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The Homoerotics of Immigration Control

The Homoerotics of Immigration Control

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S&F Online The Scholar and Feminist Online Published by The Barnard Center for Research on Women www

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Issue 6.3: Summer 2008 Borders on Belonging: Gender and Immigration

The Homoerotics of Immigration Control Mary Pat Brady This essay begins with a twelve-year old hiss. Some twelve years ago, I was in a UC Berkeley audience listening to Anthropologist Leo Chavez discuss the images of immigration that had appeared on the covers of major news magazines over the previous thirty years.[1] The images he presented were tacky but provocative. Not surprisingly, the covers confirmed that in the popular press the narrative of immigration circulated in an unrelenting celebratory-threat loop: "Isn't America terrifically welcoming?" bounced to "The nation is under siege!" But then, another aspect of those images struck me and I leaned over to a friend and whispered, "This stuff is sohomoerotic." "No it is not." She hissed back, "It's a heterosexual rape fantasy." A bit chastened, I thought, "Of course. Nation as woman. Men as protectors against the penetrative, rapacious impulses of other men."[2] But, I later wondered, as I reconsidered the images that had struck me: a man climbing through what might be an anus made from the U.S. flag? Police groping or maybe searching men while the image itself draws our attention to the tight butts and crotches of the supposed "aliens."[3] Did the one interpretation really cancel the other out?

.S.Copyright 1979 U. News & World Report.P. Reprinted with permission. L.

violent. for example. Mexicans have always had a curiously eroticized role in the U. I subsequently tangled with what felt like a half-baked insight and the largely unanswered question: How might a homophobic response to homoerotic portrayals of Mexican men help to structure anti-immigrant hysteria? And could an analysis of anti-immigrant hysteria in concert with homophobia help us understand the ongoing violence in the Southwestern U. as Jacqui Alexander would insist. othered queers are. while simultaneously marking the site of its own instability. press.[7] Eithne Luibhéid.S. has subtended expansionist efforts. the sex life of Mexicans.."[8] More recently Alexander has called for further study of the state's investments in sexuality so that we might understand the "ideological traffic between and among formations that are otherwise positioned as dissimilar."[9] I hope to take up that challenge in . a concerted effort to feminize Mexican men in order to hypermasculinize white men and boys found its way into nearly every fictional account that involved Mexico. Other crucial studies began to unpack the interanimating work of sexuality and citizenship showing. and as a practice. I first approached the question by considering the work of the border — analyzing it as an abjection machine and as a state-sponsored aesthetic project. hybrid place. uses sexuality to regulate immigration and reproduce sexual categories. popular imaginary. or rather white men's fantasy of it. that "heterosexuality is at once necessary to the state's ability to constitute and image itself. From the 19th century forward. Reprinted with permission. macho cad.S. Over the course of the twentieth century this feminized stereotype gave way in part to that of the drug addled rapist and the domineering.[6] Significant work on immigration and sexuality has been produced since that confounding hiss. Not really interested in the realm of analogy (i.[4] Certainly. So I remained puzzled by these insinuations of homoeroticism.[5] "Gay. What was not in question for either of us was whether or not sexuality was part of the story.S.S. not a static. could not be said to constitute a large percentage of stereotypes proffered about Mexican men in the U. strangers to the normative).? It is obviously not enough to assert that these images are simply or merely suggestive of a subtle play with a homoerotics that participates in the grand discourse of othering.e.Copyright Business Week. or a refulgent metaphor but rather as a network of regulatory mechanisms and disciplinary triggers. like "aliens". offered one of the first monographs to consider how the U. after 1848." however.

He shifted the locale for their homophobic anxiety rather than challenge its production. That West Hollywood queers were among the most active startled and scared the Republican political machine. and campaigned for Proposition 187. in Jaqui Alexander's words.[11] He subsequently. is that this shift from AB101 to Proposition 187 was not merely or only a clever politician's ruse. in doing this work. and stung by recession as well as a formidable Democratic opponent. The change of "subject" galvanized conservative support for Wilson. It may be that the linkage between the two is circumstantial. the analysts of Prop 187 and its enabling culture have tended to ignore an odd part of the proposition's history. and on the other. queers across the state took to the streets in nightly protests that snarled traffic in Los Angeles and San Francisco for two weeks. popularized. It turned nurses and school teachers into immigration officials by charging them with surveillance responsibility. a film deploring Wilson's support of the legislation. Wilson could change from gay rights to this particular subject because the homophobia generated in the family values response effectively produced a sense of fear and. This essay is not the place to reexamine the import of Proposition 187 in spurring a new Nativist agenda. faced a different sort of crisis —the outrage of the Republican far right. social dislocation and dysphoria. as the film's repeated jump shots suggest. an anti-immigration referendum that broadly refuted a century of U. its presumed status as a privileged. the homophobia generated around AB101 (and the notion of gay rights it solidified) helped sustain the anti-immigrant fervor that propelled proposition 187 from a crackpot. Wilson signed virtually the same version of AB101. convinced that his governorship was endangered. during his first term as governor of California. What I would like to suggest here then. as well as. in particular. "spectacularizes yet again heterosexual anxiety in a manner that puts homosexuality on display" (199). its vulnerability to multiple forms of desires. thinking about citizenship and took as its charge the statewide regulation of immigration. but also to see how those stakes are immersed in a nativist homophobia that lays siege to the nation and enables the slow-motion massacre of migrants. Wilson's strategy to placate his base entailed a brilliant change of subject. since it depended on that particular constituency's political docility to maintain a stranglehold over Southern California politics. a bill to extend protection against discrimination on the job to gays and lesbians. Louis Sheldon of the Traditional Values Coalition released The Gay Agenda. The move between 101 and 187 was not simply a shift from a battle over the regulation and production of citizenship to the sharpening of . The next year. unconstitutional idea. and more particularly—the roving family-less migrant men who embodied. The film. into a widely-copied national platform for Wilson's presidential ambitions. In response to the veto. to how images and metaphors were mobilized to permit the renewal of a Nativist agenda that was then intensifying across the country.an effort not simply to understand the stakes of heterosexualizing citizenship. What tied 101 and 187 together was in part the presumed assumption that both "the gay agenda" and the "immigrant agenda" took aim at the patriarchal white family. Prop 187 turned the focus off of Lou Sheldon's gyrating gym boys protesting public policy and onto the abjected body of the poor immigrant mothers and children who were apparently sucking welfare money and hospital care from a then recession-weary state. In 1991.S. threatening to expose its homoerotic implications on the one hand.[12] Perhaps the first emblem of the neoliberal structural adjustment programs that came home to the United States in the 1990s (like welfare reform a few years later). He was presenting his work in the aftermath of Proposition 187. To return to Chavez's talk. Rather. and it denied basic emergency care and benefits to all noncitizen immigrants regardless of how formal their status. in a moment when Chicano Studies scholars turned renewed and outraged attention to the work of representation and. as they waited for work on a street corner. Pete Wilson vetoed AB101. Conservative groups around Southern California then began circulating calls for money to challenge Wilson in the next gubernatorial primary. racialized site of consumption and protected locale for national reproduction. some sort of threat to the nation. at parades and so forth. It also tells us that Wilson supports and even encourages supposedly anti-family pleasure. The film depicts the AB101 protests alongside images of queers enjoying themselves in other. who went on to win re-election on Prop 187's coattails. but it is useful to note here that in virtually none of the analysis of either AB101 and its aftermath or Proposition 187 and its aftermath do the two come together. He supported. outrageous ways—in bars. and almost immediately. but that it has gone unexamined underscores an ongoing refusal to think about immigration and sexuality together.[10] Yet.

.[14] Since the inception of Operation Gatekeeper in 1994. To support this transformation. Damaged by his administration's early promise to change the military's anti-gay policies. decrying the unhumanitarian aspects of Prop 187 that his evacuation of welfare would later mimic. When Proposition 187 seized the imagination of a California electorate. economy. makes it nearly impossible for people to cross individually or in small groups in rural California or Texas. hunger. The locus of capital accumulation transitioned from manufacturing to the management of money and led to what some call the financialization of the U. on average. The demise of a Fordist manufacturing system entailed. parched regions of the Arizona Sonora desert. one person has died almost every day trying to cross the Mexico-U. still in place more than a decade later. and exposure. AB101 also confirmed the possibility that alternate structures of desire and consumption might thrive outside of the bounds of middle-class heterosexuality." Gays deserved the blame for the faltering political economy of the heteronormative family. AB101 resexualized citizenship—or rather. without a visa often must turn themselves over to smuggling enterprises or try to cross independently in the barren. in part.S. Operation Gatekeeper has become the condition of impossibility for more than 3000 people. in his capacity to appropriate anti-immigrant fervor to reinstate his legitimacy as guardian of the nation. economy. AB101 enlisted the State of California's legal infrastructure to protect people from forms of discrimination that had heretofore gone unrecognized. when eleven skeletons were found in a railroad car in the Midwest months after the car had entered the U. the reorganization of the nation's political economy.economic nationalism in nativist guise. through the massing of agents and technology. A centerpiece of Clinton's presidency and later welcomed by George Bush. a nationalist erotics. By the end of the 1980s. the much vaunted two-parent. during what one human rights activist calls "the dying season. these deaths go un-noted in the mainstream media. even as it enhances. unacknowledged desires that helps to structure national discourses about immigration and keeps nativism afloat in ever newer guises."[15] Why has such an abundance of death not stirred more debate? Why have the recent debates about so called immigration reform and the massive border fence not centered on the daily deaths? What prevents a national outcry sufficient to change public policy? I'd like to suggest that a partial hint to the answer lies in the relay between AB101 and Prop 187 —in the unspoken. Concerned that Proposition 187 demonstrated wide cross-over appeal for voters.S. and revealed it to be fully imbricated in the creation and support of heterosexuality. for example.S. In substantially linking "rights of citizenship" to sexual identities. Operation Gatekeeper entailed a systematic strategy of policing the Mexico/U. Lou Sheldon and others suggested that the broadening of citizenship to include more than the heteronormative did indeed threaten the heteronormative. border. most frequently from spring through early fall. or as when a border patrolman loaded a dead woman's body onto the hood of a patrol vehicle because a mortuary hearse failed to show up. border at popular crossing points. as.S.[13] This strategy. Extending the mantle of "rights" challenged the abstraction of citizenship as neutral. single-bread-winner family structure was under economic duress—a duress made fiercer by a series of recessions that left most wage-earners feeling their vulnerability to economic change. Clinton appropriated anxiety about immigration. . he took solace. while simultaneously taking up the mantle of law and order to harness anti-immigrant fervor. Occasionally these deaths gain national attention. It was in this political-economic climate that the battles over enlarging the concept of rights and maintaining access to social services emerged. Clinton quickly solidified his own neoliberal agenda by championing and expanding Operation Gatekeeper. The fights over AB101 and Prop 187 emerged after a sea change in the U. the Reagan-Bush administrations hacked away at the social safety net and supported policies that helped depress real wages for the majority of U. They occur in an underdeveloped region of the country. In short. it was also a signal of a vibrant relay that derives from. uncoupled it from presumptive heteronormativity.S. People coming to the U. the storied "nuclear family" could no longer function easily with only one wage-earner. In their response to Wilson's ultimate approval of a similar measure. There they die from heat prostration. they occur regularly. workers. and cognizant of his need to maintain California's electoral votes. it would seem. not socioeconomic shifts.S. arguing that this effort to gain protection came at the expense of "families.S. But most often. Bill Clinton found similar comfort in the homophobia-anti-immigration relay. particularly in urban areas and along the Rio Bravo.

the subsequent 3000 plus deaths have nothing to do with the transformation of the world economy. And by emphasizing immigrants as criminals with a wanton disregard for the law. These deaths have been machined through the mill of legality to become nearly the proper punishment for violating an unquestioned and naturalized law. protection from exploitation) and from what they might contribute to the country at large. wages. In the long. In 2004 the Republicans used the threat of gay marriage to draw people to the polls and then in 2006 launched new anti-immigrant proposals in several states. The anti-gay rights/anti-immigrant relay surfaced again during the 2004-2006 election cycle.[18] They are stuck in the "it serves them right" realm where sympathy for their experiences remains out of bounds. but rather on those who entered the country informally or stayed beyond their visa. to their supposedly bad behavior. nothing to do with the lack of affordable food or the polluted water supplies. "When did immigration assume a place next to abortion and traditional marriage as a "family" issue for the religious right?" He sees the . but also in terms of the ways in which Nativist content varies as ideological needs shift. (i. imaginary to immigrants' criminality. the restructuring of the national economy and the attempt to dismantle the welfare state were well underway before the immigrant narrative changed. Instead it contextualizes these deaths as a kind of passive capital punishment for an immigrant's willingness to skirt entry regulations. police protection—and what problems they caused or eliminated—depressed wages. left behind in the narrative tangle that inscribes illegality as out of reach of the sentimental. lay claim to the sort of sympathy that might be used to build a movement to change violent policing practices. has been dissipated by this emphasis on criminalization." "socialist and anarchist. later. The survivors of the dying season." the immigrant had become a fiscal burden to taxpayers. twisted corridor from AB101 to the daily deaths of immigrants. No longer the exploited. nothing to do with the cost of living. the state's responsibility to ensure rights is transmogrified into its privilege to kill. or with NAFTA.e. for example. he transferred the anxiety of what immigrants might want or demand from the U. and thereby to produce a culture that questions such policies.S. In other words."[16] Calavita argues that the central motif of Proposition 187—the immigrant as a leech on social services. If the debate over gay "rights" metamorphosed into Prop 187. most recently. labor shortages—to a rhetoric centered on their status as "legal" or "illegal. due to their ontological status as illegal. Clinton repeatedly claimed. Put differently. education. the emphasis on legality removes the deaths from the context of a policing system that forces people to enter the U. it shifted again when Clinton took 187 national with Operation Gatekeeper and. and to the imprisonment and policing practices they support." As a 2006 report for the Southern Poverty Law Center recently noted. cannot "access normativity" and therefore cannot.[19] The report's author. and poverty. as "tax burden. every round of anti-immigrant fervor can be contextualized not simply in terms of how immigrants served as scapegoats for a particular crisis. By emphasizing such "illegality" he shifted the focus in the U. Tom Tancredo raised money for his ill-fated presidential campaign largely on an anti-immigrant platform. That is to say. one that would mobilize an affective response to the daily deaths and violence.S. depressor of wages for working "Americans. a number of "family values" organizations have publicly aligned themselves with the Nativist anti-immigrant movement opposing Congressional efforts at immigration "reform". as a figure who exploits the safety net and drains the tax coffers—emerged only after the social safety net had been rendered highly vulnerable. and away from issues of labor.S. The emphasis." "depressor of wages. or with the ongoing impact of the Dirty Wars in Central America. that at different moments over the course of the last century. Under his guidance."[17] In this light.As Kitty Calavita has argued. should not be on all immigrants." He deployed his anti-immigrant policies and the development of Operation Gatekeeper by producing a new grid of intelligibility where legality became the central hermeneutic. whatever sentiment might be mobilized by the sight of horrific deaths remains out of bounds. Yet if in 2008 anti-immigrant rhetoric may not drive electoral success. welfare reform.. it has nonetheless become all the more tightly tied to "family values" as part in parcel of the "anti-gay agenda.S. new laws were passed that as Jennifer Chacon argues. Any movement to build a large-scale tale of horror." and. social services. to the utopian fantasy of a neutral criminal justice system. political territory (they are always already in U. notably in Arizona where it found success. it would seem. Alexander Zaitchik wonders. She notes. economic territory) in highly dangerous ways. Clinton shifted the emphasis from what immigrants "deserved"—emergency care. Immigrants have been effectively blamed for their own deaths. Similarly. "conflated illegal immigrants with crime" and also "operated to reify the links between all immigrants and criminality. the demonized immigrant has served as "strikebreaker.

and even further back. In this manner they suggest an alternative to the normative family. one of whom grabs his crotch in a threatening fashion and another of whom throws a finger in an equally angry manner. the heterosexual rape fantasy implicit to the images of threatening men seeking entry to a nation gendered female reinscribes the importance of homosociality to national management. as does New York Times columnist Frank Rich who facetiously calls "Hispanics" the "new gays" and argues that Latinos are merely the latest in a long line of scapegoats. entering. it is an anti-immigrant website that most acutely points to this work. they are also constitutive of criminality and legality. More to the point. signals something. this aspect enables their allegorical flexibility and capacity to stand in for one another (Hispanic as the new gay) and indeed helps to trigger their respective forms of panic and discrimination. who originally led the protests against Wilson's acquiescence to gay rights. This is not to say that the immigrants are themselves queer. apparently without wives or children signals something. as Craig Smith argues. and what has been set aside in much of the analyses of Prop 187 and AB101. the seeming excess that homosexuality signals—its out of boundedness— clearly also signals the seeming excess that the racialized sexuality of non-whites has signaled for two centuries or more. part of what maintains the U. But his neighborhood now has homes with five cars rotting in the front yard and 12 single men living in one house. Obviously. My conjecture here is that part of what sustains this emphasis on illegality.. The potentially homoerotic images of immigrants framed as illegal in the popular press ignite a homophobic panic. He read in the local paper last week that Anglos are now a minority in Texas and wonders if anybody is in charge of this social experiment. neat and hard-working Latinos.[22] Below the photo is a series of mug shots of Latinos charged with crimes.S. That homophobia has preceded anti-immigrant hysteria in the current moment is not simply a coincidence.. anti-immigrant furor. heterosexual rape fantasies can be very homoerotic. Similarly. as is Calavita. white family structure.org" opens with a photo of a group of Latinos standing on a street curb. If. both of our comments highlight the homosocial economy so crucial to the management of nationalism and suggest the extent to which homophobia and anti-immigrant hysteria dovetail into the regulation and promotion of the hetero-patriarchal. There is no reason to presume that the heterosexual rape fantasy that my friend saw in any way contradicts my sense that the images played with a homoerotic imaginary. Indeed. What we can do is re-establish law and order. and the continuing death of immigrants. homosocial bonding establishes "domination and structures masculinity. "Daylaborers. of course. that the scapegoat mechanism does function by circulating a series of signifiers through its machinery. Perhaps for this reason men populate the majority of images of migrants in the popular press. the frequent citation of large groups of men living together. Many of his favorite neighbors are kind. And Zaitchik is correct to note the recently enhanced visibility of "Family Values" crusaders in the anti-immigrant imaginary. is the extent to which racialization and sexualization are productive of each other. is the desire to police desire. peering into windows.[21] But what Zatichik and Rich miss. This website brings me back to that hiss. New York Times columnist David Brooks would not include this sort of detail in an anti-immigrant screed: He's no racist. If it were not scary.[23] Why should 12 single men living together be a problem? How can 12 men living together possibly "destroy the social fabric"? Why is such an image coupled with an anxiety over declining white hegemony? Perhaps they destroy it because they signal alternate organizations for consumption and reproduction. Rich is right. . Oddly enough. again without the presence of women." then it is a fairly useful tool for nation-building. depending on the audience. Similarly..connection as a swift and recent one. is now a highly visible and crucial supporter of the "Secure Borders Coalition"—a group that unites the religious right with the anti-immigrant militia movement.[20] What Rich sees as a handy trend is really a connection reaching back to the furor raised by Pete Wilson in 1991. Women are much less likely to be represented as actually crossing. Lou Sheldon. In other words. though undoubtedly some would identify this way. so immigrants can bring their energy to this country without destroying the social fabric while they're here. to reinscribe it along racialized and sexualized lines. to the feminization of Mexican men initiated by popular culture in the 19th century. Rather the portrayal of groups of men massed together on street corners..

Chavez. and State Formation in the Young Adult Fiction of María Cristina Mena. New York: Columbia . Ed. Durham. and White Roots of Mexican Americans . Austin: University of Texas Press. Jacqui Alexander's insights are helpful here. Lionel Cantú. Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of the Nation. and Tom Tancredo's failed presidential campaign. 29 January." In Queer Families. Extinct Lands. but their relationship is indeed an embedded one. [Return to text] 6. [Return to text] 3. Norma Alarcón. Curtis Marez. Brady. this process defines status as conduct and then makes that conduct into a propensity for criminality. Gender. Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism. the covers of Business Week. That said. 2004. it is less easy to see why immigrants might be seen to threaten that structure—or why they should be narrated as such. obsession with Mexico's mixed-race population.[24] Homophobia and nativism come together around "family values" and reveal the ongoing project of the state to manage sexuality. Gay citizen-activists and many of the nongay immigrant poor may see themselves as strange bedfellows. Constructing Race: The Indian. But of course the homosociality suggested here is an uneven one—fractured by race and inequality. It doesn't actually matter to the nativist agenda then how family-friendly Latinos "really are" or claim to be. Race.S. Endnotes 1. [Return to text] 5. 2000). MA: Harvard University Press. NC: Duke University Press. 3000-plus deaths. See Between Woman and Nation: Nationalism. immigrants came to be the symbolic release valve for a political economy that no longer needed the nuclear family structure with its patriarchal single-bread winner. Cambridge. to educate desire and consumption. Austin: University of Texas Press. She points out that "family values" campaigns signal that the "ideological dominance of heterosexuality" is endangered. They took the blame for policies that had rendered vulnerable every type of household but the wealthiest. As Calavita points out. 23 June. and Production of Popular Culture . Berkeley: University of California Press. Recovering History. intimacy. Shelley Streeby. But they also reveal paradoxically. that "family values" mean Anglo hegemony. Queer Politics: Challenging Culture and the State . Durham. "The Fungibility of Borders. to restrict the targets of its largesse. When shown. 1980 and U. 2002. 2002. Operation Gatekeeper. "A Place Called Home: A Queer Political Economy of Mexican Immigrant Men's Family Experiences. The nation as woman is also the family as homeland and property. For a helpful summary of this material see Belinda Rincón. 187. NC: Duke University Press. American Sensations: Class. Prop. and consumption. Caren Kaplan. Mary Pat Brady. 2001." Nepantla (Spring. There is and is not a linear movement between AB101. 1983. Reginald Horseman. the 19th century U.S.penetrating. for example. Transnational Feminisms and the State . Berkeley: University of California Press. Consider. Temporal Geographies. 1821-1900. News and World Report. 1981. "Heroic Boys and Good Neighbors: Militarism. and thereby poses a challenge to the normative heterosexual family structure. The object of the rape fantasy is important here as well. See Arnoldo De Leon. Drug Wars: The Political Economy of Narcotics. [Return to text] 4. borders. While it might be easy to understand that queer desire offers alternative venues for desire. for example. Black. [Return to text] 2. [Return to text] 7. Martha Menchaca. 1979. Leo R. women are more often depicted as abjected mothers. Better we understand these terms and histories and discourses as a kind of assemblage with a powerful impact." Unpublished manuscript. As Alexander notes. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. we can indeed see how a neoliberal narrative of rights has been harnessed to much of the discourse about both homosexuality and immigration. 2003. They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes toward Mexicans in Texas. See. Both are narrated as "choices" and hence as moral acts. and Minoo Moallem. 1999.

See." LA Weekly. Border Games: Policing the U. "Controlling 'Unwanted' Immigration: Lessons from the United States. See Otto Santa Ana. in Calavita. 2003. Queer Migrations: Sexuality. Brown Tied Rising: Metaphors of Latinos in Contemporary American Public Discourse. [Return to text] 13. Kent Ono and John M." Southern Poverty Law Center Intelligence Report. 15 November 1991. Entry Denied: Controlling Sexuality at the Border.S. [Return to text] 8. Peter Andreas. Joseph Nevins. that immigrants came to the U. "How Hispanics Became the New Gays" New York Times 11 June. 2003. Nayan Shah. Ithaca. "California Governor. and California's Proposition 187. Gayatri Gopinath. Qtd. "The New Politics of Immigration: "Balanced-Budget Conservatism" and the Symbolism of Proposition 187. Jose Muñoz. 2002." New York Times. Shifting Borders: Rhetoric. Durham: Duke University Press. [Return to text] 16. Mapping Gay L. Immigration." Social Problems 43:3 (August 1986): 284-305. Secure Borders Coalition. Jacqui Alexander. social welfare programs).Impossible Desires: Queer Diasporas and South Asian Public Cultures . [Return to text] 11." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 31(4).S. "Feeling Brown: Ethnicity and Affect in Ricardo Bracho's The Sweetest Hangover (and Other STDs)" Theatre Journal.e. because of its "perverse incentives" (i. 2001. M. in Reversal. Luibhéid and Cantú. NC: Duke University Press. and Border Crossings. 2005.University Press. Cornelius. 289. Austin: University of Texas Press. "Christian' Nativism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press." New York Times."Connecticut Law Review 39: (July 2007). Jane Gross.-Mexico Divide. 2001. Signs a Bill on Gay Rights in Jobs. Alexander Zaitchik. In the intervening four years many hundreds if not thousands more have died. 14. Eithne Luibhéid. [Return to text] 20. [Return to text] . "The Center Moves West. Wilson may have inadvertently signaled the connection between AB101 and Proposition 187 when he complained. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Crime Control and National Security. NY: Cornell University Press. [Return to text] 17. Durham. 2002. 52:1 (March 2000): 67-79 68. [Return to text] 12. [Return to text] 19. Robin Podolsky. Global Divas: Filipino Gay Men in Diaspora. [Return to text] 18. [Return to text] 21. New York: Routledge: 2001. 19932004. Jennifer Chacon. Kitty Calavita. Evelyn Nieves. Doug Sadownick.: The Intersection of Place and Politics. NC: Duke University Press. He estimates deaths in the first ten years of Operation Gatekeeper to be nearly 3000. Frank Rich. Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco's Chinatown. 190. 2005.S. 2002. Berkeley: University of California Press. [Return to text] 9. [Return to text] 10. 15 November. [Return to text] 15. 26 September. Juana María Rodríguez. July 2005: 775-794.. 14. Sloop. 2001. 2002. Operation Gatekeeper: The Rise of the 'Illegal Alien' and the Remaking of the U. 1991. New York: NYU Press. 2005.A. See Wayne A.S. 2001. Queer Latinidades. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. "Illegal Immigrant Death Rate Rises Sharply in Barren Areas. Martin Manalanson. Durham. U. [Return to text] 14. Winter 2006. "Stretching the World. Alexander.Mexico Boundary. Moira Rachel Kenney. 2006." LA Weekly. Citizenship. 1992. "Unsecured Borders: Immigration Restrictions. Pedagogies of Crossing. 6 August. in a major public statement. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

" New York Times 14 August. 2005. "Two Steps Toward a Sensible Immigration Policy.22. David Brooks. Alexander." Culture Critique. 226. 1:1. For a provocative discussion of this photo see Daniel E. Solís y Martínez: "Bodies of Civilization and Bodies of Desire: The Construction of Masculinities Between Day Laboring Men and the Men Who Hire Them. [Return to text] Return to Top Return to Online Article Table of Contents . [Return to text] 24. [Return to text] 23.

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