
tinct to that of the

ftructed Republic,


of Kings, the exclamation fhould be directed againft the principle of fuch Governments ; and inftead of feoking to reform the individual, the wifdorn of a Nation fliould apply itfelf to

reform the fyftem. Whether the forms and maxims of Governments which are {fill in practice, were adapted to the condition of the world at the period they were eftahlifhed, is not in this cafe the ques-

The older they are, the lefs correfpondence can they tion. have with the prefent date of things. Time, and change of circumftances and opinions, have the fame progreflive effect in rendering modes of Government obfolete, as they have upAgriculture, commerce, manuon cuiloffls and manners. factures, and the tranquil arts, by which the profperity of Nations is beft promoted, require a different fyftem of Government, and a different fpecies of knowledge to direct its operations, to what might have been the former condition of the








not difficult to perceive, from the enlightenecL

of mankind, that hereditary Governments are verging to u> decline, and that Revolutions on the broad bails of nation^

Government by reprefentation, are making\ Europe, it would be an act of wifdom to anticipate their approach, and produce Revolutions by reafon and accommodation, rather than commit them to the iffue of convulfovereignty, and




From what we now fee, nothing of reform in the political It is an age of Revoluworld ought to be held improbable. The intrigue tions, in which every thing may be looked for. of Courts, by which the fyftern of war is kept up, may provoke a confederation of Nations to abolifli it and a European

Congrcfs, to patronize the progrefs of free Government, and

promote the


event nearer in
alliance of


of Nations with each other, is an than once were the revolutioas

France and America.



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