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A Memorandum for the
President of the Royal Audiencia and
Chancery Court of the City and
Kingdom of Granada
Map prepared by Dick Gilbreath at the University of Kentucky Cartography Lab
Map of the Iberian Peninsula and northern Morocco, ca. 1550.
Courtesy of Dick Gilbreath, University of Kentucky Cartography Lab.
atitititititititititis 7titititititititititi6 utitititititititititiy 7titititititititititi6 A Memorandum for the utitititititititititiy 7titititititititititi6 President of the Royal Audiencia and utitititititititititiy 7titititititititititi6 Chancery Court of the City and utitititititititititiy 7titititititititititi6 Kingdom of Granada utitititititititititiy 7titititititititititi6 m utitititititititititiy 7titititititititititi6 utitititititititititiy francisco núñez muley 7titititititititititi6 utitititititititititiy Edited and Translated by 7titititititititititi6 Vincent Barletta utitititititititititiy 7titititititititititi6 utitititititititititiy z58585858585858585858x the university of chicago press m chicago and london .
English] A memorandum for the president of the royal audiencia and chancery court of the city and Kingdom of Granada / Francisco Núñez Muley . 2. Núñez Muley. He is the author of Covert Gestures: Crypto-Islamic Literature as Cultural Practice in Early Modern Spain.48-1992. Francisco. Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press. edited and trans- lated by Vincent Barletta. London © 2007 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. 1492–1570. Granada (Spain : Province)—History. I. . Vincent. DP302.82043—dc22 ∞ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. Ltd. Muslims—Spain—Granada (Province)—History. Title. ANSI Z39. 1492–1570) Vincent Barletta is associate professor of Iberian Studies at Stanford University. ISBN-13: 978-0-226-54726-8 (cloth : alk.. Includes bibliographical references and index. paper) 1. Barletta. II. [Memorial de Francisco Núñez Muley. The University of Chicago Press.Francisco Núñez Muley (ca. winner of the 2007 La corónica International Book Award. paper) ISBN-10: 0-226-54726-4 (cloth : alk. p. cm.G61N8613 2007 946’. Published 2007 Printed in the United States of America 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 1 2 3 4 5 ISBN-13: 978-0-226-54726-8 (cloth) ISBN-10: 0-226-54726-4 (cloth) The University of Chicago Press gratefully acknowledges the generous support of the Program for Cultural Cooperation between Spain’s Ministry of Culture and United States Universities toward the publication of this book.
Contents m Acknowledgments vii Editor’s Introduction 1 A Memorandum for the President of the Royal Audiencia and Chancery Court of the City and Kingdom of Granada (1567) 55 Appendix Excerpts from Mármol Carvajal’s History of the Rebellion and Punishment of the Moriscos of the Kingdom of Granada (Historia del [sic] rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reino de Granada) 103 Selected Bibliography 119 .
Acknowledgments m I n the time that it has taken me to produce this translation and introductory study of Francisco Núñez Muley’s Memorial. advice. and constructive criticism of a number of colleagues. Greenia. most immediately indebted to María Antonia Garcés. Josiah Blackmore. Ricardo Landeira. I am. Ruth Mas. John Dagenais. Andrés Prieto. who first suggested to me that I take on this project. My wife and daughter have been so patient and supportive. and in general have shown such a good sense of humor about my work habits that I can simply never stop counting my blessings. so I will simply put their names down in print and hope that they each appreciate how important their help and insights were to me as I labored over Núñez Muley’s text: Abderrahman Aissa. this edition was made possible through the genuine friendship. In more general though equally important ways. and John Slater. many colleagues have contributed bibliographical information. Joan Ramon Resina. Francisco Roque de Oliveira. Julio Baena. Alberto Montaner Frutos. Laura Méndez Barletta and Mónica Luisa Barletta. It would take many pages to list here the specific contributions (past and present) made by each person. Juan Pablo Dabove. Antonio Gómez L-Quiñones. vii . support. Aurelia Martín Casares. and who has given me invaluable counsel (and helpful criticism) along the way. and corrections. George D. E. Michael Gerli. Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht. of course. A special sort of thanks is due to the two most important people in my life.
The same can be said for two anonymous readers. produced in such a short amount of time. I need to express my sincere gratitude to Randolph Petilos and his colleagues at the University of Chicago Press. Finally. I have to thank the author of this text. for having produced such a complex. And I also owe special thanks to Dick Gilbreath at the University of Kentucky Cartography Lab for the terrific maps. I’ve worked to incorporate all of their suggestions. This book. the first ever English edition of what may have been the last thing he ever wrote. is completely his. My appreciation also goes out to Maia Rigas. and in its own way. . who copyedited my manuscript with great care and improved the text in many ways. who pored over an early draft of this book and made it much better than it would have been otherwise. beautiful text. Francisco Núñez Muley. The administrative staff and librarians there were efficient and helpful to me in all ways. Randy was enthusiastic about this project from our very first e-mail exchange. and it is largely been due to his energy (and cruelly inflexible deadlines) that this book has seen the light of day. although it must be said that any faults that remain are wholly my own.viii Acknowledgments In very practical terms. risky. this edition would have been impossible without the collaboration of the Oficina de Reprografía and the Sala Cervantes of the Biblioteca Nacional de España in Madrid.
ca. University of Kentucky Cartography Lab. Courtesy of Dick Gilbreath.Iberian Peninsula Jaén Huéscar Lorca A NAD A R G O SFi e r r a N e v a d a Guadix GRANADA M DO G IN KMálaga Antequera Ronda Ugíjar ras A l p u j ar Almería M ed iterr ane an 0 25 a Se 50 miles Map prepared by Dick Gilbreath at the University of Kentucky Cartography Lab Map of the Kingdom of Granada. . 1550.
the taking of Alhama served notice to Iberian Muslims and Christians alike that such arrangements would be coming to an end. came to form an important part of the western flank of a pincer movement (cities to the east of Granada would begin to fall in 1488) that would by early 1492 force the Muslim rulers of Granada to accept surrender and exile in Morocco. the Christian conquest of Alhama was even more important. to be replaced by new policies of conquest and colonization. There had been signs of such a campaign prior to 1482. it created a Christian enclave just fifty miles southwest of Granada. the capital of the Nas·rid dynasty that had held power in that region since 1231. This Christian military victory. 1 . 1482. as it signified the beginning of Isabel and Fernando’s accelerated military campaign to do away with Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula once and for all. which was quickly joined by its surrounding towns and cities. In symbolic terms. troops under the orders of Castilian Queen Isabel I and Aragonese King Fernando II assaulted and assumed control of the Muslim town of Alhama. This enclave.Editor’s Introduction m O n February 28. was at once strategic and symbolic. achieved just thirteen years after Isabel and Fernando had joined the Iberian Peninsula’s two largest Christian kingdoms together through their marriage. In the context of these earlier practices of appeasement and negotiation. In terms of strategy. but in each case the Kingdom of Granada had been able to buy its way out of danger by paying enormous (and financially crippling) amounts of money and goods to Castile.
to Isabel I. less than ten years after the Nas·rid surrender of Granada to the Catholic Monarchs on January 1. would expel both its Jews and Muslims in 1497). . In brief. e sobre ello mandamos dar esta nuestra carta. in part. a moment that coincided with the mass expulsion of Castilian and Aragonese Jews. and in spite of written guarantees to the contrary. 1502. speaks volumes about the practical and ideological role of the Spanish monarchy within that process. It was also at the end of this war. On February 12. somewhat inexorably. con tanto que no puedan llevar ni sacar ni saquen ellos ni otros por ellos fuera de los dichos nuestros reynos oro ni plata ni otra cosa alguna de las por nos vedadas e defendidas” . says a great deal about the very explicit process of sociocultural standardization that would be at the center of Spain’s development into a modern nation-state. under pressure from Isabel and Fernando. This honorific title.2 Vincent Barletta What exactly did the Christian conquest of Alhama set in motion? The most direct answer to this question is that it initiated a ten-year war in the southern tip of the Iberian Peninsula that led to the fall of the Muslim Kingdom of Granada and the absorption of its territory into the Kingdom of Castile. It also. as follows: “acordamos demandar salir a todos los dichos moros e moras destos dichos nuestros reynos de Castilla e Leon e que jamas tornen ni buelvan a ellos alguno dellos. by extension. The royal decree ordering this general conversion/ expulsion reads. to the difficult political situation that Francisco Núñez Muley decries in his Memorandum for the President of the Royal Audiencia and Chancery Court of the City and Kingdom of Granada.1 The result of these mass conversions (which depended as much upon the 1. salgan de todos los dichos nuestros reynos e señoríos e se vayan dellos con los bienes que consygo quisieren llevar. not incidentally. which commemorated both the conquest of Muslim Granada and the forced expulsion of thousands of Iberian Jews (Portugal. 1492. the Muslims of Granada were forced to convert to Christianity or go into exile with what personal effects they could carry with them. por la qual mandamos a todos los moros de XIII años arriba y a todas las moras de hedad de XII años arriba que biven e moran y estan en los dichos nuestros reynos . that Pope Alexander VI (himself a native of Aragon) granted the title of “Catholic Monarch” to Fernando II and. With the fall of Alhama begins a chain of events that leads. this conversion/expulsion order was expanded to cover the entire area of Castile and Leon. .
and cultural realities imposed upon the Moriscos by the local Castilian authorities and the Spanish Crown. This process of negotiation and appeasement came to an abrupt end in 1567. . These converts came to be referred to as cristianos nuevos de moros (New Christians from Islam) and. and that not a single one of them ever return. with the understanding that they may not take nor export nor have someone export on their behalf any gold or silver (or any other item that we have likewise prohibited) from our aforementioned kingdoms]. It is not clear whether he did so willingly or not. passed by the Royal Council in Madrid and proclaimed in Granada on January 1 (the seventy-fifth anniversary of the conquest of Granada) placed previously unheardof pressure on Granadan Moriscos to assimilate fully with their Castilian neighbors or face stiff fines and imprisonment (see the [we agree to order the expulsion of all of the aforementioned Muslims (men and women) of our kingdoms of Castile and Leon. more popularly. special dress codes. Travel restrictions. and yet the Moriscos did manage to maintain— largely through the royal protection that they had purchased in the form of a series of surtaxes—a certain degree of cultural autonomy within Granada. Granada morisca. and subtle forms of institutionalized graft at the local level were more or less the order of the day throughout the first half of the sixteenth century. Like many Granadan Moriscos. Francisco Núñez Muley was a Granadan Morisco who most likely converted to Christianity as a small boy. political. and mostly unwilling. 2002). Manuel Barrios Aguilera. New laws. la convivencia negada (Granada: Comares. We order that all Muslim men over the age of thirteen and all Muslim women over the age of twelve that reside in our kingdoms and dominions leave these lands with whatever they might be able to carry with them. converts from Islam. To this effect we order that this our letter be registered. Núñez Muley seems to have labored for most of his life to navigate his way through the increasingly difficult economic. as moriscos. 82. but he seems to have become acculturated (if not assimilated) rather quickly: as early as 1502 (just three years after the first mass conversions in Granada) he was working as a page for then Granadan archbishop Hernando de Talavera. Editor’s Introduction 3 active participation of constables as it did upon that of priests) was the formation of a large minority community of recent.
urging him to rethink the specific provisions of the new laws. lasted for over two years and only ended . It is for this reason that several thousand Granadans (along with a significant number of Turkish auxiliaries) organized themselves into an army in the mountainous region of the Alpujarras in late December 1568 and initiated a guerilla insurgency against the Spanish Crown. by the events that follow hard on the heels of the decree’s proclamation. was chosen to write this letter. however. However. this account. and the Memorandum is the result of his efforts. Francisco Núñez Muley. it is necessary to point out that local and regional abuses of authority were common within the framework of the new decrees of 1567. the Moriscos of Granada began discussing strategies of negotiation and resistance. referred to in historical texts as the Second War in the Alpujarras (the first. published over three decades after the events in question and written as part of a broader political project at the end of the sixteenth century to expel the Moriscos from Spain. One of these strategies involved writing a letter to the president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada. Morisco properties were confiscated. and men were jailed and fined heavily for minimal infractions. Without discussing the specific details of life in Granada during the years 1567–68. Almost immediately after the proclamation of these laws. Mármol Carvajal presents Deza’s reaction to Núñez Muley’s letter (itself dramatically framed as a performative reading) as reasoned and even sympathetic. This version of the story is not supported. For example. already well into his seventies. short-lived war occurred just before the forced conversions of 1499–1500). King Felipe II’s chief legal representative for the southern half of the Iberian Peninsula. Luis del Mármol Carvajal provides the only detailed account of the official reaction to Núñez Muley’s letter in his History of the Rebellion and Punishment of the Moriscos of the Kingdom of Granada (Historia del [sic] rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reino de Granada). It is a well-known fact of Spanish history that the Memorandum fell on deaf ears both in the Granadan Royal Audiencia and in Madrid. is not necessarily reliable. women were harassed and abused. This insurgency.4 Vincent Barletta appendix).
It is important to note that Portugal’s history with the Moriscos is quite different from that of its peninsular neighbor. For more on the Moriscos of Portugal. The definitive defeat of the Granadan Moriscos involved in the Second War in the Alpujarras provoked Castilian authorities to take drastic measures to ensure that such a rebellion would never occur again. A catastrophe for the Aragonese and Valencian economies and a human tragedy for the many Moriscos who died—from illness. 2005). important communities (mostly of recent North African immigrants) resided in cities such as Lisbon. finally managed to divide and defeat the forces formerly under the command of Granadan Moriscos Aben Humeya and Aben Aboo. those Castilians whose ancestors had been neither Muslims nor Jews) likewise struggled to find ways to coexist with their new Granadan neighbors. To this end. and by 1614 the expulsion was basically complete. and pirate attacks—on their way to Morocco and Tunisia. Évora. “Filhos de Mafoma: mouriscos. cripto-islamismo e inquisição no Portugal quinhentista” (Ph..e. . 1999). In fact. 2. While the total population of Portuguese Moriscos was never exceptionally large. drowning.2 This order was immediately carried out. Many were sent to Extremadura and La Mancha. Mouriscos e cristãos no Portugal quinhentista (Lisbon: Hugin. where they were compelled to find ways to live within cultural and geographic settings that were very foreign to them. a certain number of Extremaduran Moriscos entered Portugal upon their expulsion from Spain in 1609 and settled in the farmlands near Évora.D.. the question of coexistence was rendered moot when King Felipe III signed an order to expel all Moriscos from Spain. University of Lisbon. and Rogério de Oliveira Ribas. An accelerated process of Christian conquest and forced Muslim assimilation that had arguably begun with the taking of Alhama in 1482 had thus reached its draconian conclusion just over a century later. see Isabel Drummond Braga. Editor’s Introduction 5 when seasoned troops under the orders Juan de Austria. diss. The regional archives of these areas of Spain likewise contain ample textual evidence to suggest that local “Old Christians” (i. King Felipe II’s half-brother. they forcibly relocated all but a very small number of Granadan Moriscos to areas throughout the Kingdom of Castile. In 1609. this order effectively brought an end to any significant expression of Muslim culture and social life in early modern Spain. and Setúbal.
pp. it is highly unlikely that he lived much longer after composing his Memorandum and sending it to the president of the Royal Audiencia. 3. . [E]sto me acuerdo dello como si fuese ayer. Throughout this introduction I will refer to the text of Núñez Muley’s Memorandum in two ways. y fuy con él a una vesita que vesitó a todas las Alpuxarras. on which he may or may not have accompanied him as a page: Y desta manera andava por las Alpuxarras y más prençipales villas y lugares dellas. Biblioteca Nacional (BN). . In fact. in the year 1502 (fol. The page numbers that follow. But the Memorandum has outlasted even the expulsions themselves and now stands as a central text in the history of Muslim minorities in the Iberian Peninsula. y salir con sus prosisiones y gente en la pedir. First. and I accompanied him on a visit that he made to all of the Alpujarras. BN MS 6176.6 Vincent Barletta Francisco Núñez Muley did not live to see the mass expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain. . in each case I will list the folio number to which the text corresponds. but we know that he mentions having served as a page to Granadan archbishop Hernando de Talavera (1428–1507) for just over three years: “Demás desto puedo dezir que yo serví al santo Alçobispo por tres años y más por paxe. 81–82)]. 319r–v. y en pedir el agua en los tiempos estriles. I can say that I served for just over three years as a page to the holy archbishop. as he lists the manuscript folios of Madrid. y mandava a todos los otros lugares que viniesen descubiertas sus cabeças con su cruz y sus clérigos a pedir el agua. esto fue en el año de seis o siete. and all references to the English text of the Memorandum. y mandava a los cristianos nuevos pidiesen el agua en su lenguaxe como lo solían pedir en arábigo. in his transcription. en el año de quinientos y dos” [Beyond this. In this way the reader may also quickly find the citation in Kenneth Garrad. “The Original Memorial of Don Francisco Núñez Muley. as all Spanish citations come from Madrid. e iban al monasterio de la Zubia del Señor San Françisco que hera de su horden. What we know about Francisco Núñez Muley stems for the most part from what he says about his own life in the Memorandum. refer to the present edition.3 Núñez Muley then speaks of another trip that Talavera made through the Alpujarras. in 1506 or 1507. . . MS 6176.” Atlante 2 (1954): 168–226. I remember this as if it were yesterday. . .
Situating Núñez Muley’s year of birth at 1490 also confirms the belief that he was most likely in the very last years of his 4. then he would have been roughly twenty-three years old at the time of the meeting he describes with the Catholic Monarch in 1513. as Bernard Vincent has suggested. This occurred in the year 1506 or 1507]. see 135.4 This calculation also meshes with Núñez Muley’s later mention of a high-level meeting that he attended in 1513 with King Fernando II and several other Moriscos: “en el dicho año de treze yo fuy entre otros cavalleros de los naturales de este reyno a negoçios que convenía con su alteza del Rrey Cathólico. as he was a Hieronymite himself. “Et quelques voix de plus: De Francisco Núñez Muley à Fatima Ratal” Sharq al-Andalus 12 (1995): 131–45. Whatever the case. and ordered that people from all of the other places go there with their heads uncovered and their crosses to pray for rain. 82) If Núñez Muley accompanied Archbishop Talavera on his tour of the Alpujarras in 1502 and then again in 1506 or 1507. may he be glorified (fol. as they were accustomed to do so in Arabic. This puts his year of birth. que aya gloria” [in 1513 I served with other highranking men (caballeros) from among the natives of this kingdom in negotiations that had been convened with His Highness the Catholic King. p. and if we situate his year of birth at 1490 or so. then it becomes evident that his claim to have served the archbishop as a page for just over three years is either just a bit off or that he has made a mistake with respect to the years he mentions. Bernard Vincent. (fol. he would go out with his procession and people to pray for it. He went to the Hieronymite monastery of Saint Francis in La Zubia. 60)]. right around 1490. 319v. Editor’s Introduction 7 [The archbishop traveled throughout the Alpujarras and visited its most important towns and places. And in praying for rain during the time of the drought. 311v. Only as an adult would Núñez Muley have attended this assembly. . it seems clear that Núñez Muley would have been an adolescent during the very first years of the sixteenth century. He ordered the New Christians to pray for rain in their own language.
327r. weaving.] (fol. the years that followed the composition of the Memorandum were extraordinarily difficult and violent ones for Granadan Moriscos. but speaks of the one-month time period for the inspection of all Arabic documents as not yet elapsed (“¿qué diligençia e posybilidad avrá para juntarse tanto número de escrituras para presentarse dentro del dicho término?” [What procedure exists that would make possible such a large quantity of written materials to be brought together for submission within the timeframe allowed by the decree? (fol. mi tío. difunto. 311r. are in the power of my nephew Don Hernando Muley. along with another provision. p. su padre. His grandfather. p. y ésta está en poder de Don Hernando Muley. [In Granada there is also a provision and writ that took effect in 1518 that suspends the decree prohibiting the wearing.5 We have no mention of him after this year. 62) 5. ya difunto. During his long life. Don Hernando de Fez. largely because it appears he descended from Granadan and Moroccan nobility. and elaboration of Morisco clothing. given that Núñez Muley refers to the proclamation of the 1567 decree in the past tense (“de lo que ay en contra de la premática que agora nuebamente se pregonó públicamente” [with respect to the decree that has recently been publicly proclaimed]. que la avían [sic] traydo su agüelo. We may reasonably assume that the Memorandum was written sometime during the month of January 1567. had brought them to him. 95)]. fol. p. Núñez Muley enjoyed a certain amount of social (if not necessarily economic) privilege. and it is difficult to imagine how a man already in his late seventies could have weathered them for very long. . and it is quite possible that he lost his life during the 1568–1571 war in the Alpujarras or afterward in the mass expulsions that followed in its wake. hijo de Don Álbaro de Fez. . . In any case. He briefly mentions members of his family within the Memorandum: Y en Granada hay probisión y çédula dada en el dicho año de diez y ocho que suspende la premática del vidamiento y cortar y texer la rropa del traxe.8 Vincent Barletta life when he composed the Memorandum in the early months of 1567. my late uncle Don Hernando de Fez. These documents. . 57). 312r. who is the son of the now-deceased Don Álvaro. mi sobrino.
he was paid handsomely to collect royal tax revenues (a post that his son would inherit).9 As Rubiera Mata puts it: “This elevated social. political. “La familia morisca de Muley-Fez. 22.000 maravedíes per year due to a benefice that was attached to the Alhambra. According to Vincent. . príncipes meriníes e infantes de Granada.” 161–62. while the surname “de Fez” clearly seems to be a Castilianized version of the Arabic nisba (a surname based on one’s place of origin) of “al-Fa¯sı¯. “La familia morisca de Muley-Fez. was actually connected to royalty along two different lines.” . Bernard Vincent. and he also received a payment of 9. “Et quelques voix de plus. Don Hernando de Fez. and economic situation seems to correspond to a member of the Nas·rid royal family. by Marina Guillén (Granada: Diputación Provincial de Granada. Soy del linaje de los reyes” [I am descended] from the kings of Fez and Morocco.8 These royal connections allowed Núñez Muley to receive a good number of economic benefits throughout his life. given also that the surname ‘Muley’ is nothing else but the treatment that is given to kings 6. Hernando de Fez seems also to have himself been a high-ranking member of the fallen Merı¯nid dynasty that sought refuge in Granada after a popular revolt in 1465 brought about the execution of their last king and that left Fez open to the rise of the Wat· a¯sı¯d dynasty. 1987). 7. . María Jesús Rubiera Mata.7 Núñez Muley’s uncle. the names of the two relatives that he mentions suggest a royal and a Moroccan connection: “Muley” (from the Arabic maulá) is a title of respect that is generally bestowed upon nobles. Beyond his royal relations by marriage. Abu ¯ Abd Allah Moh·ammed XII (1460–1527). Editor’s Introduction 9 As María Jesús Rubiera Mata has pointed out.”6 Núñez Muley’s nephew Hernando Muley confirms this belief in a document written twelve years after the Memorandum: “[Soy] de linaje de los reyes de Fez y Marruecos. 9. making Hernando de Fez a brother-in-law to the Muslim king who eventually surrendered Granada to the Catholic Monarchs. His wife Isabel was ˛ the sister of the last Granadan king. 8. .” Sharq al-Andalus 13 (1996): 159–167. . trans. . . I am descended from the lineage of kings]. Minorías y marginados en la España del siglo XVI. Rubiera Mata. Vincent.
para besar las manos de su rreal magt. 12. Rubiera Mata.26).87.11 Beyond his presence at the 1513 meeting with Fernando the Catholic. . argues that by 1559 Núñez Muley was experiencing serious financial difficulties with his activities on behalf of the Granadan Moriscos: “By 1559 his activities had left him financially exhausted. for he appeared before the Morisco committee that met annually in the Alhambra under the joint presidency of the Captain-General and Corregidor of Granada to distribute tax assessments amongst the Morisco town councils and petitioned them for some recompense in return for his services to the Morisco cause.” 201. 61]. perhaps more unofficially. and audiences that he had attended throughout his life.10 Vincent Barletta and princes of the royal Granadan family—it suffices to point out Muley Haçen. meetings.”10 Núñez Muley also served. fuimos ciertas personas cavalleros prençipales deste Reyno. as a kind of spokesman for the Moriscos of Granada on a number of occasions. he was also part of a group that welcomed newly arrived Carlos I (Carlos V as Holy Roman Emperor) to Spain in 1518: “el primer año que vino de Frandes a rreynar a Castilla.12 a small number of nobles from this kingdom went in the company of the Marqués de Mondéjar to kiss the hands of His Royal Majesty and congratulate him on his arrival to rule in these his kingdoms (fols. Núñez Muley points out. Muley Baudili. His authorship of the Memorandum does not mark the first time that he was chosen or elected to intercede on behalf of his community. Garrad.” It is not clear whether Núñez Muley’s petition for reimbursement from this committee is a sign that he was experiencing some financial trouble (he may have merely felt that he was owed this money). 11. inter alia. given Garrad’s arguments. A. at least to consider it as a possibility. porque ya hera fallesçido el rrey Cathólico en el año die y siete. p. 311v–312r. Núñez Muley mentions a number of assemblies. but it is sensible. 1516. etc. the Moriscos of Granada agreed to pay the Spanish Crown a large bribe in the form of an annual tax in exchange for being allowed. “La familia morisca de Muley-Fez. He actually died on June 23.” 160. an conpaña del marqés de Mondéjar. because the Catholic King had died a year earlier in 1517. Núñez Muley gives the wrong date here for the death of King Fernando. to continue using their traditional forms of dress: 10. At this particular meeting. y dalle la norabuena de su venida a rreynar en estos sus rreynos” [the first year that he came from Flanders to rule in Castile. Citing a document located in the Archive of the Alhambra (legajo 159. “The Original Memorial.
is instructive in this sense. . (fol. [E]ntre otras cosas que Su Magt. at least with respect to those things that benefited the natives of this kingdom. el dicho serviçio de los veinte y un mill ducados. . ansí en serviçio de Su Magt. describes Albotodo as a “morisco de raza que. en que avíamos servido y obligado a Su Magt. pp.000 ducats was authorized to be paid to His Majesty]. was the suspension of the laws preventing Morisco women from dressing in their traditional manner and the suspension of the laws preventing weavers and tailors from producing Morisco clothing and other cloth items. as much to the benefit of His Majesty as to the natives of this kingdom. The case of Juan de Albotodo.000 ducats. . Editor’s Introduction 11 Y entonçes se trataron çiertos negoçios. probeyó. in his influential Granada. en lo que convenía a los dichos naturales deste dicho Reyno. according to which we were to pay to His Majesty a tax of 21. It is also entirely possible that Núñez Muley’s lifelong practice of collaborating with and appeasing the Castilian conquerors of Granada may have mitigated his moral authority somewhat among less willing converts. como en cosas cunplideras a los naturales. suspendió en el abidamiento del ávito y traxe de las moriscas. . su elocuencia y su conocimiento del árabe fue uno de los más eficaces propagadores de la doctrina y la lengua de los cristianos . por su fe. e con esta condiçión le fué otorgado a Su Magt. Among the things that His Majesty assented to in Valladolid in 1518. y las hiziesen y bistiesen. el serviçio ordinario de los veinte y un mill ducados. 61–62) These negotiations with the Crown were of the utmost importance to the Moriscos of Granada. Antonio Gallego y Burín. guía artística e histórica de la ciudad (Granada: An Artistic and Historical Guide to the City). 312r. and it is likely that Núñez Muley’s status as a member of the Nas·rid royal family and a descendant of the Merı¯nid dynasty from Morocco were enough to grant him a tremendous amount of authority within his community. [At that time certain agreements were reached. . And it was under these conditions that the tax of 21. y que los ofiçiales texesen y cortasen las cosas y rropas moriscas. a Granadan Morisco who joined the Jesuit order. .
however. as an openly assimilated New Christian and monolingual Castilian speaker (if we rely on data taken from the 13. many Moriscos considered Albotodo a traitor. Antonio Gallego y Burín. David Coleman. 156–57. Obviously. 14. He entered the society in 1557 and was soon put to use preaching not only in the streets of the Albaicín. due to his faith. 1961).” Fortunately for Albotodo and the other Jesuits inside. guía artística e histórica de la ciudad (Madrid: Fundación Rodríguez-Acosta.14 Did Núñez Muley. 376. and he would remain a fixture there for the next decade until the outbreak of the rebellion in 1568 and the closing of the school after the first local Morisco expulsion the next summer. all the while lambasting Albotodo inside with cries of “renegade dog. and knowledge of Arabic. Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City. was one of the most effective propagators among the subjugated people of the doctrine and language of the Christians]. he became its most important teacher. eloquence. 1492–1600 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press 2003). they made it a point to descend on the Casa de la Doctrina in an attempt to seize the Jesuit.13 David Coleman offers a brief but dramatic retelling of the life of the Jesuit Albotodo until the outbreak of the Second War in the Alpujarras: Born in 1527 the son of an Albaicín blacksmith.12 Vincent Barletta entre el pueblo sometido” [Morisco by race who. Granada. for example. but also on a number of missionary trips to the villages of the nearby Alpujarras. . he studied at Granada’s Colegio de Santa Catalina in the late 1540s and was already one of the frontier city’s few ordained Morisco priests when the Jesuits opened their first local establishment in 1554. When Fárax aben Fárax and his rebel squadron combed the streets of the Albaicín on the tense Christmas Eve night of 1568 hoping to raise the neighborhood in revolt. When the Casa de la Doctrina opened in 1559. their barricade held through the night. Mármol Carvajal reported that the armed rebels attempted to break down the heavy entrance door of the Jesuits’ Albaicín residence.
armed resistance at the end of 1568. Mármol presents the Memorandum as a speech given by Núñez Muley to Pedro de Deza Manuel (1520–1600). The passage leading up to the transcribed text of the Memorandum reads as follows: Los moriscos de las ciudades. y le dieron que en nombre de la nación pidiese suspensión. could not have had an easy time within his own community. sierras y marinas y Alpujarra enviaron luego como se pregonó la premática. his Arabic seems to have been worse than his Latin) receive similar treatment at the outset of the war in 1568? It is likely that his elite status as a descendant of Muslim nobility and his advanced age spared him any sort of real abuse. Editor’s Introduction 13 Memorandum. but there are currently no concrete data that shed light on this issue. It is probable that Núñez Muley. especially among the groups who opted for open. A esto fue un morisco caballero llamado Francisco . 1600). published in 1600. y ver cómo lo habían tomado. acordaron de hablar al presidente don Pedro de Deza. Y antes de hacer camino a la corte de su majestad. Within this text. Y hallándose todos conformes en una mesma voluntad. su procurador general. como se había hecho otras veces. a la ciudad de Granada a entender los ánimos de los del Albaicín. acordaron que se contradijesen por reino. who was president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada at the time. Manuscripts and Editions of the Memorandum The earliest known edition of Núñez Muley’s Memorandum is found in Luis del Mármol Carvajal’s Historia del [sic] rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reino de Granada [History of the Rebellion and Punishment of the Moriscos of the Kingdom of Granada]. who undoubtedly walked a very thin line throughout his life between collaboration with and resistance to the Castilian settlers in Granada. y informarle de palabra y por escrito. para ver si podrían ablandarte. written as an official response to Diego Hurtado de Mendoza’s history of the 1568–1570 war in the Alpujarras and the events leading up to it (Wars of Granada [Guerras de Granada]. y para ello acudieron a Jorge de Baeza.
inspector and accountant of the Alhambra at that time. coasts. In order to do this they contacted Jorge de Baeza. II: 9. Mármol Carvajal’s edition was later used by Valencian cleric and outspoken enemy of the Moriscos Jaume Bleda in his Corónica de los moros de España [Chronicle of the Muslims of Spain. Once he arrived before the president. 1618]. . el cual puesto delante del Presidente. The man who carried this out was a high-ranking Morisco named Francisco Núñez Muley. and had made similar attempts before during the reigns of previous monarchs. For an insightful analysis . que por edad y experiencia tenía mucha prática de aquel negocio.]15 The rest of this portion of Mármol’s text is a partial transcription of the Memorandum. . html?portal=0&Ref=5286. and they asked him that he request the suspension of the decree in the name of the nation as had been done in the past.” Revista de España 68 (1879): 185–209. they agreed to oppose the decree collectively. And seeing that they were all of the same will.16 This summary is 15. with a very low and humble voice. . Luis de Mármol Carvajal. “Nuevos datos sobre la guerra y expulsión de los moriscos. It was assumed to have been the work of Mármol himself until the discovery by Rafael Contreras y Muñoz of a summary of the Memorandum redacted in 1775 by Lorenzo de Prado. who because of his age and experience had much practice in such business. [After the decree was proclaimed.cervantesvirtual.com/FichaObra. . mountains. and the Alpujarras sent word to the city of Granada of their state and to see how those of the Albaicín had taken it. 16. the Moriscos of the cities. 1. And before making the trip to the court of His Majesty.14 Vincent Barletta Núñez Muley. at http://www. their attorney-general. Rafael Contreras y Muñoz. and located in the archive of the Alhambra. Historia del [sic] rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reino de Granada . he said the following. y lo había tratado otras veces en tiempo de los reyes pasados. they agreed to speak with President [of the Royal Audiencia] Don Pedro de Deza and inform him verbally and in writing of their wish to have the provisions of the decree softened. . con la voz baja y humilde le dijo desta manera. par. .
de lo que había maestras para pintarlas. the summary discovered by Contreras is interesting in that it contains a section not found in either Mármol’s version of the text or the one actually signed by Núñez Muley.” Sharq al-Andalus 16–17 (1999–2002): 187–209.tornándolas azules con cierto material. 17. 275–79. Garrad. Granada: Universidad de Granada. quedando sanos. 18. hombres. Los moriscos del Reino de Granada según el sínodo de Guadix en 1554. “Millenarian Prophecy and the Mythification of Philip III at the Time of the Expulsion of the Moriscos. the third Marqués de Mondéjar. mixturada con jabón. see Grace Magnier. Editor’s Introduction 15 based on a copy of the Memorandum that had been sent to Íñigo López de Mendoza y Mendoza (1512–1580). ésta no era ceremonia de moros. y que en poner las mujeres de los naturales en sus cabezas y cabellos colorados con la dicha alheña y para si hallaban algunos humores y dolores de cabeza la dicha algalla se las apretaba y cesaban los dolores y humores que tenía. sirviendo asimismo la dicha alheña para si se escocían. la que.” 200. introduction by Bernard Vincent (1968. poniéndola en cocimientos. pues se había consentido por dicho arzobispo y sus sucesores of Bleda and the context within which he wrote his Chronicle. 1996). quedando la alheña mudada de color. porque sacaban cualquiera suciedad que tenían lavándose con ella. A transcription of this short document can be found in Antonio Gallego y Burín and Alfonso Gámir Sandoval.18 This section deals with the cosmetic and medicinal uses of henna: Y por lo que tocaba a la alheña que se mencionaba en la pragmática. con la que pintaban a manera de labor. “The Original Memorial. lo que asimismo usaban los cristianos viejos viendo sus virtudes. mujeres y niños. quebrando la dicha alheña con los pies y manos. .17 As Garrad points out in his 1954 edition of the Memorandum based on the manuscript copy signed by Núñez Muley himself. teniendo por gentileza y usanza entre ellas. usándola solamente sus naturales para limpieza de sus cabezas y cuerpos cuando iban a los baños. lo que no era la santa fe católica. con lo que parecían bien en el tiempo de sus placeres y bodas. untaban los sarnosos.
which they held to be refined and elegant. a preceptor was dispatched—with the permission of the Marqués de Mondéjar—in 1528 to inform His Lordship the president of this matter before the Royal . and when they mixed it with soap they spread it over the skin of men. they added other materials so that the henna turned blue. con acuerdo del señor marqués de Mondéjar. Upon breaking open these gallnuts to release the henna within them. Then they employed artists to paint their hands and feet. women. The natives used henna only to clean their hair and bodies when they went to the baths. the bishop of Guadix and chronicler of their Lords the Catholic Monarchs and the Emperor. despacharon un receptor para que hiciese saber a su Ilma. and the pains and humors ceased. cronista de los señores Reyes Católicos y del señor Emperador. lo que fue en el año 1528. y habiendo querido el señor don Pedro de Guevara. and especially desirable during celebrations and weddings. this was no Muslim practice. trasquilar las cabezas de las mujeres de los naturales y rasparles la alheña de sus manos. they pressed henna gallnuts against their heads. These practices in no way went against the Holy Catholic faith. which the Old Christians. The women also colored their hair with henna. seeing its virtues. no tratase sobre ello y que pareciese ante sus Señorías. and they would be healed. had wanted to shave the heads of the native women and scrape the henna from their hands. likewise did. and if these women suffered from humors or headaches. obispo de Guadix. as the aforementioned archbishop [Talavera] and his successors had permitted them until the Inquisitors made mention of them in their list of offenses. They would also use henna to soothe burns and stings. [With respect to what the decree said about henna. And when Don Pedro de Guevara.16 Vincent Barletta hasta que los señores inquisidores hacían mención de ella en sus delitos. por el señor presidente y oidor. children who suffered from scabies. because when they washed with it they were cleansed of whatever form of dirtiness that they had.
278. The manuscript occupies folios 311r to 331v of a miscellany codex (MS 6176. . Editor’s Introduction 17 Auditors so that His Most Illustrious Lordship might not let this occur. Una década de Césares (A Decade of Caesars. Also.29) that contains a number of Franciscan and poetic texts.]19 There are a number of problems with the historical references in this passage. and that it was quite possibly deleted from Núñez Muley’s Memorandum in a very early draft. 1529). 1528). who occasionally gets dates wrong by a year or two (as when he lists 1517 as the year of Fernando the Catholic’s death) but seems to have had an almost photographic memory for names. some of which have been studied 19. was found in the National Library (Biblioteca Nacional. olim R. a Don Pedro de Guevara who was bishop of Guadix in 1528. for example. In reality. a sixteenth-century manuscript version of the Memorandum. was much altered by Lorenzo de Prado or some earlier scribe. From this it is reasonable to assume that this passage on henna. Late in the nineteenth century. Menosprecio de corte y alabanza de aldea (Disparagement of the Court and Praise of the Countryside. 1539). Reloj de príncipes (The Clock of Princes. a Franciscan who would become bishop of Mondoñedo only ten years later. but rather an author famous in Spain for numerous philosophical and religious works such as Libro áureo de Marco Aurelio (The Golden Book of Marcus Aurelius. Guevara was not a chronicler of the Catholic Monarchs. this passage refers to the Catholic Monarchs as “the Lordly Catholic Monarchs” (los señores Reyes Católicos). Gallego y Burín and Gámir Sandoval. a construction that does not appear anywhere else in the text of the Memorandum. the newly named bishop of Guadix in 1528 was Antonio de Guevara (1481–1545). 1539). This mistake seems too obvious to have been committed by Núñez Muley. Also. It mentions. signed by Núñez Muley himself. Epístolas familiares (Family Letters. 1542). 1539). Los moriscos del Reino de Granada. while of undeniable historical value. BN) in Madrid. and Monte Calvario (Mount Calvary.
Manuscritos franciscanos de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid (Madrid: Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia. 52v– 53v) and Gómez Manrique’s Ejemplos contra la mala gobernación del reino (Exempla against the Poor Government of the Kingdom. 2006.20 How the Memorandum came to be part of this codex is not known.berkeley.18 Vincent Barletta by Manuel de Castro and Brian Dutton. but likely it existed as an unbound group of folios that was incorporated into BN MS 6176 long after Núñez Muley had written it. the texts of both the Marqués de Santillana and Gómez Manrique share with the Memorandum a concern with good government and contain sharp criticisms of official policies. accessed 20 December. The text of the Memorandum contained in Madrid BN MS 6176 was first edited by Raymond Foulché-Delbosc in 1899 and then in 1954 by Kenneth Garrad. fols. Garrad states the following reasons for having produced his edition of the Memorandum: My objects in publishing the authentic Memorandum directed to Deza and signed by Núñez Muley himself. 20. Also. which was recently discovered in the Manuscripts Section of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid. to reveal 21. Garrad seems to have been unaware of Foulché-Delbosc’s earlier edition of Núñez Muley’s text. BN MS 6176. and he was none other than the great-grandfather of Luis Hurtado de Mendoza y Pacheco (1489–1566). edu/Philobiblon/BETA/2682. 1973). For his part. the Marqués de Mondéjar mentioned throughout Núñez Muley’s text. fol. For more on these sections of the codex. such as the Marqués de Santillana’s Doctrinal de privados (Religion of favorites. .html. although he cites Mármol extensively. see PhiloBiblon: Bibliografía Española de Textos Antiguos. Madrid. BETA manid 2682. 1982).21 The Márques de Santillana’s given name was Íñigo López de Mendoza y de la Vega (1398–1458). are firstly to show that Mármol condensed his speech out of the original Memorandum. 53v). Brian Dutton. Catálogo/índice de la poesía cancioneril del siglo XV (Madison: Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies. Some texts contained in BN MS 6176 do suggest more than a casual relation with the Memorandum. secondly. at http://sunsite. Manuel de Castro. as he does not mention it.
the decision to incorporate the text of the Memorandum into a revised facsimile edition of Gallego y Burín and Gámir Sandoval’s study of the 1554 Synod of Guadix 22. His main goal is to produce an edition of Núñez Muley’s text with a critical apparatus that might be compared to the more selective version of the text produced 350 years earlier by Mármol. . to find fault with Garrad’s comments regarding Granadan Morisco forms of language use means finding fault with an entire disciplinary approach to this material. Editor’s Introduction 19 those parts of it which were omitted by Mármol for religious and other considerations. “The Original Memorial. That Garrad also characterizes the dialectal traits of Núñez Muley’s written Spanish as examples of a fundamental “mismanagement of Castilian construction and spelling” (i. however. his approach is resolutely and explicitly philological. to clarify some of the more obscure parts of the text with historical and linguistic comments. and last.”22 As Garrad makes clear. bad Spanish) might rightly lead us to wonder about the linguistic ideologies and biases that underlie Garrad’s approach to this material. to offer to those interested in sixteenth-century Spanish one of the few surviving examples of the mismanagement of Castilian construction and spelling by a Morisco who was far from being perfectly “aljamiado.” 200–201. thirdly. however. Before we single out Garrad. the volume also contains a rich assortment of images and supplemental texts that makes it a remarkably useful text. The text is an unrevised version of Foulché-Delbosc’s transcription and contains no critical apparatus or notes.. it is worth pointing out that even into the twenty-first century scholars of Spanish literature have frequently spoken of Morisco discourse in these terms.e. In any case. Garrad. In 1996 Bernard Vincent reproduced Foulché-Delbosc’s 1899 edition of Núñez Muley’s text and incorporated it as an appendix to the second edition of Antonio Gallego y Burín and Alfonso Gámir Sandoval’s Los moriscos del Reino de Granada según el sínodo de Guadix en 1554 (The Moriscos of the Kingdom of Granada According to the Synod of Guadix in 1554). In this sense.
Published in 2004. La vida religiosa de los moriscos. Los moriscos del Reino de Granada. consisted of a detailed account of Morisco cultural practices and the measures to be taken by Christian authorities to put an end to them. and Pedro Longás. 24.23 The Memorandum and Its Immediate Historical Context As we know. In this letter. 1567 (the seventy-fifth anniversary of the conquest of Granada by the Catholic Monarchs). placed unrealistically strict prohibitions on Granada’s Moriscos. this tiny volume (consisting of roughly thirty pages in all) offers very little in the way of notes or critical apparatus. which was finished in late 1566 but not proclaimed until January 1.24 The new decree. Granada: Universidad de Granada. 23. This decree emerged from an assembly (junta) headed by Diego de Espinosa (1513–1572).20 Vincent Barletta is extremely beneficial to modern readers. Most recently. Madrid: Istmo. 2000). The decree produced by the royal assembly in 1566 was framed from the start as a kind of reworking and amplification of two earlier rulings. the president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada. introduction by Darío Cabanelas (1915. Francisco Núñez Muley conceived of his Memorandum as a letter of grievance to Pedro de Deza Manuel. see Julio Caro Baroja. . For more on the Synod of Guadix and the specific cultural traits and practices of the Moriscos of Granada. the Marqués de Mondéjar. and there is no mention even of an editor. Gallego y Burín and Gámir Sandoval. Núñez Muley complains of a royal decree (pragmática) that had just been proclaimed on January 1 of that year. and Carlos V in that same year. The second. Los moriscos del Reino de Granada (1957. issued by the Synod of Guadix in 1554. Linkgua Ediciones in Barcelona has released an edition of the Memorandum entitled Memorial: en defensa de las costumbres moriscas [Memorandum: In Defense of Morisco Customs]. given the importance of this synod for the formation of the specific provisions of the 1567 Royal Decree to which Núñez Muley responds. who as president of the Royal Council in Madrid had had much to do with Deza’s appointment to the presidency of the Royal Audiencia of Granada only months earlier. The first was produced by the Congregation of the Royal Chapel of the Catholic Monarchs in Granada in 1526 and was never put into effect due to the urgent negotiations that had taken place between the Moriscos of Granada. 1990).
There is. p. and both elements are of value to readers interested in understanding the historical context. and families were required to leave the doors to their homes open and cease bathing in their homes or public bath houses so that Christian authorities could be sure that they were not engaging in any sort of Muslim prayer or other ritual. . Editor’s Introduction 21 of which Núñez Muley explicitly counted himself: “mi yntençión a sydo y es muy buena en servir a Dios muestro señor. and a period of two years to wear out their traditional clothing and begin wearing only Castilian-style clothing. there exists reason to doubt whether this portion was written by Núñez Muley or. pues son mi sangre y soy obligado a ello. They were similarly given a period of thirty days to submit all of their Arabic legal documents to be examined. y a Su Magt. His Majesty. to learn Castilian and cease speaking Arabic entirely within a period of three years. The women were compelled to cease wearing their veils in public immediately. Mármol’s version of events is a complex mix of objective facts and thinly veiled commentary in support of the policies of the Spanish Crown. from all sides. 99)]. and I cannot deny them (fol. if it was. as I have stated above. but as I have also mentioned. and his vassals the natives of this kingdom. whether he ever intended to include it in his letter to Deza. According to the decree. 330r. inter alia. y a los naturales sus vasallos deste rreyno. in which Núñez Muley was operating (see the appendix). For his part. e no los puedo negar” [my intention has been and is very honest: to serve the Lord our God. A summary of the decree is contained in Mármol’s history and sheds light not only on the specific measures and provisions against which Núñez Muley was fighting but also provides useful information regarding the reasoning of the Christian officials that authored and instituted it. Núñez Muley touches on all of the points mentioned by Mármol except the prohibition on henna. as they are my blood and I am obligated by that bond. a passage dealing with henna that has been attributed to Núñez Muley contained in the eighteenth-century summary of the Memorandum found in the archive of the Alhambra. the Moriscos of Granada were ordered.
First. like Deza. For example. in which several thousand Granadan Moriscos (with paid auxiliaries) fought off the Spanish military (also with paid auxiliaries) for nearly three years. Creating Christian Granada. these were necessarily put on hold by the outbreak of the Second War in the Alpujarras late in 1568. see Bernabé Pons (1998).25 However effective the specific policies of language instruction instituted by Deza and Guerrero might have been. to the hard line adopted by the Madrid assembly in 1566 toward the Moriscos of Granada. 156. Coleman. Mármol raises some intriguing questions in his account of how the decree went into effect and how it would be administered. and it is unclear what expertise he might have possessed that would have enabled him to oversee such a vast process. Guerrero was very much committed. Made famous in Spain by his participation in the Council of Trent (1545–1563). García Arenal (1978). and Perry (2005).26 Even in the context of these deporta- 25. Nevertheless. Mármol makes clear that the responsibility for developing the language education policy by which all Granadan Moriscos would learn Castilian in three years time was left to Deza as president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada and to Pedro Guerrero Logroño (d. 1576) as archbishop of Granada. was shut down only a year after the outbreak of the war. was a massive deportation of Moriscos from the Kingdom of Granada to other areas of Spain. 26. What followed this war.22 Vincent Barletta Beyond his catalog of the specific provisions of the royal decree of 1567. . Deza himself was no ally of the Moriscos (as Núñez Muley knew. as well as the Church’s overriding concern with the growing influence of the Protestant Reformation in Europe. Guerrero was well versed in contemporary efforts to effect cultural reform and language standardization. the Albaicín’s Casa de la Doctrina (Catechism School). Guerrero. established by the Jesuits in Granada in 1559 to provide religious and Castilian literacy instruction to Morisco boys. even before he began writing his Memorandum). For a more specific analysis of the social impact of the Granadan Moriscos’ forced relocation to other areas of Spain. on the other hand. was a learned and studious man.
stated the following in 1589: “they speak their gibberish (algaravía) . are evident.” as it is seen to impede their integration and. “because they came together and in their language discussed many things that went against the government and could cause harm to the residents of this city. Another episode occurred in Seville and its corresponding territory. the use of Arabic was part of Morisco social life in a number of communities right up to the time of their expulsion from Spain in 1609–1614. strengthened by widespread illiteracy. the results did not improve in the short term.” The resolutions of 1572 called for even stiffer assimilationist criteria. .” The arrival of a large number of deported Granadans to Córdoba provoked a fierce debate in the municipal government with respect to the application of the linguistic prohibitions adopted in 1566: all of the members of the municipal council are in agreement that the use of Arabic is an undesirable element of distortion. which contains a section that orders clerics not to allow the Moriscos to “speak Arabic or teach it to their children” and instructs them not to let many Moriscos live together “nor . . Editor’s Introduction 23 tions. where in the year 1571 Archbishop Rojas y Sandoval promulgated his Instrucción para los moriscos (Instruction for the Moriscos). and here neither clerics nor laymen understand them.” They are also aware of the difficulties inherent in the eradication of Arabic and the acquisition of Castilian by the recent arrivals “because it is very well known that neither old people nor children nor women speak Spanish [aljama]. and sing in Arabic. Manuel Barrios Aguilera summarizes the state of Arabic in Andalusia after the war as well as official efforts to do away with it: The bishop of Badajoz. in spite of efforts to the contrary on the part of both civil and ecclesiastical authorities. and they blame it as a factor in “the great disorder that existed in the life of the Moriscos. however. the reluctance [on the part of the Moriscos] to learn Castilian and a tenacious retention of their language. referring to the Granadan Moriscos who had settled into his diocese after the expulsions that followed the war in the Alpujarras. in the words of one official.
it requires that all public school instruction be conducted in English and that children not fluent in English be placed in intensive one-year English immersion programs.” These measures remained in effect until the very moment of the Moriscos’ final expulsion [from Spain]. Granada morisca. the Inquisition was very active in the policing of language use. are simply a reinforcement of those adopted in 1571. where the use of Arabic (and the possession of Arabic and Arabic-script texts) was likewise much higher than in Castile.27 These examples provide strong evidence of a persistent effort on the part of civil and ecclesiastical authorities in Granada and throughout Andalusia to force Moriscos to cease speaking Arabic in favor of Castilian. and they provide evidence that nothing had changed. or administrator “willfully and repeatedly” refused to implement the terms of the statute. That is. It also provides . due to a higher concentration of Moriscos in those regions and greater contact with other Mediterranean Muslims. Among other things. 2002). The option of officially sanctioning and developing a bilingual. As Núñez Muley states in his Memorandum. which included Moriscos who continued to practice Islam.24 Vincent Barletta hold meetings amongst themselves. elected official. Arabic-Castilian community of New Christians was never officially considered. Arizona passed Proposition 203. Significantly. This monolingual policy resembles in a broad sense recent “English-only” legislation in the United States. he or she may be held personally liable for fees and actual and compensatory damages by the child’s parents. if any school board member. after the failed attempt at rebellion. These policies were of course not limited to Andalusia. 265–266. the Inquisition was established in Granada by Carlos V. 28. because in this way they will not forget their language and the customs that they had.28 27. . and its principal goal was to root out heretics. . and in Valencia and Aragon. la convivencia negada (Granada: Comares. as the order is repeated that clerics “not allow that the Moriscos possess nor read books or other materials written in Arabic nor speak the aforementioned language within or outside their homes nor write in it . a measure that greatly restricts bilingual education in that state. for example.” The measures that are promulgated in 1586. the measure allows parents to sue for enforcement of the statute. In 2000. Manuel Barrios Aguilera. .
given that the Moriscos were so attached to their customs. Currently. became an “alter ego”—in the words of Ambassador Fourquevaux. Mármol Carvajal. . But President Diego de Espinosa. “another king in this Court”—and courtiers advised their friends abroad to run everything of importance past Espinosa because “he is the man in all Spain in whom the king places most confidence and with whom he discusses most business. and that they would not feel the loss of these as acutely if they were deprived of them little by little. concerning both Spain and foreign affairs. however. states have established English as the “official language” for all official activities within the state. instead he kept abreast of that any individual found liable be removed from office and barred from holding any position of authority anywhere in Arizona for five years. II: 6. He writes. Editor’s Introduction 25 The last point that commands our attention in this section is presented by Mármol in his chapter on the process by which the decree of 1567 was developed (appendix 2).29 Espinosa was inquisitor-general and president of the Council of Castile. In specific terms. Mármol discusses Espinosa’s actions and possible motivations at the 1566 assembly in Madrid.S. aware of the warnings that arrived every day from Granada. par. advised His Majesty that they should all be put into effect at once. and bracing himself with the force of the faith and the power of so Catholic a prince. 29. and he was widely considered to be Spanish king Felipe II’s most influential advisor on a number of issues. As Geoffrey Parker puts it: Between 1566 and 1572 Cardinal Diego de Espinosa. president of the council of Castile and Inquisitor-General. at the very end of his chapter: This was the resolution that was taken in that assembly. 11.” The cardinal did not sit on many councils. Historia. twenty-eight U. although some thought that not all of the chapters should be put into effect all at once.
business through a series of informal committees, known as
The workings of the sort of “government by junta” that Parker
describes are very much at the center of the Madrid assembly that
developed the royal decree of 1567, and it is also likely that Espinosa’s knowledge of the situation in Granada was limited to the
highly slanted reports that he had been receiving from ecclesiastical officials there (some of which are described and contested by
Núñez Muley). In other words, Mármol’s rhetorical flourishes are
perhaps even more accurate and to the point than he could have
imagined: when Espinosa recommended to Felipe II that the provisions of the decree that would be proclaimed on January 1, 1567,
should be put into force all at once, he was in fact relying on little
more than the “warnings that arrived every day from Granada”
and his own faith and power as “so Catholic a prince.” On this
point, at the very least, Núñez Muley was in the right.
Reading the Memorandum: Some Broader Issues
In an effort to work past what Frantz Fanon has characterized as
the “Manichean” opposition between the culture of empire and
that of resistance in colonial settings,31 Edward W. Said begins his
essay on native collaboration and independence movements in
the twentieth century by discussing at some length the arguments
presented by Ronald Robinson on the issue of imperialism and
its “non-European foundations.” Robinson, writing in the context
of a seminar on imperialism held at Oxford in 1969–70, explicitly
foregrounds the role of the native collaborator in the broader European imperial project:
Any new theory must recognize that imperialism was as much
a function of its victims’ collaboration or non-collaboration—
30. Geoffrey Parker, The Grand Strategy of Philip II (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1998), 26.
31. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Richard Philcox (1963; New York:
Grove Press, 2004), 50.
of their indigenous politics, as it was of European expansion.
. . . Nor [without the voluntary or enforced cooperation of their
governing elites and] without indigenous collaboration, when
the time came for it, could Europeans have conquered and
ruled their non-European empires. From the outset that rule
was continuously resisted; just as continuously native mediation was needed to avert resistance or hold it down.32
As Said rightly points out, a very important aspect of Robinson’s
argument is what he leaves unsaid, namely, the extent to which
“indigenous collaboration” also implies indigenous assimilation
and a more or less significant emulation of “modern European
ways, to modernize according to what was perceived of as European advancement.” According to Said, this project of cultural
emulation stands as a kind of penumbra to the more brightly
illumined, and much more fully theorized, process of open resistance. In fact, many of the protagonists of the nineteenth- and
twentieth-century resistance struggles that eventually led to
full-fledged independence movements in Asia and Africa were
unmistakably complicit in the perpetuation of various emulatory practices within the intellectual sphere.33 Robinson and Said
leave no doubt that if we are to achieve a more contextualized
and thus complete understanding of the workings of empire and
resistance, it will be necessary to attend more fully to the ways in
which colonized subjects internalize and reproduce the values
and practices of the former even while consciously engaging in
32. Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage, 1994), 262–81, in
particular for a sense of the broader context in which Said employs Robinson’s ideas.
See also Ronald Robinson, “Non-European Foundations of European Imperialism:
Sketch for a Theory of Collaboration,” in Studies in the Theory of Imperialism, ed. Roger
Owen and Bob Sutcliffe (London: Longman, 1972).
33. Said, Culture and Imperialism, 262. Said in fact has much to say about the energy
with which non-Western officials, intellectuals, and students at various levels of development frequently sought guidance from and within the West during the nineteenth century: “The primary purpose of . . . early [Eastern] missions to the West was to learn the
ways of the advanced white man, translate his works, pick up his habits. Recent studies
on the subject . . . show how the imperial hierarchy was imparted to eager students from
the East along with information, useful texts, and profitable habits” (262–63).
The seemingly paradoxical intersections between collaboration/emulation and resistance are of central concern to even the
most elementary understanding of Núñez Muley’s Memorandum.
Núñez Muley, an elite and profoundly assimilated member of
sixteenth-century Granada’s large community of recent Muslim
converts to Christianity, strives both to appease his authoritative,
Castilian, Old Christian reader and openly contest the injurious
social policies adopted by this same reader and the legal body
over which he presides. As a result of this complex rhetorical and
social project, Núñez Muley adopts, whether consciously or not, a
wide range of seemingly divergent discursive strategies throughout the Memorandum. In fact, his prose at times appears strained
and tortured almost to the breaking point by his attempts to
demonstrate his allegiance to the broader mission assimilatrice of
the Spanish Crown (and its Castilian settlers) in Granada while
simultaneously questioning its specific strategies regarding the
Moriscos. Even the phrase that initiates the closing of his letter
(already cited above) seems to work at cross-purposes: “mi yntençión a sydo y es muy buena en servir a Dios muestro señor, y
a Su Magt. y a los naturales sus vasallos deste rreyno, pues son mi
sangre y soy obligado a ello, e no los puedo negar” [my intention
has been and is very honest: to serve the Lord our God, His Majesty, and his vassals the natives of this kingdom, as they are my
blood and I am obligated by that bond, and I cannot deny them
(fol. 330r; p. 99)]. This is a remarkably economical utterance, and
Núñez Muley uses it to invoke both the Moriscos’ legal obligation
to serve King Felipe II (as well as the king’s duty to protect them
from his dishonest officials) and his own responsibility—framed
not as legal requirement but as a blood tie—to serve his community. Dealing in a meaningful way with the tensions inherent in
such a dichotomous presentation of self is at the very heart of any
careful reading of the Memorandum.
One of the more subtle strategies that Núñez Muley employs
throughout the Memorandum involves the ways in which he
frames the tense “Morisco problem” (cuestión morisca) in Granada
as a specifically colonial one. For example, even the phrase that
he persistently employs to refer to the Moriscos of Granada—“the
as well as the broader Old Christian population. see Coleman. . 1959).E.34 In a very real sense—and this seems to be at the forefront of Núñez Muley’s thinking—Granadan Moriscos were by the middle of the sixteenth century being forced to confront the almost inevitable and imminent “death of indigenous society” as a result of the cultural.. Granadan Moriscos were forced to deal with the by no means inconsequential burdens that came with their new identity as Christians even as they dealt with the often more severe difficulties that accompanied the expectation that they become culturally Castilian.35 And while Núñez Muley.N. foreign administrators and settlers to what had for centuries been an autonomous Muslim kingdom stretching across the southern tip of the Iberian Peninsula. and textually mediated struggle to renegotiate the terms of the Granadan Moriscos’ relation to their Castilian overlords. although Coleman’s recent work on Granada as a “frontier society” has done much to fill in many of the larger blanks. Creating Christian Granada.P.e. risky. 50. political. in his Memorandum he nonetheless engages in a difficult. as recently arrived. For a detailed account of the extent to which waves of Castilian settlers had radically altered the very social fabric of the former kingdom of Granada by the middle of the sixteenth century. Géographie de l’Espagne morisque (Paris: S. Núñez Muley’s efforts in fact reveal an important feature of Granadan Morisco social life that has frequently been overlooked. the authorities that were in charge of religious instruction and oversight in Granada were overwhelmingly Castilian).V. does not seem to have been ready to accept the option of armed resistance later chosen by figures such as Aben Humeya and Farax Aben Farax. Wretched of the Earth. In brief. Editor’s Introduction 29 natives of this kingdom” (los naturales de este reyno)—implicitly underscores the status of the Castilian authorities. 35. Fanon.E. see Henri Lapeyre. For a modern account of the Castilian conquest and occupation of Granada as a colonial enterprise (compared specifically to the French colonization of Algeria). like many other native Granadans. These two burdens are of course intertwined to a significant degree (i. but it is important not to efface the differences that 34.. 13–31. and fiscal policies imposed upon them from the metropole in Madrid.
the Castilian colonization and eventual consolidation of Granada came instead to be framed as a decisive Christian victory within a region desperately in need of evangelization and spiritual order. Núñez Muley makes this point clear in his statements regarding the linguistic repertoire of Christians in Jerusalem and Malta: “y no la saben la lengua castellana y son xristianos católicos” [they also have no knowledge of the Castilian language. I also believe that they say mass in Arabic. 72)]. and neither of these groups knows how to read or write in Castilian (fol. 315v. In a related line of argumentation. much of their struggle involved parrying Castilian attempts to identify them solely on the basis of the first of these terms while essentially erasing the second. 94)]. ansý en las partes susodichas como en la ysla. p. and yet they are Catholic Christians (fol. as is also the case in Jerusalem and its surrounding areas. y no saben hablar ni escrevir en castellano ni los unos ni los otros” [Here (in Malta) there are Catholic Christians and nobles. Nonetheless. 326r. In this way. That the military defeat of Nas·rid Granada . p. and “[En la ysla de Malta] hay los católicos cristianos y [sic] hijos de algo: asimismo hablan arávigo y escriben arávigo lo que toca a la santa fe católica y lo demás de cristianos y creo que dizen las mismas.30 Vincent Barletta separate them altogether. What Núñez Muley is stressing here and in many other sections of the Memorandum is the importance of parsing out what corresponds to Christian belief and practice and what is merely a feature of Castilian regional culture. and they likewise speak Arabic and use Arabic to write texts having to do with the Holy Catholic faith and other Christian matters. That he does so provides strong evidence for the theory that part of the exercise of Castilian power in Granada involved erasing the distinction between “Castilian” and “Christian” and foisting regional mores on the Moriscos in the guise of Christian ones. Núñez Muley repeatedly maintains that the Moriscos of Granada were at once “New Christians” and “natives” of a formerly independent kingdom. It is worth analyzing the extent to which Castilian dominion in Granada was aided by a persistent denial on the part of the dominant group that anything resembling a colonial apparatus had ever taken root there. en arávigo.
see Vincent Barletta. 1545–1615) and Alonso del Castillo (d. Frank Domínguez and George Greenia (Columbia. and Álvaro Galmés de Fuentes. of Arab Origin. Covert Gestures: Crypto-Islamic Literature as Cultural Practice in Early Modern Spain (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. stands as an invaluable and scarcely studied document in the long history of European imperial expansion. Former King of Africa and the Arabias and the Life of Yaqu¯b al-Mans· u¯r. Translator for Don Felipe Our King (Historia verdadera del rey Don Rodrigo. and even openly resist the progressively intolerant policies of the Spanish Crown and the none-too-subtle imposition of Castilian culture by royal and ecclesiastical authorities. “Aljamiado literature. 193–201. idem. ed. 189–210. S.” Revista de Estudios Hispánicos 40. Newly Translated from the Arabic by Miguel de Luna. 279–87. Composed by the Wise Captain Abu¯ al-Qa¯sim T· arı¯f ibn T· a¯riq. 2005). Given its complexity and historical significance. Núñez Muley’s Memorandum also stands as one of the most important texts that emerged from early modern Spain’s large minority community of Christian converts from Islam. 1988) (Madrid: Al-Fadila. subtly polemical writings of Miguel de Luna (ca. subvert. Editor’s Introduction 31 in 1491 has consistently been framed. as a “conquest” (conquista) rather than a “reconquest” (reconquista) seems to suggest that this denial could never be complete. and Narrative Performance. 1990).” Actas del coloquio internacional sobre literatura aljamiada y morisca. and idem.36 the Memorandum presents an invaluable and specific example of how Granada’s former Muslims made active use of written texts to challenge.” in Dictionary of Literary Biography: Castilian Writers. 1400–1500. which provides a subtle and at times self-contradictory narration of indigenous agency—whether as emulation and appeasement or outright resistance—in the face of Castilian colonial administration in Granada. 1978). Power. Álvaro Galmés de Fuentes and Emilio García Gómez (Madrid: Gredos. and idem. from the end of the fifteenth century to the present day. Together with the extensive corpus of aljamiado (Romance texts handwritten in Arabic script) texts actively read and recopied by Spanish Crypto-Muslims throughout the sixteenth century and the ingenious. “The Aljamiado ‘Sacrifice of Ishmael’: Genre. For examples. en la cual se trata de la causa principal de la pérdida . no.: Bruccoli Clark Layman.” in Actas de las II jornadas internacionales de cultura islámica (Teruel. The bibliography on the aljamiado literature of the Moriscos is extensive. Resident of Granada. And Núñez Muley’s Memorandum. “El interés literario en los escritos aljamiado-moriscos. ed. 2003). The full title of Luna’s work is much longer and helps to provide a sense of its literary complexity: A True History of King Roderick. “Características literarias de los escritos aljamiado-moriscos. 3 (2006): 513–36. in which is Discussed the Principal Cause of the Loss of Spain and its Conquest by Moh· ammed al-Na¯·sr.C. 1610). 36.
Núñez Muley’s prose style is for the most part unadorned and loosely organized.32 Vincent Barletta For modern readers. intérprete del rey Don Felipe nuestro señor). For more on this work. it is clear from the Memorandum that while he is a highly intelligent man with a significant amount of knowledge about and authority within his own community. according to Núñez Muley) of Christian converts from Islam. . the Memorandum compels its reader to question the very foundations of the dominant social order and the project of empire. “La voluntad de leyenda de Miguel de Luna. although it is. he is not the skilled writer that other Granadan Moriscos such as Luna or Castillo were. de nación árabe. in traditional literary terms. Like the popular Castilian picaresque novel Lazarillo de Tormes (Lazarillo of Tormes).000 persons. 1600). 45–97. As for Núñez Muley himself. compuesta por el sabio alcayde Albucasim Tarif abentarique. Luna’s A True History is actually neither of these. as I have suggested above. a simple piece of writing: a letter written by a Granadan Morisco to the president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada to complain of recently proclaimed laws that call for the almost immediate cultural and linguistic assimilation of Granada’s large community (approximately 150.” in El problema morisco (desde otras laderas) (Madrid: Libertarias). while Lazarillo employs a series of de España y la conquista que de ella hizo Miramamolín Almanzor. rather. literary concerns of form and style. however. Looked at beyond these more traditional. Unlike Lazarillo. Núñez Muley’s Memorandum provides modern readers. it is a highly subjective and largely fictional account of the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula written by Luna himself and published in two volumes (1592. with a fascinating and discursively complex example of the strategies of appeasement and resistance employed by those who found themselves targeted by a constellation of ostensibly Christian kingdoms (led by Castile) intent on fashioning themselves into a culturally homogeneous nation-state and world empire. That is. nuevamente traducida de la lengua arabiga por Miguel de Luna. the Memorandum is of interest from a wide range of perspectives. Framed both as a “true history” and the translation of a text originally written in Arabic. the Memorandum does this in a very direct way. see Francisco Márquez Villanueva. first published in 1554. vecino de Granada. rey que fue de Africa y de las Arabias. y vida del rey Yacob Almanzor. and it is fair to say that the Memorandum was not intended for wide public distribution.
Mary Louise Pratt. the Memorandum lays everything out quite literally. It can fairly be said that Núñez Muley speaks a very specific kind of truth in his Memorandum. At the same time. Núñez Muley effectively works. collaboration. is to understand the shared mechanics of these colonies while not leveling out the contextualized features that differentiate them. The challenge. Her argument regarding the ways in which European nations such as Spain. frames the New Christians of Granada as the “natives” (naturales) of a formerly independent Muslim kingdom with certain rights and freedoms that correspond to such a status. as if they were part of some larger fractal scheme of hegemony and transculturation. The notion of “native” versus “outsider” brought up by Núñez Muley throughout the Memorandum provides a powerful and explicit reference point from which we might compare the discursive strategies of resistance. negotiation. of course. once again. Looked at from this broader perspective. internal scale. “foreign” administrators with little understanding of the places and peoples that they have been charged with governing. Editor’s Introduction 33 tropes and fictional encounters to lead its reader to certain conclusions. and without mincing many words. and survival employed by minorities within the Iberian Peninsula during the early modern period to those utilized by natives of the overseas territories that had then been only recently colonized by Spain and Portugal. ironically enough.” were in large part forged through contact with the colonial periphery intersects in suggestive ways with central features of the Memorandum: . the Memorandum places into relief the fact that even within Europe itself there have always been enormous territorial interstices and internal peripheries that serve to problematize the colonial project even as they recreate it on a smaller. and in a very real sense. a truth that. has dealt directly with the issues of colonial representation and transculturation in the context of European imperial expansion during the sixteenth century. in work that runs parallel to that of Robinson and Said. as well as their “modes of representation. to marginalize the Old Christian authorities as a group of recently arrived.
38 And in the case of the former Kingdom of Granada. 1992). for example). . and history. it is difficult not to wonder whether this “outside-in” process also occurred within the Iberian Peninsula itself during a period when New Christians who had formerly been Jews and Muslims unmistakably formed a kind of “colonized other” within Europe itself. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge. if not entirely unfamiliar. territory to Castilians just after 1492. were pervasive in shaping European domestic society..e. the entity called Europe was constructed from the outside in as much as from the inside out. by the constructions of themselves and their habitats that they presented to the Europeans? Borders and all. Mary Louise Pratt. Can this be said of its modes of representation? While the imperial metropolis tends to understand itself as determining the periphery (in the emanating glow of the civilizing mission or the cash flow of development. as a work produced by a colonized subject within Spain’s (i. which was still very much a foreign. it habitually blinds itself to the ways in which the periphery determines the metropolis—beginning.34 Vincent Barletta The fruits of empire.37 Pratt’s question regarding the influence that non-European modes of representation might have within the European metropole is a purely rhetorical one. culture. with the latter’s obsessive need to present and re-present its peripheries and its others continually to itself. 6. it is in fact possible to speak in very direct and literal terms of such colonial processes. How have Europe’s constructions of subordinated others been shaped by those others. Castile’s) burgeoning empire. And while she is concerned primarily with a specific textual genre (travel literature from the Americas). we know. up to other forms of official correspondence 37. 38. perhaps. What happens when we hold the Memorandum. and the rest of her study is dedicated to unpacking the affirmative answer that she provides for it. A project very similar to this has in fact been at the center of a wide body of critical work inspired by the historical theories of Américo Castro.
the rhetorical techniques of Yucatec Maya elites in their early letters to the Spanish Crown or the openly subjective reports given to Portuguese royal officials by their Moroccan colonial agents during the first half of the sixteenth century with the Memorandum. On Spain and the Maya.” Sixteenth-Century Journal 32. Hanks describes this hybrid genre as “Official Maya discourse” and maintains that it works to make its Spanish readers (i. see William F. A comparison of. 1930). 1506–1542 (Lisbon: Lucas. “Discourse Genres in a Theory of Practice. no. Cornell. “Discourse Genres in a Theory of Practice. 40. royal officials) confident that Maya elites honestly respected colonial authority and ideologies while simultaneously making these same Spanish readers painfully aware of the locally regimented authority that the indigenous authors/assignees brought to these texts: Official Maya discourse displays a strong orientation toward Spanish ideology and institutional structures.” American Ethnologist 14. Hanks. David Lopes. no. “Service and Honor in Sixteenth˛ Century Portuguese North Africa: Yahyá-u-Ta fuft and Portuguese Noble Culture. 1897). Durval Pires de Lima. . Hanks.e. Textos em aljamia portuguesa (Lisbon: Nacional. blending Maya and Spanish discourse forms into novel types. História da dominação portuguesa em Çafim.. Vincent J. Editor’s Introduction 35 produced by “subordinated others” writing from Spain and Portugal’s overseas colonies? The short answer is that we find many illuminative points in common. 4 (1987): 668–692.” 668. “Socioeconomic Dimensions of Reconquista and Jihad in Morocco: Portuguese Dukkala and the Sadid Sus. allows a deeper understanding of the precise discursive strategies employed across cultural contexts by minority writers in their dealings with Imperial Spain and Portugal. 1 (2001): 67–90. 4 (1990): 379–418. on Portugal and Morocco. but it would be wrong to conclude from this that the Maya were “already 39.” International Journal of Middle East Studies 22. is a hybrid generic form that is ultimately inseparable from the socially and historically embedded activities in which it is produced and employed. 1450–1557. and Matthew T. no. according to Hanks.”40 What results from such innovation and blending. for example.39 An analysis of official letters produced by Yucatec Maya elites and sent to royal officials in Madrid during the sixteenth century illustrates how these texts in the end “reflect a process of local innovation. Racine.
Núñez Muley’s continuous appeals to the authority of his addressee. style. the display of hispanization in these works is at least in part a means of familiarizing them to the. primarily Spanish. Both regularization and officialization are pragmatic processes that link individual works to dominant power structures. . like his contemporaries in colonial Yucatán. entitled actors. in order to display their own impeccable character. and thematic content of the documents all maximize the appearance that their authors honored the values of their conquerors and were themselves honorable. on the one hand. what Bourdieu called “regulation. the discourse is also “officialized. the president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada. The format.41 Hanks goes on to discuss the implications that official Maya discourse.” whereby actors strategically make a show of their adherence to moral and ethical values of the group. addresses.” 677–678. while Núñez Muley’s equally persistent citation of legal documents.” whereby it presents itself as a bona fide. This involved. naming of eyewitnesses to specific 41. the most direct link between the official Maya discourse that Hanks studies and the Memorandum are the ways in which Núñez Muley. These theoretical concerns connect in various ways to an analysis of Núñez Muley’s Memorandum. On the other hand. makes strategic use of different forms of generic discourse—both at the pragmatic and the semantico-referential levels of signification—to demonstrate his acceptance of his subordinate place within the “order of things” while working hard (and hardly below the surface) to make manifest his own authority. authorized by specific. reflect the sort of “regularization” to which Hanks refers. “Discourse Genres in a Theory of Practice. Hanks. that Bourdieusian ideas regarding cultural practice provide key insights to understand the workings of genre). Rather. witnessed document. both as a form of language and as an activity. has for current theories of genre (namely. Both have a tangible influence on the linguistic forms through which genres are realized.36 Vincent Barletta converted” and simply following the rules laid down by the conquerors. However.
to royal ˛ officials in Lisbon by Yah·yá Ta fu¯ft (d. Portuguese administration of Safi and ˛ the broader Dukka¯lat Abdah region of Morocco relied to a certain degree on a series of complex deals and contracts with local leaders: Since Portuguese commercial interests in Dukkala were based on the need to acquire commodities necessary for supplementing their supplies of foodstuffs and maintaining the African gold trade. Morocco. Throughout the latter half of the fifteenth century and extending into the period of direct rule in the first 42. Editor’s Introduction 37 proceedings. 42 As Vincent J. Casablanca was known as Anfa¯ for centuries before the Portuguese took control of it in 1515. regarding where the president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada might obtain copies of the 1491 capitulations signed by ˛ the Catholic Monarchs and the defeated Granadan king Abu¯ Abd Allah Moh·ammed XII (1460–1527) are nothing if not openly condescending) reflect a level of audacity that probably has as much to do with Núñez Muley’s advanced age as with the hopelessness of the situation about which he complains so bitterly. to the processes of “officialization” described by Hanks. . which rests on the Atlantic Coast of Morocco roughly two hundred miles to the south of what is now Casablanca. and presentation of himself as a faithful and authoritative eyewitness of past events bears many similarities. Portuguese king Manuel I (1469–1521) had taken full control of the city and port of Safi. for example. Cornell explains. In 1508. Another striking example of the connections that exist between Núñez Muley’s text and others produced in the context of Spain’s and Portugal’s nearly simultaneous projects of imperial expansion are the letters sent from Safi. 1518). at least in broad strokes. the administrative policies implemented by the feitores and captains in the towns they occupied were initially designed to secure a regular supply of goods with a minimum of interference. That Núñez Muley goes a bit farther and seems openly to challenge the authority of local officials and even that of his highranking and none-too-sympathetic addressee (his comments.
Occasionally. According to letters held in the Torre do Tombo Archive ˛ in Lisbon. “Socioeconomic Dimensions of Reconquista and Jihad in Morocco. Textos em aljamia portuguesa. “Socioeconomic Dimensions of Reconquista and Jihad in Morocco. Portuguese administrators relied heavily on the services of allied tribal leaders to exploit inland areas economically dependent on the ports of Safi and Azemmour. Safi: au vieux temps des portugais (Lisbon: n. and Lopes. 1938). 44. Yah·yá. . There is even reason to believe that he sought to place himself above Islamic 43. Cornell. Joseph Goulven. led to a destabilization of the region under Yah·yá’s control. 91–92.45 ˛ The image of Yah·yá Ta fu¯ft that emerges from one side of the historical record is that of an opportunistic local big man who may or may not have abused the support he received from the Portuguese Crown in order to enrich himself monetarily and to appropriate for himself almost unchecked power. Cornell. Yah·yá Ta fu¯ft received from Portugal a yearly salary of roughly 30 ounces of gold in addition to his portion of the booty taken in raids against local tribes. He was also allowed to equip and maintain a private guard of one hundred armed mercenaries and to collect a significant income from bribes of local merchants and others seeking his protection.” 386. 118–137. and Portugal ˛ was eventually forced to abandon Safi in 1541. and many colonial Portuguese officials made the claim that he continued plying his former trade in a more or less unrestrained way while working for the Crown.43 Such an appointment by royal decree was extended to Yah·yá ˛ Ta fu¯ft by the Portuguese Crown shortly after Portugal took ˛ control of Safi.p. along with steady conflicts with Wat·a¯sı¯d forces from Fez ˛ and the growing power of the Sa dı¯ dynasty in the south. had formerly been a kind of fortune hunter. 44 Continued poor administration.38 Vincent Barletta decades of the sixteenth century.” 386. 45. Yah·yá Ta fu¯ft himself was ambushed and murdered in 1518 while on his way to visit a friend whose brother had recently been killed. they went so far as to appoint a local ruler by royal decree when it suited them. a native of the Dukka¯lat Abdah region who came to power through a Portuguese-engineered coup.
e tambem os mouros que vem á cidade 46. we find Yah·yá asking for the help and support of the newly arrived Portuguese captain-major of Safi. Cornell. and that he must remain as lord of Safi]. in a letter written in 1516 now contained in Lisbon’s Torre do Tombo Archive. . “Socioeconomic Dimensions of Reconquista and Jihad in Morocco. having bestowed upon himself the authority “to promulgate a personal qanu¯n. 86–87. however. e logo se començo a chamar rey. Later he began to refer to himself as king and ordered that everyone was to kiss his hand and foot. e toman-nos per força pera o capitão e pera os seus amigos. Among the letters contained in the Torre do Tombo Archive that deal with Yahyá Ta fu¯ft · is a scathing letter composed by a Rabbi Abraão (C. Lopes. e que nom avyão de conocer ao capytam se nom a ele. e assim estou em balanças sem saber o que hei de fazer de mim. . Os mouros dizem que sou cristão.”46 ˛ The sense that we gain of Yah·yá Ta fu¯ft from his own written correspondence to Portuguese officials and King Manuel I himself. . and that they should recognize no other captain but him. e logo començo a dezir aos moros que ele hera o senhor. Nuno. e que o capytam se avya de yr. [D]eixei meus filhos e mulheres por servir elrei nosso senhor. senão o que Deus quiser. and that the [Portuguese] captain must leave. Editor’s Introduction 39 law in the area that he controlled. Textos em aljamia portuguesa. he made it a point to inform the other Moroccans that the command was his. 75). e que lhe beijasem todos ha mão e ho pe. e eu senhor corro e trabalho por fóra. vosso servo Iáhia Tafufte vos faz a saber que desno dia que vim a esta terra. or extra-Islamic body of regulations. e os cristãos dizem que sou mouro. chron.”˛387. não vi nenhum prazer nem descanço com cristãos. parte III. dizem logo que é enxovío. e estando o capytam diante lhe beijavam a ele a mão e nom ao capytam. that took precedence over all other forms of legality. e assim toto mouro que vem á cidade com proveito a comprar e vender não torna mais pera fóra. Nuno Mascarenhas. doc. nem menos com mouros. The letter begins: “Depues que este moro foy posto por alcayde. logo determino de fazer entender aos moros que ho mando era seu. who held the post from that year until 1522: Louvores ao só Deus. maço 5. . is something else altogether. e ele avya de ficar por senhor em çafy”[After this Moroccan was given the post of captain. and even in front of the [Portuguese] captain they kissed his hand and foot and not those of the [Portuguese] captain. e o capitão e Nuno Gato e o feitor e outros me destruem de dentro. Later he began to say to the Moroccans that he was their lord. For example. Senhor D.
Arab tribes from this area (as well as from the Gharb.]47 Yah·yá begins his letter by affirming his subordinate role to the incoming Portuguese governor (“My Lord. My Lord. . also. . and while I. your servant Yah·yá ˛ Ta fu¯ft wishes to inform you that from the day that I arrived in this territory. and the captain and his friends take them by force. e agora lhe fazem treição. and so I am caught in between not knowing what to do with myself except that which God wills . I left my children and my wives to serve the king our lord. Any Muslim who comes to the city with the idea of buying or selling something is not allowed to leave. the captain (Nuno Fernandes de Ataíde). ˛ 62–65. The Muslims say that I am a Christian. During the Portuguese colonization of Safi. (the royal auditor) Nuno Gato. Dom Nuno.40 Vincent Barletta com a lenha e palha. I have seen no pleasure or rest either among Christians or Muslims. e muitos mouros vendidos pera terras de cristãos. run about and work outside our borders. This is done in plain sight without any of the guilty parties receiving punishment. a region north of Sha¯wı¯ya) mounted stiff resistance. Like the Yucatec Maya letters studied by Hanks and the Memorandum of 47. as they say later that he is from Sha¯wı¯ya. e isto claro e visto sem darem pena a quem por isto merecer. [Praise the one God. your servant ˛ Yah·yá Ta fu¯ft wishes to inform you”) before going on to describe his loyal service to the Portuguese Crown and the impossible situation in which he finds himself in Safi and beyond. . and the Christians say that I am a Muslim. and others destroy me from within. Lopes. many Muslims are sold into slavery in Christian lands. Textos em aljamia portuguesa. matam-nos e deitam-nos nas almotofías e nos poços até federem polas casas. Dom Nuno. the administrator. My Lord. Sha¯wı¯ya-Ourdı¯gha is a region of Morocco located just northeast of Dukka¯lat Abdah. The Muslims that come to the city with wood and straw likewise are betrayed: they kill them and lay them out in graves and dump them in wells until the stench of the bodies reaches the houses.
and Lopes. Then. “Aljamia portuguesa revisited. Yah·yá accuses Nunes Gato and those working with the former governor of Safi of undermining the proper administration of the city and committing terrible atrocities against the local population. and several earnest attempts to establish the moral authority of a non-Christian author who was. What is perhaps most interesting for modern students of literature and textual culture is that these complex processes of negotiation and reconfiguration are carried out in large part through the mediation of highly generic texts: letters written and sent to royal officials. deference to authority. Núñez Muley himself represented a specific sector of Granadan Morisco elites who had viewed sincere conversion and collaboration with the Christian conquerors as the surest course for their community—a stance not shared or even trusted by many Moriscos for whom anything but a superficial. For more on the aljamiado transcriptions of Yahyá Ta fu¯ft’s letters. Har· vey. Yah·yá engages in a verbal process of regulation by which he simultaneously reproduces the relations of power and privilege that make up the established order and attempts to establish his own moral authority within that order. see L. Far from supporting the image of a ruthless profiteer that emerges from other documents from the period. public conversion from Islam was not an option. P. ˛ 48. as well as a defender of the rights and safety of the natives.” Portuguese Studies 2 (1986): 1–14. Editor’s Introduction 41 Núñez Muley. As is the case with Núñez Muley’s text. Yah·yá here goes to great lengths to present himself as a loyal and long-suffering servant of the Portuguese Crown. hardly above reproach. Textos em aljamia portuguesa. turning the tables on the very officials who had complained to the king of abuses committed by him. 48 While Yah·yá had managed to make enemies of many of Safi’s Portuguese administrators as well as its native Jews and Muslims. even in his own community. self-defense. . we find in Yah·yá ˛ Ta fu ¯ft’s letter (which was incidentally transcribed into Portuguese aljamiado after it was translated from Arabic into Portuguese upon its arrival in Lisbon) an intricate blend of accusation and counter-accusation.
y otras personas que trabaxan en casas.” 217. suçias y estelcoleros y enfinitas cosas tales. .42 Vincent Barletta Another important aspect of the Memorandum is what it tells modern readers about the cultural practices and institutions of Granadan Moriscos. y trabaxadores en partes zuzias. workers in dirty places such as those who remove waste from the communal septic tanks and sewers where the filth from each street and house is collected. and others who work in dirty homes and dung heaps. y calbonero.espadadores de lino. All of these people come to the baths. y otras neçeçidades. en particular quando tienen neçeçidad para limpiar de las tales zuçidades susodichas. porque a ellos vienen los enfermos en deversos enfermedades y llagas y materias. Garrad. the Memorandum provides a unique source of information regarding the use of public baths by Muslims and New Christians in early modern Granada. y los de los ofiçios zuzios. for the sick go to them with their various maladies and sores. the coal supplier. and in an infinite number of other things such as those. particularly when they have need to clean themselves of the aforementioned forms of filth and relieve themselves. tales en baziar neçeçias y madres de calles donde se vienen a llegar y rrecoger las dichas zuziedades de cada calle y casas. those who mash linen to make thread. [The baths themselves are pools of filth and other such things. “The Original Memorial. 320v. the skinners who work in the slaughterhouse and outside of it. as well as those who have dirty occupations such as the fisherman. y todos éstos se vienen a juntar. 49 Núñez Muley goes so far as to provide a list of some of the people who made regular use of the baths due to their dirty occupations and maladies: y los vaños son minas de las zuçiedades y otras munchas cosas. 84–85) 49. as Garrad has pointed out. the butcher. pp. the oil supplier. the blacksmith.] (fol. y desolladores en el rrastro y fuera dél. y azeytero y carnisero y. For example. tales como pescador. herrero.
tanto como del Audiençia Real a la plaça de Vibarrambla. And given the fact that Granadan Moriscos were prohibited from bathing or washing in the privacy of their homes—as ritual washing is part of Muslim prayer—the baths were also necessary to ensure the health of the community. y. According to inquisitors. The zambra is a popular form of music accompanied by singing. and dance that was developed in the Kingdom of Granada during the period of Nas·rid dominance. 77–78. 1978).50 Changing this perspective is very much at the center of Núñez Muley’s comments regarding the zambra and its use in unambiguously Christian settings: Demás desto puedo dezir que yo serví al santo Alçobispo por tres años y más por paxe. as his argument—that no Muslim would think of praying there—depends upon convincing his reader of the foulness of the baths). Editor’s Introduction 43 While the public baths of Granada do not emerge from the Memorandum as particularly sanitary places (although there is reason to believe that Núñez Muley may actually be exaggerating this point a bit. it became associated with Morisco culture as a whole and. he went to the house of another Morisco of the aforementioned village and performed and sang the zambra. erroneously. . García-Arenal presents information from the Inquisition trial of Luis García. on Fridays “as part of a celebration and rite of the aforementioned [Muslim] sect.” Mercedes García-Arenal. y fuy con él a una vesita que vesitó a todas las Alpuxarras. a Morisco from Marquesado de los Vélez (Cuenca). with Muslim religious observance. que se dize Albarba. and together with many other persons of his caste and condition. From the official Castilian perspective. . percussion. . y hera tan lexos la yglesia. hasta 50. . Inquisición y moriscos: los procesos del Tribunal de Cuenca (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno. saliendo para yr a la yglesia. y la dicha zanbra le aguardava a la puerta de su posada. Another aspect of the cultural practice of Granadan Moriscos that Núñez Muley mentions is the performance of the zambra at celebrations such as weddings. scattering into the fire straw taken from a basket which they held for effect and singing in their language a song. they do appear to have been central to Granadan social life. tañían todos sus ystrumentos y zanbras que yban delante dél y toda gente que se hallava. y en la villa de Uxíxar posava en una casa en lo más alto de la villa.
they responded with the zambra and its instruments.44 Vincent Barletta entrar con él en la yglesia. whether they had been freed or not. there was a zambra in the choir with the clerics. which is called Albarba. Sa. because they didn’t have one.] (fol. rrespondía la zanbra y estrumentos della. 319r–v. and I accompanied him on a visit that he made to all of the Alpujarras. 81–82) At once a strong vote of support for the liberal policies of the former archbishop of Granada. I can say that I served for just over three years as a page to the holy archbishop. estava la zanbra en el coro con los clérigos. In the town of Ugíjar he stayed in a house located in the highest part of the city. Núñez Muley’s comments about the performance of the zambra in a mass presided over by the archbishop himself are nothing short of striking. As Mármol and Núñez Muley both make clear. and a defense of the autochthonous culture of Granada. And it was a zambra that waited for him at his door. Hernando de Talavera (1428–1507). At the moments when the organ would normally be played. dezía la misa en persona. prior to 1567 Granadan Moriscos and Old Christians alike had been allowed to own black African slaves. pp. and even entering into the church with him. and he was as far from the church as the Royal Audiencia is from the Plaza de Bibrambla. porque no los avía. y en tienpos que avían de tañer los órganos. As Mármol presents it (and . and a zambra that accompanied him as he left the house to walk to mass. y quando S. And when His Holiness said mass in person. The section of the Memorandum that has proven most contentious for modern readers is the section on slavery. with all of the instruments playing and the people walking ahead of him. The net effect of the decree of 1567 with respect to the black African slave trade in Granada was to revoke the licenses held by Moriscos to own these slaves. [Beyond this. Also living in the Kingdom of Granada were Muslim slaves captured from North Africa (gacis). while allowing Old Christians to retain theirs. and the 1567 decree ordered that these were to leave Granada immediately.
the enslavement and ransom of shipwrecked and captured Christians was an established practice within Muslim North Africa. The Slave Trade: The History of the Atlantic Slave Trade.” 221. 1415–1825 (Oxford: Clarendon Press. Garrad. most of the black African slaves in the Kingdom of Granada had been brought there from Guinea by (Christian) Portuguese traders. raza y religión (Granada: Universidad de Granada y Área de Mujer de la Diputación Provincial de Granada. Harvey. La esclavitud en la Granada del siglo XVI: género. Muslims in Spain. rather. and Aurelia Martín Casares. at least insofar as it involved the Moriscos of Granada. “The Original Memorial. especially insofar as it involved the Portuguese. 1963). as the capture and ransom of North Africans was in Spain. Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire. and Hugh Thomas. even those that had been freed and had converted to Christianity. 1440–1870 (London: Picador. see Cornell. Editor’s Introduction 45 Núñez Muley confirms this). 1997). 1500 to 1614 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. see Charles Boxer. Their expulsion. The workings of the slave trade in Granada have been dealt with from a variety of perspectives. the individual licenses that permitted Granadan Moriscos to own black slaves were to be immediately cancelled and then reconsidered on a case-by-case basis.51 Likewise. 2005). as Garrad points out. P. 2000). the official thinking was that the slaves of Granadan Moriscos would likely end up converting to Islam and thus swell the numbers of potentially rebellious subjects within the kingdom. First. The problem that the Spanish Crown had with the continuation of slavery. there was the belief that the gacis. were de facto Muslims living in the newly Christianized region (now a kingdom in name only) of Granada. With respect to the presence of black Africans in Granada. “Socioeconomic Dimensions of Reconquista and Jihad in Morocco”. was twofold. This is an important point to keep in mind: the problem that royal and Church authorities had with Granadan Morisco ownership of black slaves had little to do with the moral issues that revolve around slavery per se. In fact. It should be pointed out that during the sixteenth century (and beyond) neither the Catholic Church nor the majority of Muslim ima¯ms had a significant problem with the African slave trade. For a broader treatment of the African slave trade. . 246–250. regardless of their actual status. L. their concern was the pernicious religious and cultural 51. was a matter of course as far as royal and Church officials were concerned.
Núñez Muley’s racist comments. Núñez Muley effectively forms a common cause—or at least a shared ideological perspective—with his Castilian reader. of course. In this sense. function also as part of the broader strategy of discursive push-and-pull that he employs throughout the Memorandum.46 Vincent Barletta effects that prolonged contact with the Moriscos might have upon the Africans. more immediate reading that must be considered. the collected sayings of the Prophet (hadı¯th). The Memorandum also offers a very strong argument for revising our understanding of how we see the Spanish nation-state during its period of formation in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Beyond the specific features of Granadan culture described in the Memorandum and the insights that Núñez Muley’s text offers to students and scholars of European colonialism. while most likely sincere. It follows from this selective line of reasoning that Christian slave-owners would logically facilitate the conversion of their black slaves to Christianity whether they freed them or not. form one of the most troubling and even ironic sections of the Memorandum. Núñez Muley’s text places into irresolvable doubt the very premises and theoretical frameworks that present “the Muslim world” and “the West” as separate or even separable entities. Slave ownership was common and largely accepted in sixteenth-century Spain. Núñez Muley’s comments regarding the need that Granadan Moriscos had of black slaves. Put succinctly. and of the inherently “wretched state” of these people. there are also several others that condemn it. there is also a broader. One potentially productive way of approaching the question. Whatever we might conclude. but this does not excuse the reprehensible nature of Núñez Muley’s comments regarding black Africans While it is true that the Qur’an. Pedro de Deza. is to focus on Núñez Muley’s comments in light of his broader rhetorical goals: by highlighting the shared racism of Old and New Christian elites with regard to black Africans. and the Bible provide numerous verses and statements that support the institution of slavery. We need only think of the performance of zambras in a Catholic mass presided over by the archbishop of Granada or the .
The pope. had based part of his argument on a late fourteenth-century text in which the then–Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos (1350–1425) makes the following claim: “Show me just what Muhammad brought that was new and there you will find things only evil and inhuman. José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. Pope Benedict XVI.”52 This and other comments made by Benedict XVI in his speech provoked a large 52. came as no surprise. while giving a speech on faith and reason at the University of Regensburg in Germany. and his dismay over the “weakness” demonstrated by European leaders in the context of such threats.” his concerns regarding the threat posed by Islamic terrorism. such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached. were what those in attendance might have expected from the former center-right leader of Spain’s government: he expressed his strong belief in the strength of “Western values. What stood out in Aznar’s speech was the sincere effort that he made to defend comments made earlier that month by Pope Benedict XVI regarding the status of Islam in the modern world. 12 Sept. . For the most part his prepared statements. Certainly his direct critiques of Spain’s government. available at http:// news.pdf (accessed December 2. 2006.bbc. We may gain a deeper understanding of where such fictions about the Iberian Peninsula’s medieval past lead us by examining an all-too-contemporary retelling of them.uk/2/shared/bsp/hi/pdfs/15_09_06_pope. given in English. 2006). Reason and the University: Memories and Reflections. 2006. to see that any notion of Spain as a resolutely Christian nation that somehow “suffered” an eight-century Muslim occupation until its final liberation by the Catholic Monarchs is untenable if not wholly fictional. directed since early 2004 by the Socialist party and its leader. On September 21.co. Editor’s Introduction 47 accepted use of Arabic responses in that same mass.C. D. or even the mixed presence of Old and New Christians in the public baths and wedding celebrations of the kingdom. former Spanish prime minister José María Aznar gave what has become a famous speech at the Hudson Institute in Washington.” speech given at University of Regensburg. “Faith.
but a historical one. Condoleeza Rice.org/fre/suisse/agences/index/Propos_du_ pape_sur_l_islam_Pascal_Couchepin_defend_le_pape. available at http://www.”54 Benedict’s comments. intelligent and necessary. since Spain was the very first country that was attacked by the militant 53. offered varying degrees of support for the pope’s statements. are not necessarily of central concern here. Aznar. made in the context of a broader theological argument and largely mitigated by a trip to Turkey in which the pope very publicly prayed within Istanbul’s Blue Mosque (even facing the qibla while doing so) and offered no fewer than four carefully worded (if not fully convincing) apologies for any offense that his Regensburg talk might have caused.state. Swiss Interior Minister Pascal Couchepin.html?siteSect=113&sid=7071639 &cKey=1158514297000 (accessed December 2. singled out by Aznar as a “moderate” Muslim nation. and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. SwissInfo.”53 while Rice praised Benedict for his “love of humanity” and made the point that “[w]e all need to understand that offense can sometimes be taken when perhaps we don’t see it. 2006). 2006). including the leaders of some Muslim nations. along with several Western politicians. “Propos du pape sur l’islam: Pascal Couchepin défend le pape” (2006). a woman with an obvious interest in historical matters asks Aznar the following question (reproduced here as she posed it): I have a very short question. interviewed by Robin Roberts of ABC’s Good Morning America. More important is Aznar’s unqualified support of the pope’s comments in the context of his talk at the Hudson Institute. .gov/secretary/rm/2006/72642. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.htm (accessed December 2.48 Vincent Barletta number of people. went so far as to recall its ambassador from Vatican City) and demand that the pope apologize. In fact. 54. During the question-and-answer session after Aznar’s talk. available at http://www. including U. Aznar goes much further than the pope in his comments regarding Islam and even offers his own theories regarding its place within Spain’s complex history. Couchepin characterized the Regensburg speech as “interesting.S.swissinfo. to launch a series of protests (Morocco. Australian Prime Minister John Howard.
When they came up from the Maghreb and right into Spain and then they were stopped at the Pyrenees. for a strong leadership. ] Now. I confess that I am supporter of Fernando and Isabella. And Europe have a lack of leadership. to the pope to apologize for [his] speech. the trading. “like” leaders if you prefer. for the Christianity in this moment now. It’s absurd. . but the problem is not in the population. this is decisive battle for the. . given. always should be apologize and they never. although the text of his response was almost never cited directly. the shipbuilding. But it’s necessary. . almost 700 years [after the Turks conquered Byzantium]. one may assume. Editor’s Introduction 49 Muslims in the years 700. the liberties that Aznar takes with the rules of English syntax: Really. “light” leaders. weak leaders. they brought the warfare. but then they brought with them big advance over what European culture was: they brought the architecture. my country’s conscious of this situation. It’s very interesting. [ . and I think that this moment is a good moment for a strong leaders. Well. never should be apologize. because I thought in this day. . but this time they are back to Stone Age. we. then in Lepanto battle. And then they were expulsed by Ferdinand [and] Isabella. And they stayed in Spain for almost 700 years. How do people in Spain look at this since Spain was the first country attacked by these people? Aznar’s response to this question made international news. Never. no? But we Spaniards know very well what eight centuries. the accounting—they gave Europe the numbers. the international trade. 800. . work and work every day to transmit to the . I never listen any Muslim apologize me to conquer Spain and to maintain his presence in Spain during eight centuries. A great queen. Because I—well what is the reason? Because. no? Because when the. the expanding Islam is coming back and attacking Europe and America and everybody else. the Western. no? [Laughs] For they are two great kings. the problem really is in the leadership. There is a lot soft leaders. a lot of people in the Muslim world claim to.
” She finishes by linking contemporary jiha¯dı¯ groups with the expansionist Umayyads of the early eighth century. joining both in the phrase “these people. his ideas are very much improvised and do not follow any strict logic—a fact that is obscured by the brief paraphrases of his comments (not translated excerpts) that appeared in the European press.. 56. available at http:// www.50 Vincent Barletta populations that the threat exist and everybody is under this threat. . offering very sarcastic and biting “congratulations” to Aznar for his “deep historical understanding. In fact. “Global Threats.hudson.” I’ve reproduced here a more or less exact transcription of Aznar’s comments at the Hudson Institute in order to give the reader a sense of their tone and precise content.” September 21. Atlantic Structures Conference Opening Reception with former Spanish prime minister Jose Maria Aznar. 800. it is worth looking more closely at the question to which Aznar responds.org/files/audio_video/Sept21audio.g.mp3.56 But his comments were already framed in such a way by the woman who asked him that question that one wonders to what extent the charge of anachronism and historical inaccuracy (e. but rather part of a loosely held-together conglomeration of territories governed by another group of foreign invaders. 2006. the Visigoths.” It must first be understood that at the beginning of the eighth century ce Spain was in no sense a country. The Visigoths were a Germanic 55. given the specific points brought up by Núñez Muley in the Memorandum.55 Aznar’s comments regarding the personal apology that he might be owed by Muslims who had conquered and “maintained a presence” in the Iberian Peninsula for eight centuries brought him a good deal of censure and even ridicule from Spanish intellectuals. As is also the case with the question to which Aznar responds. conflating al-Qaeda and other terrorist networks with the eighth-century Umayyad caliphate) falls solely at Aznar’s feet. Juan Goytisolo was perhaps the most direct in his attacks. The woman begins her question by stating that “Spain was the very first country that was attacked by the militant Muslims in the years 700. given that it reflects a number of common misunderstandings that revolve around the interconnecting histories of Islam and the Iberian Peninsula before and just after 1492.
it is necessary to understand that “Spain” . as well as the relative tolerance and efficiency of the new Muslim governors. Beyond the status of the Visigoths as invaders and occupiers of what had previously been the Roman province of Hispania (although even Rome’s dominion over the various regions of the Iberian Peninsula had never been complete). In fact. 370–410 ce). It was these same Visigoths that had sacked Rome in 410 ce as they moved west under the leadership of Alaric I (ca. as well as the inherent weaknesses of the Visigothic regime itself. it should be noted that their regime functioned as a kind of superficial layer of governance placed on top of the existing Hispano-Roman populace. Editor’s Introduction 51 tribe from what is now Romania that had invaded the peninsula and taken power by force as Rome’s control there began to wane in the early fifth century ce. that opened up the way for Muslim troops to take a good deal of peninsular land very quickly in those first decades of the eighth century. Another point that goes against the notion that we can justifiably connect the kingdom of the Visigoths with modern Spain in any direct way is the fact that large northern sections of the Iberian Peninsula always remained outside of Visigothic control. The cruel anti-Semitism of the Visigothic regime after its official switch from Aryanism to Roman Catholicism. however. such as the continued use of Latin as an administrative and literary language during the Visigothic period. might also lead us to wonder why Spaniards such as Aznar would ever want to frame their national history in such a way as to privilege the relatively modest (but undeniably Christian) contributions of the Visigoths and treat the Umayyads and their successors as unwelcome occupiers that are in some way analogous to contemporary Islamic terrorists such as Osa¯ma bin La¯din or Ayman al-Dhawa¯hirı¯. Even if we push this question to the side. to suggest that the Visigoths were more altered by their contact with Ibero-Romans than the populace was altered by their new rulers. there is a good deal of evidence. It was in fact the movement of a significant number of troops to the northern borders of the kingdom to battle the Basques and the Franks.
And while it is true that Islam quickly spread throughout the southern Iberian Peninsula after the initial Umayyad victories.e. While it is fair to say that there was a significant Muslim presence in the Iberian Peninsula from the early eighth century until the conquest of Granada at the end of the fifteenth century (a period of almost eight hundred years). That the Umayyad caliph himself called back to Damascus the governor who had authorized the initial invasion of 711 reveals. for example. imperial ambitions as religious fervor.. the Muslims] stayed in Spain for almost 700 years. Most of the Muslims who crossed the Strait of Gibraltar in 711 ce and shortly afterward were Berbers—indigenous North Africans that not long before had fought hard to halt the westward expansion of Arab Muslims— who had only recently converted to Islam for reasons that were as much pragmatic as spiritual. she ends with a statement that is as erroneous as it is common among even scholars with a significant understanding of European culture and history: “And they [i. if nothing else. it is equally dubious to refer to these invading forces as religiously “militant” in any real sense.52 Vincent Barletta (as in the sovereign nation with a capital in Madrid that forms part of the United Nations General Assembly) did not exist to be attacked in the eighth century. speaking of the early conquest of California by Spaniards as in some sense an invasion of the United States. To claim otherwise invites other anachronisms.” This statement is. the fact that this invasion was fueled as much by calculated. untrue. If it is anachronistic to speak of Spain or Portugal as “countries” that were invaded by Muslims in the eighth century. this was due to a process of widespread and for the most part unforced conversion on the part of the Christians who had previously lived under Visigothic rule and not the result of any significant influx of Arabs and Berbers into the peninsula. However. And then they were expulsed by Ferdinand [and] Isabella. this presence extended for over a century . such as. to makes things perfectly clear. The woman’s next comment is somewhat more measured in that she tries to enumerate the many contributions that Iberian Muslims made to Europe.
a regime for which Aznar has expressed his support throughout his life. Aznar and his interlocutor’s joint conflation of medieval and contemporary history—a move that inevitably serves to privilege the values and goals of the modern West over those of its “Stone Age” Muslim counterparts—that most clearly echoes the 57. For more on the secret Islamic observance of the Moriscos. as Núñez Muley emphatically and repeatedly reminds his reader. 58. But what cannot be denied is that the social politics of the Catholic Monarchs with regard to Iberian Muslims under their control were relatively laissez-faire. A great queen. Rather. 1500 to 1614. Isabel Rules: Constructing Queenship. no? [Laughs] For they are two great kings. Wielding Power (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 1985). in the end. I confess that I am supporter of Fernando and Isabella. Covert Gestures.57 And. he is referring neither to the intolerant and myopic Catholic Monarchs who expelled the Jews nor to the more pragmatic Catholic Monarchs who to a significant degree left their Muslim subjects alone. Harvey. Of course. especially in light of the untold suffering that their policies visited upon Iberian Jews and Jewish converts to Christianity after 1492. when Aznar responds to the woman’s question with what he characterizes as a confession (“Really. Whether this is a question of affinity or merely an example of the Catholic Monarchs’ pragmatism when it came to their new Muslim subjects (in terms of realpolitik. see Barletta.58 It is. 2003). . the Catholic Monarchs to whom Aznar refers here are the mythical rulers of a unified and Catholic Spain that formed the ideological backbone of the Francoist dictatorship that ruled Spain from 1939 to 1975. Muslims in Spain. An in-depth analysis of the imagery of the Catholic Monarchs in Francoist Spain can be found in Barbara Weissberger. Editor’s Introduction 53 after 1492 in the form of secret Islamic observance in areas such as Aragon and Valencia. how can one realistically expel several hundred thousand revenueproducing and tax-paying people and their families when the royal treasury is nearly empty from a long series of civil wars and foreign campaigns?) is a question that can be debated. Historia de los moriscos: vida y tragedia de una minoría (Madrid: Alianza.”). and Antonio Domínguez Ortiz and Bernard Vincent. the Catholic Monarchs at no point showed much serious interest in plans to expel their Muslim subjects as they had the Jews.
Read in light of contemporary concerns over the tremendous misunderstandings that continue to exist between Christians and Muslims—whether in the same neighborhood in Paris. At the very least. but then so many of the issues that Núñez Muley claims to be “well known” (notorios) by his neighbors seem to have been largely ignored by royal and Church officials at the time and relegated nearly to oblivion by popular modern accounts of Spain’s past. London. . in his mind as well as that of the woman who asked him the question regarding Spain’s (and Portugal’s) Islamic past. or even Islamic terrorist groups in general. The general appeal that Núñez Muley makes in his text is that royal authorities first get their facts straight and adopt if not the more liberal policies of the Catholic Monarchs and former Granadan archbishop Talavera.” It is important to point out that the “threat” to which Aznar refers is not necessarily al-Qaeda. or people who live on different continents—Núñez Muley’s Memorandum offers both a cautionary tale and a potential corrective to the politics of intolerance. Núñez Muley’s Memorandum provides a striking example of the political and cultural heterogeneity that has been a central feature of European nation-states such as Spain and Portugal from the time that they took their very first. then at least pragmatic ones that reflect a more sober and informed appraisal of the situation. or Los Angeles. ignorance. Madrid. To work to correct such errors and misconceptions is a lot to ask of a relatively short letter written by an elderly man on the eve of the Second War in the Alpujarras (1568–1570). work and work every day to transmit to the populations that the threat exist and everybody is under this threat. but rather what he calls “an assertive Islam” that seems to be. and xenophobia that run through both Aznar’s speech at the Hudson Institute and his unrehearsed comments during the question-and-answer session that followed it. tentative steps. His final comment in the citation reproduced above is especially chilling: “But it’s necessary.54 Vincent Barletta arguments and policies against which Núñez Muley so tirelessly labors in his Memorandum. a direct descendant of T·a¯riq ibn Ziyya¯d and the eighth-century Umayyads who invaded the Iberian Peninsula.
the proposals for Morisco reform that came out of the provincial ecclesiastical council presided over by Granadan archbishop Pedro Guerrero Logroño in 1565. with Espinosa leading the way. 179–81. Deza was known to be a firm supporter of the hard line taken by Felipe II and others against the Moriscos. “The Original Memorial of Don Francisco Núñez Muley. 1. In order that His Lordship might be informed of the truth. Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City. 1492–1600 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press 2003). as Garrad points out. 55 . The president of the Royal Audiencia and Chancery Court of Granada in 1567 was Pedro de Deza Manuel (1520–1600). was the highest judicial body in the southern half of the Iberian Peninsula during the sixteenth century. its counterpart in the north being the Royal Audiencia of Valladolid.A Memorandum for the President of the Royal Audiencia and Chancery Court of the City and Kingdom of Granada m A memorandum for the most illustrious and reverend president of the Royal Audiencia and Chancery Court of this renowned and great city of Granada and of its kingdom. in effect a royal appellate court. For more on this provincial council and Guerrero’s zeal for ecclesiastical and social reform. See Kenneth Garrad.2 I will speak to the extent that my humble judgment and memory permit. 2. who in 1578 would be elevated to cardinal by Pope Gregory XIII. see David Coleman. The “rrelaçiones de prelados y otras personas” [accounts of prelates and others] are. It was this council.” Atlante 2 (1954): 204n. The Royal Audiencia of Granada. The Royal Council to which Núñez Muley refers here is that presided over by Diego de Espinosa (1513–1572).1 regarding the problems about which His Most Reverend Lordship should be informed with respect to the decree that has recently been publicly proclaimed. that arranged to have Deza appointed to the presidency of the Royal Audiencia and Chancery Court of Granada in 1566. and thus advocate for the natives [naturales] of this kingdom with His Majesty and the high lords of his Royal Council (given that the situation here was presented to His Majesty exclusively through the accounts of prelates and others).1. and Núñez Muley had to be aware that there was little chance that Deza would be swayed by any of the arguments contained in the Memorandum.
The original manuscript of the Capitulations of Granada is currently held in the Archive of the Ayuntamiento de Granada.5 What was stipulated in the terms of surrender was that the Granadans would remain Muslims and not be forced to surrender all the items that they had made use of in their mosques. nor do I believe it ever will. the decree states that when the aforementioned natives of this kingdom converted to our Holy Catholic faith they also agreed to change their style of dress and assimilate fully. alcaldes) a Castilianized version of the Arabic al-qadi (judge). their religious leaders [almotís] and teachers [alfaquís]. The king of Granada at the time of its conquest by the Catholic Monarchs was Abu Abd Allah Mohammed XII (1460–1527). Castilla y la conquista del Reino de Granada (Granada: Diputación Provincial de Granada. 5. Martin’s Press. In any case. The phrase that Núñez Muley employs is “asentaron que avían de mudar el ábito y se perdiese la memoria antigua. 4 who was ruler of this kingdom. . 1992). these terms are Castilianized versions of the Arabic al-muftı¯ (Islamic religious authority). which can cause confusion. In this case.6 nor the rents they received from lands 3. he also writes · alcaide (“captain”) as alcade. 6. as well as by some of his captains. see Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada. For an English version of the Capitulations of Granada. it seems clear that it was the Nas·rid king and his captains who handed over the city to the Catholic Monarchs. because the conversion of the natives of this kingdom occurred by force and against the terms of the agreement signed by the Catholic Monarchs [Fernando II of Aragon and Isabel I of Castile] and King Muley Boabdili. Christopher Columbus and the Enterprise of the Indies: A Brief History with Documents (New York: Bedford/St. and Miguel Garrido Atienza.56 Francisco Núñez Muley In the first place. Las capitulaciones para la entrega de Granada (Granada: Universidad de Granada. which has actually never existed. and al-faqı¯h (Islamic religious teacher).” ¯ ˛ 4. and they were drawn up and agreed to by all parties at the time that the king and the city’s captains [alcades] handed over the city and its corresponding kingdom. who signed it with their own names. nor their judges. “they agreed that they had to change [their] clothing and [that their] ancient memory should be lost. For a longer analysis of the conquest and capitulations of Granada. As is the case with “‘judges’” (alcades). although Castilian Christians commonly re· ferred to him as “Boabdil. At times. Both parts of this document consist of more than forty chapters. 62–64. 1988). see Geoffrey Symcox.” Núñez Muley’s placement of “Muley” before his name reflects the common Arabic practice of placing the term maulá (lord) before a ruler’s name. such a pact or agreement has never appeared in written form.” which reads literally.3 I do not believe that anyone in this kingdom remembers having agreed to such a pact or agreement. however. The word that Núñez Muley uses for ‘judges’ is alcades (and at times. 2005).
8. “The Original Memorial. and that the tailors even cease cutting cloth so that others might make them clothing. and that within six years’ time all existing articles of native clothing be worn out and discarded. As Garrad points out. the original of which came into the hands of Don Pedro Vanegas (now deceased). the one who . A reference to Juana I (1479–1555). who had been the secretary of the Catholic Monarchs. Fernando II. the animal must not be of a forbidden variety. Carlos (1500–1558). and see copies [traslados] of it that have been and are parts of claims and suits that have been filed in this city and in this Royal Audiencia (the secretaries of the Royal Audiencia will have copies of it). Your Most Reverend Lordship can request and consult it. the proxy of the Duke of Candia. Pedro Vanegas was born Sı¯dı¯ Yah·yá before converting to Christianity and becoming chief constable (alguazil mayor) of Granada after the Catholic Monarchs took the city. See also María del Carmen Villanueva Rico. constituted land bequeathed to the mosque by pious members of the community (Garrad. Among other things. in 1506. these properties. The method for h ala¯l slaughter within Islam. was forced to serve as regent of Castile until his own death in 1516. it was ordered that the tailors and officials who made clothing for the natives of that city cease doing so. 1961). and her father.7). known as habices.7 It was also stipulated that they would not be forced to become Christians. Felipe I. Juana and Felipe’s eldest son. is very precise. who briefly ruled Castile after the death of her husband. known as dhabı¯h a. Habices de las mezquitas de la ciudad de Granada y sus Alquerías (Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Árabe de Cultura. As for what was ordered in the city of Seville by the queen Doña Juana. our Lady. 10. 1511.8 to whom it was brought by one Juan Alarif. After his death.10 and that they not take other natives as 7. such as swine. A Memorandum 57 attached to their mosques. as well as other things stated in more detail in the aforementioned privilege and its chapters. The “privilege” (previlegio) to which ˛ Núñez Muley refers here is that agreed to by the Catholic Monarchs and King Abu¯ Abd Allah of Granada at the time of the Christian conquest in late 1491. as this is what was agreed to and contracted in this city and its corresponding kingdom. She was ultimately deemed mentally ill and unfit to serve as queen. ascended to the throne. 9. who had found it among the books of Hernando de Zafra. · · First. The 1511 Seville decree to which Núñez Muley refers was in fact ordered by Fernando.” 204n. Second.9 may she be glorified: In the city of Seville on June 20. it was ordered in this provision that the natives cease slaughtering animals as they had before and begin doing so as is the custom now. who was by then acting as regent.
and all of the animal’s blood must be drained from it. and major arteries. but they are contained and stipulated in the aforementioned provision. During slaughter. The spinal cord must not be severed. then it is given some water. which was part of the public record and proclaimed in this city and its corresponding kingdom. or insulted her while in processions or in the streets. This provision was published and proclaimed in this city and outside of it during the time that either Hernán de Arias slaughters the animal must be an adult Muslim and possess knowledge regarding the significance of and reasons for dhabı¯h a. the slaughterer recites the following prayer: Bismillahi. or know anyone who might remember. of any social rank whatsoever. plazas. the animal is first checked to · make sure that it is in good health.58 Francisco Núñez Muley godparents. as the Christian authorities feared that they would practice Islamic rites at some point during the proceedings (“The Original Memorial. 1513. Then. in 1508.11 There are other things that I cannot remember. 11.2). At more or less the same time. or removed her outer garment [almalafa]. sever the animal’s trachea. among others. may he be glorified. that supported the natives of this kingdom. swift motion. but these were not made public nor proclaimed.” 205n. This provision essentially ordered a certain number of days in jail and a fine for any Old Christian. smooth blade. esophagus. or other public place. who uncovered the face of a Muslim woman. . His Highness published a provision. the Moriscos were not allowed to take other Moriscos as sponsors for weddings or baptisms. God is the Most Great). Concerning what the decree states regarding the provision that was supposedly adopted in the city of Valladolid on July 29. a similar letter and provision were drafted in Burgos. the slaughterer must. Before killing the animal. As Garrad points out. if it was ever written down. Allahu Akbar (In the name of God. it could be that they were and I do not remember. I say this because in 1513 I served with other high-ranking men [caballeros] from among the natives of this kingdom in negotiations that had been convened with His Highness the Catholic King. and its head is turned toward Mecca. nor do I remember. I can state that said provision was never published nor proclaimed. No such provision came to our attention then. and in fact in the same year or afterward. in a single. but there is also no one else who remembers any such proclamation. using a knife with an extremely sharp.
former public scribe of the city. was also known as Charles V. Creating Christian Granada. who. and it was the late Don Diego el Garruz and I who had the proceedings proclaimed.13 a small number of nobles from this kingdom went in the company of the Marqués de Mondéjar to kiss the hands of His Royal Majesty and congratulate him on his arrival to rule in these his kingdoms. may he be glorified. There is also what was decreed in 1518 in Valladolid by the Emperor our King. which were assessed annually by the various city and town councils of the kingdom.” 206n.12 The first year that he came from Flanders to rule in Castile. Garrad provides a long note explaining the various taxes (servicios or fardas) that Granadan Moriscos were compelled to pay. and an “extraordinary tax” (servicio extraordinario) that was to be used according to the king’s discretion. a royal palace construction tax (servicio de la obra de la casa real) that amounted to 90. Garrad. Núñez Muley gives the wrong date here for the death of King Fernando.000 ducats and financed the construction of Carlos V’s palace in the Alhambra.1. 16. . the second Marqués de Mondéjar and the grandson of the famous Castilian poet Íñigo López de Mendoza. because the Catholic King had died a year earlier in 1517.14 At that time certain agreements were reached. 13. The first of these was the farda mayor. A reference to Carlos I of Spain (1500–1558). Coleman. 14. 15. as much to the benefit of His Majesty as to the natives of this kingdom.000 ducats that had previously been paid by the natives of this kingdom. Núñez Muley is speaking of Luis Hurtado de Mendoza y Pacheco (1489–1566). The son of Juana I and Felipe I. which consisted of an ordinary tax (servicio ordinario) of 21. “The Original Memorial. which financed the patrolling of Spain’s southern coast and was also known as the “sea tax” (farda del mar).000 ducats. and these were in fact not collected for two years until the time 12.16 had not seen fit to collect the aforementioned 21. He actually died on June 23. as Holy Roman Emperor. according to which we were to pay to His Majesty a tax of 21. King Felipe.15 His father. who was married to the Catholic Monarchs’ daughter Juana and served as regent of Castile for two years before his premature death on September 25. This is a reference to Felipe I. 75. The scribe that copied out the provision was Hernando Díaz de Valdepeñas. 1506. Everyone owning land was responsible to pay these taxes.000 ducats per year. Luis Hurtado de Mendoza also served as captain-general of Granada from 1515 to 1543. 1516. A Memorandum 59 or Juan de Arias de Saavedra were magistrates of this city. he was born and raised in the Burgundian Netherlands and only arrived in Spain when he was seventeen years old. Marqués de Santillana (1398–1458). The second category of taxes was the farda menor.
His grandfather.17 Among the things that His Majesty assented to in Valladolid in 1518. in the manuscript the line seems to read “turó dos años” (it lasted two years). “The Original Memorial. see María Jesús Rubiera Mata. Garrad transcribes it as “uvo dos años” (two years earlier). weaving. In Granada there is also a provision and writ that took effect in 1518 that suspends the decree prohibiting the wearing. along with another provision. In this way will Your Lordship find it ordered in 17. For more on Núñez Muley’s family.60 Francisco Núñez Muley of his death. are in the power of my nephew Don Hernando Muley. who is the son of the now-deceased Don Álvaro. as well as in the books of Domingo Pérez. 20. the local magistrates also ordered that the clothing and gold jewelry previously taken from prostitutes [mugeres enamoradas] by this city’s constables be returned to them.18 All of this can be found in the books of Commander Francisco de los Cobos.20 As part of this provision. “La familia morisca de Muley-Fez. and it of course has meaning only in relation to the term “Old Christian” (cristiano viejo). 19.e.. and they declare the suspension of the decrees regarding dress restrictions for New Christian women. scribe to His Majesty. who served as principal scribe of the agreement. secretary to His Majesty. These documents. Jewish converts). And it was under these conditions that the tax of 21. had brought them to him. however. This was neither the first nor the last time that Granadan Moriscos would successfully bribe a royal official or even the king himself.19 These documents were executed by Juan de Castorga. was the suspension of the laws preventing Morisco women from dressing in their traditional manner and the suspension of the laws preventing weavers and tailors from producing Morisco clothing and other cloth items.” 206..” Sharq al-Andalus 13 (1996): 159–167. It is a more general term than “Morisco” (i. and elaboration of Morisco clothing. at least with respect to those things that benefited the natives of this kingdom. Here it is more or less unclear what is written in the manuscript. The term “New Christian” (cristiano nuevo) refers to Jewish and Muslim converts to Christianity and their descendants. 18.e. príncipes meriníes e infantes de Granada. my late uncle Don Hernando de Fez. or those with no Jewish or Muslim ancestry. . What is implied here is that the Moriscos of Granada essentially bought a reprieve from Charles V.000 ducats was authorized to be paid to His Majesty. Muslim converts) and “Converso” (i.
María of Aragon and Castile (1482–1517). like Carlos V’s own mother.22 called on some of the residents of Güejar Sierra to remove women’s veils and in the process caused a revolt.21 citing a provision of the Congregation chapter (of 1526).” 207n. points out. who succeeded Pedro Méndez in the office of Cathedral scribe. in the municipal council of Granada. and by Montalegre. the archbishop’s stationing of police on the roads with orders to burn the packsaddles of those who traveled before mass. Queen Isabel de Avis (1503–1539). A Memorandum 61 the presence of Juan Díaz. music. or leylas (the latter meaning to stay up all night dancing and singing to the aforementioned music). he may have been acting on the orders of Carlos V’s wife (and first cousin). who. Núñez Muley assumes that Archbishop de Ávalos was carrying out the provisions of the 1526 congregation chapter. 23. The manuscript reads “Y en el tienpo quel señor Alçobispo Gaspar Dávalos en el año de treynta y dos e cuarenta” [And in the time that Archbishop Gaspar de Ávalos in the year of 32 and 40]. They complained of what the archbishop was doing. “The Original Memorial.1. and various other fines and penalties that went to the detriment of the natives. and the case was assigned to the aforementioned regional governor along with two council members. In this case. 22.23 The president of the Royal Audiencia at the time was the Marqués de Mondéjar. the president. Isabel was the daughter of Manuel I of Portugal (1469–1521) and his second wife. Gaspar de Ávalos de la Cueva (1485–1545) was a Hieronymite monk who studied theology at the Universities of Paris and Salamanca. some of the city leaders submitted a petition to the Marqués. who was then Hernán de Arias. was the daughter of the Catholic Monarchs. Archbishop Gaspar de Ávalos. Archbishop de Ávalos was concerned that Moriscos would travel on Sundays in order to avoid going to mass. which suggests either that there were two separate attempts made by the archbishop to put into effect his wishes or that the original attempt took place in 1532 and the matter was not resolved until 1540. public scribe. . and the protesters begged him to get involved due to the issue with the veils. 24. He became Archbishop of Granada in 1529 and was promoted to cardinal in 1544. but as Garrad. one of the latter being Juan 21. and the regional governor. The term “congregation chapter” (capítulo de la congregación) refers to a meeting held by the representatives of a given ecclesiastical community or congregation to make decisions regarding the community’s spiritual and practical affairs.24 his use of the police to catch those persons who might be found engaging in Morisco song. In 1532 and 1540. Güejar Sierra is a small town approximately ten miles east of Granada. Having seen all this.
The order also provided specific penalties for those who failed to comply. and the penalties and imprisonment ordered for those who were sanctioned for singing and dancing by His Lordship and his diocesan judge were dismissed. the effect was that it was proclaimed in all of Granada. went to the archbishop’s house to take someone into custody over this matter. In this way the archbishop’s plans to force the natives in Güejar Sierra to give up their traditional style of dress were put to a halt. the distinguished Licenciate Luzón.25 They were unable to make any headway with the archbishop. These three went to speak with the archbishop with the purpose of negotiating with him so that the situation would not escalate. and under the windows of the archbishop’s house itself. what seem to be implied is that the three men went to speak to the archbishop so that the matter might be settled “out of court. In all of this His Majesty. According to what witnesses said. though Garrad suggests that it means “rigor” (“The Original Memorial.” 207).” . and various judges ruled in favor of the natives. The archbishop supposedly said to the judge. now both deceased. and that it 25. At this time and in relation to all of the business described above. “You enter my house to search and make arrests?” Luzón then informed him that he indeed had the power to do so.62 Francisco Núñez Muley de Trillo and the other Hernán de Álvarez. except insofar as these dealt directly with Church matters. At some point in their conversation Luzón also asked the archbishop. that no one should obey any of the orders given by the archbishop in his proclamation. “Is Your Lordship not aware that a magistrate has the power to hang bishops and archbishops. a magistrate. These acts and the proclamation can be found among the books of the municipal council and its scribe from the time when Hernán de Arias was regional governor. and while I’m not sure if the order was given by the municipal council or in consultation with the president and the auditors (and I don’t remember who finally made the decision). Luzón found the archbishop there and the two exchanged words. It is not clear what the term Regolidad means here. In any case. “para que no llegase a términos de Regolidad” [so that it might not reach terms of Regolidad]. the president.
On Adrian’s accession to the papacy he transferred the commission to the Archbishop of Granada and the Bishop of Ciudad-Rodrigo. the former bishop of Zamora.000 in order that His Majesty might gain the support of the many nobles. see Garrad. was suspended by the decree dealing with manners of dress and clothing that was given in 1518 when we were in the court of His Majesty (Carlos I). Wearied with five years’ confinement in the castle of Simancas. 1521. Mendo Noguerol.D. As Coleman (Creating Christian Granada. by a brief of March 27. “The Original Memorial. but such was not the fact. The Inquisition was not brought into play but. we paid him 90. 205. in which he killed the alcaide. The congregation chapter that Gaspar de Ávalos used to justify his actions was not published nor proclaimed. Charles then sent to Simancas his alcalde de casa y corte. after some negotiation. whose extended family included many comuneros. in effect. Charles V was resolved on his death.” 213. 1524. somewhat absurdly styled a second Luther by Leo X. Episcopal immunity rendered him a doubtful prize. as was the case with the aforementioned provision that was given in Valladolid—which. granted faculties to proceed to extremities. Cambridge University. While His Majesty was here in the city of Granada. Leo X was induced to issue a commission to Cardinal Adrian and the nuncio to take testimony and forward it for judgement by the pope in consistory. This violation of the immunities . 1955). under which the trial went on. officials. Juan de Padilla. although the case illustrates the difficulty of holding a bishop accountable for his misdeeds. On the execution of Antonio Osorio de Acuña. with instructions to torture Acuña and put him to death—instructions faithfully executed. Osorio de Acuña was imprisoned and later hanged in Simancas for his role in the Comuneros Revolt.” For more on this issue. Acuña made a fruitless attempt to escape. even going so far as to have it proclaimed. Bishop of Zamora. 1526. 26. That turbulent prelate. the archbishop merely wished to use his own authority to make official what I’ve discussed above. diss. on the Castilian border.000 ducats—80. And all that occurred in this matter revolved around the natives’ mode of dress. but apparently died out when carried to Rome. Luzón is referring to the case of Antonio Osorio de Acuña (1459–1526). but gave no authority to employ torture. Rodrigo Ronquillo. 126) explains. 1568–1571” (Ph. and idem. “The Causes of the Second Rebellion of the Alpujarras. March 23. fled in disguise but was caught at Villamediana. Then Clement VII. who.000 for His Majesty and 10. after the defeat at Villalar. April 21.. above all the rebellion’s leading figure. was an active leader in the Comunidades. but there was considerable doubt as to how he was to be punished. Henry Charles Lea writes the following: It has been sometimes thought that the Inquisition was concerned in the trial and execution of Antonio de Acuña. “Luzón may or may not have known that [this reference] carried particular significance to Archbishop Ávalos. A Memorandum 63 has occurred in the past?”26 This exchange took place in the context of the events described above.
000 ducats of ordinary tax and 5.28 With other costs added in. This type of payment is known as the “royal palace construction tax.27 After six years we had paid the entire sum of 90. but that which he had promised to procure for his subordinates was granted with difficulty and only after delay of more than a year. ensured that the natives could retain their traditional clothing. during which time it was permitted to weave and cut Morisco of the Church caused no little scandal.000 ducats). It was begun in 1526 by painter and architect Pedro Machuca and largely financed by the taxes—which once again amount to a series of coerced bribes—paid by Granadan Moriscos and described by Núñez Muley. merchants. From History of the Inquisition of Spain (New York: Macmillan. They uniformly weighed 3. and footwear as long as these did not conflict with the rules of the Holy Catholic faith.000 more—50. Given that the price of gold fluctuated in the sixteenth century as it does today. 1527. Charles speedily obtained for himself.000 each year). it is difficult to determine with any precision the real value of the Moriscos’ tax payments at the time that they made them. and tailors who wove and cut Morisco clothing for the natives. .64 Francisco Núñez Muley and persons who were involved in the matter. customs. agreed to for the reasons I have described above and will continue to describe further on.494 grams and were minted of .986 pure gold.000 going directly to His Majesty and the other 10. it is clear from Núñez Muley’s statements that these payments were significant and burdensome. just to the east of the Plaza de los Aljibes. the total yearly payment to His Majesty thus came to 37. The unfinished palace of Carlos V in Granada is located in the Alhambra. from Clement.” and it amounted to (six) yearly payments of 10. 1906–7). especially the officials.000 ducats (paying 15. 27. Ducats were widely used coins throughout the later Middle Ages and into the early modern period. however. We agreed to pay the tax of 90.000 ducats along with 21.000 of extraordinary tax. absolution from the ipso facto excommunication incurred. 28. This happened because the six-year period authorized in Seville by His Majesty the Catholic King (may he be glorified).000 ducats to His Majesty at the time during which he was residing in the Alhambra of this city for the following reasons: because in 1517 some of our neighbors in this city. These payments.000 to persons of His Majesty’s choosing and those who succeeded them in their positions. and we then agreed to pay 60. were compelled to cease doing so. the final ceremony not taking place until September 8.500 ducats (the annual payments were definitely less than 38. 2: 44–45.
the order remained without any sort of binding power until in 1518 the aforementioned agreement with His Majesty regarding the continued production of Morisco clothing was reached. the Conde de Tendilla (may he be glorified).000 ducats. the old Marqués de Mondéjar. After his death. had expired. the position of captain-general was passed on to his son Luis Hurtado de Mendoza y Pacheco (1489–1566) and then to his grandson Íñigo López de Mendoza y Mendoza (1512–1580). Although some of the natives complained about having to pay such a large tax to His Majesty beyond the normal 21. was not even aware of the order. In fact. A reference to the royal decree executed in Seville on June 20. . one thing after the other. Juan Vázquez Coronado. in any case. the regional governor appointed after the aforementioned Juan Vázquez. and in this way the ban on said clothing was 29. A Memorandum 65 clothing.30 The only ones aware of it were those present in the house of Don Miguel de León el Zahardrí. given that he was newly arrived to his kingdom and.000 ducats for the time that His Majesty resided in the Alhambra. but since neither the Marqués de Mondéjar nor the leaders of this city ever saw it. The Catholic Monarchs awarded him the important position of captain-general of Granada in 1492 due to his military leadership during the wars against Muslim Granada. there had been a similar agreement in place before. with the Catholic King (may he be glorified). also attempted to put it into effect. The order was not put into effect because it was never approved by the requisite parties.000 ducats so as to be allowed to continue producing Morisco clothing. The cease and desist order given in 1511 was not observed because the leaders of this city were not in favor of it. according to which we would pay His Majesty the aforementioned yearly tax [servicio] of 21. when it was authorized.000 ducats and a total of 90.29 It was for this reason that the aforementioned parties had agreed to pay His Highness 80. All of this was established. a municipal council member. who is often referred to as “The Great Tendilla” (El Gran Tendilla). Don Antonio de la Cueva. the Marqués de Mondéjar and the leaders of this city and beyond agreed that it was right to pay him. due to the issue of dress and clothing. the second Conde de Tendilla and first Marqués de Mondéjar. 30. 1511 (see note 9).000 ducats. for 80. The Conde de Tendilla to whom Núñez Muley refers is Íñigo López de Mendoza y Quiñones (1440–1515). along with the regional governor.
Your Lordship will see that any arguments in favor of the recent decree simply do not understand its implications.33 and there is really no way to do anything 31. among whom only 4. as all the aforementioned measures were taken in the past regarding the natives’ dress and clothing. 32.” . looked at in all its particulars and generalities. As for the present moment.000 would have the means to do so. Here Núñez Muley may well be confusing “millions” with “hundreds of thousands.000 native (male) inhabitants. “ellas son cortas y gironadas. “y de sus ofiçiales que bibían y tenían sus caudales empreados” [and of their officials who lived and had their wealth invested] can also be understood to refer to the servicios that the Moriscos paid to Carlos V. but who would want to purchase them given that they would now be worth nothing? And what of the merchants who have their wealth invested in such clothing and other related things? One might ask why existing Morisco clothing might not simply be recut to fashion Castilian-style clothing.66 Francisco Núñez Muley suspended many times. The phrase here.000 individuals would be forced to change their manner of dress. However. However.31 Given that the issue of clothing and dress has been presented to you in such a summary fashion. it may seem a much smaller matter than it really is. which means that 150.” 33. overwhelming harm would be done to the natives by taking away their traditional style of dress.32 The others would be forced to sell or pawn items in order to purchase new garments. but rather millions in this kingdom who will be harmed by taking away their traditional clothing: it is well known that in this kingdom there are 50. In the first place. given the arguments of the following section.000 to 5. I do not mean thousands. And what would they sell? They might try to sell or pawn the jewels that they had sewn into their clothing to keep secure for a time of need. there is no reason that the kingdom should be lost altogether. Your Lordship. and great injury would also be done to those merchants who have invested their wealth in purchasing cloth for such clothing. the former is very short and adorned with cloth that wraps around it. it seems more likely that Núñez Muley is referring to the financial ruin that will be faced by Morisco merchants involved in the cloth trade. and in each house there are three women (a mother and two daughters).
signed by some native friends of his. 1500 to 1614 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. who was at the time the senior member of the Royal Council. He did this without first consulting with the leaders of the city and those with an understanding of these matters. 107–108. and Fray Pedro de Alva (the incoming archbishop of Granada). Muslims in Spain. He did all this thinking that he was doing something good for his native community. complaining of the clerics and of the abuses that they committed against the natives of this kingdom. This is a reference to the Royal Chapel Congregation called by Carlos V and held in Granada in 1526. and the information that he obtained from clerics working for him. 2005). and this will greatly diminish royal rents as well as all things related to the taxes paid to the Royal Crown. Among those who participated in this meeting were Gaspar de Ávalos (then the bishop of Guadix. “The Original Memorial. As a result of this.” 209. others and I have considered the impact that all of this might have. the clerics and the natives found themselves on opposing sides of this case. he in fact committed a grave error. see Garrad. and L. For more on this meeting and its significance for the 1567 decree against which Núñez Muley argues in his Memorandum. . and it seems that he filed a petition before the council. however. This meeting of the Royal Chapel Council adopted extraordinarily tough measures against the Moriscos of Granada. P. Harvey. and His Majesty sent Don Gaspar de Ávalos himself to the Alpujarras and other areas to get information on the daily life of the natives of this kingdom. In years past. formally complaining about the clerics.34 and this is what provoked it: the visit that Don Gaspar de Ávalos made to the Alpujarras and other places. His principal informants were the very clerics who 34. Fray García de Loaysa (Carlos V’s confessor). It follows then that a vast amount of this clothing will be discarded. Nevertheless. a congregation was held in the Royal Chapel by His Majesty’s council. His minister on this visit was a priest who was also one of the natives of this city and thus had great knowledge of native practices. though he would become archbishop of Granada two years later). A Memorandum 67 with it. He went to the house of the Honorable Licenciate [Luis de] Polanco. given that the petition came to the attention of the clerics named in the complaint and these eventually obtained legal representation from the head abbot of the Church of San Salvador del Albaicín (who was some member of the del Pardo family). and contradicted the petition.
although before he left this matter His Majesty did great benefit to the natives of this kingdom by sending for Don Alonso Manrique.” 210n.68 Francisco Núñez Muley had been named in the petition filed by the Morisco priest. At this time His Majesty also ordered that all the preachers were to proclaim from their pulpits the grace that His Holiness (the Pope) had conceded to him as king and patron of this kingdom. and it is in reference to this document that some speak of the existence of “provisions and warrants” that support various parts of the new decree. . 36. and Your Most Reverend Lordship can imagine what sort of information he brought back. 1470–1538) was a former chancellor of the University of Salamanca and professor of Greek at Alcalá de Henares.35 He then requested from the Holy Father (Pope Clement VII) a general pardon for all of the natives of this kingdom. who at that time was serving as archbishop of Seville and inquisitor-general. it was based on this report that the Royal Chapel Council offered its judgment. He was promoted to cardinal in 1531 by Pope Clement VII and died in Seville seven years later from a fall from a horse. the Catholic Monarchs.” “The Original Memorial. and was named inquisitor-general and member of the Royal Council by Carlos V in that same year.36 In this way the pardon was 35. In any case. a surgeon who had resumed performing circumcisions. a document that contained many rulings that went to the detriment of the natives of this kingdom and against their privileges and provisions. Alonso Manrique de Lara y Solís (ca. and so these did not move forward or go into effect at the time. a practice common among the Moriscos. It was also declared that this pardon would not be extended to three types of person: any religious teacher [alfakí] who taught the precepts of Islam. which the latter granted to His Majesty. His Majesty realized then that the aforementioned rulings adopted by the Royal Chapel Council at their congregation chapter went to the detriment of his vassals. and I cannot remember the third. In the first place. had redeemed it. except for two that were necessary. given that His Majesty’s ancestors.4. He became archbishop of Seville in 1523. Based on his research. Garrad suggests that “the third exception to the general pardon was probably the case of those who had contracted marriage within the forbidden degrees. His Majesty approved the ruling that ordered that the Holy Office of the Inquisition be established in the city.
or if it refers to an earlier congregation chapter that dealt with the issue of Morisco dress. His Majesty ordered the Marqués to write to him and inform him in the future of what might best suit his vassals in this kingdom in this and all other matters that affected them. A Memorandum 69 put into effect and executed by the inquisitors that were in the city at the time.37 Given that His Majesty realized the harm that this ruling would cause to the natives of this kingdom. such as what is being ordered now in the current decree. he suspended it and further ordered that it not be complied with or carried out. such as that held in 1511 (see notes 9 ad 29).” This clearly refers to the second of the two provisions established by Carlos V in 1526. It was around this time that some twenty-plus of us city leaders entered into the royal quarters of the Alhambra. and that its people should continue to enjoy their customs and celebrations as they have done for many years up to the present since their conversion. based as it is on the reports of prelates and other persons who have informed His Majesty that the aforementioned style of dress and clothing corresponds to that of Muslims. to kiss His Majesty’s hands for the kindness he had shown us in this matter. and they gave out punishments and performed their duties in accordance with the aforementioned pardon. The Marqués responded to His Majesty that he would do so “exactly as Your Majesty commands. which in no way goes against the Holy Catholic faith. The manuscript reads: “Y el segundo capítulo susodicho hera lo del ávito y traxe declarado en el capítulo antes déste. but it is not clear whether the “chapter before this one” (el capítulo antes déste) refers to an earlier provision in the document authored in 1526 at the Royal Chapel Congregation Chapter. as it was his desire always to provide them with what they required. . At that time.” All of this and what I have described above was ordered so as to support this kingdom in its desire to maintain its traditional style of dress. This section is somewhat confusing. The second resolution had to do with the ruling on clothing and dress that had been declared in the chapter [capítulo] before this one. the prelates contend that the preservation of the traditional style of dress and footwear of the natives of 37. and not pressure or harass them in all ways and manners. together with the Marqués de Mondéjar (may he be glorified). In their reports.
and the same is true of Islam. It follows from what I have just said that Christianity is not found in the clothing or footwear that is now in style. and what they wear in Turkey is wholly unlike anything worn by the Moroccans. and they are passed down for three to four generations so that they might be enjoyed and made use of at those times or so that they might be sold or pawned should the need arise. They also have no knowledge of the Castilian language. My Lord. I can only say. All the kingdoms of Castile. This argument contained in the decree is also rendered invalid by the fact that Christians who live in the holy city of Jerusalem—and that whole kingdom is made up of Christians and men learned in the faith—have been seen in Granada wearing clothing and headdresses similar to what is worn in the Maghreb and resembling in no way what is worn in Castile—and yet they are Christians. because the style of dress. The everyday clothing that . have their own styles of dress that is different from the others. and yet they are all Christians. It can more rightly be said to be clothing that corresponds to a particular kingdom and province. In fact. because those are kept stored for such occasions. Here I am not speaking of dresses that are worn for weddings and celebrations. which are much more Castilian in style—that is. and inexpensive. and yet they are Catholic Christians. lightweight. and footwear of the natives cannot be said to be that of Muslims.70 Francisco Núñez Muley this kingdom is tantamount to a continuation of the ceremonies and customs of the Muslims. It follows that one cannot establish or state that the clothing of the new converts is that of Muslims. that in my modest judgment (which has nonetheless helped me to reach old age) these reports are wholly without merit. short. nor is it that of Muslims. and there are also great differences to be found from one kingdom to another: what they wear in Fez is not worn at all in Tlemcen. and all the other kingdoms and provinces. the style of dress and clothing of this kingdom is very different from the clothing of the Moroccan and Barbary Muslims. In like manner. we older people remember that in this kingdom the style of dress and clothing used to be dramatically different from the items that are worn now. clothing. and yet they are all Muslims.
rather. And if they do not conform with the customs of the Old Christians. consists of garments of very low value. nor have the Moriscos that married Old Christian women been relieved of this tax or been allowed to bear arms. and at night they sleep in the very same clothing they wore during the day. A Memorandum 71 these women wear. whether inside or outside of their houses. such as sheets and shirts [alcándoras]. so that a Morisco woman can dress herself for as little as a ducat or a bit more.38 and this is found throughout the Alpujarras and in all of the Axarquía of Málaga. the natives are treated in every way as recent converts. and they lose their property (of which the justice officials are happy to make use and take benefit). and in light of this most informative and true account (which in no way goes against the Holy Catholic faith). in spite of all the aforementioned harm that such a policy would cause. and may he not facilitate such a great loss as will be caused by allowing this decree to take effect. See note 20. simply summon some newly converted persons. And many of their neighbors dress in the same way. And if Your Lordship has doubts as to the veracity of my report. May Your Lordship check these claims in order to see if they are true or not. “como hazer dellos hardas para su serviçio. We have not seen. Your Most Reverend Lordship must help us to gain favor with His Majesty. a single New Christian woman39 who wore Castilian-style clothing that was relieved of the burden of the taxes that the natives of this kingdom must pay. such as Fez and Turkey and others. For all that has been stated above. We have not seen such a thing. It is also well known to be true that they are also faced with suits and condemnations that result from bribes to judges 38. To say that the natives of this kingdom should conform in their style of dress and clothing. is to assert also that the privileges and freedoms of the natives of this kingdom should also be altered. they are imprisoned because of judicial denunciations and sent to the galleys. My Lord. . so as to get the maximum use from it.” 39. as well as some Old Christians. that have visited and traveled in all of the aforementioned lands and kingdoms.
the men . or children. and they are in all ways persecuted by the secular and ecclesiastical arms of justice. Why did the men change their style of dress? May Your Lordship know that the adult men must replace their clothing and footwear each year. or by His Majesty and his prelates. have adopted and wear wholly Castilian clothing. From all that I have just pointed out. then they would no doubt think that changing their style of dress would compromise their religion. as the men are the ones who have to be aware of these issues and not the women. during conversations that we have had on this subject. This has been the custom here for over forty years. whether the style of dress. Your Most Reverend Lordship will certainly be convinced. To whom should we look to see if this is truly possible if not the men. If the natives’ hearts were truly obstinate. they began to wear Castilian clothing as they do today by their own free will and without any complaint whatsoever. clothing. as it is true. And Your Lordship has told me. clothing. whether old men. young men. that if the women began to wear Castilian clothing then we might see certain liberties or freedoms for the natives of this kingdom as well as the return of their right to bear arms. In order that Your Lordship should be most satisfied and informed about the aforementioned matters having to do with the style of dress.72 Francisco Núñez Muley and similar offenses. And yet the men do not dress now as they used to. a point that I have learned from old and wise men. and that they lost nothing by ripping up their cloaks [sayos] and capes [capas]. who walk the streets and continually conduct business among Old Christians and members of their native community? What respect have these men been shown by secular and ecclesiastical law enforcement officials. and seeing that the Castilian style of dress is better and more suited to men. that the natives’ style of clothing and footwear has nothing at all to do with either support for or opposition to Islam. and footwear of the native women of this kingdom—that is. when they have worn Castilian clothing and footwear? And what willingness have the prelates shown to speak favorably of these men to His Majesty? For the past 35 to 40 years. or footwear of these women is a sign of their support for Islam— Your Lordship should know that all of the men.
One might argue that if His Majesty were to grant the aforementioned liberties the result would be some act of treason. have given in and left for Africa [aliende] or have done things they should not have. 41 we can say that those people rose up in support of the signed word of Their Highnesses with respect to the capitulations that were executed. . this argument leaves something to be desired. It was over 67 years ago that the process of conversion to Christianity began in this kingdom. a practice that was commonly undertaken during the winter months when Spanish ships were in harbor. Muslims in Spain. “The Original Memorial. these people normally had their possessions confiscated by the captain-general. In 1499 several Muslims from the Albaicín area of Granada rose up against Christian authorities intent on arresting Christians who had converted to Islam (elches) and forcibly baptizing their young children. going through hard times and seeing themselves pressured and desperate. it has only been in the case of those individuals who. Well. 31–33. Looking at the Albaicín uprising. it will not be found that any sort of treason has been committed against the Royal Crown. Our oldest men have said that in the Albaicín the Muslims rose up after two or 40. 41. For more on this uprising and its causes. 1500 to 1614. relieving them of their tax burden. As for those Granadan Moriscos who chose to leave Granada for North Africa. or giving them permission to carry arms. Looked at in light of past events. The net result of this uprising was the unilateral invalidation of the capitulations signed in 1492. Any proceeds generated from the sale of these items was earmarked for strengthening coastal fortifications. we have seen nothing like this. as much by the secular as by the ecclesiastical arms of justice.2).” 212n. and if any sort of treason has been seen on the part of the natives. A Memorandum 73 here have worn Castilian-style clothing and footwear with the hope that His Majesty might show them the mercy of granting them certain liberties.40 In general. which were replaced with new ones that were much less tolerant. rather the natives of this kingdom have been obedient in all that the king and his ministers have ordered. see Harvey. The mention of those who “have done things they should not have” (hazer cosas non devidas) is a reference to the bandits and outlaws known as monfíes. however. Those caught trying to leave for North Africa were often hanged (Garrad. a fact that is well known and not in need of further elaboration. With each day that passes we are in worse shape and more mistreated in all respects and by all manners.
“We have no choice but to rest on the alaha quita. 42 Hearing the shouts of the woman—“Help me. 51–53) than was the case between Spaniards and indigenous men and women in the Americas. The natives of this kingdom were put to the test. the Andarax. who was justifiably seen as a foreign king. were going around taking hold of all the women and men they found wearing gaiters [traxe de leges].44 Your Lordship will find that people rose up against their king in all of the kingdoms and provinces of Castile and 42. For more on the Comunero revolt. Another reference to the Granadan King Abu¯ Abd Allah Moh·ammed XII (1460– 1527). Lanjarón.74 Francisco Núñez Muley three of them had killed Constable Barrionuevo because he was dragging off a woman to convert her to Christianity against her will. Elliott. but rather in support of the terms of the capitulations signed by the Catholic Monarchs with the intent that these be honored and executed. and Güejar Sierra. 1990). Imperial Spain: 1469–1716 (London: Penguin.43 who had been king of this kingdom. given that the authorities had violated the terms of what had been agreed to and signed before the ink was even dry. And this was the beginning of the uprising in the Albaicín. that Carlos V himself had never learned to speak Spanish fluently. . Creating Christian Granada. which was a reference to the aforementioned capitulations agreed to by the Catholic Monarchs and King Muley Audari. along with their loyalty to the Royal Crown. dressed as Muslims. this fact does not preclude the implementation of rape as a strategy of violent coercion on the part of local Christian authorities. In the midst of the uprising. 44. ˛ 43. This was the cause. who were all Old Christians. given the linguistic sanctions brought up in the Decree of 1567. It is ironic. Belefique. in fact. Such “baptisms” were common in the Americas. during the period of the Comunero revolt. 147–151. It is worth considering that these Old Christian constables were in fact dragging Morisco women off to rape them. and while there was a good deal less licit sexual contact between Christians and Muslims in early fifteenth-century Granada (Coleman. H. see J. for the love of God!”—the constable still refused to let her go and so they killed him. people said to one another. the Alpujarras. For this reason it cannot be said that they rose up against their king. The Comunero revolt (1520–1521) was in essence a popular revolt against the proposed tax and government policies of Carlos V. From this sprang the uprisings in the Albaicín. At the time the constables. That is.
but soldiers and men of war from among the natives also accompanied the Marqués de Mondéjar and fought in support of their king and of the Marqués. and their privileges and liberties preserved. 1543) was born Nas·r ibn Alı¯. Don Juan de Granada ˛ (d. participated in the conflict against the Comuneros. see Roland Greene. and not a single privilege or provision that favored them forfeited. Don Juan and Abu¯ Abd Allah Mohammed XII were thus · half-brothers who shared the same father. 1485) and Isabel de ˛ Solís who. 1999). from the time that Granada was won by the Catholic Monarchs. Diego López Aunaxara. have never once betrayed their king. The reference is to Antonio de Mendoza (ca. brother of the aforementioned King Muley Boabdili. Garrad transcribes this passage as “Don Antonio y Don Bartolomé” (“The Original Memorial.46 did not forfeit these. Your Most Reverend Lordship is aware that the prince Don Juan de Granada. It follows from the service and loyalty demonstrated by the natives of this kingdom that it would be reasonable and just if they were more favored than those of the other kingdoms and provinces. XX). 47 45. For more on his activities there. 317v). Unrequited Conquests: Love and Empire in the Colonial Americas (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 45 to go to Baza and Huéscar to put down the revolts that had sprung up there. upon her conversion to · Islam. induced as they were by prelates (such that the judge Ronquillo went so far as to hang the bishop of Zamora). A Memorandum 75 Andalusia. they found among their captains three of our nation: Don Hernando de Córdoba. the now deceased Don Antonio and Don Bernardino. when it was necessary for the Marqués de Mondéjar and his brothers. Antonio would eventually become the first Viceroy of Mexico. 46.” p. the manuscript reads “Don Antonio y Don Bernardino” (f. while in this kingdom there was not one single alteration in the loyal service previously given to His Highness. See note 26. and it shows that the natives of this kingdom. This is all the more true given that those who rose up against and betrayed their king in the aforementioned revolt of the Comuneros. 1493–1552) and his younger brother Bernardino de Mendoza (1501–1557). 140. This all is and was at the time very well known. I don’t know of others. In fact. who was his captain-general. and was the son of Granadan King Abu¯ al-Hassan Alı¯ (d. however. and Diego López Hacera. ˛ 47. Juan de Granada and his brother converted . as those who supported His Highness got ahold of him and made him their captain-general. took the name Zoraya.
the issue will be resolved only over time. as evidenced by what has been sent and ordered against them in this decree. as well as the other taxes [serviçios de la farda] and rents that we produce. I believe that my intention in saying and declaring it is to serve the Lord our God. it is beneficial that His Majesty be informed of this business insofar as it benefits or causes injury to the natives. and Juan was eventually made governor of Galicia. What benefits might he and his descendants deserve to receive. and His Majesty. for what has been ordered by the aforementioned decree cannot be put into effect or followed. for all that has been mentioned above. For this reason. from the Royal Crown? What? In the end he got much less than he deserved. given who he is. based on the silk rent and the one-tenth tax that stems from it. must not allow that this kingdom be lost and destroyed. And this can occur to Christianity while they were very young. Your Lordship knows what I am doing in writing all this. rather. 48. The Mudéjars were Muslims who resided in Christian territory. and so. . in such a case. the Holy Catholic Church.76 Francisco Núñez Muley He defended His Highness to the best of his abilities. and without pressure or hurry and with good governance and restraint on the part of secular as well as ecclesiastical officers. Your Lordship. and pacified all that he could. as is the case with this loyal kingdom and its natives. for His Majesty will surely study the issue and determine what is best for him and his vassals. 48 And in what way do the new converts enjoy any sort of freedom or privilege when their women are made examples of? And what freedom or privilege has been granted that would encourage the natives to consent to such losses and changes such as those that are currently being ordered? This is all well known. For what reason would Your Most Reverend Lordship infer that favor and honor would be bestowed upon the natives of this kingdom if they wore the clothing of Old Christians? Your Lordship will find that the Mudéjars dress just like the Old Christians. From which kingdom in Castile does the Royal Crown gain the most benefit? The answer to this question is well known.
1996). I say that the archbishop at that time never proclaimed the provisions mentioned here.50 although their fundamental points were authorized in the  congregation as I have mentioned. With respect to the third section. this decree will cause great suffering. zambras and the instruments related to them. given that these garments are normally passed down.49 and other things that are contained in the aforementioned decree. Due to all of the aforementioned points. it has been ordered that from the moment the decree is proclaimed these women uncover their faces in public so as to be targets of jokes and ridicule. The zambra was a type of festive popular music in Muslim Granada that was accompanied by instruments such as the tambourine. How much benefit can the natives get from their dresses and clothing over two years time. 49. And with this. in order that there might be a remedy for the great burden that has been placed on the natives of this kingdom. for three to four generations? And what of their silk clothing. Los moriscos del Reino de Granada según el sínodo de Guadix en 1554. and for all that I have said above. and even before this the women will be harassed by the attacks of the constables who lift their veils and force them to go uncovered. see Antonio Gallego y Burín and Alfonso Gámir Sandoval. as these will take advantage of the punishments allowed by the decree that suit them. . In the end. 50. which deals with issues related to weddings. introduction by Bernard Vincent (1968. all confidence will be lost in informants. 90–98. as well as financial and personal losses. as well as singing and dancing. Núñez Muley means the former Granadan archbishop Gaspar de Ávalos. For more. A Memorandum 77 only through the favor of Your Most Reverend Lordship. and law enforcement officials. as I have said before. aggravation. which must be torn up and destroyed within a year’s time? Are they to lose in one year what they have had for 20 or 30 or 40 years? Are they to be harassed and subjected to the punishments contained in the aforementioned decree? In order to insult the native women even more. celebrations. I conclude that which has to do with style of dress and clothing. constables. Granada: Universidad de Granada. which I hope will favor us as it would a lord charged with this business of the decree.
And when the Muslim king would leave on some voyage with his trumpets [añafiles] and zambra instruments. for as I have said. Your Lordship should know that in the past any good Muslim would not go near the instruments of the zambra nor take pleasure in it. how can it be claimed that the zambra and its instruments are in some way linked to the faith of the Muslims? They are not. Credible information and proof will not be found to contradict this point. or Turkey. Your Lordship will find that the zambra and its instruments are wholly unlike the singing and instruments found in Fez. all of the musicians would fall silent until the king passed the entrance to Elvira. Morocco. This decision was based on false as well as true information. This being the situation. This is because in the Albaicín there were judges [alcaldes] and religious teachers [alfaquís] who claimed to be good Muslims who were extended the courtesy of not having the zambra played where they were present. rather. Pedro Ramírez de Alba (1460–1528) was a monk in the Hieronymite order and served as archbishop of Granada from 1526 to 1528. and if any religious teachers [alfaquís] or judges [alcaldes] were present at a wedding. This of 51. And if such music were in some way linked to Islam. but rather are customs rooted in our kingdom and province.51 agreed to include a prohibition of the zambra and all of the instruments associated with it.78 Francisco Núñez Muley All of the archbishops present at the congregation of 1526. then it would perforce be the same everywhere. a situation well known by those with memory of it. those in attendance would cease playing the zambra or the instruments associated with it until these men left the wedding or celebration. they are linked only to merrymaking and celebrations. . including Don Pedro de Alba. Barbary. because in truth the zambra and the instruments associated with it are nothing that should be seen as offensive to the Holy Catholic faith nor in any way linked to the rites of the Muslims. so as to comply with the rules of that religion. and arriving at the bridge at the River Darro and needing to pass through the Albaicín. the zambra and its instruments are not related to Islam.
Corpus Christi (literally. I can say that I served for just over three years as a page to the holy archbishop. In my 2005 study of aljamiado Morisco literature. for the reasons stated above. As archbishop. Beyond this. He was in fact archbishop of Toledo (1495–1507) at the time of his direct involvement in Granadan affairs. In the time of Don Hernando de Talavera. nor is it possible to demonstrate it. Informed in this way by persons who knew a good deal about Islamic jurisprudence and the books that contained it. Characterized by very solemn public processions. as it was because of the festive celebrations and weddings of the natives that it was performed. . the first archbishop that the Catholic Monarchs established in this city.52 there were religious teachers [alfaquís] and religious leaders [muftis] who received salaries from the archbishop in exchange for providing him with information related to Islam and what went against its precepts. he undertook a decidedly liberal approach to the conversion of Granada’s Muslims to Christianity. xxv). I recall certain persons and old men who might remember what I am talking about.53 each trade guild [maeso] having its own banner. In that time the festival of Corpus Christi was as solemn and much talked of as it is here today. A Memorandum 79 course cannot be shown. Hernando de Talavera (1428–1507) was a Hieronymite monk and personal confessor to Isabel I of Castile until he was named archbishop of Granada in 1492. In the town of Ugíjar he stayed in a house located in the highest part of the city. which 52. due to his activities in that kingdom at the very end of the fifteenth century. “Body of Christ”) is a Catholic feast occurring in June that celebrates the presence of Christ in the communion host. even opposing the establishment of the Inquisition in his see. His authority was eventually superseded by that of Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros (1436–1517). who adopted a very hard line against Granada’s Muslims. 2005]. the archbishop permitted during his tenure that the zambra be performed with all of its instruments. the Feast of Corpus Christi was particularly important in Granada during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The zambra and its corresponding instruments were also used to honor the Holy Sacraments of the Corpus Christi processions. and there was nothing in it that went against the Holy Catholic faith. I erroneously refer to Jiménez de Cisneros as the “Granadan Archbishop” (see Covert Gestures: Crypto-Islamic Literature as Cultural Practice in Early Modern Spain [Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 53. and I accompanied him on a visit that he made to all of the Alpujarras.
“God be with you. and a zambra that accompanied him as he left the house to walk to mass. truthfully informed by the aforementioned authorities regarding the beliefs and practices of the Muslim faith. there was a zambra in the choir with the clerics. 98n.” As for the Arabic response. and in praying for rain during the time of the drought.54 And it was a zambra that waited for him at his door. “The Original Memorial. A less likely possibility is an Andalusi variation of the Mod˛ ern Standard Arabic al. because they didn’t have one. Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic. “Dominus bobispon. . So then. Los moriscos del Reino de Granada.4. and of those beliefs and practices that were outside of it. why wouldn’t 54. This occurred in the year 1506 or 1507.” 56. Granada suffered through a terrible drought in 1506–1507. in the year 1502. He went to the Hieronymite monastery of Saint Francis in La Zubia. the distance between the Audiencia of Granada and the Plaza de Bibrambla is about 700 yards. 55. At the moments when the organ would normally be played.” people responded with.” Corriente. And if there is anyone still around who served this archbishop—I doubt that any have remained in this land—he will remember something of what I have just mentioned. and even entering into the church with him.”55 I remember this as if it were yesterday. as they were accustomed to do so in Arabic. “may the order or rule (Verbum?) be in you.80 Francisco Núñez Muley is called Albarba.” 215n. and he was as far from the church as the Royal Audiencia is from the Plaza de Bibrambla. The archbishop traveled throughout the Alpujarras and visited its most important towns and places. with all of the instruments playing and the people walking ahead of him. and ordered that people from all of the other places go there with their heads uncovered and their crosses to pray for rain. And some words of Arabic were even spoken in mass: when the archbishop said. And when His Holiness said mass in person.56 he would go out with his procession and people to pray for it. this is most likely [Allah] yaba¯rak f ¯ku ı ¯m. The Latin formula should read Dominus vobiscum. as he was a Hieronymite himself. “may God bless you. He ordered the New Christians to pray for rain in their own language.ibrah f ¯ku ı ¯m.18. As Garrad states. they responded with the zambra and its instruments. Gallego Burín and Gámir Sandoval. “Ybara figun. 48.
and the fact that their belongings and crops are kept in the open unlocked (and they cannot keep everything they own shut up in their houses). which cannot be said of Castilian weddings. Sundays. And this in no way goes against the Holy Catholic faith. As for the fourth section of the decree. this is done. the presence of thieves. for various reasons. being the saint that he was? He truly spoke to all people. which says that we must leave the doors to our homes open on Fridays. What is the problem. . and in the languages in which they normally sing them? In order to give them pleasure and consolation in terms that they understand. The decree makes the point that the natives of this kingdom shut their doors and do not go to a church for their weddings. if they leave the doors to their homes open—and these homes lacking locks of any sort—this is a sort of open invitation to thieves and others of little conscience to do great damage. whether one is talking about the weddings of Old Christians or those of our community. A Memorandum 81 His Holiness consent to such things. The Old Christians and the natives drink and eat together at our weddings. When the wedding is over and it is necessary. rather. as is the custom and practice among the Old Christians. So why must one defend all of the aforementioned with respect to the natives of this kingdom? As I have said. such a thing will never be found. The doors at weddings are always left wide open. given that they announce the weddings in church beforehand? With respect to what is said about the weddings taking place behind closed doors. they commit no offense against the Holy Catholic faith. and festival days. and made them feel that he knew and understood things well. who are a people that do not engage a great deal in conversation and public interaction. through playing the zambra and its instruments they merely practice the usages of the kingdom and the customs of the province with respect to merrymaking at weddings and other celebrations. Due to their lack of servants. Can we say that there is a lower race than the black slaves of Guinea? Why are they allowed to sing and dance to their instruments and songs. this is as harmful to the public interest as it is to the natives. to shut the doors for the night.
these ceremonies and rites require a clean place in which there is not even the suspicion of dirtiness. Also. utterly impossible. Let us imagine for the sake of argument that some man or woman has the idea to practice Islam. this is. Your Lordship will find that during the time of the Muslims. and this was seen in this kingdom as well as in other Muslim kingdoms. and not together as is the case with the converted Jews [confesos]. in any case. in fact. nor may we presume that this is the case. the butcher. In this city. The baths themselves are pools of filth and other such things. as well as those who have dirty occupations such as the fisherman. because the faith of the Muslims requires that they pray in solitude. the skinners who work in and near the slaughterhouse. when any of their religious men wished to present himself as such. it is possible to find in some of the baths both Old Christian and New Christian men who work there [bañeros]. he left town to dwell in an isolated hermitage without the company of any man or woman. then this is what the Inquisitors are for. for both Old Christian and New Christian men use the baths. And. a fact that I have learned from old and wise men. the coal supplier. the blacksmith. workers in dirty places such as those who remove waste from the communal septic tanks and sewers [madres] where the filth from each street .82 Francisco Núñez Muley The natives do not close their doors in order to offend the Holy Catholic faith. to punish him as they do. In any case. where there is a certain number of people it is impossible to carry out Muslim ceremonies or rites. for the sick go to them with their various maladies and sores. This theory cannot be substantiated in any way. those who mash linen to make thread [espadadores de lino]. The fifth section of the decree deals with the public baths. as these require a degree of solitude and are not carried out in public. nor does it reflect any sort of sound judgment. the oil supplier. My conclusion is that closing doors or leaving them open will not deter someone with bad intentions from doing what he wishes to do in secret. people with this idea would not come together at night to pray. the theory being that it is possible to practice Muslim ceremonies and rites in them. For this reason. and if what he does goes against the Holy Catholic faith. as I have said. in the first place.
] although this reading likewise is less than satisfactory. In the baths they take buckets or make depressions in the ground and urinate in them. which is a logical. . All of these people come to the baths. FoulchéDelbosc attempts to resolve this passage by rendering it “aunque se lavan en los vaños con el agua que se bierte de labar los onbres” [although they wash in the baths with the water used to wash the men. The baths themselves were instituted in order to provide a place to cleanse oneself with hot water and a hot environment. In the manuscript. if not wholly convincing possibility. 57. and others who work in dirty homes and dung heaps. Núñez Muley refers here to curry combs known as almohazas (from the Arabic h assa.57 it is impossible to cleanse the bath of all of the aforementioned things. given its tautological character. men. . and not in a place so potentially dirty nor manifestly public as the aforementioned baths. because of the presence of so much water. 58. . such ceremonies and rites require a certain degree of solitude and a clean place. the filth is not visible to the eye. Garrad (“The Original Memorial. .] It is possible that the presence of “men” (onbres) in this passage is the result of a scribal error. And the bath workers wash the patrons by scrubbing them with their fingernails and other instruments made of wool with hard centers that are known as almoçahas [sic]. particularly when they have need to clean themselves of the aforementioned forms of filth and relieve themselves. as I have said. it is not possible to clean the bath. meaning “to curry comb”) that were used to help clean and exfoliate skin in the · baths. and in an infinite number of other things such as those. for when one sweats the body releases all form of dirtiness and bad humors. It follows that no one wishing to practice the ceremonies or rites of the Muslims would even think of doing so in a place where there is such a strong suspicion of dirtiness.58 They also use their palms and stones from the sea with which they wash the soles of their feet and their heels. no se puede limpiar el vaño” [although they wash in the baths with water poured directly from the . even if. the passage reads “anque se lavan en los vaños con el agua que se vierte de las . Nor would they do so in such a public place. . A Memorandum 83 and house is collected.” 217) suggests that it might be “earthen jars” (tinajas). so that even if they wash themselves in the baths with water poured directly from a clean source. but there is no way to tell for certain. onbres. because. There is an ink stain on the manuscript that makes it difficult to determine what exactly might be the source of the clean water in the public baths.
unlike other 59. it follows that no one will bathe at all. Let us say for the sake of argument that such women—Old and New Christians—get the awful idea to meet their lovers for sex. however. and not a single man enters the bath.60 What will the sick do or those who have to cleanse themselves of the forms of filth that I have described above? Someone might respond to this question with another one: “How do the Castilians bathe?” One can answer this question by pointing out that the Castilians have the freedom to bathe wherever they like. nor in the rivers or streams. as well as the fact that we have. I’m speaking here about the women who supposedly go to the baths to meet their lovers and have sex with them. It would be much easier for them to do so while going on visits. do not in any way enjoy such freedoms. as it was thought that such personal cleansing was inevitably associated with the practice of Muslim prayer. the Inquisition of Granada punished Moriscos who washed themselves or took baths in their homes.84 Francisco Núñez Muley Another claim regarding the baths is that mortal sins occur there. and it also seems a better plan for them simply to reserve a room in an inn [posada de dejamiento] to have sex.” 218n. The natives of this kingdom. as much among the Christians as the new converts. and so they have no need of public baths. This claim is wholly without merit and cannot be substantiated in any way. I fail to see how it’s possible to claim that men and women meet in the baths to commit such sins.59 If the public baths are done away with. for while the women—whether Old Christians or New Christians—are in the baths they are surrounded by many other women and the female bath workers that bathe them. and due to the forms of dirtiness (and the people who work in it) described above. This being the situation. neither at home nor outside of it. “The Original Memorial.2. or attending jubilees and plays where men and women regularly interact with one another. As Garrad points out. 60. . or visiting churches. The Salve Regina is a solemn Marian antiphon that is traditionally sung on the morning of the first Sunday of Lent. I believe that for some of the aforementioned causes the archbishop had ordered Salves to be sung during Lent very early before the prayer in order to prevent some of the aforementioned actions.
” He then backs this notion up with a folk tale surrounding the death of Alfonso VI’s son Sancho during the conquest of Toledo in 1085. Such a visit can easily cost a patron three or four ducats. while the public baths cost a mere eight maravedís. Here a great number of disabled people used to lie—the blind. Jesus went up to Jerusalem for a feast of the Jews. and Alfonso responded by having all of the public baths in Toledo torn down. Martín de Riquer (Barcelona: Horta. In any case. For example. As the story has it. Now there is in Jerusalem near the Sheep Gate a pool. the lame. which in Aramaic is called Bethesda and which is surrounded by five covered colonnades. Tesoro de la lengua Castellana o española según la impression de 1611.61 and yet the Castilians never desired to have any. only one person out of a hundred can afford to go to the natural spring baths. One of the causes given for their defeat was their use of the public baths. as it was discussed with Your Lordship. 190. At the time of the writing of the Gospels there were public baths. go to see the parish priest and the purveyor so that they might also sign the doctor’s release. John 5:1–3: “Some time later. the process takes roughly seven or eight days and requires one to pay a doctor. and leave a person much cleaner than the natural spring baths do. we.” 62. and so there are no significant consequences to such weakening. only about one in a hundred have such money or know how to initiate the process. Sancho and his men were easily killed by the Muslims in a battle near the town of Vélez. see Sebastián de Covarrubias Orozco. In fact.62 In this kingdom the people are not interested in war. for the reasons that I have described above the natives of this kingdom have greater need to bathe than others. A Memorandum 85 kingdoms. one must wait—dirty as he or she is—three or four days to see the doctor and then. Once again. In this way. Covarrubias supports this idea quite directly: “The use of baths diminishes one’s vitality and renders men weak and cowardly. Someone might argue that those with the need to bathe might go to the natural spring baths to do so. unlike Castile. . a purveyor. 1943). a priest. It is also possible for a person who wishes to bathe at home to request a doctor’s release to do so. after much waiting and having paid the doctor. the paralyzed. Given the difficulties that I have just described. have long had public baths. and a notary a total sum of more or less six or seven reales. con las adiciones de Benito Remigio Noydens publicados en la de 1674. In order to obtain such a release. 61. due to the fact that going to the baths can weaken the limbs and veins of a man in times of war. public waterworks to handle both clean water and sewage. ed.
Your Lordship must know that the judges and officials of this kingdom are thoroughly corrupt. As Garrad points out. . that bringing 63. “The Original Memorial. 162. The term khalla¯ba appears in Corriente. the whole process undermines the trust that one might have in informants and judges. 30. both in this city and beyond its boundaries.63 Because we do not leave our doors open. Issues such as covering or uncovering one’s face have caused great disturbances and suffering. and even though they are at mass. the only place where one finds honesty are the Royal Audiencia. they are fined 1 ducat and 15 reales. we will all inevitably be forced to violate the terms of the decree. or 40 reales. Your Most Reverend Lordship. and the auditors and their officials. It is well known that there is really no way to leave the doors of this kingdom ajar. as they do in places where there are lots of breezes. as a “shutter-bolt. As I have already stated. due to the concerns and risks that I have described above.64 It follows from this. by which a person is known according to his or her lineage. have begun to manifest themselves since the day that the aforementioned decree was proclaimed.86 Francisco Núñez Muley combined with the great need to bathe among the natives of this kingdom. For singing Morisco songs or for calling someone by his or her Morisco name. they are fined 20 or 30 reales. where Your Lordship resides. Deza himself was a less-than-model royal official: in 1575 he was proven to have kidnapped Morisco children and sold them in Ceuta as slaves in exchange for Portuguese art objects. Dictionary of Andalusi Arabic.” 219n. and then we’ll all find ourselves before the Inquisition answering the following question: “Were you bathing as part of an Islamic ritual or not?” What can result from such a situation if not the great and general loss of persons and income? The beginnings of such personal and material losses.1. as has the order compelling us to leave our doors open or at least to leave them ajar without latching them. And this is just the beginning.” 64. law officers have fined many people 20. given that they lack a device known as a haliba that differs from a latch. Who knows what will happen when serious fines and even exile begin to be ordered. who are anything but disinterested. Some of these people have shut the doors to their homes while they are at mass.
the offenses and crimes [with] which the natives of this kingdom are being brought down” (“The Original Memorial. the passage reads literally.’” . V. saying. is recounted: “One evening David got up from his bed and walked around on the roof of the palace.” 219). 66. Turning to the Sacred Scripture. nor mitigate. David would not have sinned—and he was a prophet. The woman conceived and sent word to David. Garrad inserts the connective “with” (con) between “destruymientos” and “que se destruyen” so that the passage reads. and David sent someone to find out about her. “E por esto. And if we follow that course. which consists of much pressuring and punishment. “And for this reason. From the roof he saw a woman bathing. by licit or illicit means. The man said.65 The only fruits of such a course as that presented by the aforementioned decree are those that I have spelled out.” In this way. one by one and as a group. and New Christian women do so for the same reason. in order to marry her. the offenses and crimes [that I just mentioned] that the natives of this kingdom should be brought down].66 I learned 65. Rather than adding the connective “with. (She had purified herself from her uncleanness. Let us return once again to the issue of whether the women of this kingdom who cover their faces do so as part of their supposed adherence to the Muslim faith. Sa. why do the majority of Old Christian women cover their faces? They do so in order that people not recognize them at times when they do not wish to be recognized. Sa. that punishing the Moriscos will yield no benefit to the Crown). nor mitigate. and so that men might not fall into the mortal sin of seeing the beautiful face of a woman they admire and pursuing her. and he slept with her. one cannot deny that if Bathsheba had not been bathing herself. The woman was very beautiful. the daughter of Eliam and the wife of Uriah the Hittite?’ Then David sent messengers to get her. no será bastante para rremediar ny poner rremedio a los agravios y destruymientos que se destruyan los naturales deste rreyno” [And for this reason. Your Most Reverend Lordship will not be enough to remedy. The manuscript reads: “E por esto V. That a woman covers her face is nothing but a matter of modesty meant to prevent these events from occurring. We might then ask. In 2 Samuel 11:2–5 the story of David’s adulterous affair with Bathsheba.) Then she went back home. ‘I am pregnant. This reading does not fit the argument of the rest of the section (namely. Reverendísima. it will not be enough to remedy. ‘Isn’t this Bathsheba. She came to him. Your Most Reverend Lordship. the wife of Uriah the Hittite. 322v–323r). Reverendisima no sera bastante para rremediar ny poner rremedio a los agravios y destruymientos que se destruyen los naturales deste rreyno” (ff.” it seems to make more sense to convert the present passive indicative verb “se destruyen” into the subjunctive “se destruyan. we should expect no good to come of it. will not be enough to correct the crimes and offenses that harm it. A Memorandum 87 down the natives of this kingdom.
four patterns to these names: 1) kunya. and 4) nisba. such as: “Abu¯ Alı¯ Mohammed ibn ˛ · Jamı¯l ibn Mohammed al-Fa¯sı¯” (Mohammed the father of Alı¯. and as commissary general of the Inquisition in Valencia (appointed in 1525). This was the intention of the Catholic Monarchs and past archbishops in supporting this kingdom as they did. by what logic or form of justice are the natives of this kingdom punished. he was a close ally of Carlos V. as in “Abu¯ Alı¯ Mohammed” (Mohammed. or reference to the person’s place of origin. and abused by having to cover or uncover themselves? With respect to Morisco surnames: how are we supposed to know one another if we only make use of Castilian surnames?68 The people will know nothing of the person with whom they are speaking. and there being no offense to the Holy Catholic faith. such as “Mohammed al-Ka¯tib” (Mohammed the · · Scribe). There likewise remained other records from the time of the Muslim kings in cities such as Seville 67. the son · · of Mohammed from Fez). Before being elected archbishop in 1529. Núñez Muley is referring to the common practice among Arab Muslims to name people according to their lineage. the son of Jamı¯l.88 Francisco Núñez Muley of this example during a conversation that took place between Your Lordship. given that they have no knowledge of his or her lineage. ˛ · · the son of Alı¯.67 and other noblemen of our nation. and/or place of origin. in the same form as during the time of the Muslim kings: so that they might make manifest and clear to all what Their Highnesses had won. · . or a description of the person based. as in “Mohammed al· Fa¯sı¯” (Mohammed from Fez). as in “Mohammed ibn Alı¯ ibn Jamı¯l” (Mohammed. This being the case. Gaspar de Ávalos served as bishop of Guadix y Baza (appointed in 1524). profession. And this was the intention that the Catholic Kings had in preserving the contents of the royal archives of the Alhambra. and all the rest that I have mentioned above? Does it not seem to Your Lordship that in retaining all of these things one does great honor to the Monarchs who won this kingdom? For in this way it remains manifest to everyone the diverse peoples that they conquered. among others. In sixteenth-century Granada as today. or a refer· · ˛ ence to the person’s direct lineage. Throughout his career. the son of Jamı¯l). There are. 3) laqab. from whom they are purchasing. our surnames. 2) nasab. What benefit is derived from erasing from our memories our traditional clothing. for example. and with whom they are marrying. generally speaking. or a reference to the person’s firstborn ˛ ˛ child. on his or her profession. Don Gaspar de Ávalos (before he was made archbishop). 68. the father of Alı¯). it was common for · ˛ these types of surnames to be used in combination. harassed.
With respect to the aláraves. Since this kingdom cost Their Highnesses so dearly. the gacis were “Muslims from Africa. or otherwise executed. This is so because the majority of the aforementioned former slaves are now practically natives themselves. and it also seems logical not to risk losing in so little time everything that they won by carrying out what is stipulated in the aforementioned decree. however. it was never put into effect. 2000). The military conquest of this kingdom cost the Catholic Monarchs untold amounts in terms of money. and even grandchildren that were born here. 70.” . with wives and married children. however. and they too were preserved and maintained in order to remind all future kings of the identity of those from whom the cities had been won.” “The Original Memorial.70 These slaves were obtained by their masters for 69. Madrid: Istmo. A Memorandum 89 and Cordova. Garrad suggests that these might have been “North African Arabs who crossed over to Granada in times of famine and were sold into slavery by the Granadan coastguards. the situation has become a very thorny one for His Majesty. since it was never complied with nor put into effect in the past.” Los moriscos del Reino de Granada (1957. It would have been a very just thing if such an order had been given and executed the first time it was proposed. The decree also orders that former Maghrebi slaves [gazíes e alárabes] be forced to leave the kingdom due to the supposedly undesirable consequences of their interactions with the natives.3. and materials.69 This has also been ordered at various times in the past. as their masters used them as speculative commodities. because in no way can the natives of this kingdom comply with it. and Their Highnesses were likewise forced to expend untold millions in gold in conquering and carrying out the various wars with the Muslims of this kingdom. This situation has been well known in this kingdom ever since the natives expended seemingly infinite sums of money in rescuing these slaves from captivity. And this cannot be denied or explained away. people. freed slaves or captives that had established themselves in the Southern mountains and intermarried with the natives after the Christian conquest of Granada.” 220n. According to Julio Caro Baroja. it seems right that they should wish to examine and reexamine what they spent and what it cost them. 91–92. “sus amos lo tenían por granxería. complied with.
1). and they would not be used to make steep profits as has been the case until now. the natives of this kingdom were greatly set back by the rescue of these slaves and caused many discomforts by their presence here. Garrad rightly suggests that by the sixteenth century these West African slaves were likely brought to the peninsula by Portuguese traders ( “The Original Memorial. nor anyone from the other communities. As for those slaves who are taken in the future. With respect to what the decree says about the blacks that have served some of the native Moriscos of this kingdom. as it would be just of Your Lordship to help them to become instituted.90 Francisco Núñez Muley nothing or bought for very small sums from soldiers and sailors who themselves obtained them for nearly nothing. It would be exceedingly just of His Majesty to make these changes. It should be pointed out. For . 72. that a vibrant slave trade—involving Slavs. would be able to sell or rescue any Maghrebi slave or other North African in this kingdom unless he wished to pay serious fines. And then from this moment on. as Your Lordship will discover if you speak with them. they can be sent to Castile. and sub-Saharan Africans—had existed within Muslim Iberia as well. except in the case of the women.71 As a result. and they are of the same opinion as I am. I say this because many times have I discussed this matter with the inquisitors here. His Majesty can resolve this situation immediately by ordering that all of the Maghrebi slaves or anyone from North Africa that have been freed or rescued and who are not married. There they would be rescued or sold. Europeans. “Rescuing” a slave essentially involved paying for his or her freedom. the charge for rescuing these slaves was normally quite steep. however. elderly. who have little or nothing.” 221n. no Old Christian. the process functioned as an officially sanctioned form of kidnapping and ransom. This problem could quickly be solved by His Majesty if he simply ordered that no Maghrebi slave be sold or rescued in this kingdom and that anyone who obtains or captures them take them to Castile to be sold. or integrated into the native community. no matter what his rank or station may be. however. His Majesty could impose serious fines. what harm has been done to the Holy Catholic faith by the fact that some of the natives of this kingdom have black men or women as slaves?72 71. leave the kingdom at once. In many ways.
it was these same men who approved the ownership rights of those who currently have them. A Memorandum 91 Have these slaves become Muslims because of the influence of their owners. and afterward.html?portal=0&Ref=5286. Your Lordship must help us to gain the favor of His Majesty so that the natives of this kingdom might be allowed to own black slaves that serve them as they do the Old Christians. 1. and do they. raza y religión (Granada: Universidad de Granada y Área de Mujer de la Diputación Provincial de Granada. We now turn to the section of the decree that speaks of the Arabic language.com/FichaObra. given the formers’ aforementioned needs? Some have said that the number of natives and blacks continues to grow so as to provide support for a future act of treason. or their masters. have any knowledge of the Muslim faith? Don’t these blacks deserve their wretched state? Must everyone be seen as equals? Let them bring the water pitcher on their backs. II: 9. and not on a continual basis within their homes. . or handle the plow. beyond what I have stated above. par. La esclavitud en la Granada del siglo XVI: género. see Aurelia Martín Casares. And in order that Your Lordship may be informed of the conflicts that exist between the clerics and the natives. In light of. and Luis del Mármol Carvajal.000 black slaves in the possession of the natives. the undue influence that the prelates’ account has had in this case. There are within it many problems that should more on slavery in early modern Granada. As for those who were freed and have since married. 2000). this number never was any higher than 400. and at the present there are no more than 100. or carry burdens. Some have even said in the past that there were in the kingdom of Granada some 20. Historia del [sic] rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reino de Granada . at http://www. during the congregation meeting in the Royal Chapel it was the clerics who served as witnesses against the natives in this matter regarding the black slaves. looking after their own interests.cervantesvirtual. for the natives do not serve each other for periods longer than a few days at a time. What sin has provoked the royal order that the natives of this kingdom should not be allowed to have black slaves. may they not be included in the decree. however. Your Most Reverend Lordship. Likewise it was these men who served as witnesses in the decision regarding who should be allowed to own black slaves.
then these priests and philosophers in Malta and Jerusalem would not use it. as they are Christians. Let us say that the natives of this kingdom all wished to learn to speak Castilian. the Catholic Christians who live in the holy city of Jerusalem and throughout the Christian kingdom of that region speak Arabic and write their evangelical books and laws and all that has to do with Christianity and documents and contracts in that language.73 As I have already spoken above about those Christians who reside in the holy city of Jerusalem and its surrounding areas. How much more difficult will it be to get these people to learn Castilian. and it is nearly impossible for them to change the way they speak. and because this example is well known. and testaments such as that ordered by the aforementioned decree will not be found in this kingdom. given that even in their own language they have 73. I also believe that they say mass in Arabic. Given the incredible difficulties involved in such a process. This is so because. due to years of use and habit. If using Arabic were truly something that went against the Holy Catholic faith. and they likewise speak Arabic and use Arabic to write texts having to do with the Holy Catholic faith and other Christian matters. Jerusalem. And I say. as I have said above. The first and most important reason is that the Arabic language has no direct relation whatsoever to the Muslim faith. although what I say is based on my humble judgment. That is. or at least those with some understanding of things. that speak popular varieties of Arabic that are very different from those spoken elsewhere. . A ban on Arabic documents. as is also the case in Jerusalem and its surrounding areas. especially in light of the complexities of Arabic.92 Francisco Núñez Muley be removed. I will now speak of those who live on the not-so-distant island of Malta. There is an almost infinite number of people in the villages and places outside the city (and even within it). the issue is largely out of their hands. Here there are Catholic Christians and nobles. that no ill effect can be caused by the continued use of the Arabic language for two reasons. and neither of these groups knows how to read or write in Castilian. contracts.
or anything else written in Arabic. And these will inevitably lose their property and be exiled. The aforementioned decree orders that all land titles. and if they were found to be inoffensive. A Memorandum 93 been unable to learn to speak correctly? I guarantee Your Lordship that the majority of those new converts in this kingdom could not learn Castilian if you gave them 20 years. who has not considered—nor will consider—as evidence of ownership anything less than a legal land title. the Moriscos had thirty days in which to turn in their Arabic documents and texts for inspection. let alone the three stipulated by the aforementioned decree. Garrad identifies this “Doctor Santiago” as a judge (oídor) of the Royal Audiencia of Valladolid who was sent to Granada in 1559 to “reclaim Crown lands usurped by . as the punishment stipulated by the decree reads. How are people who do not speak or understand Castilian going to be able to comply with this order when it is proclaimed? What procedure exists such that it might be possible for so large a quantity of written materials to be brought together for submission within the time frame allowed by the decree?74 And if it were possible to gather all of these materials. they would be valid for a period of three years. will not be able to learn it. especially in those related to the commission run by Doctor Santiago. Many of these people. God will not be served by this. land titles. even if you threaten to chop them up into pieces. which is very well known. 161. 75.75 Let us say that it is possible to translate 74. or any other text written in Arabic must be submitted to Your Lordship and to whomever has been appointed to this task. how exactly might these people be compelled to learn Castilian in three years time? It is very clear that whoever has ordered it wishes the destruction of this kingdom and its natives. Historia. nor will the natives of this kingdom have any sort of recourse. Considering all of this. Mármol Carvajal. books. According to the Decree of 1567. books. as the natives now have an extreme and urgent need for their legal documents and land titles in their legal suits. what person or persons would be able to receive them all? Caution! We are now beginning to see the extreme (and well known) damage that is caused by those who wish to see the abolition of all documents. nor will His Majesty. And this is clear from what I have said above and what I will now say.
Usurpers were made to pay a composition fee to the Crown. to avoid confiscation at the hands of the painstaking Doctor Santiago. value. In the years between 1559 and the outbreak of the rebellion he attempted to check up all title deeds and survey land. or the land was confiscated and resold. in whose houses the customs agents [marchamadores] gather the bundles of silk from each place and party. and after three years these documents would be worthless. private individuals and so swell the Royal Treasury. weight. In all of this business very strict accounts are kept by the silk brokers. so that there is no fraud with respect to the income derived from the silk trade. And these men must faithfully record all that the customs agents bring to them. How long would it take to do so.94 Francisco Núñez Muley all of these materials into Castilian. whether at the time that the silk arrives at the silk markets [alcaycerías] or when the tax collector comes to them asking for their production receipts [alvalaes] and proof of where the silk was sold. know nothing else? While some of them may know Castilian out of necessity.3. as the decree stipulates. including the captain-general. It is also important that the silk producers are in no way cheated. they also need to produce commercial statements in Arabic to serve the people that come to them. given that they need to write in Arabic in order to perform their duties and. do not know how to write in Castilian. nor discrepancies between the records of one party or another. but only in Arabic. and how many translators would be needed to translate all of the kingdom’s documents? Currently there is only one such translator. and it is thus inevitable that Arabic documents will be lost. The proceedings raised great indignation in Granada: almost everyone suffered. The silk agents [almotalifes]. What will be lost in terms of property and records. and the percentages to which each party is entitled so that they may show the producers how much has been sold and give them itemized receipts in the way that I have described above. given that there will be no original documents [ius antigua] by which we might know who owns what? What will the silk brokers [gelizes] do. Consequently the Moriscos needed their Arabic title deeds more than ever at that moment.” “The Original Memorial. In order to sell their silk they also need to provide written statements listing the price.” 222n. in any case. nor persons who may commit such fraud. .
Among tradesmen such as dyers. This being so. everything else is written in Arabic. and the items are dyed along with the tickets so that record of each item and account not be lost. for the reasons presented above. the only things written in Castilian are the records of the tax collector and the customs agent. there must be an official record of the color of each item. Given that. In all of these accounts. the use of Arabic in no way goes against the Holy Catholic faith. the net effect will inevitably be great harm and losses. They conduct business not on the basis of any obligation or personal acquaintance. and with no benefit derived from it? These practices have been in use and accepted during the lives of all the archbishops and bishops that this kingdom has had. they rely on written accounts and records of who owes what to whom that they keep in their registers. and there has been no protest on the part of any of them. thread. nor will it end well. and it must be recorded on a ticket along with the weight of each skein. in my humble opinion there is not a single thing to be gained by instituting any of the chapters of the aforementioned decree. the producers. who must keep records of each skein that is brought to them. as have begun to be seen in the places and towns . and these tickets are tied to each item. will not be able to do so. and they know no other way. What recourse will they have once they are forced to cease all of this within a period of three years? And as I have said. after sixty years. whether this be silk. and the tax collector charged with the income from silk. This has to do with the records that the newly converted must have in order to do business with one another. In these and similar cases. Rather. it will cause only tremendous personal and material losses. been found the great number of problems described and declared within the decree? As I have said above. although they may wish to learn Castilian. or any other material from which clothing is made. why should His Majesty permit that there should be so much harmful change. the majority of the new converts. no good can come of it. rather. Has there only now. This is what they have always done. A Memorandum 95 silk agents. What records will they have in the future if things are to be as described above? How will they be able to trust one another? Let us now move to the central issue.
“Are you unveiled?” and “Did you shut your doors?” as well as questions regarding the use of Morisco names. The solution to this situation lies principally within the power of His Majesty and those that advise him. I also plead that he not pay attention. and at regular intervals these men should be summoned so that the governors might be informed about their actions. as I have said above. and they end up bringing great blame down upon themselves and shaming the entire community as if they were rats. That solution consists of letting these men who have committed murder and other crimes return to the seigniorial lands and having the governors with jurisdiction over those lands punish them in some significant way. and if in this kingdom there have been or are some of these—such as the bandits [monfíes] and outlaws [desesperados]—it is because of the extent to which they are pressed and because they have no place in which they might be safe and secure. These governors should also be informed of whoever enters their lands. I beg Your Lordship. take religious orders in order to place themselves beyond the reach of the secular authorities. As Núñez Muley points out. according to some. and to look with merciful eyes to the natives of this kingdom. to inform himself in every way of all the issues contained in this memorandum. in making it impossible for these men to seek refuge in seigniorial lands after having committed their crimes. for the love of God. His Majesty was well served. In this way the enormous harm that is being caused in 76. and they should keep a very close watch on these men so that they might not commit any crime of any sort or by any means. so what are they to do if not join up with others in the same situation and put their lives at risk?76 They see no other option. to the few bad people that are by necessity part of every community. and so there was little choice for these monfíes and desesperados but to continue committing criminal acts once they were denied refuge in seigniorial lands. . it was common for fugitives and outlaws to “take refuge in the Church” (acogerse a la iglesia). as they are loyal servants of His Majesty in all things and in all ways. They have no monasteries or churches to turn to. In early modern Spain.96 Francisco Núñez Muley outside Granada. this nonviolent “escape valve” was not open to Muslims wanted by the authorities. where it is an everyday occurrence to hear questions such as. that is.
both in general and in particular terms. My Lord. in some areas it is widely known that these offenses are actually being carried out by Old Christians and outlaw soldiers who commit many crimes on the roads and make it look as though Moriscos were the culprits. and places of this kingdom. This is the case as much in this city as in the other cities. And given that I have dared to relate to Your Lordship in this memorandum all that I have been able to learn. in truth. His Majesty. Francisco Núñez Muley The most important issue with respect to the writing of Arabic in this kingdom are the tax assessment registers. My intention has been and is very honest: to serve the Lord our God. because. A Memorandum 97 this kingdom will cease. And this assessment absolutely cannot be carried out in any other way. Let us return to the tax assessment registers that are kept in this city. and it is not possible to effect any sort of assessment of the aforementioned taxes without them and other records held by the natives. It is from these registers that the assessment of the general tax [farda] and the coastal defense tax [farda del mar] are calculated. This is all well known and requires no investigation as to its veracity. as when these men approach the moment of their death and confess to crimes that had previously been attributed to the Moriscos. for the points contained in my memorandum are well known and true. and important business as much with nobles as with archbishops and inquisitors as in the court of Their Highnesses and Their Majesties. that I did so out of malice. I have learned all of this through some experience. villages. for the love of God. may Your Lordship not think. and one has normally been kept in Arabic and another in Castilian. These have always been written records. and I cannot deny them. as they are my blood and I am obligated by that bond. Your servant kisses the very illustrious and most reverend hands of Your Lordship. and his vassals the natives of this kingdom. interaction. This has been described in some trials. as they are today. With these books were calculated the tax burden in this .
He who is able to communicate with the Old Christian men who keep these registers will go and speak to them. to have no other music whatsoever but the Morisco zambra and the instruments that accompany it. the prosecutors do their prosecuting. Your Lordship. to speak no Castilian whatsoever but only Arabic. Look.98 Francisco Núñez Muley city and all of the parishes within it. written in Arabic and Castilian. and he who has no knowledge of Castilian will go and speak to the scribe who copied everything down in Arabic. As for the surnames that are listed in the aforementioned books. In what language are municipal scribes to write in these registers if they have no other option and know no other way? Must the king lose his tax income and his vassals along with it? These registers and other written records are kept in order to determine and effect the aforementioned tax payments. when the natives of this kingdom began to pay taxes to His Majesty. and everything is written down using them in the aforementioned registers and bills. and the kingdom will be made blind and will lose its natives. and from these were generated the bills that stated what each person had to pay. With these bills the tax collectors make their collections. That is how the matter has been handled in all of the kingdom. to whom will they send the tax bill? For we will no longer know one another by our surnames. to bathe in the Morisco baths and to hire only Morisco bath-workers and no others. This is the declaration that has been kept in the aforementioned registers or bills so that each person knows what he is required to pay and for what reason. at the comparison that I would like to present to you. that there should be established a decree requiring all Christians to dress like Moriscos and wear their footwear. His Majesty will not be paid. and this has been in place since 1502 or 1503. along with those members of his council and the prelates that ordered the aforementioned decree. and there has not been a single complaint about it until today. to cease celebrating weddings in the Castilian way and instead begin celebrating them as the Moriscos do. to cease using any . Let us imagine that His Majesty had decided. if we are to cease using Morisco surnames. And if this requirement of the aforementioned decree should be put into practice.
”77 In this way the aforementioned commandment declares that we should wish for our neighbor what we would wish for ourselves. That this would be the case is well known. A Memorandum 99 Castilian names or surnames. That is. Let us suppose all of this and many other items that I will not express here for fear of being too wordy. which is much closer to Castilian than Arabic is. In the event that such a thing should be ordered. because he who is not fit to be a judge of himself should not be a judge of others. may the aforementioned tax assessments. to keep the doors to their homes open at all times. and your neighbor as yourself. or land titles in Castilian—all of these would have to be written in Arabic. this decree would prohibit women from leaving their faces uncovered in public and require them to cover them as Morisco women do. 77. but rather they would die and suffer under burdens and punishments. and order upon him nothing that we would not order upon ourselves. and land titles be written in Genoese. let us recall the commandment of God contained in His Ten Commandments. or else serious penalties will be assessed. registers. “You will love God before all things. offices. as I say. registers. But allow me to alter one thing that I have just said: may the Christians be required to use not Arabic but Genoese. and may all of their contracts. and records be converted not into Arabic but into Genoese within the time frame established by the decree. and officials. which says. Furthermore. . and it would prohibit Christians from possessing any contracts. To what extent would the taxes due His Majesty actually be collected under this scenario (one that the natives of this kingdom currently face)? And in all of the other issues regarding accounts. could the Christians comply given the diverse manners of all the Christians of this kingdom? They would not comply. This is a reference not to the Ten Commandments but to Mark 12:28–31. registers.
opening page. 311r. Madrid.Francisco Núñez Muley. BN MS 6176. Biblioteca Nacional de España. . Madrid. Memorial. Laboratorio Fotográfico. fol.
Madrid. . Memorial. Madrid. fol. Biblioteca Nacional de España.Francisco Núñez Muley. Laboratorio Fotográfico. BN MS 6176. closing page. 330r.
the wholesale expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain. which he ended up handling very well. Second. Chapter Five: How His Majesty ordered an assembly to be convened in Madrid to discuss the reformation of the Moriscos and to put into effect the provisions of the assembly of 1526 As the Moriscos had become quite restless and every hour reports arrived from the city of Granada concerning the harm that they were causing by living as Muslims and communicating with Muslims from North Africa. while preparing to attend the Council of Trent. Pope Paul III had also asked him to relay the request to King Felipe II 103 . these chapters are not available in English and are extensively cited in most studies of the material dealt with by Núñez Muley. decided to deal with this issue. six. eleven. Why cite Mármol at length? For one reason. seven. as these touch on issues directly related to the composition and reception of the Memorandum. eight.Appendix Excerpts from Mármol Carvajal’s Historia del [sic] rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reino de Granada m H ere are reproduced chapters five. and twelve of Mármol’s Historia del [sic] rebelión y castigo de los moriscos del Reino de Granada. the very subjective and situated character of Mármol’s text helps to present and contextualize the viewpoint of many of those Spaniards who favored measures such as those laid out in the decrees of 1567 and. by the beginning of the seventeenth century. Granadan archbishop Don Pedro Guerrero.
In a synod that Archbishop Guerrero organized. And in order to avoid any trouble. It was also decided that the Moriscos must comply with and carry out the provisions of the assembly that the emperor Don Carlos had ordered convened in 1526. and the customs that they had used when they were Muslims. language. Guadix. And in order to make this so. the Prior of San Juan. and that the measures taken in the past had inspired nothing but a desire for vengeance on the part of the Moriscos (as it is the custom of the wicked to convert things done in their favor into new sorts of insults and offenses). the learned Menchaca and Doctor Velasco. from the Council-General of the Inquisition. the provisions were not published until they were sent to the president [of the Royal Audencia] of Granada to be . auditors of the Royal Council and Chamber. the Royal Council agreed that before anything they must put into effect these provisions without entertaining any opposing suits or responses. strategies were discussed by which the newly converted might wholly embrace the Christian faith. bishop of Orihuela.104 Appendix that he do something so that these souls not be lost. and he remitted these provisions to his Royal Council. who was also inquisitor-general and bishop of Sigüenza (and later cardinal in the Holy Church of Rome). presided over by the learned Don Diego Espinosa. His Majesty ordered an assembly [junta] to be held in Madrid in 1566. the vice-chancellor of Aragon. Don Bernardo de Borea. in which participated the following: President Diego de Espinosa. Almería. All of these learned nobles decided that if the Moriscos had received baptism and were now nominally Christians. the Duke of Alba. then they must in fact be and appear to be so and give up their traditional style of dress. they informed His Majesty. Master [Gregorio] Gallo. at which were gathered the bishops of Málaga. Upon finding the answer to this question in the execution of the provisions of the  assembly of the Royal Chapel. [Fernando Álvarez de Toledo y Pimentel]. and representatives from the archbishopric of Granada. And so they consulted with His Majesty and convinced him of the rightness of their point of view. the learned Don Pedro de Deza. Don Antonio de Toledo. Having seen all of the written accounts of the archbishop and his prelates.
and that they would have no force or effect in legal proceedings. What follows here are the provisions themselves and the arguments raised by the Moriscos. being practical people with ample experience. Excerpts from Mármol’s Historia 105 put into effect. they were given license to wear those made of silk or those with silk embroidery for a period of one year and those made of regular cloth for two years. who. not even in secret. were expected to take care of the matter as they saw fit. And during those two years. With respect to this order that all the Moriscos learn Castilian. With respect to clothing. and that all the clothing that they produced in the future be like that worn by Christians. and from then on no one would be allowed to speak. all women who continued to wear their . hose [calzas]. and those that contained nothing objectionable would be returned to their owners and remain valid for the prescribed three-year period and no more. so that there might not remain anything that the reader might desire. it was entrusted to the president and the archbishop of Granada. veiled gowns [almalafas]. must be brought before the president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada within 30 days so that they might be inspected and examined. It was also ordered that all future contracts and documents written in Arabic would be considered null and void. And in order that they not lose all at once the Morisco dresses that were already made. that all books written in Arabic. or write in Arabic. Chapter Six: In which are found the provisions that were adopted in the assembly in the city of Madrid regarding the reform of the Moriscos It was first ordered that within three years after the publication of these rulings that the Moriscos must learn to speak Castilian. in order to serve God best and benefit the Moriscos [aquellas gentes]. it was ordered that the Moriscos not make any new dresses [marlotas]. regardless of their subject matter or contents. read. and once this time period had passed they would not be permitted for any reason to wear either their silk or regular cloth clothing. or any other sort of dress such as those that they wore during the Muslim period [en tiempo de moros].
nor would they be allowed to bathe in these in their homes or outside of their homes. and that those that already existed must be torn down. as it was understood that by not prohibiting the custom that they had of walking around in public with their faces covered. it was ordered that all the Moriscos that had licenses to own them must present these to the president of the Royal Audiencia . With respect to the baths. rather. ceremonies. and that the women not decorate their skin or hair with henna. and celebrations that they had used during the Muslim period. parties. With respect to the black slaves. it was ordered that they be freed. nor leilas with musical instruments. as had been done in the Kingdom of Aragon when they announced a prohibition on Morisco clothing there. and that those who had been freed or might subsequently be freed not be allowed to reside in the kingdom of Granada.106 Appendix Morisco dresses were required to leave their faces uncovered wherever they went. and that no one. it was ordered that at no time should they use the public baths. and within six months of being freed they must leave the kingdom. even if they had licenses permitting them to do so. would be allowed to use manmade baths. nor use Muslim names nor surnames. and that they should keep them open on Friday afternoons and all festival days. and that the Moriscos not be allowed to own gaci slaves. nor Morisco singing of any form. With respect to their names. and that they not engage in zambras. everything must be done in strict conformity with the usages and customs of the Holy Mother Church and in the way that faithful Christians did. even if in these songs they said nothing against the Christian faith or anything that might be suspected of such. regardless of his state or condition. have. it was ordered that in the wedding ceremonies. With respect to weddings. With respect to the gacis. and celebrations in which they participated that they not engage in any of the rites. and that on the day of the weddings and vigils that they keep the doors to their homes open. and that those who already had them must give them up. vigils. it was ordered that they not take. they would give up their traditional veiled gowns and sheets and they would instead cover their faces with blankets and hats.
and bracing himself with the force of the faith and the power of so Catholic a prince. auditor-general of the Inquisition (now a cardinal in the Holy Church of Rome) and one of those in attendance at the assembly in the city of Madrid. Later. who had become the Marqués de Mondéjar upon the . and the president would rule on each case as he saw fit. who would determine whether these slave-owners could be allowed to keep their slaves without causing any sort of public risk or danger. and in the interim all licenses currently held by Moriscos would be suspended. Chapter Seven: How His Majesty appointed the learned Pedro de Deza as President of the Royal Audiencia of Granada and had the provisions sent to him Later His Majesty appointed as president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada the learned Don Pedro de Deza. His Majesty also ordered President Diego de Espinosa to tell Don Íñigo López de Mendoza. aware of the warnings that arrived every day from Granada. and that they would not feel the loss of these as acutely if they were deprived of them little by little. native of Toro. 1566. so that with the agreement of his cabinet—as it was communicated to him by the archbishop of that city—he might have them published and proceed to put them into effect regardless of whatever contradictions might be raised by the Moriscos. where on that same day he assembled his cabinet and took possession of the presidency. although some thought that not all of the chapters should be put into effect all at once. and by the 25th of that month he was in Granada. providing first some means by which without much pressure they might be complied with. as I have said. Deza received his appointment in the city of Madrid on May 4. President Diego de Espinosa sent to him the aforementioned provisions in the form of a decree. and he would keep His Majesty informed of all of this. Excerpts from Mármol’s Historia 107 of Granada. given that the Moriscos were so attached to their customs. This was the resolution that was taken in that assembly. But President Diego de Espinosa. advised His Majesty that they should all be put into effect at once.
as it had been agreed upon that they should be proclaimed on January 1 of the following year. given that it came as a response to a request from the Moriscos themselves. the retention of . the Morisco language. and in this way they would gradually give up that style of dress. [he was to tell them] it would be a very wise thing for them first to convince the members of their community to agree to request these changes of their own free will so that the order might be more lenient in its execution. in order to offer encouragement through his presence. President [Deza] had them printed secretly so that copies could be sent all at once to all parts of the kingdom. who had already received some news of the provisions and had discussed them. They were also told not to mention all of the difficulties that they saw in the provisions dealing with clothing and Arabic and ask that all of the women be married and girls be dressed according to the customs of the Christians. tired of hearing the complaints that regularly reached him regarding the new converts in that kingdom (that they were Muslims and acted like Muslims and that the things that most kept them from truly being Christians was their style of dress. Don Luis Hurtado de Mendoza. to leave the court in Madrid and go to Granada to be present at the publication of the provisions. had resolved to order that they abandon everything. who was a friend and who dealt often with the Moriscos due to his many years of service to them in the Alpujarras and his good knowledge of Arabic. and their customs and ceremonies that they had retained from the Muslim period). might somehow consent to the provisions. Deza obliged Orozco to gather all of the Moriscos’ leaders in the church and in a friendly way tell them how he had come to learn that His Majesty. and wishing that the Moriscos. While this was being done. President Deza called for Alonso de Orozco. a canon of the collegial Church of San Salvador del Albaicín. that date corresponding to a festival that is celebrated with great solemnity commemorating the day in which the Catholic Monarchs won the city.108 Appendix death of his father. This being the situation. They were also to request a ban on the production of new articles of Morisco clothing and agree that all existing articles be worn out and not replaced. When the provisions arrived in Granada.
and that the same be done for adults. and that there be established schools to teach them to read. favored. They should also request that their children be required to learn to speak Castilian. and because of the scandals and improprieties that were committed during these events. which he did when he gathered them together in the Church of San Salvador. and in the future their children and grandchildren would be granted great titles and government offices. such books were of no use to them and very upsetting for their minds [escandolosos a las consciencias]. as there was nothing that could be done for them. as for the elderly it was recommended that they dissemble. With respect to Arabic books. as was the case with the nobles and virtuous men of the kingdom. which had been proven to be a horrendous vice from which resulted many sins that offended God and an immoral custom for their wives and daughters. They should resolve to give up their weddings and other celebrations and festivals that they normally held in the Morisco style due to the famously bad example that it set and the damage that was done to their estates by such wasteful expenditures. as it was dishonest and did not look right that Christians should go around dressed like Muslims. and seeing that they carried themselves as did the Christians of other kingdoms. President [Deza] ordered the canon Alonso de Orozco to say these and many other things to the leaders of the Albaicín. as they were now Christians. and respected. as they were convinced that they would be stoned by the members of their community if they proposed any of what Orozco suggested. Seeing the curtness with which they had responded. they themselves should give them up in light of the fact that. and His Majesty would treat them as he did his other vassals. Excerpts from Mármol’s Historia 109 which seemed to say that they truly did hate being Christians. they would be honored. it occurred to the canon that those assembled did not believe what he was saying to them regarding the will of His Majesty because he . All of this was to be handled by the Moriscos themselves without it having to be ordered of them. They were made to understand that by doing all of this voluntarily. and above all that which had to do with the public baths. But they responded that they had no interest in any such business.
Two days later. trombones [sacabuches]. Afterward it was ordered that all of the constables should have the public baths torn down. with the agreement of his cabinet. except that upon learning of them they were so visibly upset that no one of good judgment could help but be made aware of their ire [dañadas voluntades]? Such was the anger that they manifested that some even began to threaten one . What can we say of the reaction of the Moriscos upon hearing these provisions proclaimed in the Bib al-Bonut Plaza. But once again they refused to acquiesce. and that it would go better for them if they requested such measures themselves. ordered that it be proclaimed in the city of Granada and in the other cities of the kingdom on January 1. and that His Majesty would favor them by instituting the changes in ways that took their comfort into consideration. they proclaimed them in the plazas and public places of the city and in the Albaicín. President Pedro de Deza. in the year of Our Lord 1567.110 Appendix had not given them the name of a specific source for this information. the canon once again assembled the Moriscos in the same church and declared to them that what he had told them had been ordered by the president of the Royal Audiencia of Granada. and that he had been ordered to tell them that His Majesty wished to put into effect the provisions of the assembly of 1526. and informing him of all that had transpired. starting first with those of His Majesty so that the owners of the others might not become angry. On this day were gathered all of the judges from the Royal Chancery Court and the magistrate with all of the constables of the city. he asked his permission to give Deza’s name as a source. That same day the canon went to see President Deza. which was granted. trumpets [trompetas]. and they even refused when the canon begged some of them to come with him to speak with the president. which was done. minstrels [ministriles]. and oboes [dulzainas]. Chapter Eight: How the provisions of the new decree were proclaimed. and how the Moriscos reacted Having finished printing the new decree. and with the great solemn accompaniment of drums [atabales].
and some other things that were seen fit to be instituted Upon hearing Francisco Núñez Muley’s argument. then they should tell him and he would gladly attempt to address it. Chapter Eleven: How the president responded to the Moriscos. and he would remedy the situation and rigorously punish the guilty parties. how he informed His Majesty of it. But they should accept it as a certainty that the new decree would not be revoked. And to this effect they named people who might inform His Majesty and the members of his council. they should not waste their energies and resources. to whom this new yoke was no less odious than death itself. If they did so then they would have reason to request favors of His Majesty and he would have cause to grant them. because the arguments that they had to give . He stated that what His Majesty wanted from them was that they be good Christians and in all ways similar to the other Christians. he would send someone to consult with His Majesty so that he might very quickly procure some remedy. and that the decree would cause the destruction of the kingdom. and on the other. it was decided that the leaders of the community should resist the fury that they felt and deal with the present adversity with feigned humility. relying on moral prudence to request a suspension. they began to hold public and secret meetings. nor should they request a court hearing over it. which on one hand provided the young men with topics for discussion based on the example of their seniors. If it so happened that he could do nothing himself. as it was so holy and just and had been elaborated with such deliberation and agreement. He also said that if any of the constables abused them or wrongly took money from them that they should inform him of it. Beyond this. If there was some aspect of the decree that they found offensive. They said that His Majesty had been poorly advised. the president responded to him that he would do everything in his power to ensure that the vassals of His Majesty would not be harassed. And wishing to show their force in a peaceful manner before taking up arms with rustic ferocity. his vassals. Excerpts from Mármol’s Historia 111 another.
but that they appear so as well. and these were not enough to justify the revocation of the decree. the remedy was right at hand: they were to unstitch their Morisco clothing and resew it into shorter skirts and cloaks of the Castilian style. He concluded by saying that His Majesty was more concerned with [the Moriscos’] faith than with the taxes they paid him.112 Appendix had all been heard before. the archbishop of Granada and he would be responsible for executing it in the way that best suited them. and not only that they be so. And as for the poor women. This meant having their wives and daughters dress as did the Queen. In this way not as much would be lost as they claimed. With respect to the provision regarding [traditional] dress. he answered that of course he would give them license to cut and elaborate such clothing even if they were not examined. and that he would never favor them in any way if it meant that their women would continue to go around dressed as Muslims. . His intention was that they be good Christians. and that saving one soul was worth more to him than all the revenue that the newly converted Moriscos could provide him. Upon being informed that the Moriscos wished to send Jorge de Baeza to the court that day to make a counter-argument in the name of the kingdom. it would be requested of His Majesty that as an act of charity he send them skirts and cloaks [sayas y mantos]. then they should ask for it in a petition. as the tailors and officials who made dresses and jewels in the Morisco style could also do so in the Castilian style. With respect to the provision regarding the [Arabic] language. and the merchants and wholesalers would have the same business that they had enjoyed previously. our lady. and once they began dressing as Christian women the problems with the constables would cease. he had him summoned and ordered him that by no means should he initiate such a business. Regarding the argument that there would be no official oversight and that the royal inspectors would punish them in some way because of this. and they would not fail to do so. If they wished for something. because His Majesty would not like it at all. With these and many other arguments the president dismissed this Morisco that day.
and of the state that their businesses were in. he would consult with His Majesty. and of what he felt should . although they were not examined by the inspectors. which they promised to do. Excerpts from Mármol’s Historia 113 and it would be granted to the extent that this was possible. and curtains (and other Morisco things) must finish up within a certain time all the projects that they had begun. and many of these had invested their money in quantities of Morisco clothing and other items. And those that wished to be examined would be without having to pay any fees. and that they should not be fined or punished for doing so. Given that they had to cease selling these items and would be generating no income. There were many Moriscos who rented shops to carry out their business. The president ordered that all the accounts that the Moriscos had in Arabic be terminated within a year. and from that time forward must not make anything new except those items permitted by the decree. And because the constables often went too far in the execution of their duties. In a letter to His Majesty dated February 27. With respect to the rest. they would not be able to pay their rent. head cloths [almaizares]. according to the stipulations of the decree. he appointed people that would do the job with less rigor. He made it clear that during the first year he would not allow any punishment to be carried out that came to his notice. the president informed him of all that had taken place with the Moriscos. and he ordered them to respect and show courtesy to the Morisco women that they found dressed in the Castilian style. and those that they caught were to be released without fines. The president thus summoned the owners of these shops and begged them to take them back and release the Moriscos from their lease contracts. he had it proclaimed throughout the city that all of the tailors and officials who wished to refashion Morisco clothing into garments of the Castilian style should do so freely. It was also proclaimed that the weavers of cloaks [almalafas]. only in Castilian. they were not to read or write anymore in that language. because from that time forward. Later on. He ordered the constables to give women caught wearing Morisco clothing two or three warnings before taking them to jail.
they were able to cause great harm. Once the Royal Council had seen all of this and informed the king of the situation. In this matter he consulted many sources in each city and ended up suggesting a remedy based more on legal means than on force: he requested that the matter be handed over to the magistrates of the Royal Audiencia. in a letter dated March 30. With this money they should buy themselves cloth with which to dress themselves. who had not the means to dress as Christians. as much to provide security for their persons and homes as to ensure that the criminals be caught and punished. His Majesty agreed to grant them funds from the proceeds the Crown had earned from the recent sale of the royal bathhouses in the Albaicín. He also learned that the Moriscos of the Albaicín had reported that many Morisco outsiders were moving into their community and causing disturbances. whose jurisdiction extended only to the presidios on the coast. He informed His Majesty of what thieves and pirates were doing in the kingdom. His Majesty also made it clear that he would do what he thought was best to ensure that the problem was resolved. that he approved of the answer that Deza had given to the Moriscos who had come to speak to him. as was in fact done. especially in those places near the coasts where ships from Barbary appeared. with the assistance of the captain-general would guard it. With respect to the issue of the city. and with this the harm caused by thieves and pirates would cease. He made it clear to His Majesty that with the aid and support that the Moriscos gave these thieves and pirates.114 Appendix be instituted in order to mitigate their difficulties. and so he would provide soldiers who. and they made it known that they would be willing to pay for people to patrol the streets at night. With respect to the security of the coast. and that the captain-general. His Majesty had already sent a sufficient number of galleys to guard it. With respect to what Deza had said about the poor women. to which end tailors would be provided free of charge to make them clothes such as those worn by Christians. not interfere. confirming that this situation stood as the greatest threat to the kingdom’s peace and security. His Majesty informed President Pedro de Deza. it seemed to him necessary to do nothing more than have .
and that if necessary the number of constables and others who patrolled with them would be increased. Given that such patrols seemed most needed in the Albaicín. This was so given the undesirable results that could come from any delay. He was there trying to find a way to suspend the effect of the sections of the decree that so aggrieved the Moriscos of the Kingdom of Granada. pointing out that in order for the decree to have its desired effect it would be best to deal with these issues very quickly. accompanied by more people than in the case of the other patrols. Chapter Twelve: How the Marqués de Mondéjar informed His Majesty with respect to the sections of the decree that had been ordered to be executed The Marqués de Mondéjar was at the Royal Court for a few days following his conversation with the president of the Royal Council. the situation of the night patrols would be well taken care of without making any further provisions or incurring any other costs. the Audiencia should deal with this issue as it saw fit and send an account of its actions to the Royal Council. Don Diego de Espinosa. he presented the drawbacks that came with their execution. In his accounts he complained that very specific resolutions had been adopted with respect to extremely serious matters without even consulting him. It had always been the custom to consult with captains-general in the kingdom. and . Excerpts from Mármol’s Historia 115 the magistrates and the constables concentrate on patrolling the streets at night. And while he stopped short of contradicting the provisions of the decree. due as much to the great faith that the Crown had in them as to the experience that they possessed in such matters. and the Moriscos would help to defray the cost of such patrols as they had promised to do. And with regard to the unknown Moriscos that they claimed were moving into the Albaicín. there being no cause to fear any other movement or alteration. He pointed out the ills that would befall the kingdom. dividing up among themselves the shifts and barracks in such a way that all places would be patrolled throughout the night. to patrol that area. they would assign two constables. And with this.
Don Diego de Espinosa responded to him that the will of His Majesty was that he go to the Kingdom of Granada where his presence would be very important. they judged that it was necessary to provide a quick remedy. he argued. the decision had been made from above to uproot Morisco culture [la nación morisca] from that land. his departure to that kingdom would come to little effect. changes should be introduced until they knew to what extent they could trust the loyalty of the Moriscos. given that he had so few men and a general lack of the resources that he needed. after much debate. with ships and men. suspect in their faith and in the loyalty that as good vassals they owed to His Majesty as king and natural lord. given that the Moriscos were . Truly. as always. the matters of that kingdom were not in such a state that. to his thinking. friendly to change. there was good cause to expect and fear from them some sort of change of demeanor. In light of this. given that the Turks. that were undependable people. if the Moriscos were to rebel. They were confident that the provisions already made to the constables and the captain-general’s men were sufficient. feeling that yoke with such terrible severity. To these and many other arguments presented by the Marqués de Mondéjar. and the journey being so short from their coast to ours that they could cross in a short amount of time and arrive at Spanish ports where there was an immense number of internal enemies. especially given the current situation. were in the waters of Barbary.116 Appendix the irreparable damage that would be done. He went on to say that although the zeal of the persons through whose intervention and counsel the provisions of the decree had been adopted was saintly and well intentioned. all Moriscos. to deal with all of the difficulties that lay before them. Without this measure in place. And if His Majesty resolutely ordered that the provisions of the decree be executed. it would be good if he at least provided the Marqués de Mondéjar with a group of men to contain the Moriscos so that they not become agitated. they were doubtful about specifics and. and although he added other warnings and suspicions. He related to the other members of the Royal Council what the Marqués de Mondéjar had said. as he feared that they would.
which he was to station at places along the coast as he saw fit. and not assured of any sort of support. Excerpts from Mármol’s Historia 117 low people. lacking industry and forts. . unarmed. And for these reasons the requests of the Marqués de Mondéjar were not granted except that he was ordered to go to Granada with an increased force of only 300 extra soldiers. and that he was to visit the coast and reside there during certain periods of the year.
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