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Dr Richard Rooney May 2004. Unpublished manuscript
Introduction The free market for media in Papua New Guinea has failed as an agency of information and debate which facilitates the functions of democracy. This paper explores the free market model of ownership in PNG and argues that the vast majority of the population – the poor, the uneducated and the geographically isolated – have little or no access to the media. The paper identifies the present media market as dominated by foreign-owned conglomerates. Using content analysis of news bulletins on the country‟s only television station it identifies how members of elite groups dominate the news agenda to the exclusion of all other groups. A critique of the free market model identifies the weaknesses inherent in the PNG media market and suggestions are made on how community-based interventions might provide presently disadvantaged populations with platforms for a diversity of voices and opinions through its openness to participation. Background to PNG PNG, which became independent of Australian administration in 1975, has an extremely fragmented society with more than 800 distinct cultural groups, each with their own language. About 85 per cent of PNG‟s population, estimated at 5 million, live in isolated scattered rural settlements, dependent on subsistence agriculture for their survival and organised around groups of extended families living in their own little villages. Although people do move between different places, each community has developed its own specific hierarchies, myths, rituals and languages. Because these lives unfolded within limited geographical areas, people directly communicated with one another through words. Historically. PNG cultures were predominantly oral and so a mass media was unnecessary. In these oral cultures, the recording of events was hardly known. The experience of past generations was passed on directly to young people through working alongside or listening to their elders. Within these enclosed little worlds, politics was carried out at the level of the tribe, village or town with societies controlled by hierarchies derived from the extended family.
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Ownership of PNG Media Foreign ownership dominates the media in PNG. Conglomerates own both the two daily newspapers and the country‟s only television station. The Press can trace its origins to 1911 when the first newspaper the Papua Times and Tropical Advertiser published for the benefit of the ex-patriate white community. Today, the rationale for newspaper production is still dominated by the needs of ex-pats. The Post-Courier is the oldest daily newspaper in PNG, established in 1969. Allied Press, a subsidiary of Rupert Murdoch‟s News Corp, holds the majority shareholding. The National, launched in 1993, is PNG‟s newest daily newspaper and is owned Malaysianbased Rimbunan Hijau Group, a multinational conglomerate built on timber, plantations, media and IT operations. (Robie, 1994). The National was launched by the then Prime Minister Paias Wingti and attracted controversy for its foreign ownership and the paper‟s association with the major commercial player in PNG‟s timber industry. (Robie, 1995, p.28). The two daily newspapers are based in the PNG capital, Port Moresby, and share a metropolitan bias. Combined they have a circulation of less than 60,000, serving a population of more than 5 million. These newspapers rarely circulate outside of urban areas so the vast majority of Papua New Guineans are excluded from information. The newspapers charge a fifty per cent and thirty per cent surcharge on their cover prices to purchasers outside of the capital to cover the cost of distribution, thereby making the newspapers unattractive to people with low incomes. PNG media generally privileges urban dwellers and those with the ability to consume, as generally speaking rural populations are unprofitable markets. In addition, 72 per cent of adults in PNG are illiterate and have no need for newspapers (United Nations Development Program, 1999, p.110). It follows that newspaper readers are likely to be leaders and opinion makers and this gives newspapers an influence in the country that far outweighs their circulation penetrations. There is one national weekly newspaper, the Wantok, published in the Tok Pisin language (the lingua franca of PNG) owned by Word Publishing through Media Holdings Ltd. Its shareholders are the mainstream churches in PNG: Catholic, Evangelical Lutheran, Anglican, and Uniting Church. It has an approximate circulation of 10,000. Em-TV, owned by the Nine Network of Australia and the one television station in PNG, generates only a small proportion of its coverage locally. Broadcasting started in 1987 (Foster, 1998, p.54) and is available in almost every urban centre in the country with rural and remote areas serviced by more than 500 privately-owned satellite dishes, but in 2004, 17 years after launch, the channel is still not available across the whole country.
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Publicly funded radio in PNG is in the hands of a bureaucracy, the National Broadcasting Commission, which as the only radio broadcasting authority in the country is the nation‟s public service provider (Nash, 1995, pp. 42-43). At its peak it was able to reach about four million people in about 60 different languages as well as English, but it has been undermined in recent years by financial and technical difficulties. Privately owned commercial radio has grown since the first station, Nau FM, was launched in 1994, by Fiji-based Communications Fiji Ltd. Yumi FM joined it in 1997. PNG FM, a 100 per cent owned subsidiary of Communications Fiji, now owns both stations and there are now a growing number of commercial stations, playing mostly music, based in and around PNG‟s urban centres. The media in PNG is not regulated so, in theory, any person can start a company that is aimed at dissemination of information. (Mellam and Aloi, 2003, p.36). But in reality the cost of launching a media outlet is a barrier to entry and there is little advertising available in the country to support media ventures. (Pamba, 2004, p.15) Of course, advertisers are not interested in audiences or readers as such. Rather, they are interested in the ability of those people to purchase goods or services. The predominant influence on spending is income: the rich buy more of most things than the poor, so advertisers are willing to pay higher rates for readers with big spending power. Those media which can attract an audience or readership which is fairly small, but extremely attractive to those who wish to sell to them, can set high advertising rates relative to their circulations. The PNG constitution guarantees freedom of speech and of the press and there is no formal censorship of the media, but there were attempts in 1996 to have media made more accountable. There have been proposals by the government to control the press and there was discussion on forming a media tribunal in 1988. This provoked a very strong reaction from society and the press and the Bill was never passed in Parliament. (Mellam and Daniel, 2003, pp.77-78). Although there is a free press in PNG, newspapers are heavily dependent on government advertising and this places the Press in a difficult financial position if it tries to protect the public against bad government. There is a fear that newspapers cannot ask uncomfortable questions for fear of losing advertising revenue and instead reproduce public relations material on behalf of the government. (Solomon, 1995, p.121). There are also claims that journalists exercise self-censorship, in particular at the National newspaper, which is reluctant to write stories about logging because of the newspaper‟s links to the logging industry. (Senge-Kolma, 1999, p.125).
Content analysis research
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The purpose of the research was to examine the content of news stories and in particular the sources of information used and what this told us about the relationship between broadcast journalism, the audience, and democracy in the context of whether everyone has equal access to the news media. It concentrates on PNG‟s only television station EmTV which broadcasts one news programme per day called Em-TV National News which runs for 30 minutes (less time taken for commercials) each night. It is originally broadcast at 6pm seven days per week with a repeat each night, usually at 10.30pm or 11pm. The programme is typically subdivided into three segments: news from PNG, overseas‟ news and sports. The broadcasts also include stock market and currency prices from Australia, the US, Europe and Japan. Although the news is read in English, many of the speakers who appeared on news items speak in Tok Pisin or other vernacular languages. The research was conducted in the context of the debate around relations between the media and the exercise of political and ideological power especially, but not exclusively, by central social institutions that seek to define and manage the flow of information in contested fields of discourse. Stuart Hall et al in their thesis on „primary definers‟ argue that people in powerful and privileged positions are able to over-access the media, because journalists nervous of accusations of bias attempt to find ways of injecting impartiality, balance and objectivity into their reports. They do this by a heavy reliance on accredited representatives of the people and organised interest groups and „experts‟ who are considered to be disinterested pursuers of knowledge and therefore impartial in the debate in question. (Hall et al, 1978, pp. 58-59). In this thesis, the media become primary definers of the news because the media tend to reproduce faithfully what they say and thus reproduce symbolically the existing structure of power in society's institutional order. It is likely that those in powerful positions in society who offer opinions about controversial topics will have their definitions accepted. Such spokesmen are understood to have access to more accurate or more specialised information on particular topics than the majority of the population. This, Hall et al argue, permits the primary definers to set the agenda and those with arguments against a primary interpretation have to insert themselves into its definition of what is at issue. Once established this definition is difficult to alter fundamentally. Hall's analysis is not without its critics. Philip Schlesinger and Howard Tumbler accept that there are powerful sources that can sometimes organise news agendas to their own advantage, but the emphasis is on the word „sometimes‟. (Schlesinger and Tumbler, 1994, pp. 17-21). Journalists can choose to accept the sources, but they can also decide to find alternative sources. But, as Herbert J. Gans has observed, journalists are restrained by deadlines and often feel obliged to rely on sources that are able to fit in with the logistical requirements of busy news organizations. (Gans, 1979, p. 121).
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Although it is true that official sources do not have to be believed or taken seriously by journalists, the research intended to discover whether the television journalists were doing just that. The journalists may not necessarily be biased towards the government or other elites, but one suspects their bureaucratic organisation and cultural assumptions make them conduits of that presentation. As Brian McNair points out, journalists tend to reproduce preferred accounts and interpretations of social reality by internalizing the dominant value structure of their society. (McNair, 1996, p. 48). The research investigated 15 editions of Em-TV National News from 15 – 29 February 2004 inclusive. The main news sources for each of the first six stories broadcast per edition were counted. Table 1. Main source of news item
Frequency (n = 90)
Percentage of total
Parliament or Government Media Conferences Emergency Services Law Courts Public Event Foreign Stories Others
43 10 10 2 2 11 12
47.7 11.1 11.1 2.2 2.2 12.2 13.3
Table 1 shows that newsgathering relies on official sources such as the government, police and emergency services for their stories as well as organised events, press statements, public conferences and conventions and events put on especially for the media. By far the biggest single source of stories was Parliament and Government, even though Parliament itself did not sit at any time during the research period. The next largest source was media conferences accounting for 11.1 per cent of the total. The findings are similar to recently published research into PNG‟s two national daily papers, the Post-Courier and National. This identified by far the biggest single source of stories for both newspapers as Parliament, followed by media conferences and prepared media statements. A survey was also undertaken to identify the number of sources that journalists used in their stories. The majority of stories in both the National and the PostCourier came from a single source: 57 per cent in the National and 73 per cent in the Post-Courier. The percentage of stories relying on two or fewer sources was 93 per cent in both newspapers. (Rooney 2003). Government dominates the news agenda and there is little opportunity for anyone else within PNG to communicate through the news media. In the case of Em-TV and the newspapers, the value of the news depends mainly on the importance of the speaker, not
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on what they have to say, and in that respect it is not unlike the media in many developing countries. (Williams, 1994, p.9). For a more detailed understanding of the news bulletins two bulletins were picked at random and the first six items of each scrutinized to identify more precisely the sources used. The results are presented in Table 2
Table 2 Detailed examination of two bulletins: Tuesday 16 February 2004 and Wednesday 25 February 2004. Tuesday 16 February 2004 Running Description of item Order 1 The Acting PNG Governor General, Speaker of the House of Parliament and local MP (all one person), Bill Skate, calls on the government to look into the circumstances of a road accident that killed 19 people.
Bill Skate was the only source
The item was based on Skate‟s visit to the crash site. The visit was on Skate‟s own initiative and appears to have been made for publicity purposes. Em-TV has been taking a positive stance to regular stories about Australia‟s involvement in PNG‟s governmental affairs. This is the second appearance of Bill Skate in this bulletin. He regularly supplies news to Em-TV.
Up to 700 retrenched PNG Defence Force personnel will get financial pay offs paid for by the Australian Government.
PNG Defence Minister announcement at a media conference. He was the only source.
National Capital District Commission (NCDC) has a new head that will act as City Manager. The appointment comes amid controversy over the alleged misuse of funds at City Hall.
Story based on an announcement from Chair of NCDC at a press conference. Bill Skate, the local MP, is also interviewed at the same conference. NA
Riots in Sydney, Australia.
This is a supplied
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news package from Channel Nine, Australia. All EmTV‟s foreign news during the whole research period was supplied from this source. 5 Dame Elisabeth Murdoch opens the garden of her house in Langwarm, Victoria, Australia to raise funds for a local (to her home) art gallery. NA Channel Nine report. Ms Murdoch is described in the report as the matriarch of a media family. It is not said that she is the mother of Rupert. The first PNG story in today‟s bulletin to originate outside of the capital, Port Moresby.
Central Province Government (PNG) wants the national government to pay for the cost of having a local river diverted to avoid repeat of recent floods.
Story based on an interview with the Central Province Governor Alphonse Mori who is the only source. Sources used
Wednesday 25 February 2004. Running Description of item Order 1 Australian Opposition leader Mark Latham visits PNG to meet government leaders
Story is based on official government announcement and footage of people getting on and off planes.
This report does not include interviews with any of the story‟s participants. On previous days Em-TV had reported that Mr Latham was going to visit. Today‟s report added very little to news previously given. The entire story was read by the newsreader. No interviews or visual material was used in
Two policemen in Port Moresby (PNG capital) charged with armed robbery of beer from a shop. The report also gave a round up of seven other
Story is based on a police statement.
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robberies that took place in the capital at the weekend. 3 Members of Fiji‟s legal fraternity are in Port Moresby to learn about PNG‟s Leadership Code, which is an anticorruption initiative. Story is based on a statement from PNG‟s Chief Ombudsman, Ila Geno.
In the report the newsreader makes the point that PNG has many problems with leadership corruption, nonetheless other countries (as well as Fiji) look to us to find solutions. The entire story was read by the newsreader. No interviews or visual material was used in the report. This is the first story in today‟s bulletin that has not originated from the PNG capital, Port Moresby. This ratio of capital to noncapital is typical. A report from Channel Nine, Australia.
The Judicial and Legal Services Statement from Commission (JLSC) has JLSC is only source shortlisted four senior lawyers to of information. become judges. Also four judges will be appointed from Australia. A group of experts from Australian National University (ANU) are studying a rare PNG Highlands tradition known as „chanting its legends‟. Source is a two day workshop run by ANU.
Earthquake in Morocco.
The bulletins demonstrate that Em-TV excludes the vast majority of people in the country from its bulletins and it rarely includes stories about ordinary people. The closest the bulletins came was in the story about the aftermath of the road accident and even in this case the story centred on an elite person‟s involvement (Item one, 16 February). Generally, PNG media do not feature ordinary people unless they have been victims of misfortune or have appeared in court. Stories centred on the national capital, Port Moresby. In the two bulletins featured there were only two PNG stories that originated from outside the city. During the research period 73 per cent of the stories originating within PNG came from Port Moresby and only 27 per cent from elsewhere in the nation. About 85 per cent of PNG people live in
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rural area and they are not being represented by the news media. In these circumstances it is impossible to know what kinds of stories originating from outside Port Moresby are being missed and exactly how much rural people are at a disadvantage in terms of having their voices heard. There are no official viewing figures available, but it is a reasonable assumption to make that the viewers are generally urban and educated elites. Wisdom Tetty, using the example of Africa, has argued that the reason why most television programes and publications use the colonial language (in PNG‟s case, English), even where local languages exist, is that they have to do so to survive economically. (Tetty, 2003, p.25). Private media rely on advertising for economic prosperity and elite groups who tend to use the colonial language are the most attractive to advertisers. The research supports the view that journalists over rely on powerful elites as sources and that journalists do not pro-actively find alternative sources to provide balance to stories. Reporters receive information from a single source and re-present it unquestioningly in reports. It may be an over simplification to say that journalists have to do this in order to fit in with the logistical requirements of a busy news organisation. Surely, one feels, within the confines of the political establishment in PNG which is based within a single district of the nation‟s capital, journalists are able to get opposing views, especially in matters that are controversial. Journalists in PNG tend not to give background information to the stories, even those running from day to day. One of the traits of PNG journalism is its unwillingness to produce stories that contain a balance of views within them. Instead, journalists opt for revisiting stories over a period of time, introducing new elements and different views in each new episode. In this way committed viewers might be able to piece together the disparate elements of the story into a comprehensible whole. But each new episode tends to include only one source, thus there is no balance of views or attempt at interrogation of the powerful. This demonstrates a lack of capacity among PNG journalists to perform one of their vital roles within a democracy which is to examine what government is and is not doing and to provide the public with information, comment, analysis, criticism and alternative views. (Roth, 2001, p.10). In this respect journalists have trouble overcoming the traditional norms of their societies: PNG people tend to have uncritical acceptance of traditional knowledge and procedures, with deference given to elders and those in positions of authority, which is often at odds with the values of modern societies. Critical thinking and problem solving are not generally taught in schools and the indigenous languages, including Tok Pisin, do not include vocabulary that facilitates questioning and critical thinking. (McLaughlin, 1996, McLaughlin, 1997). Media and liberal pluralism
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There is a wide geopolitical consensus that political systems should exist to provide opportunities for all the people to influence government and practice (DFID 2001) and that the media reinforce or foster this kind of democracy. (Price and Krug, 2002, p.3). Emmanuel Ojo has observed that mass media perform five specific functions: reporting the news, interpreting the news, influencing citizens‟ opinions, setting the agenda for government action, and socializing citizens about politics encouraging a political culture to evolve. (Ojo, 2003, p.828). To engage effectively there is an assumption that access to information is the first requirement for an engaged, participative democracy. (Roth, 2001, p.13). An active citizenry will help prevent governmental excesses and breed trust in the democratic system, thereby enabling the private media to perform their functions. (Tetty, 2003, p.28) and the media are the major mechanisms by which citizens are informed about the world. (Sparks, 1991). There are specific public interest political goals which the media can be used to serve, including the following: informing the public, public enlightenment, social criticism and exposing government arbitrariness, national integration and political education. But the more the media serve the narrow self interest the less able they are to serve the other group of public interests. (Ojo, 2003, pp.829-830). In a free market, media are an agency of information and debate which facilitates the functions of democracy. For Habermas (1989) the free market allows anyone to publish an opinion and ensures all points of view are aired. But, as Curran summarises, there are restrictions to this model which are the by-product of treating information as a commodity: i) the high costs of entry into the market, ii) the free market restricts participation in public debate. It generates an information rich media for elites and information poor media for the general public. iii) it undermines rational debate by generating information that is simplified, personified and decontextualised. (Curran, 2002, p.226). These restrictions are evident in the PNG market. The influence of the consumer in PNG is severely limited. Both national newspapers share a similar agenda and identify with the concerns of the elites. The one television station follows a broadly similar agenda. The privately owned media in PNG do not represent the public. Instead, they represent the configuration of power to which they are linked. In PNG power is maintained through a system of patronage that binds together different clans (wantoks) within the structure of a party political coalition in Parliament. A power network extends to include the economic power exercised by shareholders and managers. The media in PNG are themselves part of the economic power structure. The National is owned by timber interests and the Post-Courier by a multinational conglomerate. The consensus in society tends to be defined by major players and to be echoed by the media. In PNG the major players are political parties, business, external aid agencies and representatives of global capitalism and civil society such as international banks, the Asia Development Bank, AusAID, and the International Monetary Fund.
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Eric Ma makes the case that in order to secure the support of the state and advertisers the media tend to protect and promote the interests of the big companies and sponsoring government units. (Ma, 2000, p.22). As long as they are organized around capitalist principles the media constitute obstacles to rather than conduits of democracy. The advancement of ruling economic and political interests and the suppression of alternate views lie at the heart of media operations interested in profit-making rather than public information. (Waisbard, 2000, pp.52-53). Conclusion The free market for media in PNG has failed as an agency of information and debate which facilitates the functions of democracy. The press does not provide the best platform for public dialogue. At present the combined circulations of the two daily papers in PNG are less than 60,000 which means that newspapers are bought by about 1 in 600 people. Even allowing that each copy of a newspaper may be read by many more people than the purchaser, newspaper are still failing to reach the mass of the people. Newspapers are difficult to obtain outside of urban areas, they publish in the elite language, English, and 72 per cent of adults are illiterate and are unable to read them anyway. Television has the advantage that it can reach, through satellite, remote areas of the population, but news programmes are centred on the capital, Port Moresby, and rural issues are generally ignored by PNG‟s only television station, Em-TV. Broadcasts are almost exclusively in the English language so non-English language viewers are excluded. Undoubtedly more people understand spoken English than can read it so in that respect television has an advantage over the printed press, but poor people are excluded from television as the costs of sets can be prohibitive. Radio fits in most closely with PNG‟s oral traditions and has the greatest chance of providing the presently disadvantaged population with a platform for the public dialogue through which people can define who they are and what they want and how to get it. (Fraser and Restrepro, 2002, p.70). Nash (1995) identifies the advantages of radio in PNG as its ability to reach audiences quickly, especially in the country‟s remote rural areas. Sets are cheap to own and there are fewer literacy problems. (Nash, 1995, p.36). At present commercial radio in PNG has not adopted an informational role and there are no signs that it intends to in the future. It depends on advertising revenue and therefore faces the same economic imperatives as the press: to deliver audiences that are attractive to advertisers. The country‟s publicly funded radio, NBC, which had the remit to provide locally relevant programming has all but collapsed under the weight of under funding and poor management. PNG needs to look for new ways to enable communities to engage in public dialogue and community radio provides the best way to achieve this. Colin Fraser and Sonia RestreproEsrada (2002) define „community radio‟ as a „non-profit service that is owned and
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managed by a particular community‟. (Fraser and Restrepro-Esrada, 2002, p.70). The operations of such radio stations rely on the community and the community‟s own resources and are comparatively cheap to set up and to operate. Its programmes are based on audience access and participation and reflect the special interest and needs of the community as they deal with local issues in local languages and cultural context. (Fraser and Restrepro-Esrada, 2002, p.70). Community radio can improve on the present media landscape in PNG by creating a diversity of voices and opinions through its openness to participation from all sectors. It can provide a platform for the interactive discussion about matters and decisions of importance to the community. REFERENCES Curran, J. (2002), Media Power, London: Routledge. DFID (2001), Making Government Work for Poor People: Building State Capability. Strategies for achieving the international development targets. London: DFID Foster, R. J. (1999). TV Talk in PNG: A Search for a Policy in a Weak State. Pacific Journalism Review 5(1), 53-79. Fraser, C. and S. Restrepro-Estrada (2002), Community Radio for Change and Development. Development, 45(4), 69-73. Gans, H. J. (1979), Deciding What's News; A Study of CBS Evening news, NBC Nightly News, Newsweek, and Time, New York: Pantheon. Habermas, J. (1989), The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Cambridge: Polity. Hall, S., C. Chritcher, T. Jefferson, J. Clarke, B. Roberts (1978), Policing The Crisis, Mugging, the State, and the Law, London: Macmillan. Ma, E. (2000) Rethinking Media Studies: The Case of China. In Curran, J. and P. Myung-Jin (Eds.), DeWesternizing Media Studies, London: Routledge. Mellam, A. and D. Aloi (2003), National Integrity Systems, Transparency International Country Study Report: PNG, Port Moresby: Institute of National Affairs. McLaughlin, D. (1996). School Teaching and Higher Education: a Papua New Guinea Case Study, Teaching in Higher Education, 1(1), 105-125. McLaughlin, D. (1997). Adult Learning in Papua New Guinea Papua New Guinea Journal of Education, 33(1), 1-12.
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Nash, S. (1995). National Radio and Development. In Robie, D. (Ed.), Nius Bilong Pasifik, Mass Media in the Pacific. Port Moresby: University of Papua New Guinea Press. Ojo, E. O. (2003), The mass media and the challenges of sustainable democratic values in Nigeria: possibilities and limitations, Media, Culture & Society, 25(6), 821-840. Pamba, K. (2004) Objectivity and quality journalism, National, 16 March 2004, p15 Price, M. and P. Krug (2002), The Enabling Environment for Free and Independent Media, USAID, Washington DC. Robie, D. (1994), Malaysian-Owned Daily Claims “We Speak for PNG”, Australian Journalism Review, 16(2), 47-54. Robie, D. (1995), Ownership and Control in the Pacific. In Robie, D. (Ed.), Nius Bilong Pasifik, Mass Media in the Pacific, Port Moresby: UPNG Press. Rooney, D. (2003), PNG Newspapers, the need for change, Australian Journalism Review, 25(2), 121-132. Roth, C. (2001). The Media in Governance: a guide to assistance. Developing Free and effective media to serve the interests of the poor, London: Department for International Development. Schlesinger, P. and H. Tumbler (1994), Reporting Crime, The Media Politics of Criminal Justice, Oxford: Clarendon. Senge- Kolma, F. (1999). Commercial Pressures on the Media. In Weber, J. (Ed.), A Fragile Freedom, Challenges Facing the Media in Papua New Guinea. Madang: Divine Word University Press. Solomon, A. (1995). Hidden Obstacles to the Real Story. In Robie, D. (Ed.), Nius Bilong Pasifik, Mass Media in the Pacific. Port Moresby: University of Papua New Guinea Press. Sparks, C. (1991), Goodbye Hildy Johnson, the vanishing „serious press‟. In Communications and Citizenship, Dahlgren, P. and C. Sparks (Eds.), London: Routledge. Tetty, W. J. (2003), The Media and Democratization in Africa: contributions, constraints and concerns of the private press, Media, Culture & Society, 23(1), 5–31. United Nations Development Program (1999). Creating Opportunities, Pacific Human Development Report. Suva: Fiji.
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Waisbard, S. (2000), Media in South America: Between the Rock of the State and the Hard Place of the Market. In Curran J. and P. Myung-Jin (Eds.), DeWesternizing Media Studies, London: Routledge. Williams, V. (1994). Children and Women in the News. Suva, Fiji: Thomson Foundation/UNICEF. At the time of writing Richard Rooney taught on the Communications (Arts) Journalism programme at Divine Word University, Madang, Papua New Guinea and was the university‟s director of academic quality assurance.
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This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?