Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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Introduction
The drug problem has become widespread and endemic not only in the Ghanaian society but the
world at large. It transcends both national and continental frontiers. According to Frey (1997),
illegal drugs constitute a major social problem all over the world and have therefore sparked off
enormous amount of literature in several scientific fields. Consequently, its presence is felt in
the US and Jamaica, in Bolivia and Switzerland, in Peru and Mexico, and in Columbia and Fiji
just to mention but a few. In the Golden Crescent of Pakistan and Afghanistan, the least said
about illegal drugs, the best. So widespread is that, in Nigeria, it has assumed the description ‘the
Nigerian Connection’. In the Golden Triangle of Thailand, Burma, and Malaysia, illegal drug is
considered not only as a nuisance but also as real social problem because it impinges on the
conscience of the people. In Ghana, literature on drug is particularly paltry. There are hardly any
published sources of any kind on drugs. This situation notwithstanding, reflections on the
Ghanaian drug situation is interesting on two accounts. First, is that, most of the drugs especially
marijuana, cocaine and heroin are of recent provenance and have gained widespread discussion
within the Ghanaian society. Secondly and most importantly, reflection on the Ghanaian drug
situation is justified on accounts that, the drug phenomenon, if not controlled, could meddle in
the relative peace the country has achieved on the political and security fronts. In Ghana, drug
dealings occur in diverse forms and therefore present diverse ramifications. In this paper, efforts
are made to unpack some of the diversified facets that the phenomenon presents itself. In the first
few sections, emphasis is placed on definitional issues and the historical development of drug
use in Ghana as well as the production modes of drugs in Ghana. Following then, drug
trafficking is taken up with focus on the motivating factors. In the light of the increasing
shrinking of the world, in what has been described as globalization, we ground the discussions
on the motivating factors in a transnational perspective and then isolate the elements of
economics underlining drug trafficking and drug trade in Ghana.
Unsettling the Definitional Disquiet
In some studies, drug is considered as a chemical used for the prevention, treatment, and
alleviation of disease. The term ‘medicine’ (as used in prescription-only medicine) is sometimes
used to distinguish therapeutic drugs from recreational and other drugs, such as opiates, which
are used illegally or abused. Some sources bring out the natural or artificial nature of drug
substances that alter the functions of organisms (for pleasure and or improve performance)1. In
most countries, these drugs are forbidden to the general public. Most countries restrict the use of
such drugs, although what is and is not legal varies widely. Whereas the legal position in
different countries reflects historical and cultural attitudes to the drug in question, in many
countries it is a matter of continuing controversy. Drugs are divided into three classes—A, B,
and C—in descending order of gravity: offences concerning class A drugs attract the most severe
sentences. The commonest class A drugs are heroin (diamorphine), cocaine, ecstasy, and lysergic
acid diethylamide (LSD); class B drugs include amphetamines and opiate pain-relief compounds;
class C drugs are generally sedative drugs and cannabis (cannabis was reclassified from class B
to C in 2004 by the UK government). Ghana has long been identified as a major producer of
cannabis in West Africa. Indeed Ghana’s production of cannabis is only surpassed by Nigeria in
the West African sub-region and much of it is said to be of ‘high quality - high delta-9-
1
The discussions in the next two paragraphs are from the same source unless otherwise specified. The text being
referred to here is Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia (2005). Microsoft Corporation.
tetrahydrocannabinol or THC levels - with a large domestic market and large exports’ (Bernstein,
1999).
The use of drugs among humans dates from prehistoric times. The first list of drugs with
instructions for preparation, called pharmacopoeia, appeared in 1546 in Nuremberg, Germany.
With time, drug offences have come to reflect continuous use of restricted drugs. In criminal
law, drug offences refer to any of the various offences connected with drugs. In Ghana, all mind-
altering or mood-changing drugs are controlled, taken only under medical observation.
Exception is made to alcohol. A similar case is also found in other countries, such as Nigeria and
the United Kingdom.
2
See Wikipedia, the free online encyclopedia.
3
Klein, A. (1994). Trapped in the Traffick: Growing Problems of Drug Consumption in Lagos. The Journal of
Modern African Studies, Vol. 32, No. 4:657-677, p. 660.
4
Cases of this nature have recently engaged the attention of the Ghanaian media. The East Legon Cocaine Saga
for one has been in the media for over a year now, beginning from the last quarter of the year 2006. Prior to this,
there had been other high profile cases that involved people of Ghanaian and British nationalities and were also
captured by the Ghanaian media. See for example Daily Graphic, July 20, 2006, April 30, 2007 editions and
Ghanaian Times, April 30, 2007 edition.
5
Cf. Klein, op cit., p. 660.
6
Cf. the website of the Drug Enforcement Administration of the U. S. Department of Justice.
business. Not even the devoutly Islamic countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan claim insulated
from the drug trade.
In all these, the practitioners of the trade look up largely to the western world for market. The US
has long been cited as a major market for the trade. Increased demand for drugs in the US fuels
continuous engagement in the activity. Britain also appears in the list of countries that have
historically stimulated the drug trade. But whilst it remains true that much of the illegal drug
from the Third World, particularly Ghana is smuggled onwards to the lucrative markets of
Western Europe and the United States, a considerable amount is also consumed by a rapidly
growing number of local drug users7. That Ghana has over the recent years been an exporter of
heroin, and an importer of cocaine including bi-products of the refinement process of ‘crack’
confirms the local consumption hypothesis. This fact has consistently been pointed out by the
media. There are similar developments in some other producer countries that have no history of
internal consumption. For instance, it has been said of Pakistan, one of the classical opium
producers of the ‘Golden Crescent’ that, it acquired a community of several thousand heroin
users within a decade8.
In recent years moreover, some African countries (specifically Ghana and Nigeria) have been
cited as a transit points for illegal trade in drugs9. Ghana for instance has become a major
transshipment point for illegal drugs, particularly cocaine from South America, as well as heroin
from Southeast and Southwest Asia. And while Europe remains the major destination, drugs also
flow to South Africa and to North America, with Kotoka International Airport being cited as a
focus for traffickers. In all these, one would think the menace affects only the country’s capital
city, Accra and its transit entry-exit points. This is not the case, for Tema, Sekondi, and Takoradi
ports also feature considerably in the Ghanaian drug pushing trade, while border posts at Aflao,
Elubo and Sampa also see significant drug trafficking activity. It is said that, in 2006, South
American cocaine trafficking rings increased their foothold in Ghana by establishing well-
developed distribution networks run by Nigerian and Ghanaian criminals.
Explaining the Motivating Factors
Several reasons have been assigned to the increased spate of drug pushing syndicates across the
world. In a famous submission, a former Inspector General of Police (IGP) of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, in listing the factors that contribute to engagement in drug trafficking
prefixed the argument with ‘societal values placed on the acquisition of wealth irrespective of the
source’10. This submission apes the Ghanaian situation. Unlike the good days of yore when
society busied itself to find the very root of its members’ wealth, the same cannot be said today.
In the past, collective responsibility was the guiding principle even for the offense of a single
individual. There was a threat that wrongdoing of a single individual could bring catastrophe not
only to the individual concerned but the security of the entire society11. The concern then was to
avert such diversified effect especially on the innocent members of society. Consequently,
society went beyond the ordinary to find the underlying understanding of a person’s wealth, just
to make sure calamity does not befall it. This however, is not the case now albeit, the desire for
wealth continues to persist, and among the youth, its shadow coaxes the more.
7
Cf. Klein, op cit., p. 659.
8
Gillis, J. (1990). Narcotic Abuse Prevention: What Works?. In Awa Kalu and Yemi Osinbajo (eds.), Narcotics:
Law and Policy in Nigeria, Lagos.
9
See the 2007 International Narcotic Control Strategy Report (INCSR) on Ghana. The citations in the rest of this
paragraph are from the same source.
10
Cf. Klein, op cit., p. 661.
11
For detailed discussion of this, see Assimeng, M. (1997). Social Structure of Ghana. 2nd ed. Tema: Ghana
Publishing Corporation, and Nukunya G. K. (1992). Tradition and Change in Ghana. Accra: Ghana Universities
Press.
Like lottery, the fruit of this trade for its practitioners is sweet, and as explained by Chukkol, the
name of the game is money12. ‘Since money is the name of the game’ explains Chukkol, ‘we
must recognize that, no matter how tough our legislation … people will go all out to get it’13. In
this connection then, one can safely argue that economic principles and greed lie at the base of
the trade. Unbridled desire for money in the shortest possible time and the power of the trade
because it involves huge sums of money all conspire to create increasing number of practitioners
in Ghana. But in all these, one needs to take cognizance of the unabated demand for these drugs
in the west (see above), for demand, wherever it occurs, especially when affordability exists,
induces supply, no matter where it has to come from. It is therefore not surprising that the drug
trade thrives in this part of the world. The economic reality of the massive profiteering inherent
in the drug trade serves to extend its reach, despite the best efforts of the Ghanaian law
enforcement agencies. Illegal drug business in Ghana therefore thrives on greed and the demand
principle of economics.
A significant motivation commonly cited in the literature is financial. The drug market
mechanism provides incentives that transcend the licit/illicit divide. Most operators seek to
prosper commercially without worrying and or having quarrel with the social order that nurtures
them. Profits high enough to warrant great risk continue to encourage import and export despite
tightened laws.
Elsewhere, two other motivators need mention, both of which link financial gain to other issues.
Drug trafficking linked to political transformation (or action to prevent political transformation)
is very well established in relation to many regional and national situations in Latin American
countries, Southeast Asia and Afghanistan14. There has also been mention of guerrillas, whose
objective has been to seize political power. Woodiwiss for instance notes systematic criminal
activity for money or power, mentioning a number of cases in which political motivations
became intertwined with drug trafficking – for example that of ex-Gestapo officer Klaus Barbie
who in 1951 went to Latin America to continue his anti-Communist activities and became
security adviser to a top Bolivian trafficker Roberto Suares in the 1980s and assisting the 1980
coup which brought to power Colonel Gomez, who subsequently oversaw a national cocaine
monopoly15.
These obviously should be a concern for all well-meaning Ghanaians, and by extension, West
African countries. Drug trafficking practitioner’s ability to wobble the relative peace of the
country should not be underestimated. The case of the Andean region should be a constant
reminder of what could befall us, should we fail to deal with the drug rings in the country.
Already, some anecdotal evidence suggests that Ghana and Nigeria have earned the reputation of
‘star pupils’ in the drug trafficking business. This could enlarge the route to unexpected political
take-over, and the related consequences, which Rubin captures aptly in the final year of Taliban
rule as follows: ending the Afghan war converted the criminalized war economy into an even
high-speed expanding criminalized peace economy16. In either case, incentive for
misgovernment will be common.
Some groups also traffic in drugs at least with a motivation to fund political and/or military
campaigns. The case of Khun Sa, a notorious trafficker who formed an alliance with and became
the leader of secessionists in the Shan plateau State of Myanmar (Burma), typifies this stance17.
12
Chukkol, K. S. ‘Towards a National Drug Control Strategy – A Blueprint’ in Awa Kalu and Yemi Osinbajo
(eds.), Narcotics: Law and Policy in Nigeria, Lagos, 1990.
13
ibid
14
UNODC (2003) The Opium Economy in Afghanistan: An International Problem, Vienna: United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, pp 222.
15
Woodiwiss, M. (2001) Organised Crime and American Power. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
16
Rubin, B. (2000). The Political Economy of War and Peace in Afghanistan. World Development, Vol. 28, No.
10.
17
See Dorn, N. Levi, M. and King L. (2005) Literature Review on Upper Level Drug Trafficking. US Home
Office Online Report 22/05.
Other evidence suggests risk-taking, often related to social and economic marginals, for whom
risk seems a 'normal' part of life. Gruppo Abele et al for instance show very clearly the
involvement of very young, quite inexperienced people in synthetic drug trafficking in
Barcelona, Amsterdam and Turin, moving in and out of drug trafficking and other illegal or
irregular activities. Because of their low level of criminal skills and precautions, in principle they
are exposed to law enforcement but, in practice, quite often are not detected as they are not
known to law enforcement authorities18.
18
Gruppo Abele and Massari, M. et al., (editors), (2003) Synthetic Drugs Trafficking in Three European Cities:
Major Trends and the Involvement of Organized Crime. Torino:
19
Klein, op. cit.
20
Mc Goldrick, D. et al (2000). Drug Trafficking at Sea: The Case of R. v. Charrington and Others. The
International Law Quarterly, Vol. 49 No. 2:477-489.
21
Mushkin, S. (1975). Politics and Economics of Government Response to Drug Abuse. Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Sciences. Vol. 417, Drugs and Social Policy. Pp. 27-40.
22
Holahan, J. (1972). The Economics of ‘Heroin’ in Dealing with drug Abuse. A Report to the Ford Foundation.
New York: Praeger Publishers.
legislations and narco-diplomacy23. In general terms then, US drug prevention approaches have
failed.
What remains to be learnt by Ghana from the general assessment of the US military and
diplomacy efforts towards curbing narcotic trade is that anti-drug fight has to be two sided. It
should tackle both the demand and the supply sides at the same time. Better still, time, attention
and resources are to be directed at both ends. Ghana’s anti-drug efforts should never be unilateral
in orientation. Rather, it should be a cooperative endeavour.
Drug consumption on the other hand constitutes the demand side of the drug trafficking problem.
In Ghana, it is thought the act is practised by highly qualified Ghanaians in hotels, brothels,
restaurants, behind hotel fronts, bars, joints etc., and affects very many influential people. Moore
suggests that a large majority of drug consumers fund their act through illegal means –
shoplifting 22.2%, burglary 19.6%, pick-pocketing 5.4%, Larceny 7.4%, robbery 3.4%,
confidence games 4.7%, and prostitution 30.7%24.
For a long time, attempts at dealing with drug consumption have been on the repression model.
This is the case in Ghana, and was so in the US, Switzerland, and Britain. It was thought possible
to suppress drug consumption by police actions and or by sentencing drug dealers or users. For
instance, the drug policy for Switzerland for a long time mimicked the repression model. As the
case of the largest city Zurich proved, this belief was based on a mistaken assumption. And so in
1987, the police failed to prevent the emergence of an open drug scene (the famous Needle Park)
which later on became ‘Letten’. The repression policy then was seen to be of no essence.
It was in 1994, that the city’s authorities decided to pursue a ‘third way’ approach between
repression and liberalization. This ‘third way’ approach had it that, city authorities provide drugs,
mostly heroin, under carefully screened heavily addicted users at a low price. This was to make
sure the drug trade was unprofitable for its operators. Participants were to consume the drug in
special offices to ensure the drug was not traded. Only persons having lived in Zurich for an
extended period and with a long drug-taking career and several futile attempts at medical and
psychological treatment were accepted for the programme. A second major component of the
‘third way’ approach was that participants attended regular discussion and counseling sessions,
whilst undergoing medical observation. Finally, there was conscious attempt by the police to
raise drug consumption entry cost for non-drug users.
An evaluation of the programme later suggested that, the ‘third way’ approach looked promising.
Specifically evaluation suggested that the health of the heavy drug users in the programme
improved dramatically, and no death due to drug taking had occurred. Participants also produced
much less external cost. Also the evaluation affirmed that, no less than half of the participants
had regular job, and four-fifths of them no longer committed property crimes. The final
observation was that, more than two-thirds lived in an apartment and could be considered
socially integrated. Prior to the programme, only 16% of the participants held regular job, but
this increased to 50% after twelve months in the programme. Also, 50% were unemployed at the
beginning of the programme, but this reduced to 14% after one year. Additionally, at the
beginning of the programme, 12% committed heavy and petty theft, and 54% engaged in drug
crimes. These figures fell to 2% and 20% respectively.
Obviously, the approach was successful. It led to unprecedented improvement in both social and
criminal situation of Zurich by drawing drug users away from illegal drug markets. It does
suggest then that, not only is the repressive approach futile, but also involves huge material and
human costs, and still will almost certainly prove ineffective. The experiment in Zurich can
therefore be modeled by Ghana, and suggests quite clearly that the repression posture is not only
futile and ineffective but also a waste of resources. Going by this study, the Ghana government,
23
The discussions on US drug prevention strategies draw extensively on Bagley, B. M. (1992). After San
Antonio. Journal of International Studies and World Affairs. Vol. 34 No. 3 Special Issue: Drug Trafficking
Research Update. Pp. 1-12.
24
Moore, M. (1970). Economics of Heroin Distribution. Crotonon-Hudson: Hudson Institute
acting through the Ghana Police Service will have to direct resources and attention to other areas
where they are needed most. From other drug trafficking prevention studies comes also, the
lesson that, one-sided military and narco-diplomacy efforts towards curbing narcotic trade is
ineffective. A suggested strategy has been that these attempts focus on both sides at the same
time, and or directing time, attention and resources at both ends. Unilateral efforts are effective
but cooperative endeavours more likely to succeed.