Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Acknowledgements
> The authors would like to thank all those who took part in this research, especially the residents who were willing to share their experiences and the key individuals from organisations which made it possible to access these residents. > Thanks also to the supporting work of Huub Neiuwstadt, Anna Frayling-Cork, and Kurtis Garbutt.
Copyright 2013 Any part of this publication may be cited, translated into other languages or adapted to meet local needs without prior permission of the British Red Cross, provided that the source is clearly stated. This publication does not necessarily represent the decisions or stated policy of the British Red Cross. ISBN 978-0-900228-14-8
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross Abstract Background: ooding in the UK Context The historical context of the research 8 11 11 11 14 14 19 21 23 24 27 27 27 28 29 29 30 30 31 31 32 32 34 35 36 36 37 41 44 45 50 51 54 59 60 64 67 71
contents
Literature review Needs, impacts, and consequences of ooding Identifying and supporting needs Response and recovery The role of resilience Conclusions Method Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) Design Study site selection Community participation Data collection Recruiting participants and response rates Interviews Focus groups Young persons groups Questionnaire/survey Ethical considerations Findings Mode of data collection and response rates Respondent demographics The story of the ood Identifying the needs and impacts of the oods Impact of the ooding on everyday life Summary Roles and responsibilities throughout the ood event Summary Building resilience Linking assistance provided to enhanced community resilience Summary Barriers to preparation Summary Conclusions and implications for services References
Abstract
limate change and its consequences constitute some the greatest challenges currently facing the global community.
The British Red Cross corporate strategy for 20102015 Saving Lives, Changing Lives recognises that climate change is likely to contribute to increasing levels of vulnerability for people across the globe. In light of this, in 2010 the British Red Cross research, evaluation and impact team conducted a metaanalysis of existing research into the humanitarian impact of extreme weather. Following this study, the team commissioned further research to; > Identify the effects of oods on individuals and communities, and their resulting needs particularly in the recovery phase. > Identify the range of services that need to be in place before, during and after ooding occurs to mitigate the impact on individuals and communities, and ensure an effective humanitarian response. > Assess the possible links between the types of support provided to ood-affected communities and the building of community resilience. > Assess opportunities for advocacy on behalf of ood-affected individuals and communities specically relating to what needs to be in place for communities to cope with the aftermath of ooding.
11
In 2010-2015, climate change is likely to contribute to increasing levels of vulnerability for people across the globe
- Saving Lives, Changing Lives
Context
limate change and its consequences constitute some the greatest challenges currently facing the global community.
The establishment of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Climate Centre in 2002, attests to a growing acknowledgement that the humanitarian sector cannot afford to ignore the potentially devastating impact of weather hazards on human lives. The British Red Cross corporate strategy for 2010-2015 Saving Lives, Changing Lives recognises that climate change is likely to contribute to increasing levels of vulnerability for people across the globe. In light of this, in 2010 the British Red Cross research, evaluation and impact team conducted a meta-analysis of existing research into the humanitarian impact of extreme weather. Following this study, the team commissioned further research into the impact of ooding in the United Kingdom, and the needs of those individuals and communities affected.
12
13
When a community is ooded, the effects can be widespread impacting upon schools, health services, transport networks and local businesses, as well as individuals and families.
And of course, the impact of ooding is far broader than the resulting nancial costs. When a community is ooded, the effects can be widespread impacting upon schools, health services, transport networks and local businesses, as well as individuals and families. Moreover, the health, social and economic impacts of a ood can be long-lasting and extend far beyond the community that was originally ooded (Twigger-Ross & Colbourne, 2009; Shahab, 2010). As the historical context of ooding has shaped the response to ooding, so has the wider social context. Indeed, a more socio-technical framework has now been adopted which, according to Guy (2004), has seen science and technology evolving a sophisticated relationship with wider processes in society. Ultimately, ooding is no longer approached as a preventable issue, but as something to be lived through.
14
Literature review
More than 40% of Red Cross UK emergency response call-outs in 2009 were related to severe weather incidents, with 25% of these related to ooding
- Shahab, 2010
esponding to severe weather comprises a signicant component of the British Red Cross activity.
For example, more than 40% of Red Cross UK emergency response call-outs in 2009 were related to severe weather incidents, with 25% of these related to ooding (Shahab, 2010). Such data is captured and documented in a body of work that includes evaluations, learning reviews and monitoring reports, and was reviewed along with external literature to inform this research study. All literature reviewed related to UK ooding. The review focused on identifying the main needs and impacts that arose from ooding, as well as the supportive interventions aimed at mitigating or preventing them.
Health impacts
The effects on health both physical and mental are widely regarded as important dimensions of the human impact of ooding (Tapsell, Rowsell, Tunstall & Wilson, 2002; Tapsell, 2001), with 39% of people suffering physical effects and 67% suffering effects on their emotional health (Pitt, 2008).
15
16
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross Psychological health impacts
Most oods literature generated from industrialised countries such as the UK recognises that oods affect the psychological well-being of those who experience them. Reported psychological health issues include acute stress, clinical depression and anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder. Unlike physical health impacts, it is argued that psychological health impacts (such as anxiety and stress) occur post-event. In addition, a number of studies have found that the impacts of a ood are made worse by certain factors for example, larger scale ooding, the increased time taken to return to normal and the ineffectiveness of actions and help received (RPA, 2005; Tapsell and Tunstall, 2000). Several studies have observed increases in stress and depression among those affected by various oods in the UK (cf. Tapsell et al, 2002; McKenna, 2010). Similarly, a joint British Red Cross and SOLAR report on the 2008 Doncaster oods indicates that ood impacts are not merely short-term, nor conned to immediate physical emergencies (Sharp, Burns and Bass, 2009). This resonates with external literature that echoes the importance of acknowledging ongoing mental health impacts such as stress and anxiety. Such impacts can last for years and, although the effects are likely to diminish with time, recurrence has been found to occur in response to triggers, such as ood event anniversaries (Tapsell, Tunstall and Wilson, 2003). Those previously affected by ooding may also adopt an attitude of constant vigilance relating to weather conditions (McKenna, 2010), resulting in additional stress. Triggers therefore have an important part to play in recognising key points for supportive interventions. For example, in a survey of one community comprising 32 respondents, 17% of respondents worried that the oods would happen again (Richards, 2011), suggesting future risk was a source for concern for some, but not all. However, immediate problems issues facing residents here and now are also recognised as triggers. The main causes of stress during a ood are cited as being loss adjusters (and insurers), builders and the loss of personal effects (Aberdeenshire Council, 2010). Equally Werritty, Houston, Ball, Tavendale & Black (2007) found stress and anxiety as well as the time and effort needed to deal with insurers and builders to have an immediate, intangible, and signicant impact. There is however little literature exploring the types of longer term needs arising as a result. Indeed, Werritty et als focus groups assessing the impact of ooding on the attitudes and behaviours of people in Scotland, only reviewed activities taken in preparation of a ood and not those taken during or after.
The impact on health, both physical and psychological, can be both profound and long-lasting
The impact on health, both physical and psychological, can be both profound and longlasting. It is clear from existing literature therefore that support would need to complement such trends. It is also clear that psychological health impacts, in particular, are affected by ancillary variables such as the length of disruption and perception of actions taken. This suggests the impact of ooding is both inuenced by, and results in, other impacts within an individuals daily life.
17
Social impacts
The literature reviewed provides a complex and sometimes conicted picture of the social impacts of ooding on affected communities. On the one hand, in the aftermath of a ood, cohesion within the community can increase with everyone pulling together often termed social fusion (Gordon, 2004; Williams, 2008). Conversely, the impact on family life is reportedly negative (Pitt, 2008), as too is the impact upon personal relationships (Tapsell, 2001; Aberdeenshire Council, 2010). Furthermore, some literature indicates that the impact may have a divisive inuence not just on personal relationships at home, but also on the community. As such, several potential causes have been highlighted including social diffusion of pre-existing networks because of relocation and scattering of populations (Sharp, Burns & Bass, 2008). Similarly, fears over leaving their property unattended may force families to be separated (McKenna, 2010). An alternative cause of breakdown in community cohesion may come from the perception that particular groups are treated more favourably than others (Sharp, Burns & Bass, 2008). These perceptions can override social fusion, creating cleavage planes. Such incidences were noted with communities in Perth and Strathclyde, in 1993 and 1994 respectively.
18
Although working life is infrequently mentioned in the reviewed literature, Pitt (2008) reports some 31% of the sample had to take time off work as a result of the ood. The same report also noted that, while house values may be decreasing, at an individual level arrears are increasing. What Pitt (2008) and Dooleys (2009) examples highlight is that not only are economic impacts a sensitive issue to those experiencing them, but that this sensitivity might hide the true extent of how pervasive this impact truly is. More widely, the literature pertaining to economic impacts speaks of increasing costs, outlays, and arrears; all of which have the potential to impact on the ability of both individuals and communities to respond and recover.
19
Identifying needs after a ood can be more difcult than initially appears in terms of appreciating who is affected, what their needs are, and how pervasive these needs will be
In considering the response and early recovery period across a number of international and domestic ooding events, Nzegwu (2008) argued that both the statutory and voluntary sectors are unsure of exactly how to approach meeting the needs of people after a ood. Many practical issues can present challenges such as recovering personal valuables (such as letters and pictures), dealing with issues of contamination, and addressing the psychological impact of the oods.
20
21
Similarly, Twigger-Ross, Coates, Orr, Stafford, Ramsden & Deeming s (2011) case study of two ooded communities showed how local institutions could help to increase condence and provide better information, leading to more resilient communities. Partnership working also provides an opportunity for councils and organisations to demystify the cause of ooding and dispel any associated rumours. In one instance, a council gathered a series of questions from the local community, aimed at both themselves and the Scottish Environment Protection Agency (SEPA). These questions and their responses were then logged, along with a subsequent plan of action, and made available to the community. Who drives forward engagement is also a source of discussion within existing literature. In terms of building resilience through partnership working, as well as responding to ood events, it is proposed by Twigger-Ross & Colbourne (2009) that the EA would be well placed. They note how the EA should understand need at a local level, something achievable through further community engagement. However, this is not without debate, given the clear recommendations that voluntary sector organisations are better placed to facilitate such work (Sharp, Burns & Bass, 2008). And yet it seems engagement is not largely driven by organisations. Twigger-Ross & Colbourne (2009) found that, while partnership working was to be encouraged, examples of such successes very often came from individuals within the community. This obviously suggests that councils and organisations still have work to do before such partnerships can become established more widely and systematically. Rather than resting on the successes of individual initiatives, larger organisations should adopt strategic, well thoughtout relationships with the communities they serve to ensure an effective response to ooding crises.
22
What remains clear throughout the literature is that without such key relationships between responders and communities, needs may not be fully recognised nor negative impacts mitigated (cf Twigger-Ross et al., 2011). To this end, Purdue, Evans & Hendy (2008) report that not only is partnership working a key enabler to a successful recovery, but that the positive example of the voluntary sector can act as a useful interface between those affected by ooding and the responding authority.
Early deployment
The rst key enabler of responding to need was identied to be the speed of this response (Purdue, Evans & Hendy, 2008; Sharp, Burns & Bass, 2008; Greenwell & Howitt, 2010). During the 2009 Cumbria ooding, the Red Cross deployed its ood response and inland search and rescue team early as a result of weather intelligence; it is the early deployment of this team and other resources that they attribute to the success of the emergency intervention. In particular, the Red Cross made offers of support proactively rather than waiting to be called in by the relevant agencies (Greenwell and Howitt, 2010). The 2009 Cumbria oods report (Greenwell and Howitt, 2010) indicates that early deployment of staff and resources in ood emergencies enables a quick and comprehensive response when a major emergency arises. Likewise Sharp, Burns & Bass (2008) found that a speedy response was felt to better support recovery, but that such a response should also focus on restoring everyday activities. The consequences of not responding quickly are also noted. The 2008 Doncaster oods learning
23
Being prepared
Preparedness arguably provides a foundation to a resilient community. This belief in the communitys capacity to deal with an emergency, and the expectation for action, forms a key component of community resilience namely, community efcacy (Daly, Becker, Parkes, Johnston & Paton, 2009; Norris et al., 2008; Sampson, Raudenbush & Earls, 1997).
Dening resilience
There are several existing denitions of resilience, which speak in terms of disaster response and recovery. Notably the Pitt Review (2008) suggested that resilience, in terms of ooding, can be dened as the capacity of a person to anticipate, cope with, resist and recover from the impact of a ood. Similarly the British Red Cross denes resilience as the harnessing of local human and material assets or resources to withstand or overcome vulnerability (Nzegwu, 2010, p3).
24
Although resilience begins with the individual, greater dividends can be achieved if activities are organised at the community level.
- Pitt, 2008
Engaging communities in preparedness and response work was identied in the Pitt review (2008) as key to promoting resilience. In particular, the utilisation of local resources and expertise was reported to complement the activities of other agencies in aiding response and recovery. Furthermore, it was recommended that such community-based work can be most successful when kept at a focused, local level, and where responsibilities do not require too much time commitment.
Conclusions
The literature review demonstrates much research evidence detailing the experience of ooding, especially in the early stages of the event. However, it is equally clear that gaps in knowledge remain. While some literature places the health and economic impacts of ooding within the specic timelines of the event, there is no such equivalent data for social impacts. Furthermore, there has been relatively little research regarding the support people may actually need following a ood event or of the other, longer-term needs that may arise. Another shortfall in the current literature is that it often focuses on the service providers response at the expense of telling the story of individuals and communities those actually living within the midst of the crisis. This inevitably leads to, at best, a partial understanding of how communities support themselves throughout the trajectory of a ood event. In addition to these gaps in knowledge, several methodological challenges were also present in the literature reviewed. These will need to be remedied if a fuller understanding of the experience of ooding is to be achieved. The associated stigma resulting from disclosing sensitive information about the individuals needs,
25
26
27
Method
his study utilised a community-based participatory research (CBPR) approach, and collected data via mixed methods design.
Design
This study adopted a mixed methods research design, within the framework of the CBPR approach. Among the data collection methods agreed were: questionnaires and focus groups with ooded individuals, as well as some people who were at risk of ooding; interviews with ooded individuals; interviews with stakeholders (such as representatives of the Environment Agency and resilience group leaders); and focus group activities with young people affected by ooding in their communities. In addition, document analysis of relevant reports was undertaken for each study site area.
28
Locations were then ranked according to greatest severity, highest frequency and risk of future ooding, and the presence of a known ood group. Once the top 15 sites were identied, discussions were held with local Red Cross staff and key stakeholders (such as residents, local authority emergency planners, and the EA). They shared their own perceptions of ooding in their respective areas, and specied which towns, cities, or villages they felt would be suitable for the study.
A typical course of selection is described in Box A. Box A Aberdeenshire was identied through the ranking exercise. Discussions with Red Cross staff revealed three potential towns within this area, and through conversations with the local councils emergency planning ofcer, this was narrowed down to two possibilities. Following a further meeting with the Scottish Flood Forum, residents, and local council representatives, a town was nally selected. From the ooded sites list, six research sites were chosen. The six study sites were located in: 1. Merseyside 2. Cornwall 3. South Yorkshire (split across two sites within the same town3) 4. Northumberland 5. Norfolk (non-ooded4) 6. Aberdeenshire
> The frequency of ooding in each site since 2000 > The type of ood (uvial, pluvial, ash, coastal or a combination) > The severity of ooding (based on a scale of 1-5, with 5 being the most severe. This scale was based on factors such as the area of land ooded, number of injuries/deaths, number of houses affected, and cost of damage/recovery) > The risk of ooding in each area, based on whether it was cited in the relevant community risk register as having a high or very high risk of ooding > The presence of known local ood groups, identied through the register of community ood groups recorded by the National Flood Forum2
1. In the event, it was not possible to engage a study site fully in Wales although all other UK countries were represented. 2. Based upon the register of community ood groups recorded by the National Flood Forum. Available here: http://www. oodforum.org.uk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article &id=7&Itemid=34
3. Discussions with the community revealed that although a large area of the same district was ooded in the same ood event, experiences were felt to be different across two communities. For this reason the communities, each having its own ood group, were engaged separately. 4. It became clear however during these discussions that while some areas had not ooded, others had.
29
Community participation
Building on contacts made through site selection, discussions were held with local ood groups and resilience forums in order to encourage local communities to help shape the research. In addition, posters, local newspapers and social media were utilised to invite other community members to become involved at this stage.
Data collection
The method of collecting data varied due to the CBPR approach. Table 1 illustrates the data collection mode utilised at each of the 6 sites. Table 1: Data collection mode by study site Study site 1 2 3 (a) 3 (b) 4 5 6 Interviews (n) Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Questionnaires (n) Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Focus groups (n) Yes Yes -
Few changes were made following discussions with community representatives, and where changes were made they were to either add or delete as opposed to amend questions. (For example, study site 2 asked for questions around housing to be added, and study site 5 asked for questions around specic perceptions of the ood depth and cause.)
30
In two of the sites (1 and 2) it was evident that very few children, if any at all, were involved in the oods, and it was not possible to arrange a young persons group in one further site (6). Where groups could be arranged, an invitation to participate was sent to the identied head of school. Following negotiation, a session lasting one hour was designed and conducted with the young people identied as having been affected by oods. Three groups were held with children across three sites.
Interviews
Interviews with ooded respondents
The interview schedule used for individuals affected by ooding comprised a mixture of quantitative and qualitative questions. In total, approximately 476 questions were asked of each respondent in this semi-structured interview, the themes of which are detailed in table 2. All interviews were digitally recorded, provided consent was given, and transcribed. Each interview took place face-to-face in the respondents own home.
6. As with the questionnaires, some variations were present across sites. Interviews would cease as soon as the interviewee expressed a desire to do so.
31
> How they felt the community reacted to the ood > What they felt the community could do to help themselves to prepare better > What they felt the community could do to help themselves to respond better All interviews were recorded, with the participants consent, and transcribed.
> Impacts on health, family, work and nances > Information required/received before the ood > Sources of support and responsibility before, during, and after the ood > What may have helped during the ood > What was immediately supportive and what was supportive in the long term > Flood group membership > Steps taken to prepare for ooding and perceived barriers to taking these > Thoughts on future ooding > Community resilience7, broken down by social capital (the sense of community and watching out for each other), community efcacy (the willingness to take action and be relied upon), learning (the knowledge gained and sharing of this knowledge) and readiness to respond > Recovery activities and involvement in these > Three words that respondents associate with ooding
Focus groups
In two of the study sites (3 and 5), focus groups were chosen as the primary data collection method. Participants were asked a series of exploratory questions, with responses recorded on ip charts to aid the facilitation of the group. The group discussions were also recorded, with consent, and transcribed. A total of ve focus groups were conducted; four with previously ooded, and one with non-ooded, participants. The non-ooded group was asked to imagine what would happen if they were ooded.
7. Alpha scores for each of the scales revealed the question grouped by each community resilience factor were internally consistent: social capital a = .76; community efcacy a = .69; learning a = .78; readiness to respond n/a.
32
Ethical considerations
In order to gain informed consent, written invitations to participate in the research were sent in advance of any data collection. The invitation comprised a letter explaining the aims and nature of the study, the voluntary nature of the study, and assurances of condentiality and anonymity. It also allowed a choice of data collection modes that recipients could take part in, should they wish to. The letter included contact details of the researchers, instructions on how to take part and an assurance that, whether they participated or not, this would have no effect on any current or future support they may receive from the British Red Cross. Immediately prior to the interview and focus groups, the information contained in the invitation was repeated verbally. Participants were also assured they did not have to answer any questions they did not wish to, and that they could withdraw at any time and without giving a reason. In addition, it should be noted that a key part of the CBPR approach is that communities are owners in the research; they are engaged in the study largely on their own terms. This signicantly addresses issues relating to an ethical approach to conducting research.
Questionnaire/survey
A questionnaire was developed to complement the qualitative data collection methods. This allowed the research to reach a greater number of people and also generate quantitative data. Much like the interview structure, the questionnaire comprised approximately 48 questions on the themes relayed in table 2. It featured core questions that could be used in any area, and some additions and alterations that were more community-specic. (For example, the town in site 2 had received an individual property protection grant following the ood, so some questions on this topic were included in that version of the questionnaire). Altogether there were four versions of the questionnaire.
33
34
Findings
> A total of 678 completed questionnaires, 72 faceto-face interviews9 10 and four focus groups11 12 with people who had experienced ooding. > Five completed questionnaires and one focus group with people who had not been ooded (from study site 513). > A total of 16 stakeholder telephone interviews across the study sites, who were representatives of community groups, voluntary organisations, the Environment Agency (EA), and other statutory organisations.
8. Three were removed as the questionnaires were not completed beyond the rst page. 9. One ooded individual was also a stakeholder and has been analysed as a stakeholder primarily, with other qualitative data referring to their own ooded experience being analysed as a ooded resident. No quantitative data is available therefore for this person. 10. One interview was conducted when only one person attended a focus group. For this reason different questions were asked of this individual and no quantitative data were collected.
11. Through work with the community group questionnaires were conducted in ve study sites, focus group were conducted in two study sites, telephone interviews in one study site, and face-to-face interviews were conducted in ve study sites. 12. Through work with the community group in study site 6, a questionnaire was not felt appropriate. 13. Large areas of site 5 were ooded in the devastating oods during the 1950s.
35
14. Four focus groups were conducted in site 5 and one in site 3.
15. Stakeholder interview comprised site 1 = two church reps; site 2 = one council, one community leader; site 3 = one EA, one council, one BRC, one Salvation Army, one charity organisation; site 4 = one council. one EA, one church rep, one community group leader; site 5 = one council; site 6 = one council.
36
Respondent demographics
As table 3 indicates, the age of participants ranged from 24 to 92 years, with the mean oldest population found in study site 416, and the youngest in site 117. Residents were often found not to have lived in the area for their whole lives, with site 2 housing residents for the shortest mean time at 24 years18 and the longest mean time observed in site 3 at 49 years19. Table 3: Demographic Information Mean (sd) years Age Years living in the area 64 (14) 34 (21) Frequency (%) Gender > Female > Male Housing status > Owner > Private rental > Local authority/Housing association > Rental Living arrangements > Family with children > Living alone > Living with partner/ spouse > All other Employment status > > > > > > Full time (FT) employed Part time (PT) employed FT self-employed PT self-employed Not in paid employment Retired 24 (19%) 12 (9%) 10 (8%) 2 (1%) 11 (9%) 68 (54%) 29 (22%) 47 (36%) 49 (37%) 7 (5%) 83 (78%) 7 (7%) 16 (15%) 81 (60%) 55 (40%)
20. Number of times affected ranged from 1-8, 1.4, sd 1.1 21. In study area 5, specic questions were added to cover some descriptions of the oods, and this revealed how differently the same ood could be experienced or perceived. For example, the length of the ood was reported as lasting between two hours and six days, reportedly having reached depths of between one inch and four feet. However, although diverse in their reports of these details, all but one respondent reported that they felt blocked drains were the cause of the oods, along with additional causes linked to the torrential downpour and pumps not working. So it appears that, while specic recollections of the details differ, sources of blame do not.
37
22. A phone tree is designed so that messages are passed on through the community (one resident to another) rather than being the sole responsibility of one person or organisation.
38
23. X2 =6.11, p< 0.05. 24. 38% ooded more than once vs 18% ooded once.
25. 31% ooded more than once vs 54% ooded once. 26. 31% ooded more than once vs 28% ooded once.
39
> Others were supported in their evacuation by the emergency services, sometimes by dinghy. But not all evacuations involved the emergency services. There were several reports of people being helped to escape their homes by neighbours with boats, kayaks, and tractors, or of neighbours and family breaking down doors and windows to help evacuate trapped residents. > When people did leave, they stayed with nearby friends and family, as well as at rest centres. In leaving without aid they took a risk, although perhaps not much more than if they had stayed at home. One lady, for example, accompanied several others who were trying to nd dry ground: We then waded through water that was up to my armpitsThere was a couple of teenage boys, and I had to hold on to one of them to avoid being swept away because the water coming down the street was such a great force. (Flood resident - interview 40I31) > Security was a concern both to those who left their homes or decided to stay during and after the ood. There were reports of break-ins and of security alarms rendered unusable by a lack of power. To remedy this fear, perceived or realised, some residents returned prematurely to their homes just to keep them safe. > Additionally, some people decided to stay in their homes because they were prohibited from taking pets into hotels or rented accommodation. In some cases, they were not allowed to leave them unattended in hotels, which was problematic for those who needed to go to work. People are very unwilling to leave their homes unless they can take their pets. There has to be some thought about what to do with pets. (Focus group 4, site 5) > However, staying at home during the ood and in its aftermath was, for some, a decision that with hindsight would not be repeated.
40
41
42
43
32. n8
44
Summary
Key ndings
> People didnt feel they knew enough about ood related issues to prepare fully, if at all, and they wanted more information. Those ooded for the rst time reported the least information prior to the event. > But if people were ooded for the rst time, they were not likely to have seen ooding as a risk, nor the information provided before the event as being salient to them. > Information needs occurred throughout the ood, including at the point of warning, during the ood event itself and beyond. > Needs included, but were not restricted to; o Where to go for help o How to maintain and protect personal items of sentimental value. o Clear health-related messages, such as the safety of drinking water o Finding alternative accommodation > There was also a need for stronger messages and support during evacuation, given not all those advised chose to evacuate for reasons including: not wishing to; fears over the security of the property; and pet care.
45
> Respondents were asked to name their top three sources of support before, during and after a ood event33. As can be clearly seen, family and informal sources provided the most help. Statutory and formal services had less impact, except for the re brigade during the ood and the charity sector afterwards. Table 4: Top three sources of help for non-ooded and ooded respondents, before, during and after a ood. Rank 1 Help to prepare (non-ooded) Community group (14%) / Local authority (14%)/ Church (14%) / Government and relief funds (14%)/ Charities (14%) / Other (14%) Help to prepare before the ood Volunteer (20%) Helped during the ood Family (43%) Helped after the ood Family (58%)
Neighbour or friend Neighbour or (37%) friend (49%) Fire brigade (31%) Charities (45%)
> On further probing, non-ooded respondents felt the most supportive sources of help before a ood would be receiving help with sandbags and the community group itself. They felt their own family and also the police would be supportive in these actions. This echoed to some extent the responses of the ooded respondents. > No single agency or activity dominated the responses. Neighbours, friends and family were the most popular agents listed as providing support, and their most important supportive activities were providing advice and practical assistance, such as help with moving things.
> When asked whose responsibility it was to provide protection from the effects of oods, the results differed somewhat from what sources were found supportive34. > 89% of respondents felt individual households were to some extent responsible for protecting themselves against the effects of ooding. An almost equal number felt that the emergency services were also responsible for this protection (88%). In contrast, markedly fewer felt it was the responsibility of their own community (67%) or charities (29%).
46
47
48
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross Actions of family, friends and neighbours
> Much useful support was elicited from family, friends and neighbours, particularly in the form of practical advice and assistance. People were into their gardens, were into their garages, were into their shed, Ive got a wheelbarrow over here, well turn it up and put a door over and that should do that and that should do that. (Flood resident - interview 6014) > More extreme examples of action were also cited. In one instance, a tractor was used to help evacuate people35. In another, local men were reported to be propping up the barricades. It was quite difcult for them because of the force of the water, but were quite fortunate in thatweve all got quite big, strapping men, so they could brace themselves against it. They were all frozen obviously, and we were handing out tea to try and keep them [warm]. They were all out there. (Flood resident - interview 6014) > While these rescue efforts were seless and community-spirited, many people nonetheless placed themselves and others at risk for example, by entering homes under water while the electricity was still live. > Beyond practical help, communities also worked hard to help prevent issues from occurring, most notably by identifying those who might be more vulnerable to the effects of ooding. To this end, community members had the advantage of being part of a community, rather than external to it. We identify potential problems prior to the ood. We identify at risk or high risk individuals the elderly, the sick the inrm, those with learning difculties. We identify where there might be a need to immediately evacuate someone. (Flood resident - interview 6014). > In some communities, the areas presided over by a warden were small enough that they felt able to know and communicate with everybody living there, staying aware of each persons circumstances. Weve got a routine here; we go away on holiday and we know where each others [ood] boards are. Weve got keys for each others houses. We try as far as possible not to all go away at once. If we are to go away, we tell each other. (Flood resident - interview 6014)
Actions of others
> Both stakeholder and resident interviews revealed a range of supportive interventions by other organisations and individuals. Voluntary organisation members assisted in a number of ways. They helped man or set up rest centres for those who had been ooded, provided practical help with evacuation and offered emotional support. > The church was cited as offering assistance, as was a local re brigade (for pumping water and helping with evacuations). The Red Cross was also cited as helping with sympathy and asking if residents were okay. > Several statutory organisations were involved in similar activities such as providing information, where they were able to draw upon their technical expertise. For example, the Environment Agency provided ood warnings and monitored ood levels. > The church, in particular, was cited in some areas as playing a key role, both in terms of physical and spiritual support for the community. At no point did people feel the church only reached out to its congregation; instead, it was acknowledged as coming to the aid of the whole affected community. Additionally, some of those offering help came from outside the community.
35. The same action was found in McKenna (2012) where a farmer not only delivered supplies to those left isolated by
49
It was just the most terrible, the town was so unprepared. If it wasnt for the church community and my friends itd be horrendous. (Flood resident - interview 6006) > Other organisations and individuals were also cited as providing assistance. Local councils were sometimes commended for their provision of sandbags. In one area, a local councillor had gone beyond the call of duty by giving out her personal mobile number, although she too was a resident. > Local councils and the environment agency were also instrumental in helping to set up, or support, some of the community resilience and oods groups. Other public service providers had also built up working relationships with these groups. > Such was the value placed on engaging with communities to elicit knowledge, one community ood group leader conducted a household survey of those who had been affected by ooding. The resulting information helped identify vulnerable residents who might need more support in future, as well as those who were more self-reliant.
> Some stakeholders mentioned steps that had been taken to help communities be more nancially prepared for emergencies such as ooding. In one community, where a lot of people lived in social housing and didnt have insurance, a housing company set up a low cost scheme to encourage residents to take out contents insurance. In another area, an insurance model specically aimed at ooding claims has been developed. > There are two key areas where public services are perceived to have taken strong positive action better maintenance of drainage systems and improvements to the EA ood warning system. > In some areas, ood defences for homes were made available at discounted prices, and meetings were held to provide information and advice about ooding. The environment agency and all the other associated bodies held a session in the town hall yesterday, showing what developments had progressed and the future defences for the town. (Flood resident - interview 40i32)
50
Summary
Key ndings
> Not all respondents had taken steps in advance to prepare for ooding, again possibly due to not appreciating the need. However, almost all took steps immediately before; they did not sit back to wait for others to do this for them. > Flooded individuals felt that informal, family and community-based support was most valuable at the time of a ood event. However, the support of others (including the local council and EA) was also valued particularly where it focused on preventative measures and working with the community.
51
Building resilience
Community resilience is dened by the Civil Contingencies Secretariat as communities and individuals harnessing local resource and expertise to help themselves in an emergency, in a way that complements the response of the emergency services (Home Ofce, 2011, p4). Understanding the relationships between the community and their resilience to oods was key to this study.
> For some, the notion that they were coping better than others inspired them to join a ood group to help their wider community. This group membership was felt to be both benecial on a community level as well bringing individual benets. I think it was a bonding experience for all the neighbours. But I think that the ood prevention group has actually meant that has continued, so...Ive met other people and actually talked to a wider community than I would have ever done, had it not been for the ood...in lots of ways, it has really bonded the community. (Flood resident - interview 20I12) > Some individuals took action to help by making refreshments, helping to clean in the aftermath, carrying sandbags, providing accommodation, and helping move objects upstairs. Some also took it upon themselves to disseminate information to their neighbours or warn when the ood was happening, often during the night. > A sense of prioritisation regarding those who most needed help seemed to emerge naturally, with help purportedly directed towards those perceived to be suffering, or most at risk of suffering. Those people had nothing, theyd lost everything and then the next night its happening again. They lled up with water again, after all that cleaning. We all mucked in with them as well, helping other people, doing their cleaning. (Flood resident - interview 1043) > Beyond individuals, the community at large as well as institutions embedded in the community also helped provide support during the oods and afterwards. One street mobilised itself to form a supportive network with younger men making barricades for doors, others lling sandbags, and all agreeing to move cars to higher ground to avoid damage. [We were] making sure that everybodys property was about as safe as it could be. (Flood resident - interview 6014).
Social capital
> 98%36 of respondents felt they were a member of the community that had been ooded. Of those, 82% felt the oods had an effect on their community, but perceptions of the nature of this effect were split between bringing the community together and driving people apart. > Social capital was evident in the ooded group, with 85% of respondents stating that most members of their community knew them, that they knew their neighbours (93%) and that the community would be willing to help in an emergency (89%). However, the gure was lower when it came to who felt a sense of belonging (73%) and who felt that community members would watch out for each other (76%). > The ability of a community to come together and provide mutual support was evidenced throughout the research in many ways. Those individuals taking action to help others were also as likely to be in receipt of helping actions from others in their community. > A ood can be a bonding experience for affected communities and elicit a Dunkirk spirit. Stakeholder interviews acknowledged the community spirit that emerged, and the generosity and sharing of local resources that they witnessed. They also noted the efciency exhibited by community members when helping each other out.
52
Community efcacy
> Community efcacy37 was less strongly felt than social capital, though still clearly evident. This might imply that while people have a clear sense of watching out for each other, they may not always take this to the point of action. > But some individuals and communities did take positive action by making refreshments, cleaning up in the aftermath, carrying sandbags, providing accommodation, sweeping pavements and helping to move objects upstairs before the ood. > There was evidence that people felt others could rely on them better since the ood (78%) and, in return, fewer felt they could not rely on each other (24%). Similarly, there was a sense that the community would come together to work as a team in an emergency (67%). Many felt it was very likely therefore that their community would take action in a ood (54%). > Businesses were also notably affected by the oods, and again provided evidence of a community working together in this case, the workplace community. In one instance, employed staff worked beyond their paid hours or took voluntary leave during the oods to help ensure the business survived.
> There was much evidence to suggest the ooding event brought people and communities together. However, in instances where not everyone got involved, community resilience could actually be undermined. > There were often sound, practical reasons why some people were not as involved as they might have liked to be. Active involvement could sometimes be prevented by life events and everyday occurrences, such as child care needs and work shift patterns.
53
> A readiness to respond was evidenced most strongly at an individual rather than community level, but there was a sense that respondents felt better prepared due to actions at a community level such as ood warden schemes, telephone trees, Individual Property Protection (IPP) devices, pilot warning systems, and the works conducted by the EA and water companies to remedy (and maintain) blocked drains and culverts. > When reecting on which steps individuals would now take (or had taken) to help them cope in a ood, the responses varied. Nearly a quarter related to behavioural changes that would be implemented at different times during the ood event. For example, where defences had been put in place in advance of a ood, movement of possessions and asking for help might occur during the ood. > Others noted that they now kept important documents in plastic folders, and had key telephone numbers by the phone in case of emergency. > Most communities had also set up a ood, neighbourhood or resilience group. One study site had no group. In this latter case, a plausible reason is their strong belief that they do not feel at risk of future ooding
Readiness to respond
> The community resilience measure of readiness to respond was less supported39. Just 19% of ooded respondents reported their community had taken steps before the ood that might have helped them during or after. In fact, when asked which steps were currently being taken, the responses still showed a lack of preparedness. > For those taking action, preparedness largely consisted of having access to materials to protect their home but only 31% had this in place. Regarding other measures: 26% had been encouraged to seek insurance, 11% had invested in ood barriers, 8% had taken steps to reduce risks to health and safety, 15% had taken other steps (such as having sandbags and a pump). Some 23% reported having no preparatory steps in place, while an additional 13% didnt know whether anything was in place.
38. 54-56 responses across section
39. 47 responses
54
55
> One study site was able to secure funding for an IPP scheme, which meant each house was assessed for IPP needs then supplied with the necessary products. These included ood doors, pumps, and non return valves. That the products were all free of charge to the resident, particularly given the concerns raised over the costs of such products, was highly valued among them. So 100% happy with what theyve done and weve been provided with, because I think without that, I wouldnt be able to afford it. (Flood resident - interview 20i10)
41. In 2011, the Environment Agency made 2m available to provide individual household ood protection measures, such as air brick covers and ood barriers for doors. Following an application, a number of communities across the country, including site 2 in Cornwall, were granted a portion of this grant.
56
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross The value of nancial support
> Financial support was highly valued and residents made use of charitable pots from Rotary Club, the British Red Cross, Lions, local churches and other agents. This was provided either as cash or in voucher form. > Financial support enabled people to begin to repair their lives and their property. > For almost all respondents, items of furniture were unsalvageable or, in some cases, discarded because they hadnt known what was salvageable. As such, the provision of furniture during the recovery phase was welcomed. This was primarily organised through local charities and church groups. The Rotary and the Lions together immediately started to collect money for the ood victims then they had the idea of opening a furniture store because they realised, people like myself renting somewhere unfurnished, I had no furniture...people were really, really generous and donated. They are all things you might have bought one at a time, but all of a sudden you have to buy the whole a lot altogetheryou signed up and the Red Cross helped doing that. We couldnt have managed without that really, it was an absolute godsend and the community was involved. (Flood resident - interview 40I31) > The ease with which people were able to make insurance claims, and the satisfaction with the amounts awarded, varied greatly between respondents. > In some cases, a number of factors emerged as contributing to making the process easier. For instance, those who had a broker or claims assessor to help with their claim seemed to both nd the process less stressful and manage to recoup more costs than they otherwise would have done. Before he came on board, the insurance company were going to settle on 8,500 worth of contents and the amount of work they were going to do amounted to 4,000. So it was a 12,000 claim prior to me employing the claims assessor. Once I had employed the claims assessor, we then got a 6,500 rebuild and I got 8,500 in contents. So it worked out so much better having a claims consultant. (Flood resident - interview 20i13)
57
58
59
Summary
Key ndings
> Community resilience was enhanced though a variety of actions: o Keeping people informed - where involvement in community actions could not be achieved, often for logistical reasons, community members were kept in touch with via other means, such as information letters. o Identifying those made most vulnerable by the ood - where communities worked together, a natural prioritisation of needs and of identifying those most vulnerable to the effects of ooding emerged. This was enabled by the internal knowledge of the community. > Community resilience was challenged by: o Not belonging and not acting - a lack of sense of belonging and taking action, in spite of the presence of knowing and watching out for other members. o Not being present evacuation away from the geographic community can negatively impact the resilience of an increasingly disparate community.
> Practical support varied most in the ways it could be delivered for example, from cleaning and the provision of cleaning products, through to providing sustenance or kitchen facilities that people could make their own. > Financial support enabled people to begin to repair their lives and their property. > 20% felt worried all of the time about future ooding. Many felt they hadnt received enough information to help them prepare, and thus arguably allay at least some of this fear. > Worry, stress, fear, loss and shock characterised the ooding experience.
60
Barriers to preparation
Despite the various barriers to preparation that have been reported, its important to note that all residents did actually respond in some way. Some waited for information, where others actively sought it. Some waited to be helped to leave their property; while others left on their own. Some shared their knowledge and checked on their neighbours, and others did not. I would then go and knock on [my neighbours] door and I would go and see [another neighbour], just to check if they were okay. And, if they were worried, we would get them up here [to me]. (Flood resident - interview 20I4)
Lack of warning and time Barriers faced by individuals to prepare for future oods
> Following a ood event many people took steps to prepare for future ooding but, in doing so, encountered a range of barriers to doing this effectively. Those who had not been ooded,
44. See Roles and responsibilities across the ood event section.
> Even among those who had taken steps to prepare, most felt they had not been able to prepare adequately because of a lack of time.
61
Costs
> Costs were identied as a leading barrier in preventing people from effectively preparing for oods, both for those who hadnt previously been ooded (100% reported costs as a barrier) and those who had (83%). > Those who had received information about ood protection generally felt that the cost of purchasing such products was prohibitive, not least because of the multiple entry points for ood water to enter their property. Its just not conceivable unless somebody says Heres a grand, do what you can with the house to protect it. (Flood resident - interview 40i9) > Where people live in rented accommodation, some reported their landlords were reluctant to take measures to protect the houses.
Communication
Perceived inadequate communications played an important role in hindering preparation efforts.
62
Timeliness of information
> In some cases, useful information about modications that could be made to improve homes was reportedly not received until after houses had already been repaired, or repairs were in progress. Frustratingly, it was then too late to implement this new knowledge.
Language as a barrier
> Where there were large numbers of non-English speakers in a community, there were concerns that language would act as a barrier. However, efforts had been made to make communications accessible in a number of languages and to build links through inclusive resilience groups.
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross The actions of others in the community
> Having neighbours who did not prepare for ooding could impact negatively on others, as oodwater could enter through neighbouring properties. We were advised to take these measures, cover the airbricks and things but we havent for the simple reason that, because we are a terrace, unless everybody does it, it wont be effective. (Flood resident - interview 40i29) > There were reports of opportunistic crime following ooding, particularly when people had to leave their homes and leave them insecure. I had valuable jewellery robbed from my home while we were ooded out and I found out later it was a neighbour. One of the rings found in a pawn shop, I had to get the police involved, but there was no security. We had police at the back, but we had none on the front here, there was no alarms because there was no electricity. (Flood resident - interview 1040) > Not being at home at the time of a ood could mean that ood defences were not engaged, unless neighbours help was elicited. Leaving oodgates and airbrick covers in place when away from home was felt to pose a security risk; advertising that the house was empty. Within days the general public were out, coming to watch and see and comment. You know, stood at the end of your drive and commenting on all your stuff. (Flood resident - interview 40I21) > Where residents who werent ooded continued with their daily lives, this was sometimes seen as showing an absence of community spirit.
63
64
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross Relationships and cohesion within the community
> Half of the non-ooded respondents felt that the need for others to cooperate presented a barrier to ood preparation; this rose to 73% for those previously ooded46. In other words, a reliance on others was felt to be a barrier to preparedness, especially among those speaking from experience. While this question did not hone in on exactly who those people to be co-operated with were, it most likely included surrounding community members. > In some cases, the ood and community groups were criticised as overly negative. This led some to leave their group and any benets they might have gained there. I did go to a couple of the ood action meetings immediately after the ood, but I stopped going to those because there were a lot of people at those meetings that were very angry and very upset. The meetings tended to be hijacked by those people and it just brought it all back. And I thought actually I would rather park this and not keep revisiting it all the time. So I stopped going to those. (Flood resident - interview 40I28) The community got together pretty well. All the neighbours were in the same boat, so they went and had a communal moan to each other and it went on from there. It has since then dropped back to its original place with very insular people and we dont get together very much. (Flood resident - interview 40I32)
Summary
Key ndings
> Respondents noted several barriers that they felt prevented them from preparing for a ood. Some were barriers affecting the individual, such as high costs. Others, such as delays and cuts to ood defence activities, affected the wider community. > Both individual information and individual action dominated the theme of barriers. o Not everyone appreciated the risk of ooding and many took no action. Even among those who did, there were reports of people not having enough information nor knowing who to turn to. o Uncertainties around the effectiveness of ood protection products put people off investing in them. Many considered that, until they were tested, it simply couldnt be known whether they would work properly. This was felt to be a gamble for such a high-cost investment, and would require a greater trust in their efcacy. o Notable barriers included: the perception of ood preparation as being a technical matter among those who had been ooded before, and evidence that protection measures were sometimes not engaged properly.
65
66
67
Preparing to act
This study identied two key needs, both around increased awareness. Firstly those at risk need to be aware of what actions they can take in order to mitigate potential ood damage; and secondly they need to be aware of what to do during a ood. Just 21% of respondents reported they had enough information about ooding matters prior to actually being ooded. This lends evidence to the need for clear and effective communications (including warnings, steps to prepare etc) that will offer easyto-follow guidance through all the time points of a ood event. The clearest way to achieve this is by combining appropriate methods of communications with an equally appropriate strategic approach. Getting the message right in ood information is critical. This study revealed signicant levels of confusion around content and advice, despite the wealth of information in existence. Such information needs to be accurate, clear and inclusive. It should also cover all the timeframes of a ood event and include advice on those key aspects of peoples lives health, nancial, practical and social that will most likely be affected. Furthermore, messages should focus beyond preparedness and also advise where support can be accessed. However, in doing so, they should be careful not to remove the impetus for individual or community action. It is important that such communications should enhance, rather than undermine, community resilience. Nor should the recovery stage, and the need for information during this time, be neglected. Recommendation two: key messages regarding ooding should come from a trusted voice, which provides accurate and timely information across a full range of issues.
68
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross Enhancing community relations
This study also revealed the value of community partnerships with other organisations as a way of building support for communities and the individuals within them. It also revealed the collective power of such partnerships in securing funding and promoting positive change. Although the reliance of respondents on information from non-ofcial sources brought challenges with regard to ensuring accurate information, there were nonetheless clear examples of how communities can effectively put across messages, both to those within the community and outside of it. In contrast, there were fewer examples where organisations directed information into communities (for example, the EA pilot), and no examples of community engagement in shaping communications strategies. Obviously, this isnt desirable. Organisations that engage with communities should ensure that all ood information is provided in a manner that is most useful, accurate and relevant to their needs. This information would then be embedded within the community and have an increased sense of relevance among residents. However, individuals did not always recognise the role of their wider community. This suggests a greater understanding is needed of how some individuals, perhaps not active in ood groups, could link with their own community. Enhancing the relationship between individual and community is vital if community resilience is to grow most notably through the sharing of information, stronger cohesion, and also helping each other in times of need. One route to achieving this is by focusing on the abilities of ood groups to bring communities together, and explore whether this can be used as a template in non-ooded communities. It would also be useful to further explore the role of young people in aiding community resilience. Research evidence suggests that young people can be an effective vehicle of change, both within the family and community, once they understand the message of change. The young people involved in this study fully appreciated the impact of ooding on peoples lives and designed innovative approaches to communicate important messages, not only for their peers but also their families. Recommendation three: to develop and maintain strong relationships between communities and organisations, ensuring community needs are known to organisations and that all available support is known to the community. Recommendation four: to help communities foster more productive relationships with individuals who are not engaged with community activities.
The experience of ooding in the UK - British Red Cross Viewing ooding as a cyclic event
This study echoes existing literature that suggests ooding is a cyclic process that is, recovery and preparedness are indistinct, over-lapping entities. Operationally, and for capacity reasons, response and recovery responsibilities are managed separately, although with overlap in terms of the time-frame (for example, the recovery process begins before the end of the response). However, it is not clear to what extent the cyclic process is embedded in working practices. This needs further investigation. Recommendation six: to view ooding as a cyclic process, and thus ensure that the momentum of efforts in response and recovery contribute to activities geared towards preparedness.
69
71
references
Austin, L. (2007) BRCS UK Emergency Floods Response in The Northern Territory June/ July 2007 Phase 2/3 Post action review. London: British Red Cross Black, A & Burns, J. (2002) Reassessing the ood risk in Scotland. The Science of the Total Environment, 294 pp. 169-184. British Red Cross. (2009) Saving Lives, Changing Lives: British Red Cross Corporate Strategy 2010-2015. London: British Red Cross Burningham, K; Fielding, J; & Thrush, D. (2008) Itll never happen to me: understanding public awareness of local ood risk. Disasters, 32(2): pp. 216-38. Bye, P & Horner, M. (1998) Easter 1998 oods: Report by the independent review team to the board of the Environment Agency, Volume 1. Bristol: Environment Agency Carrington, D (2012) David Cameron forced into U-turn on ood defence spending cuts. Retrieved from http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2012/ nov/30/ooding-120mdefence-spending, accessed 14.12.12 Cutter, S L; Emrich, C T; & Burton, C G. (2009) Baseline Indicators for Disaster Resilient Communities. University of South Carolina, Community and Regional Resilience Institute (CARRI) workshop presentation. Retrieved from: http://www.resilientus.org.library/Susan_ Cutter_1248296816 Daly, M; Becker, J; Parkes, B; Johnston, D; & Paton, D. (2009) Dening and measuring community resilience to natural disasters. Tephra, 22, pp.15-18. Department for Communites and Local Government (2010) Planning Policy Statement 25: Development and Flood Risk (PPS25). Retrieved from https:// www.gov.uk/government/ publications, accessed 01.12.11 Dooley, G. (2009) The Morpeth ood appeal: an interim learning review. London: British Red Cross Environment Agency. (2009) Investing for the future: Flood and Coastal ood risk management in England A long term investment strategy. Retrieved from http://www. environment-agency.gov.uk/research/library/publications/ 108673.aspx, accessed 14.12.12 Few, R; Ahern, M; Matthies, F; & Kovats, S. (2004) Floods, health and climate change: A strategic review Norwich: The Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research Fewtrell, L & Kay, D. (2008). An attempt to quantify the health impacts of ooding in the UK using an urban case study. Public Health 122(5): 446-451. Fordham, M & Ketteridge, A-M. (1995) Flood Disasters - Dividing the Community Paper presented at the Emergency Planning 95 Conference, 2-6 July 1995, Lancaster, UK Green, C H; Emery, P J; Penning-Rowsell, E C; & Parker, D J. (1985) The health effects of ooding: a survey at Uphill, Avon, Eneld. Middlesex: Middlesex University, Flood Hazard Research Centre
72
73
74
Photo credits are listed below in page order BRC Cover - Hookway, Martin (BRC) 09 - Percival, Matthew (BRC) 12 - Percival, Matthew (BRC) 17 - Hookway, Martin (BRC) 18 - Hookway, Martin (BRC) 20 - Thomson, Layton (BRC) 22 - Percival, Matthew (BRC) 25 - Hookway, Martin (BRC) 26 - Hookway, Martin (BRC) 33 - Percival, Matthew (BRC) 40 - Thomson, Layton (BRC) 47 - By kind permission 49 - Thomson, Layton (BRC) 52 - Percival, Matthew (BRC) 58 - Tagxedo.com 61 - Hookway, Martin (BRC) 63 - Percival, Matthew (BRC) 66 - Thomson, Layton (BRC) 70 - By kind permission
75
British Red Cross UK Ofce 44 Moorelds London EC2Y 9AL The British Red Cross Society, incorporated by Royal Charter 1908, is a charity registered in England and Wales (220949) and Scotland (SC037738)
redcross.org.uk