THINKERS OF THE RIGHT

By Dr K R Bolton “…One of the most enlightening studies of the interwar Right I’ve encountered in years.” Dr Paul Gottfried. Appraisal by Dr D Michalopoulos “I do not know Kerry R. Bolton in person. Nonetheless, when a couple of years ago I was doing further research on Northern Epirus Issue and I was looking for a short but accurate Gabriele d’Annunzio’s biography, I found, in an Athens bookshop, his Thinkers of the Right. In my mind, it is a wonderful book. For it is one of the very few in which the term “Right” is well-defined. And when I say “well-defined” I mean that “Right” is given its true content and by no means the one its adversaries want to give. As a matter of fact, K. R. Bolton provides, in this book, his readers with an answer to a very old query: (material) ‘progress’ is for humankind’s best or worst? And linking the Right with Tradition he accomplishes a truly remarkable achievement, namely to point out solutions to humans’ trials very different from the conventional ones. His book, moreover, is a scholarly written one. His d’Annunzio biography (pp. 2330) is an exemplary one. For though Gabriele d’Annunzio’s memory is still honoured in Greece, nobody has, so far, developed the Fiume issue so well as K. R. Bolton. In point of fact, the expressions Bolton uses, “Renaissance City-State” and “League of Oppressed Nations”, clearly show that the New Zealand scholar has very well understood what was going on Southern Europe’s coasts about ninety years ago….”
Dr Dimitris Michalopoulos Athens, August 2008
1982 to 1994 Law School of the University of Salonika; 1989 – 1997 Naval War College of Greece; 19902000 director of the Museum of the City of Athens. Presently director of the “Eleutherios Venizelos” Institute for Historical Studies.

Thinkers of the Right, privately published in 2002, and republished professionally in 2003 by Luton Publications, UK. ISBN 0-9545168-0-X. Preamble The book was written to deal with the political and ideological beliefs of certain of the intelligentsia who turned to the “Right” after a period of crisis (World War I in most cases), although the post World War II Japanese novelist Yukio Mishima is included. These writers present an interesting collection and an enigma, as much of the intelligentsia of the period is usually associated with the Left. While the latter often found their most extreme expression in communism, those dealt with in Thinkers of the Right found their most extreme form in Fascism. Most however eventually rejected Fascism as being too much of a collectivist movement, and they remained suspicious of any mass movements of either Right or Left.

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In writing the book I aimed to explain the reasons why some of the literati departed from their Left-wing counterparts and embraced varieties of what might be broadly termed The Right. This seems to be one of the few comprehensive and wide-ranging books on the subject, at least in the English language, the only others known to me being The Reactionaries: Yeats, Lewis, Pound, Eliot, Lawrence: A Study of the Anti-Democratic Intelligentsia by John R. Harrison, Schocken Books, NY, 1967; and Dr John Carey’s The Intellectuials & the Masses, Faber & Faber, London, 1992. Hopefully, Thinkers of the Right then provides an added contribution to the knowledge of the subject and a different perspective in understanding. (2009).

vindex@clear.net.nz © 2002 Bolton P O Box 1627 Kapiti 5252 New Zealand K R Bolton is a Fellow of the Academy of Social and Political Research, (http://www.academy-of-social-and-political-research.com). Recent published works include: “Russia and China: an approaching conflict?”, Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Research, Washington, Summer 2009), “The Trotskyist Agenda Against the Family”, CKR, Sociology Department, Moscow State University, October 2009, and Geopolitica, Moscow, November 2009; and “Multiculturalism as a Process of Globalisation”, Ab Aeterno: Journal of the Academy of Social And Political Research, No. 1, November 2009. This book his available as an illustrated, commercially published volume at $NZ45.00 including postage, from: Renaissance Press P O Box 1627 Paraparaumu Beach 5252 New Zealand

CONTENTS
Preface – Friedrich Nietzsche and Oswald Spengler Chapter 1 D H Lawrence Chapter 2 D’Annunzio Chapter 3 Marinetti
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Chapter 4 W B Yeats Chapter 5 Knut Hamsun Chapter 6 Henry Williamson Chapter 7 Ezra Pound Chapter 8 Wyndham Lewis Chapter 9 Roy Campbell Chapter 10 P R Stephensen Chapter 11 Rex Fairburn Chapter 12 Yukio Mishima Chapter 13 Julius Evola

Preface NIETZSCHE AND SPENGLER
Friedrich Nietzsche and Oswald Spengler loom large over the of the 20th Century horizon of European thought. Nietzsche was influential in the thinking of Spengler, whilst either one or both had a major impact on the thinking of most of the writers we deal with herein. Both were primarily concerned with questions of decay and the possibilities of regeneration. Both held that Western Civilisation had entered a cycle of decadence that was particularly evident in the cultural, moral and spiritual spheres. They were therefore of great relevance to many of the new generation of artists, writers and poets who emerged from the First World War, a war which made transparent the crisis of Western Civilisation which had really entered its cycle of decay several centuries previously. The English and French Revolutions, in the name of “The People”, marked the overthrow of the old order by the new bourgeoisie, the victory of money over blood-family lineage. Democracy for many of the cultural elite was not a political creed to be welcomed but rather a symptom, like bolshevism, of the rise of the masses and behind them of the rule of money: of quantity over quality, with the arts being the first to be degraded. Nietzsche and Spengler stand as the great thinkers that sought to ennoble, in a tide of intellectualism that degraded man and culture. Against them stood Marx and his opposite numbers, the liberal economic theorists, who make of everything a matter of economics and Freud who reduces man and culture to a mass of sexual complexes. In addition Darwin, who reduces man to being just another animal? To Nietzsche the meaning of man was that of “overcoming” his present state, to Will higher forms of existence, which are ultimately expressed in the arts. This was seen as being
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embodied in the great men of history. These great men, creators via their own individual will, are separated from the mass of humanity by a great gulf. Man is the tightrope between animal and Overman, “A rope over an abyss. What is great in man is that he is a bridge and not a goal”. Among the first sentences uttered by Nietzsche's prophet Zarathustra are these words that define the purpose of man, “I teach you the Overman. Man is something that should overcome. What have you done to overcome him?” “All creatures have hitherto created something beyond themselves and do you want to be the ebb of this great tide and return to the animals rather than overcome man?” “The Overman is the meaning of the earth. Let your will say The Overman shall be the meaning of the earth”. Despite the Darwinian interpretations that have been placed on Nietzsche, it was a rejection of Darwinism that prompted Nietzsche to herald the Overman as an act of Will rather than as evolution through random genetic mutation. The human existence beyond any other organism is only justified by culture, which is the perfection of nature through human Will. “This basic idea of culture in so far as it assigns only one task to every single one of us: to promote inside and outside of ourselves the generation of the philosopher, the artist, and the saint, and thus to work at the perfection of nature” (Untimely Meditations). In the same essay Nietzsche states that the goal of humanity lies in its “highest specimens”. Nature wants to make the life of man “significant and meaningful by generating the philosopher and artist…” Thereby not only is man redeemed but nature herself. With the central focus of history, of mankind, of nature herself being epitomised by the artist it is no wonder that Nietzsche's philosophy caught the imagination of so many of the creative elite. Prefiguring Spengler with a rejection of history as lineal and progressive, Nietzsche states that what comes later in a civilisation is not necessarily what is best. What is best is reflected in the highest specimens, the artists and philosophers, where the gulf that separates these higher men from the average citizen is greater than that which separates the average man from the chimpanzee. Hence Ezra Pound's Nietzschean attitudes towards the artist and the mass was reflected by many other contemporaries. Some such as Wyndham Lewis and Evola were even suspicious of Fascism as being 'too democratic', too much of a mass movement. Pound states: “The artist has no longer any belief or suspicion that the mass, the half-educated simpering general… can in any way share his delights…The aristocracy of the arts is ready again for its service. Modern civilisation has bred a race with brains like those of rabbits, and... we artists who have been so long despised are about to take over control.”
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D H Lawrence went so far as to see himself as a coming dictator who would relieve the masses of the 'burden of democracy', whilst D'Annunzio did actually become a ruler of his own State (Fiume) for a time, where the arts were the focus. Nietzsche demanded new law tablets upon which would be inscribed the word 'noble' (Zarathustra). The creative elite make their own laws through their acts of creation, and are not constrained by the democratic mob with their laws, morals and values that are designed for the control of the average. Hence, Nietzsche's prophet Zarathustra counsels higher man to stay aloof from the masses, and from the market place, as the masses will drag the higher man down to the dead level of 'equality' with such doctrines as democracy. The Overman would be willed into creation by Higher Men striving to 'self-overcome', to reach beyond themselves through hardship upon oneself. The Nietzschean brute is one of many distortions of Nietzsche, who states that the strong are compassionate towards the lesser. Whilst Nietzsche places culture as the criterion for defining the value of both societies and individuals, Oswald Spengler develops a morphology of culture as the basis of historical analysis. Both philosophers elevate the cultural beyond the contemporary fads of economic, sexual and biological determinism, as the basis of their world-views. Spengler in the preface to The Decline of The West states that the two figures to whom he owes most are Goethe for 'method' and Nietzsche for the “questioning faculty” Hence, Spengler was also of great interest to the new generation of artists, poets and authors. Spengler explains that by drawing on analogous cycles of history in each of the civilisations he could explain how and why Western Civilisation was undergoing a cycle of decay. Like Nietzsche, Spengler sees democracy, parliamentarianism, egalitarianism and the rise of money and the merchant on the ruins of the old aristocracy of birth (or blood) as symptoms of the decadence that are reducing the arts to the lowest denominator. Many of the cultural elite were of a mystical nature, such as Yeats and Evola. and their knowledge of the cyclic myths of many ancient cultures of East and West and the Americas accorded with the cyclical conclusions drawn by Spengler. In his influential magnum opus “The Decline of the West” Spengler rejects the Darwinian, lineal, progressive approach to history, explaining: “I see in place of that empty figment of one linear history... the drama of a number of mighty cultures, each having its own life; its own death... Each culture has its own new possibilities of self-expression, which arise, ripen, decay and never return... I see world history as a picture of endless formations and transformations, of the marvellous waxing and waning of organic forms. The professional historian, on the other hand, sees it as a sort of tapeworm industriously adding to itself one epoch after another”. This cyclic approach to history is organic. It sees cultures as living entities with a birth, a flourishing, a decay and death. Each civilisation, although self-contained, has the same cyclic phases, which Spengler identifies with the four seasons. The winter phase is the advanced civilisation where the city replaces the country, profit replaces heroism, and the merchant replaces the aristocrat. As for the social castes, these cease to have a cultural value and are mere economic reflections. The rootless city dwelling proletariat replacing the rural yeoman and craftsman, the merchant replacing the warrior, and the banker replacing the noble. Hence, what is often regarded as ‘new’, ‘progressive’, ‘modern’ and ‘western’, the
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rise of abortion, family planning, of banking practices, of parliaments and voting majorities, of feminism, socialism, revolutions... have already been played out in the 'winter' phase of prior civilisations. Spengler describes it thus: “You, the West, are dying. I see in you all the characteristic stigma of decay. I can prove that your great wealth and your great poverty, your capitalism and your socialism your wars and your revolutions, your atheism and your pessimism and your cynicism, your immorality, your birth control that is bleeding you from below and killing you off at the top in your brains. I can prove to you that these were characteristic marks of the dying ages of ancient states... Alexandria and Greece and neurotic Rome...” Many of the new generation of writers were thus drawn to Spengler's analysis of the way the rule of money, of money values and of the money baron's control of politics, had become determinators of the tastes of a civilisation in its final cycle. They were concerned with overthrowing the rule of money and returning civilisation to its 'springtime' where the arts flourished under the patronage of born nobles. Yeats and Evola look to certain epochs of the Medieval period of the West. Ezra Pound sought the overthrow of the banks through the economic theory of Social Credit, Hamsun and Williamson wished for a return to rural values in place of those of the City, many were attracted to Fascism. Spengler states that in the final phase of the winter cycle there arises a reaction against the rule of money. Money marches on reaching its peak then exhausts its possibilities: “It thrust into the life of the yeoman’s countryside and set the earth moving; its thought transformed every son of handicraft: today it presses victoriously upon industry, to make the productive work of entrepreneur and engineer and labourer alike, its spoil. The machine with its human retinue. The real queen of this century is in danger of succumbing to a stronger power. Money, also. Is beginning to lose its authority, and the last conflict is at hand in which civilisation receives its conclusive form - the conflict between money and blood.” The rule of money will be overcome by new 'Caesars', strong leaders not harnessed to the plutocrats and their parliaments and media. In Spengler's last book, The Hour of Decision, he sees the Fascist legions in Italy as heralds of the 'new Caesarism'. Mussolini was much impressed with both Nietzsche and Spengler. Spengler resumes: “The sword is victorious over money, the master- will subdue again the plunderer- will... Money is overthrown and abolished by blood. Life is alpha and omega, the cosmic stream in microcosmic form... And so - the drama of a high culture - that wondrous world of deities, arts, thoughts, battles, cities - closes with the return of the pristine facts of blood eternal that is one and the same as the ever-circling cosmic flow”. Chapter 1

D.H. LAWRENCE
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My great religion is a belief in the blood" DH Lawrence 1885-1930 is acknowledged as one of the most influential novelists of the 20th Century. He wrote novels and poetry as acts of polemic and prophecy. For Lawrence saw himself as both a prophet and the harbinger of a New Dawn and as a leader-saviour who would sacrificially accept the tremendous responsibilities of political power as a dictator so that humanity could be free to get back to being human. Much of Lawrence's outlook is reminiscent of Jung and Nietzsche but, although he was acquainted with the works of both, his philosophy developed independently. Lawrence was born in Eastwood, a coal-mining town near Nottingham, into a family of colliers. His father was a heavy drinker, and his mother's commitment to Christianity imbued the house with continual tension between the parents. At college, he was an agnostic and determined to become a poet and an author. Having rejected the faith of his mother, Lawrence also rejected the counter-faith of science, democracy, industrialisation and the mechanisation of man. LOVE, POWER AND THE "DARK LORD" For Lawrence capitalism destroyed the soul and the mystery of life, as did democracy and equality. He devoted most of his life to finding a new-yet-old religion that will return the mystery to life and reconnect humanity to the cosmos. His religion was animistic and pantheistic, seeing the soul as pervasive, God as nature, and humanity as the way God is self-realised. The relations between all things are based on duality -opposites in tension. This duality is expressed in two ways: love and power. One without the other results in imbalance. Hence, to Lawrence, the love of Christianity is a sentimentality that destroys the natural hierarchy of social relations and the inequality between individuals. The critique of Christianity is reminiscent of Nietzsche. Love and power are the two "threat vibrations" which hold individuals together, and emanate unconsciously from the leadership class. With power, there is trust, fear and obedience. With love, there is "protection" and "the sense of safety". Lawrence considers that most leaders have been out of balance with one or the other. That is the message of his novel Kangaroo. Here the Englishman Richard Lovat Somers although attracted to the fascist ideology of "Kangaroo" and his Diggers movement, ultimately rejects it as representing the same type of enervating love as Christianity, the love of the masses, and pursues his own individuality. The question for Somers is that of accepting his own dark master (Jung's Shadow of the repressed unconscious). Until that returns no human lordship can be accepted: "He did not yet submit to the fact of what he HALF knew: that before mankind would accept any man for a king. Before Harriet would ever accept him, Richard Lovat as a lord and master he, this self-same Richard who was strong on kingship, must open the doors of his soul and let in a dark lord and master for himself, the dark god he had sensed outside the door. Let him once truly submit to the dark majesty, creaking open his doors to this fearful god who is master, and entering us from below, the lower doors; let himself once admit a master, the unspeakable god: the rest would happen."
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What is required, once the dark lord has returned to men's souls in place of undifferentiated 'love' is a social order based on a hierarchical pyramid culminating in a dictator. The dictator would relieve the masses of the burden of democracy. This new social order would be based on the balance of power and love, something of a return to the medieval ideal of protection and obedience. The ordinary folk would gain a new worth by giving obedience to the leader, who would in turn assume an awesome responsibility and would lead by virtue of his being "circuited" to the cosmos. Through such a redeeming philosopher-king individuals could reconnect cosmically and assume Heroic proportions through obedience to Heroes. "Give homage and allegiance to a hero, and you become yourself heroic, it is the law of man." HEROIC VITALISM Hence, heroic vitalism is central to Lawrence's ideas. His whole political concept is antithetical to what he called "the three fanged serpent of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." Instead, "you must have a government based on good, better and best." In 1921 he wrote: "I don't believe in either liberty or democracy. I believe in actual, sacred, inspired authority." It is mere intellect, soulless and mechanistic, which is at the root of our problems; it restrains the passions and kills the natural. His essay on Lady Chatterley's Lover deals with the social question. It is the mechanistic, arising from pure intellect, devoid of emotion, passion and all that is implied in the blood (instinct) that has caused the ills of modern society. "This again is the tragedy of social Itfe today. In the old England, the curious blood connection held the classes together. The squires might be arrogant violent, bullying and unjust, yet in some ways they were at one with the people, part of the same blood stream. We feel it in Defoe or Fielding. And then in the mean Jane Austen, it is gone...So, in Lady Chatterley's Lover we have a man, Sir Clifford, who is purely a personality, having lost entirely all connection with his fellow men and women, except those of usage. All warmth is gone entirely, the hearth is cold the heart does not humanly exist. He is a pure product of our civilisation, but he is the death of the great humanity of the world." Against this pallid intellectualism, the product the late cycle of a civilisation, writing in 1913 Lawrence posited: "My great religion is a belief in the blood, as the flesh being wiser than the intellect. We can go wrong in our minds but what our blood feels and believes and says, is always true." The great cultural figures of our time, including Lawrence, Yeats, Pound and Hamsun, were Thinkers of the Blood, men of instinct, which has permanence and eternity. Rightly, the term intellectual became synonymous since the 1930s with the "Left", but these intellectuals were products of their time and the century before. They are detached from tradition, uprooted, alienated bereft of instinct and feeling. The first 'Thinkers of the Blood' championed excellence and nobility, influenced greatly by Nietzsche, and were suspicious, if not terrified of the mass levelling results of democracy and its offspring communism. In
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democracy and communism, they saw the destruction of culture as the pursuit of the sublime. Their opposite numbers, the intellectuals of the Left, celebrated the rise of massman in a perverse manner that would, if communism were universally triumphant, mean the destruction of their own liberty to create above and beyond the state commissariats. Lawrence believed that socialistic agitation and unrest would create the climate, in which he would be able to gather around him "a choice minority, more fierce and aristocratic in spirit" to take over authority in a fascist like coup, "then I shall come into my own." Lawrence's rebellion is against that late or winter phase of civilisation, which the West has entered as, described by Spengler. It is marked by the rise of the city over the village, of money over blood connections. Like Spengler, Lawrence's conception of history is cyclic, and his idea of society organic. He wished to repudiate uct of our civilisation, but he is the death of the great humanity of the world." Against this pallid intellectualism, the product the late cycle of a civilisation, writing in 1913 Lawrence posited: "My great religion is a belief in the blood, as the flesh being wiser than the intellect. We can go wrong in our minds but what our blood feels and believes and says, is always true." The great cultural figures of our time, including Lawrence, Yeats, Pound and Hamsun, were Thinkers of the Blood, men of instinct, which has permanence and eternity. Rightly, the term intellectual became synonymous since the 1930s with the "Left", but these intellectuals were products of their time and the century before. They are detached from tradition, uprooted, alienated bereft of instinct and feeling. The first 'Thinkers of the Blood' championed excellence and nobility, influenced greatly by Nietzsche, and were suspicious, if not terrified of the mass levelling results of democracy and its offspring communism. In democracy and communism, they saw the destruction of culture as the pursuit of the sublime. Their opposite numbers, the intellectuals of the Left, celebrated the rise of massman in a perverse manner that would, if communism were universally triumphant, mean the destruction of their own liberty to create above and beyond the state commissariats. Lawrence believed that socialistic agitation and unrest would create the climate, in which he would be able to gather around him "a choice minority, more fierce and aristocratic in spirit" to take over authority in a fascist like coup, "then I shall come into my own." Lawrence's rebellion is against that late or winter phase of civilisation, which the West has entered as, described by Spengler. It is marked by the rise of the city over the village, of money over blood connections. Like Spengler, Lawrence's conception of history is cyclic, and his idea of society organic. He wished to repudiate the death grip of late civilisation and to revive the organic over the mechanistic. RELIGION OLD AND NEW Lawrence sought a return to the pagan outlook with its communion with life and the cosmic rhythm. He was drawn to blood mysticism and what he called the dark gods. It was the 'Dark God' that embodied all that had been repressed by late civilisation and the artificial world of money and industry. His quest took him around the world. Reaching New Mexico
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in 1922, he observed the rituals of the Pueblo Indians. He then went to Old Mexico where he then stayed for several years. It was in Mexico that he encountered the Plumed Serpent, Quetzalcoatl, of the Aztecs. Through a revival of this deity and the reawakening of the long repressed primal urges, Lawrence thought that Europe might be renewed. To the USA, he advised that it should look to the land before the Spaniards and the Pilgrim Fathers and embrace the 'black demon of savage America'. This 'demon' is akin to Jung's concept of the Shadow, (and its embodiment in what Jung called the "Devil archetype"), and bringing it to consciousness is required for true wholeness or individuation. Turn to "the unresolved, the rejected", Lawrence advised the Americans (Phoenix). He regarded his novel The Plumed Serpent as his most important; the story of a white women who becomes immersed in a social and religious movement of national regeneration among the Mexicans, based on a revival of the worship of Quetzalcoatl. Through the American Indians Lawrence hoped to see a lesson for Europe. He has one of the leaders of the Quetzalcoatl revival, Don Ramon, say: "I wish the Teutonic world would once more think in terms of Thor and Wotan and the tree Yggdrasill...". Looking about Europe for such a heritage, he found it among the Etruscans and the Druids. Yet although finding his way back to the spirituality that had once been part of Europe, Lawrence does not advocate a mimicing of ancient ways for the present time; nor the adoption of alien spirituality for the European West, as is the fetish among many alienated souls today who look at every culture and heritage except their own. He wishes to return to the substance, to the awe before the mystery of life. "My way is my own, old red father: I can't cluster at the drum anymore", he writes in his essay Indians and an Englishman. Yet what he found among the Indians was a far off innermost place at the human core, the ever present as he describes the way Kate is affected by the ritual she witnesses among the followers of Quetzalcoatl. In The Woman Who Rode Away the wife of a mine owner tired of her life leaves to find a remote Indian hill tribe who are said to preserve the rituals of the old gods. She is told that the whites have captured the sun and she is to be the messenger to tell them to return him. She is sacrificed to the sun... It is a sacrifice of a product of the mechanistic society for a reconnection with the cosmos. For Lawrence the most value is to be had in "the life that arises from the blood" THE LION, THE UNICORN AND THE CROWN Lawrence's concept of the dual nature of life, in which there is continual conflict between polarities, is a dialectic that is synthe-sised. Lawrence uses symbolism to describe this. The lion (the mind and the active male principle) is at eternal strife with the unicorn (senses, passive, female). But for one to completely kill the other would result in its own extinction and a vacuum would be created around the victory. This is so with ideologies, religions and moralities that stand for the victory of one polarity, and the repression of the other. The crown belongs to neither. It stands above both as the symbol of balance. This is something of a Tao for the West, of what Jung sought also, and of what the old alchemists quested on an individual basis.
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The problems Lawrence brought under consideration have become ever more acute as our late cycle of Western civilisation draws to a close, dominated by money and the machine. Lawrence, like Yeats, Hamsun, Williamson and others, sought a return to the Eternal, by reconnecting that part of ourselves that has been deeply repressed by the "loathsome spirit of the age".

Chapter 2

D'ANNUNZIO
"We artists are only then astonished witnesses of eternal aspirations, which help raise up our breed to its destiny." Gabriele D'Annunzio, unique combination of artist and warrior, was born in 1863 into a merchant family He was a Renaissance Man par excellence. This warrior bard was to have a crucial impact upon the rise of fascism despite his not always being in accord with the way in which it developed. EARLY LIFE The lad who in later years was to be heavily influenced by Friedrich Nietzsche displayed an iron will at an early age. Learning to swim, he would go against the current or head for the biggest waves to discover his limits. His career as a poet began early. At 16, he was known in Rome as an up and coming poet. When 19 D'Annunzio travelled to Rome, leading a bohemian lifestyle, working as a gossip columnist, and writing his first novel II Piacere. A set of short stories followed, Tales of the Pescara, celebrating the sensual and the violent. Then came his novel Le Vergini Delle Rocce, which was important because it introduced Italy to the ideal of the Nietzschean Overman. D'Annunzio's first visit to Greece in 1895 inspired him to write a national epic that he hoped would bring Italy into the 20th Century as a great nation. "I was to write a volume of poetic prose which will be a war cry of the Latin peoples". Laus Vitae expressed a pagan, Nietzschean ethos, of "Desire, Voluptuousness. Pride and Instinct, the imperial Quadriga." NEW IDEALS Around this time, new ideals for the coming century were emerging, especially among young artists who were rejecting the bourgeois liberalism of the 19th century. In response to
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the comfort seeking, security conscious bourgeois and merchant-minded politicians, the young artists, writers and poets were demanding nationalism and empire. They were represented by the Futurist movement with its provocative style and abrasive manifestos, and led by the poet Marinetti demanding a rejection o£"pastism". They stood for a new age based on speed, dynamism, and martial valour. D'Annunzio wrote his play La Nave that celebrated the Venetian city-state of the Renaissance and called for action with the slogan: "Arm the prow and sail toward the wind." The impact of the play was so powerful with the actors coming to real blows and the populace of Rome shouting its slogans. The King congratulated D'Annunzio, and Austria officially protested to the Italian Foreign Office. D'Annunzio was now a major influence on Italian youth and on the Futurists. The climate created by the movement and himself and the Italian Nationalists enabled the Prime Minster Crispi to embark upon imperial adventures in Africa, which culminated in the resurgence of an African Italian empire under Mussolini several decades hence. D'Annunzio inspired both the general population and the Italian soldiers with his writings POLITICS Although not fitting into the conventional Left or Right, which can also be said of the emerging Italian nationalist movement, D'Annunzio entered Parliament in 1899 as a nondoctrinaire conservative with revolutionary ideas. Nonetheless, he had contempt for Parliament and for parliamentarians as "the elected herd". He had written in La Vergine: "A State erected on the basis of popular suffrage and equality in voting, is not only ignoble, it is precarious. The State should always be no more than an institution for favouring the gradual elevation of a privileged class towards its ideal form of existences He took his seat and forced a new election in 1900 by crossing the floor and joining with the Left to break a political impasse. He then stood for the Socialist Party, among whose leadership at the time was Mussolini, although continuing to speak of a "national consciousness" that was contrary to the internationalism of the mainstream Socialists, as indeed Mussolini was to do. Although he was not re-elected D'Annunzio had contributed to the formation of an ideological synthesis, along with the nationalists and the Futurists that was several decades later to transcend both Left and Right and emerge as Fascism. D'Annunzio expressed the new synthesis of the coming politics thus: "Everything in life depends upon the eternally new. Man must either renew himself or die." WORLD WAR D'Annunzio was living in France when the war broke out. He visited the front, and resolved to return to Italy to agitate for his country's entry into the war. Like Mussolini and Marinetti, D'Annunzio saw the war as the opportunity for Italy to take her place among the great powers of the 20th century. D'Annunzio was invited to speak before a crowd at an official opening of the Garibaldi monument, declaring his own "Sermon on the Mount": "Blessed are they, who having yesterday cried against this event, will today accept the supreme necessity, and do not wish to be the Last but the First! Blessed are the young who, starved of glory, shall be satisfied! Blessed are the merciful, for they shall be called on to quench a splendid flow of blood, and dress a wonderful wound..." The crowd was ecstatic.
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At 52 and considered a national treasure, having reestablished an Italian national literature, there was pressure to dissuade him from enlisting in the army, but he was commissioned in the Novara Lancers, and saw more than 50 actions. Such was the daring of his ventures that Italy's leading literary figure soon became her greatest war hero. He flew many times over the Alps at a time when such a fete was considered extraordinary. The Austrians put a bounty on his head. He responded by entering Buccari harbour with a small band of hand picked men in a mo-torboat, firing his torpedoes and leaving behind rubber containers each containing a lyrical message in indelible ink. D'Annunzio was especially noted for his air excursions over enemy lines dropping propaganda leaflets. It was during his flight over Pola that he first used the war cry, "Eja! Eja! Eja! Alala!" This was said to be the cry used by Achilles to spur on his horses. It was later adapted by D'Annunzio's own Legionnaires when they took Fiume and eventually by the Fascists. After serious damage to an eye, he was told not to fly again, but within several months had returned to the air and was awarded a silver medal. He then slogged it out on foot in the assault from Castagna to the sea. He returned from the war an international hero; having been awarded a gold medal, five silver, a bronze, and the officer's cross of the Savoy Military Order. He also received the Military Cross from Britain with many other countries adding to his decorations. FIUME After the Allied victory, Italy did not receive the rewards she had expected. Fiume was a particular point of contention. Venetian in culture and history, the city port had been occupied by the French, English, American and Italian troops; yet the Italian Government favoured turning its administration over to Yugoslavia. Mussolini, Marinetti and D'Annunzio again joined forces to agitate on the common theme that Italy should annexe Fiume. Young officers formed an army with the motto: "Fiume or death!" D'Annunzio was asked to lead an expedition to take the city for Italy. At dawn on 12th September 1919, D'Annunzio marched off at the head of a column of 287 veterans. As they marched through Italy towards Fiume, they picked up soldiers and supplies along the way. By the time D'Annunzio reached they city he had gathered an army of 1000. D'Annunzio confronted the Italian commander of the city and, pointing to his medals declared, "Fire first on this". General Pittaluga's eyes filled with tears and he replied: "Great poet! I do not wish to be the cause of spilling Italian blood. I am honoured to meet you for the first time. May your dream be fulfilled". The two embraced and entered Fiume together. Once D'Annunzio had taken Fiume others from all over Italy flocked to him, nationalists, anarchists, futurists, syndicalists, soldiers and men of the arts. "In this mad and vile world, Fiume is the symbol of liberty*, declared D'Annunzio. RENAISSANCE CITY-STATE D'Annunzio the Renaissance Man recreated Fiume as a 20th Century renaissance city-state. It would be the catalyst for a "League of Oppressed Nations" to counter the League of Nations of the bourgeois powers. The Free State of Fiume was proclaimed with the Statute of the Carnaro. This instituted physical training for youth, old age pensions, universal education, aesthetic instruction, and unemployment relief. Private property was recognised but on the condition of its "proper, continuous and efficient use". Corporations and guilds after the medieval manner were established to represent workers and producers in place of
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the old political parties. Both freedom of religion and atheism were protected. A College of Ediles was ^elected with discernment from men of taste and education", who would maintain aesthetic standards in the architecture and construction of the city-state. The parliament, or Council of the Best, was enjoined to minimise chatter, with sessions held with "notably concise brevity". A higher chamber was called the Council of Providers. D'Annunzio oversaw the whole edifice as the Commandante. Music was elevated as "a religious and social institution" by statute. For 15 months, the Commandante held out against allied protests and the blockade erected by his own Government. BLOCKADE The Italian Government eventually tightened its blockade, which resulted in food shortages at the time of the European wide influenza epidemic. To counter the blockade D'Annunzio formed the Usccccocchi (from an old Adriatic name for a type of pirate), who captured ships, warehouses, stole coal, arms, meat, coffee, and ammunition, even army horses, in daring raids all over Italy. D'Annunzio planned to march on Rome and take the entire country. Indeed, the Legionnaire's song had the refrain, "with the bomb and the dagger we will enter the Quinirile." D'Annunzio had hoped for the support of Mussolini's Fascists, who had been propagandising for D'Annunzio's occupation of Fiume, but Mussolini considered such a march on Rome premature, and possibly looked upon D'Annunzio as rival to his own aims. Government troops now moved on Fiume. D'Annunzio ordered a general mobilisation. He hoped that Italian troops would not fire on fellow Italians. Such a notion was repugnant to D'Annunzio, as it had been to General Pittaluga when he gave way to D'Annunzio's occupation. Military operations began on 24th December 1920. "The Christmas of Blood" as D'Annunzio called it. 20,000 troops began to move against D'Annunzio's 3000. The Andrea Dona sailed within firing range. D'Annunzio was given an ultimatum to surrender or suffer bombardment. After some shelling of the balconies of the city began, the women came forth holding aloft their babies, shouting, "This one Italy! Take this one. But not D'Annunzio!" The Commandante gathered his Cabinet together and announced his capitulation. Although his men had repulsed the Governments troops for five days, the city could not withstand heavy shelling. "I cannot impose on this heroic city its ruin and certain destruction", said D'Annunzio. FASCISM D'Annunzio retired to a secluded house he called "The Shrine of Italian Victories". He resumed his writing. He remained the most popular figure in Italy whom both Fascists and anti-Fascists tried to recruit. Despite what he considered Mussolini's betrayal over Fiume, he refused to assist the anti-fascists. On 27 October 1922, the Fascists marched on Rome. The new regime established on a more realistic and pragmatic basis the romantic and visionary ideals that D'Annunzio had briefly realised at Fiume. Many of the trappings of the Fascist movement were first used by D'Annunzio, including the revival of the Roman salute and the use of the blackshirt. Mussolini adopted D'Annunzio's style of speaking to the populace from balconies with the crowds responding.
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Italy was organised as a Corporate (guild) State as Fiume had been, and cultural figures were especially esteemed. In 1924 most of Fiume was secured from Yugoslavia. This and such actions as the Rome-Berlin axis, the withdrawal from the League of Nations and the invasion of Abyssinia drew D'Annunzio closer to the Fascist regime. Although he refrained from participation in public life, the regime bestowed D'Annunzio with honours, made him a prince, published his collected works, and made him an honorary general of the air force and president of the Academy of Italy. On 1 March 1938, D'Annunzio died suddenly of a cerebral haemorrhage. At D'Annunzio's funeral, Mussolini said: "You may be sure Italy will arrive at the summit you dreamed of."

Chapter 3

FILIPPO MARINETTI
Filippo Marinetti is unlike most of the post-19th Century cultural avant-garde who were rebelling against the spirit of several centuries of liberalism, rationalism, the rise of the democratic mass, industrialism and the rule of the moneyed elite. His revolt against the levelling impact of the democratic era was not to hark back to certain perceived 'golden ages' such as the medieval eras upheld by Yeats and Evola, or to reject technology in favour of a return to rural life, as advocated by Henry Williamson and Knut Hamsun. To the contrary, Marinetti embraced the new facts of technology, the machine, speed, and dynamic energy, in a movement called Futurism. The futurist response to the facts of the new age is therefore a quite unique reaction from the anti-liberal literati and artists and one that continues to influence certain aspects of industrial and post-industrial sub cultures. An example of a contemporary cultural movement paralleling Futurists is New Slovenian Art, which like futurism embodies music, graphic arts, architecture, and drama. It is a movement whose influence is felt beyond the borders of Slovenia. The best-known manifestation of this art form is the industrial music group Laibach. Marinetti is also the inventor of free verse in poetry, and Futurist adherents have had a lasting impact on architecture, motion pictures and the theatre. The Futurists were the pioneers of street theatre. They inspired both the Constructivist movement in the USSR and the English Vorticists Ezra Pound and Wyndham Lewis. Marinetti was born in Alexandria Egypt in 1876. He graduated in law in Genoa in 1899. Although the political and philosophical aspects of the course held his interest, he travelled frequently between France and Italy and interested himself in the avant-garde arts of the later 19th Century promoting young poets in both countries. He was already a strong critic of the conservative and traditional approaches of Italian poets. He was at this time an
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enthusiast for the modern, revolutionary music of Wagner, seeing it as assailing ^equilibrium and sobriety...meditation and silence..." By 1904, Futurist elements had manifested in his writing, particularly in his poem Destruction that he called "an erotic and anarchist poem", a eulogy to the "avenging sea" as a symbol of revolution. After an apocalyptic destruction, the process of rebuilding begins on the ruins of the "Old World". Here already is the praise of death as a dynamic and transformative. With the death of Marinetti's father in 1907, his wealth allowed him to travel widely and he became a well know cultural figure throughout Europe. Nietzsche was at this time one of the most well known intellectuals who desired liberation from the old order. Nietzsche was widely read among the literati of Italy, and D'Annunzio was the most prominent in promoting Nietzsche. Among the other philosophers of particular importance whom Marinetti studied was the French syndicalist theorist Sorel, who inclined towards the anarchism of Proudhon. This rejected Marxism in favour of a society comprised of small productive, cooperative units or syndicates; and founded a new myth of heroic action and struggle. Rejecting much of the pacifism of the left. Sorel viewed war as a dynamic of human action. Sorel in turn was himself influenced by Nietzsche, and applying the Nietzschean Overman to socialism, states that the working class revolution requires heroic leaders. Sorel became influential not only among Left wing syndicalists but also among certain radical nationalists in both France and Italy. FUTURIST MANIFESTO Marinetti's artistic ideas crystallised in the Futurist movement that originated from a meeting of artists and musicians in Milan in 1909 to draft a Futurist Manifesto. With Marinetti were Carlo Carra, Umberto Boccioni, Luigi Russolo and Gino Severini. The manifesto was first published in the Parisian paper Le Figaro, and exhorted youth to, "Sing the love of danger, the habit of energy and boldness." The Futurists were contemptuous of all tradition, of all that is past: "We want to exult aggressive motion...we affirm that the magnificence of the world has been enriched by a new beauty: the beauty of speed." The machine was poetically eulogised. The racing car became the icon of the new epoch, "which seems to run as a machine gun". The Futurist aesthetic was to be joy in violence and war, as "the sole hygiene of the world*. Motion, dynamic energy, action, and heroism were the foundations of "the culture of the Futurist future. The fisticuffs, the sprint and the kick were expressions of culture. The Futurist Manifesto is as much a challenge to the political and social order as it is to the status quo in the arts. It declared: 1. We intend to sing the love of danger, the habit of energy and fearlessness. 2. Courage audacity and revolt will be essential elements of our poetry.

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3. Up to now literature has exalted a pensive immobility, ecstasy, and sleep. We intend to exalt aggressive action, a feverish insomnia, the racer's stride, the mortal leap, the punch and the slap. 4. We affirm that the world's magnificence has been enriched by a new beauty: the beauty of speed A racing car whose hood is adorned with great pipes, like serpents of an explosive breath-a roaring car that seems to ride on grape shot is more beautiful than the victory of Samothrace. 5. We want to hymn the man at the wheel, who hurls the lance of his spirit across the Earth, along the circle of its orbit. 6. The poet must spend himself with ardour, splendour and generosity, to swell the enthusiastic fervour of the primordial elements. Except in struggle, there is no more beauty. No work without an aggressive character can be a masterpiece. Poetry must be conceived as a violent attack on unknown forces, to reduce and prostrate them before man. 7. We stand on the last promontory of the centuries. Why should we look back when what we want is to break down the mysterious doors of the impossible? Time and space died yesterday. We already live in the absolute, because we have created eternal, omnipresent speed. 8. We will glorify war-the world's only hygiene-militarism, patriotism the destructive gesture of freedom-bringers, the beautiful ideas that kill, and scorn for women. 9. We will destroy the museums libraries academies of every kind, will fight moralism feminism, every opportunistic or utilitarian cowardice. 10. We will sing of great crowds excited by work, by pleasure, and by riot. We will sing of the multi-coloured, polyphonic tides of revolution in the modem capitals, we will sing of the vibrant nightly fervour of arsenals and shipyards blazing with violent electric motors, greedy railway stations that devour smoke-plumed serpents, factories hung on clouds by the crooked lines of their smoke; bridges that stride the rivers like giant gymnasts, flashing in the sun with a glitter of knives; adventurous steamers that sniff the horizon: deep-chested locomotives whose wheels paw the tracks like the hooves of enormous steel horses bridled by tubing: and the sleek flight of planes whose propellers chatter in the wind like banners and seem to cheer like an enthusiastic crowd. It is from Italy that we launch through the world this violently upsetting incendiary manifesto of ours. With it, today, we establish Futurism, because we want to free this land from its smelly gangrene of professors, archaeologists, ciceroni and antiquarians. For too long has Italy been a dealer in second-hand clothes. We mean to free her from the numberless museums that cover her like so many graveyards. Museums: cemeteries!... Identical, surely, in the sinister promiscuity of so many bodies unknown to one another. Museums: public dormitories where one lies forever beside hated or unknown beings. Museums: absurd abattoirs of painters and sculptors ferociously
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slaughtering each other with colour-blows and line-blows, the length of the fought-over walls! That one should make an annual pilgrimage, just as one goes to the graveyard on All Souls' Day, that we grant. That once a year one should leave a floral tribute beneath the Gio-conda, I grant you that... but I don't admit that our sorrows, our fragile courage, our morbid restlessness should be given a daily conducted tour through the museums. Why poison ourselves? Why rot? And what is there to see in an old picture except the laborious contortions of an artist throwing himself against the barriers that thwart his desire to express his dream completely? Admiring an old picture is the same as pouring our sensibility into a funerary urn instead of hurtling it far off in violent spasms of action and creation. Do you then wish to waste all your best powers in this eternal and futile worship of the past, from which you emerge fatally exhausted, shrunken, beaten down? In truth we tell you that daily visits to museums, libraries, and academies (cemeteries of empty exertion, Calvaries of crucified dreams, registries of aborted beginnings!) are, for artists, as damaging as the prolonged supervision by parents of certain young people drunk with their talent and their ambitious wills. When the future is barred to them, the admirable past may be a solace for the ills of the moribund, the sickly, the prisoner... But we want no part of it, the past, we the young and strong Futurists! So let them come, the gay incendiaries with charred fingers! Here they are! Here they are!... Come on! set fire to the library shelves! Turn aside the canals to flood the museums!... Oh, the joy of seeing the glorious old canvases bobbing adrift on those waters, discoloured and shredded!... Take up your pickaxes, your axes and hammers and wreck, wreck the venerable cities, pitilessly! The oldest of us is thirty so we have at least a decade for finishing our work. When we are forty, other younger and stronger men will probably throw us in the wastebasket like useless manuscripts-we want it to happen! They will come against us, our successors will come from far away, from every quarter, dancing to the winged cadence of their first songs, flexing the hooked claws of predators, sniffing dog-like at the academy doors the strong odour of our decaying minds which will have already been promised to the literary catacombs. But we won't be there... At last they'll find us-one winters night-in open country, beneath a sad roof drummed by a monotonous rain. They'll see us crouched beside our trembling aeroplanes in the act of warming our hands at the poor little blaze that our books of today will give out when they take fire from the flight of our images. They'll storm around us, panting with scorn and anguish, and all of them, exasperated by our proud daring, will hurtle to kill us. Driven by a hatred the more implacable the more their hearts will be drunk with love and admiration for us. Injustice, strong and sane, will break out radiantly in their eyes. Art, in fact, can be nothing but violence, cruelty and injustice.
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The oldest of us is thirty: even so we have already scattered treasures, a thousand treasures of force, love, courage, astuteness, and raw will-power, have thrown them impatiently away, with fury, carelessly, unhesitatingly, breathless, and unresting...Look at us We are still untired! Our hearts know no weariness because they are fed with fire, hatred and speed... Does that amaze you? It should, because you can never remember having lived! Erect on the summit of the world, once again, we hurl our defiance at the stars. You have objections?-Enough! Enough! We know them... We've understood!... Our fine deceitful intelligence tells us that we are the revival and extension of our ancestorsPerhaps!... If only it were so!- But who cares? We don't want to understand!...Woe to anyone who says those infamous words to us again! Lift up your heads. Erect on the summit of the world, once again we hurl our defiance after stars!" A plethora of manifestos by Marinetti and his colleagues followed, futurist cinema, painting, music ('noise'), prose, plus the political and sociological implications. WAR, THE WORLD'S ONLY HYGIENE Marinetti's manifesto on war shows the central place violence nd conflict have in the Futurist doctrine. "We Futurists, who for over two years, scorned by the Lame and Paralysed, have glorified the love of danger and violence, praised patriotism and war, the hygiene of the world, are happy to finally experience this great Futurist hour of Italy, while the foul tribe of pacifists huddles dying in the deep cellars of the ridiculous palace at The Hague. We have recently had the pleasure of fighting in the streets with the most fervent adversaries of the war and shouting in their faces our firm beliefs: 1. All liberties should be given to the individual and the collectivity, save that of being cowardly. 2. Let it be proclaimed that the word Italy should prevail over the word Freedom. 3. Let the tiresome memory of Roman greatness be cancelled by an Italian greatness a hundred times greater. For us today, Italy has the shape and power of a fine Dreadnought battleship with its squadron of torpedo-boat islands. Proud to feel that the martial fervour throughout the nation is equal to ours, we urge the Italian government, Futurist at last, to magnify all the national ambitions, disdaining the stupid accusations of piracy, and proclaim the birth of Pan-Italianism. Futurist poets, painters, sculptors, and musicians of Italy! As long as the war lasts let us set aside our verse, our brushes, scapulas, and orchestras! The red holidays of genius have begun! There is nothing for us to admire today but the dreadful symphonies of the shrapnels and the mad sculptures that our inspired artillery moulds among the masses of the enemy." ARTISTIC STORM TROOPER Marinetti brought his dynamic character into an aggressive campaign to promote Futurism. The Futurists aimed to aggravate society out of bourgeoisie complacency and the safe
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existence through innovative street theatre, abrasive art, speeches and manifestos. The speaking style of Marinetti was itself bombastic and thunderous. The art was aggravating to conventional society and the art establishment. If a painting was that of a man with a moustache, the whiskers would be depicted with the bristles of a shaving brush pasted onto the canvas. A train would be depicted with the words 'puff, puff. Both the words and deeds of the Futurists matched the nature of the art in expressing contempt for the status quo with its preoccupation with "pastism" or the "passe". Marinetti for example, described Venice as "a city of dead fish and decaying houses, inhabited by a race of waiters and touts." To the Futurist Boccioni, Dante, Beethoven and Michelangelo were "sickening" Whilst Carra set about painting sounds, noises and even smells. Marinetti traversed Europe giving interviews, arranging exhibitions, meetings and dinners. Vermilion posters with huge block letters spelling 'futurism' were plastered throughout Italy on factories, in dance halls, cafes and town squares. Futurist performances were organised to provoke riot. Glue was put onto seats. Two tickets for the same seat would be sold to provoke a fight. 'Noise music' would blare while poetry or manifestos were recited and paintings shown. Fruit and rotten spaghetti would be thrown from the audience, and the performances would usually end in brawls. Marinetti replied to jeers with humour. He ate the fruit thrown at him. He welcomed the hostility as proving that Futurism was not appealing to the mediocre. POLITICS The first political contacts of Marinetti and the Futurists were from the Left rather than the Right, despite Marinetti's extreme nationalism and call for war as the "hygiene of mankind". There were syndicalists and even some anarchists who shared Mari-netti's views on the energising and revolutionary nature of war and gave him a reception. In 1909, Marinetti entered the general elections and issued a "First Political Manifestos which is anti-clerical and states that the only Futurist political programme is "national pride", calling for the elimination of pacifism and the representatives of the old order. During that year, Marinetti was heavily involved in agitating for Italian sovereignty over Austrian ruled Trieste. The political alliance with the extreme Left began with the anarchosyndicalist Ottavio Dinale, whose paper reprinted the Futurist manifesto. The paper, La demolizione was not specially anarcho-syndicalist, but of a general combative nature, aiming to unite into one "fascio" all those of revolutionary tendencies, to ^oppose with full energy the inertia and indolence that threatens to suffocate all life". The phrase is distinctly Futurist. Marinetti announced that he intended to campaign politically as both a syndicalist and a nationalist, a synthesis that would eventually arise in Fascism. In 1910, he forged links with the Italian Nationalist Association, which from its birth also had a pro-labour, syndicalist aspect. In 1913 a Futurist political manifesto was issued which called for enlargement of the military, an "aggressive foreign policy", colonial expansionism and "pan-Italianism", a 'cult' of progress, speed and heroism, opposition to the nostalgia for monuments, ruins and
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museums, economic protectionism, anti-socialism, anti-clericalism. The movement gained wide enthusiasm among university students. INTERVENTIONISM The chance for Italy's "place in the sun" came with World War I. Not only the nationalists were demanding Italy's entry into the war, but so too were certain revolutionary syndicalists and a faction of socialists led by Mussolini. From the literati came D'Annunzio and Marinetti. In a manifesto addressed to students in 1914 Marinetti states the purpose of Futurism and calls for intervention in the war. Futurism was the "doctor" to cure Italy of "pastism", a remedy "valid for every country". The "ancestor cult far from cementing the race" was making Italians "anaemic and putrid". Futurism was now "being fully realised in the great world war". "The present war is the most beautiful Futurist poem which has so far been seen. Futurism was the militarisation of innovating artists." The war would sweep away all the proponents of the old and senile, diplomats, professors, philosophers, archaeologists, libraries, and museums. "The war will promote gymnastics, sport, practical schools of agriculture, business and industrialists. The war will rejuvenate Italy: will enrich her with men of action, will force her to live no longer off the past, off ruins and the mild climate, but off her own national forces." The Futurists were the first to organise pro-war protests. Mussolini and Marinetti held their first joint meeting in Milan on March 31st 1915. In April, both were arrested in Rome for organising a demonstration. Futurists were no mere windbags. Nearly all distinguished themselves in the war, as did Mussolini and D'Annunzio. The Futurist architect Sant Elia was killed. Marinetti enlisted with the Alpini regiment and was wounded and decorated for valour. FUTURIST PARTY In 1918, Marinetti began directing his attention to a new postwar Italy. He published a manifesto announcing the Futurist Political Party, which called for "Revolutionary nationalism^ for both imperialism and social revolution. "We must carry our war to total victory." Demands of the manifesto included the eight hour day and equal pay for women, the nationalisation and redistribution of land to veterans; heavy taxes on acquired and inherited wealth and the gradual abolition of marriage through easy divorce; a strong Italy freed, from nostalgia, tourists and priests; industrialisation and modernisation of ^moribund cities" that live as tourist centres. A Corporatist policy called for the abolition of parliament and its replacement with a technical government of 30 or 40 young directors elected form the trade associations.
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The Futurist party concentrated its propaganda on the soldiers, and recruited many war veterans of the elite Arditi (daredevils), who had been the blackshirted shocktroops of the army who would charge into battle stripped to the waist, a grenade in each hand and a dagger between their teeth. In December 1919, the Futurists revived the "Fasci" or 'groups', which had been organised in 1914 and 1915 to campaign for war intervention, and from which was to emerge the Fascists. FUTURISTS AND FASCISTS The first joint post-war action between Mussolini and Mari-netti took place in 1919 when a Socialist Party rally was disrupted in Milan. That year Mussolini founded his own Fasci di Combattimento in Milan with the support of Marinetti and the poet Ungasetti. The futurists and the Arditi comprised the core of the Fascist leadership. The first Fascist manifesto was based on that of Mari-netti's Futurist party. In April, against the wishes of Mussolini who thought the action premature, Marinetti led Fascists and Futurists and Arditi against a mass Socialist Party demonstration. Marinetti waded in with fists, but intervened to save a socialist from being severely beaten by Arditi. (To place the post-war situation in perspective, the Socialists had regularly beaten, abused and even killed returning war veterans). The Fascists and futurists then proceeded to the offices of the Socialist Party paper Avanti, which they sacked and burned. Marinetti stood as a Fascist candidate in the 1919 elections and persuaded Toscanini to do so. Whilst the Fascists held back, the Futurists threw their support behind the poet-soldier D'Annunzio's take-over of Fiume. Marinetti arrived and was warmly welcomed by D'Annunzio. When the Fascist Congress of 1920 refused to support the Futurist demand to exile the King and the Pope, Marinetti and other Futurists resigned from the Fascist party. Marinetti considered that the Fascist party was compromising with conservatism and the bourgeoisie. He was also critical of the Fascist concentration on anti-socialist agitation and on opposition to strikes. Certain futurist factions realigned themselves specifically with the extreme Left. In 1922, there were several Futurist exhibitions and performances organised by the Communist cultural association, Pro-letkul, which also arranged a lecture by Marinetti to explain the doctrine of Futurism. FUTURISM UNDER THE FASCIST REGIME When the Fascists assumed power in 1922 Marinetti, like D'Annunzio were critically supportive of the regime. Marinetti considered: "The coming to power of the Fascists constitutes the realisation of the minimum futurist programme." Of Mussolini the statesman, Marinetti wrote: "Prophets and forerunners of the great Italy of today, we Futurists are happy to salute in our not yet 40 year old Prime Minister of marvellous futurist temperament".
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In 1923, Marinetti began a rapprochement with the Fascists and presented to Mussolini his manifesto "The Artistic Rights Promoted by Italian Futurists". Here he rejected the Bolshevik alignment of Futurists in the USSR. He pointed to the Futurist sentiments that had been expressed by Mussolini in speeches, alluding to Fascism being a ^government of speed, curtailing everything that represents stagnation in the national life." Under Mussolini's leadership, writes Marinetti: "Fascism has rejuvenated Italy. It is now his duty to help us overhaul the artistic establishment.... The political revolution must sustain the artistic revolutions Marinetti was among the Congress of Fascist Intellectuals who in 1923 approved the measures taken by the regime to restore order by curtailing certain constitutional liberties amidst increasing chaos caused by both out-of-control radical Fascist squadisti and anti-Fascists. At the 1924 Futurist Congress, the delegates upheld Marinetti's declaration: "The Italian Futurists, more than ever devoted to ideas and art, far removed from politics, say to their old comrade Benito Mussolini, free yourself from parliament with one necessary and violent stroke. Restore to Fascism and Italy the marvellous, disinterested, bold, antisocialist, anti-clerical, anti-monarchical spirit... Refuse to let monarchy suffocate the greatest, most brilliant and just Italy of tomorrow... Quell the clerical opposition.... With a steely and dynamic aristocracy of thought". In 1929, Marinetti accepted election to the Italian Academy, considering it important that "Futurism be represented^ He was also elected secretary of the Fascist Writer's Union and as such was the official representative for fascist culture. Futurism became a part of fascist cultural exhibitions and was utilised in the propaganda art of the regime. During the 1930s, in particular the Fascist cultural expression was undergoing a drift away from tradition and towards futurism, with the fascist emphasis on technology and modernisation. Mussolini had already in 1926 defined the creation of a 'fascist art' that would be based on a synthesis culturally as it was politically: "traditionalistic and at the same time modern". In 1943, with the Allies invading Italy, the Fascist Grand Council deposed Mussolini and surrendered to the occupation forces. The fascist faithful established a last stand, in the north, named the Italian Social Republic. With a new idealism, even former communist and liberal leaders were drawn to the Republic. The Manifesto of Verona was drafted, restoring various liberties, and championing labour against plutocracy within the vision of a united Europe. Marinetti continued to be honoured by the Social Republic. He died in 1944. Chapter 4

W B YEATS
The rise of industrialism and capitalism during the 19th century brought with it social dislocation, an urban proletariat on the ruins of rural life, and the rise of commercial interests. Smashed asunder were the traditional organic bonds of family and village,
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rootedness to the earth through generations of one's offspring and to the cycles of nature. With the ascendancy of materialism, came certain economic doctrines, both Free Trade capitalism and Marxism, and the new belief in rationalism and science over faith, the mysteries of the cosmos and the traditional religions. The forces of money had defeated everything of the Spirit. As the German-philosopher historian, Oswald Spengler explained in his Decline of the West. Western Civilisation had entered its end cycle. Such forces had been let loose as long ago as the English Revolution of Cromwell and again by the French Revolution. However, there was a reaction to this predicament. The old conservatives had not been up to the task. The spiritual and cultural reaction came from the artists, poets and writers who reach beyond the material and draw their inspiration from the well-springs of what the psychologist C. G. Jung identified as the collective unconscious. This reaction included not only the political and the cultural but also a spiritual revival expressed in an interest in the metaphysical. GOLDEN DAWN Among those reacting in what the Italian author and metaphysician Evola called "the revolt against the modern world" was the Irish poet William Butler Yeats, leader of the Irish literary renaissance, and winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1923. Yeats was born in 1865. Despite his English and Protestant background. He was involved in the Young Ireland movement, much of his poetry celebrating the Irish rebellion and its heroes. Yeats also became an early member of the Dublin Hermetic Society, studied Hindu philosophy under the Theosophist Mohini Chatterjee, and joined the Theosophical Society in 1895. Moving to London in 1897, Yeats joined the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn, one of the primary influences in the revival of interest in metaphysics. For Yeats the mystical was the basis of both his poetry and his political ideas. Yeats was particularly interested in the Irish mystical tradition and folklore. He saw the peasantry and rural values as being necessary to revive against the onslaught of materialism. He aimed to found an Irish Hermetic Order substituting the alien Egyptian deities of Golden Dawn ritual with those of the Irish gods and heroes. Yeats saw the mythic and spiritual as the basis of a culture, providing the underlying unity for all cultural manifestations, a "unity of being," where, writing in reference to the Byzantium culture: "[The] religious, aesthetic and practical life were one... the painter, the mosaic worker, the worker in gold and silver, the illuminator of sacred books were absorbed in the subject matter, and that of the vision of a whole people." It might seem a paradox to the Left that such men of the Right were instrumental in introducing the West to the wisdom of the East, for all traditional civilisations have a parallel outlook in their period of High Culture. Pound utilised Chinese characters in his poetry, translated Chinese texts and referred to the ideas of Confucius as finding expression in Fascism. Evola brought the ethics of the Samurai and the practices of Tantra to the notice of the West. It was cosmopolitanism that these poets and writers rejected, seeing it as the duty of the culture-bearing stratum to restore the unity of culture to the nation, to repudiate "an international art, picking stones and symbols where it pleased", as Yeats put it:
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"To deepen the political passion of the nation that all, artist and poet, craftsman and day labourer, would accept as common design." ARCHETYPES AND THE MULTITUDE Pre-dating the psychologist Carl Jung's theory of archetypes, Yeats held that symbols had an autonomous power of their own in the unconscious. It was these symbols, age-long inherited memories, upon which the artist and the poet drew as the source of creativity. To Yeats, "individuality is not as important as our age has imagined". The daimons of the ancient memories acted upon the individual, and one's creativity was an expression of these forces. These symbols and images could be brought to consciousness and expressed artistically via magic and ritual. Yeats's poetry was intended as an expression of these symbols. This resurgence of these age-long memories required a "revolt of soul against intellect now beginning in the world." Yeats was particularly concerned that commercialism would mean the pushing down of cultural values in the pursuit of profit rather than artistic excellence. Hence, he called for a revival of aristocratic values. He lamented that, "the mere multitude is everywhere with its empty photographic eyes. A declaration of war on the masses by higher men is called for. Everywhere the mediocre are coming in order to make themselves master." His appeal was to the artist and to the individual of taste and culture for, as the philosopher Nietzsche had pointed out, culture is the faculty that distinguishes the human from other organisms. In this spirit, Yeats applauded Nietzsche's philosophy as, "a counteractive to the spread of democratic vulgarity". This suspicion of democratic vulgarity was poetically expressed for example in 1921 in The Leaders of the Crowd: "They must to keep their certainty accuse All that are different of a base intent; Pull down established honour; hawk for news Whatever their loose fantasy invents..." Yeats's keen sense of historical context is reflected in his The Curse of Cromwell. Here he identifies the English Revolution as what we can see as the inauguration of the cycle of "Money over Blood", in Spenglerian terms; the victory of the merchant class over the traditional order, which was to be re-re-enacted in the French Revolution. The Bolshevik Revolution was of the same spirit of money against blood, of the materialistic against the spirit and culture. All three revolutions were carried out in the name of "the people" against the traditional rulers, only to create a greater tyranny in the service of money. Spengler had written in The Decline of the West; "There is no proletarian, not even a communist movement, that does not serve the interests of money." Cromwell's English revolution has had lasting consequences for the entire West. The cycle of Money over culture and tradition that Cromwell inaugurated has never been overcome.
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America was founded on the same Puritan money ethics and continues to spread that spirit over the farthest reaches of the world. Cromwell's "murderous crew" have brought forth the "money's rant" on the blood of what is noble. "You ask what I have found, and far and wide I go: Nothing but Cromwell's house and Cromwell's murderous crew The lovers and the dancers are beaten into the clay And the tall men and the swordsmen and the horsemen, where are they? And there is an old beggar wandering in his pride His fathers served their fathers before Christ was crucified O what of that, O what of that? What is there left to say?" No longer are there left those of noble tradition, those who served as part of a long heritage, "the tall men"; and the old gaiety of the peasant village, the squire's hall and aristocrat's manor have been beaten down. "All neighbourly, content and easy talk are gone, But here's no good complaining, for money's rant is on." The artists, once patronised by the aristocracy, must now prostitute their art for the sake of money on the mass market, as script writers, and 'public entertainers' to sell a product. All individuals are now producers and consumers, including the artist producing for a consumer market. "And we and all the Muses are things of no account." Yeats considered himself to be the heir to a tradition and lived in that service. "That the swordsmen and the ladies can still keep company, Can pay the poet for a verse and hear the fiddle sound, That I am still their servant though all are underground..." Yeats considered himself the remnant of a tradition, and upheld the old values for the return of nobility, high culture and the organic community. ORDER FROM CHAOS One product of democracy and capitalism that Yeats feared was the proliferation of what he regarded as inferior people. Yeats advocated planned human up-breeding and joined the Eugenics Society. As with his political and cultural views his outlook on eugenics had a mystical basis, relating reincarnation to the race soul. In his 1938 poem Under Ben Bulben Yeats calls in eugenic terms for Irish poets to sing of "whatever is well made", and "scorn the sort now growing up", "all out of shape from toe to top." In this poem, there is a mixture of the mythic, reincarnation, the race soul and eugenics. There is an immortality of the soul
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that parts one in death only briefly from the world. "Many times man lives and dies Between his two eternities That of race and that of soul And ancient Ireland knew it all." The eugenic and the divine combine within the artist: "Poet and sculptor, do the work, Nor let the modish painter shirk What his great forefathers did, Bring the soul of man to God, Make him fill the cradles right." However, in the modern age "The greater dream had gone. Confusion fell upon our thought." It is the duty of the cultural-bearing stratum to set the culture anew by remembering what had once been: "Irish poets, learn your trade, Sing whatever is well made, Scorn the sort now growing up All out of shape from toe to top, Their unremembering hearts and heads Base-born products of base beds." Yeats's antidote to the modem cycle of decline is to return to the traditional order of peasant, squire, monk and aristocrat: "Sing the peasantry and then Hard-riding country gentlemen, The holiness of monks, and after Porter-drinkers'randy laughter Sing the lords and ladies gay That were beaten into the clay Through seven heroic centuries; Cast your mind on other days That we in coming days may be Still the indomitable Irishry... The modern era is compared to the traditional by way of a man in a golden breastplate under the old stone cross, symbols of a noble age. In The Old Stone Cross Yeats writes: "A statesman is an easy man. He tells his lies by rote; A journalist makes up his lies And takes you by the throat; So stay at home and drink your beer And let the neighbours vote Said the man in the golden breastplate Under the old stone Cross Because this age and the next engender in the ditch..." The democratic farce, with its politicians, newspapermen and voting masses are not worthy of attention. The modern cycle is further dealt with in The Statesman's Holiday, where
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"I lived among great houses, Riches drove out rank. Base drove out the better blood. And mind and body shrank..." The aristocracy of old the noble lineage of blood, has been replaced by new rich, the merchants, our new rulers are those who measure all things by profit. FALL AND RISE In 1921 a year prior to Mussolini's assumption to power, Yeats had prophesied in The Second Coming the approach of a figure from out of the democratic chaos, a "rough beast" who would settle matters amidst a world where, when "things fall apart, the centre cannot hold." The theme is Spenglerian, but no doubt drawn upon Yeats'recognition of the cyclic nature of history which is the way of seeing the world in all traditional civilisations, from Greek to Aztec to Teutonic and Hindu. However, the Spenglerian theme allows for not only a decline and fall of a civilisation but an interim cycle where the 'new Caesar' emerges from the decadent epoch to inaugurate a revitalisation of the civilisation. The poem opens with an allusion to the 'turning' of the historic cycles: "Turning and turning in the widening gyre the falcon cannot hear the falconer: Things fall apart, the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned: The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity." One can read in the above what appears to be then the growing tide of Bolshevik revolution amidst the loss of tradition and of the axis around which civilisation is maintained. The answer is the rise of a strong leader who will get civilisation back on course, the 'new Caesar', that Spengler saw in the possibility of Mussolini. "Surely some revelation is at hand; Surely the Second Coming is at hand Yeats saw hope, like Spengler, in Fascist Italy. "The Ireland that reacts from the present disorder is turning its eyes towards individualist Italy." Yeats supported General Eoin O'Duffy and the Irish Blueshirts. O'Duffy, a hero of the Irish revolt and Michael Collins' principal aide, created a mass movement and Eire was almost brought civil war between the "Blueshirts and the IRA. Yeats wrote some marching songs for the movement. These sang of the heroes of Ireland, and of the need for a renewed social order. "When nations are empty up there at the top, When order has weakened and faction is strong, Time for us to pick out a good tune, Take to the roads and go marching along..." However, Yeats, like Wyndham Lewis and others was suspicious of any movement that appealed to the masses, and of what he saw as the demagoguery of the Fascist leaders in appealing to those masses. This was regardless of the fact that the masses were being won
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over to national ideals and away from the internationalism of the Communists. Yeats died in 1939.

Chapter 5

KNUT HAMSUN
Knut Hamsun has had a decisive impact on the course of 20th century literature, both in Europe and America, yet he is little discussed let alone honoured even in his native Norway. Ernest Hemingway tried to emulate him as did Henry Miller, who called Hamsun “the Dickens of my generation”. Thomas Mann wrote, “never has the Nobel Prize been awarded to one so worthy of it”. Herman Hesse called Hamsun his favourite author. Admired by H G Wells, Kafka, and Brecht, Hamsun always enjoyed a great following not only in Germany but also in Russia, lauded especially by Maxim Gorky. Even inside the Communist State Hamsun continued to be published despite his politics. For Hamsun saw in National Socialist Germany an attempt to reconnect man with the soil in the face of industrialisation and materialism. Hamsun's influence on literature will continue, even if his name remains obscured. ORIGINS Hamsun was born Knut Pedersen of an impoverished peasant family of seven children on 4th August 1859. His father was a farmer and a tailor; his mother's lineage was of Viking nobility. Knut had a hard upbringing on his uncle's farm where he was sent when he was nine. But his uncle also ran the local library, which gave Knut the chance to begin his selfeducation. Knut left his uncle's farm in 1873, and over the next few years worked at a variety of jobs, labouring, teaching, and clerical, as he widely journeyed about. LITERARY STIRRINGS At 18 he had published his first novel called The Enigmatic One, a love story. This was followed by a poem A Reconciliation. He then paid for the publication of another novel Bjorger. But acknowledgement as a writer was a decade away as there was little interest in his peasant tales. In 1882 Knut travelled to the USA, joining the great Norwegian emigration to that country. Between numerous jobs he was able to get some newspaper articles published and began a series of lectures on authors among the Norwegian community. From this early start, Hamsun wrote without moral judgement, as an observer of life. He was the first to develop the novel based on the psychology of characters. Hamsun wrote of what he saw and felt particularly identifying with the workers and the tramps. But he was soon disillusioned with America and had a low regard for its lack of real culture. Hamsun's first major literary work came in 1888 when he succeeded in getting published a short story in a magazine, which was to form part of his novel, Hunger. The story gained him access to the literary scene in Copenhagen. Hamsun became a celebrity among the young intellectuals. He was invited to lecture before university audiences. He was commissioned to write a book on America in 1889 setting aside the completion of Hunger. The result was On the Cultural Life of Modern America. Here he attacked the crass
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materialism of the country. His contempt for democracy as a form of despotism is expressed: his abhorrence for its levelling nature and mob politics. America is a land where the highest morality is money, where the meaning of art is reduced to cash value. He also expresses his misgivings about the presence of Africans in the USA. The Civil war is described as a war against the aristocracy by northern capitalists. He writes: “Instead of founding an intellectual elite, America has established a mulatto stud farm”. FAME Hunger appeared in mid 1890. It has been described as one of the great novels of urban alienation. Like much of his writing it is partly autobiographical. It centres on a young budding writer trying to fend off poverty, wandering the streets in rags, but in some odd way enjoying the experiences despite the hardship. Through an act of will the character maintains his identity. This was perhaps the first novel to make the workings of the mind the central theme. It was a genre he was to continue experimenting with over the next ten years. He contended against contemporary psychology that states that individuals are not dominated by a single personality type. Instead they have a complex of types that are often not integrated. He wrote of his aim for literature: “I will therefore have contradictions in the inner man considered as a quite natural phenomenon, and I dream of a literature with characters in which their very lack of consistency is their basic characteristic.” Hamsun's next great novel of the 1890s was Mysteries, virtually a self-portrait. One reviewer described Hamsun as expressing “the wildest paradoxes”, a hatred of the bourgeoisie academics and the mass. The principal character, Nagel, is presented in the form of free flowing thought associations and a stream of consciousness. Editor Lynge is a thinly veiled attack on an antagonistic and influential newspaper editor. Here Hamsun identifies himself as “a radical who belongs to no party, but is an individual in the extreme”. The book caused uproar among literary circles, but sold well. Having outraged the literary establishment, Hamsun next set about critiquing the younger set of artists as arrogant and talentless wastrels in Shallow Soil. Here Hanka Tidemand, a liberated and modern woman of the type detested by Hamsun, finds her true nature back with her hard working husband and children, after an affair with an artist. She realises her mistaken course, on the verge of divorce, when she sees her children. Here Hamsun sets out his constant theme of rediscovering one's roots in the simple life, in family and children. The Kareno trilogy focuses Hamsun's growing anti-democratic sentiment in the character of Ivar Kareno, a young philosopher who states: “I believe in the born leader, the natural despot, not the man who is chosen but the man who elects himself to be ruler over the masses. I believe in and hope for one thing, and that is the return of the great terrorist, the living essence of human power, the Caesar.” Hamsun had become a celebrity, cheered in the streets by crowds although he despised the publicity and public attention. Travelling to Russia he finds to his dismay the American type of modernity and industrialism even under the Communists. Travelling on to Turkey he finds more to admire in the 'ancient races', having left30

“...the life of chatter and cackle behind”. They smile and are silent. Maybe it's best that way. The Koran has created an attitude toward life which cannot be debated, or discussed at meetings. The attitude is simply this: “happiness is to survive: afterwards things will be better. Fatalism.” Such a rejection of the modern rationalist spirit of Europe and America was “simple, like iron.” Likewise his admiration for the simplicity of the Russian who “still knows how to obey”. Hamsun's poem Letter to Byron in Heaven is regarded as one of his most radical writings. He appeals to Lord Byron to return and save society from degeneration, democracy and feminism. In 1934 Hamsun wrote an article. Wait & See in which he attacked the opponents of National Socialist Germany, and sarcastically asked if a return of Communists, Jews and Bruning to Germany is preferable. OCCUPATION In April 1940 the Germans occupied Norway to secure the sea route, after the British had on several occasions breached Norwegian neutrality, including the mining of Norway's territorial waters. Hamsun wrote in Vidkun Quisling's newspaper that he hoped Germany would protect Norway from Britain in the West and Communism in the East. Ironically, Quisling, his very name becoming synonymous with 'traitor', was the only politician who had campaigned before the war for a strong defence capability, and was particularly pro-British, having been honoured by the British Government for looking after British interests in Russia. He sought an alliance of Nordic nations including Germany and Britain, against Communism. The only strong resistance against the German invasion came from a garrison commanded by an officer who belonged to the Quisling party. The King and Government quickly fled, leaving Norway without a Government. Quisling stepped in to fill the void as the only political figure willing to try and look after Norwegian interests under the occupation. He declared himself Minister President, but because he was not a pliant tool he did not enjoy the confidence of the German military authorities. He was soon forced to resign in favour of an administrative council under German control, but eventually regained a measure of authority. Meanwhile, Hamsun urged Norwegians to rally behind Quisling so that some form of sovereignty could be restored. He described Quisling as “more than a politician, he is a thinker, a constructive spirit.” It was a view that was to be expressed after the war by British journalist Ralph Hewins, who had himself done his share during the war to besmirch Quisling's name. Hamsun's longest wartime article appeared in the German language Berlin-Tokyo-Rome periodical in February 1942. He wrote: “Europe does not want either the Jew or their gold, neither the Americans nor their country”.

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Despite Hamsun's pro-German sentiment he championed the rights of his countrymen, including those who resisted the German occupation. He attempted in intercede for the writer Ronald Fangen, and many others, who had been arrested by the Gestapo. In 1943 Hamsun and his wife accepted the invitation of Goebbels to visit Germany. Goebbels wrote of Hamsun as being “the embodiment of what an epic writer should be”. Hamsun was equally impressed and sent Goebbels the Nobel medal he had been awarded, which Goebbels accepted as Hamsun's “expression of solidarity with our battle for a new Europe, and a happy society”. Whilst en route to Norway from Germany, Hamsun met Hitler, a meeting which did not go well, as Hamsun took the opportunity to condemn the military administration of Norway which had rendered Quisling powerless. However, Hamsun continued to support Germany and expressed his pride in a son joining the Norwegian Waffen SS. In 1944 he visited a Panzer division and toured a U-Boat. Hamsun received his 85th birthday greetings from Hitler. In 1945 a stroke forced Hamsun to quieten his activities. But with Hitler's death Hamsun defiantly wrote a tribute for the press: “I am not worthy to speak his name out loud. Nor do his life and his deeds warrant any kind of sentimental discussion. He was a warrior, a warrior of mankind, and a prophet of the gospel of justice for all nations. He was a reforming nature of the highest order, and his fate was to arise in a time of unparalleled barbarism, which finally failed him. Thus might the average western European regard Hitler? We, his closest supporters, now bow our heads at his death” POST -WAR PERSECUTION Membership of Quisling's party was declared a criminal offence and Hamsun's' sons Tore and Arild were among the first of 90,000 to be arrested. Marie and Knut were arrested a few weeks later. Due to his age, at 86, Hamsun was sent to a hospital rather than prison, although the stress and treatment struck considerably at his still quite good health. He was defiant and stated he would have assisted the Germans more if he could. He was sent to an old folk's home where he was a popular guest. However, prosecuting Norway's leading cultural figure, like America's dealing with Ezra Pound for treason, was an embarrassing matter. Consequently he spent 119 days in a psychiatric clinic. The psychiatrists found in him, as in the characters of his novel's, a complex interplay of traits, but the most prominent of all they described was his “absolute honesty”. The conclusion was that Hamsun was not insane but that he was mentally impaired. However, a reading of his autobiographical On Overgrown Paths, written amidst the threats of prosecution and the interrogations, shows him to be perfectly lucid. Hamsun, as his last writing shows, although deaf and going blind retained his mental faculties impressively, along with a certain fatalism and humour. Although the Attorney General opted not to proceed against Hamsun, the Crown wished to try him as a member of the National Samlung Party run by Quisling. To Hamsun the action at least meant that he was being officially acknowledge as of sound mind. He was fined 425.000 kroner. With ruinous fines hanging over them the Hamsun's returned to Norholm. On appeal the fine was reduced to 325.000 kroner. Tore was also fined, and his brother Arild was jailed until 1949 for his membership of the Norwegian Waffen SS. Marie was released from jail in 1948.
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Hamsun's On Overgrown Paths was published in 1949 and became an immediate best seller, although Hamsun ended his days in poverty on his farm. He died in his sleep on 19th February 1952. Chapter 6

HENRY WILLIAMSON
Henry Williamson was of the First World War generation from whose experiences emerged a new but eternal world-view. Williamson, like Knut Hamsun in Norway, saw mans' place in Nature as the ultimate source of one's being, an idealisation of nature as a reaction against the machine and the bank. The hope was of a new Springtime for the West in Spenglerian terms, the rural against the urban, the rootedness of the soil and of working the land, against the nebulous city masses. It was what Spengler had called the final battle of "CivilisationBlood Against Money". Yet, whilst Williamson, like Ezra Pound and Hamsun, are recognised as having a crucial impact upon 20th Century literature, these figures have been consigned to the memory hole. This is due to them not only having identified with new political forms but (unlike some of their contemporaries) to have never repudiated them. For this they cannot be forgiven by the liberal and Jewish coteries that control Western publishing and literary and artistic criticism. Williamson's outlook shaped by both his experiences in the trenches and in his attachment to nature, unsurprisingly led him to an appreciation of National Socialism, with its concept of 'Blood and Soil', and to the Fascism of Sir Oswald Mosley. Williamson was born 1st December 1895 in London, the son of a bank clerk. As a child, he had an intense love of nature, spending much time exploring the nearby Kent countryside. He was intent on closely observing things for himself, this faculty remaining with him throughout his life and forming his writing style as the author of his famous and well-loved nature books. WORLD WAR I Williamson enlisted in the army on the outbreak of the war, and fought on the Somme and at Passchendale where he was seriously wounded. He was invalided home in 1915, but was back as an officer in France in 1916. He came out of the war as a Captain with a Military Cross. It was his war experiences, together with his love of nature that prompted him to seek out and experience the "life flow" that pervades all existence. An enduring experience for Williamson was the Christmas Truce of 1914, when Germans and Englishmen left their trenches to fraternise and play soccer. Men such as Williamson returned from the war far from hating Germans and determined that never again would 'brother Europeans' fight among themselves for the sake of greed and selfishness ANCIENT SUNLIGHT After demobilisation, Williamson returned to his family home and entered employment with the Weekly Dispatch in Fleet Street. He had his first articles published in several major periodicals. In 1919, he read The Story of My Heart by the 19th Century English nature
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writer Richard Jeffries. This was to have a crucial impact upon Williamson as a revelation that he - the individual self- is more than an isolated echo but a link that stretches without beginning or end in a cosmic flow. It was the sun that represented the symbol of this timelessness and unity. For Williamson this truth - known to all traditionalist civilisations, but smothered in our materialistic society - is that of a mystical union between the eternal sunlight and the earth. The symbol of the ancient sunlight was something 'born within'. Williamson "came to feel the long life of the earth back in the dimmest past while the sun of the moment was warm on me... This sunlight linked me through the ages to that past consciousness. From all the ages my soul desired to take that soul-life which had flowed through them as the sunbeams had continually found on earth". It was now that he embarked on the first volume, The Beautiful Years, of Flax of Dream. In 1922, Williamson returned to the countryside and rented a cottage that had been built in the days of King John, next to the local church in Georgeham, North Devon. Williamson lived here hermit-like and studied nature in detail, tramping the countryside and sleeping out. The doors and windows of his cottage were always open, and he gathered about him a family of dogs, cats, gulls, buzzards, magpies and an otter cub. The otter, Tarka (meaning little water wanderer), had been rescued by Williamson after a farmer had shot its mother. The otter would walk like a dog alongside Williamson. One day it walked into a rabbit trap, panicked and fled. Williamson spent years looking for Tarka following the rivers Taw and Torridge. He didn't find Tarka, but his intimate contact with nature inspired him to write his most famous nature book Tarka The Otter. Published in 1927, this popular book was an intimate description of the English countryside, and gained Williamson the Hawthorne Prize for Literature in 1928. In 1925, he married and his first son was born the following year. In 1929, the family moved to Shallowford, Devon, where over the next thirteen years four further children were sired, and more books were published, including Salar the Salmon. From 1937-45 the Williamson family lived at the Old Hall Farm in North Norfolk, where many more books and articles were written, and a sixth child was born. NATIONAL SOCIALISM Like Mosley and the many veterans who joined his British Union of Fascists, Williamson as appalled by the prospect of another war that would soak the fields of Europe again with the blood of closely related peoples. Not only did the fraternity that had briefly existed between Germans and Englishmen on the Somme on Christmas Day 1914 forever affect him, but he was also greatly influenced by the act of the German officer who had helped him remove a wounded British soldier caught in barbed wire on the front line. Williamson was therefore able to contrast what he knew of the chivalry of the Germans with the anti-German hate propaganda that the press had begun to resurrect with the advent of Hitler. Williamson saw in National Socialism a spirit that could bring a dying Western civilisation back to its wellspring of life. He felt duty-bound to raise a voice. He was one of the first to commit himself to Mosley and the British Union of Fascists, and championed Hitler as the visionary leader of European rebirth. In The Flax of Dreams and The Phoenix Generation Williamson was to describe Hitler as "the great man across the Rhine whose life symbol is the happy child".
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Williamson attended the 1935 Nuremberg Congress and was impressed by the economic and social achievements of Germany whilst the British continued to languish in poverty and unemployment. He saw a racial community based on the values of land and a revived peasantry, freed from banker's interest, guaranteed from foreclosure, and the pioneering conservation laws and projects. Williamson saw in the faces of the German people expressiveness and confidence that looked as if they were "breathing, extra oxygen" as he put it. In the Hitler Youth, reminiscent of his days as a Boy Scout, Williamson observed: "the former pallid leer of hopeless slum youth transformed into the suntan, the clear eye, the broad and easy rhythm of the poised young human being". Lest it be objected that Williamson was seeing Germany through rose coloured glasses, very much the same description was given by the American journalist William Shirer, author of the perennially published basic anti-Nazi text "The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich" whose hatred of Hitler is beyond doubt. "The young in the Third Reich were growing up to have strong and healthy bodies, faith in the future of their country and in themselves and a sense of fellowship and camaraderie that shattered all class and economic and social barriers. I thought of that later, in the May days of 1940, when along the road between Aachen and Brussels one saw the contrasts between the German soldiers, bronzed and clean cut from a youth spent in the sunshine on an adequate diet, and the first British war prisoners, with their hollow chests, round shoulders, pasty complexions and bad teeth - tragic examples of the youth that England had neglected so irresponsibly in the years between the wars." (Shirer, p256). To Williamson, National Socialist Germany represented "...a race that moves on poles of mystic, sensual delight. Every gesture is a gesture from the blood, every expression a symbolic utterance. Everything is of the blood, of the senses." Williamson said, "The spirit of the farm and what I was trying to do there, was the spirit of Oswald Mosley. It was all part of the same battle." (Skidelsky) With characteristic descriptiveness, Williamson, writes: "Rats, weeds, swamps, depressed markets, labourers on the dole, rotten cottages, polluted streams, political parties and class divisions controlled by the money power, wealthy banking and insurance houses getting rid of their land mortgages and investing their millions abroad (but not in the empire), this was the real England of the period of this story of a Norfolk farm." In The Story of a Norfolk Farm he writes of his vision: "One day the sewage of the cities will cease to be poured into the rivers, and will be returned to the land, to grow fine food for the people. One day salmon will leap again in the clear waters of the London River; and human work will be creative and joyful." One day the soul of man, shut in upon itself during the long centuries of economic struggle, will arise in the light of the sun of truth. And now I lay down the pen and return to the plough."
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In The Phoenix Generation, he expresses his vision again through the autobiographical Philip Maddison, the returned soldier, his generation denied the 'land fit for heroes' that had been promised by the politicians: "...When the soil's fertility is being conserved instead of raped, when village life is a social unity, when pride of craftsmanship returns, when everyone works for the sake of adding beauty and importance to life, when every river is clean and bright, and the proud words 'I serve' are in everyone's heart and purpose. Then my country will be good enough for me." Williamson wrote for Mosley's paper "Action". He called for Anglo-German brotherhood, recognising that Hitler desired nothing more than peace with Britain. He saw that the result of another war would be the bringing of Asiatic Bolshevism to the heart of Europe. He sought to have his friend T. E. Lawrence (of Arabia) join with Mosley in a peace campaign. Lawrence was returning from having posted his letter to Williamson agreeing to such a campaign when he had his fatal motorbike accident. With Mosley's rallies attracting larger audiences than ever in 1940, Williamson wrote to Mosley. If he could see Hitler, as a common soldier who had fraternised, on the faraway Christmas Day of 1914, with the men of his Linz battalion under Messines Hill, might I not be able to give him the amity he so desired from England, a country he admired..." Williamson visited Mosley full of hope, but Mosley's reaction was that "/ am afraid the curtain is down". Williamson nodded, and asked Mosley what he would do. Mosley replied that he would carry on as long as possible working for peace. In 1940 around a thousand Englishmen were interned without trial for opposing the war, including Mosley and 800 BUF members. Williamson was among those arrested. Williamson was paroled on condition that he remained silent. With this defeat of Germany Williamson stated that his hopes for a regenerated Europe had been killed. GALE OF THE WORLD His marriage broke up in 1947. He returned to North Devon to live on the hilltop hut he had bought in 1928. In The Gale of the World, the last volume of his 15 volume autobiographic Chronicles of Ancient Sunlight, Williamson has his main character Philip Maddison (i.e. himself) questioning the legality of the Nuremberg Trials, the devastation of Germany, and puts the blame for the mass deaths in German concentration camps partly on the Allied bombing of the German transport system. Williamson remained loyal to Sir Oswald Mosley (the character Sir Hereward Birkin in The Gale of the World). In this last volume he has Maddison write some notes for guidance to any young, writer, a survivor of the Second World War who aspires to write a "War and Peaces for this age. Williamson asks hopefully whether such a writer might write from his own spirit and vision, "unimpeded and unimpaired by contemporary massed emotions to truly show the luminous personality of Adolf Hitler": to write with "divination and truth, without admiration or contempt, and above all without moral judgement, of the causes and effects of the tragic split in the mind of European man, from which arose this war". The creator of a work of art, continues Williamson/Maddison, will reveal the truth of this age, "holding in balance the forces and counter forces which led to the disintegration of the West."
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The mind of the poet must with detachment assess the fatal war with an "admired sister nation", which resulted in exposing the West to "a greater ruin from the East", because a leader (Churchill) pursued Britain's centuries old policy of European "balance of power" and thereby endorsed the further decline of the West by destroying Germany. Williamson/Madison, questions whether there was a soul of Britain or just a "disruptive determination^, arising from its island isolation and its position of wealth from trade. "Its policy for four hundred years has been to rule by money, thus keeping in division the continent of Europe^, as Winston Churchill has written in an early autobiography "And will history decide that this European of great talent and emotion [Churchill] felt it to be his crowning purpose in life to balk and destroy a fellow European [Hitler] of genius who could build only because he had forced out money for money's sake?" The war had been that of the 'spiritually damaged'. The German leadership was being tried and executed unchivalrously, for war crimes, when the Soviets had been guilty of Katyn. When thousands of shopkeepers in France were murdered and their shops looted; and condemned as 'collaborators'. Early in The Gale of the World, Maddison notes that after Berlin had been subdued from the shelling by 11,000 guns, "rape and sadism preceded slow murder. Neither those 'war criminals' nor their Russian Generals are being tried at Nuremberg.","What of the socalled Allied war crimes? We are impotent to do anything about the loss of Poland's integrity." What the war was about for Churchill, and those who sought to keep Europe down and divided, was the preventing of Hitler from making Europe united and self-sufficient, and independent of loans and imports". "For this is what the war was about; it was not directly about Synagogues burned down or heads shaved or Catholics saying Mass or anything else which the man in the street was told, since that was ALL he could comprehend. The war, was, and remains, an economic war; and historically speaking, the misery of generations is less in eternity than a wave expending itself on a rock. The European wave breaks, and is no more." Williamson has a doctor attached to the dispossessed Ukrainians in Britain, pointing out that Hitler ordered the halt of the German tanks at Dunkirk, "Declaring that he had no quarrel with the English, and wished not to invade or injure in anyway a 'cousin nation', the Fuhrer said that if the British Empire went down, the Germans, although they would win the war in Europe, would go down under Bolshevism. Because we did not command the sea as well." Williamson was acutely aware that the Soviets had been permitted to invade half of Europe while the British and American forces were held back; that they would soon have the atomic bomb.

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Maddison notes on the radio news the final words of the defendants at Nuremberg as they went to the deaths on the scaffold. Immediately he makes a note: "Herman Goring shot down Manfred Cloudesley over Mossy Face Wood at Havrincourt in 1918. He saw that his enemy, who had killed nine of his Richtofen Staffel pilots, had the best surgeons and treatment in hospital. This morning Goring committed suicide, better to have died on the cross, old Knight of the Order Pour le Merited. Although Williamson does not say it, one here wonders what it was that made the victory of World War II and its aftermath so different from that of Europe's previous brothers' wars up until 1918. Napoleon had been comfortably exiled and continued to exercise dominion over his island home and was treated honourably. The Kaiser was exiled to Holland. Yet, now the German leadership was condemned to death on a new set of legal principles alien to the Western ethos and contrived for the specific purpose of eliminating them. This was not Western justice and chivalry, but Old Testament vengeance POST WAR AND OSWALD MOSLEY Williamson was one of the first to respond to Mosley's call for a United Europe and wrote for the new magazine of Mosley's Union Movement, The European, in which he proclaimed the birth of a new Europe in tune with nature. In The Gale of the World, he describes Mosley's (Sir Hereward Birkin's) background. Birkin's political career, after returning from World War I, had began with original thinking at least two generations before his time. He was the youngest member to enter Parliament soon after the war. He left the Tory Party because of its staid manner and joined the Labour party. Many perceptive men recognised him as a young man of outstanding brilliance, industry and courage. Now let the author of this book speak for himself. Williamson then quotes from Mosley's book The Alternative: "We were divided and we are conquered. That is the tragic epitaph of two war generations. That was the fate of my generation in 1914, and that was the doom of a new generation of young soldiers in 1939. The youth of Europe shed the blood of their own family, and the jackals of the world grew fat. Those who fought are in the position of the conquered, whatever their country. Those who did not fight, but merely profited, alone are victorious." Williamson takes up Mosley's post-war analysis, stating that Fascism had failed because it was too national. Its opponent, financial democracy failed too. "It could only frustrate those who would build a New Order". There follows a large segment from "The Alternative^, ending with a call for Europeans to overcome their old wounds and rivalries and march onward in the "European Spirit." Williamson remained true to what he had always believed. Like Ezra Pound and Knut Hamsun, he was denied all honours and ignored for decades. Williamson was even denied an honorary doctorate from the university to which he was a benefactor.

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In 1950, he remarried and sired another son, divorcing in 1968. His "Chronicle of Ancient Sunlight" was written between 1951 and 1969, and was acclaimed as a masterpiece of English literature, despite the efforts of certain interests to obliterate his name. He published his final book The Scandaroon in 1972, the story of a racing pigeon. In 1974, he began working on the script for a film of "Tarka". Unknown to Williamson, filming went ahead despite the failing health that prevented him from completing the task himself. Willamson died on 13 August 1977 and was buried in North Devon. Chapter 7

EZRA POUND
Ezra Pound, heralded as the 'founding father of modern English literature' yet denied honours during his life, was born in a frontier town in Idaho in 1885, the son of an assistant assayer and the grandson of a Congressman. He enrolled at the University of Pennsylvania in 1901 and in 1906 was awarded his MA degree. He had already started work on his magnum opus, The Cantos. An avid reader of Anglo-Saxon, classical and medieval literature, Pound continued post-graduate work on the Troubadour musician-poets of medieval Provence. In 1908 Pound travelled to Venice. There he paid $8.00 for the printing of the first volume of his poetry, A Lume Spento (With tapers quenched). Pound then went to London to meet W B Yeats, and became a dominant figure in Yeats's Monday evening circle, serving for a time as Yeats's secretary. He quickly gained recognition in London, and came into contact with the English Review that was publishing the works of D. H. Lawrence and the author, painter and critic Wyndham Lewis. In 1911 Pound launched his campaign for innovative writing in The New Age edited by the monetary reformer A. R. Orage. For Pound the new poetry of the century would be "austere, direct, free from emotional slither." The following year Pound founded the Imagist movement in literature. He was by now already helping to launch the careers of William Carlos Williams, T. S. Eliot, Hemingway and James Joyce. He was now also the mentor of Yeats, Pound's senior by 20 years and with world recognition. In 1914 Pound started the Vorticist movement. The impetus originally came from the avant garde sculptor Henri Gaudier-Brzeski. With Wyndham Lewis and others, they launched the magazine Blast. This was also the year of the world war, which took its toll of many Vorticists. Vorticism was for Pound the first major experience in revolutionary propagandising and the first cause that placed him beyond the pale of orthodoxy. Pound describes Vorticism as setting "the arts in their rightful place as the acknowledged guide and lamp of civilisation". In this way, the arts were welded in a mystic union with politics and society in the manner already envisaged by Yeats. Pound regarded commercialism as the force preventing the realisation of his artistic-political ideal. Many others in his entourage and beyond, including Yeats and Lewis regarded the
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rise of materialism, democracy and the masses as demeaning the arts, as newspapers and dime novels replaced literature, and the mass market determined cultural expression. Hence, many were to seek a counter-revolution in the return of aristocratic societies or saw a modem alternative in Fascism. SOCIAL CREDIT Pound embraced the Social Credit economic theory of Major CH Douglas, being promoted by The English Review. By subordinating money to the interests of society rather than allowing the power of the bankers to run unfettered, money would become the servant of society and not the master. Money or more correctly credit would be the lubricant of commerce, a means of exchanging goods and services, rather than a profit making commodity in itself. Hence, the corrupting influence of the power of money on culture and work would be eliminated. During the 1930s and 40s Pound wrote a series of booklets on economics, succinctly and lucidly describing economic theory and history. At the same time Pound continued to be inspired by the classical mystery religions and by the 'love cult' of the Troubadours, who had been suppressed. He was also impressed by the ideas of Confucius who taught a civic religion that assigned everyone a social duty, from emperor to peasant as, a means of achieving a balanced social order. He saw later, in fascist Italy, the attainment of such a State. FASCISM Pound considered in Fascism the fulfilment of Social Credit policy, in breaking the power of the bankers over politics and culture. He considered that artists formed a social elite "born to rule", but not as part of a democratic mandate. "Artists are the antennae of the race, but the bullet-headed many will never learn to trust their great artists." Pound had written in 1914 that the artist "has had sense enough to know that humanity was unbearably stupid... But he has also tried to lead and persuade it, to save it from itself." In 1922 Pound wrote that the masses are malleable and that it is the arts that set the casts to mould them. For Pound and others such as Wyndham Lewis and Lawrence, behind massman and its doctrines of democracy and communism, stood the real tyranny of the bankers. Pound considered the bulk of humanity to be 'rabble', "the waste and their manure" from which grows "the tree of the arts." He writes in The Cantos of the masses and their political leaders becoming a torrent of excrement, "democracies electing their sewage." If one considers that the very essence of being human, of that which differentiates man from all other organisms, is the attainment of culture, then those from the culture-bearing minority of any society are definers of the human type. The masses of people are herded around by a variety of forces, both malignant and benign. Many of the culture-bearing stratum, as we are considering them here, saw the rise of a new era that placed economics above culture. Both communism and democracy sold their economic doctrines under the slogan of the 'happiness of the greatest number', as being the ultimate purpose of a social
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order. The moneyed elite has replaced the cultural elite as the definers of the human type. The aristocracy of money has replaced the old aristocracy of blood. Pound , Lewis and Yeats all viewed the rise of these fundamentally a-cultural doctrines with alarm. Some like Pound saw in fascism the means by which the economic could be subordinated to the cultural. Then the masses could be harnessed for a cultural purpose by an 'artist-statesmen' such as Mussolini. Others such as Yeats believed a return to an older order, based on aristocracy and its patronage of the arts was the way back to something better than crass materialism and what was then developing into the pop culture of our time. Pound hoped the natural rulers "born to the purple", would wrest control from the plutocrats and Bolsheviks. Writing in "The Egoist" in 1914 Pound stated: "The artist no longer has any belief or suspicion that the mass, the half-educated simpering general... can in any way share his delights... The aristocracy of the arts is ready again for its service. Modern civilisation has born a race with brains like those of rabbits, and we who are the heirs of the witch doctor and the voodoo, we artists who have been so long despised are about to take over control." For those who value things beyond the material, such a cast-mould is preferable to that which has dominated the past two centuries, that of the merchant and the banker. Pound saw Fascism as the culmination of an ancient tradition continued in the personalities of Mussolini, Hitler and the British Fascist leader Sir Oswald Mosley. He had studied the doctrines of the ethnologist Frobenius during the 1920s, which gave a mystical interpretation to race. Cultures were the product of races and each race had its own soul, or paideuma of which the artist was the guardian. In Mussolini, Pound saw not only a statesman who had overthrown the money power, but also someone who had returned culture to the centre of politics. He said: "Mussolini has told his people that poetry is a necessity of state, and this displayed a higher state of civilisation than in London or Washington." Writing in his 1935 book Jefferson and/or Mussolini Pound explained: "I don't believe any estimate of Mussolini will be valid unless it starts from a passion for construction. Treat him as ARTIFEX and all the details fall into place.. The Fascist revolution was FOR the preservation of certain liberties and FOR the maintenance of a certain level of culture, certain standards of living..." Pound and his wife Dorothy settled in Italy in 1924. He met Mussolini in 1933. He also became a regular contributor to the periodicals of Mosley's British Union of Fascists, meeting Mosley in 1936. They remained friends into the post war period. Writing in Mosley's BUF Quarterly, Pound stated that Roosevelt and his Jewish advisers had betrayed the American Revolution. The American Revolution of 1776 had been a revolt against the control by the Bank of England of the monetary system of the American colonies. Indeed, Benjamin Franklin had stated in his diary that the colonists would have gladly borne the tax on tea. They had issued their own colonial script reminiscent of the
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social credit policy that Pound was advocating, and which was being undertaken in Italy and Germany. This had resulted in prosperity with a credit supply independent of the private banking system. The Bank of England intervened to compel the colonies to withdraw the script at a rate of devaluation that caused depression and unemployment. The colonists rebelled. But people such as Alexander Hamilton ensured that an independent America was soon again subject to the orthodox financial system of private banking control. Lincoln attempted the same resistance to the bankers and issued his famous 'Lincoln Greenbacks'. Pound pointed out in that Mussolini had instituted banking reform in 1935, and deplored the lack of knowledge and understanding around the world on what Italy was achieving. The U.S. constitution provided for the same credit system, giving the government the prerogative to create and issue its own credit and currency. Pound saw parallels between Fascist Italy and the type of economic system sought by certain American statesmen such as Jefferson and Jackson. Pound's Canto XLV (With Usura) is a particularly lucid exposition of how the usury system infects social and cultural bodies. He provides a note at the end defining usury: as "a charge for the use of purchasing power, levied without regard to production: often even without regard to the possibilities of production". That is to say, what we commonly know as interest rates charged on loans for credit which the banks create largely out of nothing, i.e. as a book-keeping entry, for which we all, individuals, businesses and governments must pay back in real money as a token of our work. "With usura... no picture is made to endure nor to live with but it is made to sell and to sell quickly with usura, sin against nature, is thy bread ever more of stale rags is thy bread dry as paper .. And no man can find site for his dwelling. Stone cutter is kept from his stone Weaver is kept from his loom WITH USURA Wool comes not to market Sheep bring not gain with usura... Usura rusteth the chisel It rusteth the craft and the craftsman It gnaweth the thread in the loom... Usuru slayeth the child in the womb It stayeth the young man's courting It hath brought palsey to bed. lyeth Between the young bride and her bridegroom CONTRA NATURAM They have brought whores to Eleusis Corpses are set to banquet At behest of usura." Elsewhere Pound describes usury as like sodomy, against the law of natural increase.
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CAGED From the late 1930s Pound began to look with favour at the economic system created by Hitler's regime, and regarded the Rome-Berlin Axis as "the first serious attack on usurocracy since the time of Lincoln." In 1940, after having returned to Italy from a tour of the USA during which he attempted to oppose the move to war against the Axis, Pound offered his services as a radio broadcaster. The broadcasts, called The American Hour, began in January 1941. Pound considered himself to be a patriotic American. He considered the real traitors to be Roosevelt and his mainly Jewish advisers. After the Roosevelt instigated Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour Pound attempted to return to the USA. However, the American Embassy prevented him. Pound was stranded in Italy. With no means of livelihood, Pound resumed his broadcasts, attacking the Roosevelt administration and usury with a mix of cultural criticism. In 1943 Pound was indicted in for treason. Hemingway, concerned at the fate of his old mentor after the war, suggested the possibility of an 'insanity' plea and the idea caught on among some of his literary friends who had obtained good jobs in the US Government. Other interests were pressing for the death penalty for America's most eminent man of letters. Two days after Mussolini's murder Pound was taken from his home by Italian partisans after he had unsuccessfully attempted to turn himself over to the American forces. Putting a book on Confucius into his pocket, he went with the partisans expecting to be murdered, as a bloodlust was now turned against all those who had been loyal to Mussolini. Instead, he ended up in an American camp at Pisa constructed for the most vicious military prisoners. Pound was confined in a bare, concrete floored, iron cage in the burning heat, lit continuously throughout the night. He had a physical breakdown and was transferred to a medical compound, where he began his Pisan Cantos. In November 1945, he was flown to Washington and jailed. He, like Knut Hamsun in Norway, was an embarrassment due to his fame. A trial would bring prolonged publicity. He was therefore declared insane and sent to a ward for the criminally insane at St. Elizabeth's mental institution. Here his literary output continued over the course of 13 years, and he translated 300 traditional Chinese poems that were published by Harvard in 1954. Pound maintained his political beliefs and among his visitors was John Kasper, a fiery young intellectual admirer of Pound's poetry, who became notorious as an agitator for racial segregation in the southern United States of America. Pound had still not been formally diagnosed in 1953. Inquiries from the Justice Department solicited an admission that at most Pound had a 'personality disorder'. By the mid-1950s, various influential figures and magazines were campaigning for his release, and the poet Robert Frost was particularly instrumental in gaining his release. After 13 years confinement Pound's treason indictment was dismissed on the 18th April 1958.
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On 30 June 1958, Pound set sail for Italy. When he reached Naples, he gave the fascist salute to journalists and declared "all America is an asylum." He continued with The Cantos, and stayed in contact with political personalities such as Kasper and Oswald Mosley. He remained defiantly opposed to the American system when giving interviews, despite the protests to the Italian government by US diplomats. Because of his politics, Ezra Pound was refused the honours due to him until after his death on 1st November 1972. Chapter 8

WYNDHAM LEWIS
Percy Wyndham Lewis is credited with being the founder of the only modernist cultural movement indigenous to Britain. Nonetheless, he is seldom spoken of in the same breath as his contemporaries, Ezra Pound, James Joyce,. T S Eliot and others. Lewis was one of the number of cultural figures who rejected the bourgeoisie liberalism and democracy of the 19th century that descended on the 20th. However, in contradiction to many other writers who eschewed democracy, liberalism and "the Left", Lewis also rejected the counter movement towards a return to the past and a resurgence of the intuitive, the emotional and the instinctual above the intellectual and the rational. Indeed, Lewis vehemently denounced D H Lawrence, for example, for his espousal of instinct above reason. Lewis was an extreme individualist, whilst rejecting the individualism of 19th Century liberalism. His espousal of a philosophy of distance between the cultural elite and the masses brought him to Nietzsche, although appalled by the popularity of Nietzsche among all and sundry; and to Fascism and the praise of Hitler, but also the eventual rejection of these as being of the masses. Born in 1882 on a yacht off the shores of Nova Scotia, his mother was English, his father an eccentric American army officer without income who soon deserted the family. Wyndham and his mother arrived in England in 1888. He attended Rugby and Slade public schools both of which obliged him to leave. He then wandered the art capitals of Europe and was influenced by Cubism and Futurism. In 1922, Lewis exhibited his portfolio of drawings that had been intended to illustrate an edition of Shakespeare's Timon of Athens, in which Timon is depicted as a snapping puppet. This illustrated Lewis' view that man can rise above animal by a classical detachment and control, but the majority of men will always remain as puppets or automata. Having read Nietzsche, Lewis was intent on remaining a Zarathustrean type figure, solitary upon his mountain top far above the mass of humanity. VORTEX Lewis was originally associated with the Bloomsbury group, the pretentious and snobbish intellectual denizens of a delineated area of London who could make or break an aspiring artist or writer. He soon rejected these parlour pink liberals and vehemently attacked them in The Apes of God. This resulted in Lewis largely being ignored as a significant cultural figure from this time onward. Breaking with Bloomsbury's Omega Workshop, Lewis founded the Rebel Art Centre from which emerged the Vorticist movement and their
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magazine Blast. Signatories to the Vorticist Manifesto included Ezra Pound, French sculptor Henri Gaudier-Brzeska and painter Edward Wadsworth. Pound who described the vortex as "the point of maximum energy" coined the name Vorticism. Whilst Lewis had found both the stasis of Cubism and the frenzied movement of Futurism interesting, he became indignant at Mannetti's description of him as a Futurist and wished to found an indigenous English modernist movement. The aim was to synthesis cubism and futurism. Vorticism would depict the static point from where energy arose. It was also very much concerned with reflecting contemporary life where the machine was coming to dominate, but rejected the Futurist romantic glorification of the machine. Both Pound and Lewis were influenced by the Classicism of the art critic and philosopher T E Hulme, a radical conservative. Hulme rejected 19th century humanism and romanticism in the arts as reflections of the Rousseauan (and ultimately communistic) belief in the natural goodness of man when uncorrupted by civilisation, as human nature infinitely malleable by a change of environment and social conditioning. A definition of the classicism and romanticism, which are constant in Lewis' philosophy, can be readily understood from what Hulme states in his publication "Speculation": "Here is the root of all romanticism: that man, the individual, is an infinite reservoir of possibilities, and if you can so rearrange society by the destruction of oppressive order then these possibilities will have a chance and you will get progress. One can define the classical quite clearly as the exact opposite to this. Man is an extraordinarily fixed and limited animal whose nature is absolutely constant. It is only by tradition and organisation that anything decent can be got out of him." Lewis's classicism is a dichotomy, classicism versus romanticism, reason versus emotion, intellect versus intuition and instinct, masculine versus feminine, aristocracy versus democracy, the individual versus the mass, and later fascism versus communism. Artistically also classicism meant clarity of style and distinct form. Pound was drawn to the manner in which, for example, the Chinese ideogram depicted ideas succinctly. Hence, art and writing were to be based on terseness and clarity of image. The subject was viewed externally in a detached manner. Pound and Hulme had founded the Imagist movement on classicist lines. This was now superseded by Vorticism, depicting the complex but clear geometrical patterns of the machine age. In contradiction to Italian Futurism, Vorticist art aimed not to depict the release of energy but to freeze it in time. Whilst depicting the swirl of energy the central axis of stability dissociated Vorticism form Futurism. The first issue of Blast describes Vorticism in terms of Lewis' commitment to classicism: "Long live the great art vortex sprung up in the centre of this town. We stand for the reality of the Present - not the sentimental Future or the scarping Past... We do not want to make people wear Futurist patches, or fuss people to take to pink or sky blue trousers... Automobilisim (Marinetteism) bores us. We do not want to go about making a hullabaloo about motor cars, anymore than about knives and forks, elephants or gas
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pipes... The Futurist is a sensational and sentimental mixture of the aesthete of 1890 and the realist of 1870." In 1916 his novel Tarr was published as a monument to himself should he be killed in the war in which he served as a forward observation officer with the artillery. Here he lambastes the bohemian artists and literati exemplified in England by the Bloomsbury coterie: "Your flabby potion is a mixture of the lees of Liberalism, the poor froth blown off the decadent Nineties, the wardrobe-leavings of a vulgar bohemianism.... You are concentrated, highly-organised barley water; there is nothing in the universe to be said for you: any efficient state would confiscate your property, burn your wardrobe - that old hat and the rest - as infectious, and prohibit you from propagating. A breed of mild pervasive cabbages has set up a wide and creeping rot in the West... that any resolute power will be able to wipe up over night with its eyes shut. Your kind meantime make it indirectly a period of tribulation for live things to remain in your neighbourhood. You are systemis-ing the vulgarising the individual: you are the advance copy of communism, a false millennial middle-class communism. You are not an individual: you have. I repeat, no right to that hair and to that hat: you are trying to have the apple and eat it too You should be in uniform and at work. NOT uniformly OUT OF UNIFORM and libelling the Artist by your idleness. Are you idle? The only justification of your slovenly appearance it is true is that it's perfectly emblematic." There is much of Lewis' outlook expressed here, the detestation of the psuedo individualistic liberal among the intelligentsia and his desire to impose order in the name of Art. In 1918, he was commissioned as an official war artist for the Canadian War Records Office. Here some of his paintings are of the Vorticist style, depicting soldiers as machines of the same quality as their artillery. Once again, man is shown as an automaton. However, the war destroyed the Vorticist movement, Hulme and Gaudier-Brzeska both succumbing, and Blast did not go beyond two issues. In 1921, Lewis founded another magazine. The Tyro: A Review of the Arts, Sculpture and Design. The title reflects Lewis' view of man as automaton. Tyros are a mythical race of grotesque beings, all teeth and laughter. Satire is a major element of Lewis' style. His exhibition "Tyros and Portraits" satirises humanity. THE CODE OF A HERDSMAN Lewis' non-Nietzschean Nietzsechanism is succinctly put in an essay published in The Little Review in 1917, The Code of a Herdsman. Among the eighteen points: "In accusing yourself, stick to the Code of the Mountain. But crime is alien to a Herdsman's nature. Yourself must be your Caste. Cherish and develop side by side, your six most constant indications of different personalities. You will then acquire the potentiality of six men... Each trench must have another one behind it.

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Spend some of your time every day in hunting your weaknesses caught from commerce with the herd, as methodically, solemnly and vindictively as a monkey his fleas. You will find yourself swarming with them while you are surrounded by humanity. But you must not bring them up on the mountain... Do not play with political notions, aristocratisms or the reverse, for that is a compromise with the herd. Do not allow yourself to imagine a fine herd though still a herd. There is no fine herd. The cattle that call themselves 'gentlemen' you will observe to be a little cleaner. It is merely cunning and produced by a product called soap... Be on your guard with the small herd of gentlemen. There are very stringent regulations about the herd keeping off the sides of the mountain In fact your chief function is to prevent their encroaching. Some in moment of boredom or vindictiveness are apt to make rushes for the higher regions. Their instinct fortunately keeps them in crowds or bands, and their trespassing is soon noted Contradict yourself. In order to live you must remain broken up. Above this sad commerce with the herd, let something veritably remain "un peu sur la montagne" Always come down with masks and thick clothing to the valley where we work. Stagnant gasses form these Yahooesque and rotten herds are more dangerous than the wandering cylinders that emit them... Our sacred hill is a volcanic heaven. But the result of the violence is peace. The unfortunate surge below, even, has moments of peace." FASCISM Poverty dogged Lewis all his life. He, like Pound, looked for a society that would honour artists. Like Pound and D H Lawrence, he felt that the artist is the natural ruler of humanity, and he resented the relegation of art as a commodity subject to the lowest denominator to be sold on a mass market. Lewis's political and social outlook arises form his aesthetics. He was opposed to the primacy of politics and economics over cultural life. His book The Art of Being Ruled in 1926 first details Lewis's ideas on politics and a rejection of democracy with some favourable references to Fascism. Support for Fascism was a product of his Classicism, hard, masculine, exactitude and clarity. This classicism prompted him to applaud the "rigidly organised" Fascist State, based on changeless, absolute laws that Lewis applied to the arts, in opposition to the 'flux' or changes of romanticism. Lewis supported Sir Oswald Mosley's British Fascist movement and Mosley records in his autobiography how Lewis would secretly arrange to meet him. However, Lewis was open enough to write an essay on Fascism entitled "Left wing" for British Union Quarterly, a magazine of Mosley's British Union of Fascists, which included other well-known figures in its columns, such as the tank warfare specialist General Fuller, Ezra Pound, Henry Williamson and Roy Campbell. Here Lewis writes that a nation can be subverted and taken over by numerically small groups. The intelligentsia and the press were doing this work of subversion with a left wing orientation. Lewis was aware of the backing Marxism was receiving from the wealthy, including the millionaire bohemians who patronised the arts.
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Marxist propaganda in favour of the USSR amounted to vast sums financially. Marxism is a sham, a masquerade in its championship of the poor against the rich. "That Russian communism is not a war to the knife of the Rich against the Poor is only too plainly demonstrated by the fact that internationally all the Rich are on its side. All the magnates among the nations are for it; all the impoverished communities, all the small peasant states, dread and oppose it." That Lewis is correct in his observations on the nature of Marxism is evidenced by the antiBolshevist stance of Portugal and Spain for example, while bolshevism itself was funded by financial circles in New York, Sweden, and Germany; the Warburgs, Schiff, and Olaf Aschberg the so-called 'Bolshevik Banker'. Lewis concludes his brief article for the BUF Quarterly by declaring Fascism to be the movement that is genuinely for the poor against the rich, who are for property whilst the "super-rich" are against property, "since money has merged into power, the concrete into the abstract..." "You as a Fascist stand for the small trader against the chain store; for the peasant against the usurer: for the nation, great or small, against the super-state; for personal business against Big Business; for the craftsman against the Machine; for the creator against the middleman; for all that prospers by individual effort and creative toil, against all that prospers in the abstract air of High Finance or of the theoretic ballyhoo of internationalisms Nonetheless, Lewis had reservations about Fascism just as he had reservations about commitment to any doctrine. For him the principle of action, of the man of action, becomes too much of a frenzied activity, where stability in the world is needed for the arts to flourish. He states in Time and Western Man that Fascism in Italy stood too much for the past, with emphasis on a resurgence of the Roman imperial splendour and the use of its imagery, rather than the realisation of the present. As part of the "Time cult", it was in the doctrinal stream of action, progress, violence, struggle, of constant flux in the world, that also includes Darwinism and Nietzscheanism despite the continuing influence of the latter on Lewis's own philosophy. An early appreciation entitled Hitler was published in 1931, sealing Lewis' fate as a neglected genius, despite his repudiation of both anti-Semitism in The Jews-Are They Human? and Nazism in The Hitler Cult both published in 1939. Well before such books, Lewis' satirising and denigration of the bohemian liberal Bloomsbury set had resulted in what his self-styled "literary bodyguard", the poet and fellow "Rightist" Roy Campbell, calls a "Lewis boycotts "When life's bread and butter depended on thinking pro-Red and to generate one's own ideas was a criminal offence." TIME AND SPACE A healthy artistic environment requires order and discipline, not chaos and flux. This is the great conflict between the "romantic" and the "classical" in the arts. This dichotomy is represented in politics and the difference between the philosophy of "Time" and of "Space", the former of which is epitomised in the philosophy of Spengler. Unlike many others of the "Right", Lewis was vehemently opposed to the historical approach of Spengler, critiquing his Decline of the West in Time and Western Man. To Lewis, Spengler and other "Time
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philosophers" relegated culture to the political sphere. The cyclic and organic interpretations of history are seen as 'fatalistic' and having a negative influence on the survival of the European race. Lewis does not concur with Spengler, who sees culture as subordinate to historical epochs that rise and fall cyclically as living organisms. "There is no common historical and cultural outlook representing any specific cycle, but many ages co-existing simultaneously and represented by various individuals. This time philosophy was in contrast to that of Space or the Spatial, and resulted in the type of ongoing change or flux that Lewis opposed. Lewis looked with reverence to the Greeks, who existed in the Present, which he regarded Spengler as disparaging, in contrast to the 'Faustian' urge of Western Man that looked to "destiny". DEMOCRACY Lewis's antipathy towards democracy is rooted in his theory on Time. Of democracy, he writes in Men Without Art. "No artist can ever love". Democracy is hostility to artistic excellence, and fosters "box office and library subscription standards". Art is however timeless, classical. Democracy hates and victimises the intellectual because the 'mind' is aristocratic and offensive to the masses. Here again Lewis is at odds with others of the "Right", with particular antipathy toward D H Lawrence. Again, it is the dichotomy of the 'romantic versus the classical'. Conjoined with democracy is industrialisation, both representing the masses against the solitary genius. The result is the "herding of people into enormous mechanised masses." The "mass mind... is required to gravitate to a standard size to receive the standard idea". Democracy and the advertisement are part and parcel of this debasement and behind it all stands money, including the "millionaire bohemians" who control the arts. Making a romantic image of the machine, starting in Victorian times, is the product of our "Moneyage". His opposition to Italian Futurism, often mistakenly equated with Vorticism, derives partly from Futurism's idolisation of the machine. Vorticism, states Lewis, depicts the machine as befits an art that observes the Present, but does not idolise it. It is technology that generates change and revolution, but art remains constant; it is not in revolt against anything other than when society promotes conditions where art does not exist, as in democracy. In Lewis's satirisation of the Bloomsbury denizens, he writes of the dichotomy existing between the elite and the masses, yet one that is not by necessity malevolent towards these masses: "The intellect is more removed from the crowd than is anything: but it is not a snobbish withdrawal, but a going aside for the purposes of work, of work not without its utility for the crowd... More than the prophet or the religious teacher, (the leader) represents... the great unworldly element in the world, and that is the guarantee of his usefulness. And he
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should be relieved of the futile competition in all sorts of minor fields, so that his purest faculties could be free for the major tasks of intelligent creation". Unfortunately, placing one's ideals onto the plane of activity results in vulgarisation, a dilemma that caused Lewis's reservations towards Nietzsche. In The Art of Being Ruled Lewis writes that of every good thing, there comes its "shadow", "its ape and familiar". Lewis was still writing of this dilemma in Netting Hill during the 1950s. "All the dilemmas of the creative seeking to function socially centre upon the nature of action: upon the necessity of crude action, of calling in the barbarian to build a civilisations". This was of course the dilemma for Lewis in his early support for Hitler and for Italian Fascism. REVOLT OF THE PRIMITIVE Other symptoms of the romantic epoch subverting cultural standards include the feminine principal, with the over representation of homosexuals and the effete among the literati and the Bloomsbury coterie; the cult of the primitive; and the 'cult of the child,' that is closely related to the adulation of the primitive. Female values, resting on the intuitive and emotional, undermine the masculine rational, the intellect, the feminine flux against the masculine hardness of stability and discipline. To Lewis revolutions are a return to the past. Feminism aims at returning society to an idealised primitive matriarchy. Communism aims at a returning to primitive forms of common ownership. The idolisation of the savage and the child are also returns to the atavistic. The millionaire world and "High Bohemia" support these, as it does other vulgarising revolutions. The supposedly outrageous, to Lewis, is tame. Lewis's book Paleface: The Philosophy of the Melting Pot inspired as a counter-blast to D H Lawrence, was written to repudiate the cult of the primitive, fashionable among the millionaire bohemians, as it had been among the parlour intellectuals of the 18th century; the Rousseauean ideal of the "return to nature" and the "noble savage". Although D H Lawrence was writing of the primitive tribes to inspire a decadent European race to return to its own instinctual being, such 'romanticism' is contrary to the classicism of Lewis, with its primacy of reason. In contradiction of Lawrence, Lewis states that, "I would rather have an ounce of human consciousness than a universe full of 'abdominal' afflatus and hot, unconscious, 'soulless' mystical throbbing." In Paleface Lewis calls for a ruling caste of aesthetes, much like his friend Ezra Pound and his philosophical opposite Lawrence: "We by birth the natural leaders of the white European, are people of no political or public consequence any more... We, the natural leaders of the world we live in, are now private citizens in the fullest sense, and that world is, as far as the administration of its traditional law of life is concerned, leaderless. Under these circumstances, its soul, in a generation or so, will be extinct."

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Lewis opposes the 'melting pot' where different races and nationalities are becoming indistinguishable. Once again, Lewis' objections are aesthetic at their foundation. The Negro gift to the white man is jazz, "the aesthetic medium of a sort of frantic proletarian subconscious," degrading, and exciting the masses into mindless energy, an "idiot mass sound" that is "Marxistic". COMPULSORY FREEDOM By the time Lewis wrote Time and Western Man he believed that people would have to be "compelled" to be free and individualistic. Reversing certain of his views espoused in The Art of Being Ruled, he now no longer believed that the urge of the masses to be enslaved should be organised, but rather that the masses will have to be compelled to be individualistic. "I believe they could with advantage be compelled to remain absolutely alone for several hours every day and a week's solitary confinement, under pleasant conditions (say in mountain scenery), every two months would be an excellent provision. That and other coercive measures of a similar kind, I think, would make them much better peoples RETURN TO SOCIALIST ENGLAND In 1939, Lewis and his wife went to the USA and on to Canada where Lewis lectured at Assumption College, a situation that did not cause discomfort, as he had long had a respect for Catholicism although not a convert. Lewis as a perpetual polemicist began a campaign against extreme abstraction in art, attacking Jackson Pollock and the Expressionists. Lewis returned to England in 1945, and despite being completely blind by 1951 continued writing, in 1948 his America and Cosmic Man portrayed the USA as the laboratory for a coming new world order of anonymity and utilitarianism. He also received some 'official' recognition in being commissioned to write two dramas for BBC radio, and becoming a regular columnist for The Listener. A post-war poem, So the Man You Are autobiographically continues to reflect some of Lewis' abiding themes; that of the creative individual against the axis of the herd and "High Finances "The man I am to blow the bloody gaff If I were given platforms? The riff-raff May be handed all the trumpets that you will. No so the golden-tongued. The window sill Is all the pulpit they can hope to get." Lewis had been systematically stifled since before World War I when he broke with the Bloomsbury wealthy parlour Bolsheviks who ruled the cultural establishment in Britain. Lewis continued with 'Herdsman's principles of eschewing both Bolshevism and Plutocracy, staying above the herd in solitude: "What wind an honest mind advances? Look No wind of sickle and hammer, of bell and book, No wind of any party, or blowing out
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Of any mountain blowing us about Of High Finance, or the foot-hills of same. The man I am he who does not play the game!" Lewis felt that "everything was drying up" in England, "extremism was eating at the arts and the rot was pervasive in all levels of society He writes of post-war England: "This is the capital of a dying empire - not crashing down in flames and smoke but expiring in a peculiar muffled way." This is the England he portrays in his 1951 novel Rotting Hill (Ezra Pound's name for Netting Hill) where Lewis and his wife lived. The Welfare State symbolises a shoddy utility standard in the pursuit of universal happiness. Socialist England causes everything to be substandard including shirt buttons that don't fit the holes, shoelaces too short to tie, scissors that won't cut, and inedible bread and jam. Lewis seeks to depict the socialist drabness of 1940s Britain. Unlike most of the literati, who rebelled against Leftist dominance in the arts, Lewis continued to uphold an ideal of a world culture overseen by a central world state. He wrote his last novel The Red Priest in 1956. Lewis died in 1957, eulogised by T S Eliot in an obituary in The Sunday Times, "a great intellect has gone."

Chapter 9

ROY CAMPBELL
Roy Campbell was born in October 1902 in the Natal District of South Africa. He enjoyed an idyllic childhood, growing up in South Africa being imbued as much with Zulu traditions and language, as with his Scottish heritage. He showed early talent as an artist but an interest in literature including poetry soon became predominant. In 1918 he traveled to England to attend Oxford where by this time he was an agnostic with a love for the Elizabethan literature. Campbell's friendship with the composer William Walton at Oxford brought him into contact with the literati including T. S. Eliot, the Sitwells and Wyndham Lewis. He was by now reading Freud, Darwin and Nietzsche, and had a distaste for Anglo-Saxonism and the 'drabness of England’ and found an affinity with the Celts. He also identified with the Futurist movement in the arts. Campbell writes at this time in a manner suggesting the Classicism of Hulme, Lewis, Pound and the Vorticists. “...Art is not developed by a lot of long-haired fools in velvet jackets. It develops itself and pulls those fools wherever it wants them to go... Futurism is the reaction caused by the faintness, the morbid wistfulness of the symbolists. It is hard, cruel and glaring, but always robust and healthy.”
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Campbell continues by describing the new art in Nietzschean and Darwinian terms of struggle, survival and victory, but also suggesting something of his own colonial character: “It is art pulling itself together for another tremendous fight against annihilation. It is wild, distorted, and ugly, like a wrestler coming back for a last tussle against his opponent. The muscles are contorted and rugged, the eyes bulge, and the legs stagger. But there it is, and it has won the victory.” Campbell escaped from England's `drabness’ to Provence where he worked on fishing boats and picked grapes. Despite his agnosticism he was impressed by the simple faith of the peasants, and started writing poems of a religious nature such as Saint Peter of the Candles - the Fisher’s Prayer, which took ten years to complete and portrays Campbell's spiritual odyssey He returned to London in 1921 married Mary Garman and became highly regarded among the Bloomsbury coterie who were impressed with his rough manners and hard drinking. His wife inspired his first epic poem The Flaming Terrapin, written whilst the couple lived for over a year at a remote Welsh village where their first daughter was born. T E Lawrence was immediately impressed with the poem and took it to Jonathan Cape for publication. This established Campbell's reputation as a poet. NIETZSCHE, CHRIST & THE HEROIC POET The Flaming Terrapin is a combination of Christianity and Nietzsche. In a letter to his parents Campbell sought to explain the symbolism as being founded on Christ's statement; “Every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit is, hewn down and cast into fire”, and “Ye are the salt of the earth but if that salt shall have lost its savour it shall he scattered abroad and trodden under the feet of men.” Campbell now realised that Christ, was the first to “proclaim the doctrine of heredity and survival of the fittest”, and that his “aristocratic outlook” was misunderstood by Nietzsche as being a religion of the weak. World War I had destroyed the best breeding stock and demoralised humanity. The Russians for example had succumbed to Bolshevism. But Campbell hoped that a portion might have become ennobled from the suffering. He continued to explain that the deluge in The Flaming Terrapin represents the World War, and that the Noah family represents “the survival of the fittest”, triumphing over the terrors of the storm to colonise the earth. The terrapin in eastern tradition is the tortoise that represents “strength. longevity, endurance and courage” and is the symbol of the universe. It is this “flaming terrapin” that tows the Ark, and wherever he crawls upon the earth creation blossoms forth. He is “masculine energy” and where his voice roars man springs forth from the soil. His acts of creation are born from “action and flesh in one clean fusion”. The poem published in 1924 in Britain and the USA received critical acclaim from the press as a fresh and youthful breath, as breaking free from both the banalities of the past and from the sceptical nihilism of the new generation. Campbell and his family returned to South Africa where he was welcomed as a celebrity. Here Campbell lectured on Nietzsche,
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and praised Nietzsche's condemnation of the meanness of modern democracy. In this lecture Campbell also attacked the ascendancy of technology, stating that the rush to progress and enthronement of science during the previous century has outpaced mans’ mental and moral faculties and that man has becoming suddenly “lost”. “All those useful mechanical toys which man primarily invented for his own convenience have begun to tyrannise every moment of his life.” This was a theme that concerned Campbell throughout his life. In a poem written a year later entailed The Serf. Campbell proclaimed the tiller of the soil as “timeless” as he “ploughs down palaces and thrones and towers”. The tiller of the soil, states a hopeful Campbell, endures through eternity whilst the cycles of history rise and fall around him. This gives a sense of permanence in a constantly shifting world. His poem in honour to his wife Dedication to Mary Campbell is Nietzschean in theme but also a criticism of his fellow South Africa, referring to the poet as “living by sterner laws”, as not concerned with their commerce, and as worshipping a god “superbly stronger than their own”. ESTRANGED FROM SOUTH AFRICANS In 1925 he became editor of Voorslag and was closely associated with William Plomer whose first novel Turbott Wolfe involves inter-racial marriage. However, despite their friendship and Campbell's disdain for the racial situation in South Africa he reviewed Plomer's novel and found it having “a very strong bias against the white colonists.” Nevertheless, Campbell was not impressed by what he considered as white South Africa, “reclining blissfully in a grocer's paradise on the labour of the natives.” Campbell resigned from editorship after the publisher's interference. Some of Campbell's best poems written in South Africa at this time are considered to be among his best. To a Pet Cobra returns to Nietzschean themes, describing poets in heroic terms, the Zarathustrean solitary atop the mountain peaks. There shines upon the topmast peak of peril . There is not joy like them who fight alone . And in their solitude a tower of pride” BLOOMSBURY & PROVENCE On their return to Britain Campbell and his wife were introduced to the Bloomsbury coterie, including the poetess Vita Sackville-West her husband the novelist Harold Nicolson, Virginia and Leonard Wolfe, Richard Aldington, Aldous Huxley, Lytton Strachey, et al. The robust Campbell found their refined manners, pervasive homosexuality and pretentiousness sickening, writing in Some Thoughts on Bloomsbury that his own voice is the only one he likes to hear when around all the “clever people”. Several years later in The Georgiad he satirises the dinner parties of Bloomsbury where wishing to stop the 'din' of his 'dizzy'; head he imagines stuffing his ears with meat and bread, and wishes the diners would choke on their food that their chattering would be halted.
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In 1928 the Campbells returned to Provence. The atmosphere was altogether different from England and the wealthy socialist intelligentsia from which he sought escape. The Campbells fully involved themselves in the community, celebrated the harvest feasts and welcomed the local folk into their home. Campbell became a celebrated figure in the dangerous sport of 'water jousting'. He also assisted in the ring at bullfights. Campbell found in the customs and culture of the Provencal villagers stability and permanence in a changing world obsessed by science and 'progress'. His own aesthetics, at the basis of his rejection of liberalism and socialism, was a synthesis of the romanticism of Provence and the Classicism of the Graeco-Roman. He admired Caesar, the martial ethos and the stoicism of the ancients. His ideal was a combination of aesthete and athlete. In Taurine Provence, published in 1932 Campbell writes of this. “...So men in whom the heroic principle works will be driven by their very excess of vitality to flaunt their defiance in the face of death or danger, as in the modern arena.” Campbell, freed from the English intelligentsia, now renewed his attack with fury. Writing in 1928 in Scrutinies by Various Writers, he states that the dominant philosophy of the contemporary writer is dictated by “fear of discomfort, excitement or pain than by love of life.” His attack on the “sex-socialism” of Bloomsbury as being flabby and effete is contrasted with his own robust nature that could not fit in with the simpering and decadent atmosphere of the intellectual. Following on from Wyndham Lewis' scathing attack on Bloomsbury, The Apes of God, which Campbell enjoyed immensely, Campbell wrote The Georgiad in 1931, as his own broadside. This would bring against him the mixture of condemnation and silence that the intellectual coterie had been using against Wyndham Lewis. The Georgiad expresses Campbell's disdain for the way Bloomsbury makes sickly everything it touches. Campbell compares his own 'hate' with that of their “dribbles”. Like lukewarm bilge out of a running leak Scented with lavender and stale cologne Lest by its true effluvium should be known The stagnant depth of envy that you swim in, Who hate like gigolos and fight like women. BULWARK OF CHRISTENDOM In 1933 the Campbells left Provence for Spain due to financial hardship, despite the success of Campbell's acclaimed volume of poems Adamastor, published in both the USA and England. This was the final work to be well received from the Bloomsbury crowd, whilst his Georgiad received what The Times Literary Supplement was to recall in 1950 as a “conspiracy of silence”. The Campbells arrived at Barcelona where a right-wing electoral victory resulted in strikes and violence by the anarchists and where machine guns were much in evidence on the streets. However, the Campbells were greatly impressed by the traditional Catholic culture. Campbell described himself for the first time as a 'Catholic' in his 1933 autobiography Broken Record, attacking both English Protestantism as “a cowardly form of atheism” and the Freudianism that pervaded the Bloomsbury progressives. He contrasted this with the
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“traditional human values” that continued to form the basis of Spanish culture. Broken Record was a break with modernism, but still lacked a coherent philosophy. Despite the reference to Catholicism, Campbell had not yet converted, but spiritual questions had long occupied him, with an interest in Mithraism emerging in Provence. This cult was still to be seen in the shrines of Provence. That it was the religion most favoured by the Roman legions, with its strong martial ethos, together with the mythos of the bull, appealed to Campbell. However, he had also been strongly impressed with the faith and traditionalism of the fishermen and farmers among whom he had been so popular in Provence. His Mithraic Sonnets are a reflection of Campbell's own spiritual odyssey beginning with Mithras and ending with the triumph of Christ, a mixture of the two religions. The Mithraic conquering sun. Sol Invictus, the byword of the Roman legions, becomes transmogrified as the Sun of the Son of God, 'the shining orb` reflecting as a mirrored shield the image of Christ. It is with these vague feelings towards Christianity and Catholic culture that the Campbells moved south to the rural village of Altea in 1934. Campbell continued to sing the song of Catholicism in martial terms, of the solar Christ as 'captain' winning the battle of faith. Spain breathes its Catholic tradition and in The Fight Campbell writes again with a martial flavour, an aerial dog-fight for Campbell's soul; his “red self” of atheism shot down by the “white self “of the Solar Christ, “the unknown pilot.” At Altea, Campbell was again impressed with the “freshness, bravery and reverence” of the people Under such an impress the whole Campbell family, actually at the initiative of his wife, converted in 1935, received by the village priest Father Gregorio. His daughter Anna related many years later, that for Campbell, Spain was the last country left in Europe that was still a pastoral society whilst much of the rest had become industrialised under the impress of Protestantism. Such was Campbell's aversion to machinery that he never learnt to drive or even used a typewriter. At this time Campbell wrote Rust. The rust of time that brings ruin to the intentions of those who would industrialise and modernise. “So there, and there it gnaws, the Rust, Shall grind their pylons into dust...” LACKEYS OF CAPITALISM Campbell's political outlook becomes coherent with his religious conversion. An article published in 1935 in the South African magazine The Critic shows just how clear Campbell's knowledge of politics now was: “The artist as romantic ‘rebel’ is the tamest mule imaginable. He dates from the industrial era and has been politicised to play into the hands of the great syndicates and cartels. First by dogmatising immorality, breaking up the “Family”, that one definitive unit that have withstood the whole effort of centuries to enslave, dehumanise and mechanise the individual, thereby cheapening and multiplying labour. It is the “Intellectual” which had been chiefly politicised into selling his fellow mates to capitalism, whether the capitalism be disguised as a vast inhuman state [as in the USSR under communism] or whether a gang of individuals. The last century has seen more class-wars, and wars between generations, than any other period. They have been deliberately fostered by capitalism, of which bolshevism is merely an anonymous form. Divide and rule, said Cicero: encourage your slaves to
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quarrel and your authority will be supreme. A thousand artists and reformers with the highest ideals have leaped ignorantly and romantically into these rackets, and by means of causing hate between man and woman, father and son, class and class, white and black, almost irretrievably embroiled the human individual in profitless, exhausting struggles which leave him at the mercy of the unscrupulous few.” In 1936 Campbell met British Fascist leader Sir Oswald Mosley, at the suggestion of Wyndham Lewis. Although Campbell declined to join Mosley as British Fascism's official poet, his poetry was to appear in Mosley's magazines both before and after the War TOLEDO THE SACRED CITY The Campbells next moved to Toldeo, which had been Spain's capital under Charles V during the Holy Roman Empire. The city was isolated and timeless, medieval, full of churches, monasteries, convents and shrines. The old Fortress, the Alcazar, designed to play a pivotal role in the defence of Christendom against Bolshevism, served as a military academy. The city was full of priests, nuns. monks and soldiers, a combination of the religious, the military and the traditional that prompted Campbell to call Toldeo the “sacred city of the mind.” The assumption to power of the Left-wing Popular Front resulted in the release of communist and anarchist revolutionaries from gaol amidst increasing political violence in Madrid and Barcelona and street fighting between Left-wing and Right-wing factions. Churches were now being desecrated and destroyed throughout Spain. The violence reached Toledo where priests and monks were attacked and a church set ablaze. The Campbells sheltered several Carmelite monks in their home. Campbell, well known for his anti-Bolshevik views and for his faith was severely beaten by Government “red” guards and paraded through the streets to police headquarters. His gypsy friend, with whom he was riding at the time of his capture, 'Mosquito' Bargas, was murdered at the time of the arrest. Campbell was probably spared this fate by being a foreigner. In his tribute to his friend In Memoriam of Mosquito, Campbell writes with typical stoicism and faith when beaten bloody and dragged through Toledo: I never felt such glory As handcuffs on my wrists. My body stunned and gory With tooth marks on my wrists... Whilst Spain was on the verge of civil war the Campbells were confirmed into the Church by Cardinal Goma, Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain, in a secret ceremony. In July 1938 the Government's red guards killed parliamentary opposition leader Calvo Sotel, the leader of the monarchists. Four days later the military under General Franco revolted against the Government to restore order and liberty of worship. With the Alcazar being a military academy Toldeo was easily taken by Nationalist troops, and peasants from the surrounding countryside fled to the city for refuge. The Government militia from Madrid prepared to attack Toledo and the Alcazar was bombed and shelled. The Campbells hid the archives of the Carmelite monks at their home for the duration of the civil war. Seventeen Carmelite monks were herded into the streets by the red forces and shot. Among them was the Campbell's father confessor who died with a smile and the shout of
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“Long live Christ' Long live Spain!” (Father Easebio who had received the Campbells into the Church was also killed). In Campbell's excursion into the city he came across the Carmelites lying in the street and found the bodies of the Marista monks. Smeared in their blood on a wall was: “Thus strike and Cheka”, a reference to the Soviet secret police. In the city square religious artefacts from churches and private homes were tossed onto bonfires. In the besieged Alaczar were 1.000 soldiers and 700 civilians, mostly women and children. Under the Command of Colonel Moscardo they held out, even as the Colonel's 24year-old son Louis, captured by the Red forces, was compelled to telephone his father and say that he would be shot unless Alcazar was surrendered. In an epic of heroism and martyrdom that helped make Alcazar a shrine to this day the Colonel replied to his son: “Command your soul to God, shout Viva Espana' And die like a hero. The Alcazar will never surrender”. The Campbells left Spain and returned to London. They felt isolated in England where most of the literati supported the ‘Left’ in the Spanish civil war. The family soon moved to a fishing village in Portugal, a nation that retained the same spirit of faith and tradition as Spain. Campbell returned to Spain as a correspondent for the British Catholic newspaper The Tablet and was given safe conduct to the Madrid front. His desire to enlist in the Nationalist forces was unsuccessful as the Nationalist authorities were insistent that he could do more good for the cause as a writer. He was awarded the Cruz de San Famed for saving life under fire on multiple occasions, met Franco and was present at the Nationalist victory parade in Madrid. The Civil War was to result in the murder of 12 bishops. 4.184 priests. 2,365 monks and around 300 nuns George Orwell who had gone to Spain along with others of the literati to fight with the Reds, was to remark that “Churches were pillaged everywhere as a matter of course in six months in Spain I only saw two undamaged churches .” (Orwell, Homage to Catalonia) FLOWERING RIFLE Campbell's epic saga Flowering Rifle is a detailed explanation of his poetical credo, a tribute to his Catholicism, to Spain's faith and martyrdom and also a condemnation of the British intelligentsia. It his introductory note Campbell explains that 'humanitarianism’ is the ‘ruling passion’ of the British intelligentsia which “sides automatically with the Dog against the Man, the Jew against the Christian, the black against the white, the servant against the master, the criminal against the judge.” As a form of 'moral perversion’ it was natural that such humanitarians sided with Bolshevik mass murderers. The poem begins with a description of the (fascist) salute, the “opening palm, of victory” the sign, of “palms triumphant foresting the day.” By contrast is the clenched fist of communism, “a Life-constricting tetanus of fingers”, the sign of an “outworn age” under which “all must starve under the lowest Caste.” The Bloomsbury intelligentsia represents the connection between capitalism and communism. Behind these stand “the Yiddisher's convulsive gold”: one of many allusions to the prominent role played by Jews in communism and in the International Brigades. Spain is heralded as a resurrected nation that might show the rest of Europe the path to regeneration and stand against Bolshevism “which no godless democracy could quell.” The
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martyrs of the Nationalist cause are described in mystical terms, each death “a splinter of the Cross”, each body building a Cathedral to the sky. Nobility is achieved through suffering and sacrifice, as Christ, the “Captain” suffered. But when suffering and sacrifice are eliminated from life mankind is “shunned by the angels as effete baboons”. Primo de Rivera, the charismatic young leader of the Falangists who had been shot without trial whilst in the custody of the Leftist Government, was similarly eulogised: Whose phoenix blood in generous libation With fiery zest rejuvenates the nation... The Marxist deaths on the other hand were vacuous, for their gods are economics, science, gold and sex, and as exponents of abortion and birth control they are the essence of anti-life. But capitalism, is just as much a debasement of man, as communism: To cheapen thus for slavery and hire The racket of the Invert and the Jew Which is through art and science to subdue. Humiliate, and to pulp reduce The Human Spirit for industrial use Whether by Capital or by Communism It's all the same despite their seeming schisms Those who are debased the most are, under democracy, elevated to positions of honour and state, elected by the voting masses who are mesmerised by the media and the literati, the politicians hang about the League of Nations That sheeny club of communists and masons He bombs the Arabs, when his Jews invade. Britannia's trident had become a “graveyard spade” whilst condemning Germany and Italy. “Who from the dead have raised more vita/ forces…” Franco, Mussolini and Portugal's Salazar had 'muzzled up the soul destroying lie’ of communism, and as Spain had shown, victory would come through nationhood, not League sanctions, wealth or arms. Meanwhile Britain shunned its unbought men, such as Campbell who brings “the tidings that Democracy is dead.” When the Campbells travelled to Italy in 1938 the exiled Spanish king Alfonso XIII who was greatly impressed with Flowering Rifle cordially greeted them. Of course the British literati were outraged, and even some Catholics felt the poem lacked 'charity'. WAR SERVICE Campbell and his wife returned to Toledo in 1939, the Nationalists having triumphed. But there was now widespread famine. Mary opened a soup kitchen and refurbished the damaged chapel and both literally gave their clothes away to help the distressed inhabitants. As the world war approached Campbell considered that there would be two great contending forces. Fascism and Communism. With the exception of what he considered to be a pagan orientation in Germany the Fascist states were eminently Christian and allowed Christians the right to live whereas Bolshevism simply killed and degraded everything,
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being the enemy of every form of religion. However, despite his antagonism to the English bourgeoisie and democratic Britain. Campbell always had an admiration for the heroic spirit of the British Empire and a feeling for those Britons facing an enemy. He sought to enlist, although under no illusions about the justice of the Allied cause. His animosity by this time was against all systems, fascism, democracy and bolshevism, which he dubbed as Fascidemoshevism. His ideal was not the cumbersome state of any of these systems but that of small, selfreliant and co-operating, family based communities, like those he had experienced in Provence, Spain and Portugal. In the Moon of Short Rations Campbell considered the Allied cause to be that of both socialism and the multi-national corporations, twin figures of a universal sameness. He saw that the post-war world would be ever more depersonalised and mechanical. Campbell could not sit still or take a soft option as a number of his pro-war Left-wing intellectual accusers were doing whilst Britons marched to war. He lampooned these hypocrites such as Spender and Cecil Day-Lewis who had a job in the Ministry of Information, when they attacked his “fascism”, and he wrote The Volunteer's Reply to the Poet stating: It will be the same, but a bloody sight worse... Since you have a hand in the game... You coin us the catchwords and phrases For which to be slaughtered... However, because of his age and a bad hip Campbell had to be content with the home guard until 1942 when he was recruited into the Army Intelligence Corps due to his skills in languages. Britain in wartime had in Campbell's view awakened from its 'drabness' to become again a ‘warrior nation’. Campbell was popular with the troops as a 'grandfatherly' figure, and was stationed in East Africa. Contracting malaria and with a deteriorating hip condition necessitating the use of a cane, he was discharged with an “excellent military record” POST-WAR WORLD The England of the post-war years returned to its drab routine and worse still for Campbell, the prospects of an all-consuming welfare state. Campbell soon went back into fighting mode against the Left-wing poets with The Talking Bronco (a name that Spender had applied to him). Even Vita Sackville-West, calling Campbell “one of our most considerable living poets” acclaimed this volume. Desmond McCarthy writing in The Sunday Times regarded Campbell as “the most democratic poet”, not politically, but in his feeling for the common man and for the common soldier. Others were of course outraged. Cecil DayLewis believed Campbell should be sacked as a “fascist” from the job he now had as producer of the BBC talk programmes, since he was not fit to “direct any civilised form of cultural expression”. Campbell was horrified by the Allied victory that had placed half of Europe under the USSR. However, he was equally horrified by the rest of the world falling under the dominion of the multinational corporations and their creed of global consumerism, or what we today call globalisation. For Campbell the Cold War was a contention between two equally internationalist forces. His daughter Anna wrote in 1999 that Campbell admired all types of ethnic civilisation as opposed to the mass conformity of Marxism and the
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globalisation of the likes of Macdonald and Coca-Cola. His concern was in “everything becoming the same”. He would have been “horrified by what the world has become now” she wrote. Despite Campbell's sensitivity to being called a “fascist”, he was unapologetically a man of the “Right”, of tradition and nationalism, and continued to forthrightly expound this position after the war in his poetry and essays. Writing in “A Decade in Retrospect” in the Jesuit journal The Month May 1950, he refers to the “Gaderene stampede” of progress for the want of two sensible standbys (a brake and a steering wheel). “Tradition and Reaction”, “A body without reactions is a corpse. So is a Society without Tradition.” In 1949 Campbell left his job with the BBC to take over the editorship of The Catacomb. founded by his close friend the poet Rob Lyie as a defence of Catholic and Classical traditions against socialism and secularism. The Catacomb stopped publication in 1951. In 1952 the family moved to Portugal. Before leaving England Campbell got together with a number of South African literary friends, and signed an open letter to the South African Government protesting voting restrictions on the coloured population. However, Campbell's misgivings about the South African situation were not prompted by the liberal desire for a democratic, monocultural state. He feared that antagonism between the races would result in Bolshevism and the destruction of his rustic ideal. With the advent of Black rule, free market capitalism was ushered in on the wings of Marxism and revolution. Today the ANC today calls globalisation and trade liberalisation the “correct path to Marxism- Leninism”. In 1954 his views on his native land were given when accepting an honorary doctorate from Natal. In an off the cuff speech, much to the embarrassment of the liberal audience, he defended South Africa against England's condemnation of apartheid, ridiculing Churchill and Roosevelt, who had sold “two hundred million natives of Europe” to the far worse slavery of bolshevism. Whilst in the USA on a speaking tour he praised “the two greatest Yanks” Senator McCarthy and General MacArthur. In April 1957 returning from Spain, Campbell and his wife had a motor accident. Campbell's neck was broken and he died at the scene. Mary survived him by 22 years. Edith Sitwell who converted to Catholicism through the example of the Campbells, remarked: “He died as he had lived, like a flash of lightning”. Chapter10

P R STEPHENSEN
Percy Reginald Stephensen was one of Australia's pre-eminent 'men of letters', whose work includes biographies and short stories. He also served as a ghost writer and a mentor. Stephensen sought to develop an Australian national culture and became a political activist and publisher in order to foster such a culture and sense of 'Australianity'. Like many others such as Pound and Hamsun whose politics veered to the “Right”, Stephensen is often unacknowledged despite his pivotal role in developing an Australian literature and defining an Australian culture. Born in Queensland in 1901, of Scandinavian descent, Stephensen was from an early age of a polemical disposition and was inclined towards the Left as a university student. In 1921
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he was a founding member of the Australian Communist Party. After graduating in the arts he took a teaching position in 1922 and formed a communist association. He was also one of the first to write an in depth review of D H Lawrence's novel Kangaroo, when serving as a writer for a Labour Party newspaper in Brisbane. In 1924 he was elected Queensland's Rhodes Scholar and enrolled in the School of Philosophy and Political Economics at Oxford in England. He was one of the few members of the Communist Party at Oxford and was active in spreading propaganda in support of Indian independence. Whatever Stephensen's ideological commitment to Communism it seems likely that his motivation was purely a reaction against bourgeoisie society. As the publisher of the London Aphrodite during the late 1920's Stephensen wrote an article in praise of the Russian Anarchist leader Bakunin with particular attention to him as a man of pure action and vitality. This devotion to the nobility of the deed reflects the influence of Nietzsche on Stephensen's thinking and he translated and published a copy of Nietzsche's Antichrist in 1929. In 1927 Stephensen took over the Fanfrolico Press which specialised in limited editions. He went on to establish the Mandrake Press and published a volume of paintings by D H Lawrence and helped to publish an undercover edition of Lawrence's Lady Chatterley's Lover, which was the first edition to be printed in England. In addition he published an edition of Lawrence's poems. He wrote and published a biography of the controversial occultist, poet and author Aleister Crowley, whom the sensationalist press at the time was describing as “the wickedest man in the world”. AUSTRALIAN NATIONALIST Stephensen's eight years stay in England seems to have been influential in making him into an Australian nationalist. He left in 1932, feeling that Britain was headed for “inevitable decline” in which he saw the hope of “an Australian resurgence”. Settling in Sydney, Stephensen resumed his career as a publisher as managing director of the Endeavour Press that was funded by the Bulletin magazine and turned out more than thirty volumes of Australian literature. Stephensen's attempts to launch his own publishing ventures were financially unsuccessful, although he had become a recognised figure in Australian literature and was vice-president of the Fellowship of Australian Writers. He was also by now advocating what he called “Australia First”. FOUNDATIONS OF AUSTRALIAN CULTURE In July 1935 Stephensen published The Foundations of Culture in Australia: An Essay Towards National Self Respect. It is a vigorous call for an Australian national culture which has remained influential among literary circles although seldom acknowledged as such. Stephensen, despite his own defence of the Aborigines, and his opposition to Australian colonial “cultural cringe”, states as one of his first axioms that Australian culture begins with the arrival of the British. From this rich heritage of Europe could arise a uniquely Australian culture which would evolve by the impress of “Time and Place”. “As the culture of every nation is an intellectual and emotional expression of the genius loci, our Australian culture will diverge from the purely local colour of the British Islands, to the precise extent that our environment differs from that of Britain. A hemisphere separates us from 'home', we are Antipodeans; a gum tree is not a branch of an oak; our Australia culture will evolve distinctively.”
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“...what is a national culture? Is it not the expression, in thought form, of art-form, of the Spirit of a Race and of a Place?” “It is culture that provides 'permanence' for a nation whilst all else moves on. Culture transcends 'modernism' and the ephemeral nature of politics, society and economics. Race and Place are the two permanent elements in a culture, and Place, I think, is even more important than Race in giving that culture its direction. When races migrate, taking their culture with them, to a new Place, the culture becomes modified. It is the spirit of a Place that ultimately gives any human culture its distinctiveness.” It is literature, according to Stephensen, that gives the greatest sense of Place and Race and Permanence to a nation and which indeed creates the nation. Robert Burns is an example of the way Scotland as an “idea” is expressed. With England, Chaucer, Shakespeare, Dickens... more so than the politicians, merchants and soldiers. The “idea” of the French nation has been likewise expressed through Montaigne, Rabelais, Voltaire, Victor Hugo, Balzac..., and Germany lives in Goethe, Heine, Kant, Hegel and Richard Wagner. Russia has its Dostoevsky, Tolstoy , Chekov, Maxim Gorky; Scandinavia, Ibsen and Knut Hamsun... However, in the case of Australia, art was more reflective of an emerging Australian culture than was its literature. Early Australian literature based around the Bulletin magazine, and epitomised by poets and writers such as Henry Lawson, was of a rough nature because it was a radical response to British denigration of Australians as 'convicts'. Landscape painting in Australia, however, was never based on a journalistic element. Landscape painters had to examine Australia carefully, expressing “the Spirit of the Place”, the strange contours of the land, the solitude and the light quality of the atmosphere that symbolise most purely what is Australian. Australian painters were also dependent upon an audience and a market within their nation, and not that of the world market place where art is prostituted for money. The painting is individual whilst the book is mass produced. Although the art can be internationally appreciated it is “nationally created”, “formed locally no matter how it might travel”. Regardless of how travel and communication break down barriers local cultures remain. A creative thinker contributes to the culture of his own people first and then to the culture of the world. But a writer or an artist needs the stimulus of his own people. Despite the universalising tendencies at work, Australia had the right to become a nation, but there cannot be a nation without “a national place idea, a national culture.” Stephensen attacks those academics who sought to demean Australia as a nation and as a culture by forever subordinating Australia to Britain and the British Empire. He acknowledges that it is the English culture from which Australian culture will proceed, but it was the plant that would grow, rather than the English fertiliser that would now be of concern. Culture is the essence of nationality, the nation, an extension of the individuals that comprise it, 'generation after generation'. Nationality gives the individual a sense of pride and meaning. Stephensen draws on a Spenglerian cyclic analysis of history in stating that nations and empires eventually undergo decline over the course of centuries. He foretells Britain's decline during the 20th century. THE PUBLICIST In 1935 a wealthy businessmen, W J Miles, whose wartime activities included opposition to
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conscription and advocating the concept of 'Australia First', contacted Stephensen after reading Foundations. Together they launched a magazine, the Publicist. The paper lasted until 1942. It was described as “the paper loyal to Australia First”. Miles was in editorial control. His views were overtly pro-Axis. German, Italian and Japanese propaganda material was sold at the Publicist offices. A free hand for Japan in China was supported, at a time when the Left was calling for a boycott of Japan. Stephensen viewed Japan as “the only country in the world completely free of international Jew Finance.” Stephensen believed that there would be a world war involving Australia within a few years (1937). He saw no advantage to Australia in sending her men to spill their blood in Europe. Many Australians remembered the huge losses suffered during World War I caused partly by the unrealistic orders of British commanders. Already in 1936 the Publicist was running a satirical recruiting poster referring to the coming “Great European War”, “Don't Go' Your Country Needs You. Australia will be Here” In 1939 as the crisis in Europe was fast approaching, Stephensen wrote, “Why need Australians bemoan the absorption of Czechoslovakia by Germany when Australia is already 'absorbed' by British and American Jew-Capitalists” Despite the radical tone of Miles and Stephensen the Publicist attracted a number of prominent cultural figures, such as lan Mudie and Rex Ingamells, who wrote on the arts. It also offered a generous amount of space for right of reply to its enemies. In 1939 Stephensen advocated the need for a heroic leader: “A man of harsh vitality, a born leader, a man of action, no what sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought. Fanatics are needed, crude harsh men, not sweetened and decorous men, to arouse us from the lethargy of decadence, softness and lies which threatens death to white Australia.” Democracy was part of the weakness and decay of the modem world. In a radio talk in 1938 Stephensen stated; “We oppose democracy as a political system, because we believe it can never evolve the bold leadership that will be necessary to guide Australia through the difficulties of the coming year.” TOWARDS A PARTY From 1936 the Publicist started putting forth ideas for an Australia First party. In 1938 readers’ groups suggested a twelve point programme as a basis for discussion. The principal group was the Yabber Club in Sydney. In the September issue of the paper Stephensen stated that he had campaigned for peace with Germany since any war Australia fought should be for Australian rather than Jewish interests. The Publicist was now subjected to wartime censorship and paper restrictions. Whilst the pro-Germany sentiments had to be toned down during 1940, the Publicist maintained its friendly attitude towards Japan. Once Australia was engaged in the war with Japan, the paper opposed any defeatist tendencies but continued to advocate home defence,
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rather than sending Australian troops far afield, and the right to negotiate independently and sue for a separate peace. Stephensen formed the Australia First Movement in September 1941. A major element in the formation of the movement was the Sydney Women's Guild of Empire, formerly antagonistic towards the Publicist due to the issue of loyalty to Britain. The mainstay of the Guild was Adele Pankhurst Walsh of the British suffragette family. On migrating to Australia she had married the militant Seamen's Union organiser Tom Walsh in 1917. Both became founder members of the Australian Communist Party. Tom lectured to the near-fascist “New Guard” and was outspokenly pro-Japanese. A simple ten point manifesto was adopted, that bypassed Stephensen's more radical manifesto of 1940. The movement demanded recall of Australian troops from overseas, independent action in diplomacy and the removal of American influence. A number of pubic meetings involved some interjectors, however a meeting in February 1942 which had an audience of around 300 erupted in what the press termed 'one of the worst brawls ever to occur in a Sydney public hall. Half the audience was antagonistic and Stephensen in particular was met with opposition. Stephensen was hit over the head with a water carafe, knocked to the floor and kicked by a group. The police were slow to respond. However once order was established, Stephensen continued with the meeting despite his beating, and continuing. interjections Stephensen addressed the meeting for around eighty minutes. He demanded that American troops in Australia be subject to Australian command and stated that they should be there to protect Australia not to further other American objectives. On orders from the Attorney General Dr Evatt, Australia First was prevented from holding further public meetings by the police. STEPHENSEN'S POLITICAL DEMANDS Stephensen had published several manifestos in the Publicist for a political movement beyond the more moderate version that was temporarily adopted for immediate wartime use. His ideas for a post-war party included policies more far ranging and elaborate. In particular they convey Stephensen's aversion to democracy as causing party and economic divisions, appealing to the lowest denominator for vote catching purposes, undermining leadership, avoiding responsibility and leading to “decay”. Stephensen posited his fifty-point manifesto for an Australia First Party to be founded after the war. In the 1st May 1940 issue of the Publicist these brief points were greatly expanded upon. On 1st August 1941 under the heading “Towards a New Order” it was stated that these were principles, not planks, for a democratic parliamentary party. “Our self-imposed task was to throw a stone into the stagnant pond of Australian political complacency” Stephensen writes in the preamble. The first three points call for Australian self-reliance, culturally, and politically, against imitating ideas from abroad and dependency upon others. A “distinctive national Australian culture” is regarded as the prerequisite for “National Unity, National Consciousness and National Survival”. The fourth point calls for “nationalism, against internationalism”. Nations are natural political units defined by racial and political factors. Point 6 favours “national socialism, against international communism”. However, Stephensen repudiates any monopoly of the term National Socialism by Germany. “We support all NATIONAL forms of socialism, as against the international version of socialism favoured by Marxism.” In those sectors of the economy where private interests would
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become a power over the nation, the State would be required to intervene. Further points call for frankness and honesty in diplomacy, with a 'live and let live' attitude minus the moralising towards others that leads to war The emphasis on defence was to be to protect Australia rather than serve other interests overseas. An attitude of friendliness was to be fostered towards nations bordering the Pacific Ocean, which could only be achieved when Australia was not subordinate militarily and diplomatically to British or other interests. Stephensen considers a declining birth rate a symptom of decadence which would lead to the extinction of Australia, especially when there were suggestions to make up for the population short fall through immigration. He called for a white Australia as a “biological aim” to create a permanent home for persons of “European racial derivation”. This would exclude “Semites” and other non-absorbable immigrants. However, Stephensen's championship of “Aryanism” cannot be dismissed as a simple racial supremism. Stephensen was an avid supporter of Aborigine rights, serving as secretary of the Aborigines’ Citizenship Committee, which supported the Aborigines’ Progressive Association comprised of an Aborigine only membership. The Abo Call was a magazine that sold in the Publicist office alongside the Axis journals. Introducing women into the workplace and away from child bearing under the name of 'feminism' is attacked further on in the manifesto as leading to the decline in the birth-rate as well as undermining the wage standard. Much of the rest of the manifesto is an attack the on democratic and parliamentary system. Interestingly, in this light, despite Stephensen's aversion to British and other outside influence, he upheld monarchy rather than the idea of an elected head of state under a republic. Stephensen desires a government of statesmanship and with stated long term principles, as opposed to short term vote pandering by political parties which leads to compromise and demagoguery rather than recognising the harsh polices required for survival. The means of achieving this unity and strength was through 'Corporativism', a form of Government that was attracting widespread support from around the world during the 1930s as a means of overcoming the crisis of capitalism whilst avoiding the destructiveness of communism. Corporativism had become the system of Government under which Fascist Italy functioned, where the democratic party structure of parliament were replaced by chambers of corporations representing the crafts and professions. Corporativism also agreed with Catholic social doctrine and certain 'fascist' parties in some countries took specifically Catholic forms, such as Rexism in Belgium, Hungarism in Hungary, the Irish Blueshirts, Adrien Arcand's movement in Canada et al. Stephensen also refers to the Corporate State as, “the Body Politic” and the “Social Organism”'. “A political idea as old as humanity, a biological fact as old as organic life.” The organic social order had existed until the French and American Revolutions. Stephensen explains how these upheavals undermined the traditional social order with “democratic sectionalism”, and “an alleged equality inspired by the thoughts of J. J. Rousseau”, the French rationalist philosopher. The result, under the facade of democracy and equality, has been not to empower 'the people', but to empower industrial and financial interests which are able to use democracy to undermine any authority and power. However, Corporativism enables the social organism to function as “an integral whole” subjecting
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sectional interests, whether class or party, to the interests of the community, like the cells of biological organism all function for the common good of the whole organism. Whilst Stephensen believes this Corporatist or organic state as necessary to bring harmony between the social and economic classes, and expects both capital and labour to restrain their sectional demands for the benefit of the whole, his ideas on financial and economic policy do not seem to have been well developed. Despite his opposition to “international Jew finance”, as he put it, and his recognition that the Axis countries had thrown off the power of the plutocrats, his statements of policy do not reflect a recognition that the Axis economies were based on State regulation of credit and currency creation and a system of trade based on barter. Instead Stephensen opts for more orthodox banking practices and condemns theories of credit expansion and specifically Social Credit, to which many like minded men of letters such as Ezra Pound and T.S. Eliot adhered to as a means of overthrowing the rule of money. He does however expect capitalists to invest their capital into productive enterprises rather than those of a speculative nature, once the State has ensured an economic climate generating reasonable returns for such investment. . STEPHENSEN'S “REASONED CASE AGAINST SEMITISM” Stephensen, like other Rightist men of letters such as Ezra Pound, retained friendship with Jews as individuals they expressed animosity towards a perceived Jewish political agenda and regarded Jews as an unassimilatable minority. Stephensen presented “Reasoned Case Against Semitism” in 1940 in The Australian Quarterly. He states that anti-Semitism arises as an anti-toxin to the toxin of an aggressive 'pro-Semitism'. His concern with the Jewish question seems to have been particularly prompted by a suggestion that a territory in north-west Australia be set aside for Jewish refugees from Europe. Stephensen opposed any 'cessation' of Australian land. He saw in the Jews a highly organised, separatist minority which pursued its own interests. The Jews remain a separate minority by choice, indeed by their insistence as a “God-Chosen People”. Stephensen states that 'they cannot have it both ways' - being treated as no different to anyone else, whilst insisting on remaining aloof from the nation in which they reside. Their propaganda includes agitation for internationalism and the concept of the “Universal Oneness of Mankind” among Gentiles, yet they have maintained themselves through 5000 years by a most exclusivistic racialism. Stephensen states that with such a double standard nobody likes being “humbugged”. Stephensen compares the manner by which a small number of Jews are able to wield immense influence through a superior close-knit communal organisation to the manner by which communist cells were able to insinuate themselves into institutions and get their measures adopted by an unsuspecting and largely lethargic majority. The 'too-zealous propagandists of the Jewish Cause' in Australia had done the Jews a disservice by drawing attention to the Jews as a distinct community, for Anti-semtism is a reaction to aggressive Pro-semitism and neither exists unless a nation is in a pathological state. To Stephensen exclusion of Jewish immigrants is simply a continuation of the White Australia policy that had been a mainstay for the development of Australian nationhood, based on the aim of what he calls 'Fused-European Homogeneity'. European migrants had discarded their Old World ties and amalgamated to form what was becoming an Australian nationality. Australia had “antedated Hitler's 'racial theories' by fifty years.”
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It is of interest that the white Australia policy was not an imperial or capitalistic origins but was one of the primary aims of the Australian Labour Party, which met principal opposition from both the British Colonial Office and from Australian business interests which sought a pool of coolie labour. Should Jews forego their Jewishness and fully integrate and intermarry there would be no Jewish problem. That they do not do so is their choice, and Stephensen is here convinced that they will never forsake their Jewishness, so the Jewish problem will remain. “Here then we are faced with a defiance by Jews of the fundamental principle of FusedEuropean Homogeneity which it is the basic aim of Australian national policy to establish and maintain. They claim the right not only to settle here but to maintain themselves in perpetuity, as a self-segregated minority, of different and distinct racial stock from the rest of the Australian community.” It is, as he points out, a matter of perspective. As a non-Jew in any conflict of interest between Jew and Gentile he would instinctively side with his own. Stephensen's loyalty was to Australia and a large migration of Jewish refugees from Europe would undermine the Australia which he wished to see developing as a nation, culture and people on its own account. INTERNMENT Such sentiments were regarded as treasonous by the authorities whose Government had tied Australia to British imperial and American interests. Additionally, several individuals and groups had gained the attention of the military intelligence as possible collaborators in the event of a Japanese invasion. Some of these had had some contact with Stephensen's Australia First Movement. 'Enemy aliens', including those who were anti-Fascist, were being interned. Sixteen supporters of the movement, including Stephensen, were detained under Regulation 26 at Liverpool internment camp in March 1942. Police occupied the Publicist office. The poet and author lan Mudie, an executive member of the movement, although questioned, was not interned, although he was to comment that he must be either as 'guilty' or 'innocent' as those who were. The Bulletin remained strongly opposed to the internments, and made much of one of the internees being 'an Old Digger'. The latter, Martin Watts, a holder of the Military medal from World War I, and several others were conditionally released after several months. However, Watt’s job had gone and he died several weeks later of bronchial pneumonia, exacerbated by his internment. (His wife Dora, who was part Jewish, was to retain a lifelong activity with the Australian 'Right'). Transferred to Loevday, then to Tatura camps, Stephensen spent three and a half years interned. After the war several ex-internees continued to campaign for exoneration and two issued a reprint of the 1942 issues of the Publicist to provide a 'durable historical record’ that would show their loyalty and patriotism. POST-WAR The poet and author lan Mudie had been keen to see Australia First revived. However, Stephensen was optimistic regarding the development of Australia's national consciousness, and believed the aims of the movement were being realised. The imperial connection was
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dissipating and there was a growing interest in Australian culture. For the first decade after the war Stephensen was mainly involved in assisting Australian writers, principally Frank Clune. By 1959 Stephensen had sufficiently re- established his literary reputation to be asked to undertake a Commonwealth Literary Fund lecture tour of South Australia with his old friend lan Mudie. The lectures were published as Nationalism in Australian Literature. Other such lectures followed in Queensland in 1961. His continuing theme of an Australian national culture by this time was meeting with wider support. Stephensen's literary output continued at an impressive rate, and included The Viking of Van Diemen's Land, The Cape Horn Breed, Sail Ho! Commodore, Sydney Sails, The Pirates of the Big Cyprus, and Sydney Harbour, published posthumously in 1966. In 1960 he was appointed managing director of the editorial department of a major publishing firm. Stephensen collapsed and died after giving a lively address on Lawrence’s Lady Chatterley’s Lover. He never moderated his beliefs. Chapter 11

REX FAIRBURN
Many would object to identifying A R D. Fairburn with the “Right”. As a central figure in the development of a New Zealand national literature, much of the contemporary selfappointed literary establishment would wish to identify Fairburn with Marxism or liberalism, as were other leading literary friends of Fairburn’s such as the Communist R.A.K. Mason. Some critics even attempt to identify- Fairburn’s epic poem Dominion with “Marxism” despite Fairburn’s own commitment to Social Credit and specific rejection of Marxism and the materialist interpretation of history. Indeed, the primary influences on Fairburn were distinctly non-Left, and include D H Lawrence, Nietzsche, Oswald Spengler and of course Social Credit's Major C H Douglas. A significant influence on his thinking was his friend from childhood, the fellow poet Geoffrey Potocki de Montalk, claimant to the throne of Poland, fervent anti- Communist, with sympathies towards the Axis during the war. Whilst Fairburn described himself at times as an “anarchist”, it was of a most unorthodox type, being neither of the nature of the Left wing nor of the Libertarians. For Fairburn outspokenly rejected all the baggage dear to the Left, including feminism, and internationalism. His 'anarchism' was the type of individualism of the Right that called for a return to decentralised communities comprised of self-reliant craftsmen and farmers. His creed was distinctly nationalistic and based on the spiritual and the biological components of history and culture, both concepts being antithetical to any form of Leftism. We feel more than justified then in identifying Fairburn as a “Thinker of the Right”. Fairburn was born in 1904 in modest though middle class circumstances. He was proud of being a fourth generation New Zealander related to the missionary Colenso. REJECTION OF RATIONALISM Although critical of the Church hierarchy and briefly involved with the Rationalist Association, Fairburn was for most of his life a spiritual person, believing that the individual attains to the most profound identity of who he is, by striving towards God. He believed in a
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basic Christian ethic minus any moralism. Fairburn soon realised that rationalism by itself answers nothing and that it rejects the dream world that is the source of creativity. He was in agreement here with other poets of the Right such as Yeats, and identified with his friend Geoffrey Potocki who called poets a “spiritual aristocracy”, but at this time thought socialism would “free artists of economic, worldly shackles.” He was yet to discover the economic and political alternatives that would achieve this whilst retaining the spiritual basis of culture that the socialist's dialectical materialism rejected. ENGLAND Potocki had left New Zealand in disgust at the cultural climate, and persuaded Fairburn to join him London, since New Zealand prevented them from doing what they were born here for, “to make and to mould a New Zealand civilisation”, as Potocki stated it. Fairburn arrived in London in 1930. Like Potocki he was not impressed with bohemian society and the Bloomsbury intellectuals who were riddled with homosexuality to which both Potocki and Fairburn had an abiding dislike. However away from the bohemianism, the intellectualism and pretentiousness of the city, Fairburn came to appreciate the ancestral attachment with England that was still relevant to New Zealanders through a continuing “earth-memory”. In London he felt the decay and decadence of the city. Like the Norwegian novelist Hamsun and the Englishman Williamson, Fairburn conceived of a future “tilling the soil”. He now stated: “I'm going to be a peasant, if necessary, to keep in touch with life. ” SOCIAL CREDIT In 1931 Fairburn was introduced to A R Orage, who had published Katherine Mansfield and was editing the New English Weekly which was bringing forth a new generation of talents to English literature, including Ezra Pound and T S Eliot. Orage had been a 'guild socialist', advocating a return to the medieval guilds which had upheld craftsmanship and represented interests according to one's calling rather than political party. Orage had also discovered Social Credit economics, and it is likely that Orage introduced Fairburn to Social Credit's founder Major C H Douglas. Fairburn was now reading Oswald Spengler, author of the then influential Decline of The West, which identified the cyclic and organic nature of history, of the rise and fall of civilisations. Western Civilisation, said Spengler, had reached its cycle of decline during which the city, merchants and money are the focus, replacing the rural community, the knight, aristocrat, peasant and craftsman. Spengler, drawing on parallels with previous civilisations, held that each civilisation in its final or Winter cycle undergoes a last burst of vigour under the leadership of a great leader or 'Caesar' type who overthrows the power of the merchant. This 'new Caesarism', according to Spengler's fatalistic interpretation of history, is the 'last hurrah' (as we might put it) of a civilisation before its inevitable death. However, Fairburn felt that the vitality of the individual could be the answer to a reinvigorated culture, rather than the rise of new Caesars. This belief reflects two major influences on Fairburn, that of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche and of the English novelist D H Lawrence, who looked to the heroic individual. Whilst Fairburn agreed with Marx that capitalism causes dehumanisation. he rejected the Marxist interpretation of history as based on class war and economics. Materialistic
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interpretations of history were at odds with Fairburn's belief that it is the Infinite that touches man. Fairburn met the Soviet press attache in England but concluded that the USSR had turned to the 19th century Western ideal of the machine. He did not want a Marxist industrial substitute for the capitalist one. Hence Fairburn's answer amidst a decaying civilisation was the vital individual: not an alienated 'individual' thrown up by capitalism, but the individual as part of the family and the soil, possessing an organic rootedness above the artificiality of both Marxism and capitalism. Culture was part of this sense of identity as a manifestation of the spiritual Not surprisingly, Fairburn was increasingly distanced from his communist friends. He was repelled by communist art based on the masses and on science, which he called 'false'. He writes: “Communism kills the Self - cuts out religion and art, that is today. But religion and art ARE the only realities.” Fairburn also repudiated a universal ideal, for man lived in the particular. New Zealand had to discover its own identity rather than copying foreign ideas. Another communist friend, the New Zealand poet Clifton Firth, wrote that the “New Zealand penis was yet to be erect”. To this Fairburn replied: “True, but as a born New Zealander, why don't you try to hoist it up, instead tossing off Russia? Why steal Slav gods? Why not get some mud out of a creek and make your own?” The 18th century artist and poet William Blake appealed to Fairburn's spiritual, antimaterialist sentiments, as a means of bringing English culture out of decadence. Fairburn also saw in D H Lawrence “a better rallying point than Lenin.” He was similarly impressed with Yeats. To R A K. Mason, the New Zealand poet and communist, he wrote: “our real life is PURELY spiritual. Man is not a machine.” In 1932 Fairburn wrote an article for the New English Weekly attacking materialism. He feared that the prosperity that would be generated by Social Credit monetary reform would cause rampant materialism devoid of a spiritual basis. He saw the aim of monetary reform as being not simply one of increasing the amount of material possessions, but as a means of achieving a higher level of culture. Fairburn wished for a post-industrial, craft and agricultural society. The policy of Social Credit would achieve greater production and increase leisure hours. This would create the climate in which culture could flourish. Because culture requires sufficient leisure time beyond the daily economic grind, not simply for more production and consumption, as the declining cultural level of our own day shows, despite the increasing quantity of consumer goods available. In June 1932 he wrote to Mason that if the Labour Party rejected Social Credit economics he would on returning to New Zealand start his own movement: “If I were in NZ I should try to induce Holland [Labour Party leader] and the Labour Party to adopt the Social Credit scheme. Then. if they turned it down, I should start a racket among the young men off my own bat. A Nationalist, anti-Communist movement, with strong curbs on the rich; anti-big- business: with the ultimate object of cutting NZ away from the Empire and making her self supporting. That party will come in England hence, later in NZ. I should try and anticipate it a little, and prepare the ground. Objects: to cut out international trade as far as possible (hence, cut out war); to get out of the clutches of the League of Nations; to assert NZ's Nationalism, and make her as far as possible a
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conscious and self-contained nation on her own account. I should try, for the time being, to give the thing a strong military flavour. No pacifism, 'idealism', passive resistance, or other such useless sentimentalities. Then, when the time came, a Fascist coup might be possible”. “But Social Credit and Nationalism would be the main planks, and the basis of the whole movement. Very reactionary, you will say. But I am quite realistic now about these things. No League of Nations, Brotherhood of Man stuff. 'Man is neither a beast nor an angel: but try to make him into an angel, and you will turn him into a beast, idealism is done with over – passe’ - gone phut.” “Behind the labels, of course, all this would be a cunning attempt to get what we are actually all after: decent living conditions, minimum of economic tyranny, goods for all, and the least possible risk of war Our Masters, the Bankers, would find it harder to oppose such a movement than to oppose communism. And it would be more likely to obtain support.” Fairburn condemned the 'internationalism' of the League of Nations as really representing 'supernationalism' which would result in war, which of course it did: a war against the self-sufficient Axis nations which had opted out of the world trading and financial system. On his return to New Zealand Fairburn, instead of launching his own movement wholeheartedly campaigned for Social Credit, mainly through his position as assistant secretary of the Auckland Farmers' Union, which had a social credit policy and as editor of its paper Farming First. A post he held until being drafted into the army in 1943. TOWARDS A NATIONAL CULTURE Fairburn now began to paint in earnest and made some money as a fabric designer. He spurned abstract art and particularly Picasso, as falsifying life. Abstraction, like rationalism, was a form of intellectualism that took life apart. Fairburn believed in the total individual. In art this meant synthesis, of building up images, not breaking them down. He wrote of this: “If art does anything it synthesises, not analyses, or it is dead art. Creative imagination is the thing, all faculties of man working together towards a synthesis of personal experience resulting in fresh creation.” Whilst Fairburn believed in innovation in the arts and had earlier adhered to the Vorticist movement founded in England by Ezra Pound, Wyndham Lewis et al. he also believed that art should maintain its traditional foundations. Art is a product of an organic community, not simply the egotistical product of the artist. He saw many artists however as not only separate from the community but as destructive, calling Picasso for instance, 'a bearer of still-born children,' and referred to the 'falseness of abstract art 'and its 'nihilism.' In a 1946 radio talk. The Arts Are Acquired Tastes, Fairburn elaborated: “...Art is not the private property of artists. It belongs to the living tradition of society as a whole. And it can't exist without its public. Conversely, I think it can be said that no society can live for long in a state of civilisation without a fairly widespread appreciation of the arts, that is to say, without well organised aesthetic sensibility.”
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Hence there was a reciprocal interaction between the artist and the public. [Both possessed a shared sense of values and origins, in former times, whether peasant or noble, in comparison to the formlessness of the present day cosmopolitanism]. “The artist has brought contempt upon himself by letting himself be used for ends that he knows to be destructive. By doing so he has brought art and his own type close to extinction.” Notes in the Margin. Action. 1947) 'Form' in art, geometrically, is fundamental. It is the primary responsibility of art schools to teach 'traditional techniques' then allow those who have genuine talent to flow from there. Fairburn lectured in art history at the Elam School. Auckland University, the most influential of New Zealand’s art schools which produced Colin McCahon et al. McCahon, our most esteemed artist whose splatters fetch millions on the market and whose influence upon new generations of artists endures, was vehemently opposed by Fairburn, who considered his works devoid of form, 'contrived' and 'pretentious humbug'. “In design, in colour, in quality of line, in every normal attribute of good painting, they are completely lacking,” Fairburn said of McCahon's paintings. He also considered modern music sensationalist, without content, form or order, reflecting the chaos of the current cycle of Western civilisation. Fairburn, in accordance with his political nationalism, advocated a New Zealand national culture arising from the New Zealand landscape. He believed that one's connection with one's place of birth is of a permanent quality, not just as question of which place in the world one found the most pleasant in which to live. Writing to Mason in June 1932, he stated that the criterion of 'fortune-hunting' in choosing where one lives cannot satisfy 'anybody who is unSemitic like myself.’ Fairburn explains that the art which is manufactured for the market by those who have no attachment to any specific place, is Jewish in nature. “The Jews are a non-territorial race, so their genius is turned to dust and ashes. Their works of art have no integrity - have had none since they left Palestine. Compare Mendelsohn and Humbert Wolfe with the Old Testament writers. When I came to England, I acted the Jew, I have no roots in this soil. In the end every man goes back where he belongs, if he is honest. . Men are not free. They are bound to fate by certain things, and lose their souls in escaping - if it is a permanent escape....” “...Cosmopolitanism - Semitism - are false, have no bottom to them. Internationalism is their child - and an abortion .” Fairburn condemned the notion that a culture can be chosen and attached to 'like a leech' without regard to one's origins. He further identifies the impact of Jewish influence on Western culture; a contrived art that does not arise spontaneously from the unconscious mind of the artist in touch with his origins:
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“Jewish standards have infected most Western art. It is possible to look on even the 'selfconscious art' of Poe. Baudelaire, Mallarme. Pater - Coleridge even - as being 'Jewish', in the sense I am meaning. The orgasm is self-induced, rather than spontaneous. It has no inevitability. The effect is calculated. The ratio between the individual artist and his readers is nicely worked out prior to creation It does not arise as an inevitable result of the artist's mental processes William Blake, who was not Jewish, had perfect faith in his own intuitions - so his work could not fail to have universal truth - to have integrity But the truth was not calculated …” Since Fairburn had written on the Jewish cosmopolitan spirit in Western art the Jews have of course achieved their own state of Israel. However, since the bulk of Jewry exists outside of this state the Jewish artistic influence continues to be a reflection of their rootlessness from the lands in which most dwell. This cosmopolitan influence Fairburn saw, expressed an 'international' or 'world standard' for the arts which debased culture. He wrote: “Is poetry shortly to he graded like export mutton? “ The 'racket' of modern art was related to economic motives, “the infection of the market place .. the sooty hand of commerce”. The 'modern art racket' has the aim of, “rapid turnover, a rate of change that induces a sort of vertigo, and the exploitation of novelty as a fetish - the encouragement of the exotic and the unusual.” Fairburn's biographer Dennis Trussell comments: “Rex feared that internationalism in cultural matters would reduce all depiction of human experience to a characterless gruel, relating to no real time or place because it attempted to relate to all times and places.” In contrast, great art arises from the traditional masculine values of a culture: “honour, chivalry and disinterested justice.' Writing to the NZ Listener in June 1955 Fairburn decried the development of a 'one world' cosmopolitan state, which would also mean a standardised world culture that would be reduced to an international commodity”: “The aspiration towards 'one world' may have something to be said for it in a political sense (even here, with massive qualifications), but in the wider field of human affairs it is likely to prove ruinous. In every country today we see either a drive (as in Russia and the USA) or a drift (as in the British Commonwealth) towards the establishment of mass culture, and the imposition of herd standards. This applies not only in industry, but also in the literature and the arts generally. In the ant-hill community towards which we are moving, art and literature will be sponsored by the State, and produced by a highly specialised race of neuters. We have already gone some distance along this road. Literature tends more and more to be regarded as an internationally standardised commodity, like soap or benzine - something that has no particular social or geographical context. In the fully established international suburbia of the future it will be delivered by the grocer - or, more splendidly, be handled by a world-wide chain store Literary Trust...”
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The situation today has proved Fairburn correct, with the transnational corporations defining culture in terms of international marketing, breaking down national cultures in favour of a global consumer standard. This mass global consumer culture is most readily definable in the term “American”. Fairburn opposed State patronage of the arts, however, believing that this cut the artist off from the cycle of life, of family and work, making art instead, contrived and forced. He also opposed the prostitution of the nation and culture to tourism, more than ever the great economic panacea - along with world trade - heralded by the politicians. In a letter to the NZ Herald written in February 1955 he states: “May I suggest that there is no surer way in the long run to destroy Maori culture than to take the more colourful aspects of it and turn them into a 'tourist attraction'. If the elements of Maori culture are genuine and have any place outside of a museum, they will be kept alive by the Maori people themselves for their own cultural (not commercial) needs. The use of Maori songs and dances to tickle the pockets of passing strangers, and the encouragement of this sort of cheapjackery by the pakeha are degrading to both races ... And the official encouragement of Maori songs, dances and crafts as side-shows to amuse tourists is both vulgar and harmful” DOMINION OF USURY In 1935 he resolved to write an epic poem about New Zealand. The result was Dominion. It is an attack upon greed and usury, and is reminiscent of Ezra Pound's Cantos With Usura. The assumption to government of the Labour Party gave Fairburn no cause for optimism. The Party had indeed adopted a Social Credit policy when C H Douglas visited New Zealand to much popular acclaim in 1934. John A Lee, the celebrated Labour junior minister was a strong advocate of social credit but was to resign when the Government made it clear that there was no real resolve to implement the economic policy on which it had been elected to office. Fairburn was critical of the Government's continuation of orthodox economics, apart from some half-hearted measures, and of the typically orthodox socialist view that a growth economy and ever increasing consumption were themselves worthy ends. Hence, even the humblest worker saw the chase after money as the aim of life: “small greed, the travelling weed.” Dominion begins by fingering the usurer as the lord of all: “The house or the governors, guarded by eunuchs, and over the arch of the gate these words enraged: He who impugns the usurers Imperils the State.” Those who serve the governors are picked from the enslaved, well paid for their services to 'keep the records of decay', with 'cold hands... computing our ruin on scented cuffs.' For the rest of the people there is the “treadmill... of the grindstone god”.' The unemployed and those on relief work as Fairburn had been when he returned to New
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Zealand, were 'witnesses to the constriction of life' which was necessary to maintain the financial system. Nor did the countryside escape the ravages of the system. The farms are 'mortgaged in bitterness...' to the banks. The city is, “a paper city built on the rock of debt, held fast against all winds by the paperweight of debt. The living saddled with debt. A load of debt for the foetus... And all over the hand of the usurer, Bland angel of darkness, Mild and triumphant and much looked up to.” Colonisation had bought here the ills of the Mother Country, and debt underscored the lot. “They divided the land, Some for their need, And some for sinless, customary greed...” Fairburn's answer is a return to the land. “Fair earth, we have broken our idols: and after the days of fire we shall come to you for the stones of a new temple.” The destruction of the usurers' economic system would result in the creation of a new order: the land freed of debt would yield the foundation for 'a new temple' other than that of the usurer ORGANIC FARMING In 1940 Fairburn extended his advocacy to include organic fanning, and he became editor of Compost, the magazine of the New Zealand Humic Compost Club. He considered the abuse of the land led to the destruction of civilisation. The type of civilisation that arises depends on its type of farming, he said. “Food remains the basis of civilisation, but industrial farming is spiritually barren.” The type of community Fairburn sought is based on farming, not industry that gives rise to fractured, contending economic classes. Industry reduces life to a matter of economics.. In a lecture to the Auckland Fabian Society in 1944 Fairburn stated: “It is natural for men to be in close contact with the earth; and it is natural for them to satisfy their creative instincts by using their hands and brains. Husbandry, 'the mother of all crafts', satisfies these two needs, and for that reason should be the basic activity in our social life - the one that gives colour and character to all the rest.” In the same lecture he spells out his ideal society: “The decentralisation of the towns, the establishment of rural communities with a balanced economic life, the co-operative organisation of marketing, of transport and of
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necessary drudgery, the controlled use of manufacturing processes...” In 1946 Fairburn elaborated again on his ideal of decentralisation, regarding the corporation as soulless and the State as the biggest of corporations: “The best status for men is that of independence. The small farmer, the small tradesman, the individual craftsman working on his own - these have been the mainstay of every stable civilisation in history. The tendency for large numbers of men to forsake, or to have taken from them, their independent status, and to become hangers-on of the state, has invariably been the prelude to decay.” NEW BARBARISM - AMERICA AND THE USSR Fairburn feared that the victors of World War II, America and the USSR would usher in a new age of barbarism. In 1946 he wrote in an unpublished article to the NZ Herald: 'The next decade or two we shall see American economic power and American commercial culture extended over the whole of the non-Russian world The earth will then be nicely partitioned between two barbarisms... In my more gloomy moments I find it hard to form an opinion as to which is the greater enemy to Western civilisation Russian materialism - the open enemy, or American materialism with its more insidious influence. The trouble is that we are bound to stick by America when it comes to the point, however we may dislike certain aspects of American life. For somewhere under that Mae West exterior there is a heart that is sound and a conscience that is capable of accepting guilt.” Experience has shown that Fairburn's 'more gloomy moments' were the most realistic, for America triumphed and stands as the ultimate barbarian threatening to engulf all cultures with its materialism, hedonism and commercialism. The Russian military threat was largely bogus, a convenient way of herding sundry nations into the American orbit. The USSR is no more, whilst Imperium Americana stands supreme throughout the world, from the great cities to the dirt road towns of the Third World, where all are being remoulded into the universal citizen in the manner of American tastes, habits, speech, fashions, and even humour. BIOLOGICAL IMPERATIVES Fairburn regarded feminism as another product of cultural regression. In The Woman Problem he calls feminism an 'insidious hysterical protest' contrary to biological and social imperatives. He saw the biological urge for children as central to women. Fairburn also considered biological factors to be more important than the sociological and economic, therefore putting him well outside the orbit of any Left-wing doctrine, which reduces history and culture into a complex of economic motives. “Our public policies are for the most part anti-biological. Social security legislation concerns itself with the care of the aged long before it looks to the health and vitality of young mothers and their children. We spend vast sums of money on hospitals and little or nothing on gymnasia. “...We discourage our children from marrying at the right age. when desire is urgent, and the pelvic structure of the female has not begun to ossify; we applaud them when they spend the first ten years of their adult lives establishing a profitable cosmetic business or a legal practice devoted to the defence of safe breakers.”. “The
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feminists must feel a sense of elation when they see an attractive young woman clinging to some pitiful job or other, and drifting toward spinsterhood, an emotion that would no doubt be shared by the geo-political experts of Asia, if they were on the spot.” Indeed, what has feminism shown itself to be, despite its pretensions as being 'progressive'. other than a means of fully integrating women into the market and into production, whilst abortion rates soar? Fairburn saw Marxism, Feminism and Freudianism as denying the 'organic nature' of man. Urbanisation means the continuing revitalisation of the male physically and ethically as he is pushed further into the demands of industrial and economic life. The 'masculine will' requires reassertion in association with the decentralisation of the cities and, “the forming of a closer link with agriculture and the more stable life of the countryside. “ The influence of Oswald Spengler's philosophy can be seen in Fairburn's criticism of urbanisation as leading to the disintegration of culture: “Whether this will anticipate and prevent or follow in desperation upon the breakdown of Western society is a matter that is yet to be decided. “ Fairburn died of cancer in 1957. He continues to be recognised as a founder of a New Zealand national literature, albeit one that has not been much added to beyond that small number of individuals from the 1930s. Chapter 12

YUKIO MISHIMA
Yukio Mishima was born into an upper middle class family in 1925. Author of a hundred books, playwright, actor, he has been described as the 'Leonardo da Vinci of contemporary Japan, and is one of the few Japanese writers to have become widely known and translated in the West. DARK SIDE OF THE SUN Since World War II, the West has forgotten the Shadow soul of Japan, as Jung would have termed it, the collective impulses that have been repressed by 'Occupation Law' and the imposition of democracy. The Japanese are seen stereotypically as being overly polite and smiling business executives and camera snapping tourists. The emphasis has been on the soft counterpart of the Japanese psyche, on the "chrysanthemum" (the arts) as Mishima puts it, and the repression of the "word" (the martial tradition). The American anthropologist Ruth Benedict wrote of the duality of the Japanese using this symbolism in her Chrysanthemum and the Sword, to which Mishima referred approvingly. He insisted that Japan return to a balance of the arts and the martial spirit, to what, again referring to Jung, would be called individuation, in allowing the repressed Shadow archetype to reassert itself. Mishima was himself that synthesis of the scholar and the warrior, who rejected pure intellectualism and theory in favour of action.

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THE WAY OF THE SAMURAI Mishima's aesthetic was the beauty of the violent death, the death of one in his prime, an ideal common in classical Japanese literature. As a sickly youngster, Mishima's ideal of the heroic death had already taken hold: "A sensuous craving for such things as the destiny of soldiers, the tragic nature of their calling... the ways they would die." He was determined to overcome his physical weaknesses. There is much of the Nietzschean 'Overman' about him, of self-overcoming personal and social restraints to express his own heroic individuality. His motto was: "Be Strong." (He had read Nietzsche during the war). World War II had a lasting impact on Mishima. Along with his fellow students, he felt that conscription and certain death waited. He became chairman of the college literary club, and his patriotic poems were published in the student magazine. He also co-founded his own journal and began to read the Japanese classics. He associated with a literary group, Bungei Bunka that believed war to be holy. The Japanese Romanticists were another literary group avowing the same principles with which Mishima was in contact. Mishima barely passed the medical examination for military training. He was drafted into an aircraft factory and several other such jobs. In 1944, he had already had his first book, Hanazakan no Mori (The Forest in Full Bloom) published, a considerable feat in the final year of the war, which brought him instant recognition. WILL TO HEALTH In 1952, Mishima, established as a literary figure, travelled to the USA. Sitting in the sun in transit aboard ship, something he had been unable to do in his youth because of his weak lungs, Mishima resolved to match the development of his physique with his intellect. His interest in the Hellenic classics took him to Greece. He wrote that, "In Greece there had been however an equilibrium between the physical body and intelligence, soma and sophia..." He discovered a "Will towards Health", an adaptation of Nietzsche's "Will to Power", and he was to become almost as noted as a body builder as he was a writer. In 1966 Mishima wrote; "The goal of my life was to acquire all the various attributes of the warrior." His ethos was that of the Samurai Bunburyodo-ihe way of literature (Bun) and the Sword (Bu), which he sought to cultivate in equal' measure, a blend of "art and action". "But my heart's yearning towards Death and Night and Blood would not be denied." He expressed the Samurai ethos: "To keep death in mind from day to day, to focus each moment upon, inevitable death,.., the beautiful death that had earlier eluded me [World War II] had also become possible. I was beginning to dream of my capabilities as a fighting man." In 1966, he applied for permission to train at the army camps. In the spirit of Bunburyodo, Mishima's novels plotted the course of his life. In 1967, Runaway Horses had as its hero a right-wing terrorist who commits hara-kiri after stabbing to death a businessman.

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Already in 1960 Mishima had written his short story Patriotism, in honour of the 1936 Ni ni Roku rebellion of army officers of the Kodo-ha faction who wished to strike at the Soviet Union in opposition to the rival Tosei-ha, who aimed to strike at Britain and other colonial powers. The Kodo-ha officers had mobilised 1400 men and taken Tokyo. However, Emperor Hirohito ordered them to surrender. The incident impressed itself on Mishima. In Patriotism the hero, a young officer, commits Hara-kiri, of which Mishima states: "It would he difficult to imagine a more heroic sight than that of the lieutenant at this moment." Mishima was again to write of the incident in his play Toka no Kiku and in his 1966 novel The Voices of the Heroic Dead. Here he criticises the Emperor for betraying the Kodo-ha officers and for renouncing his divinity after the war as a betrayal of the war dead. Mishima combined these three works on the rebellion into a single volume called the Ni Ni Roku trilogy. Mishima comments on the Trilogy and the rebellion: "Surely some God died when the Ni Ni Roku incident failed. I was only eleven at the time and felt little of it. But when the war ended, when I was twenty, a most sensitive age, I felt something of the terrible cruelty of the death of that God... the positive picture was my boyhood impression of the heroism of the rebel officers. Their purity, bravery, youth and death qualified them as mythical heroes; and their failures and deaths made them true heroes in this world...." In early 1966, Mishima systemised his thoughts in an eighty-page essay entitled Eirei no Koe (The Voices of the Heroic Dead), after which he decided to create the Tatenokai. In this work he asks, "why did the Emperor have to become a human being". In an interview with a Japanese magazine that year, he upheld the imperial system as the only type suitable for Japan. All the moral confusion of the post-war era, he states, stems from the Emperor's renunciation of his divine status. The move away from feudalism to capitalism and consequent industrialisation in the modern state causes relationships to be disrupted between individuals. Real love between a couple requires a third focus, the apex of a triangle embodied in the divinity of the Emperor. TATENOKAI The following year Mishima created his own militia, writing shortly before this of reviving the "soul of the Samurai within myself ." Permission was granted by the army for Mishima to use their training camps for the mostly student followers he recruited from several rightwing university societies. At the office of a right-wing student journal, a dozen people gathered. Mishima wrote on a piece of paper: "We hereby swear to be the foundation of Kokoku Nippon [Imperial Japan]." He cut a finger, and everyone else followed, letting the blood fill to the brim of a cup. Each signed the paper with their blood and drank from the cup. The Tatenokai (Shield Society) was born. The aims of the society were: (i) Communism is incompatible with Japanese tradition, culture and history and runs
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counter to the Emperor system; (ii) the Emperor is the sole symbol of our historical and cultural community and racial identity; and (iii) the use of violence is justifiable in view of the threat posed by communism. The emblem that Mishima designed for the society comprised two ancient Japanese helmets in red against a white silk background. The militia was designed to be a "stand by the army", described by Mishima as "the world's least armed, most spiritual army". By this time, Mishima felt that his calling as a novelist was completed. It must have seemed the right time to die. He had been awarded the Shinchosha Literary Prize in 1954 for the Sound of Waves and the Yomiuri Literary Prize in 1957 for The Temple of the Golden Pavilion. His novels Spring Snow and Runaway Horses had sold well in 1969, but Mishima started to feel the antagonism of the Left-wing dominated literary elite and his Sea of Fertility received the silent treatment. His sole defender at this time was Yasunari Kawabata, who had received the Nobel Prize for literature in 1968, Mishima missing out because the Nobel Prize committee assumed he could wait awhile longer in favour of his mentor. Kawabata considered Mishima's literary talent as exceptional. Mishima wrote of the intellectuals as, "The strongest enemy within the nation. It is astonishing how little the character of modern intellectuals in Japan has changed, i.e. their cowardice, sneering, 'objectivity', rootlessness, dishonesty, flunkeyism, mock gestures of resistance, self-importance, inactivity, talkativeness and readiness to eat their words." HAGAKURE Mishima's destiny was shaped by the Samurai code expounded in a book that he had kept with him since the war. This was Hagakure, the best-known line of which is: "I have discovered that the way of the Samurai is death." Hagakure was the work of the 17th century Samurai Jocho Yamamoto, who as a priest was to dictate his teachings to his student Tashiro. Hagakure became the moral code taught to the Samurai, but did not become available to the general public until the latter half of the 19th century. During World War II, it was widely read, and its slogan on the way of death was used to inspire the Kamikaze pilots. Following the occupation it went underground, and many copies were destroyed rather than have them read by the Americans. Mishima wrote his own encapsulation and commentary on Hagakure in 1967. He stated in his introductory remarks that this is the one book that he has referred to continually in the twenty years since the war, and that during the war he had always kept it close to him. Immediately following the war, Mishima relates that he felt isolated from the rest of literary society, which had accepted ideas that were alien to him. He asked himself what his guiding principal would be now that Japan was defeated. Hagakure was the answer, providing him with "constant spiritual guidances and "the basis of my morality^. Like all other books of the war period, this had become loathsome, to be wiped from the memory, but in the darkness of the times it would now radiate "its true light".

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The heroic death is the culmination of the life of the man of action. For the man of action death is the single point of the completion of one's life. It must be taken at the right time. Mishima found the social and moral criticism of Jocho relevant to post-war Japan. FEMINISATION OF SOCIETY The feminisation of the Japanese male (contemporarily as a result of the influence of American democracy) was, Mishima pointed out referring to Hagakure, also noted by Jocho during the peaceful years of the Totcugawa era. The 18th century prints of couples together hardly distinguish between male and female, with similar hairstyles, cut and pattern of clothes, even the same facial expressions, which make it impossible to tell who is the male and who the female. Jocho records in Hagakure that during his time, the pulse rate that differed between the genders had become the same, and this was noted when treating medical ailments. He called this fumigation "the female pulse." CELEBRITIES REPLACE HEROES Jocho condemns the idolisation of certain individuals achieving what we'd today call celebrity status. Mishima comments: "Today, baseball players and television stars are lionised. Those who specialise in skills that will fascinate an audience tend to abandon their existence as total human personalities and be reduced to a kind of skilled puppet. This tendency reflects the ideals of our time. On this point there is no difference between performers and technicians. The present is the age of technocracy... differently expressed, it is the age of performing artists. "It means specialisation and therefore the confinement of the individual into a single cog." BOREDOM OF PACIFISM Under pacifism and democracy, the individual is literally dying of boredom, rather than living and dying heroically. "Ours is an age in which everything is based on the premise that it is best to live as long as possible. The average life span has become the longest in history, and a monotonous plan for humanity unrolls before us." After finding his place in society and the struggle is over, there is nothing left for youth, apart from retirement, "and the peaceful, boring life of impotent old age." The comfort of the welfare state ensures against any need to struggle, and one is simply ordered to "rest". Mishima comments on the extraordinary number of elderly who commit suicide. Now we might add the even more extraordinary number of youth that commit suicide. Mishima equates socialism and the welfare state, and finds that at the end of the first, there is "the fatigue of boredom"; whilst at the end of the second there is suppression of freedom. People desire something to die for, rather than the endless peace that is upheld as a Utopia. Struggle is the essence of life. To the Samurai death is the focus of his life, even in times of peace. "The premise of the democratic age is that it is best to live as long as possibles REPRESSION OF DEATH The modern world seeks to avoid the thought of death. Yet the repression of such a vital element in living will become ever more explosive, as do all such inner-directed impulses. Here the psychologist Jung would concur. Mishima states: "We are ignoring the fact that bringing death to the level of consciousness ic an important
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element of mental health...Hagakure insists that to ponder death daily is to concentrate daily on life. When we do our work thinking that we may die today, we cannot help feeling that our job suddenly becomes radiant with life and meaning." EXTREMISM Mishima states that Hagakure is a "philosophy of extremism^ Hence, it is inherently out of character in a democratic society. Jocho stated that whilst the Golden Mean is greatly valued, for the Samurai one's daily life must be of a heroic, vigorous nature, to excel and to surpass. Mishima comments that "going to excess is an important spiritual springboard". There is something in this that is reminiscent of Nietzsche and of the heroic vitalism expounded in the west by D H Lawrence and Ernst Junger and others. INTELLECTUALISM Of intellectuals, Mishima shares the same contempt as the other Thinkers of the Right who are attuned to the life force or elan vital that transcends the intellectualism that arises from the cities of civilisations in decline. Jocho had stated that: "The calculating man is a coward. I say this because calculations have to do with profit and loss, and such a person is therefore preoccupied with profit and loss. To die is a loss, to live is a gain, and so one decides not to die. Therefore one is a coward. Similarly a man of education camouflages with his intellect and eloquence the cowardice or greed that is his true nature. Many people do not realise this." Mishima comments that in Jocho's time there was probably nothing corresponding to the modem intelligentsia. However, there were scholars, and even Samurai themselves, who began to form themselves into a similar class "in an age of extended peace." Mishima identifies this intellectualism with "humanism". This intellectualism means, contrary to the Samurai ethic, "one does not offer oneself up bravely in the face of danger." NO WORDS OF WEAKNESS The Samurai in times of peace still talks in a martial spirit, Jocho taught that "the first thing a Samurai says on any occasion is extremely important. He displays with this one remark all the valour of the Samurai." Mishima comments that there is never a word of weakness uttered by a Samurai. "Even in casual conversation, a Samurai must never complain. He must constantly be on his guard lest he should let slip a word of weakness." Another principle; "One must not lose heart in misfortune." FLOW OF TIME Something of the cycles of a civilisation from health to degeneracy and death, as Spengler and Julius Evola showed, are also portrayed in Hagakure by Jocho as "the flow of time". Mishima points out that whilst Jocho laments "the decadence of his era and the degeneration of the young Samurai", he observes "the flow of time", realistically stating that it is no use resisting that flow. As Jocho stated: "The climate of an age is unalterable. That conditions are worsening steadily is proof that we have entered the last stage of the Law." This refers to the entering of three progressively
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degenerate stages according to the Buddhist cycles of history. Jocho employs the analogy of seasons just as Oswald Spengler did in describing the cycles of a civilisation from birth, flowering, withering and death. "However, the season cannot always be spring or summer, nor can we have daylight forever. What is important is to make each era as good as it can be according to its na-ture". Jocho does not recommend either nostalgia for the return of the past, or the 'superficial' attitude of those who only value what is modem, or 'progressive' as we call it today. Julius Evola, the Italian 'Thinker of the Right', elaborating on the cyclical nature of history similarly recommended to young activists concerned at the demise of Western Civilisation that they cannot return to the past nor prevent the present cycle. They must "ride the tiger", see out the present era and to lay the foundations for a cultural renewal. SAMURAI'S DESTINY 25 November 1970 was chosen as the day that Mishima would fulfil his destiny as a Samurai. Four others from the Tatenokai joined him. All donned headbands bearing a Hagakure slogan. The aim was to take General Mishita hostage to enable Mishima to address the soldiers stationed at the Ichigaya army base in Tokyo. Mishima and his lieutenant Monta would then commit Hara-kiri. Only daggers and swords would be used in the assault, in accordance with Samurai tradition. The General was bound and gagged. Close fighting ensued as officers several times entered the general's office. Mishima and his small band each time forced the officers to retreat. Finally, they were herded out with broad strokes of Mishima's sword against their buttocks. A thousand soldiers assembled on the parade ground. Two of Mishima's men dropped leaflets from the balcony above, calling for a rebellion to "restore Nippon". At mid-day precisely Mishima appeared on the balcony to address the crowd. Shouting above the noise of helicopters he declared: "Japanese people today think of money, just money: Where is our national spirit today. The Jieitai [army] must be the soul of Japan." The soldiers jeered. Mishima continued: "The nation has no spiritual foundation. That is why you don't agree with me. You will just be American mercenaries. There you are in your tiny world. You do nothing for Japan." His last words were: "I salute the Emperor. Long live the emperor!" Morita joined him on the balcony in salute. Both returned to Mishita's office. Mishima knelt shouting a final salute, and plunged a dagger into his stomach, forcing it clockwise. Monta bungled the decapitation leaving it for another to finish it. Monta was then handed Mishima's dagger but called upon the swordsman who had finished off Mishima to do the job and Morita's head was knocked of in one swoop. The remaining followers stood the heads of Mishima and Morita together and prayed over them. 10,000 mourners attended Mishima's funeral, the largest of its kind ever held in Japan. "I want to make a poem of my life" Mishima had written at 24 years of age. He had fulfilled his destiny according to the Samurai way:
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"To choose the place where one dies is also the greatest joy in life". After his death, his commentary on the Hagakure became a best seller.

Chapter 13

JULIUS EVOLA
The name Julius Evola has over recent years become increasingly known in less conventional strata of the English-speaking world, thanks to an upsurge of interest in metaphysics, as many more people are starting to look beyond the superficial life offered by the materialistic society. Evola has also had an enduring impact on the post-war so-called 'New Right'. He is politically heretical within the Modern liberal-capitalist era. Despite his criticism of the Fascist regime of his native Italy, which resulted in the banning of his magazine The Tower. Evola's Synthesis of the Doctrine of Race was endorsed by Mussolini as providing a spiritual and cultural conception of race distinct from the biological determinism of German National Socialism. Hence, if it were not for Evola's eminence as a writer on the mystical traditions of both the East and the West it seems more than likely that his name would have remained unknown to the English-speaking world. In post-war years, having successfully defended himself against charges of 'Fascism', Evola was sought out by a new generation of national revolutionaries' in Italy who were looking for an alternative to liberal-capitalism and communism that would surpass what they considered the now passe Fascism of their fathers and grandfathers. These youths wished to make themselves the 'revolutionary elite' or 'political soldiers' that Evola had written would emerge to revolt against the Modern world on an exalted, spiritual level. The American metaphysical publishing house Inner Traditions International has been the most prominent in introducing Evola's works to a wider audience in the English speaking world. Although apologetic as regards his “Fascist” past, they have so far published his Eros and the Mysteries of Love (1983), The Yoga of Power (1992), The Hermetic Tradition (1995) The Doctrine of Awakening (1995). Revolt Against the Modern World (1995), and Meditations on the Peaks (1998). It is Revolt Against the Modern World which is Evola's most important work regarding the spiritual, and hence political and cultural plight of Western civilisation. For Evola the foundations of life are a reflection of the metaphysical, expressed in the mystical dictum, “as above, to below”. While embracing the cyclical analysis of history of Oswald Spengler (for whom Evola was the Italian translator), Evola draws on the cyclic laws of history that were followed by traditional civilisations from Aztec America, to Vedic India to Eddic of Scandinavia and Hellas. WHO WAS EVOLA? Baron Julius Evola was born in 1898 of a Sicilian family. In his youth he was a poet and painter adhering to the anti-traditional Dadaist and futurist movements in revolt against bourgeoisie society. After voluntary war service as an officer cadet in the artillery, Evola
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began to study mysticism and metaphysics. He saw in the mystical traditions of both East and West a common reality, and in 1927 founded his own magical order, the UR group. Although born a Catholic, Evola was at odds with the Fascist regime over both its accord with the Vatican, and what he saw as the mass, proletarian nature of Fascism, which he regarded as fundamentally democratic. His view of life is aristocratic and reactionary, although occasionally converging with aspects of Fascism. Although also at odds with the materialistic racism of Hitler's Germany, Evola hoped to find common ground with the more paganistic elements, and lectured there. His aim being to establish a transnational fraternity of knights who would restore tradition and chivalry. Evola saw hope in the SS as being such a knighthood. However, Himmler's adviser on esoteric and spiritual matters, Karl Mana Wiligut, for one reason or another, had Evola's lectures terminated. A report by Himmler's personal staff in 1938 succinctly states Evola's aims and ideas at this time: “The ultimate and secret goal of Evola's theories and projects is most likely an insurrection of the old aristocracy against the modern world... His overall character is marked by the feudal aristocracy of old”. He is described in the report as a “reactionary Roman”, and his aim of a “RomanGermanic Imperium” is rejected. The report also refers to plans by Evola for “a secret international order”. He was not only to be prevented from lecturing in Germany, but his activities in neighbouring countries were to be “carefully observed “. Himmler endorsed the report. Evola for his part was critical of the “centralism” and collectivism of National Socialism, criticising it as having renounced “the ancient. Aristocratic tradition of the state”. Writing in the Fascist newspaper Lo Stato (1935) he states: “Nationalistic Socialism has clearly renounced the ancient, aristocratic tradition of the state it is nothing more than a semi-collective nationalism that levels everything flat in its centralism and it has not hesitated to destroy the traditional division of Germany into principalities, lands and cities which have all enjoyed a relative autonomy.” Hence Evola's ideal for Western civilisation can be seen to be a return to the medieval specifically the Ghibelline era of the Holy Roman Empire. His anti-materialist doctrine as applied to race saw him at odds not only with National Socialism but also with some elements within the Fascist party, although Mussolini saw Evola’s doctrine on race as preferable to the German influence. Evola considers race on three levels: the race of the body (biological), of the soul (character) and of the spirit (religious outlook). Evola's seeks to define his attitude in a 1942 article in Vita Italiana entitled The Misunderstanding of Scientific Racism: “We would like to make it clear that to us spirit means neither frivolous philosophy or theosophy, nor mystical, devotional withdrawal from the world, but is simply what in better times the wellborn have always said were the marks of race: namely, straightforwardness, inner unity character, courage, virtue, immediate and instant sensitivity for all values which are present in every great human being and which, since they stand well beyond all chancesubjected reality, they also dominate. The current meaning of race, however, which differs
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from the above by being a construction of 'science' and a piece out of the anthropological museum we leave to the pseudo intellectual bourgeoisie, which continues to indulge in the idols of nineteenth-century Positivism “ EVOLA'S HISTORICAL METAPHYSICS To Evola, all traditional civilisations are based on spiritual aspirations: what we are more commonly familiar with as the 'divine right of kings' being a vestige of this. Hence the castes of a traditional society are based on a divine order. Any undermining of this spiritual order ushers in an era of chaos, the Kali Yuga or Dark Age in Hindu mythology of which all traditional civilisations were aware. In this cosmic order, the king or emperor as a manifestation of god, is not only a political ruler, but also more importantly a priestly ruler whose most sacred duty is to attend to the spiritual concerns of his subjects, lest the forces of chaos return. Likewise, for the warrior caste the principal duty was not merely that of a soldier in the present sense, but a cosmic warrior, restoring the central focus to a civilisation. The Hindus refer to this in a Bhagavad Gita as a dharmic or cosmic duty of the ksatriya or warrior caste. The Japanese equivalent is the Samurai just as Japanese civilisation has as its axis the 'divine emperor'. Those civilisations, which succumbed to anti-traditional or chaotic forces, would decline: Again referring to the Japanese, the emperor renounced his divinity following World War II under the dictate of the Americans. Evola's cyclic view, which he calls “the metaphysics of history,” rejects the lineal outlook, which can be called 'Darwinian' or progressive', which sees history as an ascending line, from primitive to 'Modern'. Like Spengler, Evola sees civilisations as going through the same cycles of birth, blossoming and decay. Since he regards civilisation to be a manifestation of the supernatural each civilisation was founded on a central myth. The further a civilisation goes from its founding myth, no matter how materially progressive it has become, like our present cycle of Western civilisation, it slips further into chaos. One is reminded of Yeats' poem The Second Coming which could be seen to encapsulate Evola's approach to the cycles of history: “Turning and turning in the widening gyre. The falcon cannot hear the falconer, things fall apart, the centre cannot hold. Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world...” AXIS OF CIVILISATIONS In Evola's historical metaphysics every civilisation has an axis around which everything is focused, and that axis in traditional civilisations is the priest-king, embodying the divine order, the apex of a pyramidal hierarchy of caste. We can only consider the present 'classes' of this Western cycle to be the most degenerate reflections of the old castes, based entirely on economics and devoid of spiritual content. In the pyramidal hierarchy of the traditional civilisations the king serves as a bridge, or the Pontifax Maximus as the Romans termed it, between the people and the eternal divine order. All else in traditional civilisation stems from this cosmic principle: caste, law, war, religion, empire... Writing in Revolt Against the Modern World. Evola explains: “In order to understand both the spirit of tradition and its antithesis, modern civilisation, it is necessary to begin with the fundamental doctrine of the two natures. According to this doctrine there is a physical order of things and a metaphysical one: there is a mortal nature
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and an immortal one; there is the superior realm of 'being' and the inferior realm of 'becoming'. Generally speaking, there is a visible and a tangible dimension and prior to and beyond it, an invisible and intangible dimension that is the support, the source, and true life of the former”. “Anywhere in the world of Tradition, both East and West and in one form or another, this knowledge (not just a mere 'theory') has always been present as an unshakeable axis around which everything revolved” This central focus upon which a traditional civilisation revolves is symbolised in the 'wheel'. The 'universal king' of Hindu cosmology is called the “lord” or “spinner of the wheel”. The Helenes called this the “wheel of generation” of “the wheel of fate”, with the motionless centre symbolising spiritual stability. The Hindu universal lord is called also the “Lord of the Law” or “The Lord of the Wheel of the Law”. In the East the axial symbol is represented by the mandula. We can also see it among the Occidental cultures in the swastikas and sunwheels. MOUNTAIN AND THE GRAIL Other symbols of the spirituality of traditional civilisation include the Grail Myth and the mountain. Evola was an accomplished mountaineer. His book Meditations on the Peaks - Mountain Climbing as a Metaphor for the Spiritual Quest, is a series of articles gathered together with Evola's permission in 1973 from works written between 1930 and 1942. His attitude towards mountains can be summarised in the quote he gives from Nietzsche: “Many meters above sea level - but how many more above ordinary men”. Evola rejected the romantic and lyrical attitude of the bourgeoisie towards mountains that predominated in the 19”' century, as well as mountaineering as a mere sport, that he regarded as typically “American”. Evola viewed mountain climbing as an aristocratic pursuit that takes the climber beyond the masses and the materialistic society, with the Nietzschean-type self-overcoming. Selfdiscipline and will being required, reaching states sought by Eastern and Western mystics. The mountain itself is symbolic of the axis between the earthly and the divine. This spiritual view of the mountain Evola cites as existing in such diverse civilisations as the South American, Germanic, Roman, Indian, Tibetan, and that of the Gothic era with the tradition of Charlemange and Frederick sleeping within mountains, ready to arise and restore order to their impoverished kingdoms. Imposing mountains were the abode of the gods. One thinks immediately of Olympus, the term Olympian meaning both godly and that of the actions of heroes struggling to ascend earthly boundaries. The Mystery of the Grail originally formed an appendix to Evola's 1934 book Revolt Against the Modern World. Evola sought pre-Christian, pagan origins for the Grail legend, which he identified as “regal blood” or Sangreal. This myth of the Quest for the Grail is also representative of the heroic individual transcending mundane boundaries, for only the worthy knight can reach it. The legend is centred on the symbol of the dead, wounded or sleeping king, his kingdom stricken with ruin due to loss of faith, or the falling away from the sacred tradition. The Knight who succeeds in the quest, undergoing many tests, restores the King to health (or assumed the mantle of kingship himself) and re- establishes the Kingdom. The legend of King Arthur is the most familiar of this myth. The King who sleeps and who will return when Albion is in its greatest peril. Likewise the Ghibelline emperor Frederick Barbarosa is said to lie sleeping in the Harz mountains, awakening to lead
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Germany at its darkest hour. Evola considers the Ghibelline medieval culture as the apex of Western Civilisation. The Ghibelline during the medieval period was represented by the German Hohenstaufen imperial line in opposition to the papacy. The result in Italy was fierce fighting between the two contenders for authority, the papal faction of the Guelf, often represented by wealthy property owners and merchants. After the extinction of the Ghibelline line in 1268, Ghibelleanism came to symbolise nostalgia for the return of the Holy Roman Empire, which had achieved European unity. The Grail myth according to Evola is centred around the Ghibelline tradition. It continues as an expression to restore European Civilisation. The Knights of the Grail, states Evola, continued through the Templars, hence their suppression by the Vatican. The Rosicrucians also existed to restore Europe's tradition, hence the reference in their manifestos to “Knights of the Golden Stone”, and the resurrected King who wears a Templar's cross. To Evola the Grail legend remains a central myth for European revival and unity, a symbol of the warrior-priest whom he counsels to maintain spiritual purity amidst the present Dark Age. TRADITIONAL SOCIAL ORDER The aristocracy was not merely political but spiritual and the focus of tradition, with the divine king serving as the bridge between two ways of approaching the metaphysical heroic action and contemplation. Contemplation manifested in the rites of the culture; the social order rested on traditional law and caste, and the earthly political expression was that of empire. These foundations of traditional, civilisation, states Evola, have been wiped out by the triumph of man-centred or “anthropocentric” civilisation of the present day. The secularisation of the aristocracy in Western Civilisation had already started in the mid feudal period and had become thoroughly rotten by the time of the French Revolution. What replaced the nobility was the bourgeoisie with its money values. Evola refers to the decline of the traditional aristocracy as leading to an aristocracy of “intellectuality” rather than of the spirit. Hence, the original purpose of rulers as being a bridge to the divine has been dead in Western Civilisation for centuries. Evola is unapologetically patriarchal, seeing the goddess worship of certain cultures not as the most primordial forms of worship, as it is now fashionable to claim, but as a later development arising from degraded cycles of history. Evola states that traditional civilisations in their original states were solar and heavenly directed, rather than goddess and earth directed. The ethic of traditional civilisations is therefore of a virile nature and includes valour, honour and character as manifested at the apex of a civilisation in its aristocratic caste. HISTORY CYCLIC, NOT LINEAL Evola rejects Darwinism both biologically and historically. Neither man nor nature proceeds in a linear manner. History does not proceed in a straight line of evolution or progress from 'primitive' to 'modern', with our own technological phase of Western civilisation being the apex of history. Rather, man has fallen from a high state through a succession of ages. Evola cites this tradition from numerous civilisations which state that man's primal state, far from being animalistic or ape-like was “more than human”. Our present state biologically and culturally is therefore a debasement. Contrary to orthodox historians, Evola considers the Renaissance as having been the
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point from where Western civilisation began to decline, which was the beginning of rationalism over the spiritual and ultimately the ascent of materialism to the present day. During this period traditional wisdom was carried underground by secret societies such as the Rosicrucians. In opposition to these societies were those that upheld the rationalistic and materialistic doctrines through the llluminati and Freemasonry, which were influential in fomenting the French, American and other revolutions. With the ascent of materialism everything was de-sanctified, including the castes upon which traditional social order was based. There was a “shift in power” from the warrior to the merchant and to the “capitalist oligarchies” which have replaced the divine priestkings. The result has been increasing dehumanisation. “from a human to a sub-human type.” Evola refers to the 'glorification of modern man' presented under the name of 'science' with the modern ideologies of evolution and progress. This means the abandonment of “traditional truths” which held that man has a “transcendent origin”. “and ... the West no longer believes in the nobility of the origins but in the notion that civilisation arises out of barbarism, religion from superstition, man from animal (Darwin), thought from matter, and every spiritual form from the 'sublimation' or transposition of the stuff that originates the instinct, libido, complexes....(Freud. Jung)...” (Revolt Against the Modern World). The result of the 'evolutionary' myth' in infiltrating every dimension has been destructive, overthrowing 'every value', and 'de-consecrating' mankind. Evola elaborates on an antiDarwinian form of 'racism' in a pamphlet. Race as a Revolutionary Idea. Here he repudiates the idea that man arose from apelike creatures and evolved into higher forms and higher civilisations. Rather, he believes that if such apelike creatures did exist they belonged to an inferior line that was not continued through homo sapiens. Evola states: “The true and essential origin of man is to be found elsewhere, in superior races who, already in prehistoric ages. possessed a civilisation of limited material development but of notable extremely elevated spiritual content, so much so as to be symbolically designated remembrances of all peoples, as 'divine races', as races of 'god-like men” Evola's form of “racism” is posited “against the myth of the faceless proletarian mass without a fatherland” . Evola considers the practical application of the revival of “racism” and “nationalism” as: “One of the preliminary conditions for re-organising those forces which, through the crisis of the modern world, are sinking in the quagmire of a mechanical, collectivistic and internationalistic indifferentiation. This duty is a question of life and death for the future of European civilisation.” This “racism” is a 'continuation of Fascism', “because like Fascism, it refuses to consider the single individual 'by himself, as an atom.” Rather this “racism” regards every man as a member of a community as regards space, time and his continuity in the past and the future, “of a stock, of a blood, of a tradition.” However, “racism”, to Evola, did not stop “at a mere biological level, otherwise racism
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would be worthy of the accusation by the Jew Trotsky of it being “zoological materialism”. Man is differentiated from the animal in having not only a body but also a soul and a spirit. Therefore men are not only different in body but also in soul and spirit. A significant example is that of the Jews, who are termed “a race of the soul “, who have often had a disintegrating effect upon society. This “race of the soul “ might exist within an individual whose bodily race is different. DEHUMANISATION To Evola the USA represents the materialistic triumph over the spiritual just as much as the USSR. This dehumanisation has resulted in a new human type. The economic classes have replaced the castes that were reflections of divine order. Hence, in the power structure, the merchant replaced the warrior, the kings of money replaced the “kings of blood and spirit”. Evola writes of this state in Revolt Against the Modern World, “Moreover contemporary society looks like an organism that has shifted from a human to a subhuman type, in which every activity and reaction is determined by the needs and dictates of purely physical life.” This de-spiritualisation is reflected in architecture. Through cycles of regression the dominant building has shifted from the temple (divine ruler) to the fortress and castle (warrior caste), to the walled city-state (age of merchants), to the factory and finally to “the dull buildings that are the hives of mass man”. The family has likewise slipped from being a manifestation of the sacred to that of a legalistic unit, and eventually will be replaced by “the people” and “society” and “party” (this being the stated ideal of the Communists). Likewise, the concept of war went through “analogous phases”, from the “sacred war”, to war waged for the honour of one's lord (warrior caste) to those fought by nations for economic interests (caste of merchants). The Arabic culture is the vestige of a civilisation that continues to uphold the concept of sacred war (Jihad) in our own time. In aesthetics sacred art gave way to the epic art and poems of the warrior caste, psychological art produced for the consumption of the merchant caste, and finally the social art produced for the masses. At a time when the USSR was a triumphant spectre over much of Europe, Evola saw the final phase after the capitalistic (the merchant caste) as being those of the caste of serfs represented by communism. However, Evola recognised that the impetus even for the Bolsheviks came from America as the centre for the technical and mechanical world. Evola cites several Soviet directives in the early days of the Bolshevik regime that look to America as having started a historical process of mechanisation. Evola states that America does not represent a “new” or youthful nation, but the end product of a cycle of European decay, “the exact contradiction of the ancient European tradition”. The American ideal is soulless and mechanical. Writing of American civilisation in a 1945 essay of that name, Evola states that although the popular notion of the USA is that it is a “young nation” with “the faults of youth” it is rather “the final stage of modern Europe.” The representative of “the most senile aspects of Western Civilisation”. “What in Europe exists in diluted forms are magnified and concentrated in the US whereby they are revealed as the symptoms of disintegration and cultural and human regression.”
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Evola's metaphysics of history concludes that, “…the final collapse will not even have the character of a tragedy”. Evola called for a “new unitary European consciousness”. He thought it unavoidable that, “fate will run its course, that the river of history flows along the riverbed it has carved for itself.” TENDERS OF THE PERENNIAL FLAME “The possibilities still available in the last time, concern only a minority…” This minority exists throughout the world and those who comprise it are largely unknown to each other, but are united by a spiritual bond, “and form an unbreakable chain in the traditional spirit.” They shun the spotlight of modern popularity and culture. “They live on spiritual heights: they do not belong to this world”. This spiritual minority does not act in the world, but symbolically tends to the “perennial flame” of tradition which ensures that the Earth is still connected to the “super-world”. Evola states that what this minority can do is to enlist others to them who are confused by the modern world and yearn for “liberation, though they do not know in the name of what”. It is therefore necessary to have “watchers” who will bear witness to the values of tradition and firmly stand against the anti-traditional forces “to keep standing amid a world of ruins.” Another path that Evola suggests, reminiscent of Nietzsche's dictum “Push the falling”, is to accelerate the process of destruction to hasten the advent of a new order. This would require taking on the most destructive processes of the modern era, whilst protecting one's own soul and spirit, in order to use them for liberation. Evola explained this simply by stating, “this would be like turning a poison against oneself or like 'riding a tiger', a term adopted from the Indo-Aryan or Hindu tradition. “...Although the Kali Yuga [Hindu, Dark Age] is an age of great distractions, those who live during it and manage to remain standing may achieve fruits that were not easily achieved by men living in other ages”. Evola was paralysed during a Russian bomb attack on Vienna while researching the SS archives on Masonic groups in 1945. He had never sought shelter during air raids, but walked through the streets “calmly to question his fate”. After several years in hospital he returned to Rome. He was arrested in 1951 on charges of “glorifying Fascism” and “intellectually inciting secret combat groups”. Acquitted, he remained a host to a new generation of activists who addressed him as “maestro.” Evola called for an “anarchism of the Right” to disrupt the old order, and inspire the leadership of national revolutionary groups in Italy, as well as the political parties such as the MSI and the National Alliance. The latter being a Government coalition partner in Italy. He is lauded by 'New Right' theorists from France to Russia. His writings have been published in the English language 'New Right' magazine The Scorpion, whilst the upsurge of interest in alternative spirituality has prompted many who would not otherwise study ideas with such political implications to read his works. Evola died in 1974. His ashes were scattered in a crevice of a particular legendary glacier on Mount Rosa.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ackroyd, Peter, Ezra Pound and his world. Thames and Hudson, 1980. Allott, Kenneth, The Penguin book of contemporary verse, Penguin books, 1965. Bentley, Eric, The Cult of the Superman, London, 1947. Berghaus, Gunter, Futurism and politics, Berharn books, USA, 1996. Broughton W S, New Zealand profiles: A R D Fairburn, Reed, Wellington, 1968. Campbell Roy, Collected works, Vols 1 and 2, South Africa, 1985. Carrey J, The Intellectual and the masses, Faber, London, 1992. Chapman R T, Wyndham Lewis: fictions and satires, Vision Press, London, 1973. Cooney Seamus, Blast 3, Black Sparrow Press, Ca., 1984. Cullen P., Henry Williamson: nature’s visionary. National Vanguard # 117, 1997. Evola J., Meditations on the peaks, Inner Traditions, 1998. ---Race as a revolutionary idea., ca. 1970s. --- Revolt against the modern world, Inner Traditions, 1995. --- The Hermetic Tradition, Inner Trad. 1995. --- Mystery of the grail, Inner Trad., 1994. Fairburn A R D Collected poems, Christchurch, 1966. ---Letters of,,, ed. L Edmond, Oxford Uni. Press, Auckland, 1981. ---Woman problem and other prose, Auckland, 1967. Fergusson R, Enigma – the life of Knut Hamsun, London, 1987. Frenzel I, Nietzsche – an illustrated biography, NY, 1967. Griffin R. (ed.) Fascism, Oxford Uni. Press, 1995. Hamilton A, Appeal of Fascism, MacMillan, NY,
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Hamsun K., On overgrown paths, NY, 1968. ---Growth of soil, London, 1979. Harrison J R, The Reactionaries, London, 1966. Jensen R, Futurism and Fascism, History Today, Nov. 1995. Kaufmann W, Nietzsche – Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist, NY, 1968. Lewis W, Left Wing, BUF Quarterly. ---Paleface, London, 1929. ---Rotting Hill, London, 1951. ---Tarr, Chatto and Windus 1918, Penguin 1982. ---Apes of God, London, 1932. ---Art of being ruled, London, 1926. --- Code of a herdsman, 1917. ---Time and Western man, London 1927. Mishima Y, On Hagakure – Samurai ethic and modern Japan, London 1977. Muirden B, Puzzled patriots, Melbourne, 1968. Mullins E, This difficult individual – Ezra Pound, Ca., 1961. Nietzsche F, Thus spoke Zarathustra (1883), London, 19689. --- Philosophy of Nietzsche, ed. G Clive, NY, 1965. Pearce J, Bloomsbury and beyond, the friends and enemies of Roy Campbell, Harper Collins, 2001. Pound E, Jefferson and/or Mussolini, NY 1970 (first ed. 1935). ---Visiting card, (Rome 1942), London 1952. ---America, Roosevelt and causes of present war, Venice 1944, London, 1951. ---Intro. To the economic nature of the USA, London, 1950.
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---Gold and work, Rapallo 1944, London 1951. ---Selected poems 1908-1959, London 1975. ---Social Credit an impact, (1935), London 1951. ---What is money for? London, 1938, 1939, 1951. Rhodes A, Poet as superman – D’Annunzio. London 1959. Shirer W, Rise and fall of the Third Reich, 1977. Skidelsky R Oswald Mosley, MacMillan 1975. Spengler O, Spengler letters 1913-1936, London 1966. ---Decline of the West (1918, 1926) London 1971. ---Hour of decision (1934) NY 1963. Stephensen P R, A reasoned case against Semitism, Australian Quarterly, 1940. ---Bakunin, London Aphrodite, ca. 1929. ---Towards a New Order, Publicist #1, Aug. 1942. Stokes H S Life and death of Mishima, Penguin, 1985. Torrey E F Roots of treason, London, 1984. Trussel D, Fairburn, Auckland Uni. Press, 1984. Williamson H, Gale of the world, London, 1969. ---Story of a Norfolk farm, Faber 1941. Yeats W B, Collected poems, London, 1981.

Afterword
Opening the Conservative Mind
by Paul Gottfried on May 19, 2009

New Zealander K.R. Bolton has sent for my benefit a self-published work, Thinkers of the Right: 95

Challenging Materialism,

which is one of the most enlightening studies of the interwar Right I’ve encountered in years. Its author, who explained to me that no New Zealand academic or commercial press would touch his “extremist” material, lives in a corner of the world that is even more PC than Obamaland. Bolton’s lack of acceptability stems from the fact that he discusses his subjects, including pro-fascist New Zealanders and Australians, without savaging them. That is to say, he has the nerve to write about these people without exhibiting the Stalinist reflex of antifascist outrage.
An advantage of this approach is that it allows Bolton’s readership, which is presumably quite small, to form some idea of what fascist sympathizers were actually like. From listening to Jonah Goldberg or Glenn Beck, one might think these types were predecessors of Robert Reich, Michael Lerner, and Hillary Clinton, that is, fans of egalitarian politics and affirmative-action programs. From reading European antifascists, one might take away another equally misleading impression, namely that fascists were and are Christian fanatics who oppose Muslim immigration into Europe and who mumble disapprovingly about gay marriage. Somehow these attitudes, if left unchecked, we are led to believe, would lead to another Nazi Holocaust, and therefore it is necessary to push entire countries into mind-altering, reeducation programs to prevent this disastrous outcome. All of Bolton’s subjects saw themselves as being at war with “materialism,” which they associated interchangeably with consumer capitalism and Marxist socialism. Most of Bolton’s figures held negative views about Jews as being implicated in both forms of the materialism they condemned. But this particular prejudice did not affect some of Bolton’s case studies, like Italian proto-fascist Filippo Marinetti, Irish poet W.B. Yeats and Japanese militarist Yukio Mishima, none of whom was particularly exercised over the role of Jews in the cultural decadence they attacked. Other fascist sympathizers treated by Bolton, such as English poet and Franco-supporter Roy Campbell and New Zealander Rex Fairburn, were Catholic converts. The last two resonated to the Catholic sense of authority and to Catholic hierarchy, and they espoused their own variations of neo-medieval corporatism and guild socialism. But others cited in Bolton’s book, particularly the greatest Norwegian novelist Knut Hamsun, were unmistakably Protestant; and two other fascisant literary giants, D.H. Lawrence and Gabriel D’Annunzio, were exultantly neo-pagan and effusively anti-Christian. A question that occurred to me while reading Thinkers of the Right is whether or not American “conservatives” would recognize Bolton’s subjects as fellow-rightists. Such a question would obviously not apply to neoconservatives and FOX-news aficionados, groups whose views of “conservatism” have nothing to do with any imaginable authentic Right. Unless one associates the Right with a democratic welfare state, the oratory of Martin Luther King, fighting intergalactically for “democratic values,” and backing the Likud Party to the hilt, it is hard to find any fit between our mainstream “conservatives” and GOP boosters and any historic Right. But even given the non-rightist character of these faux conservatives, where does one place the Ron Paul supporters, the Constitution Party, and other groups that have positioned themselves outside of our establishment politics? Certainly such Americans would have trouble recognizing themselves in the ideas that Bolton ascribes to his rightist and often pro-fascist subjects. I would have two answers to this, one of which I am taking from David Gordon and the other of which is my own. First it might be useful to distinguish between being on the current economic right and being a rightist in any theoretical sense. In the present political context, being an opponent of the welfare state and of a highly centralized public administration and wishing to free the economy from both is a conservative stand. Given the alternatives, there is no other position that a non-leftist would be able to

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take without assisting the Left to gain further control over our social institutions and our lives. But a world of self-actualizing individuals held together by economic transactions is certainly not a future that any real rightist would hope for. At the same time, it is possible that a rightist would approve of various stands that a self-described libertarian, say, Ron Paul would be taking on specific issues, such as the Federal Reserve System or the piecemeal nationalization of the American economy. Therefore the real Right’s present-day alliance with libertarians would be dictated by circumstances. Another answer I would give to the question posed above is that the Right’s beliefs stay constant but its responses will vary from one age to the next. The Right always believes as a matter of principle and observation that human beings are naturally unequal and that hierarchy is essential for a sound society. It accepts the person as a spiritual being but rejects the idea of individuals liberated from traditional familial and communal contexts. It is also categorically against such abstract concepts as “human rights” and “global democracy,” recognizing in these rhetorical labels instruments for the expansion of managerial power and global social engineering. But having provided this list of general beliefs, it is imperative to add that rightists react differently to what they perceive as challenges from the Left. At different times and in different cultures they have proposed different alternatives; and they have not always focused blame for what they see as social derailments in a prudent or accurate manner. It is also less relevant for identifying Bolton’s subjects what they proposed as an alternative to international capitalism or socialism than their concern with social order and traditional hierarchies. Note this is not being offered as a defense of the ludicrous ideas about money or anti-Semitic fixations of an Ezra Pound or the Australian journalist P.R. Stephensen, who is another of Bolton’s subject. It is rather an attempt to distinguish what is quintessentially rightist from what some rightists might have embraced as policy positions, or whims, in different periods. Moreover, there is a distinction to be made between the political and aesthetic Rights. One could be on both or either, a point that I was made aware of while reading a long review of my book Conservatism in America in the journal Quadrant by one of Australia’s premier poets and novelists Peter Kocan. The reviewer commends my book as “a tale of irony” about “how a false notion that led a movement and a whole superpower astray became in the end the plain truth.” Kocan is amused by my story of how the changing conservative movement has continued to “throw people off the bus” and about how this movement came to “peddle ‘abstract universals’ applicable to anything,” while serving as a front for the neoconservative ascent to world power. At the same time, Kocan takes me to task for not embracing the ideal of the European counterrevolution. He sees me as fixated on the small-town Protestant, bourgeois character of the American Right, while not recognizing that “the Burkean example that was a florid import of the 1950s now stands as the only proper recourse for what remains of the true American Right.” Although one could retort that none of this has much to do with the American historical experience and even less with the contemporary European, it seems that Kocan is not speaking about politics. He is referring to a sensibility that celebrates “gratitude rather than grievance” and which is aligned with the Cavalier rather than the Puritan view of life. According to Kocan, it is the legacy of American Puritanism that lives on in “our regimes of political correctness with their rage to police all life to the last inch.” He notes that I too ascribe this lunacy to a form of degenerate Protestantism but continue to find merit in the older tradition that became twisted into our current political culture. I shall readily concede my weakness for America’s bourgeois Protestant character as the source of its moral strength and social cohesion. Nor am I sure that one could draw as

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straight a line as Kocan thinks between the now eroded Puritan heritage and our present, anarchotyrannical regime, one that tramples on biblical morality while enforcing special rights for what was once considered plain weirdness. I would also note that what the Right arose to protect, and what Bolton’s subjects hoped to bring back, was an ordered, disciplined society. I’m not quite sure that Peter Kocan’s Cavalier mentality would fit in with this vision, although it does represent an aesthetic protest against the kind of world the Left built. By the way, despite this quibble, I do recommend Kocan’s literary work unconditionally. He is the most brilliant novelist now writing in the English language.

Taki’s Magazine Takimag.com Dr Paul Gottfried is Professor of Humanities at Elizabeth College, Penn., Guggenheim Grant Recipient, and a seminal philosopher of palaeconservatism.

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