Spivak K

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Contents
First, Extend the alternative of rejecting the affs western
subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytical
approach to the world and the subaltern This solves all of the K
Engaging in a deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to the
affirmatives problems allows us to find a real political solution while
avoiding the subjection of the subaltern by deconstructive the
dominant paradigm of western subjectivity, allowing us to uncover
there justifications, assumptions and underlying cultural drives
Only this approach allows to know the other and experience the
other, giving the subaltern a voice Thats Spivak 82
AND We need to reject the utopian fantasies of the affirmatives
project. Only when recognizing that it is a fantasy can we endlessly
traverse and get over it.
Stavrakakis 99, Ideology and Discourse Analysis Program in the Department of Government at the
University of Essex, 1999 ( Yannis, Lacan and the Political, Ruteledge Press 76-78)
Lacanian theory promotes a return to the

founding moment of modernity. Recognising the irreducible
character of impossibility, the constitutivity of the real as expressed
primarily in the failure of our discursive world and its continuous
rearticulation through acts of identification, far from being a
postmodern move, reveals the truly modern character of the
Lacanian project; instead of a postmodern mysticism it leads to a
reorientation of science and knowledge. Recognising the
constitutivity of the real does not entail that we stop symbolising; it
means that we start trying to incorporate this recognition within the
symbolic itself, in fact it means that since the symbolic entails lack
as such, we abstain from covering it over with fantasmatic
constructsor, if one accepts that we are always trapped within the
field of fantasy, that we never stop traversing it. The guiding principle in this kind of
In opposition to such a regressive attitude,
approach is to move beyond fantasy towards a self-critical symbolic gesture recognising the contingent and
transient character of every symbolic construct. This is a scientific discourse different from the reified science of
standard modernity. I take my lead, in this regard, from Lacans text Science and Truth (it is the opening lecture of
his 1965-6 seminar on The Object of Psychoanalysis). In this particular text, Jacques Lacan stages a critique of
modern science as it has been articulated up to now, that is as a discourse constantly identifying the knowledge it
produces with the truth of the real. If the constitutive, non-reducible character of the real introduces a lack into
human reality, to our scientific constructions of reality for example, science usually attempts to suture and
eliminate this gap. Lacan, for his part, stresses the importance of that which puts in danger this self-fulfilling nature
of scientific axioms: the importance of the real, of the element which is not developing according to what we think
about it. In that sense, science la Lacan entails the recognition of the structural causality of the real as the
element which interrupts the smooth flow of our fantasmatic and symbolic representations of reality. Within such a
context, this real, the obstacle encountered by standard science, is not bypassed discretely but introduced within
the theory it can destabilise. The point here is that truth as the encounter with the real is encountered face to face
It is in this sense that psychoanalysis can be described

as a science of the impossible, a science that does not repress the
impossible real. For Lacan, what is involved in the structuration of the discourse of science is a certain
(Fink, 1995a:140-1).
Verwerfung of the Thing which is presupposed by the ideal of absolute knowledge, an ideal which as everybody
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knowswas historically proved in the end to be a failure (VII: 131). In other words, we cannot be certain that
definite knowledge is attainable. In fact, for Lacan, certainty is not something we should attribute to our knowledge
of things. Certainty is a defining characteristic of psychosis. In Lacans view, it constitutes its elementary
phenomenon, the basis of delusional belief (III:75). Opening up our symbolic resources to uncertainty is, on the
other hand, the only prudent move we have left. What we can know has to be expressed within the structure of
language but this structure has to incorporate a recognition of its own limits. This is not a development which
should cause unease; as Nancy has put it What will become of our world is something we cannot know, and we can
But we can act in such a way that

this world is a world able to open itself up to its own uncertainty as
such. Invention is always without a model and without warranty.
But indeed that implies facing up to turmoil, anxiety, even disarray.
Where certainties come apart, there too gathers the strength that
no certainty can match.
no longer believe in being able to predict or command it.
*same as Decon. K2 Psycho.*

Third, The alternative is a prerequisite to philosophical thought It
question the very basic foundation of thought and understanding
Combining it with psychoanalysis is key to create a movement that
truly transforms the Real, by engaging in an approach that
understand our unconscious drives as well as societal influences
Wilberg 11 (Henrik S., PhD candidate in German Literature and Critical Thought at Northwestern University
and 201011 Yarrington Fellow at cole normale suprieure, Paris. His dissertation project is an investigation of the
figure of infinite judgment in the transformation of language, logic, and aesthetics in early nineteenth-century
German literature and philosophy, No Outside of Psychoanalysis: Towards a Grammatological Concept of the
Unconscious, JCook.)
I have already sketched out the difficulties facing a grammatological concept of the unconscious. In order to
alleviate them somewhat, I will permit myself to argue the following, namely,
that Of
Grammatology, a large section of the texts contained in Writing and Difference and Margins of
Philosophy, and at least up until and including Dissemination, can be read as giving a
systematic answer (which is not the same as the answer of a system) to a fundamental
question, a question that Derrida gives its unary trait by repeatedly aligning it with what he considers the
question of metaphysics itself. In these texts, the local question of one particular
thinker, be it Husserl, Plato, Austin, Artaud, or his contemporary Foucault, is raised to the
dignity of a deconstruction of metaphysics. I would argue that this is the
reason why it is not wrong to consider this part of Derridas work as
inaugurating, or at least co-founding, a poststructuralist program. The
question of metaphysics was only interrogated anew, that is, given a genuinely
novel philosophical form, with the high tide of structuralism. We are tempted to paraphrase the question as follows:
how can (material) content be attributed to a synchronic system of

purely differential relations; and how is one to think the passage
from (virtual) differentiation to (actual) articulation? This is what led Gilles
Deleuze to answer the question, what is structuralism? with a new transcendental philosophy (See Deleuze).
Here it is also possible to glimpse why psychoanalysis came to play

such a pivotal role for Derrida in these texts. It should be
acknowledged that this is the very same question that lies at the
heart of what Freud understood analysis to mean. At the same time,
analysis requires an exposition of the functions of Vorstellungsreprsentanz, that
is, the transformation and translation of unconscious to conscious
representation, the passage from latent to manifest dream content,
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the parameters of the dreamwork and the subjection of this

transcendental problem to the absolute novelty of the talking
cure, that of how it is possible that meaning, through its production
and enunciation, can produce effects in the Real. Freud
considered this the only possible proof of the existence of the
unconscious, and attempted to give a theoretical treatment of it in
the metapsychological writings. In the end, both Lacans and
Derridas treatments of Freud are inquiries into the Freudian
metapsychology and its place in the philosophical tradition, as well
as the viability of analysis as a discourse absolutely different from
the same tradition.
in short,
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Alternative 2NR
At the top The criticism solves and turns case Rejecting the affs
western subjectivity and engaging in a deconstructive
psychoanalytical approach to the world and the subaltern allows us
to find a real political solution while avoiding the subjugation of the
subaltern by deconstructive the dominant paradigm of western
subjectivity which underlies the affs justification and harms Thats
Spivak 82 Theres three implications here:
First, the only way to change the world and answer the problems of
reality is the alternative We fundamentally question and change
the underlying assumptions and subconscious drives that cause the
affirmative impacts Only the alternative can solve Thats Wilberg
11
Second, the affs approach is steeped in symbolizing reality and
fixes only the ways in which we interact with our perception of
reality This is doomed to fail until it we question how we got to the
point were at and begin rejecting utopian plans that rely of link
chains upon link chains to some odd impact. This approaches forces
us to become obsessed with our fantasy of reality Guts all
solvency Thats Stavrakakis 99
Third, Even if they prove that their plan solves 100% of the plan
The alternative solves it as well, with risk of the silencing of the
subaltern This means risk of the criticism is a vote negative
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Race
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READ ME
So it's basically, race teams use the oppression of X group to talk
about their oppression, or another groups oppression, or even
identify with it, and that becomes a symbol of the entirety of
racialized movments. This is Metonymy (Meh-Ton-Amy)
The alt would be self-synecdoche (SIH-nec-dih-key), which would
look at one individual's struggle and allow them to retain their
identity, rally behind that person. This solves the aff, while avoiding
the creation of universals and the colonization, mentally, of all
encompassing symbols of the movment
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Why has critical theory failed to make overarching changes in the
world? Why does writing about feminism and race never make a
substantial change to the problem? The problem lies in metonymy,
an ideology and identity becoming the particular for every subject
that underlies the movement. The race oppressed is a singular
subject that applies to every particular subject. This genealogy
enacts the same representational and epistemological violence that
they hope to confront. The affirmative conflates two senses of the
word representation. First, Representation as in direct proxy or
political representation. And second, re-presentation as in painting
a portrait. When they conflate the two senses, they create a static,
unified, whole Other, from which we cant learn or know the truth of
the situation or experience. There is no one concrete experience of
the Other from which we can base a genealogy or a politics. This
framing engages in this problematic representational strategy that
erases their own subject position and political interest and creates
violent essentialist utopian politics. This turns case.
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, A critique of postcolonial reason: toward a history of the
vanishing present)
the production of theory is also a practice;

the opposition between abstract "pure" theory and concrete
"applied" practice is too quick and easy.93 But Deleuze's articulation of the argument is
problematic. Two senses of representation are being run together:
representation as "speaking for," as in politics, and representation
as "re-presentation," as in art or philosophy. Since theory is also
only "action," the theoretician does not represent (speak for)the
oppressed group. Indeed, the subject is not seen as a representative
consciousness (one re-presenting reality adequately). These two senses of
representation-within state formation and the law, on the one
hand, and in subject-predication, on the other-are related but
irreducibly discontinuous. To cover over the discontinuity with an
analogy that is presented as a proof reflects again a paradoxical
subject-privileging. 94 Because "the person who speaks and acts ... is
always a multiplicity," no "theorizing intellectual ... [or] party or ...
union" can represent "those who act and struggle" (FD 206). Are those
who act and struggle mute, as opposed to those who act and speak
(FD 206)? These immense problems are buried in the differences
between the "same" words: consciousness and conscience (both conscience in French),
representation and re-presentation. The critique of ideological
subjectconstitution within state formations and systems of political economycan
now be effaced, as can the active theoretical practice of the
"transformation of consciousness." The banality of leftist intellectuals' lists of selfAn important point is being made here:
knowing, politically canny subalterns stands revealed; representing them, the intellectuals represent themselves
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as transparent. If such a critique and such a project are not to be given up, the shifting distinctions between
representation within the state and political economy, on the one hand, and within the theory of the Subject, on
the other, must not be obliterated. Let us consider the play of vertreten ("represent" in the first sense) and
darstellen ("re-present" in the second sense) in a famous passage in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,
where Marx touches on "class" as a descriptive and transformative concept in a manner somewhat more complex
than Althusser's distinction between class instinct and class position would allow. This is important in the context
of the argument from the working class both from our two philosophers and "political" third-world feminism from
the metropolis.Marx's
contention here is that the descriptive definition of

a class can be a differential one-its cutting off and difference from
all other classes: "in so far as millions of families live under
economic conditions of existence that cut off their mode of life,
their interest, and their formation from those of the other classes
and place them in inimical confrontationfftindlichgegeniiberstellen], they form
a class. "95 There is no such thing as a "class instinct" at work here. In fact, the collectivity of familial
existence, which might be considered the arena of "instinct," is discontinuous with, though operated by, the
differential isolation of classes. In this context, one far more pertinent to the France of the 1970s than it can be to
the international periphery, the formation of a class is artificial and economic, and the economic agency or interest
is impersonal because it is systematic and heterogeneous. This agency or interest is tied to the Hegelian critique
of the individual subject, for it marks the subject's empty place in that process without a subject which is history
and political economy. Here the capitalist is defined as "the conscious bearer [Triiger] of the limidess movement of
Marx is not working to create an undivided subject

where desire and interest coincide. Class consciousness does not
operate toward that goal. Both in the economic area (capitalist) and in
the political (world-historical agent), Marx is obliged to construct models of a
divided and dislocated subject whose parts are not continuous or
coherent with each other. A celebrated passage like the description of capital as the Faustian
capital." My point is that
monster brings this home vividly. 96 The following passage, continuing the quotation from The
EighteenthBrumaire, is also working on the structural principle of a dispersed and dislocated class subject: the
(absent collective) consciousness of the small peasant proprietor class finds its "bearer" in a "representative" who
appears to work in another's interest. "Representative" here does not derive from darstellen; this sharpens the
contrast Foucault andDeleuze slide over, the contrast, say, between a proxy and a portrait. There
is, of
course, a relationship between them, one that has received political and ideological
exacerbation in the European tradition at least since the poet and the sophist, the actor and the orator, have both
we thus
encounter a much older debate: between representation or rhetoric as
tropology and as persuasion. Darstellen belongs to the first constellation, vertreten-with
stronger suggestions of substitution- to the second. Again, they are related, but running
them together, especially in order to say that beyond both is where
oppressed subjects speak, act, and know for themselves, leads to
an essentialist, utopian politics that can, when transferred to single-issue gender
rather than class, give unquestioning support tQ4-the :financialization of the globe, which
ruthlessly constructs a general will in the credit-baited rural woman
even as it "format"s her through UN Plans of Action so that she can
be "developed." Beyond this concatenation, transparent as rhetoric
in the service of "truth" has always made itself out to be, is the
much-invoked oppressed subject (as Woman), speaking, acting, and
knowing that gender in development is best for her. It is in the
shadow of this unfortunate marionette that the history of the
unheeded subaltern must unfold.
been seen as harmful. In the guise of a post-Marxist decription of the scene of power,
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Second, This representational politics and movement uncritically

buy into the value-system that groups and systems use for the
oppressive and hurtful purposes you try to stop The alternative is
to deconstruct these re-presentations Turns case
Honkanen 07 (Katriina, rhizomes.14 summer 2007, Deconstructive Intersections.)
(http://rhizomes.net/issue14/honkanen.html. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
A deconstructive approach does not seek essences behind the historical,

social and linguistic processes that produce meaning but rather investigates
these genealogies. The practice of representation has to be made
explicit and the problems involved in seeing language as just a
means of referring to objects or things "outside it" has to be
repeatedly remembered. The two senses of representation
("speaking for" and representation as staging) become relevant here.
If representation as "speaking for" somebody, as being a proxy for
(within the state and the political) and representation as theoretical
description, as a staging of the world, as a portrayal of oneself and
the other are complicit and if this complicity, when unexplicated,
produces silences and hegemonies, the only way to appreciate this
dynamic is to deconstruct these kinds of operations (Spivak, 1994: 70, 72). The
staging of the world produces the problem of political intersectionality and structural intersections call for proxy
politics. [16]
The very production of categories such as "woman" is a

political act and we need not see that these productive
representational practices are "necessary" to further politics that
would become possible "after" the category is produced. The politics of
representation is the first thing to take seriously within critical equality discourse. Otherwise it falls into a
nave identity politics where "women," "working-class,"
"transsexual," "lesbian," and various other categories are utilized to
enable a "politics of rights" and representation for insurrectionary
subjects. The insurrectionary subject needs its proxies. Although it can be
argued that this might be helpful for some "groups" somewhere, I do not wish us to settle for this. In a
neoliberal vein we circulate a language that "takes into account"
identities such as class, ethnicity, sexuality without an
epistemological (genealogical) awareness of our own academic
representational practice. We uncritically buy into the very same
value-system that is used by conservative regimes for oppressive
purposes. We help produce the problem of political intersections.
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The problem with identity politics is that the universal/particular. On
the one hand, you look to the universal - represenatation. On the
other hand, you look to the particular - ___insert aff group___.
Politics, with its emphasis on difference, moves from the universal
to the particular, but this maintains metonymy.
Metonymy is where one takes the part for the whole. If I talk about
"the throne" Im talking about British royalty. If I talk about Trayvon
Martin, Im talking about racialization and oppression. That one
object comes to stand for the whole. If I talk about "the (Louisville)
project", I am referring to any racial liberation argument that
creates liberation for all those repressed in debate. Thats Spivak
99
When one writes about difference, that difference becomes
universalized for the entire group, so we talk about race struggles
and racial rights in the abstract, and it comes to stand for the group
and identity that race writ large.
That's why "just writing about women does not solve the problem of
the gendered subaltern." The women one writes about come to
stand for Woman itself, as a universal. How in the hell is ___insert aff
here_______. This form of violence rests on the universal-particular
This removes the ability for people within any movement or group
to have an identity This is the root cause of all power struggles
Spivak 05 Guyatri Chakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations on the subaltern and the
popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486, 2005 Routledge
the singular, as it combats the universal-particular binary

opposition, is not an individual, a person, an agent; multiplicity is not multitude. If, however, we are
thinking of potential agents, when s/he is not publicly empowered
to put aside difference and self-synecdochise to form collectivity,
the group will take difference itself as its synecdochic element.
Difference slides into culture, often indistinguishable from religion. And then the
institution that provides agency is reproductive heteronormativity
(RHN). It is the broadest and oldest global institution. You see now why just
writing about women does not solve the problem of the gendered
subaltern, just as chronicling the popular is not subaltern studies. In search of the
subaltern I first turned to my own class: the Bengali middle class :
Bhubaneshwari Bhaduri and Mahasweta Devi. From French theory that is all I could do.
But I did not remain there. In the middle class, according to Partha Chatterjee, Bhubaneshwari
I have said that
Bhaduri was metaleptically substituting effect for cause and producing an idea of national liberation by her suicide.
an idea of national liberation was produced by , socalled, terrorist movements.23 It was a frightening, solitary , and
Clytemnestralike project for a woman.
Chatterjees argument is that
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Instead, Spivak thinks we need to look to singularity, where

individuals can self-synecdochalize. Bouazizi lit himself on fire in
Tunisia. He became a symbol for that specific movement in Tunisia
and wasnt adapted to other movements or ideas. People were able
to protest and maintain their identity Egypt is not the same as
Tunisia, each protestor is not the same. He wasnt making an overall
claim of the subject, saying that everyone is different and
oppressed in X or Y way.
When the aff talks about difference, they proceed by saying "_____
are different in X way, and they are oppressed in Y way." This
recreates the same form of violence and mental colonization they're
trying to fight by making universals for a group. Instead, we should
look to a singularity, and allow that singular human being to retain
their identity. That way, we can rally behind the person without
turning them into a model which everyone else must fit into. Thats
Honkanen 07.
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Deleuze
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First, Deleuze confines the decentering of the subject to the subject
of the West, which problematizes the non-Western other as real and
knowable. Deleuze makes it impossible to confer with the subaltern
in a discursive practice, which assumes that the subject is always
already the subject of the West. This turns the K by issuing a new
Oedipal system and guts solvency, which reinstituting an
essentialist subject of the Other
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?, Jcook.)
Deleuze and Guattari have attempted an alternative
definition of desire, revising the one offered by psychoanalysis: "Desire does not lack
anything; it does not lack its object. It is, rather, the subject that is
lacking in desire, or desire that lacks a fixed subject; there is no
fixed subject except by repression. Desire and its object are a unity:
it is the machine, as a machine of a machine. Desire is machine, the object of desire
also a connected machine, so that the product is lifted from the
process of producing,and something detaches itself from producing
to product and gives a leftover to the vagabond, nomad subject."7 This
definition does not alter the specificity of the desiring subject (or
leftover subject-effect) that attaches to specific instances of desire or to
production of the desiring machine. Moreover, when the connection
between desire and the subject is taken as irrelevant or merely reversed,
the subject-effect that surreptitiously emerges is much like the
generalized ideological subject of the theorist. This may be the legal subject of
Elsewhere,
socialized capital, neither labor nor management, holding a "strong" passport, using a "strong" or "hard" currency,
with supposedly unquestioned access to due process. It is certainly not the desiring subject as Other.The
failure of Deleuze and Guattari to consider the relations between desire,

power, and subjectivity renders them incapable of articulating a
theory of interests. In this context, their indifference to ideology (a theory of which is necessary for an
understanding of interests) is striking but consistent. Foucault's commitment to "genealogical" speculation
prevents him from locating, in "great names" like Marx and Freud, watersheds in some continuous stream of
intellectual history.8 This commitment has created an unfortunate resistance in Foucault's work to "mere"
Western speculations on the ideological reproduction of

social relations belong to that mainstream, and it is within this
tradition that AIthusser writes: "The reproduction of labour power requires
not only a reproduction of its skills, but also at the same time, a
reproduction of its submission to the ruling ideology for the
workers, and a reproduction of the ability to manipulate the ruling
ideology correctly for the agents of exploitation and repression, so
that they, too, will provide for the domination of the ruling class 'in
and by words' [par la paroleJ."9 When Foucault considers the pervasive heterogeneity of power,he does
ideological critique.
not ignore the immense institutional heterogeneity that Althusser here attempts to schematize. Similarly, in
speaking of alliances and systems of signs, the state and war-machines (mille plateaux), Deleuze and Guattari are
opening up that very field. Foucault cannot, however, admit that a developed theory of ideology recognizes its own
material production in institutionality, as well as in the "effective instruments for the formation and accumulation
of knowledge" (PK, 102). Because
these philosophers seem obliged to reject all
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arguments naming the concept of ideology as only schematic rather

than textual, they are equally obliged to produce a mechanically
schematic opposition between interest and desire. Thus they align
themselves with bourgeois sociologists who fill the place of ideology
with a continuistic "unconscious" or a parasubjective "culture." The
mechanical relation between desire and interest is clear in such sentences as: "We never desire against our
interests, because interest always follows and finds itself where desire has placed it" (FD, 215). An undifferentiated
desire is the agent,and power slips in to create the effects of desire: "power ... produces positive effects at the
level of desire-and also at the level of knowledge" (PK, 59). This parasubjective matrix, cross-hatched with
heterogeneity, ushers in the unnamed Subject, at least for those intellectual workers influenced by the new
desire is
tacitly defined on an orthodox model, it is unitarily opposed to
"being deceived." Ideology as "false consciousness" (being deceived) has been called into question by
hegemony of desire. The race for "the last instance" is now between economics and power. Because
Althusser. Even Reich implied notions of collective will rather than a dichotomy of deception and undeceived
desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular moment, they
actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of constitutive
In the name of desire,

they reintroduce the undivided subject into the discourse of power.
contradiction-that is where they admittedly part company from the Left.
Foucault often seems to conflate "individual" and "subject"; 10 and the impact on his own metaphors is perhaps
intensified in his followers. Because of the power of the word "power," Foucault admits to using the "metaphor of
the point which progressively irradiates its surroundings." Such slips become the rule rather than the exception in
less careful hands. And that radiating point, animating an effectively heliocentric discourse, fills the empty place
of the agent with the historical sun of theory,the Subject of Europe. I I Foucault articulates another corollary of the
disavowal of the role of ideology in reproducing the social relations of production: an unquestioned valorization of
the oppressed as subject, the "object being," as Deleuze admiringly remarks, "to establish conditions where the
prisoners themselves would be able to speak." Foucault adds that "the masses know perfectly well, clearly" -once
again the thematics of being undeceived-"they know far better than [the intellectual] and they certainly say it very
well" (FD, 206, 207).What happens to the critique of the sovereign subject in these pronouncements? The limits
of this representationalist realism are reached with Deleuze: "Reality is what actually happens in a factory, in a
This foreclosing of the

necessity of the difficult task of counterhegemonic ideological
production has not been salutary. It has helped positivist
empiricism-the justifying foundation of advanced capitalist
neocolonialism-to define its own arena as "concrete experience,"
"what actually happens." Indeed, the concrete experience that is the guarantor of the political
school,in barracks, in a prison, in a police station" (FD, 212).
appeal of prisoners, soldiers,and schoolchildren is disclosed through the concrete experience of the intellectual,
the intellectual
within socialized capital, brandishing concrete experience, can help
consolidate the international division of labor.
the one who diagnoses the episteme. 12 Neither Deleuze nor Foucault seems aware that
Second, The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
deconstructive psychoanalytical approach to the world and the
subaltern
A deconstructive psychoanalytic approach to ethics and actions is
the only way of giving the subaltern a voice It puts the
psychoanalyst in a position that ensures solvency, while avoiding
the problems of political powers which leaves a normative system
that links to the K This kills perm solvency
Spivak 82 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, The Politics of Interpretations, JCook.)
But the most interesting sign of disciplinary privileging is found in Julia Kristeva's "Psychoanalysis and the Polis."
At the end or center of delirium, according to Kristeva, is that which is

desired, a hollow where meaning empties out in not only the
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presymbolic but the preobjective, "the ab-ject." (A deconstructive critique

of thus "naming" an undifferentiated telos of desire before the
beginning of difference can be launched but is not to my purpose here.) The
desire for knowledge involved in mainstream interpretation (which
Kristeva calls "Stoic" by one of those undocumented sweeping generalizations common to a certain kind of
shares such a hollow enter and is thus linked with

delirium. Certain kinds of fiction writers and, one presumes, analysands and social engineers try to dominate,
transform, and exterminate improper "objects" awakened in the place of the abject. The psychoanalyst,
however, wins out over both mad writer and man of politics. "Knowing
that he is constantly in abjection [none of the problems of this position is discussed in
Kristeva's text]12 and in neutrality, in desire and in indifference, the analyst builds a strong
ethics, not normative but directed, which no transcendence
guarantees" (p. 92; italics mine). This is the privileged position of synthesis
within a restrained dialectic: the psychoanalyst persistently and
symmetrically sublates the contradiction between interpretation
and delirium. To privilege delirium (interpretation as delirium) in the description
of this symmetrical synthesis is to misrepresent the dialectic
presented by the essay, precisely in the interest of a politics that can
represent its excluded other as an analysis that privileges
interpretation. It should also be mentioned, of course, that the indivisibility and inevitability of the
archaic (Christian) mother comes close to a transcendental guarantee. To know her for what she
is, rather than to seek to transform her, is the psychoanalyst's
professional enterprise
"French" criticism)
Third, Desire and Lack are not just productive They are equally
negative
Little a is that desire wants to be fulfilled i.e. negated
Little b is that desire is one thing that can only be described as no
other desire besides the desire it is Desire and lack are in an of
themselves infinitely negative to any other desire to affirm their
existence
Fourth, this means our K must come first Only a deconstructive
psychoanalysis can analyze all aspects of desire and lack Only the
alt solves
The
signifier is absolutely negative; it is what all other signifiers are not.
It is pure difference in the symbolic field, whereas the letter is of a
positive order (Milner 12832). This is already the heart of the matter, the
same question raised by the talking cure: how a system of negative
Why should we insist on this point? Let us quickly recall some elements of the Lacanian doctrine.
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differentiation can produce an effect in the real, that is, one which is
not purely negative, La lettre radicalement est effet de [End Page 154] discours (Lacan, Sminaire
XX: 36). One could say, very concisely, that the letter is that which makes a difference
where there is no(-o)ne.6 From this follows that the signifier is restricted to
the symbolic, whereas the letter ties it to the two other registers,
the I and the R, completing its nodal structure. Also, within the framework of The
Purloined Letter, there is not simply differentiation of positions but actual transformative acts, in this case the (at
least) two cases of theft. The letter is transmissible, as the signifier qua signifier cannot transmit anything. Once
attuned to this question, one can even sense occasionally a lack of conviction sneaking into Derridas reading: a
milieu of ideality: hence the eminence of the transcendental whose effect is to maintain presence, to wit phon.
This is what made necessary and possible, in exchange for certain

corrections, the integration of Freudian phallocentrism with a
fundamentally phonocentric Saussurian semiolinguistics. The algorithmic
transformation does not appear to me to undo this tie (Derrida, Post 478n56). The algorithmic
transformation, of which Derrida speaks here, and which does not
appear to undo the phallo/phonocentric tie, is already a
consideration of later developments in Lacans work. The algorithmic
transformation does in fact not take place in the Seminar on the Purloined Letter (though there is a formalization of
the odd/even game in the accompanying Suitewhich Derrida chooses not to discuss), although it is doubtless
part of the nascent programmatic of the Lacanian matheme. And later, in Pour lamour de Lacan, Derrida
ultimately denies that Le Facteur de la vrit aimed at
one final deconstruction of the one
Lacanian discourse, and refuses to pass the judgment of phonocentrism on Lacans idea of the
matheme, his mathematical rewriting of psychoanalysis.
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Alternative 2NC
Second, The alternative is a prerequisite to philosophical thought
It question the very basic foundation of thought and understanding
that Of


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the transformation and translation of unconscious to conscious

in short, the parameters of the dreamwork and the subjection of this
the same tradition.
is,
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11
Second, Even if they prove that their plan solves 100% of the plan
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Foucault
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1NC
First, Foucault confines the decentering of the subject to the subject
knowable. Foucault makes it impossible to confer with the subaltern
power system and guts solvency, which reinstituting an essentialist
subject of the Other
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
The failure of Deleuze and Guattari to consider the relations between desire, power, and subjectivity renders them
incapable of articulating a theory of interests. In this context, their indifference to ideology (a theory of which is
necessary for an understanding of interests) is striking but consistent. Foucault's commitment to "genealogical"
speculation prevents him from locating, in "great names" like Marx and Freud, watersheds in some continuous
stream of intellectual history.8 This commitment has created an unfortunate resistance in Foucault's work to
Western speculations on the ideological

reproduction of social relations belong to that mainstream, and it is
within this tradition that AIthusser writes: "The reproduction of labour
power requires not only a reproduction of its skills, but also at the
same time, a reproduction of its submission to the ruling ideology
for the workers, and a reproduction of the ability to manipulate the
ruling ideology correctly for the agents of exploitation and
repression, so that they, too, will provide for the domination of the
ruling class 'in and by words' [par la paroleJ."9 When Foucault considers
the pervasive heterogeneity of power,he does not ignore the
immense institutional heterogeneity that Althusser here attempts
to schematize. Similarly, in speaking of alliances and systems of signs, the state and war-machines (mille
plateaux), Deleuze and Guattari are opening up that very field. Foucault cannot, however, admit
that a developed theory of ideology recognizes its own material
production in institutionality, as well as in the "effective
instruments for the formation and accumulation of knowledge" (PK,
102). Because these philosophers seem obliged to reject all arguments naming
the concept of ideology as only schematic rather than textual, they
are equally obliged to produce a mechanically schematic opposition
between interest and desire. Thus they align themselves with
bourgeois sociologists who fill the place of ideology with a
continuistic "unconscious" or a parasubjective "culture." The mechanical
"mere" ideological critique.
relation between desire and interest is clear in such sentences as: "We never desire against our interests, because
interest always follows and finds itself where desire has placed it" (FD, 215). An undifferentiated desire is the
agent,and power slips in to create the effects of desire: "power ... produces positive effects at the level of desireand also at the level of knowledge" (PK, 59). This parasubjective matrix, cross-hatched with heterogeneity, ushers
in the unnamed Subject, at least for those intellectual workers influenced by the new hegemony of desire. The race
desire is tacitly defined on

an orthodox model, it is unitarily opposed to "being deceived."
Ideology as "false consciousness" (being deceived) has been called into
question by Althusser. Even Reich implied notions of collective will rather than a dichotomy of deception
for "the last instance" is now between economics and power. Because
and undeceived desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular
moment, they actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of
constitutive contradiction-that is where they admittedly part company from the Left. In the name of desire, they
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reintroduce the undivided subject into the discourse of power.
Foucault often seems to

conflate "individual" and "subject";10 and the impact on his own
metaphors is perhaps intensified in his followers. Because of the power
of the word "power," Foucault admits to using the "metaphor of the
point which progressively irradiates its surroundings." Such slips
become the rule rather than the exception in less careful hands.
And that radiating point, animating an effectively heliocentric
discourse, fills the empty place of the agent with the historical sun
of theory,the Subject of Europe. I I Foucault articulates another corollary of the disavowal of
the role of ideology in reproducing the social relations of production: an unquestioned valorization of the
oppressed as subject, the "object being," as Deleuze admiringly remarks, "to establish conditions where the

the intellectual
Second, The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
subaltern

"French" criticism)
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the analyst builds a strong

Kristeva's text]12 and in neutrality, in desire and in indifference,
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that Of


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the transformation and translation of unconscious to conscious

the same tradition.
is,
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11
Second, Even if they prove that their plan solves 100% of the plan
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Capitalism
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1NC
First, Anti-capitalist movements inevitably fall into a socialization of
the female body, abstracting labor This specter haunts the worker
and removes their subjectivity from the world Their alternative
works in a system that reproduces itself again and again in the
subconscious and the continuation of their system
Spivak 95 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Ghostwriting, Jcook.)
by way of a Marxist theorization of reproductive
engineering and population control, as the socialization of
reproductive labor-power, not "the feminization of labor." (The
I would expand this,
nonexhaustive taxonomy that such a theorization has allowed me, tentatively, to formalize in the classroom I offer
here in shorthand, in the hope that Marxist-feminists active in global economic resistance will be able to reproduce
here is the shorthand

taxonomy of the coded discursive management of the new
socialization of the reproductive body: (1)reproductive rights (metonymic substitution of
the analysis. But will they be interested in Specters of Marx? At any rate,
the abstract average subject of rights for woman's identity); (2)surrogacy (metaphoricsubstitutionof abstract
average reproductive labor power as fulfilled female subject of motherhood); (3) transplant (displacement of
eroticism and generalized presupposed subject of immediate affect); (4) population control (objectification of the
female subject of exploitation to produce alibis for hypersize through demographic rationalization); (5) post-Fordist
homeworking (classical coding of the spectrality of reason as empiricist individualism, complicated by gender
ideology). It is only after a discussion of a possible taxonomy of the recoding of this socialization that I would
describe the theatre of global resistance where these issues are now paramount.)' According, then, to the strictest
the reproductive body of woman has now been

"socialized"-computed into average abstract labor and thus released
into what I call the spectrality of reason-a specter that haunts the
merely empirical, dislocating it from itself. According to Marx, this
is the specter that must haunt the daily life of the class conscious
worker, the future socialist, so that she can dislocate him/herself
into the counterintuitive average part-subject (agent) of labor,
recognize that, in the everyday, es spukt. It is only then that the fetish
character of labor-power as commodity can be grasped and can
become the pivot that wrenches capitalism into socialism [discussed at
Marxian sense,
greater length in Spivak, Outside 107 ff.]. (It wasn't Freud alone-as Glas insists-who speculated with the fetish.)
Marx did indeed ignore something: that the differantial play

between capital-ism and social-ism was a case of a more originary agon:
between self and other; a differantiation perhaps necessary for the business of living, a
differantiation that may be described as the fort-da of the gift of time in the temporizingof l i~es .~(Fomre , the
genius of Derrida is that he leads me to think this as no one else can, even if he perhaps goofs a bit by putting
Marx down as a closet idealist about "empirical" actuality, although canny about the idealism of idealism [SM
2251.) That originary agon comes clearest in the coding-the figuration-- of birth and childrearing. (Once I finish this
piece, I must get on with a commentary on Melanie Klein's teasing out of this coding ["Melanie Klein"].)
Reproductive labor is being socialized and "freed." (The Columbia Spectator
apparently ran an ad offering high prices for the unfertilized ova of students. Chickens have supplied this
commodity without consent or remuneration for some time now. In Marxian terms, domesticated poultry is
instrurnentum demi-vocale, domesticated human females caught in feudal patterns of loyalty (elaborately coded
by psychoanalysis asdeep-structural) are insh-umenta vocale, and the students are "free lab~r . " ) 'A~s
reproductive labor is socialized and "freed," it will be unable to

ignore that agon, for the commodity in question is children. If this labor were to use the
fetish-character of itself as (reproductive) labor-power (as
commodity) pharmakonically to bring about gender-neutral
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socialism in its traffic, equitable by need and capacity, from a

common fund, would that be just? The issue is not simply to weigh in the balance the
painless donation of sperm for sperm banks as opposed to the possibly painful donation of eggs for the hatcheries,
as television discussions invariably emphasize."
Since Specters of Marx cannot bring

in women, I will not pursue this further here.
Second, Your criticism ignores the subaltern voice that is deeply

intertwined in the division of labor This makes the subaltern silent
as well as re-entrenches in the foundation of oppression that
allowed capitalism to take hold Turns the criticism
Some of the most radical criticism coming out of the West today is
the result of an interested desire to conserve the subject of the
West, or the West as SUbject. The theory of pluralized "subjecteffects" gives an illusion of undermining SUbjective sovereignty
while often providing a cover for this subject of knowledge. Although the
history of Europe as Subject is narrativized by the law, political economy, and ideology of the West, this concealed
The much-publicized critique of

the sovereign subject thus actually inaugurates a Subject. I will argue for
Subject pretends it has "no geo-political determina-tions."
this conclusion by considering a text by two great practitioners of the critique: "Intellectuals and Power: A
Conversation between Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze. "3 I have chosen this friendly exchange between two
activist philosophers of history because it undoes the opposition between authoritative theoretical production and
the unguarded practice of conversation, enabling one to glimpse the track of ideology. The participants in this
conversation emphasize the most important contributions of French poststructuralist theory: first, that the
networks of power/desire/interest are so heterogeneous that their reduction to a coherent narrative is
counterproductive-a persistent critique is needed; and second, that intellectuals must attempt to disclose and
know the discourse of society's Other. Yet the two systematically ignore the question of ideology and their own
implication in intellectual and economic history. Although one of its chief presuppositions is the critique of the
sovereign subject, the conversation between Foucault and Deleuze is framed by two monolithic and anonymous
subjects-in-revolution: "A Maoist" (FD, 205) and "the workers' struggle" (FD, 217). Intellectuals, however, are
a Chinese Maoism is nowhere operative.

Maoism here simply creates an aura of narrative specificity, which
would be a harmless rhetorical banality were it not that the
innocent appropriation of the proper name "Maoism" for the
eccentric phenomenon of French intellectual "Maoism" and
subsequent "New Philosophy" symptomatically renders "Asia"
transparent.4Deleuze's reference to the workers' struggle is equally
problematic; it is obviously a genuflection: "We are unable to touch
[power] in any point of its application without finding ourselves
confronted by this diffuse mass, so that we are necessarily led ... to
the desire to blow it up completely. Every partial revolutionary
attack or defense is linked in this way to the workers' struggle" (FD,
217). The apparent banality signals a disavowal. The statement ignores the
international division of labor, a gesture that often marks
poststructuralist political theory.5 The invocation of the workers' struggle is baleful in its
very innocence; it is incapable of dealing with global capitalism: the
sUbject-production of worker and unemployed within nation-state
ideologies in its Center; the increasing subtraction of the working
class in the Periphery from the realization of surplus value and thus
from "humanistic" training in consumerism; and the large-scale
named and differentiated; moreover,
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presence of paracapitalist labor as well as the heterogeneous

structural status of agriculture in the Periphery. Ignoring the
international division of labor; rendering "Asia" (and on occasion "Africa")
transparent (unless the subject is ostensibly the "Third World"); reestablishing the legal
subject of socialized capital-these are problems as common to much
poststructuralist as to structuralist theory. Why should such occlusions be sanctioned
in precisely those intellectuals who are our best prophets of heterogeneity and the Other? The link to the workers'
struggle is located in the desire to blow up power at any point of its application. This site is apparently based on a
simple valorization of any desire destructive of any power. Walter Benjamin comments on Baudelaire's comparable
politics by way of quotations from Marx: Marx continues in his description of the conspirateurs de profession as
They have no other aim but the immediate one of

overthrowing the existinggovernment, and they profoundly despise
the more theoretical enlightenment of the workers as to their class
interests. Thus their anger-not proletarian but plebian-at the habits
noirs (black coats), the more or less educated people who represent
[vertretenjthat side of the movement and of whom they can never
become entirely independent, as they cannot of the official
representatives [Reprasentantenjof the party." Baudelaire's political insights do not go
follows: " ...
fundamentally beyond the insights of these professional conspirators .... He could perhaps have made Flaubert's
statement, "Of all of politics I understand only one thing: the revolt," his own.6
Third, The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
subaltern


"French" criticism)
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Fourth, Our inclusion of the subaltern is key to solving for capitalism
We must create a new system which is inclusive and listens to the
voices of those who suffered at the hands of capitalism Only this
creates a better, new global system
The New International, if I understand it right, asks the international law and
international human rights folks to be aware of the economic. ~
~pOagne s 93-94 Derrida assures us that "these problems of the foreign Debt-and
everything that is metonymized by this concept-will not be treated
without at least the spirit of the Marxist critique, the critique of the
market, of the multiple logics of capital, and of that which links the
State and international law to this market." This fine suggestion would
gain in strength if it took into account the vicissitudes suffered by
the sustained organizational opposition to legalized economic
exploitation (the collusion of international law and international capital, legiferant capital-the Group of
Seven today-law "carrying the subjectivity of capital," in other words), in the interest if not
always in the declared name of human rights, ever since Bretton Woods (the
annulment of the gold standard would have worked in nicely with Timon of Athens), through Bandung and all the
How, in other words, is the New

International so new? Perhaps it is, to the European left liberal; but why should the South feel any
degree of confidence in the project? A researched account would need at least to
refer generally to the longstanding global struggles from below (one of
global summits, and the machinations of the GATT, and now the WTO.
the problems with Human Rights and International Law lobbies is that they are so irreproachably well-bred),
which undo the opposition between economic resistance, cultural

identity, and women's minded bodies, to which part of my
taxonomy refers.I3 "The debt to Marx, I think, needs to be paid and
settled, whereas the Third World debt ought to be simply cancelled, "
writes Ahmad ["Reconciling Derrida" 1061. If one attends to the struggles I am speaking of,
where the specter of Marxism has been at work, molelike, although not always
identified with Left parties in the impotent state, one would perhaps think of the debt to
Marx as an unrepayable one with which we must speculate, to make
and ask for Reparation (in the Kleinian sense) in the field of political economy
[Klein 306-43].14 How much making and how much asking will depend on who "we" are. As for the "debt"
increasingly incurred by the South (no longer the third world surely, Ahmad's paper was first given in Lublijana!),
given the dynamics of capital and its relationship to socialism, it can never remain cancelled. What "should"
happen (o tempora, o mores) is a recognition that the South supports the North in the preservation of its resourcerich lifestyle.
This at least is the sustained message of those struggles, a

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reworking of Marx's theme in Capital, that the worker is not a

victim (no black on black there) but the agent of the wealth of societies. Marx
regularly used the phrase "agent of production" rather than "worker." Was this simply politically correct language?
And, what, without infrastructural effort, would this recognition bring, to whom?
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Alternative 2NC uncomplete

AND Add capitalism solvency stuff


(Fink, 1995a:140-1).
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that Of


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the same tradition.
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Alternative 2NR uncomplete

Spivak 82 Theres four implications here:
11
Fourth, add cap solvency
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Links
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Capitalism
First, Your criticism ignores the subaltern voice that is deeply


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follows: " ...
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Capitalism/Marx Specific
First, Your criticism ignores the subaltern voice that is deeply
Marx's contention here is that the descriptive definition of a class can
be a differential one-its cutting off and difference from all other
classes: "in so far as millions of families live under economic
conditions of existence that cut off their mode of life, their interest,
and their formation from those of the other classes and place them
in inimical confrontation [feindlich gagenf1berstellen], they form a class."15 There is
no such thing as a "class instinct" at work here. In fact, the collectivity of familial
existence, which might be considered the arena of "instinct," is
discontinuous with, though operated by, the differential isolation of
classes. In this context, one far more pertinent to the France of the 1970s than it can be to the international
periphery, the formation of a class is artificial and economic, and the economic agency or interest is impersonal
because it is systematic and heterogeneous.
This agency or interest is tied to the

Hegelian critique of the individual subject, for it marks the subject's
empty place in that process without a subject which is history and political economy. Here
the capitalist is defined as "the conscious bearer [Trager] of the limitless
movement of capital."16 My point is that Marx is not working to create an
undivided subject where desire and interest coincide. Class
consciousness does not operate toward that goal. Both in the
economic area (capitalist) and in the political (world-historical agent), Marx is
obliged to construct models of a divided and dislocated subject
whose parts are not continuous or coherent with each other. A celebrated
passage like the description of capital as the Faustian monster brings this home vividlyY The following passage,
continuing the quotation from The Eighteenth Brumaire, is also working on the structural principle of a dispersed
and dislocated class subject: the (absent collective) consciousness of the small peasant proprietor class finds its
"bearer" in a "representative" who appears to work in another's interest. The word "representative" here is not
"darstellen "; this sharpens the contrast Foucault and Deleuze slide over, the contrast, say, between a proxy and a
portrait. There is, of course, a relationship between them, one that has received political and ideological
been seen as harmful.
In the guise of a post-Marxist description of the scene

of power, we thus encounter a much older debate: between
representation or rhetoric as tropology and as persuasion. Darstellen
belongs to the first constellation, vertreten-with stronger suggestions of substitution-to the second. Again, they
are related, but running them together, especially in order to say
that beyond both is where oppressed subjects speak, act, and know
for themselves, leads to an essentialist, utopian politics. Here is Marx's
passage, using "vertreten" where the English use "represent," discussing a social "subject" whose consciousness
The small
peasant proprietors "cannot represent themselves; they must be
represented. Their representative must appear simultaneously as
their master, as an authority over them, as unrestricted
and Vertretung (as much a substitution as a representation) are dislocated and incoherent:
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governmental power that protects them from the other classes and
sends them rain and sunshine from above. The political influence [in
the place of the class interest, since there is no unified class subject] of the small peasant
proprietors therefore finds its last expression [the implication of a chain of
substitutions- Vertretungen- is strong here] in the executive force [Exekutivgewalt-Iess personal in
German] subordinating society to itself." Not only does such a model of social indirectionnecessary gaps between the source of "influence" (in this case the small peasant proprietors), the
"representative" (Louis Napoleon), and the historical-political phenomenon (executive control)-imply a critique of
the subject as individual agent but a critique even of the subjectivity of a collective agency. The necessarily
dislocated machine of history moves because "the identity of the interests" of these proprietors "fails to produce a
feeling of community, national links, or a political organization." The event of representation as Vertretung (in the
constellation of rhetoric-as-persuasion) behaves like a Darstellung (or rhetoric-as-trope), taking its place in the gap
between the formation of a (descriptive) class and the nonformation of a (transformative) class: " In
so far
as millions of families live under economic conditions of existence
that separate their mode of life ... they form a class. In so far as ...
the identity of their interests fails to produce a feeling of
community ... they do not form a class." The complicity of Vertreten and Darstellen, their
identity-indifference as the place of practice-since this complicity is precisely what Marxists must expose, as Marx
does in The Eighteenth Brumaire-can only be appreciated if they are not conflated by a sleight of word. It would
be merely tendentious to argue that this textualizes Marx too much, making him inaccessible to the common
"man," who, a victim of common sense, is so deeply placed in a heritage of positivism that Marx's irreducible
emphasis on the work of the negative, on the necessity for defetishizing the concrete, is persistently wrested from
him by the strongest adversary, "the historical tradition" in the air. 18 I have been trying to point out that the
the contemporary philosopher of practice,

exhibits the same positivism.
uncommon "man,"
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Colonial Representation
( ) Attempts to use the voice and literature of those being
oppressed by postcolonialism merely perpetuates the system by
created a homogenized representation of one, big scary colonialism,
ignore the multiple faces it wears and the multiplicity of people it
effects
Salvatore 10 [Ricardo D., Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, The Postcolonial in Latin America and the
Concept of Coloniality: A Historians Point of View, Vol. 8, No. 1, Fall 2010, 332-348,
www.ncsu.edu/project/acontracorriente, JCook.] Accessed 6/25/13.
The same could be said about forms of narrating or representing

the national, or the Latin-American as different from the European
or the metropolitan. The impetus to examine the sub-regional, the local
hybrid, and the multiplicity of voices within the national seems at
times overshadowed by a fascination with the search for truer or
novel representations of Nuestra Amrica. There are gestures to the
subregional and to the indigenous but much less than one would
expect of a critical work that is supposed to undo or challenge the
homogenizing work of colonialism and nation-building. In the same vein,
while the volume presents critical reflections on Latin-Americanism
and Latin American studies, the existence of a territory called
Latin America seems to have eluded the discussion of the postcolonial.
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Deleuze and Guattari/Desire

Deleuze and Guattari have attempted an alternative
definition of desire, revising the one offered by psychoanalysis: "Desire does not lack
anything; it does not lack its object. It is, rather, the subject that is
lacking in desire, or desire that lacks a fixed subject; there is no
fixed subject except by repression. Desire and its object are a unity:
it is the machine, as a machine of a machine. Desire is machine, the object of desire
also a connected machine, so that the product is lifted from the
process of producing,and something detaches itself from producing
to product and gives a leftover to the vagabond, nomad subject."7 This
definition does not alter the specificity of the desiring subject (or
leftover subject-effect) that attaches to specific instances of desire or to
production of the desiring machine. Moreover, when the connection
between desire and the subject is taken as irrelevant or merely reversed,
the subject-effect that surreptitiously emerges is much like the
generalized ideological subject of the theorist. This may be the legal subject of
Elsewhere,
socialized capital, neither labor nor management, holding a "strong" passport, using a "strong" or "hard" currency,
with supposedly unquestioned access to due process. It is certainly not the desiring subject as Other.The
failure of Deleuze and Guattari to consider the relations between desire,

power, and subjectivity renders them incapable of articulating a
theory of interests. In this context, their indifference to ideology (a theory of which is necessary for an
understanding of interests) is striking but consistent. Foucault's commitment to "genealogical" speculation
prevents him from locating, in "great names" like Marx and Freud, watersheds in some continuous stream of
intellectual history.8 This commitment has created an unfortunate resistance in Foucault's work to "mere"
Western speculations on the ideological reproduction of

social relations belong to that mainstream, and it is within this
tradition that AIthusser writes: "The reproduction of labour power requires
not only a reproduction of its skills, but also at the same time, a
reproduction of its submission to the ruling ideology for the
workers, and a reproduction of the ability to manipulate the ruling
ideology correctly for the agents of exploitation and repression, so
that they, too, will provide for the domination of the ruling class 'in
and by words' [par la paroleJ."9 When Foucault considers the pervasive heterogeneity of power,he does
ideological critique.
not ignore the immense institutional heterogeneity that Althusser here attempts to schematize. Similarly, in
speaking of alliances and systems of signs, the state and war-machines (mille plateaux), Deleuze and Guattari are
opening up that very field. Foucault cannot, however, admit that a developed theory of ideology recognizes its own
material production in institutionality, as well as in the "effective instruments for the formation and accumulation
of knowledge" (PK, 102). Because
these philosophers seem obliged to reject all
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arguments naming the concept of ideology as only schematic rather

than textual, they are equally obliged to produce a mechanically
schematic opposition between interest and desire. Thus they align
themselves with bourgeois sociologists who fill the place of ideology
with a continuistic "unconscious" or a parasubjective "culture." The
mechanical relation between desire and interest is clear in such sentences as: "We never desire against our
interests, because interest always follows and finds itself where desire has placed it" (FD, 215). An undifferentiated
desire is the agent,and power slips in to create the effects of desire: "power ... produces positive effects at the
level of desire-and also at the level of knowledge" (PK, 59). This parasubjective matrix, cross-hatched with
heterogeneity, ushers in the unnamed Subject, at least for those intellectual workers influenced by the new
desire is
tacitly defined on an orthodox model, it is unitarily opposed to
"being deceived." Ideology as "false consciousness" (being deceived) has been called into question by
hegemony of desire. The race for "the last instance" is now between economics and power. Because
Althusser. Even Reich implied notions of collective will rather than a dichotomy of deception and undeceived
desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular moment, they
actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of constitutive
In the name of desire,

they reintroduce the undivided subject into the discourse of power.
contradiction-that is where they admittedly part company from the Left.
Foucault often seems to conflate "individual" and "subject"; 10 and the impact on his own metaphors is perhaps
intensified in his followers. Because of the power of the word "power," Foucault admits to using the "metaphor of
the point which progressively irradiates its surroundings." Such slips become the rule rather than the exception in
less careful hands. And that radiating point, animating an effectively heliocentric discourse, fills the empty place
of the agent with the historical sun of theory,the Subject of Europe. I I Foucault articulates another corollary of the
disavowal of the role of ideology in reproducing the social relations of production: an unquestioned valorization of
the oppressed as subject, the "object being," as Deleuze admiringly remarks, "to establish conditions where the

the intellectual
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Deleuze and Guattari/Signifier

The unrecognized contradiction within a position that valorizes the concrete experience of the oppressed, while
being so uncritical about the historical role of the intellectual, is maintained by a verbal slippage. Thus
Deleuze makes this remarkable pronouncement: "A theory is like a

box of tools. Nothing to do with the signifier" (FD, 208). Considering that the
verbalism of the theoretical world and its access to any world defined against it as "practical" is irreducible,
such a declaration helps only the intellectual anxious to prove that

intellectual labor is just like manual labor.It is when signifiers are left to look after
themselves that verbal slippages happen. The signifier "representation" is a case in
point. In the same dismissive tone that severs theory's link to the
signifier, Deleuze declares,"There is no more representation;
there's nothing but action"-"action of theory and action of practice
which relate to each other as relays and form networks" (FD, 206-7). Yet an
important point is being made here: the production of theory is also a practice; the
opposition between abstract "pure" theory and concrete "applied"
practice is too quick and easy.13 If this is, indeed, Deleuze's argument, his
articulation of it is problematic. Two senses of representation are
being run together: representation as "speaking for," as in politics,
and representation as "re-presentation," as in art or philosophy.
Since theory is also only "action," the theoretician does not
represent (speak for) the oppressed group. Indeed, the subject is not seen as
a representative consciousness (one re-presenting reality adequately). These two senses of
representation-within state formation and the law, on the one hand, and in subject-predication, on the other-are
related but irreducibly discontinuous. To cover over the discontinuity with an analogy that is presented as a proof
Because "the person who speaks and

acts ... is always a multiplicity," no "theorizing intellectual ... [or]
party or ... union" can represent "those who act and struggle" (FD, 206).
Are those who act and struggle mute, as opposed to those who act
and speak (FD, 206)? These immense problems are buried in the differences between the "same" words:
consciousness and conscience (both conscience in French), representation and re-presentation. The
critique of ideological subject-constitution within state formations
and systems of political economy can now be effaced, as can the
active theoretical practice of the "transformation of consciousness."
The banality of leftist intellectuals' lists of self-knowing, politically
canny subalterns stands revealed; representing them, the
intellectuals represent themselves as transparent.If such a critique
reflects again a paradoxical subjectprivileging.14
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and such a project are not to be given up, the shifting distinctions
between representation within the state and politicaleconomy, on the
one hand, and within the theory of the Subject, on the other, must not be
obliterated. Let us consider the play of vertreten ("represent" in the first sense) and darstellen ("represent" in the second sense) in a famous passage in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, where Marx
touches on "class" as a descriptive and transformative concept in a manner somewhat more complex than
Althusser's distinction between class instinct and class position would allow.
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Democratization
First, The use of military interventions doesnt right the wrongs
done It allows a justification for new violence in the name of the
state guts solvency and props up reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 04 (GayatriChakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, Righting Wrongs.)
(https://blogs.commons.georgetown.edu/engl-218-fall2010/files/Righting-Wrongs.pdf. JCook.) Accessed 8/13/12.
When the UN offers violence or the ballot as a choice it is

unrealistic because based on another kind of relatedmistake
unexamined universalism the assumption that this is a real
choice in all situations. It will soon lead to military intervention in
the name of righting wrong, in geopolitically specific places. For
democratization is not just a code name, as it so often is in practice, for the
political restructuring entailed by the transformation of (efficient
through inefficient to wild) state capitalisms and their colonies to
tributary economies of rationalized global financialization. If it is to
involve the largest sector of the electorate in the global Souththe
rural population below poverty levelit requires the undoing of
centuries of oppression, with a suturing education in rural
subaltern normality, supplementing the violent guilt and shame
trips of disaster politics.
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Deontology State Actions

First, The institutionalization of ethics for the state creates a new
dominating force that kills its ethical beginnings and begins to
reproduce the ethics of the state in a fashion that is reproductive
and heteronormative
Spivak 04, Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University, 2004 Terror: A Speech
After 9-11 Published by Duke University Press. boundary 2 31.2 (2004) 81-111 Access provided by University of
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008. JCook.
If this is too Eurocentric, it is because I need to question the reading of

Kant that is used to justify world governance.41 There is a certain
degree of self-confidence in such justifications, whereas Kants
relentless honesty makes him shackle reason. In the spatial
institution of pure reason, then, we must make room for the effects
of grace. And, in the last section of this last critique, where he is
speaking of world governance, with repeated theological references
(since he is fighting the theological faculty), he insists that a global institution based
on ethical commonness of being is impossible. The ethical cannot
be immediately institutionalized. I learn many of my ways of reading the past from Marx,
and this is where I want to read Kant as Marx read Aristotle, with admiration but with the historical
he could not imagine the value-form. Even within his

brilliantly fractured model of the oneness of reason, Kant spoke of
effect of grace because he could not imagine a European-style
university where the theology faculty was not dominant. We have
to run with the revolutionary force of the word effect, clear out
of the theological into the aesthetic. Effect comes as close as Kant can get to deacknowledgement that
transcendentalizing Grace. Grace is caught in the figure of something like a metalepsisthe effect of an effect.
Since pure reasonor indeed any kind of reasoncannot know the

cause, all that is inscribed is an effect.
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Discourse
First, Discourse on equality is a site for identity construction that
reproduces the representation that caused your impacts while
simultaneously re-entrenching the plan in a reproductive
heteronormativity
Discourses on equality are strategic sites that promote the

iteration and repetition of gendered meanings. Equality discourses
allow for the reproduction of racialized national and gendered
identities. Genealogically speaking, for example, Finnish equality discourse has been a site for identity
[17]
construction for particular kind of "woman" that stands in a particular relationship both to the "man" (the Finnish
The history of Finnish women (written in the 1980s and early 1990s) is a
history of equality, but also of normalized heterosexuality (Honkanen,
man) and the nation.
1997). It is a history of mostly middle-class women's struggles to be able to participate in working-life, politics and
education and the life of the nation. One example of this discourse [4] is the well-known The Lady With the Bow: the
Story of Finnish Woman (Manninen & Setl, 1990). The book draws the history of this "equal lady", the lady with
the bow, as far back as to the stone-age, arguing that a particular rock-painting representing a figure with what can
be read as breasts and a bow proves that "Finnish women always have worked together with "their" (heterosexual)
These representations should be genealogically analyzed and

deconstructed. Otherwise they will continue to be used uncritically as part of a
"politics out of history" to use Wendy Brown's formulation (Brown, 2001). These
hegemonic representations, this staging of the world, these portrayals, enable the
unreflexive identity politics of the equal Finnish woman and uphold the problem
of political intersectionality as long as they are not deconstructed. Furthermore, this
politics is backed up through history as yet another grand narrativ e
men (Manninen & Setl, 1990: 9).
called "the history of Finnish woman" (see also Honkanen, 2007). [18] It seems to be the politics of this very same
Woman that is advanced in recent discussions on the Finnish women's studies mailing list. This discussion was
started by Pasi Malmi, a researcher on men and masculinities, who came up with the argument that certain feminist
discourses oppress men (the list-archives are accessible and searchable in Finnish on the internet[5]). The
discussion concerns how specific (wrong) portrayals of women affect the way in which men are seen. What I see as
particularly telling in this heterocentric debate is that as long as it fails to name itself for what it is, it proceeds
endlessly with its production of gendered meanings. It also proceeds as if it were engaged in a merely descriptive
enterprisewith researchers attempting to describe how cultural meanings variously oppress either men or
women. [19] The hegemony of the two-sex model in Finnish equality discourse also leads to a strident men's
Their politics is framed within an

equality discourse and a two-sex system. Adding hetero-oriented
men's studies to the academic scene also strengthens the
naturalization of heteronormativity. It upholds the heterocentrist
white academic hegemony by becoming the relational and
complementary counter force to the uncritical "women's equality
discourse." Within this kind of equality discourse women and men
are unproblematically seen as relational and complementary
categories.
movement in Finland that claims men's equal rights.
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Discovery of America
( ) The discourse around discovering America is reaped from the
occidental coloniality that created those imperial projects We
should instead use the discourse of invention, because this is truly
what happened Their discourse justifies and embraces the logic
and epistemology of the West
Mignolo 05 [Walter D., Duke University, The Idea of Latin America,
https://cdn.anonfiles.com/1349073241953.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 7/11/13.
America, as a concept, goes hand in hand with that of modernity, and

both are the self-representation of imperial projects and global
designs that originated in and were implemented by European
actors and institutions. The invention of America was one of the
nodal points that contributed to create the conditions for imperial
European expansion and a lifestyle, in Europe, that served as a
model for the achievements of humanity. Thus, the discovery and
conquest of America is not just one more event in some long and
linear historical chain from the creation of the world to the present,
leaving behind all those who were not attentive enough to jump onto the bandwagon of modernity. Rather, it
was a key turning point in world history : It was the moment in
which the demands of modernity as the final horizon of salvation
began to require the imposition of a specific set of values that
relied on the logic of coloniality for their implementation. The
invention of America thesis offers, instead, a perspective from
coloniality and, in consequence, reveals that the advances of
modernity outside of Europe rely on a colonial matrix of power that
includes the renaming of the lands appropriated and of the people
inhabiting them, insofar as the diverse ethnic groups and civilizations in Tawantinsuyu and Anhuac, as
well as those from Africa, were reduced to Indians and Blacks. The idea of America and
of Latin America could, of course, be accounted for within the
philosophical framework of European modernity, even if that account is offered
by Creoles of European descent dwelling in the colonies and embracing the Spanish or Portuguese view of events.
What counts, however, is that the need for telling the part of the story
that was not told requires a shift in the geography of reason and of
understanding. Coloniality, therefore, points toward and intends to unveil an embedded
logic that enforces control, domination, and exploitation disguised in the
language of salvation, progress, modernization, and being good for
every one. The double register of modernity/coloniality has, perhaps, never been as clear as it has been
recently under the administration of US president George W. Bush.
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Economic Assimilation
( ) The act of assimilating a country into our economic system lays
the framework for colonialitys control over these nations Forcing
a nation to adapt and controlling its future, inserting the logic and
market orientations of Occidentalism More so, these processes are
embodied by the people of these countries, at the micro level,
ensuring a more harmful cultural and social adaptation to
Occidentalism
Escobar 04 [Arturo, Colombian-American anthropologist primarily known for his contribution to
postdevelopment theory and political ecology, Beyond the Third World: Imperial Globality, Global Coloniality, and
Anti-Globalization Social Movements, http://www3.nd.edu/~druccio/Escobar.pdf, JCook.] Acccessed 7/3/13.
At the metaphorical level at least, I believe it is possible to find inspiration for interpreting the logic of these
movements in two domains: cyberspatial practices, and theories of complexity in the biological and physical
modernity and capitalism have organized

economic and social life largely around the logic of order,
centralization, and hierarchy building (this also applies to really existing socialisms for
sciences. Over the past few hundred years,
the most part). In recent decades, cyberspace (as the universe of digital networks, interactions and interfaces) and
the sciences of complexity have made visible a different model for the organization of social life (see Escobar,
2000, 2003b further explanation of this model and additional references; Peltonen, 2003 for an application of
ants,
swarming molds, cities, certain markets, for instance, exhibit what
scientists call complex adaptive behavior. (Thousands of invisible
singlecelled mold units occasionally coalesce into a swarm and
create a visible large mold. Ant colonies developed over a long time span with no central
pacemaker. Medieval markets linked efficiently myriad producers and
consumers with prices setting themselves in a way that was
understood locally.) In this type of situation, simple beginnings lead to
complex entities, without the existence of a master plan or central
intelligence planning it. They are bottom-up processes, where
agents working at one (local) scale produce behavior and forms at
higher scales (e.g., the great anti-globalization demonstrations of the last few years). Simple rules at one
level give rise to sophistication and complexity at another level through what is called emergence: the fact
that the actions of multiple agents interacting dynamically and
following local rules rather than top-down commands result in
visible macro-behavior or structures. Some times these systems are
adaptive; they learn over time, responding more effectively to
the changing needs of their environment.
complexity to a particular social movement in Finland). In terms of complexity in particular,
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Economics General
( ) The development of economic growth is the largest drive in the
domination of Latin America and colonization Only
decolonialization solves this epistemic problem AND All of your
evidence is based off the fundamental assumption of capital and
value driving everything This calls the structural integrity of your
evidence into question
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms of
Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/granada/documents/Grosfoguel-Decolonizing-Pol-Econ-and-Postcolonial.pdf, JCook.]
Accessed 6/25/13.
Globalization studies, political-economy paradigms and worldsystem analysis, with only a few exceptions, have not derived the
epistemological and theoretical implications of the epistemic
critique coming from subaltern locations in the colonial divide and
expressed in academia through ethnic studies and woman studies. They still continue to
produce knowledge from the Western man point zero god-eye
view. This has led to important problems in the way we
conceptualize global capitalism and the world-system. These
concepts are in need of decolonization and this can only be
achieved with a decolonial epistemology that overtly assumes a
decolonial geopolitics and body-politics of knowledge as points of
departure to a radical critique. The following examples can illustrate this point. If we
analyze the European colonial expansion from a Eurocentric point of
view, what we get is a picture in which the origins of the so-called
capitalist worldsystem are primarily produced by the inter-imperial
competition among European Empires. The primary motive for this
expansion was to find shorter routes to the East, which let
accidentally to the so-called discovery and, eventual, Spanish and
Portuguese colonization of the Americas. From this point of view, the capitalist
worldsystem would be primarily an economic system that
determine the behavior of the major social actors by the economic
logic of making profits as manifested in the extraction of surplus
value and the ceaseless accumulation of capital at a worldscale .
Moreover, the concept of capitalism implied in this perspective
privileges economic relations over other social relations. Accordingly,
the transformation in the relations of production produces a new
class structure typical of capitalism as opposed to other social
systems and other forms of domination. Class analysis and
economic structural transformations are privileged over other
power relations.
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Economic Collapse
First, The economic narrative about "global economic collapse" used
in the 1ac is designed to incentivize subalterans, specifically woman
to adopt Western values and train them to others This reproduces
reproductive heteronormativity in our cultural nationalism
Spivak February 2012 - Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at
Columbia University and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012
There is a difference, almost a fracture, between globality and

development on the one hand, and immigration and
multiculturalism on the other The located gendered subaltern, often
less viciously gendered than the underclass migrant, but facing the
global directly, falls through the fracture The upper-class, hybrid
female is, first, "woman" for the international civil society serving
today's "economic citizen"-the finance capital market in the
business of development. Secondly, she is "woman" as subject of
postcolonial, multiculturalist theory. And finally, she is "woman" as
trainer of other women to become "woman," eligible for
benevolence, for "development" coded loosely as ethical-political
action. It is in the interest of the coalition between these women
and metropolitan feminism that we are obliged today to forget the
economic narrative. These women originally from the global South,
the hybrid postmodern North are indistinguishable from the
indigenous elite women of the South upon whom, by a crude and
classless theory of national identity and the universalist politics of
feminist solidarity that is hand-in-glove with biased cultural
relativism, the donor agencies are relying more and more . Twenty-five
years ago, Samir Amin, writing about what he called "Levantine merchant princes," mentioned the difficulty of
Their economic
counterparts, female and male, with the glass ceiling and the
feudalism of heterosexist "love" worked in, are the secessionist
community described by Robert Reich.
assigning a country to them. These women are their modern ideological counterparts.
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Economy US
( ) Latin America is the colonial test kitchen where the U.S.
develops neoliberal economic policy that promises individual rights,
but only as long as they are economically profitable. Creating debt
cycles by providing economic assistance leads to reliance, which
reinforces U.S. colonial hegemony
BARDER, 13 [Daniel, Department of Political Studies & Public Administration, American University of Beirut;
American Hegemony Comes Home: The Chilean Laboratory and the Neoliberalization of the United States May,
Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 38(2)]
The American-led liberal order, and its reassertion of hegemony in the

1980s, was in fact predicated upon the very need to discipline and
coerce weaker states, particularly in Latin America and the Middle Eastas
Ikenberry writesthrough political and economic means. The debt crises of
the 1980s were part of this capacity to discipline. However, these crises,
characterized as well by the explosive development of financial securitization and the proliferation of asset bubbles,
represents what Arrighi calls a signal crisis of the dominant regime of accumulation of the American post
A signal crisis signifies a deeper underlying

systemic crisis when leading capitalist entities begin switching
their economic activities away from production and trade to
financial intermediation and speculation. 54 This initial move from investment in
second world war order. 53
material production to the fictitious world of financial speculation and engineering initially forestalls and enhances
the capacity for wealth generation for a certain class. Nonetheless, it cannot embody a lasting resolution of the
underlying contradictions. On the contrary, as Arrighi writes, it
has always been the

preamble to a deepening of the crisis and to the eventual
supersession of the still dominant regime of accumulation by a new
one. 55 What Arrighi calls the terminal crisis is then the end of the long century that encompasses the rise,
full expansion, and demise of that regimewhat is potentially occurring today. 56 The signal crisis of
American political and economic hegemony provoked a set of
policies to enhance capital accumulations beneficial to American
business and state to the detriment of the global South . What Ikenberry sees
as American behavior being crudely imperial in certain contexts was in fact the way of maintaining and
reinvigorating international forms of capital accumulation for the benefit of American hegemony and its allies. As I
this manifestly neo-imperial economic

order was not only meant to be applicable throughout the global
South; the Reagan-Thatcher counter revolution was also an internal
revolution that adapted some of the experiences and practices
developed in the global periphery to reinforce American hegemony
at home and abroad.
will show in the last section of this chapter,
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Economy World
( ) The system of capital logic on the global scale creates a
hierarchy of thought and culture that led, very directly, to the
colonization of the Americas and the perpetuation, today, of
postcolonialism AND Their evidence is not going to call into
question this form of logic It is stuck in the reductionist
perspective of the abstract, not actuality
Accessed 6/25/13.
Without denying the importance of the endless accumulation of capital at a world scale and the existence of a
particular class structure in global capitalism, I raise the following epistemic question: How would the world-system
look like if we moved the locus of enunciation from the European man to an Indigenous women in the Americas,
to, say, Rigoberta Mench in Guatemala or Domitila Barrios de Chungara in Bolivia? I do not pretend to speak for
or represent the perspective of these indigenous women. What I attempt to do is to shift the location from which
The first implication of shifting our geopolitics of

knowledge is that what arrived in the Americas in the late fifteenth
century was not only an economic system of capital and labor for
the production of commodities to be sold for a profit in the world
market. This was a crucial part of, but was not the sole element in, the entangled
package. What arrived in the Americas was a broader and wider
these paradigms are thinking.
entangled power structure that an economic reductionist

perspective of the world-system is unable to account for . From the
structural location of an indigenous woman in the Americas, what arrived was a more
complex world-system than what political-economy paradigms and
world-system analysis portrait. A
European/capitalist/military/Christian/patriarchal/white/heterosexual
/male arrived in the Americas and established simultaneously in time and space
several entangled global hierarchies that for purposes of clarity in this exposition I will
list below as if they were separate from each other:
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Epistemology Claims
( ) The fact that they claim that some knowledge is better than
other forms of knowledge is the very basic form of valuation that
Eurocentric ideologies used to force oppression and occidental
thought, by claiming that subaltern thought is not as valuable as
their European thought. Their answers on this flow prove their
occidental approach and the link
Accessed 6/25/13.
This epistemic strategy has been crucial for Western global designs.
By hiding the location of the subject of enunciation, European/Euro-American
colonial expansion and domination was able to construct a
hierarchy of superior and inferior knowledge and, thus, of superior
and inferior people around the world. We went from the sixteenth
century characterization of people without writing to the
eighteenth and nineteenth-century characterization of people
without history, to the twentieth-century characterization of
people without development and more recently, to the early
twenty-first-century of people without democracy. We went from
the sixteenth-century rights of people (Seplveda versus de las Casas debate in the
University of Salamanca in the mid-sixteenth century), to the eighteenthcentury rights of
man (Enlightenment philosophers), and to the late twentiethcentury human
rights. All of these are part of global designs articulated to the
simultaneous production and reproduction of an international
division of labor of core/periphery that overlaps with the global
racial/ethnic hierarchy of Europeans/non-Europeans.
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Equality Discourse
First, Discourse on equality is a site for identity construction that
reproduces the representation that caused your impacts while
simultaneously re-entrenching the plan in a reproductive
heteronormativity
Discourses on equality are strategic sites that promote the

iteration and repetition of gendered meanings. Equality discourses
allow for the reproduction of racialized national and gendered
identities. Genealogically speaking, for example, Finnish equality discourse has been a site for identity
[17]
construction for particular kind of "woman" that stands in a particular relationship both to the "man" (the Finnish
The history of Finnish women (written in the 1980s and early 1990s) is a
history of equality, but also of normalized heterosexuality (Honkanen,
man) and the nation.
1997). It is a history of mostly middle-class women's struggles to be able to participate in working-life, politics and
education and the life of the nation. One example of this discourse [4] is the well-known The Lady With the Bow: the
Story of Finnish Woman (Manninen & Setl, 1990). The book draws the history of this "equal lady", the lady with
the bow, as far back as to the stone-age, arguing that a particular rock-painting representing a figure with what can
be read as breasts and a bow proves that "Finnish women always have worked together with "their" (heterosexual)
These representations should be genealogically analyzed and

deconstructed. Otherwise they will continue to be used uncritically as part of a
"politics out of history" to use Wendy Brown's formulation (Brown, 2001). These
hegemonic representations, this staging of the world, these portrayals, enable the
unreflexive identity politics of the equal Finnish woman and uphold the problem
of political intersectionality as long as they are not deconstructed. Furthermore, this
politics is backed up through history as yet another grand narrativ e
men (Manninen & Setl, 1990: 9).
called "the history of Finnish woman" (see also Honkanen, 2007). [18] It seems to be the politics of this very same
Woman that is advanced in recent discussions on the Finnish women's studies mailing list. This discussion was
started by Pasi Malmi, a researcher on men and masculinities, who came up with the argument that certain feminist
discourses oppress men (the list-archives are accessible and searchable in Finnish on the internet[5]). The
discussion concerns how specific (wrong) portrayals of women affect the way in which men are seen. What I see as
particularly telling in this heterocentric debate is that as long as it fails to name itself for what it is, it proceeds
endlessly with its production of gendered meanings. It also proceeds as if it were engaged in a merely descriptive
enterprisewith researchers attempting to describe how cultural meanings variously oppress either men or
women. [19] The hegemony of the two-sex model in Finnish equality discourse also leads to a strident men's
Their politics is framed within an

equality discourse and a two-sex system. Adding hetero-oriented
men's studies to the academic scene also strengthens the
naturalization of heteronormativity. It upholds the heterocentrist
white academic hegemony by becoming the relational and
complementary counter force to the uncritical "women's equality
discourse." Within this kind of equality discourse women and men
are unproblematically seen as relational and complementary
categories.
movement in Finland that claims men's equal rights.
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First, The discourse of equality is still profoundly rooted in JudeoChristian ethics and the affirmation of specific forms of equality are
an attempt to reproduce the current code of ethics that is at the
heart of your problem Only the alternative solves
So the problems concerning feminisms' others are complex ones. This article aims to discuss othering in relation to the politics of
representation. I discuss various examples of feminist practices by focusing on how these practices other a substantial number of
feminist issues in the dominant Finnish equality discourses. On the basis of this, I argue for the benefits of a deconstructive feminist
politicsboth on a practical policy level and an academic theoretical level. I consider this important in order to take responsibility for
the power to impose on people

representations of themselves, or of others on their behalf, is
intrinsically oppressive" (Braidotti, 2006: 13). Theoretically my work is predominantly situated as part of
European and Nordic theoretical discussions concerning equality discourse and intersectional theories. [4] Feminists
have shown the problems involved in an identity politics (for a discussion see
Phoenix & Pattynama, 2006) and pointed at the unavoidable complicity we have in
the very power we oppose. A deconstructive politics that takes this
critique seriously needs to proceed through careful deconstruction
of the very discourses that it is constituted by. This enables us to
see and problematize the extent to which our practices are
constituted by the political climate and global situation we
inescapably find ourselves in. We have to begin to deconstruct the
neoliberal individualist and Judeo-Christian values that our ideals
and values concerning human rights and equality usually are based
on, especially in an intellectual atmosphere where these values are considered unproblematically "secular." This not because one
the problems related to representational politics, since "
would want to give up all values and finally become somehow "secular," but because feminists, as knowledge producing and
political agents, have always wanted to problematize our complicity in power. A deconstruction of the equality discourse hinders a
reformist approach that would firmly place one inside the parameters of the particular political discourse one operates with.
Deconstructing the equality discourse reveals its ethical rootedness in a Judeo-Christian value system and a liberal individual
political discourse (Badiou, 2004). Equality discourses are essential systems of power that neoliberal market economies operate
This kind of contextualization and genealogical

investigation helps when there is a wish to avoid indulging in
another branch of moral and religious "preaching" directed against
various others. Examples of this kind of "missionary work" can be found in the rhetoric of western and especially US
through (Thornton, 2006: 155). [5]
based civilizing projects, directed against Islam or the moralizing preaching in the name of equality and human rights directed at
this moralism is promoted in the name of democracy,

human rights and God (see, for instance, George W. Bush's proclamation on Human Rights Day 2004[1]). We
have to ask in what ways the values that feminist critical thinkers
and policymakers promote differ from the othering practices of
conservative political agendas. We have to ask this because we cannot be blinded
to the fact that our values might take as their departure point the
very same discursive setting. [6] Although this article mainly discusses equality discourses, I still wanted
Iran. Very often
to show that a deconstruction of the equality discourse and the two-sex model that it operates with is an undertaking that has its
contexts also on this level of generality. It is important to realize that the problem of exclusion is not just internal to feminist
It is not just that equality discourses can be shown to

operate through othering and exclusion, it is also possible to
contextualize the unquestioned nature of the value-system that
equality discourses and human rights rhetoric "spring from".
Equality discourses, as such, might have exclusionary effects on a more
general level. These values are also used to advance oppression and
discourses such as equality.
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warfare which makes clear that these discourses are not in any
sense "innocent" or intrinsically good. [7] Descriptive equality research that
only portrays the situation internal to discourse ends up being
conservative. Describing the status quo within a reformist and consensus ridden "progressive thinking", a thinking,
moreover, that does not contextualize itself may end up universalizing a western liberal value-system in problematic ways. [8] A
great deal of identity-based equality politics still has to solve the problem of representation. Deconstructive anti-representationalism
should be seen as a profoundly ethical move, one where the practice of deconstruction is an attitude or an ideology, if you wish, that
springs from ethics. Braidotti calls this an ethical pragmatism (Braidotti, 2006: 14), and it is connected to politics as it is the site at
which politics itself constituted. A productive antagonism (Butler) and the refusal to "speak for" should be seen as the
poststructuralist political and ethical solution that it is. Deconstruction is much more than a method of investigation. The ethics of
deconstruction lies in the practice of deconstructing representationalism. This is the main message that this article aims to
communicate. [9] Within a constructivist epistemology I ask what equality discourses leave unsaid, what is marginalized in them
and what power mechanisms are embedded in them. I do this by deconstructing some of the language that equality discourses
circulate. I deconstruct the theme of sexual difference. The subaltern is to me a tool that I have used to discuss ways in which
equality discourse speaks its own politics through various Others I use it as a concept to open up political intersectionality.
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Feminism
First, The attempt to save women in the world constitutes a mindset
of the masculine, west saviors to the subaltern women This
reconstitutes the reproductive heteronormative drive within the US,
but also reinforces the need for the other to reproduce and continue
their culture in a heteronormative fashion
Spivak 99 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?, Jcook.)
To mark the moment when not only a civil but a good society is
born out of domestic confusion, singular events that break the
letter of the law to instill its spirit are often invoked. The protection
of women by men often provides such an event. If we remember that the British
boasted of their absolute equity toward and noninterference with native customj law, an invocation of this
sanctioned transgression of the letter for the sake of the spirit may be read in J. M. Derrett's remark: "The very first
legislation upon Hindu Law was carried through without the assent of a single Hindu." The legislation is not named
here. The next sentence, where the measure is named, is equally interesting if one considers the implications of
the survival of a colonially established "good" society after decolonization: "The recurrence of sati in independent
India is probably an obscurantist revival which cannot long survive even in a very backward part of the
the protection of
woman (today the "third-world woman") becomes a signifier for the
establishment of a good society which must, at such in augurative moments,
transgress mere legality, or equity of legal policy. In this particular case, the
process also allowed the redefinition as a crime of what had been
tolerated, known, or adulated as ritual. In other words, this one item in Hindu law
country."68 Whether this observation is correct or not, what interests me is that
jumped the frontier between the private and the public domain. Although Foucault's historical narrative, focusing
solely on Western Europe, sees merely a tolerance for the criminal antedating the development of criminology in
the late eighteenth century (PK, 41), his theoretical description of the "episteme" is pertinent here: "The
episteme is the 'apparatus' which makes possible the separation

not of the true from the false, but of what may not be characterized
as scientific" (PK, 197)-ritual as opposed to crime, the one fixed by
superstition, the other by legal science. The leap of suttee from private to public has a
clear and complex relationship with the changeover from a mercantile and commercial to a territorial and
administrative British presence; it can be followed in correspondence among the police stations, the lower and
higher courts, the courts of directors, the prince regent's court, and the like. (It is interesting to note that, from
the point of view of the native "colonial subject," also emergent from the feudalism-capitalism transition, sati is a
"Groups rendered psychologically marginal

by their exposure to Western impact ... had come under pressure to
demonstrate, to others as well as to themselves, their ritual purity
and allegiance to traditional high culture. To many of them sati
became an important proof of their conformity to older norms at a
time when these norms had become shaky within. "69)
signifier with the reverse social charge:
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Foucault/Power
First, Foucault confines the decentering of the subject to the subject
knowable. Foucault makes it impossible to confer with the subaltern
power system and guts solvency, which reinstituting an essentialist
subject of the Other
The failure of Deleuze and Guattari to consider the relations between desire, power, and subjectivity renders them
incapable of articulating a theory of interests. In this context, their indifference to ideology (a theory of which is
necessary for an understanding of interests) is striking but consistent. Foucault's commitment to "genealogical"
speculation prevents him from locating, in "great names" like Marx and Freud, watersheds in some continuous
stream of intellectual history.8 This commitment has created an unfortunate resistance in Foucault's work to
Western speculations on the ideological

reproduction of social relations belong to that mainstream, and it is
within this tradition that AIthusser writes: "The reproduction of labour
power requires not only a reproduction of its skills, but also at the
same time, a reproduction of its submission to the ruling ideology
for the workers, and a reproduction of the ability to manipulate the
ruling ideology correctly for the agents of exploitation and
repression, so that they, too, will provide for the domination of the
ruling class 'in and by words' [par la paroleJ."9 When Foucault considers
the pervasive heterogeneity of power,he does not ignore the
immense institutional heterogeneity that Althusser here attempts
to schematize. Similarly, in speaking of alliances and systems of signs, the state and war-machines (mille
plateaux), Deleuze and Guattari are opening up that very field. Foucault cannot, however, admit
that a developed theory of ideology recognizes its own material
production in institutionality, as well as in the "effective
instruments for the formation and accumulation of knowledge" (PK,
102). Because these philosophers seem obliged to reject all arguments naming
the concept of ideology as only schematic rather than textual, they
are equally obliged to produce a mechanically schematic opposition
between interest and desire. Thus they align themselves with
bourgeois sociologists who fill the place of ideology with a
continuistic "unconscious" or a parasubjective "culture." The mechanical
"mere" ideological critique.
relation between desire and interest is clear in such sentences as: "We never desire against our interests, because
interest always follows and finds itself where desire has placed it" (FD, 215). An undifferentiated desire is the
agent,and power slips in to create the effects of desire: "power ... produces positive effects at the level of desireand also at the level of knowledge" (PK, 59). This parasubjective matrix, cross-hatched with heterogeneity, ushers
in the unnamed Subject, at least for those intellectual workers influenced by the new hegemony of desire. The race
desire is tacitly defined on

an orthodox model, it is unitarily opposed to "being deceived."
Ideology as "false consciousness" (being deceived) has been called into
question by Althusser. Even Reich implied notions of collective will rather than a dichotomy of deception
for "the last instance" is now between economics and power. Because
and undeceived desire: "We must accept the scream of Reich: no, the masses were not deceived; at a particular
moment, they actually desired a fascist regime" (FD, 215). These philosophers will not entertain the thought of
constitutive contradiction-that is where they admittedly part company from the Left. In the name of desire, they
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reintroduce the undivided subject into the discourse of power.
Foucault often seems to

conflate "individual" and "subject";10 and the impact on his own
metaphors is perhaps intensified in his followers. Because of the power
of the word "power," Foucault admits to using the "metaphor of the
point which progressively irradiates its surroundings." Such slips
become the rule rather than the exception in less careful hands.
And that radiating point, animating an effectively heliocentric
discourse, fills the empty place of the agent with the historical sun
of theory,the Subject of Europe. I I Foucault articulates another corollary of the disavowal of
the role of ideology in reproducing the social relations of production: an unquestioned valorization of the
oppressed as subject, the "object being," as Deleuze admiringly remarks, "to establish conditions where the

the intellectual
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General (Latin America)

( ) The pursuit of the West to help Latin American nations is merely
an attempt to hide the responsibility the West has for creating the
conditions seen in the region. This rhetoric of underdevelopment
and economic intervention into these problem regions perpetuate
the growing domination of coloniality
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms
of Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
Accessed 6/25/13.
Although the dependentistas struggled against these universalist/ Occidentalist
forms of
knowledge, they perceived this knowledge as a superstruture or an
epiphenomenon of some economic infrastructure. Dependentistas never perceived
this knowledge as constitutive of Latin Americas political-economy.
Constructing peripheral zones such as Africa and Latin America as
regions with a problem or with a backward stage of
development concealed European and Euro-American
responsibility in the exploitation of these continents. The
construction of pathological regions in the periphery as opposed
to the so-called normal development patterns of the West
justified an even more intense political and economic intervention
from imperial powers. By treating the Other as
underdeveloped and backward, metropolitan exploitation and
domination were justified in the name of the civilizing mission.
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Globalization
First, The form of globalization that the aff creates entrenches
patriarchy by forcing the woman adopt the hegemonic culture with
her identity This is the basis of reproductive heteronormativity
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012, PG 42-43
Keeping within the allegory of the production of the colonial subject, with something like a relationship with the
implied reader of British literature, we see the orphaned brother as the full-fledged future colonial subject, mourning
his sister-his personal past-but encircled by the sahib's left arm, the right implicitly pointing to a historical future. It
is Shoshi, however, who supplements the picture, choosing to remain in the static culture, while sending the young
unformed male into the dynamic colonial future. A gendered model, this, of the colonial reader, not quite identical
with the "real" reader and therefore, in a patriarchal system of reckoning, more like a "woman." How, then, can we
construct a model of the woman or man of the urban middle class, themselves woven and patched as well by the
same strands, of the same stuff, reading in the exciting identity-in-difference frame of mind, the subject laid out in
the pages of the story? A richly constructed, richly praised female subject who chooses to remain within the
indigenous patriarchal structure; with confidence in the Magistrate as foster-father, another mark of her heroism.
This is the complex of attitudes that is the condition and effect of any appropriate reading of the story. The structure
survives; Madhu Kishwar will not call herself a "femi" nist" because the word is too much marked by the West, but
will work for (other) women's rights.9 The Magistrate is constructed as a subject who might be privy to the thrill of
this ambivalence. The possibility is lodged in this exchange: "The saheb asked, 'Where will you go.' Shoshi said, 'I
will return to my husband's house, I have nothing to worry about.' The saheb smiled a little and, seeing no way
out .. .'' By contrast, the neighbor Tara, who opposes husbands if they are scoundrels at the beginning of the story,
and roars out her rage at the end, is displeased when Shoshi leaves her husband's house to look after her sick
brother: "If you have to fight your husband why not sit at home THE BURDEN OF ENGLISH 43 do it; what's the point
m leaving home? A husband, after all" 288). The Magistrate (Brit Lit) (perhaps) understands best of all that Shoshi
must sacrifice herself to her own culture, but takes charge of Nilmoni (the indefinite future). A crude but
recognizable model of what the "best" manage-saying "yes" and "no" to the Shoshi-function, as it were-in our Brit
Lit classes.
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Good/Bad State
First, The depiction of good states and bad states friends and
enemies props up state nationalism that is at the heart of
reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 04, GayatriChakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008.
In the midst of what seemed to be a disastrous engagement with Iraq, I went back to reading Martin Luther King
Jr.s Beyond Vietnam, the 1967 speech he delivered at Riverside Church in New York, a minutes walk from
where I live now. Again and again in the text of the speech, I found Dr. King exhorting us to speak for those who
have been designated as our enemies, because the human spirit [does not] move without great difficulty
against all the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in the surrounding world. How do they
judge us? King asked. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered, he
said. It was first in Hawaii that I was able to connect my efforts to imagine the suicide bomber with these
exhortations. I spoke there of the fact that this resonance with Dr. Kings effort had received hostile responses from
various persons and journals and this in itself was cause for alarm. I referred to the speech given in Ebenezer
Dont let
anybody make you think that God chose America as His divine
messianic force to bea sort of policeman of the whole world. God
has a way of standing before the nations with judgment, and it
seems that I can hear God saying to America: You are too arrogant!
If you dont change your ways, I will rise up and break the backbone
of your power. I wonderedeven as I repeated the apologia offered to Dr. Michael Bernetif these
Baptist Church in Atlanta on April 30, 1967, which contained these powerful words:
words applied to the curtailment of civil liberties, including intellectual freedom, the exacerbation of military
permissiveness, the deformation of the polity through racial profiling, and the re- designing of the entire culture
for the prevention of autoimmunity, of which I spoke in section 1.I
pointed out that we are

now so used to the idea that it is the United States responsibility
as the new Empire to police the world that we quibble over
containment or war, war over oil as opposed to a just war,
assassination as opposed to regime change. I shared with that audience my
comments, made to the then provost of Columbia University, after listening to a crazy debate on Iraq between
Alan Dershkowitz and George P. Fletcher: I felt that I could not actually ask only a questionto an extent the
response could not come from what the debaters had presented. It was pretty unsettling to hear It is sometimes
better to do the right thing rather than the legal thing. This is of course the grounds for civil disobedience, but
We cannot speak of states operating in this way.

When it comes to state practice, it turns to vigilantism, precisely
because there is no authority to disobey. I was also a bit unnerved that there were
precisely because it is civil.
hands up in the room for condoning the right to kill. Even one hand up for this is unnerving since we were not
speaking of capital punishment, which I do oppose, but which at least can be discussed within an idea of law. It is
not correct to think that, because inalienable rights have been again and again violated, they do not exist.
the difference between having torture warrants and having an

individual policeman decide that torture was okay is that the latter
can be punished if discovered! The problem with deciding in favor of legalized targeted
Surely,
assassination is surely that if a covert targeted assassination is discovered, then, at least, in perhaps a utopian
vision of the rule of law, such a thing can be retroactively punished? It was troublesome to see how a debate
presumably on our right to invade Iraq turned into such a rhetorical tirade against Palestine. (Here I would want to
The repetitive condemnation of Palestinians showed no

ability to imagine them in a material context where Israel figured as
anything other than a good figure. This is where George Fletchers idea in Romantics
use stronger words.)
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at war, that romanticism was simply a variety of irrationalism, may be

questionable.32 We must call the glass half full rather than half empty. Romanticism was a strike for a robust
imaginationfor me, it is summarized in Shelleys remark, precisely in the context of the beginnings of capitalism,
It is the ability to
imagine the other side as another human being, rather than simply
an enemy to be psyched out, that is the greatest gift of
romanticism. What I was saying the other day about the humanities comes in here,
because this is the terrain where a solid grounding in the
humanities allows one to think the spirit rather than the letter of
the law, and not think of the imagination as mere unreason. Although I do
that we want the creative faculty to imagine that which we know.33
think that Mike Davis, in his new book Dead Cities, is somewhat over the top, he certainly does have a good deal
of documented material that would not allow us to think that we are above the law because we will never be
irresponsible with weapons of mass destruction.34 Not to mention Agent Orange! I grant that I am somewhat
outside the grounds of the debate because historical experience makes me very uncomfortable with the precomprehended assumption on both sides that America should think of itself as having an imperial mandate. I
there are no good or bad states, but

equal states, can be read as a questioning of this precomprehension. It troubled me then that there were student hands up in that Law School auditorium
condoning murder, albeit to be carried out by the state. This too is a coercive rearrangement of desire. And
such a possibility makes it necessary to call upon the robust
imagination, once again, to undo the binary opposition between
bad cop and good copand remember that they are both cops. The
impulse to help by enforcing human rights, by giving things, giving
money, commodifying literacy, ignoring genderconsciousness, has a
relationship with the impulse to kill. I quote Kant: Although . . . there can still
be legally good actions, [if] . . . theminds attitude is . . . corrupted
at its root . . . the human being is designated as evil .35 Today, with the
endorsement of the assassination of Sheikh Yassin, the backbone of the rule of law is
broken.
admit that George Fletchers repeated assertion that
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Hegemony
***ALSO VIOLENCE IMPMACT***
( ) The new form of imperialism and control is economic hegemony,
but the same violent, war-mongering effects take place, destroying
entire nations, and subjugating all who are in the countries the US
tries to economically engage
it is important to complete this rough representation of

todays global capitalist modernity by looking at the US-led invasion of Iraq in early 2003.
Among other things, this episode has made at last two things particularly clear: first, the willingness
to use unprecedented levels of violence to enforce dominance on a
global scale; second, the unipolarity of the current empire. In ascension
since the Thatcher-Reagan years, this unipolarity reached its climax with the
post-9/11 regime, based on a new convergence of military,
economic, political and religious interests in the United States. In Alain Joxes
(2002) compelling vision of imperial globality, what we have been witnessing since the first Gulf War is the
rise of an empire that increasingly operates through the
management of asymmetrical and spatialized violence, territorial
control, sub-contracted massacres, and cruel little wars, all of
which are aimed at imposing the neo-liberal capitalist project. At
stake is a type of regulation that operates through the creation of a
new horizon of global violence. This empire regulates disorder
through financial and military means, pushing chaos to the extent
possible to the outskirts of empire, creating a predatory peace to
the benefit of a global noble caste and leaving untold poverty and
suffering in its path. It is an empire that does not take responsibility
for the wellbeing of those over whom it rules. As Joxe puts it: The world
today is united by a new form of chaos, an imperial chaos,
dominated by the imperium of the United States, though not controlled by it. We lack the
words to describe this new system, while being surrounded by its images. World leadership
through chaos, a doctrine that a rational European school would have difficulty imagining,
necessarily leads to weakening states even in the United States
through the emerging sovereignty of corporations and markets.
Before moving on,
(2002: 78, 213).
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Helping Colonials
***A lot of the framework cards extend this argument***
( ) From the perspective of working for colonials, not from a
colonial perspectives, epistemological turns solvency
Accessed 6/25/13.
In October 1998, there was a conference/dialogue at Duke University between the South Asian Subaltern Studies
Group and the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group. The dialogue initiated at this conference eventually
resulted in the publication of several issues of the journal NEPANTLA. However, this conference was the last time
the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group met before their split. Among the many reasons and debates that
produced this split, there are two that I would like to stress. The members of the Latin American Subaltern Studies
Despite their attempt at

producing a radical and alternative knowledge, they reproduced the
epistemic schema of Area Studies in the United States. With a few exceptions,
they produced studies about the subaltern rather than studies
Group were primarily Latinamericanist scholars in the USA.
with and from a subaltern perspective . Like the imperial epistemology of Area Studies,
theory was still located in the North while the subjects to be
studied are located in the South. This colonial epistemology was crucial to my dissatisfaction
with the project. As a Latino in the United States, I was dissatisfied with the epistemic consequences of the
knowledge produced by this Latinamericanist group.
They underestimated in their work
ethnic/racial perspectives coming from the region, while giving

privilege predominantly to Western thinkers. This is related to my second point:
they gave epistemic privilege to what they called the four horses of the
apocalypse (Mallon 1994; Rodrguez 2001), that is, Foucault, Derrida, Gramsci and Guha. Among the four
main thinkers they privilege, three are Eurocentric thinkers while two of them (Derrida and
Foucault) form part of the poststructuralist/postmodern Western canon. Only one, Rinajit Guha, is a thinker
thinking from the South. By privileging Western thinkers as their
central theoretical apparatus, they betrayed their goal to produce
subaltern studies.
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Homogenizing Culture
( ) The ideas of national cultures are adopted and twisted by
imperial powers to assert their dominance over those cultures seen
as different
Culture, in other words,
created national unity: national languages,

national literature, national flag and anthem , etc. were all singular
manifestations of a national culture. It served to name and
institute the homogeneity of the nation-state. However, insofar as the term
emerged in the nineteenth century when England and France were embarking on the second
wave of colonial expansion, culture also served the colonial
purpose of naming and describing those alien and inferior
cultures that would be under European civilization. While
European civilization was divided into national cultures, most of the
rest of the population of the world would be conceived as having
culture but not civilization. Latin Americans had a culture,
created in part in complicity with the French ideologues of
Latinidad, but not a civilization, since the ancient Aztec, Inca,
and Maya civilizations were already consigned to a forgotten past.
Consequently, Latin Americans were considered second-class
Europeans who lacked the science and sophisticated history of
Europe . During the Cold War that image was still in place and it was extended to the entire Third World.
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Humanitarian Aid
First, The usage of humanitary aid allows the US to claim it is the
savior of the world This props up state nationalism that is at the
heart of reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 04, GayatriChakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
In the midst of what seemed to be a disastrous engagement with Iraq, I went back to reading Martin Luther King
Jr.s Beyond Vietnam, the 1967 speech he delivered at Riverside Church in New York, a minutes walk from
where I live now. Again and again in the text of the speech, I found Dr. King exhorting us to speak for those who
have been designated as our enemies, because the human spirit [does not] move without great difficulty
against all the apathy of conformist thought within ones own bosom and in the surrounding world. How do they
judge us? King asked. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered, he
said. It was first in Hawaii that I was able to connect my efforts to imagine the suicide bomber with these
exhortations. I spoke there of the fact that this resonance with Dr. Kings effort had received hostile responses from
various persons and journals and this in itself was cause for alarm. I referred to the speech given in Ebenezer
Dont let
anybody make you think that God chose America as His divine
messianic force to bea sort of policeman of the whole world. God
has a way of standing before the nations with judgment, and it
seems that I can hear God saying to America: You are too arrogant!
If you dont change your ways, I will rise up and break the backbone
of your power. I wonderedeven as I repeated the apologia offered to Dr. Michael Bernetif these
Baptist Church in Atlanta on April 30, 1967, which contained these powerful words:
words applied to the curtailment of civil liberties, including intellectual freedom, the exacerbation of military
permissiveness, the deformation of the polity through racial profiling, and the re- designing of the entire culture
for the prevention of autoimmunity, of which I spoke in section 1.I
pointed out that we are

now so used to the idea that it is the United States responsibility
as the new Empire to police the world that we quibble over
containment or war, war over oil as opposed to a just war,
assassination as opposed to regime change. I shared with that audience my
comments, made to the then provost of Columbia University, after listening to a crazy debate on Iraq between
Alan Dershkowitz and George P. Fletcher: I felt that I could not actually ask only a questionto an extent the
response could not come from what the debaters had presented. It was pretty unsettling to hear It is sometimes
better to do the right thing rather than the legal thing. This is of course the grounds for civil disobedience, but
We cannot speak of states operating in this way.

When it comes to state practice, it turns to vigilantism, precisely
because there is no authority to disobey. I was also a bit unnerved that there were
precisely because it is civil.
hands up in the room for condoning the right to kill. Even one hand up for this is unnerving since we were not
speaking of capital punishment, which I do oppose, but which at least can be discussed within an idea of law. It is
not correct to think that, because inalienable rights have been again and again violated, they do not exist.
the difference between having torture warrants and having an

individual policeman decide that torture was okay is that the latter
can be punished if discovered! The problem with deciding in favor of legalized targeted
Surely,
assassination is surely that if a covert targeted assassination is discovered, then, at least, in perhaps a utopian
vision of the rule of law, such a thing can be retroactively punished? It was troublesome to see how a debate
presumably on our right to invade Iraq turned into such a rhetorical tirade against Palestine. (Here I would want to
use stronger words.) The repetitive condemnation of Palestinians showed no ability to imagine them in a material
context where Israel figured as anything other than a good figure. This is where George Fletchers idea in
Romantics at war, that romanticism was simply a variety of irrationalism, may be questionable.32 We must call the
glass half full rather than half empty. Romanticism was a strike for a robust imaginationfor me, it is summarized
in Shelleys remark, precisely in the context of the beginnings of capitalism, that we want the creative faculty to
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It is the ability to imagine the other side as

another human being, rather than simply an enemy to be psyched
out, that is the greatest gift of romanticism. What I was saying the other day about
the humanities comes in here, because this is the terrain where a
solid grounding in the humanities allows one to think the spirit
rather than the letter of the law, and not think of the imagination
as mere unreason. Although I do think that Mike Davis, in his new book Dead Cities, is somewhat over
imagine that which we know.33
the top, he certainly does have a good deal of documented material that would not allow us to think that we are
above the law because we will never be irresponsible with weapons of mass destruction.34 Not to mention Agent
Orange! I grant that I am somewhat outside the grounds of the debate because historical experience makes me
very uncomfortable with the pre-comprehended assumption on both sides that America should think of itself as
having an imperial mandate. I admit that George Fletchers repeated assertion that there are no good or bad
states, but equal states, can be read as a questioning of this pre-comprehension. It troubled me then that there
were student hands up in that Law School auditorium condoning murder, albeit to be carried out by the state. This
And such a possibility makes it necessary

to call upon the robust imagination, once again, to undo the binary
opposition between bad cop and good copand remember that
they are both cops. The impulse to help by enforcing human rights,
by giving things, giving money, commodifying literacy, ignoring
genderconsciousness, has a relationship with the impulse to kill. I
quote Kant: Although . . . there can still be legally good actions, [if] . . .
theminds attitude is . . . corrupted at its root . . . the human being
is designated as evil.35 Today, with the endorsement of the assassination of Sheikh Yassin, the
backbone of the rule of law is broken.
too is a coercive rearrangement of desire.
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Human Rights Generic

***Use the Military/Human Rights Link for L***
First, Human Rights are co-opted by imperialists to enforce civilizing
missions, reproducing the nation in a heteronormative fashion
Spivak 2003 Guyatri, Interview with Milevska, Resistance that cannot be
Recognized as Such, Journal For Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol 2, No 2, Winter
2003
This is a very important question: the use of human rights as an alibi for self-styled moral entrepreneurs, the so
called minoritariansubalternists. And this is completely like crazy talk, absurd to give them an alibi for, you know
even in the old imperialism, not the very old, but this imperialism of the late nineteenth century and twentieth, you
have this idea of a civilizing mission, now you have this moral enterprise, and it seems to me that human rights
across the board is an alibi for this kind of intervention without any social contract, any democratic procedure, I
know that the democratic procedure is too idealistic to think that there is anything in it but at least there is the
vague possibility of a constitution to address whereas there is nothing in this civil social forum crowd that are out of
the moral outrage and out of the forms of injustice from the UN countries in the name of human rights. They go out
to intervene without any kind of real preparation, without earning the right because this doing .good. is quite
important and is in fact on the same spectrum as George W. Bush going out to kill people to give them human
rights. And because of this social forum of folks talking about sustainability there are connections to big transnational agencies, the IMF, the World Bank, sometimes they don.t even know what it is and sometimes knowingly
they think that this is good, that development is freedom, that I think is a very scary thing, so I do believe that
although it is not bad to use human rights when it is appropriate, it is much more important, that is why I began by
talking about re-inventing the abstract state as the .site of constitutionality in the global South.. It is much more
important to think about this apartheid of people who have human rights in their hands and people who are always
visiting Europe. I would refer the reader to read a piece of mine called .Rigthing Wrongs.. It is published by Oxford
University Press in a book called: Human Rights, Human Wrongs. And I have asked ObradSavic to translate it and I
hope that the readers would be able to read it. There I was trying to find alternatives for human rights as a general
excuse for one group without a social contract intervening in all different kinds of ways in the rest of the world and
then reducing the world into domestic politics like refugees and immigrants.
Second, Their concept of human rights is nonsense under

heteronormativity
2003
A way of recognition that this human rights business is

nonsense. Country after country was forced to sign this agreement they are giving the carrot in which they are completely
uninterested, but at the same time holding the stick. Here I am
trying to merge my voice with yours. National liberation is O.K.
when it is only a means, but once it becomes an end, there is no
possibility of decolonization at all. In this case it is obvious that US is treating Macedonia
G. S.: Yes that.s it.
with contempt.
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Independence/Democracy
( ) Independence is not so independent Economic systems of
domination still exist when states of Latin America are pushed into
a lesser economic position as Western powers These new
independent trade partners are merely being shaped into a new
subordinate position, perpetuating the oppression of coloniality
Rejecting this myth is key to truly progressing and solving the
oppression
Accessed 6/25/13.
The mythology of the decolonization of the world obscures the

continuities between the colonial past and current global
colonial/racial hierarchies and contributes to the invisibility of
coloniality today. For the last fifty years, peripheral states that are today
formally independent, following the dominant Eurocentric liberal
discourses (Wallerstein, 1991a; 1995), constructed ideologies of national
identity, national development, and national sovereignty that
produced an illusion of independence, development, and
progress. Yet their economic and political systems were shaped
by their subordinate position in a capitalist worldsystem organized
around a hierarchical international division of labor
(Wallerstein, 1979; 1984;
1995). The multiple and heterogeneous processes of the world-system, together with the predominance of Eurocentric cultures
a global
coloniality between European/Euro-American peoples and nonEuropean peoples. Thus, coloniality is entangled with, but is not reducible to, the international division of labor.
(Said, 1979; Wallerstein, 1991b; 1995; Lander 1998; Quijano 1998; Mignolo 2000), constitute
The global racial/ethnic hierarchy of Europeans and non-Europeans, is an integral part of the development of the capitalist world
). In these
postindependence times the colonial axis between
Europeans/Euro-Americans and non-Europeans is inscribed not only
in relations of exploitation (between capital and labor) and relations of
domination (between metropolitan and peripheral states), but in the production of
subjectivities and knowledge. In sum, part of the Eurocentric myth is
that we live in a so-called post-colonial era and that the world
and, in particular, metropolitan centers, are in no need of decolonization. In
systems international division of labor (Wallerstein, 1983; Quijano, 1993; Mignolo, 1995
this conventional definition, coloniality is reduced to the presence of colonial administrations. However, as the work of Peruvian
we still live in
a colonial world and we need to break from the narrow ways of
thinking about colonial relations, in order to accomplish the
unfinished and incomplete twentieth-century dream of
decolonization. This forces us to examine new decolonial utopian alternatives beyond Eurocentric and Thirdworldist
sociologist Anbal Quijano (1993, 1998, 2000) has shown with his coloniality of power perspective,
fundamentalisms.
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Identity Politics
First, Policies that use identity politics to at aiding marginalized
groups are used to change the subalteran's life in a way that suits
the needs of the globalized world, reproducing the problem and
reproductive heteronormativity - empirically proven
The construction of the postcolonial subject was to code the failure of decolonization as multiculturalism, in
metropolitan space, to race, itself rewritten as a fantasmatic national identity as its subject. So if the first was class
Identitarian politics succeeds insofar

as class and gender remain subsumed to this notion of a national
and postnational identity. The construction, on the other hand, of
the globalized subject is through the manufacturing of a gender
alliance. The female subject/agent of globalization often collectively
legitimatizes itself in the name of a generalized ethical agenda. This
is where she crosses the capital/culture aporia on the side of
capital. Yet to work for global justice as a principle is as right a
decision as to work for strategy-driven globalization. But the
interests of globalization from above and from below cancel each
other. This too contributes to the problem of thinking ethics for the
other woman. In 1998, National Geographic showed pictures of women saluting the male fieldworkers of
the second is race as multiculture-cultural rights.
the Grameen Bank as they vow not to have too many children. 13 Will mainstream feminism ever think critically of
this model of cultural indoctrination, even as Grameen gets more savvy? Different officers of Women's World
Banking repeatedly invoke Chandra Behn, a member of the celebrated Self Employed Women's Association or
SEWA, as their legitimation. At the same time, they speak of opening "the huge untapped market of poor Southern
women to the international commercial sector." When SEWA was founded in the early 1960s, Ela Bhatt, the founder,
had no such ambition. "The World Bank's [Consultative Group to Assist the Poorest] ... appears to be narrowly
focused on microlending as an end in itself. And the means to that end, critics charge, may do more damage to
This was the placing of the poorest

women of the South upon the spectral grid of finance capital. "Pay
up every week or else" is once again the instrumentalization of body
and the money-form in the interest of the abstract. SEWA had made
the subaltern women co-operative owners of their own bank,
precisely to bypass the predations of commercial capital as they
started life changes: driving by strategy, not driven by crisis
management. Under the initiator Ela Bhatt's fierce left-labor Gandhianism, the free-choice cultural-identity
'empowerment leaders' like SEWA than good." 14
slot was anti-Fordist, hi-religious (Muslim/Hindu) worker's pride, which lasts to this day, although one senses a
certain unease now, among the working-class Hindu women, in pronouncing the "la ilaha ... "-there is no God but
God-the Muslim credo.
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International Law
( ) International law developed as a way to question what to do
with irrational and lesser beings This epistemological framing
embodies and perpetuates racism and coloniality that strips beings
of value
Mignolo 09 [Walter D., Duke University, Coloniality: The Darker Side of Modernity,
http://m1.antville.org/static/m1/files/walter_mignolo_modernologies_eng.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 6/26/13.
It is not common to think of international law as related to the

making of modernity. I will argue in this section that international law (more exactly
legal theology) contributed in the sixteenth century to the creation a
creation demanded by the discovery of America of racial
differences as we sense them today. What to do, Spanish legal
theologians asked themselves, with the Indians (in the Spanish imaginary)
and, more concretely, with their land ? International law was founded on
racial assumptions: Indians had to be conceived, if humans, as not
quite rational, although ready for conversion.28 Modernity showed
up its face in the epistemic assumptions and arguments of legal
theology to decide and determine who was what. Simultaneously,
the face of coloniality was disguised under the inferior status of
the invented inferior. Here you have a clear case of coloniality as
the needed and constitutive darker side of modernity. Modernity/coloniality
is articulated here on the ontological and epistemic differences : Indians are, ontologically,
lesser human beings and, in consequence, not fully rational.29
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Literature
First, The link is the aff's speech act and the values that it presents
- each piece of literature has an implied reader who is forced to
embrace the cultural values of the writer perpetuating globalization
and the eradication of subalteran cultures This is the most basic
form of reproductive heteronormativity
What is the basic difference between teaching a second language as an instrument of communication and teaching
the same language so that the student can appreciate literature? It is certainly possible to argue that in the most
successful cases the difference is not easy to discern. But there is a certain difference in orientation between the
language classroom and the literature classroom. In the former, the goal is an active and reflexive use of the
mechanics of the language. In the latter, the goal is at least to shape the mind of the student so that it can
resemble the mind of the so-called implied reader of the literary text, even when that is a historically distanced
cultural fiction. The figure of an implied reader is constructed within a consolidated system of cultural
representation. The appropriate culture in this context is the one supposedly indigenous to the literature under
consideration. In our case, the culture of a vague space called Britain, even England, in its transaction with
Europeanness (meaning, of course, Western Europe), Hellenism and Hebraism, the advent of Euramericanism, the
trendiness of Commonwealth literature, and the like. "Global English" was not yet a player. Our ideal student of
British literature was expected so to internalize this play of cultural self-representation that she would be able to, to
use the terms of the most naive kind of literary pedagogy, "relate to the text," "identify" with it. However naive
these terms, they describe the subtlest kind of cultural and epistemic transformation, a kind of upward racemobility, an entry, however remote, into a geo-political rather than merely national "Indian"-ness. It is from this
base that R. K. Narayan can speak of "English in India" as if it were a jolly safari arranged by some better-bred
version of the India Tourist Board and, conversely, it is also upon this base that a critical study of colonial discourse
can be built.2 THE BURDEN OF ENGliSH 37 It is with this in mind that many decolonized intellectuals feel that the
straightforward ideal of teaching English literature in the theater o~ ~ecolonization continues the process of
producing an out-of-date, Bnttsh Council-style colonial bourgeoisie in a changed global context. I am not suggesting
for a moment that, given the type of student who chooses English as a field of study in the general Indian context of
social opportunity (whatever that might be), this kind of ideological produ~tion is successfully achieved. The
demand for a "general cultural participant" in the colonies has at any rate changed with. the .dismantling o~ actual
territorial imperialism. Today, the student of Enghsh literature who 1s there because no other more potentially
lucrative course of study is open to him is alienated from his work in a particular way. To make him/her the subject
of an "aesthetic education" is a peculiar problem. It cannot be ignored that there is a class-argument lurking here,
although it is considerably changed from my student days in the mid- to late 1950s. The reasons why a person who
obviously takes no pleasure in English texts chooses English honors are too complex to explore here. At any rate,
the class-value of the choice of English honors is gendered, and is different according to the hierarchy of
institutions-in the metropolitan, urban, suburban, and rural centers. The same taxonomy as it operates among
students of English literature as a Pass (general subject rounding out the study of the Honors subject, or part of a
non-honors general bachelor's degree) and the teacher's accommodation within it as Brit Lit become less and less
normative, are much more demographically and politically interesting. I have not the skills to study it, and so will
turn to a more literary-critical topic and return to the "implied reader." As the years have passed, it is on the
subaltern elementary level that I have confronted the immense problem of the preparation for an aesthetic
education. But I was not to know it then. The implied reader is imagined, even in the most simple reading,
according to rudimentary or sophisticated hypotheses about persons, places, and times. You cannot make sense of
anything written or spoken without at least implicitly assuming that it was destined for you, that you are its implied
reader. When this sense of the latent destiny of the texts of a literary tradition is developed along disciplinary lines,
even the students (mostly women) who come to English studies in a self-consciously purposive way-all students at
Miranda House would have to be included here-might still be open, under the best circumstances, to an alienating
cultural indoctrination that is out of step with the historical moment. This becomes all the more dubious when the
best of them become purveyors of native culture abroad.
Second, The AFFs pedagogy allows for a logic in which certain

values are excluded simply on the basis of the language used in
conversation excluding the subalteran
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Gordimer is playing a whole set of variations on the topos of languages as epistemes. To begin with, the imperious
gesture, of the pronominal address as imperative: "you," but even before that, and surreptitiously, the sudden
incursion of Mwawate's "inside" into the novel: "Go, he willed" (emphasis added). It remains paratactic-cannot be
staged as becoming syntactic in the hands of this white author woman writing about a female white protagonist,
precisely because both are painfully politically correct. The sentences can start only after that enabling shifter,
"you," (staged by the writer as) pronounced by the imperfect speaker of English. Put this on a spectrum of
contemporary artists using this topos in many different ways: Toni Morrison, J. M. Coetzee, Guillermo G6mez-Peiia,
Jamelie Hassan.32 In the hands of a radical creole writer like Gordimer, the implied black reader of a white text
cannot be in a subject-position, not even a compromised one like Shoshi's. The text belongs to the native speaker.
But the rhetorical conduct of the text undermines and complicates this a lot. The desire of the radical native
speaker is in that sentence: "She understood although she knew no word." How fragile the logic of that sentence is;
there are no guarantees. It is as if the white magistrate in "the elder sister" should enunciate the desire for
understanding Shoshi's ambivalence, which the writer as classed male colonial subject articulates by way of the
representation of his slight smile. And in Gordimer's text there is the strong suggestion that rather than understand
the "burden" of Mwawate's words, the peculiar situation of being addressed by him in his tongue produces in her an
understanding of a narrative of, precisely, the infelicity of their communication. His measure was elsewhere. "He
spoke i~ English what belonged in English." Just as Mwawate's subject-space is syntactically inaccessible in the
rhetoric of the novel, so is the dubious assertion of "understanding" unmoored from the passage that tells you what
she understood. And, in addition, the man speaking his mother tongue-the other tongue from English-is deliberately
distanced by a metonym with nature: Mwawate flickering, adjacent to the moon and the parachute silk clouds. Put
this on a spectrum with the neat divisive locatives of nature and mind in Binodini's self-staging!
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Marx/Capitalism Ks
First, Anti-capitalist movements inevitably fall into a socialization of
the female body, abstracting labor This specter haunts the worker
and removes their subjectivity from the world Their alternative
works in a system that reproduces itself again and again in the
subconscious and the continuation of their system
by way of a Marxist theorization of reproductive
engineering and population control, as the socialization of
reproductive labor-power, not "the feminization of labor." (The
I would expand this,
nonexhaustive taxonomy that such a theorization has allowed me, tentatively, to formalize in the classroom I offer
here in shorthand, in the hope that Marxist-feminists active in global economic resistance will be able to reproduce
here is the shorthand

taxonomy of the coded discursive management of the new
socialization of the reproductive body: (1)reproductive rights (metonymic substitution of
the analysis. But will they be interested in Specters of Marx? At any rate,
the abstract average subject of rights for woman's identity); (2)surrogacy (metaphoricsubstitutionof abstract
average reproductive labor power as fulfilled female subject of motherhood); (3) transplant (displacement of
eroticism and generalized presupposed subject of immediate affect); (4) population control (objectification of the
female subject of exploitation to produce alibis for hypersize through demographic rationalization); (5) post-Fordist
homeworking (classical coding of the spectrality of reason as empiricist individualism, complicated by gender
ideology). It is only after a discussion of a possible taxonomy of the recoding of this socialization that I would
describe the theatre of global resistance where these issues are now paramount.)' According, then, to the strictest
the reproductive body of woman has now been

"socialized"-computed into average abstract labor and thus released
into what I call the spectrality of reason-a specter that haunts the
merely empirical, dislocating it from itself. According to Marx, this
is the specter that must haunt the daily life of the class conscious
worker, the future socialist, so that she can dislocate him/herself
into the counterintuitive average part-subject (agent) of labor,
recognize that, in the everyday, es spukt. It is only then that the fetish
character of labor-power as commodity can be grasped and can
become the pivot that wrenches capitalism into socialism [discussed at
Marxian sense,
greater length in Spivak, Outside 107 ff.]. (It wasn't Freud alone-as Glas insists-who speculated with the fetish.)
Marx did indeed ignore something: that the differantial play

between capital-ism and social-ism was a case of a more originary agon:
between self and other; a differantiation perhaps necessary for the business of living, a
differantiation that may be described as the fort-da of the gift of time in the temporizingof l i~es .~(Fomre , the
genius of Derrida is that he leads me to think this as no one else can, even if he perhaps goofs a bit by putting
Marx down as a closet idealist about "empirical" actuality, although canny about the idealism of idealism [SM
2251.) That originary agon comes clearest in the coding-the figuration-- of birth and childrearing. (Once I finish this
piece, I must get on with a commentary on Melanie Klein's teasing out of this coding ["Melanie Klein"].)
Reproductive labor is being socialized and "freed." (The Columbia Spectator
apparently ran an ad offering high prices for the unfertilized ova of students. Chickens have supplied this
commodity without consent or remuneration for some time now. In Marxian terms, domesticated poultry is
instrurnentum demi-vocale, domesticated human females caught in feudal patterns of loyalty (elaborately coded
by psychoanalysis asdeep-structural) are insh-umenta vocale, and the students are "free lab~r . " ) 'A~s
reproductive labor is socialized and "freed," it will be unable to

ignore that agon, for the commodity in question is children. If this labor were to use the
fetish-character of itself as (reproductive) labor-power (as
commodity) pharmakonically to bring about gender-neutral
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socialism in its traffic, equitable by need and capacity, from a

common fund, would that be just? The issue is not simply to weigh in the balance the
painless donation of sperm for sperm banks as opposed to the possibly painful donation of eggs for the hatcheries,
as television discussions invariably emphasize."
Since Specters of Marx cannot bring

in women, I will not pursue this further here.
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Mexican Borders
( ) Borders are a microcosm for US-Mexico relationship One of
Eurocentric, Occidental coloniality towards the lesser Mexico
Olivia Wood, 9-13-2010, Year 3 Single Honours American and Canadian Studies, An Investigation into
Exploitation of the Mexican Female Body along the U.S.-Mexico Border,
http://www.womenontheborder.org/documents/OliviaWooddissertation.pdf, p. 53-59, CP
Falcn and others have likened

border militarization to low-intensity-conflict (LIC) military
doctrine, which involves using non-military bodies adopting military
tactics, targeted at civilian populations,262 and is typically accompanied with a lack of
government accountability.263 One effect has been to justify the use of violence
when apprehending or detaining immigrants as a necessary tactic
Effect on Womens Bodies: Rape as a weapon of War261
of war. 264 Furthermore, Falcn suggests that the execution of LIC doctrine can create a climate conducive to
rape.265 This is because, inspired by a discourse and policy that constructs
Mexican migrants as a threat to national security, the Border Patrol
espouses an us versus them philosophy 266 that infuses their
encounters
with migrants
with hostility.
Moreover,
this contributes to the
construction of a racialized enemy (the immigrant) that has particularly

become associated with womens bodies, which symbolize
a nation
(Mexico). 267 Thus, although men too frequently encounter violence with border personnel, womens
bodies in particular represent conflict between the U.S. and Mexico. Rape
powerfully symbolizes their unequal colonial relationship , as male
bodies (American) are used to conquer (physically and
symbolically) sexualized and racialized female bodies (Mexican).
Falcn concludes therefore that
rape is a weapon of war: a hegemonic tool
employed by the U.S. to wield power and control over Mexico. 268
This practice is systematic, as cases are not random or isolated, but often
planned and institutionally supported. 269A final factor contributing to
Border Patrol rape is the climate of hyper-masculinity within the
organization fostered by militarization. This is due to the overwhelming
male dominance of INS personnel and the masculinized nature of
military doctrine and practice traditionally.270 Violence takes on a gendered
dimension when male officers target the weakest, most exploitable group
(women). By raping women, men demonstrate the power of the nation
through physical domination, while simultaneously reaffirming their
masculinity, gratifying their sexual desires by abusing Mexican
womens bodies. Thus patriarchy, hyper-masculinity, nativism, and
colonialism have all helped induce an environment conducive to
rape at the Mexican border. Case Studies Below I provide two examples of Border Patrol rape to show
how the U.S.s politics of immigration affects the lives of real women traversing the border. Juanita Gmez: On 3
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September 1993, twenty-two-year-old Juanita Gmez and her female cousin, Ana, crossed through a hole
in the fence between Nogales, Sonora, and Nogales, Arizona.271 After meeting two male friends at a McDonalds on
was apprehended by Border Patrol agent, Larry Dean

Selders. The officer detained the two women in his vehicle, where he asked them if
they had papers, which they did not.272 He then threatened to take them to the
station for processing and deportation to Mexico if they would not
have sex with him.273 The women declined Selders proposition, following
which he allegedly instructed Ana to get out of the truck, and . . . drove away with Juanita,
subsequently raping her.274 Afterwards, Juanita went to the Mexican
Consulate, where Ana had already reported her kidnapping. Both women identified
Selders in a photo lineup; however, the detectives did not believe
either of the womens statements.275 They also assert that one detective
inquired if they were prostitutes and threatened them with
imprisonment.276 Juanita recalls: They treated me as if I were guilty of something, not a victim.277
the U.S. side, the group
Human Rights Watch reports that from the beginning, the handling and investigation of the case indicated
Important evidence was lost, such as Selders

clothes, as police incompetence meant he was not picked up for
questioning until after 6 P.M., more than three hours after Juanita
reported her rape.279 Also, police reportedly seized the wrong Border Patrol vehicle, and held it for a
incompetence and bias.278
week and a half before they realized their mistake, thereby ensuring that all meaningful evidence was
destroyed.280 Selders remained employed with the agency until he negotiated a no-contest plea of the lowest
class of felony available, sentenced to only one year in prison, and paroled after six months.281 The case
Selders later pleaded guilty to charges of civil

rights violations.282 His sentence was only fourteen months imprisonment
and he received credit for time served (awaiting trial).283 Maria: Maria was
stopped by Border Patrol officer, Luis Esteves in Calexico, California, on 16
December 1989.284 Esteves asked to see her papers and then invited her on
a date that evening, which she cautiously accepted. Maria reports that shortly after picking
her up that evening, Esteves lured her to his home so he could change
his clothes, soon after which he told her she had to have sex with
him.285 Fearful for her life as Esteves had positioned a gun on
each side of the bed, Maria complied.286 She later recounted that Esteves forced an
remained under review by federal prosecutors however and
object into her vagina, placed his hands into various parts of her body, orally copulated her and forced her to have
intercourse with him.287 However Maria did not show up to the preliminary hearing and consequently the charges
Esteves resumed active duty as an agent289 until he

was arrested in 1992 after allegedly raping another woman, found guilty on
three counts of felonious sexual misconduct, and sentenced to twenty-four years in prison.290 However he
appealed and was acquitted on all charged in December 1994.291 Esteves actually had a
were dropped.288
history of violence against women, with past domestic violence allegations and a reputation of problematic
behavior toward women early in his career.292 Falcn asserts that the INS is partially to blame for allowing Esteves
to commit multiple acts of violence against women by failing to conduct a thorough background check before
The case studies illustrate many elements of Border

Patrol rape. First, they highlight the systematic nature of abuses, as
both demonstrated an element of planning. Juanita, for example, claimed
Selders had seen the girls crossing through the fence initially, but
waited until later to apprehend them.294 Second, they reveal that rape is
institutionally supported: in Juanitas case as police incompetence and
indifference both hindered the investigation and undermined the
integrity of her story. The disturbingly short sentences served by both men,
hiring him.293 Conclusion
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and the fact they continued working as agents until their

convictions, also raises alarming questions regarding the conduct of justice. Furthermore,
all three reports which I have consulted denounce the INS for inadequate prevention and redress of abuses against
border-crossers. Particular issues of concern are: the substandard complaints system for reporting abuses;295 poor
training of new officers;296 lack of an independent review staff;297 an environment of intimidation, discouraging
and a code of silence within the agency,

deterring officers from testifying against one another. 299 Third, both
men exploited their power as law-enforcement officers and the
womens converse vulnerability as (potentially) undocumented migrants
(although Maria did have papers), in Juanitas case, threatening her with deportation. This
shows the discourse of U.S. imperialism in practice; the American
male in power exploiting the Mexican womans inferior legal status
through the sexual degradation of her body. Lastly, it is also interesting that a
detective in Juanitas case invoked the morality (prostitution) discourse; used
as a tool of power both within maquiladoras to objectify women, and
in the official rhetoric surrounding the murders in Ciudad Jurez to
justify the crimes. This shows that U.S. personnel have also been influenced
by the discourse, which propagates a degraded moral image of Mexican
women in the border, and justifies the violence and sexual oppression
they face. It is clear, therefore, that the INS and Border Patrol are in need of
serious reform to address the corruption and impunity that
continues to permit violence against women and abuses against
people of Latin origin in general at the border. Despite taking some steps towards
victims from coming forward;298
reform in response to pressure from human rights organizations, for example forming a Citizens Advisory
Panel,300 many of the suggested initiatives have not been implemented and the abuses continue.301 Thus it is
doubtful that the Border Patrol is living up to the standards it has proclaimed: professionalism, honor, integrity,
[and] respect for human life.302
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Military/ Military Bases

( ) The US use of military basis and military expansion is merely the
driving force of modern coloniality, attempting to assert dominance
over the colonial world, in the form of the aff
Some would say (mainly before the 9/11 attacks on the US) that the US was not an
imperial country because it has no colonies like those of Spain or England. This
opinion, however, confuses colonialism with having colonies in the sense of
maintaining the physical presence of institutions, administrators, and armies in the colonized country or region.
And it confuses also colonialism with coloniality. Coloniality is the

logic of domination in the modern/ colonial world, beyond the fact that the
imperial/colonial country was once Spain, then England and now the US. Modern
technology, alongside political and economic restructuring in the
second half of the twentieth century, has made it unnecessary to colonize in the old,
more obvious, manner. Still, the US does in fact maintain military bases in strategic
parts of the world (e.g., the Middle East and South America). Likewise, the occupation of
Iraq and consequent pressure by the US for the appointment of a
government favorable to imperialist power reflects a clear method
of colonialism today. After 9/11, liberal voices in the US began to recognize that imperialism was
necessary; but, being liberals, they called it reluctant The Americas, Christian Expansion, and Racism or
light imperialism. No matter what it is called, imperialism implies

colonialism in some form, as it is difficult to imagine any empire
without colonies, even if colonies take different shapes at different
points in history.4
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Military Intervention/Human Rights LA

( ) Today, the West imposes influence and control on Latin American
nations through military intervention and the idea of influencing
countries for the pursuit of human rights while denying the
humanity of the people we seek to help. This reifies coloniality
throughout the places we attempt to influence
Accessed 6/25/13.
The imposition of Christianity in order to convert the so-called savages and barbarians in the 16th century,
followed by the imposition of white mans burden and civilizing mission in the 18th and 19th century, the
the imperial
project of military interventions under the rhetoric of democracy
and human rights in the 21st century, have all been imposed by
militarism and violence under the rhetoric of modernity of saving
the other from its own barbarianisms. Two responses to the Eurocentric colonial
imposition are third world nationalisms and fundamentalisms. Nationalism provides
Eurocentric solutions to an Eurocentric global problem. It
reproduces an internal coloniality of power within each nation-state
and reifies the nation-state as the privileged location of social
change (Grosfoguel 1996). Struggles above and below the nation-state are not considered in nationalist
political strategies. Moreover, nationalist responses to global capitalism
reinforce the nationstate as the political institutional form per
excellence of the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal worldsystem. In this sense, nationalism is complicit with Eurocentric thinking
imposition of the developmentalist project in the 20th century and, more recently,
and political structures. On the other hand, Third World fundamentalisms of

different kinds respond with the rhetoric of an essentialist pure outside space or
absolute exteriority to modernity. They are anti-modern modern
forces that reproduce the binary oppositions of Eurocentric thinking .
If Eurocentric thinking claims democracy to be a Western natural attribute, Third World fundamentalisms accept
it is an
inherent European attribute imposed by the West. Both deny the fact that many
this Eurocentric premise and claim that democracy has nothing to do with the non-West. Thus,
of the elements that we call today to be part of modernity such as democracy were form in a global relation
Europeans took a lot of its utopian thinking

from the non-Western historical systems they encounter in the
colonies and appropriated them as part of Eurocentered modernity.
between the West and the non-West.
Third World fundamentalisms respond to the imposition of Eurocentered modernity as a global/imperial design
with an anti-modern modernity that is as Eurocentric, hierarchical, authoritarian and antidemocratic as the former.
( ) The use of military interventions doesnt right the wrongs done

It allows a justification for new violence in the name of the state
guts solvency
Spivak 04 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
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Military Intervention Generic

First, The use of military interventions doesnt right the wrongs
done It allows a justification for new violence in the name of the
state guts solvency and props up reproductive heteronormativity
Spivak 04 (GayatriChakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and

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NAFTA/ TFAA/ ALCA

( ) As Argentina proves, integration into new, Western led economic
plans like __the aff__ act counterproductively on these countries
involved. They lead to military action, violence, fascism,
dehumanization and the worst effects of coloniality
It is clear by now that the Argentinean crisis was caused not by

insufficient integration into the global economy but rather because
of an excess of it. Even dutifully following the neo-liberal advise of the IMF
or homegrown economists did not save this important country from a profound
crisis. Why cant we dare to imagine the unaimaginable, that
Argentina could have a better chance by stepping somewhat outside
and beyond imperial globality, rather than staying fully within it? Can
2.
partial delinking selective delinking and selective reengagementoffer an alternative path, perhaps at the level
of world regions (e.g, Southern Cone), or network of world regions? This means that it would be possible to rethink
the proposal of delinking introduced by Samir Amin in the 1970s to fit the new conditions.10 Needless to say,
everything seems to militate against this possibility. The proposal

for a Free Trade Area of the Americas (ALCA, as it is known in Latin America and FTAA as
it is known in North America) is being pushed forward with considerable force
by the United States and most Latin American leaders. And of course
any country or region that dares to attempt a path of autonomy is
bound to incur the ire of empire, risking military action. This is why
opposition against ALCA is today indelibly linked to opposition
against militarism by most activist organizations. These are just
two examples of the kind of macro thinking that while not
radical, could create better conditions for the struggle against
imperial globality and global coloniality. If approached from this vantage point, they are
likely to contribute to advance the idea that other worlds are possible. The social movements of
the past decade are, in effect, a sign that this struggle is already under
way. Imagining after the Third World could become a more integral part of the imaginary of these
movements; this would involve, as we saw, imagining beyond modernity and
the regimes of economy, war, coloniality, exploitation of people and
nature, and social fascism it has brought about in its imperial
global incarnation.
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Nationalism I/L
First, Nationalism uses reproductive heteronormativity as a source
of legitimacy Its in every pore of reproducing the nation as its
main goal
Spivak 09 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Nationalism and the Imagination, JCook.)
nationalism was related to reproductive
heteronormativity as source of legitimacy. As I moved to the United States and
became active around the world, I realized that the alibi for transnational agencies
backed explicitly by exceptionalist nationalism( s) was nationalism in
the developing world. Gender was an alibi here even for military
intervention in the name of humanitarian intervention. I believe with Eric
Hobsbawm that there is no nation before nationalism although I do not locate
nationalism as he does in the late 18th century (Hobsbawm, 1990). When and how does the
love of mother tongue, the love of my little corner of ground
become the nation thing? I say nation thing rather than nationalism because something like
nations, collectivities bound by birth, that allowed in strangers gingerly, have been in
existence long before nationalism came around. State formations change,
but the nation thing moves through historical displacements and I
think Hannah Arendt was altogether perceptive in suggesting that the putting together of
nationalism with the abstract structure of the state was an
experiment or a happening that has a limited history and a limited
future. We are living, as Habermas says, in postnational situations. Well see.
As I was growing up, then, I realized that
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Natural Resources
( ) The use and development of Latin America for the use of
cheap labor and resources is the embodiment of subjugation
through new means, a coloniality based perspective that works to
maintain modern imperalism
You can still see the same projects today in the appropriation of
areas of natural resources (e.g., in the Amazon or oil-rich Iraq). Land cannot be reproduced.
You can reproduce seeds and other products of land; but land
itself is limited, which is another reason why the appropriation of
land is one of the prime targets of capital accumulation today. The
idea of Latin America is that of a large mass of land with a
wealth of natural resources and plenty of cheap labor. That, of course, is
the disguised idea. What the rhetoric of modernity touted by the IMF, the World
Bank, and the Washington consensus would say is that Latin America
is just waiting for its turn to develop. You could also follow the exploitation of labor
from the Americas to the Industrial Revolution to the movement of factories from the US
to developing nations in order to reduce costs. As for financial control, just
compare the number and size of banks, for example, in New York, London, or Frankfurt, on the one hand, versus
the ones in Bolivia, Morocco, or India, on the other.
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Omission
First, tag
Pierre Macherey provides the following formula for the interpretation of ideology: 'What
is important in
a work is what it does not say. This is not the same as The careless
notation 'what it refuses to say,' although that would in itself be interesting: a
method might be built on it, with the task of measuring silences,
whether acknowledged or unacknowledged. But rather this, what the work
cannot say is important, because there the elaboration of the
utterance is carried out, in a sort of journey to silence."47 Macherey's
ideas can be developed in directions he would be unlikely to follow. Even as he writes, ostensibly, of the
literariness of the literature of European provenance, he
articulates a method applicable to
the social text of imperialism, somewhat against the grain of his own argument. Although the
notion "what it refuses to say" might be careless for a literary work, something like a collective
ideological refusal can be diagnosed for the codifying legal practice
of imperialism. This would open the field for a political economic
and multidisciplinary ideological reinscription of the terrain. Because this
is a "worlding of the world" on a second level of abstraction, a concept of refusal becomes
plausible here. The archival, historiographic, disciplinary-critical, and, inevitably, interventionist work
involved here is indeed a task of "measuring silences." This can be a description of
"investigating, identifying, and measuring ... the deviation" from an
ideal that is irreducibly differential. . When we come to the
concomitant question of the consciousness of the subaltern the
notion of what the work cannot say becomes important. In the
semioses of the social text, elaborations of insurgency stand in the
place of "the utterance." The sender-"the peasant"-is marked only as a pointer to an irretrievable
consciousness. As for the receiver, we must ask who is "the real receiver" of an "insurgency?" The histonan,
transforming "insurgency" into "text for knowledge," is only one "receiver" of any collectively intended social act.
With no possibility of nostalgia for that lost origin, the historian

must suspend (as far as possible) the clamor of his or her own
consciousness (or consciousness-effect, as operated by dI~cIphn~ry training), so that the
elaboration of the insurgency, packaged with an insurgentconsciousness, does not freeze into an object of investigation, or,
worse yet, a model for imitation. "The subject" implied by the texts
of insurgency can only serve as a counterpossibility for the
narrative sanctions granted to the colonial subject in the dominant
groups. The postcolonial intellectuals learn that their privilege is their loss. In this they are a
paradigm of the intellectuals. It is well known that the notion of the feminine (rather than
the subaltern of imperialism) has been used in a similar way within deconstructive criticism and within certain
varieties of feminist criticism.48 In the former case, a figure of "woman" is at issue, one whos~ minir:n~l
Subaltern
historiography raises questions of method that would prevent It
from using such a ruse. For the "figure" of woman, the relationship betweer: woman and
silence can be plotted by women themselves; race and class
dIfferences are subsumed under that charge. Subaltern
predication as indeterminate is already available to the phallocentnc tradItl<:m.
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historiography must confront the impossibility of such gestures.

The narrow epistemi.c violence o.f imperialism gives us an
imperfect allegory of the general VIOlence that IS the possibility of
an episteme.49 Within the effaced itinerary of the subaltern subject, the track of sexual difference is
doubly effaced. The question is not of female participation in insurgency, or the ground rules of the sexual division
of.labor, for both of which there is "evidence." It is, rather, that, both as object of colonialist historiography and as
If, in the
context of colonial production, the subaltern has no history and
cannot speak, the subaltern as female is even more deeply in
shadow.
subject. of insurg~ncy, the ideological co.nstruction of gender keeps the male dommant.
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Problem Regions
( ) The pursuit of the West to help Latin American nations is merely
an attempt to hide the responsibility the West has for creating the
conditions seen in the region. This rhetoric of underdevelopment
and economic intervention into these problem regions perpetuate
the growing domination of coloniality
Grosfuguel 11 [Ramon, University of Cal. Berkeley, Decolonizing Post-Colonial Studies and Paradigms
of Political Economy: Transmodernity, Decolonial Thinking, and Global Coloniality,
Accessed 6/25/13.
Although the dependentistas struggled against these universalist/ Occidentalist
forms of
knowledge, they perceived this knowledge as a superstruture or an
epiphenomenon of some economic infrastructure. Dependentistas never perceived
this knowledge as constitutive of Latin Americas political-economy.
Constructing peripheral zones such as Africa and Latin America as
regions with a problem or with a backward stage of
development concealed European and Euro-American
responsibility in the exploitation of these continents. The
construction of pathological regions in the periphery as opposed
to the so-called normal development patterns of the West
justified an even more intense political and economic intervention
from imperial powers. By treating the Other as
underdeveloped and backward, metropolitan exploitation and
domination were justified in the name of the civilizing mission.
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Public Intellectual
First, The claim that specific people have a key role in any
movement to stop oppression, or that this is the only way
reproduces the nation again and again around the world, solving
every problem and crisis This institutes a reproductive
heteronormativity on all politics
The stereotype of the public intellectual, from Fareed Zakaria of Newsweek

International to Christopher Hitchens, the freelance British gadfly, would offer statements
describing US policy, coming out promptly in response to every
crisis. This is undoubtedly worthy, often requiring personal
courage, but it is not a response. It enhances the charisma of the
intellectual and produces in the reader a feeling of being in the
thick of things. This type of cognitive mapping, heavily dependent upon the
fieldwork of frontline investigative journalists and humble gatherers of statistics, legitimates by reversal
the idea that knowledge is an end in itself, or that there is a
straight line from knowing to doing politics as human rights or
street theater. But to respond means to resonate with the other, contemplate the possibility of
complicitywrenching consciousness-raising, which is based on knowing things, however superficially, from its
complacency. Response pre-figures change. Reading Aristotle and Shelley, students typically
ask, What is the difference between prediction and pre-figuration? The difference is, negatively, in the intending
subjects apparent lack of precision, in the figure; positively, it is the figures immense range in time and space.
That is the risk of a response that

hopes to resonate through figuration. When we confine our idea of
the political to cognitive control alone, this does not just avoid the
risk of response, it closes off response altogether. We end up talking
to ourselves, or to our clones abroad. Predictably, on Left and
Right, you lose support when you stop us-and-them-ing, when you
take away the unself-critical convenience of doing good or
punishing.
The figure disrupts confidence in consciousness-raising.
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Regulations
( ) Regulations are the crux of colonial modernity pushing forward
against change to the economic systems of control This destroys
solvency for modern problems, by using the system that creates
these problems The only way to solve the aff and coloniality is to
move away from this system
we are moving beyond the

paradigm of modernity in two senses: epistemologically, and
sociopolitically. Epistemologically, this move entails a transition
from the dominance of modern science to a plural landscape of
knowledge forms. Socially, the transition is between global
capitalism and emergent forms of which we only have glimpses in
todays social movements and events such as the World Social Forum. The crux
of this transition, in Santos rigorous conceptualization, is an untenable tension
between modernitys core functions of social regulation and social
emancipation., in turn related to the growing imbalance between expectations and experience. Intended
Boaventura de Sousa Santos has forcefully made the argument that
to guarantee order in society, social regulation is the set of norms, institutions and practices through which
expectations are stabilized; it is based on the principles of state, market, and community. Social emancipation
challenges the order created by regulation in the name of a different ordering; to this end, it has recourse to
aesthetic, cognitive-scientific, and ethical rationalities. These two tendencies have become increasingly
contradictory, resulting in ever more noticeable excesses and deficits, particularly with neo-liberal globalization.
The
result has been the hyper-scientificization of emancipation (all
claims to a better society have to be filtered through the rationality
of science), and the hyper-marketization of regulation (modern
regulation is ceded to the market; to be free is to accept market
regulation), and, indeed, a collapse of emancipation into regulation. Hence
The management of these contradictions chiefly at the hands of science and lawis itself in crisis.
the need for a paradigmatic transition that enables us to think anew about the problematic of regulation and social
emancipation, with the ultimate goal of de-Westernizing social emancipation (Santos, 2002: 1-20). To this end, a
new approach to social theory, oppositional postmodernism, is called for (2002: 13, 14): The conditions that
brought about the crisis of modernity have not yet become the conditions to overcome the crisis beyond
modernity. Hence the complexity of our transitional period portrayed by oppositional postmodern theory:
we
are facing modern problems for which there are no modern

solutions.
The search for a postmodern solution is what I call oppositional postmodernism . What is
necessary is to start from the disjunction between the modernity of the problems and the postmodernity of the
possible solutions, and to turn such disjunction into the urge to ground theories and practices capable of
reinventing social emancipation out of the wrecked emancipatory promises of modernity.2 Santos thus points at
an other paradigm, distinct from modernity, even if still not fully visible, that make imagining beyond modernity
plausible. His reading of modernity builds on various readings of capitalism, distinguishing between those that
posit an end to capitalism, even if in the very long run (e.g. Wallersteins analysis of Kondratieff cycles, 2000), and
which thus advocate for transformative practices; and those that conceive of the future as so many
metamorphoses of capitalism, and who favor adaptive strategies within capitalism (e.g., Castells, 1996; see
one may say that globalization is the last

stage of capitalist modernity; for the former, globalization is the beginning of something new.
As we shall see shortly, the Latin American modernity/coloniality perspective
Santos, 2002: 165-193). For this latter group,
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would suggest that transformative practices are taking place now ,

and need to be socially amplified.
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Rememoration
First, The reproductive drive of nations becomes embedded in our
subconciousness, in our cultural lives, and drive us to further this
reproductive heteronormativity Their claims of remembering the
horror we all faced in the past is a rememoration project that
attempts to embed the nation in our cultural memories
nationalism I have been describing operates in the public sphere. But the
subaltern affect where it finds its mobilizing is private, though this possibility
of the private is not derived from a sense of the public, an underived private, which is very difficult
The
for Europe to think. Women, men and queers are not necessarily divided along the public-private line everywhere.
nationalism is a recoding of this underived private

as the antonym of the public sphere. When you begin to think
nationalism this underived private has been recoded,
reterritorialized as the antonym of the public. Then it is as if it is the opposite of the
I have already let slip that
public. This shift is historical, of course, but it is also logical. The subaltern folks I am talking about are in our
present, but kept pre-modern. I will not rehearse here the mostly Hegelian historical story of the emergence of the
the impulse
to nationalism is we must control the workings of our own public
sphere. The reclaiming of the past is in that interest. Sometimes nationalism
public sphere. In whatever nationalist colors it is dressed, whether chronological or logical,
leads to the resolve to control others public spheres, although this is not a necessary outcome. With this comes
the necessary though often unacknowledged sense of being unique and, alas, better its a quick shift because
born this way. Every diasporic feels a pull of somewhere else while located here. If we consider the model of
exogamous marriage with reference to that sentence, we might have to revise the entire city/country model
implicit in Metropolis, and think that the women in gendering have always shared this characteristic with what
we, today, have learnt to call "Diaspora", even when it doesn't have much of a resemblance with what happened
so long ago in Alexandria. And yet, metonymized as nothing but the birth-canal, woman is the most primitive
although
nationalism is the condition and effect of the public sphere,
nationalisms are not able to work with the founding logic of the
public sphere: that all reason is one. It is secured by the private conviction
of special birth and hops right from the underived private comfort
which is no more than a thereness in ones corner. If nationalism
secures itself by an appeal to the most private, democracy in its
most convenient and ascertainable form is secured by the most
trivially public universal each equals one. That flimsy arithmetic,
unprotected by rational choice, can also be manipulated by
nationalism. I am not convinced that the story of human movement to a greater control of the public
instrument of nationalism. I have here offered a reading of nationalism that allows us to see why,
sphere is necessarily a story of progress. The religion/science debate makes this assumption, forgetting that the
imagination, forgetting that literature and the arts, belong neither to reason, nor to unreason. That literature and
They join them in the task of a

massive rememoration project, saying we all suffered this way, you
remember, this is what happened, you remember, so that history
is turned into cultural memory. Literature can then join in the task of a massive
counterrememoration project suggesting that we have all passed through the same glorious past, the same
grand national liberation battles, the same religious tolerance or whatever. I am going to
the arts can support an advanced nationalism is no secret.
suggest by the end of this because sometimes I am misunderstood that the literary imagination can impact on
de-transcendentalized nationalism. That is not what I am discussing here. I am supporting the clich that
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imagination feeds nationalism, and going forward toward the literary imagination and
teaching the humanities, through the teaching of the humanities to prepare the readerly imagination to receive
the literary and thus go beyond the self-identity of nationalism toward the complex textuality of the international. I
will come to that later.
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Representation
First, The affirmatives genealogy enacts the same representational
and epistemological violence that they hope to confront. The
affirmative conflates two senses of the word representation. First,
Representation as in direct proxy or political representation. And
second, re-presentation as in painting a portrait. When they
conflate the two senses, they create a static, unified, whole Other,
from which we can learn or know the truth of the situation or
experience. There is no one concrete experience of the Other from
which we can base a genealogy or a politics. The affirmatives
genealogy engages in this problematic representational strategy
that erases their own subject position and political interest and
creates violent essentialist utopian politics. This turns case.
Spivak 99 (GayatriChakravorty, Columbia, A critique of postcolonial reason: toward a history of the
vanishing present)
the production of theory is also a practice;

the opposition between abstract "pure" theory and concrete
"applied" practice is too quick and easy.93 But Deleuze's articulation of the argument is
problematic. Two senses of representation are being run together:
representation as "speaking for," as in politics, and representation
as "re-presentation," as in art or philosophy. Since theory is also
only "action," the theoretician does not represent (speak for)the
oppressed group. Indeed, the subject is not seen as a representative
consciousness (one re-presenting reality adequately). These two senses of
representation-within state formation and the law, on the one
hand, and in subject-predication, on the other-are related but
irreducibly discontinuous. To cover over the discontinuity with an
analogy that is presented as a proof reflects again a paradoxical
subject-privileging. 94 Because "the person who speaks and acts ... is
always a multiplicity," no "theorizing intellectual ... [or] party or ...
union" can represent "those who act and struggle" (FD 206). Are those
who act and struggle mute, as opposed to those who act.and speak
(FD 206)? These immense problems are buried in the differences
between the "same" words: consciousness and conscience (both conscience in French),
representation and re-presentation. The critique of ideological
subjectconstitution within state formations and systems of political economycan
now be effaced, as can the active theoretical practice of the
"transformation of consciousness." The banality of leftist intellectuals' lists of selfAn important point is being made here:
knowing, politically canny subalterns stands revealed; representing them, the intellectuals represent themselves
as transparent. If such a critique and such a project are not to be given up, the shifting distinctions between
representation within the state and political economy, on the one hand, and within the theory of the Subject, on
the other, must not be obliterated. Let us consider the play of vertreten ("represent" in the first sense) and
darstellen ("re-present" in the second sense) in a famous passage in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,
where Marx touches on "class" as a descriptive and transformative concept in a manner somewhat more complex
than Althusser's distinction between class instinct and class position would allow. This is important in the context
of the argument from the working class both from our two philosophers and "political" third-world feminism from
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the metropolis.Marx's
contention here is that the descriptive definition of

a class can be a differential one-its cutting off and difference from
all other classes: "in so far as millions of families live under
economic conditions of existence that cut off their mode of life,
their interest, and their formation from those of the other classes
and place them in inimical confrontationfftindlichgegeniiberstellen], they form
a class. "95 There is no such thing as a "class instinct" at work here. In fact, the collectivity of familial
existence, which might be considered the arena of "instinct," is discontinuous with, though operated by, the
differential isolation of classes. In this context, one far more pertinent to the France of the 1970s than it can be to
the international periphery, the formation of a class is artificial and economic, and the economic agency or interest
is impersonal because it is systematic and heterogeneous. This agency or interest is tied to the Hegelian critique
of the individual subject, for it marks the subject's empty place in that process without a subject which is history
and political economy. Here the capitalist is defined as "the conscious bearer [Triiger] of the limidess movement of
Marx is not working to create an undivided subject

where desire and interest coincide. Class consciousness does not
operate toward that goal. Both in the economic area (capitalist) and in
the political (world-historical agent), Marx is obliged to construct models of a
divided and dislocated subject whose parts are not continuous or
coherent with each other. A celebrated passage like the description of capital as the Faustian
capital." My point is that
monster brings this home vividly. 96 The following passage, continuing the quotation from The
EighteenthBrumaire, is also working on the structural principle of a dispersed and dislocated class subject: the
(absent collective) consciousness of the small peasant proprietor class finds its "bearer" in a "representative" who
appears to work in another's interest. "Representative" here does not derive from darstellen; this sharpens the
contrast Foucault andDeleuze slide over, the contrast, say, between a proxy and a portrait. There
is, of
course, a relationship between them, one that has received political and ideological
we thus
encounter a much older debate: between representation or rhetoric as
tropology and as persuasion. Darstellen belongs to the first constellation, vertreten-with
stronger suggestions of substitution- to the second. Again, they are related, but running
them together, especially in order to say that beyond both is where
oppressed subjects speak, act, and know for themselves, leads to
an essentialist, utopian politics that can, when transferred to single-issue gender
rather than class, give unquestioning support tQ4-the :financialization of the globe, which
ruthlessly constructs a general will in the credit-baited rural woman
even as it "format"s her through UN Plans of Action so that she can
be "developed." Beyond this concatenation, transparent as rhetoric
in the service of "truth" has always made itself out to be, is the
much-invoked oppressed subject (as Woman), speaking, acting, and
knowing that gender in development is best for her. It is in the
shadow of this unfortunate marionette that the history of the
unheeded subaltern must unfold.
been seen as harmful. In the guise of a post-Marxist decription of the scene of power,
Second, This representational politics and movement uncritically

buy into the value-system that groups and systems use for the
oppressive and hurtful purposes you try to stop Turns case
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A deconstructive approach does not seek essences behind the historical,

social and linguistic processes that produce meaning but rather investigates
these genealogies. The practice of representation has to be made
explicit and the problems involved in seeing language as just a
means of referring to objects or things "outside it" has to be
repeatedly remembered. The two senses of representation
("speaking for" and representation as staging) become relevant here.
If representation as "speaking for" somebody, as being a proxy for
(within the state and the political) and representation as theoretical
description, as a staging of the world, as a portrayal of oneself and
the other are complicit and if this complicity, when unexplicated,
produces silences and hegemonies, the only way to appreciate this
dynamic is to deconstruct these kinds of operations (Spivak, 1994: 70, 72). The
staging of the world produces the problem of political intersectionality and structural intersections call for proxy
politics. [16]
The very production of categories such as "woman" is a

political act and we need not see that these productive
representational practices are "necessary" to further politics that
would become possible "after" the category is produced. The politics of
representation is the first thing to take seriously within critical equality discourse. Otherwise it falls into a
nave identity politics where "women," "working-class,"
"transsexual," "lesbian," and various other categories are utilized to
enable a "politics of rights" and representation for insurrectionary
subjects. The insurrectionary subject needs its proxies. Although it can be
argued that this might be helpful for some "groups" somewhere, I do not wish us to settle for this. In a
neoliberal vein we circulate a language that "takes into account"
identities such as class, ethnicity, sexuality without an
epistemological (genealogical) awareness of our own academic
representational practice. We uncritically buy into the very same
value-system that is used by conservative regimes for oppressive
purposes. We help produce the problem of political intersections.
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Resources/Markets
***Markets***
( ) Control of coloniality has shifted from direct imperial control to
indirect macro-economics, such as markets, creating new systems of
control that replicate the same problems and violence
***Resources***
( ) Control of coloniality has shifted from direct imperial control to
indirect macro-economics, such as markets, creating new systems of
control that replicate the same problems and violence The pursuit
of resources is the lifeblood of this system
The new empire thus operates not so much through conquest, but
through the imposition of norms (free-markets, US-style democracy
and cultural notions of consumption, and so forth). The former Third World is, above all,
the theatre of a multiplicity of cruel little wars which, rather than barbaric
throwbacks, are linked to the current global logic. From Colombia and Central America to
Algeria, sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East these wars take place within states or
regions, without threatening empire but fostering conditions
favorable to it. For much of the former Third World (and of course to the Third World within the core) is
reserved the World-chaos (107), free-market slavery, and selective genocide. In some cases, this amounts to a
sort of paleo-microcolonialism within regions (157), in others to balkanization,
in yet others to brutal internal wars and massive displacement to free up entire
regions for transnational capital (particularly in the case of oil, but also
diamonds, timber, water, genetic resources, and agricultural lands).
Often times these cruel little wars are fueled by Mafia networks, and intended for macroeconomic globalization. It is clear that this new Global Empire (the New World
Order of the American imperial monarchy, p. 171) articulates the peaceful expansion of
the free-market economy with omnipresent violence in a novel
regime of economic and military globality in other words, the global
economy comes to be supported by a global organization of
violence and vice versa (200). On the subjective side, what increasingly one
finds in the Souths (including the South within the North) are diced identities
and the transformation of cultures of solidarity into cultures of
destruction.
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Social Redistribution/ Economic Restructuring

First, Economic restructuring and social redistribution inherently lie
at nationalism heart, making the new economic system as the
ultimate state priority. The philanthropia of the state comes down to
all the people, subjugating them and making the reproduction of the
nation a top priority, retrenching us in reproductive
heteronormativity and gutting solvency by only working for the
nations good, ignoring other possible, more effective options
Economic re-structuring, as we know, removes barriers between national
and international capital so that the same system of exchange can
be established globally. Put so simply, there need not be anything wrong with it. Indeed, this was
the fond hope of that long-lost mirage, international socialism. But the individual states are
themselves in such a predicament that their situation should be
transparent. Mere nationalism, ignoring that economic growth is not automatic redistributive
justice, can lead us astray here. Theatrical or philanthropic wholesale
counter- or alter-globalism, whatever that might be, the demonstrations at Seattle or Genoa,
are not guarantees of redistributive justice either. It has long been my view,
especially as a feminist, that even liberationist nationalisms should treat a
seamless identity as something thrust upon them by the opposition.
In this context, Edward W. Saids rejection of the two-state solution in Palestine is exemplary. Even before the
advent of economic re-structuring, anyone working in the areas I spoke of could have told you that constitutional
sanctions do not mean much there. But now, with
state priorities increasingly altered,

redistributive justice through constitutionality is less and less easy
if not impossible. Philanthropy is now coming top-down from the
international civil society; the state is being de facto (and sometimes de jure) un-constitutional,
because it is asked to be managerial and take free market
imperatives; Human Rights Watch notices it and then the philanthropic institutions intervene. We in the
South cannot usually engage constitutionally to achieve much how can Habermas (1992) speak about
It is unmindful of the
current status of globality. As for patriotism, even more than nationalism, it is
an affect that the abstract structure of a functioning state
harnesses largely for defense: Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori. I am back humming that
constitutional patriotism, sitting in Germany, in a post-national world?
childhood song from Mebar Patan, composed in gallant yet ideologically tarnished national liberationism: take up
It is this effortful task, of keeping the civic structure of the

state clear of nationalism and patriotism, altering the redistributive
priorities of the state, creating regional alliances, rather than going the extraarms!
state or non-government route alone, that the new comparative literature, with its alliances with the social
For
behind this rearrangement of desires the desire to win in the name
of a nation is the work of de-transcendentalizing the ruse of
analogizing from the most private sense of unquestioning comfort
to the most ferocious loyalty to named land, a ruse that uses and
utilizes the axioms of reproductive heteronormativity. Emmanuel Levinas for
sciences, can work at ceaselessly. I think feminist teachers of the humanities have a special role here.
example offers us the ruse as the establishment of a norm the feminine establishing home as home leading to
the masculine exchange of language which inexorably led, for Levinas, to a politics of a most aggressive nation-
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statism, anchored in a myth of identitarianism long predating the historical narrative of the rise of nations (Levinas,
1969: 154-156).
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Speech Act Theory

First, Tag
it is evident that the reign of repressive philosophical
systematizing-sometimes called metaphysics, sometimes called logical analysis-has depended
upon the suppression of the human voice. It is as the recovery of
this voice (as from an illness) that ordinary language philosophy is . . . to be
understood" (p. 173). errida admires this project and relates it to Nietzsche's attention to the force of
language rather than its signification alone. What Derrida critiques is what Cavell seems to be
showing here: the tendency common to most radical philosophies,
including speech-act theory, to perceive their task as the
restoration of voice. The systematic philosophies, on the other hand, although
Cavell writes: "For me
their aura seems to be altogether mediated and therefore akin to the common understanding (here Cavell's) of
depend upon phonocentrism as their final

reference. Thus the commonsense perception-that systematic
philosophies suppress and radical philosophies restore voicedepends upon varieties of phonocentric assumptions. "Writing" in
this view becomes the name for that which must be excluded so
that the interiority of a system can be defined and guarded. "The
essential predicate of [the] specific difference" between writing and
the field of voice is seen in such a reading as "the absence of the
sender [and] of the receiver (destznateur), from the mark that he
abandon^."^ The place of such an understanding of writing within a
self-professed project of the restoration of speech should be clear.
Writing as the name of that which must be excluded as the other in
order to conserve the identity of the same can be related to Macherey's
other formulation: "What is important in the work is what it does not say. This is not the same as the
writing, develop systems which
careless notation 'what it refuses to say,' although that would in itself be interesting. . . . But rather than this,
what the work cannot say is important because there the elaboration of the journey is acted out, in a sort of
journey to silence."It is not surprising that, within a definition of writing as a deliberate withholding of voice, the
one sense of "turn"- in Thoreau's "You only need sit still long enough in some attractive spot in the ~voods that all
its inhabitants may exhibit themselves to you by turns"-that Cavell does not (cannot?) mention is "trope," the
It is in
terms of saving the freely choosing subject whose concept
insinuates itself into the most radical commun(al)ist politics of
collectivity that Said uses bcriture as a code word suggesting (I cannot be sure, since
the word hangs unexplained on the borders of his essay) linguistic reductionism at a
second remove. The thumbnail explanation of bcr~turea s the excluded
other that I have given above would have helped his general
argument: "A principle of silent exclusion operates within and at
the boundaries of discourse; this has now become so internalized
that fields, disciplines, and their discourses have taken on the
status of immutable durability" (p. 16).
irreducible turn of figuration that is the condition of (im)- possibility of any redemption of voice.
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Terrorism
( ) The fear of terrorism is the newest move in coloniality No one,
except those people working in the interest of the US are good, and
everyone is a ambiguously drawn terrorist
Coloniality incorporates colonialism and imperialism

but goes beyond them; this is why coloniality did not end with the
end of colonialism (formal independence of nation states), but was re-articulated in
terms of the post-World War II imaginary of three worlds (which in turn
replaced the previous articulations in terms of Occidentalism and Orientalism). Similarly, the
end of the Third World entails a rearticulation of the coloniality of
power and knowledge. As we have seen, this rearticulation takes
the form of both imperial globality (new global link between economic and military power)
and global coloniality (the emergent classificatory orders and forms of alterization that are replacing
Some partial conclusions:
the Cold War order). The new coloniality regime is still difficult to discern. Race, class and ethnicity will continue to
be important, but new, or newly prominent, areas of articulation come into existence, such as religion (and
gender linked to it, especially in the case of Islamic societies, as we saw for the war on Afghanistan). However,
the single most prominent vehicle of coloniality today seems to be

the ambiguously drawn figure of the terrorist. Linked most forcefully to the
Middle East, and thus to the immediate US oil and strategic interests in the region (vis vis the European Union
and Russia, on the one hand, and China and India in particular on the other, as the most formidable potential
the imaginary of the terrorist can have a wide field of

application (it has already been applied to Basque militants and
Colombian guerrillas, for instance). Indeed, after 9/11, we are all
potential terrorists, unless you are American, White, conservative
Christian, and Republican in actually or epistemically (that is, in
mindset).
challengers),
( ) The category terrorist means that there's an every present

threat of terrorism, so there's a constant need for counterterrorism, and war and peace become indistinguishable This
blurring of peace and war is the epitome of how Western states
continue their control over life, a coloniality of modernity This
turns the root of their impacts
Spivak 04 [Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 7/3/13, JCook.]
I have been trying to open up that abstractionterrorto figure out some possibilities. During these efforts, it
terror is the name loosely assigned to

the flip side of social movementsextra-state collective action
when such movements use physical violence. (When a state is
named a terrorist state, the intent implicit in the naming is to
withold state status from it, so that, technically, it enters the category of
extra-state collective action.)20 Terror is, of course, also the name of an affect. In
has seemed increasingly clear to me that
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the policy-making arena, terror as social movement and terror

as affect come together to provide a plausible field for group
psychological speculation. The social movement is declared to have
psychological identity. In other words, making terror both civil and natural
provides a rationale for exercising psychological diagnostics, the
most malign ingredient of racism. I have neither the training nor the taste for such
exercises. But I must still say that in the case of terrorsliding imperceptibly into terrorismas social
the word is perhaps no more than an antonymfor war,

which names legitimate violence, but also, paradoxically, for peace.
And here we could wander in the labyrinth where war and peace become
interchangeable terms, although the status of war as agent and peace as object never wavers. We
have come to acceptthe oxymoron: peacekeeping forces. The United Nations High
movement,
Commission for Refugees and Save the Children-UK, in a report of February 2002, asked peacekeeping missions to
stop trafficking in women and girl children. Feminists agitate against the sexually rapacious behavior of
peacekeeping personnel. 21 The scandal of rape within the US Army is now well known. At the same time,
Barbara Crossette offers the conventional wisdom, in an article entitled How to Put a Nation Back Together
Again, that fastermoving armies are necessary.22 Here is the usual division between the various spheres of
discourse, but they work within the same cultural imaginary, this time almost global: Conquering armies violate
women. Where terror is an affect, the line between agent and object wavers. On the one hand,
the
terrorists terrorize a community, fill their everyday with terror. But
there is also a sense in which the terrorist is taken to be numbed to
terror, does not feel the terror of terror, and has become unlike the
rest of us by virtue of this transformation. When the soldier is not
afraid to die, s/he is brave. When the terrorist is not afraid to die,
s/he is a coward. The soldier kills, or is supposed to kill, designated
persons. The terrorist kills, or may kill, just persons. In the space
between terrorism as a social movement and terror as affect, we
can declare victory. Although civil liberties, including intellectual
freedom, are curtailed, and military permissiveness exacerbated,
although racial profiling deforms the polity and the entire culture
redesigns itself for prevention, and although, starting on September 28, 2001, the UN
Security Council adopts wide-ranging antiterrorism measures, we can still transfer the register to affect and say,
We are not terrorized, we have won. And the old topos of intervening for the sake of women continues to be
I want to
distinguish the suicide bomber, the kamikaze pilot, from these
received binaries.
deployed. It is to save Afghan women from terror that we must keep the peace by force of arms.
( ) Actions taken in response to terrorism are at the heart of all

reproductive heteronormative drives
Spivak 04 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
Minnesota -Twin Cities LibrariesProject Muse 10/8/2008. JCook.)
The war on the Taliban, repeatedly declared on media by

representatives of the United States government from the president on down,
was only a war in the general sense. Not having been declared by act of Congress, it
could not assume that proper name. And even as such it was not a response to
war. The detainees at Guantanamo Bay, as we have been repeatedly reminded by Right
and Left, are not prisoners of war and cannot be treated according to
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the Geneva Convention (itself unenforceable) because, as Donald Rumsfeld says, among other
things, they did not fight in uniform.2 The US is fighting an abstract
enemy: terrorism. Definitions in Government handbooks, or UN documents, explain little. The
war is part of an alibi every imperialism has given itself, a civilizing
mission carried to the extreme, as it always must be. It is a war on
terrorism reduced at home to due process, to a criminal case: US v.
Zacarias Moussaoui, aka Shaqil, aka Abu Khalid al Sahrawi, with the nineteen dead hijackers named as
unindicted co-conspirators in the indictment. This is where I can begin: a war zoomed down to a lawsuit and
Even on the most general level, this binary

opposition will no longer stand. For the sake of constructing a response, however, a binary is
zoomed up to face an abstraction.
useful. To repeat, then, down to a case, up to an abstraction. I cannot speak intelligently about the law, about
cases. I am not responsible in it. I turn to the abstraction: terror-ism.
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Totalizing Lens
First, tag
Spivak 99 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?,Jcook.)
I have dwelt so long on this passage in Marx because it spells out the inner dynamics of Vertretung, or
Representation in the economic context is

philosophical concept of representation as staging or,
indeed, signification, which relates to the divided subject in an indirect
way. The most obvious passage is well known: "In the exchange relationship [Austauschverhaltnisj of
representation in the political context.
Darstellung, the
commodities their exchange-value appeared to us totally independent of their use-value. But if we subtract their
use-value from the product of labour, we obtain their value, as it was just determined [bestimmtj. The common
element which represents itself [sich darstelltj in the exchange relation, or the exchange value of the commodity,
is thus its value."21 According to Marx, under capitalism, value, as produced in necessary and surplus labor, is
computed as the representation/sign of objectified labor (which is rigorously distinguished from human activity).
in the absence of a theory of exploitation as the extraction

(production), appropriation, and realization of (surplus) value as
representation of labor power, capitalist exploitation must be seen
as a variety of domination (the mechanics of power as such). "The thrust of
Conversely,
Marxism," Deleuze suggests, "was to determine the problem [that power is more diffuse than the structure of
exploitation and state formation] essentially in terms of interests (power is held by a ruling class defined by its
interests)" (FD, 214).
One cannot object to this minimalist summary of
Marx's project, just as one cannot ignore that, in parts of the Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze and Guattari build
their case on a brilliant if "poetic" grasp of Marx's theory of the money form. Yet we might
consolidate our critique in the following way: the relationship
between global capitalism (exploitation in economics) and nation-state
alliances (domination in geopolitics) is so macrological that it cannot account
for the micrological texture of power. To move toward such an
accounting one must move toward theories of ideology-of subject
formations that micrologically and often erratically operate the
interests that congeal the macrologies. Such theories cannot afford
to overlook the category of representation in its two senses. They
must note how the staging of the world in representation-its scene of
writing, its Darstellung-dissimulates the choice of and need for "heroes,"
paternal proxies, agents of power Vertretung. My view is that radical practice
should attend to this double session of representations rather than
reintroduce the individual subject through totalizing concepts of
power and desire. It is also my view that, in keeping the area of class
practice on a second level of abstraction, Marx was in effect
keeping open the (Kantian and) Hegelian critique of the individual subject as
agent.22 This view does not oblige me to ignore that, by implicitly
defining the family and the mother tongue as the ground level
where culture and convention seem nature's own way of organizing
"her" own subversion, Marx himself rehearses an ancient
subterfuge.23 In the context of poststructuralist claims to critical practice, this seems more recuperable
than the clandestine restoration of Subjective essentialism.
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Trade
( ) The development of export economies of trade coincide with the
most recent form of modernity in Latin America, a form of
Eurocentric control that continues and intensifies current
postcolonial trends
The notion of modernity as understood in Coloniality at Large

reflects a similar ambivalence as the concept of coloniality. Its
temporality is opaque and its very nature remains imprecisely defined. Historians could agree
with the effect of colonialism in Spanish and Portuguese America, but
not necessarily with the view that the persistence of colonial forms and structures prevented the adoption of
modernity continued
and probably intensified the marginalization and objectification of
indigenous peoples in Latin America. But few would want to defend
the similarity between 16th century Spanish colonialism and the
period of export economies, railroads, banks, and modernist novels. In other words, historians
European modernity. One could argue that late 19th and early 20th century
are likely to resist the homogenization into a single polarity (modernity/coloniality) of different types or waves of
modernity. The modernity that the ABC nations (Argentina, Brazil and Chile) evoked at the time of their first
centenary was neither the first modernity of the sixteenth century, nor the second modernity of the
It was already a completely altered configuration that we

might call a third modernity, the product of the second wave of technological innovations,
Enlightenment.
influenced by currents of thought such as evolutionism, positivism, and literary modernism. This was a
civilizational project in which progress was endowed with transformative potency greater than that granted by
On the economic terrain this type of

modernity coincided with the emergence of export-economies in
the region, a process that generated an intense integration into the
world economy in terms of flows of capital, labor, and technology. It is
Enlightenment thinkers or Romantic writers.
not clear to me to what extent the concept of modernity/coloniality reflects appropriately this moment of rapid
transformations that some Latin American republics experienced ca.1880 and 1930.
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Universal Knowledge/Prescriptions
( ) The view of knowledge as separate and detached from the
person is a symptom of Western ideology and thought. This is
illogical to detach the subject from the view of knowledge they hold,
epistemologically indicting the entirety of their aff AND It
detaches the view of people as having personhood, perpetuating
the view of subaltern groups as lesser and false
Accessed 6/25/13.
Descartes, the founder of Modern Western Philosophy, inaugurates a new moment in

the history of Western thought. He replaces God, as the foundation
of knowledge in the Theo-politics of knowledge of the European Middle Ages, with
(Western) Man as the foundation of knowledge in European Modern
times. All the attributes of God are now extrapolated to (Western) Man.
Universal Truth beyond time and space privileges access to the laws
of the Universe, and the capacity to produce scientific knowledge
and theory is now placed in the mind of Western Man. The Cartesian Cogito
ergo sum (I think, therefore I am) is the foundation of modern
Western sciences. By producing a dualism between mind and body
and between mind and nature, Descartes was able to claim nonsituated, universal, God eyed view knowledge. This is what the Colombian
philosopher Santiago Castro- Gmez called the point zero perspective of
Eurocentric philosophies (Castro-Gmez 2003). The point zero is the point of
view that hides and conceals itself as being beyond a particular
point of view, that is, the point of view that represents itself as being
without a point of view. It is this god-eye view that always hides
its local and particular perspective under an abstract universalism.
Western philosophy privileges ego politics of knowledge over the
geopolitics of knowledge and the body-politics of knowledge.
Historically, this has allowed Western man (the gendered term is intentionally used
here) to represent his knowledge as the only one capable of achieving
a universal consciousness, and to dismiss non-Western knowledge
Ren
as particularistic and, thus, unable to achieve universality.
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US Key
First, The calls for the US to solve every problem reproduces the
nation again and again around the world, solving every problem and
crisis This institutes a reproductive heteronormativity on all
politics
The stereotype of the public intellectual, from Fareed Zakaria of Newsweek

International to Christopher Hitchens, the freelance British gadfly, would offer statements
describing US policy, coming out promptly in response to every
crisis. This is undoubtedly worthy, often requiring personal
courage, but it is not a response. It enhances the charisma of the
intellectual and produces in the reader a feeling of being in the
thick of things. This type of cognitive mapping, heavily dependent upon the
fieldwork of frontline investigative journalists and humble gatherers of statistics, legitimates by reversal
the idea that knowledge is an end in itself, or that there is a
straight line from knowing to doing politics as human rights or
street theater. But to respond means to resonate with the other, contemplate the possibility of
complicitywrenching consciousness-raising, which is based on knowing things, however superficially, from its
complacency. Response pre-figures change. Reading Aristotle and Shelley, students typically
ask, What is the difference between prediction and pre-figuration? The difference is, negatively, in the intending
subjects apparent lack of precision, in the figure; positively, it is the figures immense range in time and space.
That is the risk of a response that

hopes to resonate through figuration. When we confine our idea of
the political to cognitive control alone, this does not just avoid the
risk of response, it closes off response altogether. We end up talking
to ourselves, or to our clones abroad. Predictably, on Left and
Right, you lose support when you stop us-and-them-ing, when you
take away the unself-critical convenience of doing good or
punishing.
The figure disrupts confidence in consciousness-raising.
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Western Criticism/Subject
First, Their criticism confines the decentering of the subject to the
subject of the West, which problematizes the non-Western other as
real and knowable. It makes it impossible to confer with the
subaltern in a discursive practice, which assumes that the subject is
always already the subject of the West. This turns the K by issuing a
new ____their bad thing___ and guts solvency, which reinstituting an


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follows: " ...
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Omission
First, tag
Pierre Macherey provides the following formula for the interpretation of ideology: 'What
is important in
a work is what it does not say. This is not the same as The careless
notation 'what it refuses to say,' although that would in itself be interesting: a
method might be built on it, with the task of measuring silences,
whether acknowledged or unacknowledged. But rather this, what the work
cannot say is important, because there the elaboration of the
utterance is carried out, in a sort of journey to silence."47 Macherey's
ideas can be developed in directions he would be unlikely to follow. Even as he writes, ostensibly, of the
literariness of the literature of European provenance, he
articulates a method applicable to
the social text of imperialism, somewhat against the grain of his own argument. Although the
notion "what it refuses to say" might be careless for a literary work, something like a collective
ideological refusal can be diagnosed for the codifying legal practice
of imperialism. This would open the field for a political economic
and multidisciplinary ideological reinscription of the terrain. Because this
is a "worlding of the world" on a second level of abstraction, a concept of refusal becomes
plausible here. The archival, historiographic, disciplinary-critical, and, inevitably, interventionist work
involved here is indeed a task of "measuring silences." This can be a description of
"investigating, identifying, and measuring ... the deviation" from an
ideal that is irreducibly differential. . When we come to the
concomitant question of the consciousness of the subaltern the
notion of what the work cannot say becomes important. In the
semioses of the social text, elaborations of insurgency stand in the
place of "the utterance." The sender-"the peasant"-is marked only as a pointer to an irretrievable
consciousness. As for the receiver, we must ask who is "the real receiver" of an "insurgency?" The histonan,
transforming "insurgency" into "text for knowledge," is only one "receiver" of any collectively intended social act.
With no possibility of nostalgia for that lost origin, the historian

must suspend (as far as possible) the clamor of his or her own
consciousness (or consciousness-effect, as operated by dI~cIphn~ry training), so that the
elaboration of the insurgency, packaged with an insurgentconsciousness, does not freeze into an object of investigation, or,
worse yet, a model for imitation. "The subject" implied by the texts
of insurgency can only serve as a counterpossibility for the
narrative sanctions granted to the colonial subject in the dominant
groups. The postcolonial intellectuals learn that their privilege is their loss. In this they are a
paradigm of the intellectuals. It is well known that the notion of the feminine (rather than
the subaltern of imperialism) has been used in a similar way within deconstructive criticism and within certain
varieties of feminist criticism.48 In the former case, a figure of "woman" is at issue, one whos~ minir:n~l
Subaltern
historiography raises questions of method that would prevent It
from using such a ruse. For the "figure" of woman, the relationship betweer: woman and
silence can be plotted by women themselves; race and class
dIfferences are subsumed under that charge. Subaltern
predication as indeterminate is already available to the phallocentnc tradItl<:m.
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historiography must confront the impossibility of such gestures.

The narrow epistemi.c violence o.f imperialism gives us an
imperfect allegory of the general VIOlence that IS the possibility of
an episteme.49 Within the effaced itinerary of the subaltern subject, the track of sexual difference is
doubly effaced. The question is not of female participation in insurgency, or the ground rules of the sexual division
of.labor, for both of which there is "evidence." It is, rather, that, both as object of colonialist historiography and as
If, in the
context of colonial production, the subaltern has no history and
cannot speak, the subaltern as female is even more deeply in
shadow.
subject. of insurg~ncy, the ideological co.nstruction of gender keeps the male dommant.
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Impacts
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Fascism
( ) The result of coloniality, especially when applied to economics of
developing nations, is the development of financial fascism A
system that subjugates entire nations in the process of
globalization
One of the main consequences, for Santos, of the collapse of

emancipation into regulation is the structural predominance of
exclusion over inclusion. Either because of the exclusion of many of those formerly included, or
because those who in the past were candidates for inclusion are now prevented from being so, the problematic of
exclusion has become terribly accentuated, with ever growing numbers of people thrown into a veritable state of
The size of the excluded class varies of course with the

centrality of the country in the world system, but it is particularly
staggering in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The result is a new type of
nature.
social fascism as a social and civilizational regime (p. 453). This regime, paradoxically,
coexists with democratic societies, hence its novelty. This fascism
may operate in various modes: in terms of spatial exclusion;
territories struggled over by armed actors; the fascism of
insecurity; and of course the deadly financial fascism, which at times
dictates the marginalization of entire regions and countries that
do not fulfill the conditions needed for capital , according to the IMF and its faithful
management consultants (pp. 447-458). To the former Third World corresponds the highest levels of social fascism
This is, in sum, the world that is being created by globalization

from above, or hegemonic globalization.
of these kinds.
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Racism/Domination
( ) Coloniality exists as a matrix of different dominating factors
Race, politics, and world economics This multiplicity of different
systems creates the world order that labels people as inferior and
superior, often based on race This is the controlling impact in the
debate Race controls every system in the world
Accessed 6/25/13.
It is not an accident that the conceptualization of the world-system

from decolonial perspectives of the South will question its
traditional conceptualizations produced by thinkers from the North.
Following Peruvian Sociologist Anbal Quijano (1991; 1998; 2000), we could conceptualize the
present world-system as a historical-structural heterogeneous
totality with a specific power matrix that he calls a colonial power
matrix (patrn de poder colonial). This matrix affects all dimensions of social
existence such as sexuality, authority, subjectivity and labor (Quijano
2000). The sixteenth century initiates a new global colonial power matrix that by the late nineteenth century came
I conceptualize the coloniality

of power as an entanglement or, to use U.S. Third World Feminist concept, intersectionality
(Crenshaw 1989; Fregoso 2003) of multiple and heterogeneous global
hierarchies (heterarchies) of sexual, political, epistemic, economic,
spiritual, linguistic and racial forms of domination and exploitation
where the racial/ethnic hierarchy of the European/non-European
divide transversally reconfigures all of the other global power
to cover the whole planet. Taking a step further from Quijano,
structures . What is new in the coloniality of power perspective is how the idea of race and
racism becomes the organizing principle that structures all of the
multiple hierarchies of the world-system (Quijano 1993). For example, the
different forms of labor that are articulated to capitalist
accumulation at a world-scale are assigned according to this racial
hierarchy; coercive (or cheap) labor is done by non-European people in the periphery and free wage labor
in the core. The global gender hierarchy is also affected by race: contrary to
pre-European patriarchies where all women were inferior to all men, in the new colonial power matrix some women
(of European origin) have a higher status and access to resources than some men (of non-European origin).
The
idea of race organizes the worlds population into a hierarchical

order of superior and inferior people that becomes an organizing
principle of the international division of labor and of the global patriarchal system.
Contrary to the Eurocentric perspective, race, gender, sexuality, spirituality, and epistemology are not additive
elements to the economic and political structures of the capitalist world-system, but an integral, entangled and
European modern/colonial
capitalist/patriarchal world-system (Grosfoguel 2002). European Judeo-Christian patriarchy
and European notions of sexuality, epistemology and spirituality were globalized and exported
to the rest of the world through the colonial expansion as the
hegemonic criteria to racialize, classify and pathologize the rest of
constitutive part of the broad entangled package called the
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the worlds population in a hierarchy of superior and inferior races.

This conceptualization has enormous implications that I can only briefly mention here: 1) The old Eurocentric idea
that societies develop at the level of the nation-state in terms of a linear evolution of modes of production from
pre-capitalist to capitalist is overcome. We are all encompassed within a capitalist world-system that articulates
different forms of labor according to the racial classification of the worlds population (Quijano 2000; Grosfoguel
2002). 2) The old Marxist paradigm of infrastructure and superstructure is replaced by a historical-heterogeneous
structure (Quijano 2000), or a heterarchy (Kontopoulos 1993), that is, an entangled articulation of multiple
hierarchies, in which subjectivity and the social imaginary is not derivative but constitutive of the structures of the
race and racism are not

superstructural or instrumental to an overarching logic of capitalist accumulation; they are
constitutive of capitalist accumulation at a world-scale. The colonial power matrix
is an organizing principle involving exploitation and domination
exercized in multiple dimensions of social life, from economic,
sexual, or gender relations, to political organizations, structures of
knowledge, state institutions, and households (Quijano 2000).
world-system (Grosfoguel 2002). In this conceptualization,
( ) Racism is the direct result of colonliality

The complex articulation and disarticulation of diverse histories for

the benefit of one, the history of the discoverers, conquerors, and colonizers, left to
posterity a linear and homogeneous concept of history that also
produced the idea of America. But in order for one history to be seen as primary, a
system of classification to marginalize certain knowledges,
languages, and beings needs to be in place. Thus, colonization and
the justification for the appropriation of land and the exploitation
of labor in the process of the invention of America required the
simultaneous ideological construction of racism. The emergence of
the Indians in the European consciousness, the simultaneous
expulsion of the Moors and Jews from the Iberian peninsula in the late fifteenth century,
and the redefinition of the African Blacks in slavery prompted a
specific classification and ranking of humanity. The presumptuous
model of ideal humanity on which it was based was not established by God as a
natural order, but according to the perception of Christian, White, and
European males. The geo- and body politics of knowledge were hidden and sublimated into an abstract
universal coming from God or from the transcendental ego. Consequently, the geo-politics and
body politics of knowledges that unfolded from the borders of
imperial experiences in the colonies (that is, imperial/colonial experiences) offer not
only a new and distinct epistemology (i.e., border epistemology), but also a perspective
from which to analyze the limits of the regional universalizing of understanding based on both theology and
The overall classification and ranking

of the world do not just reveal a reality out there, in the world, that they reflect, like in a mirror. They also hide
the fact that such classification and ranking are valid only from a
given perspective or locus of enunciation the geohistorical and bio-graphical experience of the
knowing subject of the philosophical principles of theology, the historical experiences of
Western Christians, and the way of looking at the world as a male.
egology (i.e., theo- and ego-politics of knowledge).
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Violence
***ALSO HEGE LINK***
( ) The new form of imperialism and control is economic, but the
same violent, war-mongering effects take place, destroying entire
nations, and subjugating all who are in the countries the US tries to
economically engage
it is important to complete this rough representation of

todays global capitalist modernity by looking at the US-led invasion of Iraq in early 2003.
Among other things, this episode has made at last two things particularly clear: first, the willingness
to use unprecedented levels of violence to enforce dominance on a
global scale; second, the unipolarity of the current empire. In ascension
since the Thatcher-Reagan years, this unipolarity reached its climax with the
post-9/11 regime, based on a new convergence of military,
economic, political and religious interests in the United States. In Alain Joxes
(2002) compelling vision of imperial globality, what we have been witnessing since the first Gulf War is the
rise of an empire that increasingly operates through the
management of asymmetrical and spatialized violence, territorial
control, sub-contracted massacres, and cruel little wars, all of
which are aimed at imposing the neo-liberal capitalist project. At
stake is a type of regulation that operates through the creation of a
new horizon of global violence. This empire regulates disorder
through financial and military means, pushing chaos to the extent
possible to the outskirts of empire, creating a predatory peace to
the benefit of a global noble caste and leaving untold poverty and
suffering in its path. It is an empire that does not take responsibility
for the wellbeing of those over whom it rules. As Joxe puts it: The world
today is united by a new form of chaos, an imperial chaos,
dominated by the imperium of the United States, though not controlled by it. We lack the
words to describe this new system, while being surrounded by its images. World leadership
through chaos, a doctrine that a rational European school would have difficulty imagining,
necessarily leads to weakening states even in the United States
through the emerging sovereignty of corporations and markets.
Before moving on,
(2002: 78, 213).
( ) This homogenizing view of both Western logic and the

barbaric Latin America defends a old, out-of-date view of people
and cultures that only leads to violence in its defense
the colonial difference must be kept in

view, because Creoles in the Americas of European descent (either Latin
There is one proviso: at this point in time,
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or Anglo), as well as Creoles of European descent around the world, may
still see civilization and

barbarism as ontological categories, and therefore they may have
trouble accepting Indian (or Islamic, for that matter) civilizational processes
and histories when entering into dialogue. There are no civilizations
outside of Europe or, if there are, like those of Islam, China or Japan (to follow Huntingtons
classification: see chapter 1), they remain in the past and have had to be brought
into the present of Western civilization. That is the colonial difference that should be
kept in mind. The future can no longer be thought of as the defense of
Western civilization, constantly waiting for the barbarians. As
barbarians are ubiquitous (they could be in the plains or in the mountains as well as in global
cities), so are the civilized. There is no safe place to defend and, even
worse, believing that there is a safe place that must be defended is
(and has been ) the direct road to killing. Dialogue, properly speaking, cannot
take place until there are no more places to be defended and the
power differential, consequently, can be redressed. Dialogue today is a utopia,
as we are witnessing in Iraq, and it should be reconceived as utopistic: a double movement composed of a critical
take on the past in order to imagine and construct future possible worlds. The decolonial shift is of the essence if
we would stop seeing modernity as a goal rather than seeing it as a European construction of history in Europes
own interests. Dialogue can only take place once modernity is decolonized and dispossessed of its mythical
march toward the future. I am not defending despotism of any kind, Oriental or Occidental. I am just saying that
dialogue
can only take place when the monologue of one

civilization (Western) is no longer
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2NC Violence
( ) Occidental thought perpetuates global struggles throughout the
world and play out in vastly violent ends This is the root cause of
your impacts Turns case
Ikenberry 04 [G. John, Theorist of international relations and United States foreign policy, and a professor
of Politics and International Affairs in the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton
University, Review of Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of Its Enemies by Ian Buruma and Avishai Margalit for
Foreign Affairs, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/59557/g-john-ikenberry/occidentalism-the-west-in-the-eyes-ofits-enemies, JCook.] Accessed 6/26/13.
the
hostility of Islamic jihadists toward the United States is but the most
recent manifestation of a long-running, worldwide reaction to the
rise of Western modernity. They call the cluster of prejudices and
unflattering images of the West conjured by its enemies
"Occidentalism," a phenomenon that originated within the West itself in the late eighteenth century and
In this grandly illuminating study of two centuries of anti-Western ideas, Buruma and Margalit contend that
only later spread to the Middle East, Asia, and beyond. German romantics, reacting to the Enlightenment and the
of a coldly rational Europe -- a "machine

civilization," manifest in imperialism, urbanism, and
cosmopolitanism. From there, similar themes appear in Occidentalism's
other variants: the sinfulness and rootlessness of urban life; the
corruption of the human spirit in a materialistic, market-driven
society; the loss of organic community; the glory of heroic selfsacrifice in overcoming the timidity of bourgeois life. Western liberalism is a
rise of capitalism, expressed it in their rejection
threat -- to religious fundamentalists, priest-kings, and radical collectivists alike -- because it deflates the
picture that emerges is not

of a clash of civilizations but of deeply rooted tensions that ebb and
flow within and across civilizations, religions, and cultures. What the West
pretensions of their own brand of heroic utopianism. Ultimately, the
can do about Occidentalism, however, is less clear. The anti-Western impulses in nineteenth-century Europe and
interwar Japan were only transitional, overwhelmed by the forces of socioeconomic advancement. Whether the
Occidentalism of present-day Islamic radicals will also come to accommodate modernity is the great question of our
time. Buruma and Margalit do not venture an answer, but their evocative study shows that,
whatever
happens in the end, it will play out as a long and violent historical
drama.
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War
First, This reproductive Heteronormativity ends in the countless
justification of wars As nations reproduce themselves in masculine
ways, war is fought amongst the protection of the female, and the
protection of the nations reproductive abilities This makes war
inevitable by re-entrenching in the heterosexism that produces the
justifications for wars in the first place Only the alternatives break
away from this system of reproductive heteronormativity solves the
impact.
Global Feminisms 402 08 (Amy T., Writes on the war in Iraq and particularly its impact on
women, The Gender of War, December 15, 2008.)
(http://globalfeminisms.wordpress.com/2008/12/15/the-gender-of-war/. JCook.) Accessed 8/21/12.
War is an act of violence, domination, of taking away someones

power by asserting and reifying your own. War is a clash of brawn
and phallic guns. In our gendered society, war is without a doubt
coded masculine. Think about a warrior. Is this warrior a man or a woman? Now think about a soldier.
Man or woman? The traditionally maleness of warriors is one way that war
becomes gendered. History books and story books alike paint a
picture always of a male warrior, generally very physically
impressive, so angered that someone or something is threatening
what is his that he will resort to violent means to protect it. The
anatomical maleness of the typical warrior isnt enough to render
war masculine, though gender is socially constructed, so its the masculine-coded attributes of these
warriors that really masculinizes war. The strength, ability to protect, sense of ownership over others and
willingness to use violent means that typify the warrior are also many of the traits that help to construct
masculinity.
The military is further masculinized because of its

heteronormativity; Dont Ask Dont Tell in the United States means that out homosexuals are not even
allowed to serve. Homosexual soldiers challenge the hetero-masculine sphere of the soldier and problematize the
undeniably homosocial atmosphere created by the presence of so many men in the same space with very few
War is also coded masculine because of the

feminization of what warriors protect; in our heterosexist world
that which is protected and therefore less dominant cannot remain
masculine, and masculinity and femininity are viewed in binary
opposition and therefore complementary. In legend the Trojan War was fought over a
women allowed inside.
woman. Land is feminized, as in Mother Earth and calling countries the motherland and she.[1] Womens relation
Wars
begin to protect and save women, because patriarchy wants
everyone to believe that women dont have the agency to protect or
save themselves. This feminization of that over which war is fought is simultaneously the result of and
the reason behind war being coded as masculine. Masculinization of war attempts to
reduce women to property, beings without agency to quite literally
call their own shots. Oftentimes womens rights become a kind of
capital over which men fight. When war is fought in order to save women, then questions of
to war becomes about how they are in need of the protection the military can provide them.[2]
which group affords more rights to women becomes an issue not of commitment to gender equality but rather in
who can claim higher moral ground. Patriarchy and the systems of oppression with which it intersects are happy to
perform concern for the well-being of the very groups they oppress when doing so will reify their own power and
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Spivak has termed the intersection of patriarchy and white

supremacy as a phenomenon of white mensaving brown women
from brown men.[3] The world of binary oppositions also engages in
essentialism; that is, linking an anatomical reality to a socially
constructed set of behaviors. Masculinity and maleness, though not the
same thing, are nevertheless inextricably linked by essentialism. From this
essentialism and binary opposition comes a sense that men, and
therefore masculine beings, must counteract and compensate for the
feminine and female behaviors that are unreachable for
masculinized male bodies. Zillah Eisenstein bluntly summarizes this theory: while women birth,
men kill.[4] Because women have reproductive power, men compensate
for this inability by claiming power over death: deciding who gets to
die when and on whose terms. War is even gendered in its defeat.
glory. Gayatri
Groups are emasculated in defeat, like the US after its failure in Vietnam.[5] When war becomes about masculine
posturing[6] and facing up to a bully,[7] then admitting defeat means admitting a lack of masculine potency and
strength. Starhawk write that [s]oldiers can be coerced into dying for killing when their fear of being called
womanlike or cowardly overrides their reluctance to face death or to inflict injury on others.[8] War, violence and
killing become a way to prove manliness and masculinity. Add in the phallic images of much of modern weaponry
and war becomes a battle of who has a bigger penis, who is the bigger and more masculine man. The US
occupation of Iraq is definitely gendered masculine and easily matches the dominant narrative of masculinized
war. The US government used the well-being of women to justify their invasion. Even though the war is really about
imperialism, Western dominance, and capitalist greed, the US claimed that it wanted to liberate the Muslim
women of course remembering to represent these women as an Orientalist monolith. Eisenstein describes that
The West is often described as embracing gender equality, while

Muslim countries are depicted as non-democratic and patriarchal.
[9] Here womens rights are commodified, used as capital to justify
violence, aggression, blatant Othering racism and religious
prejudice. This discourse continues to construct women as objects to protect and save rather than
recognizing their agency and status as full human beings. The US war of aggression on Iraq was also a clash of
masculinities, leaving femininity on the sidelines as only something to protect. Laura Sjoberg explains how this
hypermasculinization intersected with racism as US forces feminized and Othered Iraqi forces: The story of conflict
was not told only in terms of American manliness, but in terms of the victory of American manliness over the
mistaken and inferior masculinities of the Iraqi opponent. American masculinity was winning over Iraqi masculinity
For US troops, not only were the

motherland and the brown women to which Gayatri Spivak refers at
risk, but also at risk was the very concept of what masculinity looks
like in America. Of course the only way to solve the dilemma was to violently and aggressively show
those mistaken Iraqis who really had more power, who was really tougher and manlier. The
masculinity of war cannot be countered by femininity alone but by
deconstructing our rigid essentialist gender roles. When men dont have to prove
their maleness through masculinity, violence and domination will cease to hold such importance in our lives. We
must construct strength as coming from something different than
just physique, power and intimidation over others. Reimagining our
concepts of gender will help us to envision a world free from war.
and terrorist masculinity, both of which were inferior. [10]
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Value to Life
Not very good
First, Reproductive heteronormativity destroys the spirit of human
life It controls our actions and our basic unconscious, removing
any true freedom
Spivak August 2012 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Re: Discussion of Your Ideas and Academic
Debate, http://emailswithdebateauthors.blogspot.com/2012/08/conversation-with-gayatri-spivak.html, JCook.)
Accessed 8/26/12.
I think you are absolutely right in questioning "best-ness." (Only yesterday

I sid to an Indian group -- my family -- "nationalist competition kills the human
spirit.") That said, allow me to make a gentle criticism. I always tell my students, "theory is not there for
application. Theorizing is a practice. Read theory for its own sake so that it's
internalized and your reading practice is changed. Do not make things into
illustrations of theory." So, see if you can get behind my thinking, as if you're thinking them rather than following
them and see what happens. Also, I always have two ways of looking at things: short term & long term. As
Adrienne Rich so powerfully says: "Learn
from your own history" (1979 Smith College

Commencement Address). Does increasing speed in travel actually decrease
gasolene consumption? What does history teach us? And does
lessened gasolene consumption lead to a juster world automatically
with no training for epistemological performance? Would
infrastructural change help subaltern groups be heard?
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HIV/AIDs
First, Reproductive heteronormativity leads nations like the US to
pull funding from HIV and AIDs programs
In August, 2003, at the public hearing of crimes against women in Bangladesh, the jury had suggested (I was part
of the jury) that the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, or SAARC, be requested to put in place
trans-state jurisdiction so that perpetrators could be apprehended with greater ease, and survivor-friendly laws
Such feminist work

would not only supplement the rich cultural mulch of the testifying women themselves, re-coding
their lives through sex-work collectives working to monitor and
advise, it would also, by supporting the sex-work awareness of these women, provide an
active criticism of the reproductive heteronormativity that is
making the United States withdraw aid from the most successful
HIV/AIDS programs as in Brazil or Guatemala because they will
not simply criminalize prostitution6. There the multilingual and
regional comparative work would be immensely productive.
could support trafficked women, often living with HIV/AIDS, across state lines.
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Otherization
If youre going to read this as an impact read framework with it
the only way youll win an outweighs and theres some pretty good
policy failure stuff with it
Reproductive Heteronormativity forces the postcolonial to become
the other
course, changes in the mode of production of value do not bring

about matching changes in the constitution of the subject. But one
is often surprised to notice how neatly the ruses change in the
arena that engages in coding subject-production: cultural politics. And
13 Of
the universities, the journals, the institutes, the exhibitions, the publish- . ers' series are rather overtly involved
it can
be said that the shift into transnationalism brought a softer and
more benevolent third worldism into the Euramerican academy. This
was indeed a ricorso from the basically conservative social scientific
approach that matched the initial dismantling of the old empires. It
is in this newer context that the postcolonial diasporic can have the
role of an ideologue. This "person" (although we are only naming a subject-position here),
belonging to a basically collaborative elite, can be uneasy for
different kinds of reasons with being made the object of
unquestioning benevolence as an inhabitant of the new third world.
(S)he is more at home in producing and simulating the effect of an
older world constituted by the legitimizing narratives of cultural and
ethnic specificity and continuity, all feeding an almost seamless
national identity-a species of" retrospective hallucination." 14 This
produces a comfortable "other" for transnational postmodernity,
"ground-level activity," "emergent discourses." The radical critic can
turn her attention on this hyperreal third world to find, in the name
of an alternative history, an arrested space that reproaches
postmodernity. In fact, most postcolonial areas have a class-specific access to the society of informationhere. Keeping the banal predictability of the cultural apparatus in transnational society firmly in mind,
command telematics inscribed by microelectronic transnationalism. And indeed, the discourse of cultural specificity
and difference, packaged for transnational consumption along the lines sketched above, is often deployed by this
specific class. What is dissimulated by this broadstroke picture is the tremendous complexity of postcolonial space,
especially womanspace.15
Second, This use women and feminism as a way to universalize

identity - creates an international civil society that makes the rural
poor the other
In 1985, we had not yet fully acknowledged our access to a postmodern electronic capitalism in the field of gender
ideology.
International feminist politics was still in the condition of

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modernizing. The condition and effect of constructing other women

was "women in development." In the globalizing postmodern, she is
embedded in the more abstract frame of "Gender and
development," which is the current slogan of the agencies
inaugurating our "modernity" that I mention above. Modernization
was international. Postmodernization is global. The boundaries of
nation-states are now increasingly inconvenient, yet must be
reckoned with, because the limits and openings of a particular civil
society are state-fixed. The globalization of capital requires a poststate system. The use of women in its establishment is the
universalization of feminism of which the United Nations is
increasingly becoming the instrument. In this re-territorialization
the collaborative international nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) are increasingly being called an international civil society,
precisely to efface the role of the state as agent of social
redistribution. Saskia Sassen has located a new "economic
citizenship" of power and legitimation in the finance capital
markets.6 Thus, elite, upwardly mobile, generally academic women
of the new diasporas join hands with similar women in the so-called
developing world to celebrate a new global public or private
"culture" often in the name of the underclass or the rural poor as
"other." (I now call this phenomenon, going far beyond feminism, "feudality without feudalism."}
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Structural Violence
Reproductive Heteronormativity tasks women with the job of
maintaining culture making them become the self and the other.
This causes structural violence because the man vents his
aggression on them because the woman becomes a symbol of the
global
This much at least is clear: to imagine or figure the other as another

self, you need to engage the moving edge of culture as it leaves its
traces in idiom. To reduce it to language-to semiotic systems that
are organized as language-was a structuralist dream. But at least,
whatever the subject-position of the structuralist investigator, there
was rigor in the enterprise. Its tempo was different from the
impatience of a universalist feminism re-coding global capital. From
existing evidence, it is clear that individual-rights or universalist
feminists infiltrate the gendering of the rural South to recast it
hastily into the individual rights model. They simply take for
granted that colonized cultures are inevitably patriarchal. I will not enter
into historical speculation. I will take shelter in a figure-the figure or topos, that in postcoloniality the past as the
unburied dead calls us. This past has not been appropriately mourned, not been given the rites of the dead, as the
other system brought in by colonialism imposed itself. There was no continuous shedding of a past into an
unmarked modernity. I am not necessarily suggesting that there can be such continuity. It is just that when a sense
of that continuity is absent, in different ways, in an entire culture, there are immense problems in the practice of
freedom in a modernity not marked by a locational adjective. In later chapters, I will speak of Khaled Ziadeh and
In the field of
political culture, to engage in a strategy-driven globalization, to
step into a modernity not forever marked by the West and
contrasted to a tradition necessarily defined as static, it is to the
past as the call of the unburied dead that the postcolonial must
strain to gain access. (In the intervening years, I have realized, as I have plunged more and more
Farhad Mazhar to speak of these predicaments of infelicitous or unmourned modernities.
into the specific task of the uncoercive rearrangement of desires at two ends of the spectrum-represented here as a
double bind-that strategy-driven globalization is the old goal of international socialism recoded into the global; and
that it still needs supplementation by a persistently repeated, diversified, aesthetic education for all. But I get
ahead of myself.)
Men and women are both in this situation of attending to

the past so that it can be understood as another access to
contemporaneity, but not equally For, first, across the classes, it is
women who are generally asked to hold the marks of a necessarily
stagnating traditional culture. And unable to confront the real
source of domination, it is upon the domesticated woman, in the
private sphere, that the underclass man, frustrated by globality,
vents his frustration. And, finally, family law, a strictly codifiedrather than dynamically flexible-version of precolonial laws, allowed
to flourish by colonizing powers to keep indigenous patriarchy
satisfied still functions across the immigrant-feminized labor export
divide :sn"""~' Thus it is possible to argue that unequal gendering is exacerbated under colonialism,
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subsequently in underclass migrancy, and thrust into a bewildering simulacrum of freedom in the underbelly of
globalization. To undo this is not a matter of a quick-fix gender training, bringing the international feminist into the
fragility of the family.
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Deontology
Tag me
Spivak 2005 GuyatriChakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
on the subaltern and the popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486,
2005 Routledge
As you can see, however, in what I am writing today, the problems that emerged out of Can the Subaltern Speak?,
_/ the problem of subject-ship and agency, and the call to build infrastructure in the colloquial, not the Marxist
sense, so that agency would emerge _/, have not left me. At that stage already, I saw agency as institutional
validation, whereas subject formation exceeded the borders of the intending subject, to put it brutally briefly. And I
saw reproductive heteronormativity as the broadest global institution. Now, in addition, I see agency as the play of
self-synecdochising in a metonym. To restore rights to the people without laying the groundwork for this (political)
will can be well-intentioned but only that, and only at best. In general, the leaders of collectivities _/ good or bad
_/ have the right to the metonym/synecdoche complex. That the rank and file do not, sometimes gets overlooked.
That I believe is the difference between good and bad movements. My foray into teacher-training for the
subaltern is because they also are citizens, the name for hegemony. In order to work for them, I set aside my
differences _/ Columbia Professor, dollar income, classed caste-birth, and all that comes with it .
I
synecdochise myself as nothing but a citizen of India, which is
where my students, their parents and relatives, and I, can form a
collectivity, in search of agency. On the other hand, they are not,
mentally or materially (the two bleed into each other), free to put
aside their differences. The effort is to build infrastructure so that
they can, when necessary, when the public sphere calls for it,
synecdochise themselves without identitarian
exploitation(sometimes well-meaning but equally destructive), from
above. The solution, as I see it, is not to celebrate or deny difference, but
find out what specific case of inequality brings about the use of
difference and who can deny it on occasion. The solution is also not
to create a politics of recognition where this problematic is
altogether ignored.25 The solution cannot come to us from the
international civil society, self-selected moral entrepreneurs who
distribute philanthropy without democracy.26 I believe the existing debates about
contingency and universality have not taken into account.27 Here is another example, from the other end of the
in the wake of 9/11, with civil liberties

constrained by the Patriot Act and the general atmosphere of suspicion and fear, the will of the
citizen of the United States has become separated from the state .28
This too is a kind of subalternity because the part is no longer part
of the whole, and therefore the power to self-synecdochise has been
taken away. Bruce Ackerman had suggested some years ago that, We the people in the United States
spectrum. Donald Pease the Americanist has suggested that,
polity are not engaged on an ordinary day. It is only when there are transformative Supreme Court decisions and
popular mandates that they act.29 And now Donald Pease was suggesting that even that has been changed. He,
however, was not able to see that RHN kicks in here as well .
Although the citizen is

subalternised inside the nation-state _/ the United States _/, outside
in the world, agency is reclaimed, again and again, and across the
political spectrum, generally in the name of gender. Gender is the
alibi for much US interference abroad. That has as little
persuasiveness for the thinking of subalternity as a position without
identity as does genderoppression in the name of cultural
difference. People will play into both these extremes.If we grasp
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subalternity as a position without identity we will think of building

infrastructure for agency. Ethical sameness cannot be compromised.
The point is to have access to the situation, the metonym, through a
self-synecdoche that can be withdrawn when necessary rather than
confused with identity.
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Reproductive Heteronormativity First

First, Tag me better
Spivak and Mookherjee 12 (Gayatri and Nayanika. Reproductive Heteronormativity and Sexual
Violence in the Bangladesh War of 1971, Social Text 111.Vol. 30, No. 2. Summer 2012.)
GayatriChakravortySpivak has been working with an organization in Bangladesh which focuses on ecological
farming and the struggle against forced contraception (in particular, the dumping of Depo-Provera and other
pharmaceuticals). She has also been part of this organizations educational program for women and teacher
training course in rural Bangladesh. In her own work she has written critically about the various interventionist
and savior paradigms of transnational organizations in Bangladesh, which she has referred to as an enabling
violation of that of the production of the subject.1 In this context she has been critical of gender training
the label given by international organizations to processes that seemingly empower women and give them a
voice. Spivak first went to Bangladesh while she was accompanying her mother, SivaniChakravorty, on a visit to
one of these rehabilitation centers, and took photographs of the women and the rehabilitation program in Dhaka in
The following discussion highlights the

personal, political, and intellectual context within which Spivak
undertook this visit to Bangladesh, along with a deconstructive
reading of sexual violence during wars, which she refers to as the
tacit globalization of reproductive heteronormativity. This discussion was
January 1973 (see page 121 and fig. 1).
interspersed with looking through numerous photo albums with Spivak, searching for and talking through
photographs of women.gayatrichakravortyspivak I dont quite know where to begin in this introduction, Nayanika.
Derrida has this idea of destinerrance that a thing always errs away from its destination, and I feel that pulling
these pictures up from 71/72 has been almost an allegory of that. These pic tures were not records of anything for
me I should say here I am not a photographer. I am completely excited by and committed to the unverifiable.
On the other hand, in the deepest possible way I am dedicated to entering the protocols of their episteme,
attempting to inhabit the often-metaphoricalsyncategoremes that link their presuppositions, as one enters the
text one reads, which is a very different thing. As you will see, these pictures are poor pictures. They were taken
because we were there. My mother and I were involved in working for the establishment of Bangladesh as a state.
We did publicity we talked to the women a lot but not to interview, but to energize, to understand, to explain.
reproductive
heteronormativity the para-reasonable assumption that
producing children by male-female coupling gives meaning to any
life is the oldest, biggest sustaining institution in the world, a
tacit globalizer. And war and rape belong there. Now you will see the picture of
I dont know whether you have heard me say this since you saw me at Cambridge, that
one young woman who was completely unhinged, never spoke a word at all I felt she was completely unhinged
which is also a Derridean thing out of joint. The out of place (atopos), following Socrates, is assigned a
Nietzsche assigns to postreproductive women a

certain cynical wisdom. Antigone, voluble, honorary male, is, says Lacan, beyond
Ate. All these narratives were useless to describe her. I never followed up
certain gentle wisdom.
on these pictures this is not my work, it was a literary or disciplinary disinclination to turn her into my object of
investigation.This
is something that happened on the way. This is almost

for me like a primal scene of activism I did not even think so till you and I began
talking about this. I am reading Frederick Douglass, and there is again and again what could be a primal scene; as
a slave he was denied the so-called normal access to reproductive heteronormativity. So these are images of
bare-chested women being whipped until they bleed uncontrollably, and I was realizing we need these kinds of
scenes that are originary and not rationalized into what we later do.nayanikamookherjee I wanted to ask you
about what you said about these images as being of the epistemic originary. My
analogy for the

originary is a stick-shift car: every time you start the car you take
the clutch out it is somewhere which remains lodged as the
first necessary move, so it is not origin. I feel as if what happened
unselfconsciously as I faced these women was a reference to, or a
representation of, the originary in the field of my work for reading
the world. I didnt try it with these women; I wasnt ready. I feel that silent unreading
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of the scene of violation was originary to all this. It was, as it were, a lesson not
to read too soon. want to come back to the point of images. There is a certain kind of
standardization of images that has happened in terms of wartime
experiences to the extent that people feel bored about it the
citational point about the enemy. Yes and through this the feeling is that once dealt with
they need not be brought up again. I am glad you brought this up. I am talking about this
entire construct which contained my approach to it and I had no plan. And we hadnt gone to do this.
What I am talking about is preimagistic. I do not follow Freud, but Freud is very canny he says that the dream
in its work has to start with words but it slowly undoes the words worthiness. Freud is talking about the fact that in
the dream the significance-quality of the image is undone, the meaning making of the image gets undone in
the dreamer can dream the very last thing the dream does,
the dream work does, making a representation. It conceals all this
work by producing a dream narrative. It is this dream narrative that
I am talking about. I want to show you the pictures first. It is interesting to me that they are mixed in
order that
with other pictures let me get a bigger table for the photographs. I want to show you the picture of the woman
who was completely muted. I believe this is she. I have forgotten her name there are two pictures which are
nearly the same. These are awful pictures these are some of the women, and this is of that woman who was
always quiet. The photographs are of January 73. I dont know if these pictures mean anything to you. The
settings of these images are similar to images other Bangladeshi social workers have. Maybe you could tell me
how you went with your mother to Bangladesh what triggered it off. That is interesting indeed. I was of that
immediately postcolonial generation that went to Presidency College in Calcutta in 1957. I was always engaged
with whatever was going on that was not new. I came to the US in 1961, and I would say that the first couple of
years I was slightly detached from what was on the ground. Although during that time James Brown and Malcolm
X debated at Cornell, Schwerner and his associates went down south and were killed in Mississippi. There was a lot
of stuff going on. But since I am not someone who would want to join for joining, I wasnt cluing in. And then came
the Vietnam War and I was a bit more senior, right? 65 I became an assistant prof, and I found myself
completely sucked into the antiVietnam War movement. And one of the things that kept not just me but most of
the international students on the left separate from it a little was our conviction that people with whom we were
struggling SDS, DSOC, NAM [Students for a Democratic Society, Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee, and
New American Movement] they seemed more interested in reclaiming America than entering the protocol of
the episteme of the Vietcong: how Marx is transformed in Asia the atopos in Socrates that was not the story.
Because student activists tend to cluster and I was becoming quite visible and I was clearly a Bengali into this
came the Bangladeshi activists abroad, who were working very hard. This was in Iowa the Midwest was a solid
base of the antiVietnam War movement. And so it was there that the Bangladeshis and I found each other. I
remember the guy calledSayadAlam the day that Bangladesh was proclaimed and there was a huge
celebration at our house, March 71. And so I was in contact with my mother in Calcutta Mother had often said to
me that the best days of her life were spent in Dhaka. My fathers name was Pares Chandra Chakravorty, and my
mothers name was SivaniChakravorty. So what happened was my father was asked by the British government
to give false evidence in a rape trial in 1941 in Dhaka, and in a second he destroyed his career by refusing. Of
course, Mother remembered the entire narrative vividly. After that my father left Dhaka. My mothers grandmother
Barahini Debi was given in widow remarriage. Her father was a friend of IswarchandraVidyasagar, the great
nineteenth-century Bengali reformer. Brahmins in my fathers village had therefore felt that my fathers father
had lost his Brahminical standing by giving his son into such a rule-breaking household. So he tore his sacred
All
of these stories have to do with the cultural policing of
reproductive heteronormativity. A widow remarried is akin to a rape
victim, a transgressor. So now, coming to talk to you, I realize this inventory without traces,
thread and vowed never to come back to the village again. My mother had never seen my fathers birthplace.
Gramscis great formula for the historiography of the subaltern. I get my political passion from both my parents,
and the entire narrative was in my mothers mind. As this drama was being played in Iowa by me thirty years
later, my mother said we should go to Bangladesh and she started to make contacts. So in 71 Mother and I
together went to Bangladesh, and this was just about the end well, the bridges were still down. So my
chronology is not accurate this was not being undertaken for any academic transcoding. It was an emotional
thing mother and daughter going back to where mother had been happiest. Going back to where no one in the
family had been after 1940. It was extremely exciting and Mothers MA was in Bengali literature and she could
speak all of the dialects. As we are going north I understand my mother tongue less and less. My Bengali is not
bad, but she was becoming the interpreter and she was talking to them, whereas I could not talk and I could not
understand either. So it was very much a womens emotional journey. Into this because she had clearly worked
in the womens sector, and while I had worked in the general new-nation sector like the anti Vietnam War
movement I began to discover that through her I met lots of groups of upper-middle-class nationalist women.
The PunorbashonKendras (rehabilitation centers) that you mentioned approached Mother, and I went along. That
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is how it happened. I was twenty-nine. I hadnt begun any of my activist work of the mid-80s that was much
later. And so I was very much my mothers assistant.
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Ontology
Aff is responsible for their representations and forces a flawed
ontology - the act of reading forces one to construct a self in
opposition to their own [also can be used as a perm card if its
something to the effect of all other instances or do both since it
focuses on the role of the affs literature]
"An Aesthetic Education in the Era of Globalization", Published 2-27-2012, PG 58
Writing and reading in such general senses mark two different positions in relation to the uneven manystrandedness of "being." Writing is a position where the absence of the weaver from the web is structurally
necessary. Reading is a position where I (or a group of us with whom I share an identificatory label) make this
anonymous web my own, even as I find in it a guarantee of my existence as me, one of us. Between the two
positions, there are displacements and consolidations, a disjunction in order to conjugate a representative self.
(Even solitude is framed in a representation of absent others.) In the arena of cultural politics, whose disciplinary
condition and effect are history, anthropology, and cultural studies, this disjunction/conjunction is often ignored. The
socius, it is claimed, is not woven in the predication of writing, not text-ile. It is further claimed that, when we push
ourselves, or the objects of our study, forward as agents of an alternative history, our own emergence into the court
of claims is not dependent upon the transformation and displacement of writing into something readable. By that
reasoning, we simply discover or uncover the socius and secure the basis of cultural or ethnic power through the
claim to knowledge. By that reasoning, power is collective, institutional, political validation. I do not advise giving
up this practical notion of power. If, however, we "remake history" only through this limited notion of power as
collective validation, we might allow ourselves to become instruments of the crisis-management of the old
institutions, the old politics. We forget at our peril that we get out of joint with the pretext, the writing of our desire
for validation, which one can only grasp by being "nominalistic, no doubt: power is not an institution, and not a
structure; neither is it a certain strength some are endowed with; it is the name that one lends to a complex
strategical situation in a particular society," so that one can read that writing. 3
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Spurlock
First, We challenge the binary of the universal particular these
divisions rest upon reproductive Heteronormativity
Spivak 05 Guyatri Chakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations on the subaltern and the
popular, Postcolonial Studies Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 475-486, 2005 Routledge
the singular, as it combats the universal-particular binary

opposition, is not an individual, a person, an agent; multiplicity is not multitude. If, however, we are
thinking of potential agents, when s/he is not publicly empowered
to put aside difference and self-synecdochise to form collectivity,
the group will take difference itself as its synecdochic element.
Difference slides into culture, often indistinguishable from religion. And then the
institution that provides agency is reproductive heteronormativity
(RHN). It is the broadest and oldest global institution. You see now why just
writing about women does not solve the problem of the gendered
subaltern, just as chronicling the popular is not subaltern studies. In search of the
subaltern I first turned to my own class: the Bengali middle class:
Bhubaneshwari Bhaduri and Mahasweta Devi. From French theory that is all I could do.
But I did not remain there. In the middle class, according to Partha Chatterjee, Bhubaneshwari
I have said that
Bhaduri was metaleptically substituting effect for cause and producing an idea of national liberation by her suicide.
an idea of national liberation was produced by, socalled, terrorist movements.23 It was a frightening, solitary, and
Clytemnestralike project for a woman.
Chatterjees argument is that
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Turns Case
First, Ethical Interruptions of the systematic norm are the only way
to make lasting change to prevent the inevitable violence that the
case focuses on AND Only the alternative alone can solve The
openness to the other runs counter to state action and combinatory
acts
GayatriChakravorty Spivak 08, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and
Yet, being a citizen of the world who aspires to live and prosper under the rule of law, I will risk a word. When
we believe that to punish the per-petrators as criminals would be

smarter than, or even more correct than, military intervention, we
are not necessarily moving toward a lasting peace. Unless we are
trained into imagining the other, a necessary, impossible, and interminable task,
nothing we do through politico-legal calculation will last, even with
the chanciness of the future anterior: something will have been when we plan a
something will be. Before the requirement of the emergence of a specific sort of
public spherecorollary to imperial systems and the movement of peoples,
when different kinds of people came to live togethersuch training was part of general cultural instruction.3
it has become the especial burden of an institutionalized faculty

of the humanities. I squash an entire history here. Kants enlightened subject is a scholar.4 In
After,
Critique of Power Benjamin writes, what stands outside of the law as the educative power in its perfected form,
is one of the forms of appearance of divine power.5 I happen to be a Europeanist, but I have no doubt at all
thathistorically
marked intuitions about the importance of the

educative moment is to be found in every cultural system. What seems
important today, in the face of this unprecedented attack on the temple of
Empire, is not only an unmediated intervention by way of the
calculations of the public sphere war or lawbut training (the exercise
of the educative power) into a preparation for the eruption of the ethical. I
understand the ethical, and this is a derivative position, to be an
interruption of the epistemological, which is the attempt to
construct the other as object of knowledge. Epistemological
constructions belong to the domain of the law, which seeks to know
the other, in his or her case, as completely as possible, in order to
punish or acquit rationally, reason being defined by the limits set
by the law itself. The ethical interrupts this imperfectly, to listen to
the other as if it were a self, neither to punish nor to acquit.
Second, Only by imagining and investigating our cultural
imaginations allows us to solve the root cause of the problem Any
other solution re-entrenches the problem, turning case
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I am also not suggesting that political analyses and resistances and, on another level, aid and human rights, are
if in the imagination we do not make the

attempt to figure the other as imaginative actant, political (and
military) solutions will not remove the binary which led to the
problem in the first place. Hence cultural instruction in the exercise
of the imagination. Even within this suggestion, I am not describing all the acts of September 11,
2001, as sublime in the Kantian sense. It is an imaginative exercise in
experiencing the impossiblestepping into the space of the other
without which political solutions come drearily undone into the
continuation of violence. To paraphrase Devi: there are many to offer
political analyses and solutions, but no one to light the fire.
Cultural instructions through the imagination in time of war is seen,
at best, as aestheticization and, at worst, as treason. But that too
is situational.
unnecessary. I am suggesting that
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Education
First, Epistemic violence is rooted in the subjugation of many modes
of knowledge and education We must attack this idea of supreme
thought in any form to develop a true way of learning that is freed
of all educational colonialism
The clearest available example of such epistemic violence is the remotely
orchestrated, far-flung, and heterogeneous project to constitute the
colonial subject as Other. This project is also the asymetrical
obliteration of the trace of that Other in its precarious Subject-ivity.
It is well known that Foucault locates epistemic violence, a complete
overhaul of the episteme, m the redefinition of sanity at the end of
the European eighteenth century.28 But what if that particular
redefinition was only a part of the narrative of history in Europe as
well as in the colonies? What if the two projects of epistemic overhaul
worked as dislocated and unacknowledged parts of a vast twohanded engine? Perhaps it is no more than to ask that the subtext of the palimpsestic
narrative of imperialism be recognized as "subjugated knowledge,"
"a whole set of knowledges that have been disqualified as
inadequate to their task or insufficiently elaborated: naive
knowledges, located low down on the hierarchy, beneath the
required level of cognition or scientificity" (PK, 82). .This is not to
describe the way things really were" or to privilege. The narrative of
history as imperialism as the best version of history.29 It is, rather, to
offer an account of how an explanation and narrative of reality was
established as the normative one. To elaborate on this let us consider briefly the
underpinnings of the British codification of Hiddu Law.
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Turns Case
Theory is useless in practical and specific applications and is not
value-neutral guts solvency and turns case
Spivak 03 (Gayatri, Winter 2003, Resistance That Cannot be Recognised as Such: Interview with
GayatriChakravortySpivak, Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. II, No. 2, TvB)
So I will learn as much fromwhat I callpost-imperial scholarin this kind

conjuncturewith a financialised goal, and what I began with , you know, the group
of seven, especially Europe-America in competition, Europe talking about its past empires as it corrects United
States as a future empire, if you look at the Frankfurter AllemaineZeitung for 31st May you will see that there is a
whole bunch of European intellectuals who are talking about Europe in this way. I
say to do thisthing, this

in the context of the post-imperialworld, with the
financialisation of the globe, sometimes called globalization, itis a very different
scenario, but what else is new? Who expects to be able to have
theories that are as contingent as the way things are? Theory will
never be like that.One must know how to use theory and I thinkour way of
doingpostcolonial theory can be very useful if one is notwaiting for the
theory that exactly matches your situation because that would be
useless. Andin this context I would like to say whatever you think of Althusser and we have lots of criticism
imperial competition,
about Althusser, that his essay Contradiction and Overdetermination says this so clearly and for so many years
ago,
this business ofnotthinking,you know hewas speakingfrom the bosom of

theFrenchcommunist party, it was a courageous thing to say. Not thinking that the theory is going to
be pure, to find a field for pure application.We know thisas a schemeis finebut like most
schemes it is too schematic. Thats why I saidyou cant use theory for a
specific situation.That is one of the best examples.So dont askme to produce a
theory that would be good for you, no theories are generally good:
when you are norming them you have to internalize them so that it
changes.
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No Solvency
First, The Other as a subject cannot be accessed in the ivory towers
of Deleuze and Foucault The contexts of the individual is need, the
subaltern cannot speak They cannot break down the conditions
they are in You affirmative ignores this fact Guts solvency The
alternative is a prerequisite to your affirmative
These authorities are the very best of the sources for the nonspecialist French intellectual's entry into the
I am, however, not referring to intellectuals and scholars

of postcolonial production, like Shastri, when I say that the Other as
Subject is inaccessible to Foucault and Deleuze. I am thinking of the
general nonspecialist, nonacademic population across the class
spectrum, for whom the episteme operates its silent programming
function. Without considering the map of exploitation, on what grid of "oppression" would they place this
motley crew? Let us now move to consider I the margins (one can just as
well say the silent, silenced center) of the circuit marked out by this
epistemic violence, men and women among the illiterate peasantry,
the tribals, the lowest strata of the urban subproletariat. According
to Foucault and Deleuze (in the First World, under the standardization and regimentation of
socialized capital, though they do not seem to recognize this) the oppressed, if given the
chance (the problem of representation cannot be bypassed here), and on the way to
solidarity through alliance politics (a Marxist thematic is at work here) can speak
and know their conditions. We must now confront the following
question: On the other side of the international division of labor
from socialized capital, inside and outside the circuit of the
epistemic violence of imperialist law and education supplementing
an earlier economic text, can the subaltern speak?
civilization of the Other.
[Spivak continues later in the essay]

"The
task of research" projected here is "to investigate, identify

and measure the specific nature and degree of the deviation of [the]
elements [constituting item 3] from the ideal and situate it
historically." "Investigate, identify, and measure the specific": a program could hardly be more essentialist
and taxonomic. Yet a curious methodological imperative is at work. I have argued
that, in the Foucault-Deleuze conversation, a postrepresentationalist
vocabulary hides an essentialist agenda. In subaltern studies, because of
the violence of imperialist epistemic, social, and disciplinary
inscription, a project understood in essentialist terms must traffic
in a radical textual practice of differences. The object of the
group's investigation, in the case not even of the people as such
but of the floating buffer zone of the regional elite-subaltern, is a
deviation from an ideal-the people or subaltern- which is itself defined as a difference from the
elite. It is toward this structure that the research is oriented, a
predicament rather different from the self-diagnosed transparency
of the first-world radical intellectual. What taxonomy can fix such a space? Whether or
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not they themselves perceive it-in fact Guha sees his definition of "the people" within the master-slave dialectictheir text articulates the difficult task of rewriting its own conditions of impossibility as the conditions of its
"At the regional and local levels [the dominant indigenous

groups] ... if belonging to social strata hierarchically inferior to
those of the dominant all-Indian groups acted in the interests of the
latter and not in conformity to interests corresponding truly to
their own social being." When these writers speak, in their essentializing language, of a gap
possibility.
between interest and action in the intermediate group, their conclusions are closer to Marx than to the selfconscious naivete of Deleuze's pronouncement on the issue. Guha, like Marx, speaks of interest in terms of the
The Name-of-the-Father imagery in The Eighteenth

Brumaire can help to emphasize that, on the level of class or group
action, "true correspondence to own being" is as artificial or social
as the patronymic.
social rather than the libidinal being.
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Aesthetic Education Alternative
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Solves
The aff uses a flawed epistemology that suggests that problems can
be solved through embracing a certain set of assumptions - Only
embracing the ideas of aesthetic education can allow for effective
problem solving and scholarship - literature is the key place to start
an embrace of alternative methods of thought because it is loaded
with the assumptions of the writer and is designed to evoke certain
feelings and passions in the reader
In his essay Bateson spelled out the training of the imagination in terms of a mise-en-abyme, an indefinite series of
mutual reflections: INTRODUCTION - --- ~------speaking of "dilemma[s] ... not confined to the contexts of
schizophrenia" (EM, p. 258), he distinguishes between "people and ... robots in the fact of learning ... from passing
on from solution to solution, always selecting another solution which is preferable to that which preceded it" (EM, p.
240). He "enlarge[s] the scope of what is to be included within the concept of learning" by way of "hierarchic series
[that] will then consist of message, metamessage, meta-meta message and so on" (EM, pp. 247-248). This
"training," the bulwark of an aesthetic education, habitually fails with religion and nationalism: "Up in the dim
region where art, magic, and religion meet and overlap, human beings have evolved the 'metaphor that is meant,'
the flag which men will die to save, and the sacrament that is felt to be more than 'an outward and visible sign,
given unto us' " (EM, p. 183 ); it is interesting that Freud mentions the same two items-"Throne and Altar"-in
"Fetishism," as the monitors of fetishistic illogic.16 Play training, an aesthetic education, habitually fails with flag
and sacrament, throne and altar. Bateson described habit altogether unsentimentally. A practitioner's line connects
him here to the Wordsworth of the Lyrical Ballads, interested in undoing the bad episterna/affective consequences
of nascent capitalism, and to Gramsci looking to produce the subaltern intellectual out of "the man [sic] of the
masses" in a place and time where clan politics were not unknown.17 Here is Bateson: In the field of mental
process, we are very familiar with this sort of economics [of trial and error adaptability], and in fact a major and
necessary saving is achieved by the familiar process of habit formation. We may, in the first instance, solve a given
problem by taking them out of the range of stochastic operation and handing over the solutions to a deeper and
less flexible mechanism, which we call "habit." (EM, p. 257) The passage above was written in 1959. Ten years later,
at a symposium on the double bind, Bateson generalizes habit. Here the practitioner/ philosopher's connection is
with the Freud who attempted to go beyond the pleasure principle to a more general "organic compulsion to repeat
[that] lie[s] in the phenomena of heredity and the facts of embryology" (SE 18, p. 37). Here, again, is Bateson: By
superposing and interconnecting many feedback loops, we (and all other biological systems) not only so~ve
particular problems but also form habits which we apply to the solution of classes of problems. We act as though a
whole class of problems could be solved in terms of assumptions or premises, fewer in number than the members
of the class of problems. In other words, we (organisms) learn to learn .... [The] rigidity [of habits] follows as a
necessary corollary of their status in the hierarchy of adaptation. The very economy of trial and error which is
achieved by habit formation is only possible because habits are comparatively "hard programmed." ... The economy
consists precisely in not re-examining or rediscovering the premises of habit every time the habit is used. We may
say that these premises are partly "unconscious", or-if you please-a habit of not examining them is developed. (EM,
p. 274) The aesthetic short-circuits the task of shaking up this habit of not examining them, perhaps. I said to begin
with that in the earlier stages we could find in British Romanticism our models. But as long as we take the literary
as substantive source of good thinking alone, we will fail in the task of the aesthetic education we are proposing: at
all cost to enter another's text. Otherwise, we will notice that William Wordsworth's project is deeply class-marked,
and that he does not judge habit. He is clear about being superior to others in being a poet, unusually gifted with a
too-strong imagination, capable of organizing other people's habits. I will quote at length to show his lack of interest
in working with the subaltern, although he certainly acknowledges the power of their "real" language. His chief
interest is in changing the taste of the readers of poetry; his confidence in "the poet's" (the trace of the author?)
gifts is elaborately expressed in these passages, again even as the (unself-conscious?) power of the "real" language
of "men" is recognized: For our continued influxes of feeling are modified and directed by our thoughts, which are
indeed the representatives of all our past feelings; and, as by contemplating the relation of these general
representatives to each other, we discover what is really important to men, so, by the repetition and continuance of
this act, our feelings will be connected with important subjects, till at length, if we be originally possessed of much
sensibility, such habits of mind will be produced, that, by obeying blindly and mechanically the impulses of those
habits, we shall describe objects, and utter sentiments, of such a nature, and in such connexion with each other,
that the understanding of the Reader must necessarily be in some degree enlightened, and his affections
strengthened and purified. (LB, p. 126) [The poet] is a man speaking to men: a man, it is true, endued with more
lively sensibility, more enthusiasm and tenderness, who has a greater knowledge of human nature, and a more
comprehensive soul, than are supposed to be common among mankind; a man pleased with his own passions and
volitions, and who rejoices more than other men in the spirit of life that is in him; delighting to contemplate similar
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volitions and passions as manifested in the goings-on of the Universe, and habitually impelled to create them where
he does not find them. To these qualities he has added a disposition to be affected more than other men by absent
things as if they were present; an ability of conjuring up in himself passions, which are indeed far from being the
same as those produced by real events, yet (especially in those parts of the general sympathy which are pleasing
and delightful) do more nearly INTRODUCTION 7 resemble the passions produced by real events, than any thing
which, from the motions of their own minds merely, other men are accustomed to feel in themselves; whence, and
from practice, he has acquired a greater readiness and power in expressing what he thinks and feels, and especially
those thoughts and feelings which, by his own choice, or from the structure of his own mind, arise in him without
immediate external excitement .... (LB, p. 138) But, whatever portion of this faculty we may suppose even the
greatest Poet to possess, there cannot be a doubt but that the language which it will suggest to him, must, in
liveliness and truth, fall far short of that which is uttered by men in real life, under the actual pressure of those
passions, certain shadows of which the Poet thus produces, or feels to be produced, in himself. However exalted a
notion we would wish to cherish of the character of a Poet, it is obvious, that, while he describes and imitates
passions, his situation is altogether slavish and mechanical, compared with the freedom and power of real and
substantial action and suffering. So that it will be the wish of the Poet to bring his feelings near to those of the
persons whose feelings he describes, nay, for short spaces of time perhaps, to let himself slip into an entire
delusion, and even confound and identify his own feelings with theirs; modifying only the language which is thus
suggested to him, by a consideration that he describes for a particular purpose, that of giving pleasure .... (LB, pp.
138-139) But it may be said by those who do not object to the general spirit of these remarks, that, as it is
impossible for the Poet to produce upon all occasions language as exquisitely fitted for the passion as that which
the real passion itself suggests, it is proper that he should consider himself as in the situation of a translator, who
deems himself justified when he substitutes excellences of another kind for those which are unattainable by him;
and endeavours occasionally to surpass his original, in order to make some amends for the general inferiority to
which he feels that he must submit. (LB, p. 139) Thus he may be a "man speaking to men." For him, however,
Marx's third thesis on Feuerbach would have held no appeal: that since the knowledge gap between teacher and
taught cannot be circumvented, not to let this develop into a power gap is a constant task that will keep society
always in the state of upheaval that is necessary for liberation. (The English translation of upheaval-Umwiilzung-is
usually "revolution" rather than "upheaval," thus destroying Marx's important warning: the educators must be
educated.) 18 The deeply individualistic theory of the Romantic creative imagination in Wordsworth must remain
anti-systemic. 19 By contrast, Gramsci's entire energies are devoted to producing the subaltern intellectual, by
instrumentalizing the "new intellectual":
Second, The only way to solve this reproductive heteronormative

drive that nationalism produces is to embrace a comparative
approach to nations that is equivalent when looking at one another
This is best done through literature and the humanities, which
allow us to find empathy in the other ways of life and to learn to
acknowledge that other things can occupy the unique place of the
example of my first language This side steps all of your offense
and solves
Nationalism is the product of a collective imagination constructed
through rememoration. It is the comparativist imagination that
undoes that possessive spell. The imagination must be trained to
take pleasure in such strenuous play. Yet social priorities today are
not such that higher education in the humanities can prosper, certainly
not in India as it is rising to take its place as a competitor in a developed world, and certainly not in
the United States. The humanities are progressively trivialized
and/or self-trivialized into belles-lettristic or quantitative work. If I have
learned anything in my forty-five years of full-time teaching, it is the tragedy of the
trivialization of the humanities, a kind of cultural death. So unless
the polity values the teaching of literature in this way rather than
just literary history and content and a fake scientism, the
imagination will not be nourished.
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Key to Ethics
Affirming a correct view of pedagogy is the only way in which ethical
decisions can be made and epistemology is critical to the process
because education forms the habits that affect decision making
In an important comment on Marx, Gramsci distinguishes between the psychological, the moral (our word would
perhaps be "ethical"), and the epistemological. Our task is to "ab-use" this, not to excuse its seeming
INTRODUCTION 9 systemic confidence (belied by much of the hesitation of what Gramsci wrote in prison), nor to
accuse it of that very thing, but to see in the addition of the epistemological a way of reading Gramsci with "history
in the reading": 24 The proposition contained in the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy to
the effect that men acquire consciousness of structural conflicts on the level of ideologies should be considered as
an affirmation of epistemological and not simply psychological and moral value. From this, it follows that the
theoretical-practical principle of hegemony has also epistemological significance, and it is here that Ilyich [Lenin]'s
greatest theoretical contribution to the philosophy of praxis [i.e., Marxism] should be sought. In these terms one
could say that Ilyich advanced philosophy as philosophy in so far as he advanced political doctrine and practice.
The realization of a hegemonic apparatus, in so far as it creates a new ideological terrain, determines a reform of
consciousness and of methods of knowledge: it is a fact of knowledge, a philosophical fact. In Crocean terms: when
one succeeds in introducing a new morality in conformity with a new conception of the world, one finishes by
introducing the conception as well; in other words, one determines a reform of the whole of philosophy. 25 The
relationship between education and the habit of the ethical is as the relationship without relationship between
responsibility and the gift that we must imagine in order to account for responsibility-an unrestricted
transcendental deduction, if you like.26 Training for the habit of the ethical can only be worked at through attending
to the systemic task of epistemological engagement. We "learn to learn" (Bateson's more general phrase) how to
teach from the historico-cultural text within which a certain group of students might be placed. Thus Gramsci
invokes the active relationship which exists between [the intellectual] and the cultural environment he is proposing
to modify. The environment reacts back on the philosopher and imposes on him a continual process of self-criticism.
It is his "teacher." ... For the relationship between master and disciple in the general sense referred to above is only
realised, where this political condition exists, and only then do we get the "historical" realisation of a new type of
philosopher, whom we could call a "democratic philosopher" in the sense that he is a philosopher convinced that his
personality is not limited to himself as a physical individual but is an active social relationship of modification of the
cultural environmentP An aesthetic education teaches the humanities in such a way that all subjects are
"contaminated." I have repeated that I have not much hope for this in the current context. Let me at least quote
Gramsci's hope: The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist in eloquence, ... but in active
participation in practical life, ... superior to the abstract mathematical spirit; from technique-as-work one proceeds
to technique-as-science and to the humanistic conception of history, without which one remains "specialised" and
does not become "directive" (specialised and political).28 I will come later to Gramsci's "techno-scientific" lesson,
"superior to the abstract mathematical spirit." For now, let us remember that the prison notebooks, being notes to
oneself for future work, are necessarily in an open form that requires careful acquaintance with the protocols of the
text. I would like to propose that the training of the imagination that can teach the subject to play-an aesthetic
education-can also teach it to discover (theoretically or practically) the premises of the habit that obliges us to
transcendentalize religion and nation (as Bateson and Freud both point out). If, however, this is only a
"rearrangement of desire" or the substitution of one habit for another through pedagogical sleight-ofhand, there will
be no ability to recover that discovery for a continuity of epistemological effort. We must learn to do violence to the
epistemoepistemological difference and remember that this is what education "is" and thus keep up the work of
displacing belief onto the terrain of th'e imagination, attempt to access the epistemic. The displacement of belief
onto the terrain of the imagination can be a description of reading in its most robust sense. It is also the irreducible
element of an aesthetic education. In the context of the beginning of the twenty-first century, to learn to detranscendentalize religion and (the birth of a) nation into the imaginative sphere is an invaluable gift. But this
particular function of reading is important in a general and continuing way as well. Elsewhere I have argued that
this type of education, with careful consideration of social context, can be part of education from the elementary
level, where it is even more formal rather than substantive. In this book, that argument flashes up here and there,
but the general terrain of the book is tertiary and postgraduate education, the reproduction of citizens and
teachers. This is where we use the legacy of the Enlightenment, relocate the transcendental from belief, with a view
to its double bind, producing a simpler solution: privatize belief, rationalize the transcendent. This particular
solution, offered as liberal education as such, suits capitalism better. We saw briefly how Bateson takes the double
bind out of the limited context or narrow sense of a mental "disease." Indeed, it may have become, for him, a
general description of all doing, all thinking as doing, all self-conscious living, upstream from capitalism, a question
of degrees. Contradictory instructions come to us at all times. We learn to listen to INTRODUCTION 11 them and
remain in the game. When and as we decide, we know therefore that we have broken the double bind into a single
bind, as it were, and we also know that change will have to be undertaken soon, or, things will change: task or
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event. Knowing this, the typical emotion that accompanies decisions-ethical, political, legal, intellectual, aesthetic,
and indeed decisions of the daily grind-is a spectrum of regret and remorse to at least unease, otherwise selfcongratulation followed by denial or bewilderment. This is different from the unexamined hope which animates
much globalist and alter-globalist enterprise today, in the United States as in the global elite.
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Border Thinking Alternative
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2NC Solves
( ) Border thinking empirically has worked, and is adaptable to even
the first world Its rethinking of epistemological relations breaks
down the holds of coloniality
The corollary is the need to build narratives from the perspective of modernity/coloniality geared towards the
This project has to do with the rearticulation of

global designs from local histories; with the articulation between
subaltern and hegemonic knowledge from the perspective of the
subaltern; and with the remapping of colonial difference towards a
worldly culture such as in the Zapatista project, that remaps
Marxism, thirdworldism, and indigenism, without being either of
them, in an excellent example of border thinking. Thus, it becomes
possible to think of other local histories producing either
alternative totalities or an alternative to totality (329). These
alternatives would not play on the globalization/civilization
couplet inherent to modernity/coloniality; they would rather build
on a mundializacin/culture relation centered on the local histories in
which colonial global designs are necessarily transformed. The diversity of
mundializacin is contrasted with the homogeneity of globalization, aiming at multiple and
diverse social orders --in sum, pluriversality. One may say, with Mignolo (2000: 309), that this
approach is certainly a theory from/of the Third World, but not only for the Third World ..... Third World
theorizing is also for the First World in the sense that critical theory
is subsumed and incorporated in a new geocultural and
epistemological location.
search for a different logic (22).
( ) Only border thinking opens the dialogue of politics, so that the

subaltern can be included and so that coloniality cannot have social,
cultural, economic and epistemological control
Critical and dialogic cosmopolitanism as a regulative principle

demands yielding generously (convivially said Vitoria; friendly said Kant) toward
diversity as a universal and cosmopolitan project in which everyone
participates instead of being participated. Such a regulative
principle shall replace and displace the abstract universal
cosmopolitan ideals (Christian, liberal, socialist, neoliberal) that had helped (and continue to help) to
hold together the modern/colonial world system and to preserve
the managerial role of the North Atlantic. And here is when the local histories and global
designs come into the picture. While cosmopolitanism was thought out and
projected from particular local histories (that became the local history of the modern world
system) positioned to devise and enact global designs, other local histories
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in the planet had to deal with those global designs that were, at
the same time, abstract universals (Christian, liberal, or socialist). For that reason,
cosmopolitanism today has to become border thinking, critical and
dialogic, from the perspective of those local histories that had to
deal all along with global designs. Diversality should be the
relentless practice of critical and dialogical cosmopolitanism rather
than a blueprint of a future and ideal society projected from a
single point of view (that of the abstract universal) that will return us (again!) to the Greek
paradigm and to European legacies (Z izek 1998).
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2NC Zapatistas
( ) The Zapatistas prove that border thinking can be applied to
politics We need to rethink how we engage in the government, so
we can work to change coloniality, but under our definition and
terms
Mignolo 00 [Walter D., Argentine semiotician (cole des Hautes tudes) and professor at Duke University,
The Many Faces of Cosmo-polis: Border Thinking and Critical Cosmopolitanism, Public Culture 12(3): 721748,
Copyright 2000 by Duke University Press, JCook.] Accessed 7/3/13.
The Zapatistas have used the word democracy, although it has

different meaning for them than it has for the Mexican government.
Democracy for the Zapatistas is not conceptualized in terms of
European political philosophy but in terms of Maya social
organization based on reciprocity, communal (instead of individual)
values, the value of wisdom rather than epistemology, and so forth. The
Mexican government doesnt possess the correct interpretation of
democracy, under which the Other will be included. But, for that matter, neither
do the Zapatistas have the right interpretation. However, the
Zapatistas have no choice but to use the word that political
hegemony imposed, although using the word doesnt mean bending
to its mono-logic interpretation. Once democracy is singled out by
the Zapatistas, it becomes a connector through which liberal
concepts of democracy and indigenous concepts of reciprocity and
community social organization for the common good must come to
terms. Border thinking is what I am naming the political and ethical
move from the Zapatistas perspective, by displacing the concept
of democracy . Border thinking is not a possibility, at this point, from the perspective of the Mexican
government, although it is a need from subaltern positions. In this line of argument, a new abstract
universal (such as Vitorias, or Kants, which replaced Vitorias, or the ideologies of transnationalism, which
replaced Kants abstract universal) is no longer either possible or desirable.
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Solves Economy
( ) The alternative provides a better incorporation of countries into
economic partnerships, allowing for us to solve your aff best AND
Our alternative spills over and improves all of economics
Zein-Eladin 09 [Eiman O., Franklin & Marshall College, Department of Economics, Economics,
postcolonial theory and the problem of culture: institutional analysis and hybridity,
http://relooney.fatcow.com/00_New_3133.pdf, JCook.] Accessed 6/26/13.
Postcolonial theory, on the other hand, though much criticised for neglecting the economy, has generated
tremendous insights on issues of cross-cultural hegemony, that is, the creation of a political climate that elicits the
subaltern (subordinated) groups consent to a dominant ideology, and the role of knowledge construction in this
Colonial discourse analysis (Bhabha, 1983; Said,

opens up a space for comprehending the twentieth century
notion of development as a discourse of power rather than a
culturally neutral, scientifically knowable growth path of an
economy (Escobar, 1995; Olson, 1994).2 Postcoloniality presents a promising
entry point for understanding a contemporary world in which the
culture of European modernity (most notably, nation-state, market
system, urban agglomeration) has expanded far beyond its historical and
geographical origins and has been imbricated with other cultures in
deep and complex forms. This understanding could potentially allow
the cultures of societies currently theorised in economics as
less/underdeveloped to equally participate in the global
construction of meaning and definitions of the terms of economic
being and becoming. Perhaps the greatest promise of postcolonial insights is the possibility of
imagining different economic relations and social ethics, and thereby aiding in the search
process (Zein- Elabdin and Charusheela, 2004).
1979)
for answers to the presently daunting questions of ecological

sustainability and social wellbeing . Taking postcolonial theory on
board calls for a more profound rethinking of the place of culture
and of currently devalued cultures in economics. In particular, Homi Bhabhas
(1985, 1994) idea of hybridity (deep cultural mixing) offers a fruitful analytical tool for better
examining economies situated in multiple and dense cross-cultural
intersections, and improves our understanding of contemporary
economic phenomena at large. 2 Such hybridity is exhibited in the contemporary economies
of Africa, yet Africa is also the quintessential representative of cultural subalternity in economics, currently defined
as the least developed world region and habitually associated with crisis and failure.3 Traditionally, most
significant descriptions of African economies were produced by anthropologists (e.g., Bohannan and Dalton, 1962).
Unfortunately, these ethnographies were rarely taken up in economics on the premise that most of the observed
behaviour and institutions amounted to little more than obsolete traditions that would inevitably be supplanted by
modern structures and attitudes. An important outcome of the current attention to culture in economics has been
the generation of more substantive examinations of economic conditions in Africa (Collier and Gunning, 1999;
Fafchamps, 2004; Schneider, 1999; Trulsson, 1997). This small literature varies in its level of detail and application
of institutionalist principles, but it generally highlights the prevalence of gift giving, sharing, strong kinship
obligation and other socio-economic patterns previously identified by anthropologists. The persistence of these
patterns, in the midst of substantial economic change, presents a challenge to theoretical perspectives that
institutional economics,
with its paradigmatic emphasis on culture and long standing
openness to inter-disciplinarity, is best positioned to bridge the gap
conceptualise them as premodern or transitory. In this paper I argue that
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between postcolonial theory and economics. In particular, the theoretical framework

of institutionalism, which underscores cultural embeddedness and an unteleological, nonethnocentric conception
of social change (Mayhew, 1998), necessarily accommodates a concept of hybridity. It seems hardly coincidental
that the earliest reference to postcolonial critique in economics is Paulette Olsons (1994, p. 77) effort to push the
boundaries of radical institutionalism by examining . . . the postcolonial critique ofwestern humanism. Olson
applied the notion of orientalism in order to heighten institutionalists attention to racist, sexist and classist
drawing on the postcolonial idea of

hybridity can strengthen the institutionalist emphasis on culture, and
biases in mainstream economics. Here, I show that
allow more illuminating, truly substantive analysis. Space does not allow a full account of hybridity, nor an
extended exploration of its implications, but only a general outline to indicate its relevance and potential
productivity for institutional economics.
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Human Rights Alternative
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Solves
Alternative text: The United States federal government should
engage in a process of harnessing responsibility for accountability,
check up on other directedness without persistent training and
feudalism. We reserve the right to clarify.
This solves human rights, 1AC and gender oppression It also
avoids Social Darwinism, Essentialism, and the exacerbation of 1AC
harms through the affirmatives inevitable propagation of colonial
education
Spivak 04 (Gayatri. Summer 2004, Righting Wrongs, The South Atlantic Quarterly, Volume 103, Number
2/3, Spring/Summer 2004, pp. 523-581, TvB)
The idea of human rights, in other words, may carry within itself the agenda of a
kind of social Darwinismthe fittest must shoulder the burden of
righting the wrongs of the unfitand the possibility of an alibi. Only a
kind of Social Darwinism, of course. Just as the white mans burden, undertaking
to civilize and develop, was only a kind of oppression. It would be silly to footnote the
scholarshipthat has been written to showthat the latter may have been an alibi for
economic, military, and political intervention. It is on that model that I am using the concept-metaphor of the alibi in
these introductory paragraphs. Having arrived here, the usual thing is to complain about the Eurocentrism of
the use of human rights as

an alibi for interventions of various sorts. But its so-called European provenance is for me in the
human rights. I have no such intention. I am of course troubled by
same category as the enabling violation of the production of the colonial subject.3 One cannot write off the
righting of wrongs. The enablement must be used even as the violation is renegotiated. Colonialism
was
committed to the education of a certain class. It was interested in
the seemingly permanent operation of an altered normality . Paradoxically,
human rights and development work today cannot claim this self-empowerment that high colonialism could. Yet,
descendants of the colonial middle class,

become human rights advocatesin the countries of the South. I will explain through an
analogy. Doctors without FrontiersI find this translation more accurate than the received Doctors
without Bordersdispense healing all over the world, traveling to solve health
problems as they arise. They cannotbe involved in the repetitive work of primary health care, which
some of the best products of high colonialism,
requires changes in the habit of what seems normal living: permanent operation of an altered normality. This group
learn all the local languages, dialects, and idioms of the places where they
provide help. They use local interpreters. It is as if, in the field of class formation
through education, colonialism, and the attendant territorial
imperialism had combined these two imperativesclinic and
primary health careby training the interpreters themselves into
imperfect yet creative imitations of the doctors. The class thus
formedboth(pseudo)doctor and interpreter, as it werewas the colonial
subject. The end of the Second World War inaugurated the postcolonial dispensation. We must question the
assumption that, if the sense of doing for the other is not produced on call
from a sense of the self as sovereign, packaged with the sense of being fittest, the alternative
cannot
assumption, romantic or expedient, of an essence of subalternity as the source of such a sense, denies the
depradations of history. Paulo Freire, in his celebrated Pedagogy of the Oppressed, written during the era of guerilla
warfare in Latin America, warns us against subalternist essentialism, by reminding us that, during
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initial stages of the struggle, the oppressed. . . tend themselves to

become oppressors. 64 In addition, in the faceof UN Human Rights policymaking, we must be on guard against subalternist essentialism, both
positive and negative. If the self-permission for continuing to right wrongs is
premised implicitly on the formerthey will never be able to help
themselvesthe latter nourishes false hopes that willas surely be dashed and
lead to the same result: an unwilling conclusion that they must always be propped up. Indeed, in
the present state of the world, or perhaps always and everywhere, simply
harnessing responsibility for accountability in the South, checking
up on other directedness, as it were, without the persistent training, of no
guarantees, were produce and consolidate what can only be called feudalism,
where a benevolent despot like Lee Kuan Yew can claim collectivity rather
than individualism when expedient. In the present state of the world, it also
reproduces and consolidates gender oppression, thus lending plausibility to the
instant right speak of the gender lobby of the international civil society and Bretton Woods.
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Trace Alternative
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Solves
Reproductive heteronormativity codes and scripts genealogical
realities through the natural machine of translation, programming
the mind and inducing irreversible violence the alternative is to
rearrange reproductive heteronormativity into a field of traces in its
deepest generality separating agency and subjectship.
Spivak 05 (Gayatri, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and the director
of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,Notes toward a Tribute to Jacques
Derrida, November 2005, TVB)
In every possible sense, translation is necessary but impossible. Melanie Klein, the Viennese psychoanalyst whom
the Bloomsbury Group killed with kindness, suggested that the work of translation is an incessant shuttle that is a
The human infantgrabs on to some one thing and then things.

This grabbing [begreifen] of an outside indistinguishable from an
inside constitutes an inside, going back and forth and
codingeverything into a sign-system by the thing(s) grasped. One
can call this crude coding atranslation. In this never ending
weaving, violence translates into conscience and vice versa. From
birth to death, this natural machine, programming the mind
perhaps as genetic instructions program the body (where does body
stop and mind begin?), is partly metapsychological and therefore
outside the grasp of the mind. Thusnature passes and repasses
into culture, in a work or shuttling site of violence: the violent
production of the precarious subject of reparation and
responsibility. To plot this weave, the readerin my estimation, Klein was more a reader than an analyst
life.10
in the strict Freudian sensetranslating the incessant translating shuttle into that which is read, must have the
most intimate knowledge of the rules of representation and permissible narratives that make up the substance of a
culture, and must also become responsible and accountable to the writing/translating presupposed original. When
so-called ethnophilosophies describe the embedded ethico-cultural subject being formed prior to the terrain of
But the insight that the

constitution of the subject in responsibility is a certain kind of
translation of a genealogical scripting, which is not under the
control of the deliberative consciousness, is not something that just
comes from Melanie Klein. What is interesting about Melanie Klein
is that she does indeed want to touch responsibility-based ethical
systems rather than just rights-based ethical systems and therefore
she looks at the violent translation that constitutes the subject in
responsibility. It is in this sense that the human infant, on the cusp
of the natural and the cultural, is in translation, except the word
translation loses its dictionary sense right there. Here, the body
itself is a scriptor perhaps one should say a ceaseless inscribing
instrument. (Translation as Culture) These self-quotations give an
indication of some of the ways in which the agency in feminism
emerged for me, rearranging reproductive heteronormativity into a
field of traces in its deepest generality, via Klein, working with
children for a democracy to come, literalizing Derrida. It is the part
of Derrida that makes me know the limits of such regulative work. It
rational decision making, they are dismissed as fatalistic.
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is in the unnameable name of the event that I have proposed the

methodological convenience of the separation of agency and
subjectship: regulation and the trace.
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Extension
First, Write the alt extension here
Second, The sign system of reproductive Heteronormativity must be
destroyed Only the trace solves at the most basic level
Spivak 05 (Gayatri, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and the director
of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University,Notes toward a Tribute to Jacques
Derrida, November 2005, TVB)
What, then, is a trace? It is or is not, or, more important, is in the

possibility of always not being, the material suggestion that
something else was there before, something other than it, of
course. Unlike a sign, which carries a systemic assurance of
meaning,a trace carries no guarantees. Animal spoor on the forest
floor (in German, trace is Spur) may mean the animal was there,
that its a decoy, that I am mistaken or hallucinating, and so on.
When I am around, you know I had a mother, but that is all.There is
no guarantee who that mother was, except that she was a Mme
Derrida. I am my mothers trace. The Fathers name is written
within the patronymic sign system.
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AT - Deleuze
First, Deleuze and Deconstuctionist argue the same basic principle
The lack and absence is a presence and a force in itself This solves
all of their offense
Hofmeyr 08 (Benda, Department of Philosophy University of Pretoria, Pretoria South Africa, 0002.
Department of Philosophical Anthropology Faculty of Philosophy Radboud University Nijmegen, Review of Andrea
Hurst, Derrida Vis--vis Lacan. Interweaving Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis., JCook)
Derrida claims that Lacans insistence upon the

indivisibility of the letter harbours a closet essentialism, i.e. it
represents a fundamental idealisation (akin to one of Husserls eidetic structures)
that supports a covert metaphysics of presence. According to
deconstructive interpretation, as we know, the entire history of Western
philosophy and its language and traditions has emphasised the
desire for immediate access to meaning, and thus built a
metaphysics or ontotheology around the privileging of presence
over absence. Hurst quite easily unravels the axial argument1 of Derridas criticism by arguing, as we
In his criticism,
have seen above, that Lacans insistence upon the indivisibility of the letter does not evoke the Real as a thing-initself but rather in its unspeakable singularity. However one may divide the traumatic event up into units of
understanding through analysis, the event remains excessive, inherently resistant to analytical, interpretative
Derridas insistence upon the ineluctable divisibility of the

letter refers to the fact that the original/originary, according to him, is
not a substance but the scission and division of diffrance. Herein he is
division.
therefore not as his criticism would suggest in fundamental disagreement with Lacan, for they seem to be
saying the same thing, albeit in different ways about the Real. For the Real, according to Lacan, is a matter not of
The indivisibility of the letter therefore is not

an insistence upon presence (or absence for that matter), but upon
splitting like a quantum particle split between both being and not
being at its destination. In other words, Lacan promotes neither lack (absence) nor phallus
presence or absence but of splitting.
(fullness) as transcendental signifieds. Rather, he insists upon the quasi-transcendental function of the Real, which
is neither the absence nor the fullness of being, but, as Hurst claims, a fundamental splitting akin to diffrance (cf.
p. 378).
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Deconstruction Alternative
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Solves
First, Only breaking down the foundation of movements, ideology
and discourse allows us to create a more subjective political and
philosophical movement that allows the subaltern to speak All
alternatives are coopted by the system they fight to oppose
So the problems concerning feminisms' others are complex ones. This article aims to discuss othering in relation to
the politics of representation. I discuss various examples of feminist practices by focusing on how these practices
other a substantial number of feminist issues in the dominant Finnish equality discourses. On the basis of this, I
argue for the benefits of a deconstructive feminist politicsboth on a practical policy level and an academic
theoretical level. I consider this important in order to take responsibility for the problems related to representational
politics, since "the
power to impose on people representations of

themselves, or of others on their behalf, is intrinsically oppressive "
(Braidotti, 2006: 13). Theoretically my work is predominantly situated as part of European and Nordic theoretical
discussions concerning equality discourse and intersectional theories. [4]
Feminists have shown
the problems involved in an identity politics (for a discussion see Phoenix &
Pattynama, 2006) and pointed at the unavoidable complicity we have in the
very power we oppose. A deconstructive politics that takes this
critique seriously needs to proceed through careful deconstruction
of the very discourses that it is constituted by. This enables us to
see and problematize the extent to which our practices are
constituted by the political climate and global situation we
inescapably find ourselves in. We have to begin to deconstruct the
neoliberal individualist and Judeo-Christian values that our ideals
and values concerning human rights and equality usually are based
on, especially in an intellectual atmosphere where these values are considered unproblematically "secular." This
not because one would want to give up all values and finally become somehow "secular," but because feminists, as
A
deconstruction of the equality discourse hinders a reformist
approach that would firmly place one inside the parameters of the
particular political discourse one operates with. Deconstructing the
equality discourse reveals its ethical rootedness in a Judeo-Christian
value system and a liberal individual political discourse (Badiou, 2004).
Equality discourses are essential systems of power that neoliberal
market economies operate through (Thornton, 2006: 155). [5] This kind of
contextualization and genealogical investigation helps when there is
a wish to avoid indulging in another branch of moral and religious
"preaching" directed against various others. Examples of this kind of "missionary
knowledge producing and political agents, have always wanted to problematize our complicity in power.
work" can be found in the rhetoric of western and especially US based civilizing projects, directed against Islam or
this
moralism is promoted in the name of democracy, human rights and
God (see, for instance, George W. Bush's proclamation on Human Rights Day 2004[1]). We have to ask
in what ways the values that feminist critical thinkers and
policymakers promote differ from the othering practices of
conservative political agendas. We have to ask this because we cannot be blinded
the moralizing preaching in the name of equality and human rights directed at Iran. Very often
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to the fact that our values might take as their departure point the
very same discursive setting. [6] Although this article mainly discusses equality discourses, I
still wanted to show that a deconstruction of the equality discourse and the two-sex model that it operates with is
an undertaking that has its contexts also on this level of generality. It is important to realize that the problem of
It is not just that equality

discourses can be shown to operate through othering and exclusion,
it is also possible to contextualize the unquestioned nature of the
value-system that equality discourses and human rights rhetoric
"spring from". Equality discourses, as such, might have exclusionary
effects on a more general level. These values are also used to
advance oppression and warfare which makes clear that these
discourses are not in any sense "innocent" or intrinsically good. [7]
Descriptive equality research that only portrays the situation internal to
discourse ends up being conservative. Describing the status quo within a reformist and
exclusion is not just internal to feminist discourses such as equality.
consensus ridden "progressive thinking", a thinking, moreover, that does not contextualize itself may end up
universalizing a western liberal value-system in problematic ways. [8] A great deal of identity-based equality
Deconstructive antirepresentationalism should be seen as a profoundly ethical move, one

politics still has to solve the problem of representation.
where the practice of deconstruction is an attitude or an ideology, if you wish, that springs from ethics. Braidotti
it is connected to politics as it is
the site at which politics itself constituted. A productive antagonism (Butler) and
the refusal to "speak for" should be seen as the poststructuralist
political and ethical solution that it is. Deconstruction is much more
than a method of investigation. The ethics of deconstruction lies in
the practice of deconstructing representationalism. This is the main message
that this article aims to communicate. [9] Within a constructivist epistemology I ask
what equality discourses leave unsaid, what is marginalized in them
and what power mechanisms are embedded in them. I do this by
calls this an ethical pragmatism (Braidotti, 2006: 14), and
deconstructing some of the language that equality discourses circulate. I deconstruct the theme of sexual
The subaltern is to me a tool that I have used to discuss ways in

which equality discourse speaks its own politics through various
Others I use it as a concept to open up political intersectionality.
difference.
Second, Deconstructive actions solve; an escape route out of painful

existence and imminent extinction
Erdem 10 (Cengiz, Ph.D. degree in Cultural and Critical Theory from The University of East Anglia. He
currently teaches Literature, Philosophy, Critical Theory, and Social Psychology at The American University in
Kyrenia, Deconstruction, Psychoanalysis, and the Critique of Contemporary Culture, 12/23/10,
http://cengizerdem.wordpress.com/2010/12/23/deconstruction-psychoanalysis-and-the-critique-of-contemporaryculture/ TVB)
Let us imagine a subject who finds himself in a certain situation

which appears to have no escape route; a situation which nails him
to a painful existence and brings him closer to extinction with every
move he makes. What he needs is Bions theory of creative process
and the emergence of new thought from within the dominant
projection-introjection mechanism. In his Theory of Thinking Bion
says that dismantling is as important in creative process as
integration, that is, introjection and splitting are as necessary as projective identification and
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unification.Bion
pays special attention to the process of introjection and

projective identification and recreates Kleins paranoid-schizoid
positionas a way of showing that it has two forms; one is healthy and the other is pathological. For Klein it was
only with the attainment of the depressive position that the formless experience was given a form, the thoughts
were invested with symbolic meanings. Bion sees introjection and projective identification as the two separate but
contiguous halves and the paranoid-schizoid and depressive positions as the complementary parts of one another
Now, if, following Bion, we think about Kleins

introjection and projective identification in the context of Derridas
technique of deconstructive reading, we see that deconstruction is a
mobile and dynamic mode of critique which moves between
fragmentation and integration of the meaning of a text. Although
deconstruction, as practised by Derrida himself, adapts itself to the
internal dynamics of the text as the object of critique, it still lacks the
affirmative and immanent fluidity which is necessary to open up holes, or passages,
through which a new truth in touch with the requirements of the
present situation can slip. This is because Derridas practice of
deconstruction is still a negating activity and a transcendence
oriented practice, which remains within the confines of the antagonistic relationship between the life
drive and the death drive. To become affirmative, deconstructive practice
needs to produce and incorporate its own difference from itself, that
is, it has to become immanent to itself and the text it interprets. As a
in the creative process.
mode of thinking, deconstruction attempts to erase the gap between the life drive and the death drive, but always
fails, and this failure eternally confines deconstructive practice to the domain of antagonism between the life drive
and the death drive.
And if we keep in mind that deconstruction as a mode

of thinking has become the dominant way of being creative we can
understand why a critique of deconstruction is a critique of
contemporary culture.
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Key to Politics
First, Only a deconstructionist method can fully access politics,
making frames such as policy makers be called into question and
not isolated on their own This involvement of intersectionality is
key to both a new, progressive politics
the concept of the subaltern helps to clarify both

structural and political intersectionality (as presented by Verloo, 2006). By using
the subaltern as a tool in the analysis of political rhetoric, the
simultaneity of politics and theories about politics become visible.
[10] I argue that
Kimberl Crenshaw (1989) uses political intersectionality to indicate how inequalities and their intersections are
relevant to political strategies: "Crucial questions in analysing political intersectionality are: How and where does
feminism marginalize ethnic minorities or disabled women? How and where do measures on sexual equality or on
racism marginalize women? How and where do gender equality policies marginalize lesbians" (Verloo, 2006: 213)?
By focusing on political intersections we can refer to the

exclusions that an identity-based equality politics produces, for
instance a "queer" identity not being addressed by the politics of
equality. Structural intersectionality occurs when inequalities and
their intersections are directly relevant to the experiences of people
in society (Verloo, 2006: 213). I suggest the concept of subaltern as an analytical tool that reminds us of the
coexistence of these two levels of intersectionality. I suggest deconstruction as a political
strategy that feminists must insist upon in order to overcome the problems of
humanism, liberalism and individualism. [12] Maintaining an opposition between
[11]
theory and politics, "applied" practice can safeguard the researcher from ethical responsibility and reflexivity in
relation to her own practice of representation and her complicity in a particular discursive set of meanings. She
might claim her theory to be just thata reflection on politics without being itself a politics. In these cases the
researcher can ascribe various meanings to equality that are exclusionary without acknowledging the role of her
An
assumed division between politics and theory strangely implies that
politics should not be advanced through theory. It implies that there
is a possibility to become a neutral "expert" that supplies
policymakers with theoretically informed bulleted lists of best
practices for easy consumption. It again assumes that equality and
human rights are unproblematically universal values and that
academic knowledge produced within these discourses is necessary
for the "improvement" of policies. Since when have critical thinkers
become public servants for the establishment? [13] Within a
deconstructive epistemology, it is not enough to for instance name
oneself as "white middle class heterosexual" and portray "others" as lesbian in relation
to one's own position (or indeed to portray others as "policymakers"
representing politics and oneself as "knowledge producer"
representing theory). Deconstruction proceeds from the assumption
that one is advancing a politics. Without this awareness we produce subjects of equality and
do not acknowledge that our own practice is a politics in itself. [14] According to Mieke Verloo (2006) the
simultaneity of structural and political intersectionality is mostly
own practice. This is why we need a genealogical awareness of our academic representational practices.
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overlooked in policy-making (Verloo, 2006: 214). By using the two-sex model as a lens I will
show what I understand as such instances of overlooking within an uncritical equality research. A
deconstructive approach to gender is needed when we want to pay
attention to political intersections. Uncritical equality discourses
operate within the hegemonic two-sex model that, I will show, might
appropriate "the lesbian," "ethnicities," and various subaltern "groups" through
the practice of representation. These meanings are appropriated and constructed as part of
the hegemonic struggle. I think that a deconstructive approach manages to reveal
how feminist practices that want to take heterogeneity and the
Other into account can end up appropriating the Other if and when
the complicity between representation as speaking for (Vertreten[2]) and
representation as the staging of the world (Darstellen[3]) is forgotten (Spivak,
1994: 74). How could feminists be constructive about the paradox they face: Being produced by the very discursive
power that we resist? How could we be reflexive about the seductiveness of resistance - a resistance that calls us to
Where do we find an opening for an ethical

representational politics, a politics that we all strive for?
become instruments of discursive power?
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AT Deleuze
First, Deleuze and Deconstuctionist argue the same basic principle

In his criticism,

division.
saying the same thing, albeit in different ways about the Real. For the Real, according to Lacan, is a matter not of
The indivisibility of the letter therefore is not

an insistence upon presence (or absence for that matter), but upon
splitting like a quantum particle split between both being and not
being at its destination. In other words, Lacan promotes neither lack (absence) nor phallus
presence or absence but of splitting.
(fullness) as transcendental signifieds. Rather, he insists upon the quasi-transcendental function of the Real, which
is neither the absence nor the fullness of being, but, as Hurst claims, a fundamental splitting akin to diffrance (cf.
p. 378).
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Rejection Alternative
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Resistance
( ) Text: Reject and resist occidental, coloniality in all instances.
Only ardent resistance has the chance of breaking away from the
coloniality of today Nothing else will do
After the Third World signals both the end of an era and way of
thinking and the birth of new challenges, dreams, and real
possibilities; both observations, however, can be hotly contested. On the one hand, what has really
ended? Assuming that the historical horizon that has finally come to a close is that of anti-colonial nationalist
struggles in the Third World, how about the other, perhaps less intractable, aspects of the spirit of Bandung and
Third Worldism? For instance, how about the tremendous international solidarity that it elicited among exploited
peoples? How about its passionate call for justice, or its eloquent demand for a new international economic order?
And is the centrality of the political on which that spirit was based also a thing of the past? Are all of these
features ineluctably left behind by the steamroller of modern capitalist history? I believe the articles in this special
issue of Third World Quarterly demonstrate they are not, even if they are in dire need of rearticulation. To begin
Today the
world is confronted with a capitalist systema global empire led by
the United States--that seems more inhumane than ever; the power of
this empire makes the ardent clamoring for justice of the Bandung leaders
appear to us today as timid. Even more, the inhumanity of the US led
empire continues to be most patently visible in what until recently was called
the Third World. So it can be argued that the need for international solidarity
with, many of the conditions that gave rise to Third Worldism have by no means disappeared.
is greater than ever before , albeit in new ways, not to speak about the
indubitable necessity of resisting a now global market-determined
economy that commands, in more irrefutable tone than in the past,
that the world has to be organized for exploitation and that nothing
else will do.
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2NC Resistance
( ) Resistance isnt just doing nothing Its the act of imagining a
new world as an alternative to the current realm we are resisting
This alone creates the epistemological and cultural framework to
solve
Other worlds are possible: Social movements, place-based politics,

and global coloniality World and knowledges otherwise brings to
the fore the double aspect of the effort at stake: to build on the
politics of the colonial difference, particularly at the level of
knowledge and culture, and to imagine and construct actual
different worlds. As the slogan of the Porto Alegre World Social Forum puts it, another world is
possible. At stake in thinking beyond the Third World is the ability to
imagine both other worlds and worlds otherwise --that is, worlds
that are more just and sustainable and, at the same time, worlds that are
defined through principles other than those of eurocentric
modernity. To do this, at least two considerations are crucial: what are the sites where ideas for these
alternative and dissenting imaginations will come from? Second, how are the dissenting imaginations to be set into
one possible, and perhaps privileged, way in which these two

questions can be answered in by focusing on the politics of
difference enacted by many contemporary social movements,
particularly those that more directly and simultaneously engage
with imperial globality and global colonialty.
motion? I suggest that
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Resistance AT// Do Nothing Bad

( ) Resistance isnt doing nothing Its the active engagement and
imagination of a new world, shaped by our resistance away from
Occidenalism and coloniality
3. This analysis suggests the need to move from the sociology of absences of
subaltern knowledges to a politics of emergence of social movements; this
requires examining contemporary social movements from the perspective of
colonial difference. At their best, todays movements, particularly
anti-globalization and global justice movements, enact a novel logic
of the social, based on self-organizing meshworks and largely
nonhierarchical structures. They tend to show emergent properties
and complex adaptive behaviour that movements of the past, with their
penchant for centralization and hierarchy, were never able to manifest. This
logic is partly strengthened by the selforganizing dynamics of the
new information and communication technologies (ICTs), resulting in
what could be called subaltern intelligent communities. Situated on the
oppositional side of the modern/colonial border zones, these communities
enact practices of social, economic and ecological difference that
are useful for thinking about alternative local and regional worlds ,
and so for imagining after the Third World.
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AT// Doing Anything

( ) Border thinking is a critical redefinition of thought and the
world, but also an active imagination of a new world
transmodernity signals this possibility of a noneurocentric dialogue with alterity, one that fully enables the
negation of the negation to which the subaltern others have been
subjected . Mignolos notions of border thinking and pluritopic hermeneutics are important in
this regard. They point at the need for a kind of thinking that moves
along the diversity of historical processes (Mignolo, 2001: 9), and that
engages the colonialism of Western epistemology (from the left and from the
right) from the perspective of epistemic forces that have been turned
into subaltern (traditional, folkloric, religious, emotional, etc.) forms of knowledge
Dussels notion of
(2001: 11). While Mignolo acknowledges the continued importance of the monotopic critique of modernity by
Western critical discourse (critique from a single, unified space), he suggests that this has to be put into dialogue
a possibility
of thinking from different spaces which finally breaks away from
eurocentrism as sole epistemological perspective (on the application of the
notion of diatopic hermeneutics to incommensurable cultural traditions, see also Santos, 2002: 268-274). Let
it be clear, however, that border thinking entails both
displacement and departure (Mignolo, 2000: 308), double critique (critique of
both the West and other traditions from which the critique is launched), and the positive
affirmation of an alternative ordering of the real.
with critique(s) arising from the colonial difference. The result is a pluritopic hermeneutics,
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Solves
First, tag
Spivak 99 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Can The Subaltern Speak?, Jcook.)
The reduction of Marx to a benevolent but dated figure most often serves the interest of launching a new theory of
interpretation. In the Foucault-Deleuze conversation, the issue seems to be that there is no representation, no
signifier (Is it to be presumed that the signifier has already been dispatched? There is, then, no sign-structure
theory is a relay of practice

(thus laying problems of theoretical practice to rest) and the
oppressed can know and speak for themselves. This reintroduces
the constitutive subject on at least two levels: the Subject of desire
and power as an irreducible methodological presupposition; and
the self-proximate, if not self-identical, subject of the oppressed. Further, the
intellectuals, who are neither of these S/ subjects, become transparent in the relay
race, for they merely report on the nonrepresented subject and
analyze (without analyzing) the workings of (the unnamed Subject irreducibly presupposed by)
power and desire. The produced "transparency" marks the place of "interest"; it is maintained by
vehement de negation: "Now this role of referee, judge, and universal witness
is one which I absolutely refuse to adopt." One responsibility of the
critic might be to read and write so that the impossibility of such
interested individualistic refusals of the institutional privileges of
power bestowed on the subject is taken seriously. The refusal of the
sign-system blocks the way to a developed theory of ideology. Here,
too, the peculiar tone of de negation is heard. To Jacques-Alain Miller's suggestion that " the institution
is itself discursive," Foucault responds, "Yes, if you like, but it doesn't much matter for my notion of
operating experience, and thus might one lay semiotics to rest?);
the apparatus to be able to say that this is discursive and that isn't ... given that my problem isn't a linguistic one"
(PK, 198). Why this conflation of language and discourse from the master of discourse analysis? . E?ward W. Said's
critique of power in Foucault as a captivating and mystlfying ca!egory that allows him "to obliterate the role of
classes, the role ofeconom1cs, the role of insurgency and rebellion," is most pertinent here.24 I add to Said's
analysis the notion of the surreptitious subject of power and desire marked by the transparency of the intellectual.
Curiously enough, Paul Bove faults Said for emphasizing the importance of the intellectual, whereas "Foucault's
project essentially is a challenge to the leading role of both hegemonic and oppositional intellectuals."25 I have
suggested that
this "challenge" is deceptive precisely because it ignores
what Said emphasizes-the critic's institutional responsibility. . This S/subject, curiously

sewn together into a transparency by denegatlOns, belongs to the exploiters' side of the international division of
It is impossible for contemporary French intellectuals to imagine

the kind of Power and Desire that would inhabit the unnamed
subject of the Other of Europe. It is not only that everything they read, critical or uncritical is
l~bor.
caught within the debate of the production of that Other supporting 0; critiquing the constitution of the Subject as
Europe. It is aiso that, in the constitution of that Other of Europe, great care was taken to obliterate the t~xtual
i~gr~~ients with which su~h a subject could cathect, could occupy (mvest?) 1tS. 1tl~era!"y-not only by
1deological and scientific production, but also by the mstltutlOn of the law. However reductionistic an economic
analysis might seem, the French intellectuals forget at their peril that this entire overdetermined enterprise was in
the interest of a dynamic economic situation requirin~ that interests, motives (desires), and power (of knowledge)
To invoke that dislocation now as a radical discovery

that should make us diagnose the economic (conditions of existence th~t separate
out "classes" descriptively) as a piece of dated analytic machinery may well be to
continue the work of that dislocation and unwittingly to help m
securing a new balance of hegemonic relations. "26 I shall return ~o th1S
a~g~~ent shortly. In the face of the possibility that the intellectual is
be ruthlessly d1slocated.
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complicit m the persistent constitution of Other as the Self's shadow

a possibility of political practice for the intellectual would be to put
the economics "under erasure," to see the economic factor as
irreducible as it reinscribes the social text, even as it is erased,
however imperfectly, when it claims to be the final determinant or
the transcendental signified. 27
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Turns Case
First, We need to reject the utopian fantasies of the affirmatives


(Fink, 1995a:140-1).

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Second, Upon rejecting ideology, the act is possible because even

ideology demands submission. We only to recognize ideology lacks
through rejecting it.
McGowan 04, teaches critical theory and film in the English Department at the U Vermont 2004 (Todd
Lacan and Contemporary Film, Ed. McGowan and Kunkle, pg 155-69
This is the fundamental impasse of all mastery: not only does it

need those it controls and subjects to sustain its own position of
mastery, but it cannot escape being obsessed with the secret
jouissance of these subjects. Hence, in addition to leaving open the space for resistance,
symbolic authority actually encourages its own subversion. Through its
depiction of the desire of symbolic authority, Dark City reveals one of the ways that psychoanalytic
critique and psychoanalytically informed inquiry serve political
action. Often, the strongest barrier to overcome in the political act is
the belief that symbolic authority is without fissure, that there is no
opening in which the act can occur. By showing the Strangers' desperate search for the
jouissance of the subject, the film shatters this belief. Rather than embodying an invariable mastery that thwarts
all challenges to it, the Strangers betray the inconsistency of mastery, it's lack. And because even symbolic
Symbolic authority's lack creates

the space at which we can oppose it, and taking up this opposition
is what it means to act politically. But the primary barrier to such an
act is our investment in the fantasy that fills in symbolic authority's
lack.Because symbolic authority is lacking or split, ideological
control is not absolute. This means that it needs a fantasmatic
support in order to entice subjects to buy into it. If ideology simply
demands submission, subjects will be reluctant to buy into it. But
fantasy fills in this lacuna, offering a reward (an image of the
ultimate jouissance) that ideology offers in exchange for
submission. Hence, far from subverting ideological control, fantasy
perpetuates it and follows from it. The Strangers provide the inhabitants of the city with
authority lacks, we need not succumb to its demands.12
fantasies-images of an experience beyond ideological control-and these fantasies assist in rendering the people
docile. In the case of Murdoch, we see clearly how ideological control depends on a fundamental fantasy.
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Equivalent Comparitivism Alternative
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Solves
First, The only way to solve this reproductive heteronormative drive
that nationalism produces is to embrace a comparative approach to
nations that is equivalent To learn to acknowledge that other
things can occupy the unique place of the example of my first
language This side steps all of your offense and solves
If nationalism secures itself by an appeal to the most private, democracy in its most convenient and ascertainable
form is secured by the most trivially public universal each equals one. That flimsy arithmetic, unprotected by
rational choice, can also be manipulated by nationalism. I am not convinced that the story of human movement to
a greater control of the public sphere is necessarily a story of progress. The religion/science debate makes this
assumption, forgetting that the imagination, forgetting that literature and the arts, belong neither to reason, nor to
unreason. That literature and the arts can support an advanced nationalism is no secret. They join them in the
task of a massive rememoration project, saying we all suffered this way, you remember, this is what happened,
you remember, so that history is turned into cultural memory. Literature can then join in the task of a massive
counterrememoration project suggesting that we have all passed through the same glorious past, the same grand
national liberation battles, the same religious tolerance or whatever. I am going to suggest by the end of this
because sometimes I am misunderstood that the literary imagination can impact on de-transcendentalized
I am supporting the clich that

imagination feeds nationalism, and going forward toward the
literary imagination and teaching the humanities, through the
teaching of the humanities to prepare the readerly imagination to
receive the literary and thus go beyond the self-identity of
nationalism toward the complex textuality of the international. I will
nationalism. That is not what I am discussing here.
come to that later. I want now to share with you a lesson learned from the oral-formulaic. If the main thing about
narrative is sequence, the main thing about the oralformulaic is equivalence. Equivalence here does not mean
value in the sense of commensurate. That was the Marxist definition in the economic sphere. I am speaking of value in a more colloquial sense. The oral-formulaic is equivalence. We learn
from narrative by working at the sequence. We learn in the oral by mastering equivalence. Some years ago Roman Jakobson offered equivalence as the poetic function. In typical modernist fashion he thought equivalence lifted
the burden of meaning. My experience with the oral-formulaic presentation of Sabar women, these groups that I used to train teachers for until the local landlord took the schools away from me and handed them to the corporate
sector even that is gone now has convinced me that it is the inventiveness in equivalence that makes something happen beyond the tonal and verbal monotony that turns off many literate sympathizers. The Sabar women are
members of a tiny and unrepresentative group among Indias eighty-two million Aboriginals. They still practice the oral-formulaic, although they will soon forget this centuries-old skill. The hold upon orality is gender-divided here.
The mens access to the outside world is wretched, working day labor for the Hindu villages, and since they dont themselves know that there are twenty-four hours in the day, they are cheated constantly. That is why I used to
have these schools, to give the subaltern a chance at hegemony. The mens access to the outside world is nonetheless more open. When the men sing, the archived yet inventive memory of the oral-formulaic approaches rote.
The men, and this is a very important distinction, inhabit enforced illiteracy rather than an orality at home with itself and with the great genealogical memories. The women, because of the peculiar situation of gender, were still
practicing the oral-formulaic. The pre-colonial name for the area where I worked is Mnbhum. It is not the name now. In the adjoining state of Jharkhand there is Singbhum, not the name on the map now. Pre-colonial names. To
the south there is Birbhum, etc. Imagine the frisson of delight that passed through me the first time I heard these women weave a verse that began: Mnbhur Mn rj, King Mn of Mnbhm, using the precolonial name of this
place that nobody uses. Then they even brought up another pre-colonial name There were other folkloric details that sped through my mind. The next line was even more delightful: Kolkatar rajar pathorer dalan be the king of
Kolkata has a stone mansion. Kolkata was in the place of what I am calling inventive equivalence. They were going to Kolkata, a little group for a fair, so they were honoring the king of Kolkata. They were preparing these
songs. Kolkata is my hometown and I was thinking as I sang with the women in that remote room with no furniture, no doors and windows, no plumbing, no electricity obviously. In that remote room with no furniture but a 6-foot
by 9- foot sheet of polythene in some way associated with chemical fertilizer I thought, who would the King of Kolkata be? Kolkata is a colonial city and unlike older Indian cities had never had a Nobab; and indeed, unlike
Bardhaman, Krishnanagar, Srihatta (Sylhet), Jashor, or Mymensingh, it had never had a Hindu Raja either. But the women were singing The king of Kolkata has a stone mansion, where Kolkata occupied the place of a shifter, and
who was I to contradict it? I translate the fiction of Mahasweta Devi and, as I was saying this afternoon, she is a wonderful writer, she writes about these tribals, but she is somewhat feudal. And the more I work with these tribals I
also think that her image of the tribals is somewhat romanticized. That is ok, I keep translating her stuff because it is interesting material, but she also and this I didnt like much, she doesnt do it any more, she is too old now
she used to organize these tribal fairs in Kolkata where people came to look at them and buy handicraft, etc. So the women were going there, and that is why they were preparing. The building where this tribal fair actually took
place in Kolkata is called tathhokendra Information Center. What is the name of that place, one of the women asked me. Tathhokendra, I said. They produced the line: Tathhokendrer rajar patharer dalan b the King of the
It would be better to keep it Kolkata, I said, inwardly noting with wonderment that although
they knew that Kolkata was a city with zoos and parks and streets and the Information Center only a building, and
although they knew no king had power over them, the concept of sovereignty, which would put a space in
apposition to archaic Manbhum or Barabhum, applied to both equally. Here, then, is a thinking without nation,
Information Center has a stone mansion.
In
internationality the nation-state has such equivalence, now
rationally determined. In globalization, no, because there the
medium of value is capital. This is the sort of intuition that Lyotard and before him McLuhan had
space-names as shifters, in a mythic geography because of the power of the formulaic.
claimed for postmodernity, jumping the printed book in between. Their politics ignored the texture of subalternity,
and equated it with internationality with no gap. Lyotard tried, in The Differend, to undo it, but most readers did
not make the connection. Without the benefit of post-modern argumentation such geographical intuitions are defined as pre-modern, by Hobsbawm as prepolitical. This group is not tied to counterglobalization. They are too subaltern to attack the indigenous knowledge or population control people and their avoidance of chemical fertilizers or pesticides (now destroyed) was then too recent and not connected to large-scale
agriculture. If, however, they had been connected to counter-globalization then they would accede to a nationalist moment, because the activist workers would speak nation to them. This is a nationalist moment in affective
collectivity with no historical base, ultimately productive of neither nationalism nor counter-globalization, but rather of obedience disguised as self-help. Indeed one year I had added a line to their singing of locaters names of
their village (the Hindus deny them entry there), their district and so on West Bengal is my state, India is my nation. The next day a group of women larger than the group that went to Kolkata and I walked to the central
village of the area. One of the protocols of these two-and-a-half-hour walks was that we sang at the top of our voices. I longed for a camera person. (I am joking, I have never wanted anybody there). I longed for a camera person
as these aboriginal women and I walked in the sparsely forested plains of Manbhum, the women and I screaming India is my country bharat henak desh be again and again and again the moment of access to nationalism
Gayatri Spivak travelling with the subaltern would then be caught on camera. Except that it wasnt access to nationalism of course. The oral-formulaic can appropriate material of all sorts into its machine, robbing the content of
its epistemic charge if it does not fit the inventiveness of the occasion and this is what Jakobson thought was the poetic that takes away the meaning and is only equivalence. Indeed West Bengal or Paschim Banga the name of
And the lines are only sung when Shukhoda wants to show me
that she loves me still. (I havent seen her for three years now; moved my schools away from the landowners
the state has long been changed into Paschim Mangal, a meaningless phrase with a Sanskrit-like aura.
grasp). I am not asking us to imitate the oral-formulaic.
I am suggesting that the principle

of inventive equivalence should be at the core of the comparativist
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impulse. It is not all that a fullyelaborated comparativism does. But the principle would
destroy the hierarchical functioning of current comparative
literature which measures in terms of a standard at whose heart
are Western European nationalisms. Standing in the airport of Paris I have been turned off
by the accent of upstate New York and turned to my mother and said in Bengali You cant listen to this. But she
chided me, also in Bengali, Dear, it is a mother tongue. That sense, that the language learned first through the
You cannot be an
enemy of English. People say easily English is globalization. It is destroying cultural specificity. Here
is equivalence. It is not equalization, it is not a removal of difference, it is
not cutting the unfamiliar down to the familiar. It is perhaps learning to
acknowledge that other things can occupy the unique place of the
example of my first language. This is hard. Its not an easy intuition
to develop, yet this need not take away the comfort in ones food,
ones language, ones corner of the world. Although even this the nomad can give up.
Remember Edward Said quoting Hugo of St. Victor: The man who finds his homeland
sweet is still a tender beginner; he to whom every soil is as his
native one is already strong; but he is perfect to whom the entire
world is as a foreign land. The human being can give up even the
facticity of language, but comparativism need not. What a
comparativism based on equivalence attempts to undermine is the
possessiveness, the exclusiveness, the isolationist expansionism of
mere nationalism.
infantile mechanism is every language, not just ones own, is equivalence.
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Postcolonial Perspective Alternative
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Solves
First, The Alt is to embrace the perspective of the diasporic
postcolonial - only through doing so can class analysis be completed
and stories from colonialism shattered
that the disenfranchised female in decolonized

space, being doubly displaced by it, is the proper carrier of a
critique of pure class-analysis. Separated from the mainstream of
feminism, this figure, the figure of the gendered subaltern, is
singular and alone.9 Insofar as such a figure can be represented
among us, in the room where this piece was first given as a talk, it
is, first, as an object of knowledge, further, as a native-informant
style subject of oral histories who is patronizingly considered
incapable of strategy toward us, and finally, as imagined
subject/object, in the real field of literature. There is, however, a
rather insidious fourth way. It is to obliterate the differences
between this figure and the indigenous elite woman abroad, and
claim the subjectship of an as-yet-unreadable alternative history
that is only written in the general sense I invoke above. (This has now
become altogether more material in globalization and alter-globalization.) This fourth person is a
"diasporic postcolonial," or a cosmopolitan postcolonial who is the
typical participant in international civil society. Who or what is she? (The central
It seems obvious to some of us
character of Mahasweta Devi's "The Hunt," altogether different from the two figures described above, my chief
literary example of remaking history in this piece, negotiates a space that can not only historically but
We all know that the world was divided into

three on the model of the three estates in the mid-1940s when
neocolonialism began.l0 We also know that, during the immediately
preceding period of monopoly capitalist territorial conquest and
settlement, a class of functionary-intelligentsia was often produced
who acted as buffers between the foreign rulers and the ruled.11
These are the "colonial subjects," formed with varying degrees of
success, generally, though not invariably, out of the indigenous
elite, At decolonization, this is the "class" (as I indicate above, class formation in
philosophically, be accessible to her.)
colonies is not exactly like class-formation in the metropolitan that becomes the "national bourgeoisie," with a hand
in the carving out of "national identities" by methods that cannot break formally with the system of representation
that offered them an episteme in the previous dispensation: a "national" buffer between the ruler and the ruled. A
good deal of this repetition of the colonial episteme in the presumed rupture of postcoloniality will come into play in
Mahasweta's story. For the moment let us hold onto the fact that de-colonization does quite seriously represent a
it is precisely
these counterintuitive imaginings that must be grasped when
history is said to be remade, and a rupture is too easily declared
because of the intuition of freedom that a merely political
independence brings for a certain class. Such graspings will allow us
to perceive that neocolonialism is a displaced repetition of many of
rupture for the colonized. It is counterintuitive to point at its repetitive negotiations. But
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the old lines laid down by colonialism. They will also allow us to
realize that the stories (or histories) of the postcolonial world are
not necessarily the same as the stories coming from "internal
colonization," the way the metropolitan countries discriminate
against disenfranchised groups in their midst.12 And the
contemporaneity of globalization has dated these instruments of
analysis. The diasporic postcolonial can take advantage (most often
unknowingly, I hasten to add) of the tendency to conflate the three in the
metropolis. Thus this frequently (though not invariably) innocent informant, identified and welcomed as the
agent of an alternative history, may indeed be the site of a chiasmus, the crossing of a double contradiction: the
system of production of the national bourgeoisie at home, and, abroad, the tendency to represent neocolonialism
by the semiotic of "internal colonization."
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Deconstructive Psychoanalysis
Alternative
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1NC
The alt: Reject the affs western subjectivity and engage in a
subaltern


professional enterprise.
"French" criticism)
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2NC


(Fink, 1995a:140-1).
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that Of


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the same tradition.
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2NR
11
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Psychoanalysis First
The psychoanalytic method comes first it interrogates the
unconscious schemes that imprison our symbolic reality, allowing
revolutionary social change
Barratt '93 [Barnaby, Practicing Analyst, Psychoanalysis and the Postmodern Impulse, Baltimore: John
Hopkins University Press, 1993, 20-1//uwyo-ajl]
This insistence on the priority of method is necessarily an insistence

that we revolutionize our notion of what method might be. It
announces a shift to a notion of method that neither results from
some propositional or conceptual scheme nor results in some
elaboration or reformation of such a scheme. As we shall find out,
psychoanalytic method is a work of interrogation against
propositional imperatives - that is, against the very structuring of
our lives by conceptual or categorical systems - as if to expose, by a
critical passage of free-associative thinking and speaking, the very
ground and horizon of experiencing and understanding as the
fundamental devices of our own imprisonments. This is a postmodern notion of
method, and my intent in this book is to show how it works and plays (dissolving the traditional dichotomy of work
and play into a distinctively postmodern mode of work-play). To grasp psychoanalytic method as such a work-play
requires our readiness to relinquish presuppositions about "psychoanalysis" as a series of theoretical frameworks or
a metahermeneutic in the modern sense - that is, as a series of maps on which to base psychotherapeutic
maneuvers in the service of individual adjustment. We need to investigate anew the semiotics of freeassociative
movement, for its directionality and the "cure" it comprises. Such an investigation can be inspired and
supplemented by rereading Freud's great texts on method. These are the writings that either precede or are
inserted between those writings expressing his commitment to various theoretical and technical systematizations, a
commitment that seems to accelerate after 1914. They include, for example, the 1898 paper on forgetfulness, te
1899 essay on "screen" memories, the 1900 book on dream interpretation, and parts of the 190! work on the
psychopathology of everyday life. Perhaps Freud himself would not have been averse to this emphasis. In 1923 he
gave method priority over theory and treatment. And it is surely not without significance that in 1935, at the end of
his life, he judged 1912 to have been the zenith of his psychoanalytic career. Moreover, as early as 1915- before the
formulation of the structural-functional model, before object-relations, before self psychology and all such
that psychoanalysis opens us to a "critical

new direction in the world and in science" (1916-17, p. 15).
frame-works - he had already declared
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Deconstruction Psychoanalysis First

First, Our criticism must come first Deconstruction calls into
question the very basic portion of our knowledge It must come
before anything else
A grammatological concept of the unconscious begins to take shape

by way of a displacement of the point of contact between Lacan and
Derrida from these questions regarding the letter to the concept of
writing. Two elements show themselves as favourable to the displacement I am suggesting. The first is the
assertion of Derridas in Pour lamour de Lacan that one can discern a
heightened sensibility towards, and even an overturning of,
phonocentrism in Lacans later work, notable in the seminar Encore. While stopping short
of calling this a complete turn, this development is, according to Derrida, performed trs
grammato-logiquement (very grammatologically) (Pour lamour 79). In short, both
Lacan and Derrida realizeand this not entirely independent of each othera rewriting of
writing. If we recall the extraordinary third, and now perhaps the most dated, chapter of Of Grammatology,
titled Grammatology as a Positive Science, Derrida invokes a generalized
grammatology in the place of Saussures own projection of a generalized
semiology, all the while acknowledging and inscribing in the idea of this science to
come a certain impossibility a priori. This impossibility originates in
the ex-centric position writing is shown to take up vis--vis science
grammatology will not be a science among other sciences. As Derrida
puts it himself, elle risque en effet dbranler aussi le concept de la science (Derrida, De la grammatologie 109).
Derridas science of grammatology

receives its problematic structure from a [End Page 156] generic re-writing
of the origin of writing, whereas Lacans idea, though no less generic, finds its
support in writings incompleteness.
In a slight approximation we could say that
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Alt First Criticisms Specific

*Same as key to solvency*
First, Derridas deconstruction is a prerequisite to philosophical
thought It question the very basic foundation of thought and
understanding Combining it with psychoanalysis is key to create a
movement that truly transforms the Real
that Of


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the same tradition.
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Turns Case
First, We need to reject the utopian fantasies of the affirmatives


(Fink, 1995a:140-1).

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Second, Upon rejecting ideology, the act is possible because even

ideology demands submission. We only to recognize ideology lacks
through rejecting it.
McGowan 04, teaches critical theory and film in the English Department at the U Vermont 2004 (Todd
Lacan and Contemporary Film, Ed. McGowan and Kunkle, pg 155-69
This is the fundamental impasse of all mastery: not only does it

need those it controls and subjects to sustain its own position of
mastery, but it cannot escape being obsessed with the secret
jouissance of these subjects. Hence, in addition to leaving open the space for resistance,
symbolic authority actually encourages its own subversion. Through its
depiction of the desire of symbolic authority, Dark City reveals one of the ways that psychoanalytic
critique and psychoanalytically informed inquiry serve political
action. Often, the strongest barrier to overcome in the political act is
the belief that symbolic authority is without fissure, that there is no
opening in which the act can occur. By showing the Strangers' desperate search for the
jouissance of the subject, the film shatters this belief. Rather than embodying an invariable mastery that thwarts
all challenges to it, the Strangers betray the inconsistency of mastery, it's lack. And because even symbolic
Symbolic authority's lack creates

the space at which we can oppose it, and taking up this opposition
is what it means to act politically. But the primary barrier to such an
act is our investment in the fantasy that fills in symbolic authority's
lack.Because symbolic authority is lacking or split, ideological
control is not absolute. This means that it needs a fantasmatic
support in order to entice subjects to buy into it. If ideology simply
demands submission, subjects will be reluctant to buy into it. But
fantasy fills in this lacuna, offering a reward (an image of the
ultimate jouissance) that ideology offers in exchange for
submission. Hence, far from subverting ideological control, fantasy
perpetuates it and follows from it. The Strangers provide the inhabitants of the city with
authority lacks, we need not succumb to its demands.12
fantasies-images of an experience beyond ideological control-and these fantasies assist in rendering the people
docile. In the case of Murdoch, we see clearly how ideological control depends on a fundamental fantasy.
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Turns Case Political Action Specific

*same as AT Anything Political*
Our Alternative is the Proper Form of Political ThinkingThe
Affirmative is a Fundamental Avoidance of Thought and Merely
Recreates the Conditions of the Problem
Butler and Stephens 6 Rex Scott, Lecturers at U of Queensland, Play Fuckin Loud: Zizek vs. the
Left, The Symptom, Issue 7, Spring 2006 (http://www.lacan.com/symptom7_articles/butler.html)
Here, we might say, in a nutshell is everything Zizek writes against. And it is just at this point that the true
distinctions because they are the hardest, the most unpopular, the most difficult need to be made. It is just at
this moment that Zizek breaks with a well-wishing Left in the name of a proper Hegelio-Marxist critique. To begin
with, Zizek absolutely takes a distance from the classical model of the philosopher giving meaning to events,
providing a solution to problems the philosopher as Big Other bringing about narrative and conceptual closure.
(Ironically, in another post from her website, Dean even admits that one of the things at stake in Zizeks work is the
Giving meaning, providing solutions,

bringing about closure: this is what French politicians from the Centre-Left like
doing away with the Big Other like this.)
Dominique de Villepin (who criticised the French State) to the Right like Nicolas Sarkozy (who blamed the rioters)
rushed to do
in the days immediately following the riots. It is what innumerable media critics and
commentators, both in France and abroad, scrambled to do in order that there was no empty air time in which
actually to think. How flimsy, how pathetic, how desperate they all sounded, when we know that, within the current
(The same point might

even be made of the media coverage of Hurricane Katrina: for all of
the criticisms made of the Bush Government for acting too slowly in
response to the crisis, this is again to assume that the problem was
only natural, that everything could be made right by the timely
intervention of the State, when in fact it is the State itself that is
the problem.) In both cases, there is no solution, and therefore no
meaning, no closure to events. And it is just this that Zizek is trying to think in his essay
configuration of the French State within capitalism, there can be no solution.2
admittedly, with great difficulty, against the best wishes of his supporters More than this, Zizek is accused in
Deans essay not only of not providing the meaning of the French riots to us, but also to the rioters themselves. In
the most traditional conception of philosophy, he is expected to speak for others, bears a responsibility for
articulating the violence. But the real point here is that, if these riots are to constitute a real event, they must
provide their own meaning. And it is the failure of the rioters to do this, to make of what happened an event, that
Zizek indicates by the simple mathemic repetition of his previous work (mostly passages of Ticklish Subject) in
response to them.3 The riots do not provide an occasion for new thought; they merely play out an existing impasse.
it is just this this lack of any wider meaning, the present

inability of the rioters, of all of us, to formulate an authentic
utopian moment, to make of what happened a universal that
Zizek attempts to think in his refusal to clutch at solutions, to
suggest possible alternatives, to issue philosophical nostrums from
some higher place, not mired in the situation. Perhaps the only true equivalent to
But, again,
Zizeks authentic ethical stance here, his refusal to offer placebos, his taking of the time to think, strangely enough,
was the response of French President Jacques Chirac, who several days after the riots and he too was criticised for
his delay put forward an equally mathemic decree: The French State will not concede to the rioters. We sense
behind his words here, as with Zizek, a frank admission that the riots did not constitute an authentic event, that the
only true crisis (for Capital) will be that of Capital itself So what, then, is Zizek attempting to do in Some
Politically Incorrect Reflections? What is the role for philosophy he proposes there? What does he mean by saying
that the philosophers task is not to propose solutions, but to reframe the problem itself? If we can begin by
the role of philosophy is to

provide space for us and the protestors to think. It is to enable us to
reflect upon the fact that the rioters are able to propose no
answering these questions in a slightly programmatic way,
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solution, and to make of this problem the beginning of a solution

itself. It is the rush to judgement, the proposing of solutions without
seeing the prior problem, that Zizek is seeking to avoid.4 And it is this time of
thinking that we call his patience, and that is variously theorised in his work as separation, uncoupling
It is to stop before acting and to

ask why all of the available alternatives are insufficient, merely
different versions of the same thing. (In the full-length version of the essay, posted on
aggressive passivity and Bartlebys I prefer not to.
Lacan.com, Zizek makes a crucial distinction between two different responses to capitalism and the separation it
enforces between truth and meaning: on the one hand, there are conservative [but we would also say pseudoLeftist] reactions to re-enframe capital within some field of meaning; and, on the other, there is the attempt to
raise the question of the real of capitalism with regard to its truth-beyond-meaning (what, basically, Marx did). It
is absolutely this distinction that is at stake in Zizeks attempt to tear the events of the French riots away from their
And this is why,

finally we see it again in this misunderstanding between Zizek and his blogger we can say that
philosophical thinking as such is always political, is not to do
nothing. This is why we can say that thinking, truly thinking and here we are reminded of Dylans insistence
various commentators, both Left and Right, in thinking their truth-outside-meaning.)
that all of his songs are protest songs, even when they do not take up the topical issues of the day is that rarest of
events, and constitutes the only real resistance to what must be called the complicity of the well-meaning Left,
which in its desire for immediate results is indistinguishable from its hated rival (the narcissism of small
differences), neo-liberalism.
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AT Cant Solve
Status quo hegemony remains dominant because people give into
its forced choice refusing its ideological coordinates allows one to
rupture hegemony in an act of radical freedom This solves AND
We turned case Try or die for the negative
Zizek 1 [Slavoj, Still gives a shit, On Belief (Thinking in Action), New York City: Routledge, 2001, 120-2//uwyoajl]
when Really Existing

Socialism was falling apart: all of a sudden, people were thrown
into a situation of the "freedom of political choice" - however, were they
Let us take the situation in the Eastern European countries around 1990,
REALLY at any point asked the fundamental question of what kind of new order they actually wanted? Is it not that
They were
first told that they were entering the promised land of political
freedom; then, soon afterwards, they were informed that this
freedom involved wild privatization, the dismantling of the system of social security, etc.
they found themselves in the exact situation of the subject-victim of a Beauvois experiment?
etc. - they still have the freedom to choose, so if they want, they can step out; but, no, our heroic Eastern
Europeans didn't want to disappoint their Western mentors, they stoically persisted in the choice they never made,
con-vincing themselves that they should behave as mature subjects who are aware that freedom has its price . .
This is why the notion of the psychological subject endowed with natural propensities, who has to realize its true
Self and its potentials, and who is, consequently, ultimately responsible for his failure or success, is the key
ingredient of liberal freedom. And here one should risk reintroducing the Leninist opposition of "formal" and "actual"
in an act of actual freedom, one dares precisely to BREAK the

seductive power of symbolic efficiency. Therein resides the moment of truth of Lenin's
acerbic retort to his Menshevik critics: the truly free choice is a choice in which I do
not merely choose between two or more options WITHIN a pre-given
set of coordinates, but I choose to change this set of coordinates
itself. The catch of the "transition" from Really Existing Socialism to
capitalism was that people never had the chance to choose the ad quem of
this transition - all of a sudden, they were (almost literally) "thrown" into a new situation in which they
freedom:
were presented with a new set of given choices (pure liberalism, nationalist conservatism . . . ). What this means is
the "actual freedom" as the act of consciously changing this set

occurs only when, in the situation of a forced choice, one ACTS AS IF
THE CHOICE IS NOT FORCED and "chooses the impossible." This is what
Lenin's obsessive tirades against "formal" freedom are about, therein resides their "rational kernel" which is
that
worth saving today: when he emphasizes that there is no "pure" democracy, that we should always ask who does a
point is precisely to
maintain the possibility of the TRUE radical choice. This is what the distinction
between "formal" and "actual" freedom ultimately amounts to: " formal" freedom is the
freedom of choice WITHIN the coordinates of the existing power
relations, while "actual" freedom designates the site of an
intervention which undermines these very coordinates. In short, Lenin's point
freedom under consideration serve, which is its role in the class struggle, his
is not to limit freedom of choice, but to maintain the fundamental Choice - when Lenin asks about the role of a
freedom within the class struggle, what he is asking is precisely: "Does this freedom contribute to or constrain the
fundamental revolutionary Choice?"
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AT Anything Political
*same as Turns Case Political Action Specific*
Our Alternative is the Proper Form of Political ThinkingThe
Affirmative is a Fundamental Avoidance of Thought and Merely
Recreates the Conditions of the Problem
Butler and Stephens 6 Rex Scott, Lecturers at U of Queensland, Play Fuckin Loud: Zizek vs. the
Left, The Symptom, Issue 7, Spring 2006 (http://www.lacan.com/symptom7_articles/butler.html)
Here, we might say, in a nutshell is everything Zizek writes against. And it is just at this point that the true
distinctions because they are the hardest, the most unpopular, the most difficult need to be made. It is just at
this moment that Zizek breaks with a well-wishing Left in the name of a proper Hegelio-Marxist critique. To begin
with, Zizek absolutely takes a distance from the classical model of the philosopher giving meaning to events,
providing a solution to problems the philosopher as Big Other bringing about narrative and conceptual closure.
(Ironically, in another post from her website, Dean even admits that one of the things at stake in Zizeks work is the
Giving meaning, providing solutions,

bringing about closure: this is what French politicians from the Centre-Left like
doing away with the Big Other like this.)
Dominique de Villepin (who criticised the French State) to the Right like Nicolas Sarkozy (who blamed the rioters)
rushed to do
in the days immediately following the riots. It is what innumerable media critics and
commentators, both in France and abroad, scrambled to do in order that there was no empty air time in which
actually to think. How flimsy, how pathetic, how desperate they all sounded, when we know that, within the current
(The same point might

even be made of the media coverage of Hurricane Katrina: for all of
the criticisms made of the Bush Government for acting too slowly in
response to the crisis, this is again to assume that the problem was
only natural, that everything could be made right by the timely
intervention of the State, when in fact it is the State itself that is
the problem.) In both cases, there is no solution, and therefore no
meaning, no closure to events. And it is just this that Zizek is trying to think in his essay
configuration of the French State within capitalism, there can be no solution.2
admittedly, with great difficulty, against the best wishes of his supporters More than this, Zizek is accused in
Deans essay not only of not providing the meaning of the French riots to us, but also to the rioters themselves. In
the most traditional conception of philosophy, he is expected to speak for others, bears a responsibility for
articulating the violence. But the real point here is that, if these riots are to constitute a real event, they must
provide their own meaning. And it is the failure of the rioters to do this, to make of what happened an event, that
Zizek indicates by the simple mathemic repetition of his previous work (mostly passages of Ticklish Subject) in
response to them.3 The riots do not provide an occasion for new thought; they merely play out an existing impasse.
it is just this this lack of any wider meaning, the present

inability of the rioters, of all of us, to formulate an authentic
utopian moment, to make of what happened a universal that
Zizek attempts to think in his refusal to clutch at solutions, to
suggest possible alternatives, to issue philosophical nostrums from
some higher place, not mired in the situation. Perhaps the only true equivalent to
But, again,
Zizeks authentic ethical stance here, his refusal to offer placebos, his taking of the time to think, strangely enough,
was the response of French President Jacques Chirac, who several days after the riots and he too was criticised for
his delay put forward an equally mathemic decree: The French State will not concede to the rioters. We sense
behind his words here, as with Zizek, a frank admission that the riots did not constitute an authentic event, that the
only true crisis (for Capital) will be that of Capital itself So what, then, is Zizek attempting to do in Some
Politically Incorrect Reflections? What is the role for philosophy he proposes there? What does he mean by saying
that the philosophers task is not to propose solutions, but to reframe the problem itself? If we can begin by
the role of philosophy is to

provide space for us and the protestors to think. It is to enable us to
reflect upon the fact that the rioters are able to propose no
answering these questions in a slightly programmatic way,
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solution, and to make of this problem the beginning of a solution

itself. It is the rush to judgement, the proposing of solutions without
seeing the prior problem, that Zizek is seeking to avoid.4 And it is this time of
thinking that we call his patience, and that is variously theorised in his work as separation, uncoupling
It is to stop before acting and to

ask why all of the available alternatives are insufficient, merely
different versions of the same thing. (In the full-length version of the essay, posted on
aggressive passivity and Bartlebys I prefer not to.
Lacan.com, Zizek makes a crucial distinction between two different responses to capitalism and the separation it
enforces between truth and meaning: on the one hand, there are conservative [but we would also say pseudoLeftist] reactions to re-enframe capital within some field of meaning; and, on the other, there is the attempt to
raise the question of the real of capitalism with regard to its truth-beyond-meaning (what, basically, Marx did). It
is absolutely this distinction that is at stake in Zizeks attempt to tear the events of the French riots away from their
And this is why,

finally we see it again in this misunderstanding between Zizek and his blogger we can say that
philosophical thinking as such is always political, is not to do
nothing. This is why we can say that thinking, truly thinking and here we are reminded of Dylans insistence
various commentators, both Left and Right, in thinking their truth-outside-meaning.)
that all of his songs are protest songs, even when they do not take up the topical issues of the day is that rarest of
events, and constitutes the only real resistance to what must be called the complicity of the well-meaning Left,
which in its desire for immediate results is indistinguishable from its hated rival (the narcissism of small
differences), neo-liberalism.
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AT Psychoanalysis Bad - Generic

First, Even if they win every argument here, you still vote negative
make them prove why this specific application of psychoanalysis is
bad.
Second, Our alternative is a deconstructive psychoanalysis Theyre
very different things Not only do we use psychoanalysis, but we
deconstruct the subject and the process and knowledge production
Solves offense
Third, Their distrust is predicated off of ideology ideology
necessitates the rejection of all other forms of viewing things if we
win a link, it means you reject all their arguments against us.
Fourth, Psychoanalysis is crucial for liberation the Impossibility
that structures subjectivity is the condition of hegemonic struggle's
possibility
Zizek 2000 [Slavoj, Rather Prolific Author, Class Struggle or Postmodernism? Yes, please! Contingency,
Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left, New York City: Verso, 2000, 110-1//uwyo-ajl]
Take the case of sexual difference itself: Lacan's claim that sexual difference is 'real-impossible' is strictly
For Lacan, sexual

difference is not a firm set of 'static' symbolic oppositions and inclusions/exclusions (heterosexual
normativity which relegates homo-sexuality and other 'perversions' to some secondary role), but the name
of a deadlock, of a trauma, of an open question, of something that
resists every attempt at its symbolization. Every translation of sexual difference into a
set of symbolic opposition(s) is doomed to fail, and it is this very 'impossibility' that
opens up the terrain of the hegemonic struggle for what 'sexual difference' will
mean. What is barred is not what is excluded under the present
hegemonic regime. The political struggle for hegemony whose
outcome is contingent, and the `non-historical' bar or impossibility
are thus strictly correlative: there is a struggle for hegemony precisely
because some preceding `bar' of impossibility sustains the void at
stake in the hegemonic struggle. So Lacan is the very opposite of Kantian formalism (if by
synonymous with his claim that 'there is no such thing as a sexual relationship'.
this we understand die imposition of some formal frame that serves as the a priori of its contingent content):
Lacan forces us to make thematic the exclusion of some traumatic

`content' that is constitutive of the empty universal form. There is
historical space only in so far as this space is sustained by some
more radical exclusion (or as Lacan would have put it, forclusion). So one should
distinguish between two levels: the hegemonic struggle for which
particular content will hegemonize the empty universal notion; and
the more fundamental impossibility that renders the Universal
empty and thus a terrain for hegemonic struggle.
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AT No Lack/Lack is Affirmation
First, Desire and Lack are not just productive They are equally
negative
Little a is that desire wants to be fulfilled i.e. negated
Little b is that desire is one thing that can only be described as no
other desire besides the desire it is Desire and lack are in an of
themselves infinitely negative to any other desire to affirm their
existence
Second, this means our K must come first Only a deconstructive
psychoanalysis can analyze all aspects of desire and lack
The
signifier is absolutely negative; it is what all other signifiers are not.
It is pure difference in the symbolic field, whereas the letter is of a
positive order (Milner 12832). This is already the heart of the matter, the
same question raised by the talking cure: how a system of negative
differentiation can produce an effect in the real, that is, one which is
not purely negative, La lettre radicalement est effet de [End Page 154] discours (Lacan, Sminaire
XX: 36). One could say, very concisely, that the letter is that which makes a difference
where there is no(-o)ne.6 From this follows that the signifier is restricted to
the symbolic, whereas the letter ties it to the two other registers,
the I and the R, completing its nodal structure. Also, within the framework of The
Why should we insist on this point? Let us quickly recall some elements of the Lacanian doctrine.
Purloined Letter, there is not simply differentiation of positions but actual transformative acts, in this case the (at
least) two cases of theft. The letter is transmissible, as the signifier qua signifier cannot transmit anything. Once
attuned to this question, one can even sense occasionally a lack of conviction sneaking into Derridas reading: a
milieu of ideality: hence the eminence of the transcendental whose effect is to maintain presence, to wit phon.
This is what made necessary and possible, in exchange for certain

corrections, the integration of Freudian phallocentrism with a
fundamentally phonocentric Saussurian semiolinguistics. The algorithmic
transformation does not appear to me to undo this tie (Derrida, Post 478n56). The algorithmic
transformation, of which Derrida speaks here, and which does not
appear to undo the phallo/phonocentric tie, is already a
consideration of later developments in Lacans work. The algorithmic
transformation does in fact not take place in the Seminar on the Purloined Letter (though there is a formalization of
the odd/even game in the accompanying Suitewhich Derrida chooses not to discuss), although it is doubtless
part of the nascent programmatic of the Lacanian matheme. And later, in Pour lamour de Lacan, Derrida
one final deconstruction of the one

Lacanian discourse, and refuses to pass the judgment of phonocentrism on Lacans idea of the
ultimately denies that Le Facteur de la vrit aimed at
matheme, his mathematical rewriting of psychoanalysis.
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AT Psychoanalysis Bad Desire Productive

First, Theyre wrong, desire lacks because of the failure of language
to accord with the world. Its chaotic and unstable nature prevents
attempts to tie it to the symbolic reality, resulting in contradictory
feelings and a gap between actual objects and the impossible object
cause that people desire, meaning that no matter what contingent
object or policy you achieve, therell always be somethings thats
not quite it.
Solves offense Deconstuctionist argue the same basic principle

In his criticism,

division.
For the Real, according to

Lacan, is a matter not of presence or absence but of splitting. The
indivisibility of the letter therefore is not an insistence upon
presence (or absence for that matter), but upon splitting like a quantum
particle split between both being and not being at its destination. In
other words, Lacan promotes neither lack (absence) nor phallus
(fullness) as transcendental signifieds. Rather, he insists upon the
quasi-transcendental function of the Real, which is neither the
absence nor the fullness of being, but, as Hurst claims, a
fundamental splitting akin to diffrance (cf. p. 378).
saying the same thing, albeit in different ways about the Real.
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Third, Turn - this argument destroys all hope of progressive social

change. If desire is productive, then ideology directly constructs
subjectivity, meaning there's no way to resist hegemony, dooming
us to even more fascism. Only lack in the social allows for subjective
freedom
Fourth, Even if people get what they really desire, thats not
responsive. Desire lacks because of its internal contradictions,
meaning that every time you get what you desire, itll fail to bring
satisfaction because the object cause that you desire retroactively
morphs into something else because of the way that its split from
within.
Fifth, Historical examples of disappointment demonstrate how
desire lacks. There have been a variety of political movements that
sought to abolish the alienation of lavor, inequality and so on, like
Nazi aGerman and the October Revolution. The failure of these
movements to live up to there expectations and the subsequent
totalitarian nightmares show how a movements political actions
can fail to live up to its expectations.
Sixth, Everyday objects necessarily fails to fulfill the actual cause of
one's desire the conflation of the two can only take place through
illusion
Zizek '93 [Slavoj, Looking Awry: An Introduction to Jacques Lacan through Popular Culture, Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1993, 32-3//uwyo-ajl]
At first sight, Rendell seems to provide here an elementary lesson on the Freudian notion of the drive: its object is
ultimately indifferent and arbitrary-even in the case of the "natural" and "authentic" relationship of a mother to her
if an
object is to take its place in a libidinal space, its arbitrary character
must remain concealed. The subject cannot say to herself, "Since the object is arbitrary, I can
choose whatever I want as the object of my drive." The object must appear to be found, to
child, the object- child proves interchangeable. But the accent of Rendell's story offers a different lesson:
offer itself as support and point of reference for the drive's circular movement. In Rendell's novel, the mother only
accepts the other child when she can say to herself "I really cannot do anything, if I refuse him now, things will get
even more complicated, the child is practically imposed on me." We can say, in fact, that The Tree of Hands works
in a way opposite to that of Brechtian drama: instead of making a familiar situation strange, the novel demonstrates
the way we are prepared, step by step, to accept as familiar a bizarre and morbid situation. This procedure is far
Herein Consists, also, the fundamental lesson of Lacan: while
it is true that any object can occupy the empty place of the Thing, it
can do so only by means of the illusion that it was always already
there, i.e., that it was not placed there by us but found there as an "answer of the real.
"Although any object can function as the object-cause of desireinsofar as the power of fascination it exerts is not its immediate
property but results from the place it occupies in the structure-we
must, by structural necessity, fall prey to the illusion that the power
of fascination belongs to the object as such. This structural necessity enables us to
more subversive than the usual Brechtian one.
approach from a new perspective the classic Pascalian-Marxian description of the logic of "fetishistic inversion" in
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inter-personal relationships. The subjects think they treat a certain person as a king because he is already in himself
reality this person is king only insofar as the subjects treat

him as one. The basic reversal of Pascal and Marx lies, of course, in their defining the king's charisma not as
a king, while in
an immediate property of the person-king but as a "reflexive determination" of the comportment of his subjects, or-
it
is a positive, necessary condition for this performative effect to take
place that the king's charisma be experienced precisely as an
immediate property of the person-king. The moment the subjects
take cognizance of the fact that the king's charisma is a
performative effect, the effect itself is aborted. In other words, if we attempt to
to use the terms of speech act theory-a performative effect of their symbolic ritual. But the crucial point is that
"subtract" the fetishistic inversion and witness the performative effect directly, the performative power will be
dissipated. But why, we may ask, can the performative effect take place only on condition that it is overlooked?
Why does the disclosure of the performative mechanism necessarily ruin its effect? Why, to paraphrase Hamlet, is
the king (also) a thing? Why must the symbolic mechanism be hooked onto a "thing," some piece of the real? The
Lacanian answer is, of course:
because the symbolic field is in itself always
already barred, crippled, porous, structured around some extimate kernel, some impossibility. The
function of the "little piece of the real" is precisely to fill out the place of this void that gapes in the very heart of the
symbolic.
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AT Psychoanalysis Bad Schizoanalysis

First, This argument is more totalizing than ours and links even
worse to their Oedipal arugments. The positing of multiple
becomings creates a proliferation of new egos, each of which still
endures an oedipalized relationship to the external world,
reinscribing a concrete subject, failing to acknowledge the
fundamentally external nature of the subject and its function as a
void.

In his criticism,

division.

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Third, Even if there are multiple selves, those selves are still out of
joint in the world and find themselves in a space in which there's no
consistently grounded big other, meaning that our argument still
applies.
Fourth, Far from liberating the subject, assertion of hybridity
ignores the way that deterritorialization is traumatic to marginaled
peoples and feeds the stability of capital
Zizek '99 [Slavoj, Senior Researcher at Institute for Social Studies, Ljubliana and Badass, The Ticklish Subject:
the absent centre of political ontology, New York: Verso, 1999, 220-1//uwyo-ajl]
Does this mean that the solution lies in acknowledging the 'hybrid'
character of each identity? It is easy to praise the hybridity of the postmodern migrant subject,
no longer attached to specific ethnic roots, floating freely between
different.cultural circles. Unfortunately, two totally different sociopolitical
levels are condensed here: on the one hand the cosmopolitan upper- and
upper-middle-class academic, always with the proper visas enabling him to
cross borders without any problem in order to carry out his (financial, academic. . .) business, and thus able to
on the other hand the poor (im)migrant worker driven from

his home by poverty or (ethnic, religious) violence, for whom the celebrated 'hybridity'
designates a very tangible traumatic experience of never being able
to settle down properly and legalize his status, the subject for whom such simple tasks as crossing
'enjoy the difference';
a border or reuniting with his family can be an experience full of anxiety, and demanding great effort. For this
second subject, being uprooted from his traditional way of life is a traumatic shock which
destabilizes his entire existence - to tell him that he should enjoy the hybridity and the lack of fixed identity of his
involves the same

cynicism as that at work in the (popularized version of) Deleuze and
Guattari's celebration of the schizo-subject whose rhizomatic
pulverized existence explodes the paranoiac 'proto-Fascist'
protec-tive shield of fixed identity: what is, for the concerned
subject, an experience of the utmost suffering and despair, the stigma of exclusion,
of being unable to participate in the affairs of his community, is from the point of view of
the external and well, 'normal', and fully adapted postmodern
theoretician - celebrated as the ultimate assertion of the subversive
desiring machine. . . .
daily life, the fact that his existence is migrant, never identical-to-itself, and so on,
Fifth, Shifting identification reinforces the ideological regime by

making it more bearable
Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left, New York City: Verso, 2000, 102-4//uwyo-ajl]
the exclusionary logic is always redoubled in itself: not only is the

subordinated Other (homosexuals, non-white races...) excluded/repressed, but
hegemonic universality itself also relies on a disavowed 'obscene'
particular content of its own (say, the exercise of power that
legitimizes itself as legal, tolerant, Christian. . . relies on a set of publicly
disavowed obscene rituals of violent humiliation of the subordinated
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we are dealing here with what one is tempted to call the ideological
practice of disidentification. That is to say, one should turn around the standard notion of
26). More generally,
ideology as providing a firm identification to its subjects, constraining them to their 'social roles': what if, on a
different - but no less irrevocable and structurally necessary - level ,
ideology is effective
precisely by constructing a space of false disidentification, of false
dis-tance towards the actual co-ordinates of those subjects' social
existence?27 Is not this logic of disidentification discernible from the
most elementary case of 'I am not only an American (husband, worker,
democrat, gay. . .), but, beneath all these roles and masks, a human being,
a complex unique personality' (where the very dis-tance towards the
symbolic feature that determines my social place guarantees the
efficiency of this determination), up to the more complex case of cyberspace playing with
one's multiple identities? The mystification operative in the perverse 'just playing' of cyber-space is therefore
double: not only are the games we are playing in it more serious than we tend to assume (is it not that, in the guise
of a fiction, of 'it's just a game', a subject can articulate and stage features of his symbolic identity - sadistic,
'perverse', and so on - which he would never be able to admit in his 'real' intersubjective contacts?), but the
opposite also holds, that is,
the much-celebrated playing with multiple, shifting

personas (freely constructed identities) tends to obfuscate (and
thus falsely liberate us from) the constraints of social space in
which our existence is trapped. Let me evoke another example: why did Christa Wolf's The
Quest for Christa T exert such a tremendous impact on the GDR public in the 1960s? Because it is precisely a novel
about the failure - or, at least, the vac-illation - of ideological interpellation, about the failure of fully recognizing
oneself in one's socio-ideological identity: Then her name was called: 'Christa T.!' - she stood up and went and did
what was expected of her; was there anyone to whom she could say that hearing her name called gave her much to
think about: Is it really me who's meant? Or is it only my name that's being used? Counted in with other names,
industriously added up in front of the equals sign? And might just as well have been absent, would anyone have
Is not this gesture of 'Am I that name?', this probing into

one's symbolic 'identification so well expressed by Johannes R.
Becher's quote which Wolf put at the very beginning of the novel:
'This coming-to-oneself - what is it?', hysterical provocation at its
purest? And my point is that such a self-probing attitude, far from
effectively threatening the predominant ideological regime, is what
ultimately makes it 'livable' - this is why her West German
detractors were in a way paradoxically right when, after the fall of
the Wall, they claimed that Christa Wolf, by expressing the
subjective complexities, inner doubts and oscillations of the GDR
subject, actually provided a realistic literary equivalent of the ideal
GDR subject, and was as such much more successful in her task of
securing political conformity than the open naive propagandist
fiction depicting ideal subjects sacrificing themselves for the
Communist Cause.29
noticed?'2B
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AT Psychoanalysis Bad Oedipus Bad

First, No link We don't invoke Oedipus in the familial way that
they're criticizing. They need a specific criticism of that usage.

In his criticism,

division.

Third, It's not responsive The subject is oedipalized in that

language fails to fix reality and that the social is incomplete. No
matter what symbolic construction you develop, it'll miss
something, meaning some form of oedipalization is inevitable
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Fourth, Turn Our conception of the subject is necessary for

resistance. If desire doesn't lack, then the subject is determinately
produced by ideology and there's no room for freedom in that
failure. Only the subject as a split in reality allows for resistance to
fascism.
Fifth, The paternal law doesn't repress desire The father, itself, is
a fantasy to paper over that gap Only our model allows for lack in
the other and deterritorialization
Zizek '93 [Slavoj, , Looking Awry: An Introduction to Jacques Lacan through Popular Culture, Cambridge: MIT
Press, 1993, 24-5//uwyo-ajl]
Why is this redoubling necessary? In the Oedipus myth, the prohibition of enjoyment still functions, ultimately, as an
external impediment, leaving the possibility open that without this obstacle, we would be able to enjoy fully. But
enjoyment is already, in itself, impossible. One of the commonplaces of Lacanian

theory is that access to enjoyment is denied to the speaking being , as such.
The figure of the father saves us from this deadlock by bestowing
on the immanent impossibility the form of a symbolic interdiction. The
myth of the primal father in Totem and Taboo complements-or, more precisely, supplements-the Oedipus myth by
embodying this impossible enjoyment in the obscene figure of the Father-of-Enjoyment, i.e., in the very figure who
The illusion is that there was at least one

subject (the primal father possessing all women) who was able to enjoy fully; as
such, the figure of the Father-of-Enjoyment is nothing but a neurotic
fantasy that overlooks the fact that the father has been dead from
the beginning, i.e., that he never was alive, except insofar as he did not know that he was already dead.
The lesson to be drawn from this is that reducing the pressure of the superego is
definitely not to be accomplished by replacing its supposedly
"irrational," "counterproductive," "rigid" pressure with rationally accepted
renunciations, laws, and rules. The point is rather to acknowledge that part of enjoyment is
lost from the very beginning, that it is immanently impossible, and
not concentrated "somewhere else," in the place from which the
agent of prohibition speaks. At the same time, this allows us to locate the
weak point of the Deleuzian polemic against Lacan's "oedipalism ."6
What Deleuze and Guattari fail to take into account is that the most powerful anti-Oedipus is
Oedipus itself the Oedipal father-father reigning as his Name, as the agent of symbolic
law-is necessarily redoubled in itself, it can exert its authority only by relying on
the superego figure of the Father-of-Enjoyment. It is precisely this dependence of
assumes the role of the agent of prohibition.
the Oedipal father-the agency of symbolic law guaranteeing order and reconCiliationon the perverse figure of the
Father-Of-Enjoyment that explains why Lacan prefers to write perversion as pre-version, i.e., the version of the
Far from acting only as symbolic agent, restraining pre-oedipal,

"polymorphous perversity," subjugating it to the genital law, the
"version of," or turn toward, the father is the most radical perversion of all.
father.
Sixth, Deleuzian anti-oedipalism is a false transgression that

maintains current power configurations through perversion
Zizek '99 [Slavoj, Ljubliana and Badass, The Ticklish Subject: the absent centre of political ontology, New York:
Verso, 1999, 250-1//uwyo-ajl]
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his fidelity to the

truth of hysteria against the pervert's false transgression is what
led Lacan, in the last years of his teaching, to claim pathetically: 'I rebel against
philosophy [Je m'insurge contre la philosophie].' Apropos of this general claim, the Leninist question should
And to give this opposition a philosophical twist one is tempted to claim that
be asked immediately: which (singular) philosophy was, for him, a stand-in for philosophy 'as such'? Following a
suggestion by Francois Regnault (who draws attention to the fact that Lacan made this statement in 1975, in the
the philosophy actually under

fire, far from standing for some traditional Hegelian metaphysics, is none other than that of Gilles
Deleuze, a philosopher of globalized perversion if there ever was one. That is to say, is not
Deleuze's critique of 'Oedipal' psychoanalysis an exemplary case of
the perverse reaction to hysteria? Against the hysterical subject
who maintains an ambiguous attitude towards symbolic authority (like
wake of the publication of Anti-Oedipus), one could argue that
the psychoanalyst who acknowledges the pathological consequences of 'repression', but none the less claims that
'repression' is the condition of cultural progress, since outside symbolic authority there is only the psychotic void),
the pervert bravely goes to the limit in undermining the very

foundations of symbolic authority and fully endorsing the multiple
productivity of pre-symbolic libidinal flux . . . for Lacan, of course, this 'antiOedipal' radicalization of psychoanalysis is the very model of the
trap to be avoided at any cost: the model of false subversive radicalization
that fits the existing power constellation perfectly. In other words, for Lacan, the
philosopher's 'radicality', his fearless questioning of all presuppositions, is the mode of the false
transgressive radicality.
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AT Psychoanalysis Bad Re-entrenches

Capitalism
First, Our alternative is a deconstructive psychoanalysis Theyre

In his criticism,

division.

Second, Psychoanalysis is necessary to overcome capitalism

Capital functions by repressing the real of markets beneath the
symbolic reality of individual decision-making
Zizek 2000 [Slavoj, Professor at the European Graduate School, The Fragile Absolute: Or, Why the Christian
Legacy is Worth Fighting For?, New York: Verso, 2000, 15-6//uwyo-ajl]
'reality' is the social

reality of the actual people involved in interaction, and in the productive process;
Here we encounter the Lacanian difference between reality and the Real:
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while the Real is the inexorable 'abstract' spectral logic of Capital

which determines what goes on in social reality. This gap is palpable
in the way the modern economic situation of a country is considered
to be good and stable by international financial experts, even when
the great majority of its people have a lower standard of living than
they did before reality doesn't matter, what matters is the
situation of Capital....And, again, is this not truer than ever today? Do not phenomena
usually described as those of 'virtual capitalism' (the futures trade and similar abstract
financial speculations) indicate the reign of 'real abstraction' at its purest,
much more radical than it was in Marx's time? In short, the highest form
of ideology lies not in getting caught up in ideological spectrality ,
forgetting about its foundations in real people and their relations, but precisely in overlooking
this Real of spectrality, and pretending to address directly 'real
people with their worries'. Visitors to the London Stock Exchange
are given a free leaflet which explains to them that the stock market
is not about some mysterious fluctuations, but about real people
and their products this is ideology at its purest.
Third, Psychoanalysis is key capital functions according the logic
of the real, replacing social reality with an ideological abstraction
that's even more real
Zizek '99 [Slavoj, Senior Researcher at Institute for Social Studies, Ljubliana and Badass, The Ticklish Subject:
the absent centre of political ontology, New York: Verso, 1999, 276//uwyo-ajl]
Capital itself is the Real of our age. That is

to say, when Marx describes the mad self-enhancing circulation of Capital, whose solipsistic path
of self-fecundation reaches its apogee in today's meta-reflexive
speculations on futures, it is far too simplistic to claim that the spectre of this self-engendering
In socioeconomic terms, one is tempted to claim that
monster which pursues its path regardless of any human or environmental concern is an ideological abstraction,
and one should never forget that behind this abstraction there are real people and natural objects on whose
productive capacities and resources Capital's circulation is based, and on which it feeds like a gigantic parasite. The
this 'abstraction' is not only in our (financial speculator's)

misperception of social reality - it is 'real in the precise sense of
determining the structure of the material social processes
themselves: the fate of whole strata of populations, and sometimes of whole
countries, can be decided by the 'solipsistic' speculative dance of
Capital, which-pursues its goal of profitability in a benign
indifference to how its movement will affect social reality. Here we
encounter the Lacanian difference between reality and the Real: 'reality' is the social reality of
the actual people involved in interaction and in the productive
processes, while the Real is the inexorable 'abstract' spectral Logic
of Capital which determines what goes on in social reality.
problem is that
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AT Decon. =/= Psycho. Generic

*same as solvency extension*
First, Deconstructionalist philosophies are deeply intertwined with
psychoanalytic philosophies Both believe in the same basis of the
impossible real as well as the split of presence and absence both
being effectual in their works Combining the similarities answers
all of the offense This combination is key to solvency
Derridas persistent resistance against psychoanalysis seems all the

more curious in light of this almost effortless invalidation of his
Lacan-critique, the gist of which is employed by Hurst to argue in favour of an accord between their
respective discourses on the basis of a shared poststructural logic: the plural logic of the aporia. According to
Hurst, the
style of thinking underpinning Lacanian psychoanalytic

theory precisely matches the plural logic of the aporia by which
Derrida describes his own quasi-transcendental thinking (p. 8, my
emphasis). Opposing the mutual antagonism between these thinkers, Hurst compares what the Lacanians say
about Lacan with what the Derrideans say about Derrida and curiously argues in favour of a deep theoretical
accord, a mirroring symmetry or, precise match (ibid.), precisely in the name of the poststructural postulation
of diffrance or splitting. She justifies this rather paradoxical enterprise of eliminating differences in the name of
difference, by insisting that it would help clarify the field in which both operate (ibid.) and provide a key to a
more productive interchange between deconstruction and Lacanian pscychoanalysis (p. 11). The overall task of
both Derrida and Lacan carefully insist

not only upon Kants transcendental turn but also on a second
paradigm shift (reflected in Lacans thinking of the impossible
Real and Derridas equivalent thinking of diffrance) whereby
transcendental thinking, which concerns itself with the conditions that make what is given in
experience possible, becomes quasi-transcendental. Quasi-transcendental
thinking ... does not step beyond the transcendental paradigm but
remains parasitic upon it even as it ruins it, by adding that
economic conditions of possibility [of closure or totality] are simultaneously
the very aneconomic conditions [of openness or infinity] that also make the
given, strictly speaking, impossible (p. 8). Both deconstruction and Lacanian
psychoanalysis, then, embody the logic of such an aporetic
(im)possibility from which there is no escape, neither by way of
return to an ancient beginning nor by way of projection into a
future ideal. Lacans formulation of the Real as rupture, for example, is
characterised by an opposition between paranoiac universalism and
hysterical nominalism, which precisely matches Derridas
distinction between the economic and aneconomic aporias the choice
between two equally unsatisfactory choices. Lacan cites the muggers choice as
example: your money or your life. This, of course, turns out to be no real
choice at all, but rather a Hegelian lose/lose scenario: in choosing
one the other is lost, but since they are interdependent, opting for
one would be to lose the original choice (for life, as Hurst shrewdly remarks,
the study is therefore to demonstrate that
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is
the necessary condition for having money, and, these days, money is
the necessary condition for having a life). For Lacan, the task of
analysis is to guide the analysand beyond this lose/lose double bind
the aporias of paranoiac universalism and hysterical nominalism to a third stance, the
possibility of a win/win scenario: the revolutionarys choice
between freedom or death. Ch Guevara risked all for the sake of freedom, whereas Socrates
chose death rather than forsaking freedom. By choosing for decisive action, both
retained eternal freedom. This freedom for, then, is the only possible freedom, the paradoxical
freedom attained through the refusal to submit to the constrictions of the either/or choice given by a binary
determination of options, what Foucault dubbed the Enlightenment blackmail, and the willingness therefore to
all the ethical, political and

conceptual paradoxes and dilemmas that can neither be overcome
nor evaded but must be worked through interminably (pp. 10-11).
face head on the double bind of the aporia of aporias, i.e.
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AT Decon. =/= Psycho. Derridas Insistence

First, Deconstruction being applied to psychoanalysis allows the
theories to move beyond the pleasure principle, into every area of
life Derrida is already deeply linked with psychoanalysis through
theories of negation and repression
We shall begin by addressing some major obstacles to the interpretation I am putting forward. There are at least
there is Derridas insistence, to be found in its most explicit form already in Freud
and the Scene of Writing, that despite appearances, the deconstruction of
logocentrism is not a psychoanalysis of philosophy (196). This is
despite appearances, since deconstruction does indeed advance
and insist not only on a concept of repression, namely the thesis of a repression of
writing, but also, through the articulation of the logic of the trace, which, analogous to the Freudian
Urverdrngung (primary/original repression), is refused the status of a concept but
whose very structure [] makes possible, as the movement of
temporalization and pure auto-affection, something that can be
called repression in general, the original synthesis of original
repression and secondary repression, repression itself (Freud 230).1
Here, the question of the relationship between deconstruction and
psychoanalysis already finds itself organized around the thinking of
temporality that Derrida considers inaugurated with Freud, and that
crystallizes in the notion of the compulsion to repeat
(Wiederholungszwang). Providing a new, or indeed a first, philosophical
interpretation of this Freudian concept dominates all of Derridas
engagement with psychoanalysis and explains the central role
played by a limited number of Freuds texts, above all Beyond the
Pleasure Principle.
three: First,
Second, This is irrelevant because there is now text on the

combination It doesnt matter if Derrida talked and agreed with
Lacan, because they obviously didnt
Third, Its just personal antagonism No theoretical opposition
Hurst 08 (Andrea, Fordham University Press, Dernda vis--vis Lacan : interweaving deconstruction and
psychoanalysis, JCook)
it is Derrida himself who gives his readers apparent

license to pass over Lacan's texts in silence. Judging by Derrida's explanation in the
1971 interview "Positions" of the almost total absence of references to Lacan in his work up to that point , the
reasons are complex, having to do with personal antagonisms,
striking differences in intellectual temperament, and, least of all (in my
view), clear theoretical differences.19 First, Derrida accuses Lacan of an
On the other hand,
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aggressive response to his own work that takes the form of "kettle
logic," or the accumulation of incompatible assertions. In his words: "1. Devaluation and
rejection: 'it is worthless' or 'I do not agree.' 2. Valuation and reappropriation: 'moreover it is mine and I have always
The justice of the accusation is questionable, and despite the

avowedly "minor importance" Derrida attaches to it, there is no
doubt that it contributes to the antagonistic tone of subsequent
interchanges.21 In this odd game of getting even, as Barbara Johnson puts it, "the priority of aggression is
said so.'"20
doubled by the aggressiveness of priority."22
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AT Decon. =/= Psycho. Textual Basis

First, Derrida may have attacked Lacan, but many concepts are
shared between the two Especially true in their later, more
adapted and fixed writings and thoughts
The second obstacle concerns the difficulties concerning the textual

basis for the encounter between Derrida and Lacan. These difficulties are not
simply of a philological nature. On the one hand, there is Le facteur de la vrit, first published in 1975, often
Derridas canonical deconstruction of Lacan. This text, a reading of Lacans 1956 Seminar on Poes
inscribes Lacan
into the pre-established framework of the earlier reading of Freud,
and results in the well-known neologistic denunciation of
phallogocentrism. Then there are the discussions of Lacans notion
of the symbolic in the 1971 interview with Jean-Louis Houdebine and Guy Scarpette, later
traded as
Purloined Letter that concludes the highly complex textual assemblage of The Post Card ,
published in Positions. Also, some clear references to Lacanian concepts, though not by way of the proper name,
can be discerned in Dissemination. All of these texts, we [End Page 148] should recall, deal with Lacans thought as
presented in crits, published in 1966. In Facteur de la vrit in particular, the apparent privilege Lacan himself
Still, the reader can

discern a certain unease with this self-restrictive approach in the
barrage of footnotes towards the end of Facteur de la vrit, where
the references to other texts by Lacan suddenly multiply . Finally, as a
decidedly odd text in this set, there is the much more recent
intervention at a Lacan symposium in 1991, entitled Pour lamour de Lacan,
accorded to the seminar on Poe serves to legitimate the pars pro toto approach.
subsequently republished in Resistances.2 On the other hand, there is only one reference to Derrida in the entirety
of Lacans work, published and unpublished: a rather malicious remark (je le crois en analyse) made in Seminar
XIX, Ou pire. This remark soon found the ears of Derrida, despite being promptly left out in the institutionally
sanctioned summary later published in the journal of the cole freudienne, Scilicet 5.
Second, This is irrelevant because there is now text on the

combination It doesnt matter if Derrida talked and agreed with
Lacan, because they obviously didnt
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AT Decon. =/= Psycho. Memory Archive

First, tag
It originates in
the development of the question of the archive as an explicit
development of Derridas earlier reading of the Freudian topic of the
psyche in Freud and the Scene of Writing. In Archive Fever, Derrida seeks to show that
what Freud presented as a topic of retention and an account of
memory is not contained and exhausted by this function , but, in what is
essentially a rupture, organizes an entire topology of interiority and
exteriority. It does so not only as a condition for psychic activity, but
as the institution of the hypomnemic apparatus that does not
dissolve itself into either the mnme or the anmnesis. According to Derrida,
what the Freudian topic of the psyche is supposed to achieve is
already the mark of the institution as such: Ce Bloc magique , ce modle extrieur,
The third obstacle is arguably the most important, but it is also much less straightforward.
donc archival, de lappareil psychique denregistrement et de mmorisation nintgre pas seulement les concepts
inauguraux de la psychanalyse, depuis lEsquisse jusquaux articles de la Mtapsychologie, en passant par la
Traumdeutung, en particulier tous ceux qui concernent par exemple le refoulement, la censure, lenregistrement
(Niederschrift) dans les deux systmes ICS et PCS, les trois points de vue topique, dynamique et conomique. En
tenant compte de la multiplicit des lieux dans lappareil psychique, il intgre aussi, au-dedans de la psukh mme,
la ncessit dun certain dehors, de certaines frontires entre du dedans et du dehors. Et avec ce dehors
domestique, cest--dire aussi avec lhypothse dun support, dune surface ou dun espace internes sans lesquels il
ny a ni consignation, enregistrement ou impression, ni rpression, censure ou refoulement, il accueille lide dune
archive psychique distincte de la mmoire spontane, dune hupmnsis distincte de la mnme de lanmnsis :
linstitution, en somme, dune prothse du dedans. Nous disons institution (on pourrait dire rection ) pour
marquer, ds le seuil originaire de cette prothse, une rupture tout aussi originaire avec la nature. La thorie de la
psychanalyse devient alors une thorie de larchive et non seulement une thorie de la mmoire. (Derrida, Mal 37
The entire complex of archivization, preservation, and

transmission, which in Freud and the Scene of Writing was treated almost
exclusively under the sway of the conceptual apparatus of Of
Grammatology, is now being analyzed primarily from that beyond of
the pleasure principle that only gains prominence in the later texts
of the Freudian corpus, such as Moses and Monotheism. What these later
interventions have in view, as already announced by the discussion of lifedeath (la vie la mort) in
SpculerSur Freud (Derrida, Post 259) is a certainimpossibleaffirmation of the
death-drive, which can only take the shape of a double bind, rather
than the earlier deconstruction of the scene of original inscription
viz. repression. This third obstacle begins to gain shape when we couple this with the exigency both
theoretical and ethicalof resistance, put forward by Derrida in the essay by the same name. Here, the trope
of resistance is applied by Derrida as much in the name of as
against psychoanalysis. The text activates the Lacanian trope of
resistance to the resistersrsistance aux rsistants (Lacan, La Chose 418)not
just an abused notion of the discourse of the analyst (one recalls here Freuds
acknowledgment of the heads I win, tails you lose problem at the heart of the concept of resistance). Derrida
speaks in the name of another resistance, one that repeats the structural argument of
38) [End Page 149]
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it is applied more widely to the contemporary

question of what to do with analysis, and specifically to the love of, and for, Lacan: I
consider it an act of cultural resistance to pay homage publicly to
thought, discourse, writing, which is difficult and does not lend
itself easily to normalization by media, academe, or publishing, is
refractory to the restoration presently in progress, and to
philosophical or theoretical neoconformism in general [] which
levels everything around us, in the attempt to make us forget what
the Lacan era was, along with the future and promise of his
thought, thus erasing the name of Lacan (Derrida, Pour lamour 64, emph. mine).
Archive Fever. This time, however,
Can one deny that the actuality of the exigency of resistance persists and imposes itself, perhaps even more so
than twenty years ago, when these phrases were uttered? This is not a historicist, or even an historical, argument.
It is not a question of history, but a question of dusk. As is demonstrated by the publication of Benot Peeterss
biography of Derrida3 (meticulously researched, written by someone with the necessary credentials, sanctioned by
a good pressall the characteristics listed by Derrida himself), we are witnessing, at the end of deconstructions
long march through the (American) institutions, a crepuscular taking-shape of the period of thought that sailed
under the flag of post-structuralism. The proper names persist, of course, but the mere preservation of the name
is no guarantee against forgetting; it is perfectly compatible with the continued groundswell of the conformism and
restoration [End Page 150] Derrida wished to resist with his declaration of love of Lacan. To remain for a moment
within the Hegelian imagery of dusk: dusk is not the equivalent of a moment within history. Dusk, as it is famously
presented in the preface to Hegels Principles of the Philosophy of Right, is not historical, but the time of the
incongruence of history and thinking. It is ultimately impossible to determine whether the present is the dusk at
which Minerva takes flight or the melancholic descent into the night in which all cows are black, that is, of true in-
Part of the task, then, is to put the archival question to

deconstruction itself, to allow it to appear historically if only in
order to raise its proper problematic of transmission. Unsurprisingly, this
question had begun insisting from the earliest texts Derrida produced , as this passage from Diffrance
difference.4
demonstrates: I wish to underline that the efficacity of the thematic of diffrance may very well, indeed must, one
day be superseded, lending itself if not to its own replacement, at least to enmeshing itself in a chain that in truth it
never will have governed (7). This, however, is not to be confused with an echo of Freuds expectation and desire
that his name be erased and forgotten in order to give life to psychoanalysis as a scientific discourse. It has even
If resistance here
does call for a certain supersession of the efficacity of the thematic
of difference, acknowledging and entering into the dusk of
deconstruction does not mean consigning it to the enclosed space of
an epoch, reverting to pre- or non-deconstructive modes of, just to name two phenomena among many,
less to do with a vulgar and quasi-historical notion of overcoming deconstruction.
classical-philological hermeneutics and decidedly feverless, anti-inflammatory archival work (a return to a

literature speaking for itself ) or what I would not hesitate to call certain new philosophical ontologies of
real exigency is twofold: on the one hand, resistance to

the transformation of deconstruction into a dispositif, that is, it
reasserts the incompatibility of Derridas work with the repressive
framework Lacan formalized as the Discourse of the University. (It is
resentment. The
worth keeping in mind that, in his theory of discourses, Lacan sees the repressive discourse not as the discourse of
the master, but as the discourse of the university, a discourse that precludes both the position of resistance, be it
hysterical or analytical, and that of the master.) On the other hand, then, as Catherine Malabou has argued
recently, it
is necessary to assume a responsibility of invention, which is

in fact a responsibility for changing difference. The first step of this
invention can only be accomplished by refuser de rpter ou de pasticher un geste qui
ne peut plus produire de difference [refusing to repeat or pastiche a gesture which
no longer produces difference] (Malabou 79). This is the field of
intervention where a reconsideration of the relation between the
works of Derrida and Lacan has become necessary, and from which
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a grammatological concept of the unconscious can be constructed .

[End Page 151]
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AT Psycho. Links to Derrida

First, Despite Derridas assumption, Lacan and psychoanalysis
remove themselves from the metaphysics of presence by discussing
reality, the Real and challenging the point in which the Lack is
positive and negative
Derrida argues that Lacan 's supposedly casual rhetoric leaves him
naively trapped within the so-called metaphysics of presence. While he
Moreover,
might wax lyrical about loving Lacan in Resistances of Psychoanalysis, he does not shift his critical stance in this
he speaks here of the ironic chiasmus between himself

as a deconstructive "philosopher" and Lacan as a philosophizing
psychoanalyst, which makes Lacan's discourse, in his words, "too much at
home with the philosophers."24 Backed by Derrida's damning criticism, it is unfortunate but
later text. Instead,
unsurprising that many Derrideans on this account tend to avoid even opening Lacan's texts. Despite the fact that
psychoanalysis haunts Derrida's own texts, it does not fare well in the commentaries on Derrida's work. Caputo's
Deconstruction in a Nutshell, for example, seems to cover everything but psychoanalysis, and Bennington's
"Derridabase" offers suggestive but extremely cursory remarks concerning Derrida's encounters with
psychoanalysis. This is all the more surprising since it deals with the quintessentially psychoanalytical theme of
Many Derrideans, moreover, uncritically trusting Derrida's

assessment, make the fundamental mistake of assuming from the
start that Lacan's discourse is characterized by an essentialism that
belongs within the ambit of the metaphysics of presence. Derrida
argues that in the thinking of differance, one "puts into question the
authority of presence, or of its simple symmetrical opposite,
absence or lack. Thus one questions the limit which has always
constrained us ... to formulate the meaning of Being in general as
presence or absence, in the categories of being or beingness (ousia)"26
singular subjectivity.25
By contrast, he charges Lacan with the hypostatization of "lack," or, that is, the formulation of the meaning of being
in general as absence, which implies that his discourse does not move beyond the categories of being. La can
denies this charge emphatically, arguing a similar point: the

thinking of the Real, he insists, "does not lend itself to ontology . . . it is
neither being, nor non-being, but the unrealized."27Again, in response to the
argument of The Title of the Letter, whose authors remain subject to precisely this prejudice, Lacan insists to the
contrary that "it cannot be ambiguous that I oppose to the concept of beingas it is sustained in the philosophical
tradition . . . the notion that we are duped by jouissance."28 In fact, Lacan grumbles, "it is as if it were precisely
upon reaching the impasse to which my discourse is designed to lead them that they considered their work done,
declaring themselvesor rather declaring me, which amounts to the same thing given their conclusions
many thinkers continue blithely to ignore

Lacanian protests and typically misconstrue Lacan's claims, taking
them as evidence of a closet essentialism. Caputo offers a clear description of this
confounded."29 Nevertheless,
prejudice in his exposition of Drucilla Cornell's treatment of Lacan's claim that "Woman does not exist/'30 Cornell,
he reports, expresses disappointment in Lacan for undermining the revolutionary implications of this statement by
insisting, as Caputo puts it, "that woman is essentially the truth of castration, or of the hole, essentially the place of
Derridean approach is supposed to provide the

corrective for Lacan's phallocentric essentialism: Derrida turns
Lacan's statement around into a statement of non-essentialism.
Woman does not exist if existence is given the sense of fixed
identity and permanent presence. She does not exist, not out of lack
the lack." Moreover, by contrast, a
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or defect but excess, for the feminine disrupts the proper place,
including and especially the proper place to which she is assigned
by Lacan as lack.31 According to Copjec, then, the interpretative mistake many
keep making is to take what Lacan calls the "hard kernel of the real"
to be "some essence or quasi-transcendental a priori that manages
to escape the contingent processes of history."32 This is, again, the mistake Judith
Butler makes, for example, in her reading of Lacan's account of sexual difference, where she takes "the Real of
sexual difference" to imply an a priori gender dimorphism in Lacanian discourse, conditioned by normative
Lacanians deny
this charge of covert phallocentrism: an admission such as Colette Soler's, for example,
that Lacan indeed "affirms the phallocentrism' of the unconscious,"
must be placed within the context of his wholesale revaluation of
values (for example, in Seminar XX), where such an affirmation can only function
as a critique of the one-sided "phallic logic" that characterizes the
"Symbolic Order."34
heterosexu-ality, which, as usual, defines woman as the negative of man.33 Again,
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Deconstruction Key To Psychoanalysis

*Same as key to solvency*
First, Derridas deconstruction is a prerequisite to philosophical
thought It question the very basic foundation of thought and
understanding Combining it with psychoanalysis is key to create a
movement that truly transforms the Real
that Of


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the same tradition.
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AT Phonocentrism Bad
First, Our combination of Deconstruction and Psychoanalysis
removes phonocentrism from our alternative Deconstruction
problematizes the foundation of all thought, removing
phonocentrism and creating ex-centrism
A grammatological concept of the unconscious begins to take shape

by way of a displacement of the point of contact between Lacan and
Derrida from these questions regarding the letter to the concept of
writing. Two elements show themselves as favourable to the displacement I am suggesting. The first is the
assertion of Derridas in Pour lamour de Lacan that one can discern a
heightened sensibility towards, and even an overturning of,
phonocentrism in Lacans later work, notable in the seminar Encore. While stopping short
of calling this a complete turn, this development is, according to Derrida, performed trs
grammato-logiquement (very grammatologically) (Pour lamour 79). In short, both
Lacan and Derrida realizeand this not entirely independent of each othera rewriting of
writing. If we recall the extraordinary third, and now perhaps the most dated, chapter of Of Grammatology,
titled Grammatology as a Positive Science, Derrida invokes a generalized
grammatology in the place of Saussures own projection of a generalized
semiology, all the while acknowledging and inscribing in the idea of this science to
come a certain impossibility a priori. This impossibility originates in
the ex-centric position writing is shown to take up vis--vis science
grammatology will not be a science among other sciences. As Derrida
puts it himself, elle risque en effet dbranler aussi le concept de la science (Derrida, De la grammatologie 109).
Derridas science of grammatology

receives its problematic structure from a [End Page 156] generic re-writing
of the origin of writing, whereas Lacans idea, though no less generic, finds its
support in writings incompleteness.
In a slight approximation we could say that
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Perm Cards
Pragmatic reformist politics buy into ideology via compromise and
are mutually exclusive with a more radical break from the very
ideological coordinates that make that kind of decision possible
Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left, New York City: Verso, 2000, 123//uwyo-ajl]
In the domain of politics proper, most of today's Left succumbs to ideological
blackmail by the Right in accepting its basic premisses ('the era of the welfare
state, with its unlimited spending, is over', etc.) - ulti-mately, this is what the celebrated
'Third Way' of today's social democracy is about. In such conditions,
an authentic act would be to counter the Rightist agitation apropos
of some 'radical' measure ('You want the impossible; this will lead to
catastrophe, to more state inter-vention . . .') not by defending ourselves by
saying that this is not what we mean, that we are no longer the old Socialists, that the
proposed measures will not increase the state budget, that they will even render state expenditure more 'effective'
.by a resounding 'Yes, that is

precisely' what we want!,.52 Although Clinton's presidency epitomizes the Third Way of
today's (ex-) Left succumbing to Rightist ideological blackmail, his healthcare reform
programme would none the less amount to a kind of act , at least in today's
conditions, since it would be based on the rejection of the hegemonic
notions of the need to curtail Big State expenditure and
administration - in a way, it would 'do the impossible'. No wonder, then, that it failed:
its failure - perhaps the only significant, albeit nega-tive, event of Clinton's presidency - bears
witness to the material force of the ideological notion of 'free
choice'. That is to say: although the great majority of so-called 'ordinary people' were not properly acquainted
and give a boost to investment, and so on and so forth, but
with the reform programme, the medical lobby (twice as strong as the infamous defence lobby!) succeeded in
imposing on the public the fun-damental idea that with universal healthcare, free choice (in matters concerning
this purely fictiona reference to 'free

choice', any enumeration of 'hard facts' (in Canada, healthcare is less expensive and
more effective, with no less free choice, etc.) proved ineffectual.
medicine) would be somehow threatened - against
We must resist all reoccupations by their phantasmatic

methodology, otherwise fantasy-formation will come back in the
window and annihilate any possible alternative
Stavrakakis '99 [Yannis, Teaching Fellow at the University of Essex, Lacan and the Political, New York City:
Routledge, 1999, 118-9//uwyo-ajl]
articulating Lacanian theory with fantasmatic politics is

equivalent to affirming the irrelevance of Lacanian theory for radical
politics since this articulation presupposes the repression of all the
political insights implicit in Lacan's reading and highlighted in this
book. The alleged irrelevance of Lacan for radical politics is also the argument put forward by Collier in a recent
In fact,
article in Radical Philosophy. Collier's argument is that since it is capitalism that shatters our wholeness and
disempowers us (as if without capitalism we would be on the road to utopia; obviously, capitalism occupies the
structural position of the antichrist in this sort of leftist preaching), then Lacan's theory is, in fact, normalising
capitalist damage, precisely because alienation is so deep for Lacan that nothing can be done to eliminate it
(`Lacan is deeply pessimistic, rejecting cure or happiness as possible goals', my emphasis).'9 Thus Lacan has
nothing to offer radical politics. Something not entirely surprising since, according to Collier, psychological theory in
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general has no political implications whatsoever. The conclusion is predictable: `Let us go to Freud and Klein for our
psychotherapy [Lacan is of course excluded] and to Marx and the environmental sciences for our politics, and not
get our lines crossed' (Collier, 1998: 41-3). Surprisingly enough this is almost identical with Homer's conclusion:
Lacanian theory is OK as an analytical tool but let us go back to Marx for our ideological seminar and our utopian
from a Lacanian point of view it is necessary to

resist all such `reoccupations' of traditional fantasmatic politics. At
least this is the strategy that Lacan follows on similar occasions.
Faced with the alienating dimension of every identification, Lacan
locates the end of analysis beyond identification. Since utopian or
quasi-utopian constructions function through identification it is
legitimate, I think, to draw the analogies with the social field. If
analysis resists the `reoccupation' of the traditional strategy of
identification although it recognises its crucial, but alienating, role
in the formation of subjectivity - why should psychoanalytic politics,
after unmasking the crucial but alienating character of traditional,
fantasmatic, identificatory politics, `reoccupy' their ground? This
rationale underlying the Lacanian position is not far away from what Beardsworth articulates as a political
reading of Derrida. For Beardsworth, deconstruction also refuses to implicate itself in
traditional politics, in the `local sense of politics' in Beardsworth's terminology: In
catechism! It is clear that
its affirmative refusal to advocate a politics, deconstruction forms, firstly, an account of why all political projects fail.
SInce the projection of any decision has ethical implications, deconstruction in fact generalizes what is meant by
the political well beyond the local sense of politics, in this sense it becomes a radical `critique' of instit tions.
the radicality and political importance of the

Lacanian critique depends on its ability to keep its distance from
fantasmatic politics, from politics in the traditional sense; which is
not the same as saying that psychoanalysis is apolitical: in fact, it
becomes political precisely by being critical of traditional politics,
exactly because, as argued in the previous chapter, the political is
located beyond the utopian or quasi-utopian sedimentations of
political reality.
(Beardsworth, 1996: 19) Similarly,
The permutation re-entrenches ideology their recognition of the

Big Other of ideology before the act allows their revolution to be coopted.
Zizek 2, professor of philosophy and psychoanalysis at the University of Ljubljana, Eastern European OG,
general badass, the object of Judith Butlers hate, 2002 (Slavoj, Revolution at the Gates, Verso, page 8)
In his 1917 writings, Lenin saves his most acerbic irony for those who engage in the endless search for some kind of
guaruntee for the revolution; this guarantee assumes two main formes: either the reified notion of social
Neccessity (one should not risk the revolution too early; one has to wate for the right moment, when the time is
ripe with regard to the laws of historical development: it is too early for the Socialist revolution, the working
classe is not yet mature) or normative (democratic) legitimacy (The majority of the population are not on our
side, so the revolution would not really be democratic) as Lenin repatadly puts it: as if, before the revolutionary
agent risks the seizure of state power, it should get permission from some figure of the big Other (organize a
With Lenin, as with Lacan, the

point is that the revolution nesautorise que delle-meme: we should venture the
revolutionary act not covered by the big Other the fear of taking
power prematurely, the search for the guarantee, is the fear of the
abyss of the act. That is the ultimate dimension of what Lacan
incestantly denounces as opportunism, and his premises is that
opportunism is a position which is in itself, inherently, false,
referendum which will ascertain that the majority support the revolution).
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masking a fear of accomplishing the act with the protective screen

of objective facts, laws or norms, which is why the first step in
combating it is to announce it clearly: What then is to be done? We
must state the facts, admit the truth that there is a tendency, or
an opinion, in our Central committee
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Deconstruction First
First, There is no outside text Nothing lies beyond our
interpretation of it As such we must call into question the very
premise of our understanding K must come first to access any
claim you make
The misconstruction of Derrida's thinking that trumps them all, as John Caputo points out, is the argument that he
has destroyed his own grounds for protest about being misunderstood, since his "anything goes" postmodernism
undermines the very idea that there can be such a thing as misunderstanding.5 There are two versions of this
misconstruction. The first is derived from a catchphrase that Derrida, and those who love him, have good reason to
regret sorely, namely, "/Y n'y a pas de hors-texte" (" there is no outside-text").6 Many take this
phrase as confirmation of Derrida's apparently uninhibited celebration of an utterly nominalist, relativist freeplay of
differences, supposedly based on the premise that there is nothing "out there" beyond the text, which dooms us to
the infinite play of texts upon texts upon texts, all of indifferently equivalent nonvalue and endlessly referring to
nothing but themselves. Derrida persistently and explicitly rejects this misreading, which is the contemporary
equivalent of Hegel's mistaken characterization of Kant's "transcendental turn" as a subjective idealism, and it may
be subjected to the same kind of rejoinder; namely, that transcendental constitution does not create existence, but
interprets or synthesizes what is given, thereby constituting a phenomenal world.7 Derrida's phrase "there is no
outside-text" makes the equivalent claim.
"Something" must occur before there can

be interpretation (i.e., texts), but there are no uninterpreted objects for
us because it is precisely through the process of interpretation that
they are first constituted as elements that belong to a phenomenal
reality. In his words: I believe always in the necessity of being attentive
first of all to this phenomenon of language, naming, and dating, to
this repetition compulsion (at once rhetorical, magical, and poetic). To what this
compulsion signifies, translates, or betrays. Not in order to isolate ourselves in
language, as people in too much of a rush would like us to believe, but on the contrary, in order to try to
understand what is going on precisely beyond language and what is
pushing us to repeat endlessly and without knowing what we are
talking about, precisely there where language and the concept come
up against their limits.8
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Deconstruction Precedes Ontology

First, Ontology forgets the third-fold of phenomenology Subjective
processes for recongnizing and categorizing Beings are implicated
in the external objective world and constituted in themselves Only
a deconstructive approach can account for the three-fold view of
ontology That means deconstruction first and only we solve your K
The word "ontology," derived from the Greek word for "being," i s
often reduced to a name

for the branch of metaphysics that concerns itself with
characterizing what exists via, as Simon Blackburn puts it, "apriori arguments
that the world must contain certain things of one kind or another:
simple things, unextended things, eternal substances, necessary
beings, and so on" that "often depend on some version of the
principle of sufficient reason."1 After Kant, however, the thinking of
being can no longer simply characterize "what exists" as if one
could determine what things would be like regardless of whether
there are humans around to experience them.2 Kant saw that the path so far
traveled had brought metaphysics to such a state of vacillation that any way forward had become impossible.3
Reason's very nature, characterized by what he called the "principle of unconditioned unity,"4
combined with a fundamental commitment to some form of
representational relation between perceiving humans and an
independently determined external world, had engendered a "twofold, self-conflicting interest,"5 which trapped reason in metaphysical
antinomies that, he argues, old-style metaphysicians could neither pass beyond nor turn away from.
Reason has a two-fold interest in moving from universal to
particular in determinative judgment and from particular to
universal in reflective judgment. Ideally, for him, these movements should be reversible, but
they led instead to opposing conclusions about the nature of the world-whole, the self, and God, Pure Reason's
"peculiar fate" was its inability to live up to its most fundamental principle, namely complete, systematic unity. He
argues that one can avoid the gridlock of reason's antinomies and preserve Reason's "principle of unconditioned
unity" only on a constitutive, rather than representational, account of the relation between "thought" and "thing"
subjective processes are recognized

as unavoidably implicated in the constitution of the "external
objective world," thus converting it from a supposedly
independently determined thing-in-itself to "phenomenal reality."6 On
Kant's account of the transcendental relation, then, one is obliged to take into account
three rather than two terms: "phenomenal reality" as the
constituted effect, and, working back to its transcendental
conditions, the embrace between two irreducible poles: "the
transcendental subject," described as an interpreting or
synthesizing subject already equipped with certain sensory and
cognitive powers, and an "object = X," described as an existing
materiality not created by us, to which we respond via receptive
sensory systems. After Kant, "thought" (or that aspect of it we can call synthetic, cognitive processing) is
(henceforth, the transcendental relation). In this case,
implicated in the shaping of spatiotemporal things (now viewed as phenomena) in response to the force field of our
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sensory reception, which, in turn, is occasioned by an otherwise unknowable hyletic substratum. Put differently,
phenomenal reality is the effect of transcendental constitution,

involving a relation between a perceiving subject and a perceived
materiality, neither of which is visible as such in the phenomenal
effect. Accordingly, philosophical thinking proceeds by transcendental
questioning: on the basis of what does appear phenomenally, one
proceeds by asking after its antecedent conditions of possibility . In so
doing, one aims to determine, lay out, or explicate the tacit conditional
structures of transcendental constitution (the synthetic process, or "intentional life")
by virtue of which subjects let objects be.7
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Deconstruction Precedes Epistemology

First, Our construction of phenomenological reality and
epistemology are based on apriori and posterioris that are taught at
birth These initial learning function create a change on our
conscious for the rest of our life Our deconstructive approach is a
prerequisite to all of their epistemology because only interrogating
the most basic function of our learn and unconscious allows a true
view of our concept of reality
For Kant,
transcendental constitution involves a combination of the a

priori syntheses of productive imagination and the a posteriori
syntheses of meaning-giving cognition. Although there are also important differences (for
example, concerning where to draw the dividing line between unconscious and conscious processing), one finds
certain parallels in Hus-serl's passive and active genesis, Heidegger's prethematic and thematic hermeneutics
(understanding and interpretation), Nietzsche's distinction between "our spiritual fatum' and concept formation, and
Freud's primary and secondary processes.8 Although not strictly in accordance with Freud's more technical terms, I
shall here use the terms "unconscious" and "conscious" as roughly synonymous with "implicit" and "explicit." In
view of these later developments, Kant's important distinction between a priori and a posteriori synthesis warrants
infants enter the world

prematurely, not only because they are physically underdeveloped
but also because there is no pregiven phenomenal reality, and a
sense of both "self" and "world" has to be learned.9 This is clearly not because
the slight digression needed here for an elaboration. He accepts that human
there is nothing around them nor because healthy infants lack the intrinsic cognitive potential necessary to
the a priori power of synthetic

processing, which enables us to constitute an ever more complex field of experience, is only
actualized in response to sensory encounters. In the total absence
of sensation, any a priori given cognitive faculties would lie dormant
and there would be no phenomena. (I should add here that, as emphasized in his wellconstitute objects. Rather, he argues famously,
known "cinnabar" example, if the hyletic substratum that occasions sensation occurs as an utterly irregular chaos,
no subject would be capable of constituting a coherent objective reality.) In other words, he accepts that
phenomenal reality is built up through repetition and surprise in the

play of sensations, by means of which infants learn to constitute
abiding habitualities and, on the basis of these, associations and
expectations. By the same token, if we did not already intrinsically possess
the power of recognition (for example, of sameness and difference) and anticipation,
even given our full sensory capacity, no such learning at all could
take place. I should qualify the meaning of intrinsic here. While granting that subjective cognitive faculties
are contingently given and remain corruptible, what remains incontrovertible for him, however, is the universal form
these powers must take if an individual is to participate in a "nonde-fective" transcendental relation, whose
constituted effect is the apparendy coherent experiential reality we all supposedly share. The presuppositions
inscribed here will come into question in the work of other thinkers. For Kant, the
a priori powers of
recognition and anticipation, together with intuition, constitute the
power of "productive imagination." This faculty describes the power
to bring a mass of sensations together (or synthesize them) by organizing
them according to an articulated system of a priori concepts to form
a spatiotemporal manifold of objects. When sensory events occur, this synthetic process is
a matter of making multiple basic judgments, which he believes one can describe theoretically as fundamental
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questions of quantity, quality, relation, and modality: for example, is it enduring, instantaneous, fleeting,
Through
learning, then, based on the interaction between sensation and productive imagination,
infants gradually acquire a phenomenal reality (or, in Husserl's terms, a
transcendental "monad"), which may be described as a continuously
experienced phenomenal field capable of being apprehended at a
glance. Importantly, although we have to learn to synthesize (that is, to make the kind of basic judgment just
listed, or to bring our sensations under these fundamental concepts), this synthetic process,
starting almost from birth and increasing in complexity as we
mature, is implicit and generally unconscious. Once developed, synthetic
operations for the most part work automatically to constitute the
world that I now continuously "have" around me (I do not have to reconstitute the
objective manifold anew each time I open my eyes). The a priori conceptualization that is
the work of "productive imagination" goes on all the time and is
presupposed by other mental processes.11
continuous, discrete, regular, irregular, necessary, contingent, universal, particular, singular?10
experiential
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AT Reductionist
First, Derridean psychoanalysis ignores reductionist readings
Instead of break life down to one signifier as a point of problematic
issues, it allows a chain of signifiers that displace and replace each
other Only this solves reductionisms problems and engages in an
ethical stance in the world
Even though the majority of Derrida's texts reveal a sustained engagement with psychoanalysis, his readings on
topics other than language and the "purloined letter" draw little explicit attention from many Lacanian theorists,
in a collection
thematizing Lacan's theory of discourse, there is but a single
reference to Derrida, which refers to Jacques-Alain Miller's claim that in contrast to
intellectuals such as Derrida, Lacan "saw patients": that is, he put
his theories to work in the world outside the esoteric self-referential
circle of the academic text.11 More importantly, when reference is made to
Derrida, it is often to his early work on the sign, which is reduced to
an endorsement of freeplaya misreading that precludes serious
engagement with his later writings on ethical issues in the broadest
sense of the term, which are in constant dialogue with
psychoanalysis. Kaja Silverman's approach to Derrida's work provides
a clear but by no means unique example of this reduction. In The
Subject of Semiotics she focuses on his commitment to "the endless
commutability of the signified"12 together with the "principle of
deferral," which is taken to mean simply that "signification occurs
along a chain in which one term displaces another before being
itself displaced."13 These commitments are brought together under
the notion of "freeplay."14 While Silverman's observations are not inaccurate, and Derrida
does indeed insist on this an-economic interpretation of diffrance
(naming it "diffrance as spacing"), she gives no voice at all, at least not in Derrida's name, to
its economic counterpart, namely "diffrance as temporization ."15 I shall
address this complexity in chapter 3; suffice it to note here that her one-sided starting point
assures a reductive interpretation of other Derridean notions. For
and citations more often than not take the form of typical misconstructions. For example,
example, her remark in The Acoustic Mirror that Derrida has "appropriated from sexual difference" a signifier
[namely "invagination"], with which he has attempted to erase the opposition between 'inner' and 'outer,' " can only
sound strange to Derridean ears.16
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Double Bind Good

First, When faced with a double bind Two equally negative choices
One must act despite the unsatisfaction and give themselves up to
the negative consequences This ensures value to life, freedom and
a world that can be truly revolutionary
William Angus Sinclair formalizes a dilemma as follows: " If
p then q, and if not-p then r

[where both q and r, one should add, are equally unsatisfactory]; But either
p or not-p; (Either q or r.)" Hence the double bind of having to
choose between equally unsatisfactory alternatives.42 This is a slightly
more elaborate form of what Simon Blackburn calls the simplest form of a dilemma,
which is an argument of the form "If p then q [namely a particular
unsatisfactory outcome], if not-p then q [that is, precisely the same
unsatisfactory outcome], so in any event q"45 Clearly, here, either/or
choices make no sense, for the alternatives, inclusively, either remain
equally unsatisfactory or in the end amount to precisely the same
unsatisfactory outcome. Derrida insists, however, that this difficulty
(that is, the impossibility of a choice ever being completely
satisfactory) does not obviate the necessity for actively going
ahead and negotiating such choices. Lacan similarly became increasingly concerned with
developing a theoretical discourse of rupture and inconsistency, and according to Lee, he assiduously studied
paradox: set theory, logical puzzles, classic Greek paradoxes, "the paradoxical Mbius surfaces of topology," and
Borromean knots.44 He also demonstrates a correlative enjoyment of the mind-twisting grammatical constructions
available to the play of language. For example, as Paul Verhaeghe notes, if "corporeal contingency" is inscribed in
the phrase "to not stop being written," Lacan writes "necessity" as "it doesn't stop being written" and "impossibility"
as "it doesn't stop not being written."45 These figures and enjoyments already indicate that his interests lie in the
direction of paradox. Pressing this point further, one may argue that the so-called fundamental concepts of
Lacanian psychoanalysis are articulated according to a complex, paradoxical relationality that precisely matches
the "plural logic of the aporia." I do not at this point wish to enter into the full complexity of Lacanian discourse;
Lacan's formulation of the Real as "rupture"

introduces the double trouble that Copjec names the "problem of the All"
and characterizes as an opposition between paranoiac universalism
and hysterical nominalism, which matches Derrida's distinction
between the economic and aneconomic aporias.46 Notably, Lacan
names the logic of their articulation the "vel of alienation" and, with a touch of black
humor, offers as an example "the mugger's choice": your money or your life. 47 This
turns out to be no choice at all, for, as Copjec notes: "Once the choice is
offered, you're done forno matter which alternative you take." 48
The Hegelian lose/lose proposed here, then, is that in choosing one the
other is lost; yet, because they are interdependent, this is also
thereby to lose the original choice (for life is the necessary
condition for having money, and, these days, money is the
necessary condition for having a life). Lacan defines the task of
psychoanalysis as that of leading analysands to the point where they may make
the move beyond the lose/lose situation of the mugger's choice.
Notably then, as Copjec demonstrates, Lacan (like Derrida, one should note) refuses the
suffice it to mention here that
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limitations of a choice between the aporias of paranoiac

universalism and hysterical nominalism and prefers a third stance,
which invokes the win/win formulation of "the revolutionary's
choice: freedom or death."49 Counter to the commonsensical claim,
namely, that the freedom that costs a life is not freedom, the
revolutionary's choice issues from the insistence that life without
freedom is not life.50 Here, to choose to fight for freedom, to the point of risking
all for its sake, is to retain the eternal freedom of a Ch Guevara. On the other hand, to
choose death rather than forsake one's freedom similarly leaves
intact forever the freedom of a Socrates. But what is the meaning of this freedom in Lacanian
psychoanalysis? It names, first, freedom from the economic and aneconomic apo-rias of ideological automatism and
this is a freedom for decisive

action. When it comes down to it, then, this "freedom for," as the only
possible freedom, is the paradoxical "freedom" offered by a refusal
to submit to the constrictions of the either/or choice given by a
binary determination of options and the willingness in consequence
to brave the double bind of the aporia of apo-rias, or, that is, all of the
ethical, political, or, as broadly speaking as possible, conceptual
paradoxes and dilemmas that can neither be overcome nor evaded
but must be worked through interminably.
paralyzing transgression for its own sake. Correlatively,
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AT Rorty/Zizek
First, Both Rorty and Zizek misread Derrida There criticism do not
apply to true Derridean quasi-transcendental thinking which
remains in a dialogue with other forms of throught AND Quasitranscendental thought is never the same Side steps your offense
In chapter 3, I offer a more detailed account of Derrida's quasi-transcendental thinking .
One of the main

purposes of this account is to undo the ties of the interpretative
straitjacket that binds his thinking into an aneconomic freeplay of
differences, which sees "deconstruction" as merely the hysterical
dismantling of any construction. A further purpose is to lay a basis for grasping his
deconstructive readings of Freud. While I acknowledge the injustice of fingering only particular thinkers, I begin
by criticizing Richard Rorty's early misreadings, which provide
excellent material for an attempt to counter the one-sidedness of
readings that make of Derrida's philosophical strategy a freeplay
relativism. I, rather guiltily, for I love him otherwise, place Zizek in Rorty's company.
To counter such misreadings, I offer an account of diffrance in
accordance with the "plural logic of the aporia," aligning "differance as temporization" with the economic aporia and "differance as spacing" with the aneconomic aporia. Finally, I address the
question of their "interweaving," by asking whether a Derridean account of this connection would be unambiguously
These alternative "logics" of articulation are

addressed briefly to show that Derrida's thinking does not "fall from
the sky" but remains in critical dialogue with other options in the
transcendental tradition. Derrida, however, following Heidegger here, uncovers a
third "logic" of interweaving, not quite consonant with either of these, which
acknowledges that the conjunction between the economic and
aneconomic aporias is irremediably paradoxical. This "logic," to which one
antinomial or dialectical.
could assign the nickname "quasi-transcendental," although it goes by many other nicknames too, my preference
is therefore what Derrida calls "iterable," that is, a

"form" that can be repeated but also cannot avoid being different
each time. I conclude this chapter with a discussion of Derrida's analysis of "the gift" as an exemplary case
of how quasi-transcendental thinking highlights the aporias involved
in an apparently simple act or a supposedly self-evidently
meaningful social practice. I hope to have demonstrated by the end that whatever one chooses
to do with Derrida, as enthusiast or detractor, it is important at least to avoid starting out
with the oversimplifications already abundantly in circulation.
being the "plural logic of the aporia,"
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Answer to Colonialitys Lies
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AT// Perm Do Both

First, The perm is incoherent. You cant continue the perpetuation of
coloniality while simultaneously saying we should actively destroy
coloniality
Second, Its severance You cant severe out of your rhetoric and
justifications in the 1AC Severance allows the aff to kick out of any
link to a K or DA, making being neg impossible.
Third, Still links cross apply the link analysis above. Means the
alternative alone is a better option.
Fourth, The perm makes no sense Combining our radical rejection
of Occidental thought combined with the affs pursuit of Occidental
thought hamstrings literally every effort to fight Eurocentrism in
Latin American Postcolonial studies
Accessed 6/25/13.
This is not an essentialist, fundamentalist, anti-European critique. It is a

perspective that is critical of both Eurocentric and Third World
fundamentalisms, colonialism and nationalism. Border thinking, one of the
epistemic perspectives to be discussed in this article, is precisely a critical response to both hegemonic and
marginal fundamentalisms. What all fundamentalisms share (including the Eurocentric one) is the premise that
there is only one sole epistemic tradition from which to achieve Truth and Universality. However, my main points
a decolonial epistemic perspective requires a broader

canon of thought than simply the Western canon (including the Left
Western canon); 2) that a truly universal decolonial perspective cannot
be based on an abstract universal (one particular that raises itself
as universal global design), but would have to be the result of the
critical dialogue between diverse critical epistemic/ethical/political
projects towards a pluriversal as oppose to a universal world; 3) that
decolonization of knowledge would require to take seriously the
epistemic perspective/cosmologies/insights of critical thinkers from
the Global South thinking from and with subalternized
racial/ethnic/sexual spaces and bodies. Postmodernism and postructuralism as
here are three: 1) that
epistemological projects are caught within the Western canon reproducing within its domains of thought and
practice a particular form of coloniality of power/knowledge.
***If you need***

( ) The permutation creates a combination of occidental logic and
teaching that replicates the cultural teaching that caused our
impact in the first place No solvency for the perm
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The university is in the world. And the worlds universities are, no

doubt, of the European model [which], after a rich and complex medieval history, has
become prevalent . . . over the last two centuries in states of a
democratic type.39 Yet that structure does not operate everywhere
with the same degree of efficiency, the same degree of informed
consent or critique, with the same quality or connection with the
state. As the best in the United States think more and more of world governance, in
the name of sustainable development and ethical globalization, and
human rightsto oppose the murderous collusion of the military
and the economicin the context of world governance, thenwe
must think of all of these different kinds of universities, rather than
just generalize from the universities we know, as if the world were
one. If we move through the spectrum, the ideas we will see
circulating among students and teachers will be cultural identity,
cultural difference, national sovereignty, minority politics. More often than
not, these issues shade off into varieties of religious freedom. I hasten to add that this is not invariably the case.
( ) The alternative must be done without the combination with

occidental policy The combination coopts and destroys solvency
To continue with the program (which is not a program, of course):
We won't repoliticize [SM 871, we will be "an alliance without an
institution" [SM 861, and we will "produce events, new effective forms
of action, practice, organization, and so forth" [SM 891. In a world where
nonalignment is no longer possible as a collective position, what
good is such anonymous internationality? and how will it come to pass? Never mind.
We don't like totalitarianism, and we are unsympathetic with the
labor movement.
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AT// Permutation All Other Instances

First, The other instances they reject arent present in this round.
You cannot reject something that doesnt exist. Our argument deals
with the in-round interactions in which we as debaters
conceptualize action through certain modes of knowledgeproduction. This type of permutation is a debate artifact which
doesnt apply to our criticism. They dont even name, and no one
knows, what these other instances they reject are. There is zero
solvency or discursive effect to this perm. They ask you to imagine
criticism in a world of fiat, we ACTUALLY criticize.
Second, This is not an argument you wouldnt accept racism in one
instances because you had the opportunity to reject it in other
instances if we prove the aff is undesirable then you should vote
negative.
Third, Every instance is key this decision is between competing
philosophies, not competing actions. Its like saying, We agree with
nonviolence, except when we dont.
Fourth, The perm is incoherent. You cant continue the perpetuation
of coloniality while simultaneously saying we should actively
destroy coloniality
Fifth, Its severance You cant severe out of your rhetoric and
justifications in the 1AC Severance allows the aff to kick out of any
Sixth, Still links cross apply the link analysis above. Means the
alternative alone is a better option.
Seventh, The perm makes no sense Combining our radical
rejection of Occidental thought combined with the affs pursuit of
Occidental thought hamstrings literally every effort to fight
Eurocentrism in Latin American Postcolonial studies
Accessed 6/25/13.
This is not an essentialist, fundamentalist, anti-European critique. It is a

perspective that is critical of both Eurocentric and Third World
fundamentalisms, colonialism and nationalism. Border thinking, one of the
epistemic perspectives to be discussed in this article, is precisely a critical response to both hegemonic and
marginal fundamentalisms. What all fundamentalisms share (including the Eurocentric one) is the premise that
there is only one sole epistemic tradition from which to achieve Truth and Universality. However, my main points
here are three: 1) that
a decolonial epistemic perspective requires a broader
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canon of thought than simply the Western canon (including the Left
Western canon); 2) that a truly universal decolonial perspective cannot
be based on an abstract universal (one particular that raises itself
as universal global design), but would have to be the result of the
critical dialogue between diverse critical epistemic/ethical/political
projects towards a pluriversal as oppose to a universal world; 3) that
decolonization of knowledge would require to take seriously the
epistemic perspective/cosmologies/insights of critical thinkers from
the Global South thinking from and with subalternized
racial/ethnic/sexual spaces and bodies. Postmodernism and postructuralism as
epistemological projects are caught within the Western canon reproducing within its domains of thought and
practice a particular form of coloniality of power/knowledge.
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AT// Permutation Plan then Alt

First, This makes no sense Our alt decolonializes our thought
before doing the plan so that we avoid the impacts of the K and
solve the aff better This is a try or die for the K
negative.
nonviolence, except when we dont
Fourth, Its severance You cant severe out of your justifications
and rhetoric in the 1AC Severance allows the aff to kick out of any
Fifth, We still gain access to our rhetoric and justification links,
which are in round Only voting negative solves this
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AT// Permutation Alt then Plan

First, The permutation guts all solvency to the K We cant embrace
border thinking and then embrace coloniality after that This makes
the embrace disingenuous and we restitute coloniality after the
alternative
negative.
nonviolence, except when we dont
Fourth, Its severance You cant severe out of your justifications or
rhetoric in the 1AC Severance allows the aff to kick out of any link
to a K or DA, making being neg impossible.
Fifth, We still gain access to our justifications and rhetoric links,
which are in round Only voting negative solves this
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AT// Permutation Do the Alt

First, The perm severs the entirety of the aff The alternative
rejects the entirety of the affirmative plan and embraces a
completely different outlook of politics Voting issue
Strategy skew- not knowing whether the plan will change
makes it impossible for the negative to form a cohesive
strategy.
Ground- the affirmative can permute to do the CP which hurts
competitive equity. The negative will always lose because they
can spike out of our offense.
No Stable Advocacy they will spike out of parts of plan and
mitigate the possibility of discussing those issues Kills
education
Destroys K ground- the aff could sever parts of plan to avoid K
lnks.
This is a voter for fairness and education.
Second, Their justification and rhetoric is still in this round The
only way to gain in round solvency is to fundamentally challenge
and provide a counter rhetoric, which can only be accessed through
the alternative, that they cant support after the 1AC
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AT// Coloniality Inevitable

( ) Coloniality isnt inevitable Your current flawed paradigm just
forces you to see it as inevitable Our alternative allows us the
possibility of seeing a new world emerge
2. If we accept that what is at stake is the recognition that there are no modern solutions to many of todays
it becomes crucial to
question the widely held idea that modernity is now a universal and
inescapable force, that globalization entails the radicalization of
modernity, and that from now on it is modernity all the way down.
One fruitful way to think past this commonly held idea is to
question the interpretation of modernity as an intra-european
phenomenon. This re-interpretation makes visible modernitys
underside, that is, those subaltern knowledges and cultural practices
worldwide that modernity itself shunned, suppressed, made
invisible and disqualified. Understood as coloniality, this other side has
existed side by side with modernity since the Conquest of America;
it is this same coloniality of being, knowledge, and power that
todays US-led empire attempts to silence and contain; the same
coloniality that asserts itself at the borders of the modern/colonial
world system, and from which subaltern groups attempt to
reconstitute place-based imaginaries and local worlds. From this
modern problems, where are we to look for new insights? At this level,
perspective, coloniality is constitutive of modernity, and the third world is part of its classificatory logic.
Today, a new global articulation of coloniality is rendering the Third

World obsolete, and new classifications are bound to emerge in a
world no longer predicated on the existence of three worlds.
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AT// You Hate Democracy

( ) This is just racist and wrong Just because we dont support
your Eurocentric thought does not mean we hate democracy In
fact, our redefinition of democracy allows us to better support it and
continue to move away from the Eurocentric epistemological
structure that coalesces into coloniality
Accessed 6/25/13.
A good example of this is the Zapatista struggle in Mexico. The

Zapatistas are not anti-modern fundamentalist. They do not reject democracy and
retreat into some form of indigenous fundamentalism. On the
contrary, the Zapatistas accept the notion of democracy, but
redefine it from a local indigenous practice and cosmology,
conceptualizing it as commanding while obeying or we are all
equals because we are all different. What seems to be a
paradoxical slogan is really a critical decolonial redefinition of
democracy from the practices, cosmologies and epistemologies of
the subaltern. This leads to the question of how to transcend the
imperial monologue established by the European-centric modernity.
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AT// Alt is Violent

( ) There is no way our alternative of rethinking the world is going
to be violent Our ___ evidence provides empiric examples on why
we dont trigger this impact
( ) There is absolutely no way to prove their impact true The
framework and paradigm shift that brought about by the alternative
would make every analysis of politic systems currently unthinkable
On the other hand,
if the end the Third World signals something new, there

is little agreement about this newness and the theoretical and
political needs that it demands. For some, an entirely new paradigm is not only needed but
already on the rise. Others speak of the need for a new horizon of meaning for
political struggle after the ebbing of the dream of national
sovereignty through popular revolution. Still others caution that since
most alternative visions of the recent past from national liberation to socialism--
operated within a modernist framework, then the paradigms of the
future have to carefully steer away from modern concepts. As the saying
goes, easier said than done. The fact is that there are very many good analyses
of, and ideas about the contemporary impasse, but they do not
seem to coalesce or converge into shared proposals or neat
formulations, let alone clear courses of political action that could
capture the collective imagination. In this regard, our Bandung forefathers fared much
better their wide appeal being of course a problem in itself for many, given the questionable practices that
sustained it. David Scott put it bluntly, and constructively, by saying that todays global situation ushers in a new
problem-space to which neither Third Worldism nor the ensuing (1980s-1990s) postcolonial criticism provide good
answers; what is needed, he says, is a new conceptualization of postcolonial politics that is able to imagine
joining the radical political tradition of Bandung to an ethos of agonistic respect for pluralizations of subaltern
difference (1999: 224; see also this issue).
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AT// We Help Colonials

( ) From the perspective of working for colonials, not from a
colonial perspectives, epistemological turns solvency
Accessed 6/25/13.
In October 1998, there was a conference/dialogue at Duke University between the South Asian Subaltern Studies
Group and the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group. The dialogue initiated at this conference eventually
resulted in the publication of several issues of the journal NEPANTLA. However, this conference was the last time
the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group met before their split. Among the many reasons and debates that
produced this split, there are two that I would like to stress. The members of the Latin American Subaltern Studies
Despite their attempt at

producing a radical and alternative knowledge, they reproduced the
epistemic schema of Area Studies in the United States. With a few exceptions,
they produced studies about the subaltern rather than studies
Group were primarily Latinamericanist scholars in the USA.
with and from a subaltern perspective . Like the imperial epistemology of Area Studies,
theory was still located in the North while the subjects to be
studied are located in the South. This colonial epistemology was crucial to my dissatisfaction
with the project. As a Latino in the United States, I was dissatisfied with the epistemic consequences of the
knowledge produced by this Latinamericanist group.
They underestimated in their work
ethnic/racial perspectives coming from the region, while giving

privilege predominantly to Western thinkers. This is related to my second point:
they gave epistemic privilege to what they called the four horses of the
apocalypse (Mallon 1994; Rodrguez 2001), that is, Foucault, Derrida, Gramsci and Guha. Among the four
main thinkers they privilege, three are Eurocentric thinkers while two of them (Derrida and
Foucault) form part of the poststructuralist/postmodern Western canon. Only one, Rinajit Guha, is a thinker
thinking from the South. By privileging Western thinkers as their
central theoretical apparatus, they betrayed their goal to produce
subaltern studies.
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AT// Capitalism Good

( ) Coloniality exists as a matrix of different dominating factors
Economic, political, and social We arent critiquing Capitalism
Were critiquing the dominating force that accompanied the matrix
of coloniality, which had economic aspects
Accessed 6/25/13.
To call the present world-system capitalist is, to say the least,

misleading. Given the hegemonic Eurocentric common sense, the moment we use the
word capitalism, people immediately think that we are talking
about the economy. However, capitalism is only one of the
multiple entangled constellations of colonial power matrix of what I
called, at the risk of sounding ridiculous, Capitalist/Patriarchal Westerncentric/Christian-centric Modern/Colonial World- System.
Capitalism is an important constellation of power, but not the sole
one. Given its entanglement with other power relations, destroying the capitalist aspects of
the world-system would not be enough to destroy the present
worldsystem . To transform this world-system it is crucial to destroy the historicalstructural heterogenous
totality called the colonial power matrix of the worldsystem with its multiple forms of power hierarchies. Above,
I outlined a total of 15 global power hierarchies, but I am sure there are more that escaped my conceptualization.
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AT// Colonialism Good

( ) This is terrible Our entire 1NC is an impact turn to this logic,
and this provides us with another link The idea that exploiting
groups of people is good is the worst form of epistemologically
bankrupting This is an in round link
( ) And theres a huge difference between what we critique
Coloniality and colonialism Coloniality is the perpetuating
domination after colonialist regimes have left
Accessed 6/25/13.
Colonial does not refer only to classical colonialism or internal

colonialism, nor can it be reduced to the presence of a colonial
administration. Quijano distinguishes between colonialism and coloniality. I use the word
colonialism to refer to colonial situations enforced by the
presence of a colonial administration such as the period of classical
colonialism, and, following Quijano (1991; 1993; 1998), I use coloniality to address
colonial situations in the present period in which colonial
administrations have almost been eradicated from the capitalist
world-system. By colonial situations I mean the cultural, political, sexual and
economic oppression/exploitation of subordinate racialized/ethnic
groups by dominant racial/ethnic groups with or without the
existence of colonial administrations. Five hundred years of European colonial expansion
and domination formed an international division of labor between Europeans and non-Europeans that is
reproduced in the present so-called post-colonial phase of the capitalist worldsystem (Wallerstein, 1979; 1995).
Today, the core zones of the capitalist worldeconomy overlap with predominantly White/European/Euro-American
societies such as Western Europe, Canada, Australia and the United States, while peripheral zones overlap with
previously colonized non-European people. Japan is the only exception that confirms the rule. Japan was never
colonized nor dominated by Europeans and, similar to the West, played an active role in building its own colonial
empire. China, although never fully colonized, was peripheralized through the use of colonial entrepots such as
Hong Kong and Macao, and through direct military interventions.
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AT// Colonialism is Dead

( ) Colonialism was never dead It always exists, forever changing
forms - From the Spanish conquests, to direct control to economic
imperialism The plan is just the new embodiment of the same
occidental philosophy
To better evaluate the accomplishments of this volume, we need to first understand the meanings of coloniality.
coloniality encompasses the

transhistoric expansion of colonial domination and the perpetuation
of its effects in contemporary times (2). According to this definition, coloniality refers to
a historical processcolonialism, its forms of governance, its
representations, and its effects on colonial subjectsas well as to a residual
effect or persistence of that process in the present. The condition of coloniality, as pastin-the-present, the authors claim, can help understand contemporary
According to editors Moraa, Dussel and Juregui,
concerns relating to neoliberalism, globalization, international

migrations, new social movements, and the cultural hybridity that
impregnates most global cities. This is clearly a big claim, one that depends crucially upon
the accuracy and clarity of the concept: coloniality.
( ) It never died It just changed how it appears to us Claims that

it died exacerbate the problem Thats another independent link
Accessed 6/25/13.
We cannot think of decolonization in terms of conquering power

over the juridical-political boundaries of a state, that is, by achieving control over
a single nation-state (Grosfoguel 1996). The old national liberation and socialist strategies of taking power at the
global coloniality is not reducible to

the presence or absence of a colonial administration (Grosfoguel 2002) or to
the political/economic structures of power. One of the most powerful myths of the
twentieth century was the notion that the elimination of colonial
administrations amounted to the decolonization of the world. This
led to the myth of a postcolonial world. The heterogeneous and
multiple global structures put in place over a period of 450 years
did not evaporate with the juridical-political decolonization of the
periphery over the past 50 years. We continue to live under the
same colonial power matrix. With juridical-political decolonization, we moved
level of a nation-state are not sufficient, because
from a period of global colonialism to the current period of

global coloniality.
Although colonial administrations have been almost entirely eradicated and
the majority of the periphery is politically organized into independent states, non -
European people
are still living under crude European/Euro-American exploitation
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and domination. The old colonial hierarchies of European versus non-Europeans remain in place and are
entangled with the international division of labor and accumulation of capital at a world-scale (Quijano 2000;
Grosfoguel 2002).
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Answers To Western Lies
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AT State Good
First, We must reclaim our ability to be actors in the statewe are
the owners of our citizenship and subjectivity Alt is key to solve
good parts of State and solve the K
Spivak 04, GayatriChakravorty Spivak Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University
and the director of the Center for Comparative Literature and Society at Columbia University , 2004, "On the Cusp
of the Personal and the Impersonal": An Interview with GayatriChakravortySpivak. Laura E. Lyons, Cynthia Franklin.
Biographical Research Center. Biography 27.1 (2004) 203-221. PM 10/8/2008.
LEL: This term, intuition
of the public sphere, is one that you have been

using in your classes and talks here. Can you say a bit more about your use of this term? Within your
own work you have been critical of theorists who want to import psychological concepts like the unconscious into
other cultural contexts. Does this formulation of intuition run any comparable risks? GCS: Thats the problem with
needing words, one has to use a word. I was using the word intuition, frankly, its a bad use, colloquially, because
I didnt mean that I was going to give them instruction in the history of the public spherecome on, these are
elementary schools in extremely backward areas. So what
I wanted to develop was not
connected to subjectship, what I still want to develop. I was just told by someone who wants to
translate me into French that the word agency is giving them trouble, so thank God youre at least publishing
this in English. The area of subjectship is where psychoanalysis is important, but in the area of agency, which is
action validated by a collectivity, institutionally validated action, we dont have that much of a problem with using
colloquial language, right? On the other hand,one
of the great things about

psychoanalysis is that it wanted to tap the subject in order to
restore social agency, and thats of course kind of fallen by the wayside in the use of psychoanalytic
vocabulary without that mission, as it were. But, anyway, to go back to my use of intuition , the word
intuition there stands in for my needing to develop in the young
people some kind of sense that the entire legal structure, civil
structure, exists for their use. Thats the intuition of the public
sphere. Its an incredibly difficult thing, because of course at the
moment,these structures exist for their oppression. So thereforethe intuition
will, one hopes, lead to real resistance rather than the shortcut
thats often taken by filling these unprepared minds with just
lessons of resistance. I mean that stuff can so backfire once some power has been Lyons and
Franklin, Interview with GayatriChakravortySpivak 213 gained, or if it hasnt been gained, it becomes a kind of
litigious blackmail, dependency and so on.Now
public sphere, as I said, my idea is very simple here.

Simply that the citizen is the owner of the state and the civil
society.Thats the idea of the public sphere, that all redresses are
not confined to the private sphere of the community, completely
oppressed by everybody around them. And the reality doesnt match up to it, but one
hopes that the attempt at educatingIm very depressed right now because, you know, its hard to
undo centuries, millennia in this case, of oppressionbut I thought there was
one student among all the eleven schools who, I was not sure, because this is very slow work,
with no ascertainability, who might have been susceptible to this
kind of work. I mean Ive known her now for many years. But she died last month of encephalitis. I had
really hoped that something was passing there between her and me, that she would be the one who would finally
When people think

that its just, you go there, you give a building, you put in teachers,
theyre all sitting down, they have books in their hands, or you give
say, why are you here?, you know what I mean? But theres been a setback.
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them technology, that is a fools dream or a knaves ruse. So thats

where this comes from.
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AT Subaltern Bad/PICs
First, The term subaltern does not conotate a specific group of
people It resembles power and the subjugation to it. This term
allows for a diversity that problematizes epistemology and
intersectionality Key to solvency
subaltern is a concept that might help to further the

theoretization of the ideas of diversity and multiplicity that contemporary
[20] The
European and Nordic equality research is engaged in. It might also be helpful in attempts to overcome problems
related to representational identity politics discussed above.
The term "subaltern" means

'subordinated" or "non-hegemonic" (Morton, 2003: 48). In Latin "sub" stands for
beneath or below and "alter" means the other one. I find the
simultaneity of the oppressor and the oppressed in this concept
valuable. "Subaltern" connotes power, dichotomy and hierarchy. The
concept of the subaltern is defined by the complicity between the
"sub" and the hegemonic. The concept becomes useful within a
deconstructive epistemology that takes into account the two senses
of representation (Vertretung and Darstellung) that Spivak puts forward in "Can the
subaltern speak?" (1994: 75). Conceptualizing the subaltern within a deconstructive
epistemology reveals the problems linked to political
intersectionality and identity politics. [21] Deconstructing subalterity in equality
research is a practice that keeps from the problems of multiculturalism, heteronormativity or class-bias.
Diversity is not merely structural, something "always already there" to

be used for the researchers' merely descriptive purposes (Carbin & Tornhill,
2004: 113). Within a realist epistemology the voice of the subaltern
other is constantly sought, while within a deconstructive
epistemology you spotlight places where exclusive practices are at
work. I argue that not even the concept of intersectionality manages to overcome the problems of
multiculturalism and the continued colonialist astonishment in front of the other that it engenders (for a critique of
"culturalism," see Badiou, 2004). No concept can, of course, prevent careless readings and narcissistic aggressivity,
readings where the Other is simply the other of the self, but at least with careful reading, the subaltern does not
the subaltern should not be

conceptualized as "somebody"; it should not be understood as a
person or a societal group. It is not a list of subjugated positions.
Rather, within a deconstructive epistemology, the subaltern is a shifting place of
silence and abjection constituted by the operations of the
hegemonic, of power. The question we should ask is: what power constitutes
the discussion on the Finnish women's studies list? What silences is it built on? As an
analytical tool the concepts' strength lies in the fact that it only
becomes intelligible through operations of power. The subaltern conventionally
denotes a junior ranking officer. My reading of the concept underlines the lack of
a coherent political identity and is informed by a deconstruction of
dichotomies.
allow for mere description, for portrayals only. [22] Thus,
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Second, Subaltern is a singularity their appeal to more popular

words means that they cannot solve the aff or affirm difference
Spivak 2005 Guyatri Chakravorty, Columbia University, Scattered speculations
2005 Routledge
Singularity was a questioning of the universal-particular dyad. The singular is repeated, with a difference. That is
how the human is repeatedindifference in single humans, prior to the construction of personhood or individuality. It
is a powerful concept, anchored in good sense, questioning both universalism and identitarianism. Such differently
repeated singularities collectively are a multiplicity. This is not an empirical collective, not, in other words, a
multitude. As long as we remember these are ways of thinking, always inclined to the empirical, we can continue to
work. If we reduce them to the empirical alone, turn subaltern into popular, we are merely disputatious chroniclers.
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AT Nationalism Good
First, The alternative solves back the bad parts of nationalism
Were not saying that nations shouldnt exist Were saying that the
reproductive drive of nations becomes embedded in our
subconciousness, in our cultural lives, and drive us to further this
reproductive heteronormativity The alternative accesses all of
your offense
nationalism I have been describing operates in the public sphere. But the
subaltern affect where it finds its mobilizing is private, though this possibility
of the private is not derived from a sense of the public, an underived private, which is very difficult
The
for Europe to think. Women, men and queers are not necessarily divided along the public-private line everywhere.
nationalism is a recoding of this underived private

as the antonym of the public sphere. When you begin to think
nationalism this underived private has been recoded,
reterritorialized as the antonym of the public. Then it is as if it is the opposite of the
I have already let slip that
public. This shift is historical, of course, but it is also logical. The subaltern folks I am talking about are in our
present, but kept pre-modern. I will not rehearse here the mostly Hegelian historical story of the emergence of the
the impulse
to nationalism is we must control the workings of our own public
sphere. The reclaiming of the past is in that interest. Sometimes nationalism
public sphere. In whatever nationalist colors it is dressed, whether chronological or logical,
leads to the resolve to control others public spheres, although this is not a necessary outcome. With this comes
the necessary though often unacknowledged sense of being unique and, alas, better its a quick shift because
born this way. Every diasporic feels a pull of somewhere else while located here. If we consider the model of
exogamous marriage with reference to that sentence, we might have to revise the entire city/country model
implicit in Metropolis, and think that the women in gendering have always shared this characteristic with what
we, today, have learnt to call "Diaspora", even when it doesn't have much of a resemblance with what happened
so long ago in Alexandria. And yet, metonymized as nothing but the birth-canal, woman is the most primitive
although
nationalism is the condition and effect of the public sphere,
nationalisms are not able to work with the founding logic of the
public sphere: that all reason is one. It is secured by the private conviction
of special birth and hops right from the underived private comfort
which is no more than a thereness in ones corner. If nationalism
secures itself by an appeal to the most private, democracy in its
most convenient and ascertainable form is secured by the most
trivially public universal each equals one. That flimsy arithmetic,
unprotected by rational choice, can also be manipulated by
nationalism. I am not convinced that the story of human movement to a greater control of the public
instrument of nationalism. I have here offered a reading of nationalism that allows us to see why,
sphere is necessarily a story of progress. The religion/science debate makes this assumption, forgetting that the
imagination, forgetting that literature and the arts, belong neither to reason, nor to unreason. That literature and
They join them in the task of a

massive rememoration project, saying we all suffered this way, you
remember, this is what happened, you remember, so that history
is turned into cultural memory. Literature can then join in the task of a massive
counterrememoration project suggesting that we have all passed through the same glorious past, the same
grand national liberation battles, the same religious tolerance or whatever. I am going to
the arts can support an advanced nationalism is no secret.
suggest by the end of this because sometimes I am misunderstood that the literary imagination can impact on
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de-transcendentalized nationalism. That is not what I am discussing here. I am supporting the clich that
imagination feeds nationalism, and going forward toward the literary imagination and
teaching the humanities, through the teaching of the humanities to prepare the readerly imagination to receive
the literary and thus go beyond the self-identity of nationalism toward the complex textuality of the international. I
will come to that later.
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AT No Alternative Solvency
First, We do solve Add analysis
Second, Its try or die for the alternative Add analysis on the case
turn
Third, The critique is answering an ethical question, which means
you vote negative no matter if we can solve or not The debate
should be framed around whether or not the affirmative excludes
the subalterns voices. Even if were going to fail to end the
silencing of the subaltern, that doesn't change the fact that we
should fight for it.
Third, Even if we never solve, we must question the current state of
nationalism AND Our criticism can pave the way for a new
imagination that leads us to unlearn the cultural, imaginary control
of the nation, because nations are only the imagination
As for me, I am altogether utopian. I look toward a re-imagined world that is a cluster in the Global South, a cluster
it can only happen gradually. But as we make small

structural adjustments, we should keep this goal in mind. It may
produce imaginative folk who are not only going on about cultural
identity (read nationalism), but turning around the adverse effects of the
adjustment of economic structures. The state, as Hannah Arendt says, is an
abstract structure. And you may have noticed that everything I have written
turns around learning and teaching. One of the many tasks of the teacher
of the humanities is to keep the abstract and reasonable civic structures of
the state free of the burden of cultural nationalism. To repeat: an
imagination trained in the play of language(s) may undo the truthclaims of national identity, thus unmooring the cultural nationalism
that disguises the workings of the state disguises the loss of civil liberties, for
example, in the name of the American nation threatened by terror. Again, may. I will never be
foolish enough to claim that a humanities education alone (especially
given the state of humanities education today ) can save the world! Or that anything
can, once and for all. Or, even, that such a phrase or idea as save
the world can be meaningful. My main topic has been the de-transcendentalizing of
nationalism, the task of training the singular imagination, always in the
interest of taking the nation out of nation-state, if I may put it that way. It
of regions. Of course
sounds bad right after liberation. When I spoke in South Africa in the first memorial lecture after the lifting of
Apartheid I spoke in this way. My message was not exactly popular. And then about ten years later, when the piece
was included in an anthology, the editor said that I had been prescient to have spoken at that time of the ab-use
of the enlightenment from below (Vincent, 2002). At the time it had sounded too negative. I am saying therefore
again and again translate from someone who has had sixty years of independence, a little more than that 1947
to 2009 and see if it will translate, rather than simply saying we
cannot afford to think of

the nation in that way now. This is where comparativism comes in. Hence a few
obvious words about re-inventing the state, words that take us
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outside of an education only in the humanities, are not out of place

here.
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AT Globalization Good
First, K is a DA to this flow
Second, Even if they win that globalization helps some subalterans
the intent behind it is flawed - it forces hyphonated identities and is
done with the sole intent to further entrench globalization and the
homogenization of culture
In Eurocentric economic migration rather than in electronic

globality, as we travel down in class, the denial of the cultural
subjectship of the abstract rational structures of "democracy" to the
felicitous Euro-U.S. agent becomes active rather than reactive;
patriarchal rather than analytic; and becomes transvalued and
displaced into demands for preserving the inscription and
superscription of the woman's body as an image of a cultural "self"
-as the other in the self. These abyssal shadow games also involve
woman, but they are not necessarily European images, or Euro-U.S.
images. (This has now changed, haphazardly, in France and in
Holland.) It takes place within indigenous patriarchy, and, however
intimately they might be related to modernity, they are consolidated
in the name of tradition. (This is now more discursively convenient as the modernity/ tradition
polarization is becoming less so.) And although the women themselves are
ambivalent about these moves, they are often seen as mute victims
and/or as Enlightenment subjects speaking up for diversity. As such,
they provide an alibi for cultural absolutists who want to save them
from their "culture" as well as cultural relativists who must see this
as anticolonialism. An (unacknowledged) double bind. In quite
another way, the representation of "Europe" or the United States in
the place of the self in such situations becomes suspect. For though
the women and men demanding the inscription and superscription
of the woman's body as cultural icon are themselves the recently
hyphenated, they are also the new Europe or the new United States.
In the United States this is even more problematic since the socalled EuroAmericans are themselves hyphenated and the natives
have been "othered." Even this is not the whole story. For the hyphenated
European or American is, of course, gender and class divided. Since
it is the woman who is most citational, put within quotation marks
in order to sanction all kinds of social actions-from automobile
commercials to war to globalization itself-the upwardly mobile,
hybrid female European or American can negotiate the class divide,
and even the race divide, in the name of the gendered cultural
subject acting for a fantasmatic Europe or, as the case may be, the
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United States. Whereas in the underclass, disappointed in the

expectation of justice under capitalism, the migrant falls back upon
"culture" as the originary figuration of that founding gap between
the quite-other and the other, in patriarchy, this cultural figuration
is a gendering internalized by both male and female, differently.
This too is part of "the problem of thinking ethics for the other
woman." How can we, in the face of discrimination from above, and
alas, from minorities with a longer history of U.S. nationalization,
however unjust, persuade the migrant or refugee that a systemic
figuration of the violence of the founding gap closes the
(im)possibility of ethics, especially given the history of patriarchal
figurations, the (im)possibility of an ethics of sexual difference?7 How
can we, their academic champions, remind ourselves that the depredations of globalization-indiscriminate dambuilding, patenting indigenous knowledge, pharmaceutical dumping, trade-related intellectual property measures,
biopiracy, culture-fishery and the replacement of the welfare state by the managerial state-touch those who stayed
in one place? That today, as Roberta Cohen of the Brookings Institution Project on Internal Displacement tells us:
"The most realistic count of internally displaced persons is ... 20 to 25 million: nine to ten million in Africa, five
million in Asia, five million in Europe, and two million in the Americas. Their number now exceeds that of refugees" ?
8 How can we say to Joan Tronto, when she writes: "I start from the assumptions about the need for a liberal,
mcJcrau .... , pluralistic society in order for all humans to flourish," that such societies can flourish in one part of
the world at the expense of another and within one globalized state at the expense of the disenfranchised and that
capitalist globalization has exacerbated this?9 I therefore fear that the more "late twentieth century American
society ... takes seriously ... the values of caring ... traditionally associated with women "the less it will want to
learn, under all the garbage of domination and exploitation, these virtues shining in societies where the welfare
state is now not allowed to emerge as the barriers between national and international economy are removed; and
where, in the name of "gender training precisely these virtues must be impatiently undermined rather than
nurtured even as the millennia! gender-compromise that they have brought about is shattered.
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AT Perm
First, The permutation creates a combination of heteronormative
logic and teaching that replicates the cultural teaching that caused
our impact in the first place No solvency for the perm
The university is in the world. And the worlds universities are, no

doubt, of the European model [which], after a rich and complex medieval history, has
become prevalent . . . over the last two centuries in states of a
democratic type.39 Yet that structure does not operate everywhere
with the same degree of efficiency, the same degree of informed
consent or critique, with the same quality or connection with the
state. As the best in the United States think more and more of world governance, in
the name of sustainable development and ethical globalization, and
human rightsto oppose the murderous collusion of the military
and the economicin the context of world governance, thenwe
must think of all of these different kinds of universities, rather than
just generalize from the universities we know, as if the world were
one. If we move through the spectrum, the ideas we will see
circulating among students and teachers will be cultural identity,
cultural difference, national sovereignty, minority politics. More often than
not, these issues shade off into varieties of religious freedom. I hasten to add that this is not invariably the case.
Second, The alternative must be done without the combination with

reproductive heteronormative nationalist policy The combination
coopts and destroys solvency
To continue with the program (which is not a program, of course):
We won't repoliticize [SM 871, we will be "an alliance without an
institution" [SM 861, and we will "produce events, new effective forms
of action, practice, organization, and so forth" [SM 891. In a world where
nonalignment is no longer possible as a collective position, what
good is such anonymous internationality? and how will it come to pass? Never mind.
We don't like totalitarianism, and we are unsympathetic with the
labor movement.
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AT Identity Rupture Bad

First, our impacts are a DA to this argument
Second, identity rupture solves war
Spivak 92 Gayatri, Acting Bits/Identity Talk, Critical Inquiry Vol. 18 No 4:
Identities. Summer 1992, pp. 770-803
When we mobilize that secret ontic intimate knowledge, we lose it, but I see no other way. We have never, to quote
Glas, been virgin enough to be the Other. Claudine Hermann, a lawyer who has practiced both in Afghanistan and in
France, gives me my closing words: We have always known how [in "culture"] "to see women through the eyes of
men and, in life, to see men through the eyes of women." We have always known "how wide the gap is." We have
always been "schizoid and we might add . . . hermaphrodite . "Not androgynous, but a bit of a hermaphrodite secure
in the conviction that sex and gender are structurally not identical. Cultures are built violently on the enforced
coercion that they are. War is its most extreme signature, and, like all signatures, patriarchal. Our lesson is to act in
the fractures of identities in struggle.
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AT Science/Trinity
First, Their criticism romanticizes federal policy and renders cultural
shifts irrelevant
Spivak 2004 Guyatri, Harlem, Social Text 81, Vol. 22, No. 4, Winter 2004
The intent to memorialize can be signified by way of the frames, in the style of medieval illuminated manuscripts.
And, because nature is presumed to be without history in this time frame, a species here can presumably come
back as the same from the verge of extinction. This magnifi cent raptor, runs the wall text for this one, was once
on the verge of extinction due to thinning of its eggshells caused by pesticidal spraying. A ban on the use of DDT in
the 1970s, coupled with Federal protection, paved the way for a successful comeback. In the 1990s it was removed
from the endangered species list (fi g. 22). This romantic conviction (no hungry generations tread thee down) is
dubious at best. Biologically, the gene pool is badly impoverished; ecologically, its relation to the environment is
radically altered. Are the herds of bison raised in national parks the same as the herds the Indians hunted?31 But
it is certain that there can be no hope of a successful comeback as a repetition of the same for inscribed
collectivities, forever vanishing. A seamless culturalism cannot be as effective as federal protection and a ban on
DDT.
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AT Lash out/Reversal Psychoanalysis

About your impact . . . we dont do that.
Spivak 2004 Guyatri, Harlem, Social Text 81, Vol. 22, No. 4, Winter 2004
Where does originary hybridity begin? What, indeed, is it to be a NewYorker? We
must push back on the trace of race in identity rather than insist on
exclusive culture in order to ask that question. This is not to forget
that the other side oppresses in the name of race, but its opposite:
not to legitimize it by reversal.
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AT Subaltern is Misappropriating
First, Subaltern have no examples
2005 Routledge
So far I have spoken of the old subaltern, withdrawn from lines of social mobility, in terms of an educational
enterprise that in a supplementary way tries to release the possibility of self-abstraction, self-synecdoche. Merely
trying to release the possibility _/ it will not happen in the classroom tomorrow. By infrastructure, I had earlier meant
the effort to establish, implement and monitor structures that allow subaltern resistance to be located and heard. In
the interim years, through the electronic circuits of globalisation, the subaltern has become greatly permeable.
Much of a pastiche of global culture is lexicalised in a fragmentary fashion in the underclass public world. (To
lexicalise is to separate a linguistic item from its appropriate grammatical system into the conventions of another
grammar.) But the permeability I speak of is the exploitation of the global subaltern as source of intellectual
property without the benefit of benefit-sharing,31pharmaceutical patenting and social dumping. There is no
permeability in the opposite direction. That is where the permanent effort of infrastructural involvement is called
for. I am not speaking of organising international conferences with exceptionalist examples of subalternity to
represent collective subaltern will. The subaltern has no examples. The exemplary subaltern is hegemonised, even
if (and not necessarily) in bad faith. This must be distinguished from the desperate and hardly perceptible effort at
faking subaltern collective initiative by the leaders of counter-globalist resistances. I have called it feudality
without feudalism. I do not think it is a good idea at this point to take a real position against it, because I know
where the desperation comes from.
Second, add subaltern bad shit
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AT Subaltern is Homogenous/Totalizing
First, Subaltern not totalizing or homogenous
Vila 97 Pablo, UT El Paso, Narrative Identities: The Employment of the Mexican
on the U.S.-Mexican Border, The Sociological Quarterly, Vol 38, No 1, Winter 1997,
pp. 147-183, Blackwell
Those feminist authors who turn feminist criticism to the deconstruction of the homogeneous and unified images
of the colonized subject argue that "while colonization and de-colonization seem to urge the establishment of an
identity and a homeplace, post-colonial critics instead reappropriate displacement: post-colonial criticism valorizes
the hybrid rather than the unified subject-identity figured in the dominant fiction of Western discourse; it
foregrounds the multicultural rather than the unified identity of the nation-state and it insists on locally articulated
criticisms of the globalization of relations of power/knowledge" (Clough 1994, p. 116). Thus, Minh-ha (1990, p. 157)
points out that the question about identity is no longer who am I? but when, where, how am I?: " There
is no
real me to return to, no whole self that synthesizes the woman, the
woman of color and the writer; there are, instead, diverse recognitions of self through difference, and unfinished, contingent,
arbitrary closures that make possible both politics and identity."
Spivak(1988, p. 284) argues similarly that the claim for the identity of the
subaltern subject favors antiessentialism, because the subaltern is
not a unified subject-identity but an "identity-in-differential" in
relation to the elite.
Second, add misappropriating and subaltern bad shit
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AT Other PICs
First, Our Language is not fixed, it is a form of stratgegic
essentialism that calls into question traditional categories of queer
and feminine
Marianucci 2011 Mimi, PhD and Asst. Philosophy Professor at Eastern
Washington University feminist and queer scholar, Queering up Feminism, The
Scavenger, Feb. 13 2011
Despite this apparent contradiction, I have chosen the problematic label queer feminism intentionally, in full
I have learned enough from

poststructuralism, and especially from Derrida, to understand that,
while meaning cannot be fixed permanently, it can be, indeed it
must be, constantly negotiated for reference in particular contexts.
This is how sexism, racism, and many other forms of oppression are
able to function. Expectations and ideals are constantly revisited
and revised, and this is part of what makes them so hard to
achieve. Nevertheless, these expectations and ideals form the
standards against which we are judged. In the response to sexism
and racism, it is also necessary to recognize how the relevant
meanings have been fixed relative to the oppressive contexts in
which they are deployed. This is reminiscent of what GayatriSpivak
referred to in 1985 as strategic essentialism. Strategic
essentialism is a strategy whereby groups with toward mutual goals
and interests temporarily present themselves publicly as essentially
the same for the sake of expediency and presenting a united front,
while simultaneously engaging in ongoing and less public
disagreement and debate. Additionally, by using the term, I hope to
draw attention to the problems inherent in the very notion of
feminism.
knowledge of the irony it exhibits. For one thing,
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AT Particular K
First, We challenge the binary of the universal particular these
divisions rest upon reproductive heteronormativity
2005 Routledge
I have said that the singular, as it combats the universal-particular binary opposition, is not an individual, a
person, an agent; multiplicity is not multitude. If, however, we are thinking of potential agents, when s/he is not
publicly empowered to put aside difference and self-synecdochise to form collectivity, the group will take difference
itself as its synecdochic element. Difference slides into culture, often indistinguishable from religion. And then the
institution that provides agency is reproductive heteronormativity (RHN). It is the broadest and oldest global
institution. You see now why just writing about women does not solve the problem of the gendered subaltern, just
as chronicling the popular is not subaltern studies. In search of the subaltern I first turned to my own class: the
Bengali middle class: BhubaneshwariBhaduri and Mahasweta Devi. From French theory that is all I could do. But I
did not remain there. In the middle class, according to ParthaChatterjee, BhubaneshwariBhaduri was metaleptically
substituting effect for cause and producing an idea of national liberation by her suicide. Chatterjees argument is
that an idea of national liberation was produced by, so-called, terrorist movements. 23 It was a frightening, solitary,
and Clytemnestralike project for a woman.
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AT Must Learn from the Oppressed

Yep, thats what we do
2005 Routledge
I hesitate to talk about my teacher-training efforts, because they seem so minute. But, if I am going to suggest that
the task is to take Hobsbawm a step further, to make the anthropologist construct her object as a teacher for a
different end, learn to learn from below, from the subaltern, rather than only study him(her), I have to make an
attempt. In this audience, I can call it fieldwork. Then you can take a small example and people will not dismiss
you. In this audience I can call it case studies. It is a small undertaking going on for fifteen years and it has its
place in the movement of the subaltern as I am describing it. My project has become more and more not only to
study the subaltern (always in the sense of cut-off from lines of social mobility) but to learn (as from figuration _/
because I am a literary person) from them in order to be able to devise a philosophy of education that will develop,
for want of a better expression (since I do not write about this fieldwork, generalisablephrases do not come
immediately), the habits of democratic behavior, or rituals of democratic behavior, or intuition of the public
sphere.
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AT Gramci
First, We solve Gramcis criticism
2005 Routledge
This is where the responsibilities of borrowing Gramscis word has

brought me. It is the next stage of the work with a trajectory of the
subaltern. Not to study the subaltern, but to learn. I am a
humanities teacher, not a historian oranthropologist. Therefore,
those disciplinary habits are not easily mine. I have fallen into a
reading task: to learn from these collectivities enough to suture
rights thinking into the torn cultural fabric of responsibility; or, to
vary the concept-metaphor, activate a dormant ethical imperative.
The text is text-ile. To suture here is to weave, as in invisible
mending.30 The work takes me to the break up of rural welfare in
China, and the transformation of indigenous knowledge in South
Africa. And this brings me to the new subaltern, about whom I have
written elsewhere
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AT Doesnt Speak for India

First, We wont speak for the capitalist oppressors who run the
show today
Spivak 95 Gayatri, Culture Alive, HeinOnline -- 5 Austl. Feminist L.J. 3 1995
And what do I say about post-colonials? I say when we first began using the word postcolonial we used it
descriptively for places like India, Algeria, Bangladesh and so on, and ironically, because it was a joke. Because we
all knew that post-coloniality meant this failure of decolonisation and neo colonialism. But the United States is a
dangerous place. The word caught on and now people talk as if they are able to be after colonialism, when the
entire world today, in the new world order as I was saying, is being written much more viciously and criminally, as
the economic restructuring, the barriers between the fragile national economies of developing states are falling one
by one. All of the economic constraints are orthodox. Socially distribution is going to hell. Consumerist classes are
being bred. They're coming forth and representing the country. And of course I'm being told by other diasporics that
I don't listen to Indians. I know I don't listen to Indians when this is the class that represents India today
Second, Spivak is speaking for herself Were merely trying to

listen to her voice.
Third, The way in which we read Spivak is still a crack and fissure
into her experience and her thought, despite our regulation of it
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AT Identity Politics Bad

First, We are not ID politics you have entirely missed the point
Libractivist 11 (Libractivist is a contributor to the Below the Belt genderblog and queer/immigrant
activist, Allies must not co-opt struggles for equality, The Scavenger, Feb. 13 2011)
It's true; I deeply believe that it is my responsibility as a person

with privilege and as a decent human being to oppose any
affronts to the basic humanity and dignity of any person(s). I'm a
white, USian, native-born, English-speaking, (upper) middle-class,
highly educated, thin, currently non-disabled, apparently cis-gendered girl-shaped
person who's often read as het. I grew up within a supportive family in an urban, literate, relatively
progressive milieu. So I am politicized out of a sense of fairness, not the
circumstances of my life. This complicates my activism. In many of
the struggles with which I am involved, I have hardly been
oppressed. My knowledge of homophobia is passive, based more on life in an obnoxiously heteronormative
society than on a daily fear of gay-bashing or losing my job. I can't remember ever having been the target of
intentional homophobia (biphobia, yes. But even that I could probably count on one hand). Even as a feminist,
where by virtue of my perceived gender I am undeniably in a disadvantaged position, my privilege in other areas
allows me a certain buffer. I can, for the most part, choose with whom I associate, for example, and I'm less bound
to a particular job or setting than many others. I have to deal with objectification and casual sexism and people
disbelieving my abilities or wanting to fit me into prescribed gender roles all the time. But in a lot of ways, I still
have it lucky.
As a feminine, female-bodied person, as a queer person, as

a gender non-conformist, I have a genuine stake in the outcomes of
certain trans, queer, and feminist struggles. But I can hardly
pretend that having a claim to a certain label means my interests
should be allowed to dominate that struggle.The best example for
me is the immigrant rights movement. I am a second-generation
immigrant, and an immigrant myself, which I suppose give me some
legitimacy to talk about immigrant rights. But I'm the good kind
of immigrant: legal, educated, linguistically and culturally
assimilated, healthy, and so on. I have to come to the struggle as an
ally to the folks for whom immigration is a true hardship . It is possible that
making the system work for them will mean improvements for me, but that is not my primary goal. My
immigrant identity is only a source of some empathy and 101-level
knowledge, not a driving factor in my understanding of the
movement's goals.I want to suggest that we have to accept a
blurring of the lines between allies and genuine oppressed
folks.In fact, I think we need a new language that can talk about the
important difference between the oppressions we face and the
identities we hold. I'd argue, for example, that claiming a queer identity
(however justified) does not reduce one's straight privilege, just as a pre/non-op trans man's personal identification
as male does not stop him from experiencing sexism based on society's perception of his presentation. In
short, anti-oppression work is not the same as identity politics, and

to conflate them is to obscure the effects of intersectionality and
the extremely varied experiences and struggles that we each face.
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Second, we access your criticism Policies that use identity politics

to at aiding marginalized groups are used to change the
subalteran's life in a way that suits the needs of the globalized
world, reproducing the problem and reproductive heteronormativity
- empirically proven
The construction of the postcolonial subject was to code the failure of decolonization as multiculturalism, in
metropolitan space, to race, itself rewritten as a fantasmatic national identity as its subject. So if the first was class
Identitarian politics succeeds insofar

as class and gender remain subsumed to this notion of a national
and postnational identity. The construction, on the other hand, of
the globalized subject is through the manufacturing of a gender
alliance. The female subject/agent of globalization often collectively
legitimatizes itself in the name of a generalized ethical agenda. This
is where she crosses the capital/culture aporia on the side of
capital. Yet to work for global justice as a principle is as right a
decision as to work for strategy-driven globalization. But the
interests of globalization from above and from below cancel each
other. This too contributes to the problem of thinking ethics for the
other woman. In 1998, National Geographic showed pictures of women saluting the male fieldworkers of
the second is race as multiculture-cultural rights.
the Grameen Bank as they vow not to have too many children. 13 Will mainstream feminism ever think critically of
this model of cultural indoctrination, even as Grameen gets more savvy? Different officers of Women's World
Banking repeatedly invoke Chandra Behn, a member of the celebrated Self Employed Women's Association or
SEWA, as their legitimation. At the same time, they speak of opening "the huge untapped market of poor Southern
women to the international commercial sector." When SEWA was founded in the early 1960s, Ela Bhatt, the founder,
had no such ambition. "The World Bank's [Consultative Group to Assist the Poorest] ... appears to be narrowly
focused on microlending as an end in itself. And the means to that end, critics charge, may do more damage to
This was the placing of the poorest

women of the South upon the spectral grid of finance capital. "Pay
up every week or else" is once again the instrumentalization of body
and the money-form in the interest of the abstract. SEWA had made
the subaltern women co-operative owners of their own bank,
precisely to bypass the predations of commercial capital as they
started life changes: driving by strategy, not driven by crisis
management. Under the initiator Ela Bhatt's fierce left-labor Gandhianism, the free-choice cultural-identity
'empowerment leaders' like SEWA than good." 14
slot was anti-Fordist, hi-religious (Muslim/Hindu) worker's pride, which lasts to this day, although one senses a
certain unease now, among the working-class Hindu women, in pronouncing the "la ilaha ... "-there is no God but
God-the Muslim credo.
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AT Alternative is Non-Unique
First, The combination of current efforts and the alternative is
uniquely key to creative new types of movements that solve
An awareness of solidarity with the ongoing pedagogic effort would
have allowed Said to step out of the chalk circle of the three
thousand critics and recognize that the task-"to use the visual
faculty (which also happens to be dominated by visual media such as television, news photography, and
commercial film, all of them fundamentally immediate, 'objective,' and ahistorical) to restore the
nonsequential energy of lived historical memory and subjectivity as
fundamental components of meaning in representation-is
attempted every day by popular culture teachers on the Left (p. 25). I
quote Tablozd as a metonym: "Many of our articles over the past months have given examples of this daily
subversion-women in the home mutating the 'planned' effect of TV soap operas, political activists creating pirate
radio stations, the customization of cars, clothing, etc.""
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AT Status Quo Solves

First, Sure there are a few exceptions But this discourse an idea of
the status quo solving because of exceptions is the type of
knowledge production that causes our impact This means only the
alternative causes the wide spread ideological shift and its another
link to the K
The
problem cannot be solved by noticing celebrated female

practitioners of the discipline, such as Hannah Arendt. The collective
situation of the ideologically constituted-constituting sexed subject
in the production of and as the situational object of historical
discourse is a structural problem that obviously goes beyond the
recognition of worthy exceptions. This critique should not be
understood as merely an accusation of personal guilt; for the
shifting limits of ideology, as I have suggested earlier, are larger than the
"individual consciousness." Understood as such, my desperation at the smooth universality of
Dworkin's discussion of law as interpretation will not seem merely tendentious. For it is not a questioning of the
power of Dworkin's thesis; it is an acknowledgment that,
if woman as the subject in law, or the subject of

legal interpretation, is allowed into the argument in terms of the
differential ethico-political dimension of these relationships, then
the clarity might have to be seen as narrow and gender-specific
rather than universal. (I am of course not mentioning the possibility that the eruption of Judeo-
Christian sanctions within the recent debate on abortion shows how questions of sexual difference challenge the
secular foundation of Western law.'"
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AT Capitalism
First, Our inclusion of the subaltern is key to solving for capitalism
We must create a new system which is inclusive and listens to the
voices of those who suffered at the hands of capitalism Only this
creates a better, new global system
The New International, if I understand it right, asks the international law and
international human rights folks to be aware of the economic. ~
~pOagne s 93-94 Derrida assures us that "these problems of the foreign Debt-and
everything that is metonymized by this concept-will not be treated
without at least the spirit of the Marxist critique, the critique of the
market, of the multiple logics of capital, and of that which links the
State and international law to this market." This fine suggestion would
gain in strength if it took into account the vicissitudes suffered by
the sustained organizational opposition to legalized economic
exploitation (the collusion of international law and international capital, legiferant capital-the Group of
Seven today-law "carrying the subjectivity of capital," in other words), in the interest if not
always in the declared name of human rights, ever since Bretton Woods (the
annulment of the gold standard would have worked in nicely with Timon of Athens), through Bandung and all the
global summits, and the machinations of the GATT, and now the WTO.
How, in other words, is the New
International so new? Perhaps it is, to the European left liberal; but why should the South feel any
degree of confidence in the project? A researched account would need at least to
refer generally to the longstanding global struggles from below (one of
the problems with Human Rights and International Law lobbies is that they are so irreproachably well-bred),
which undo the opposition between economic resistance, cultural

identity, and women's minded bodies, to which part of my
taxonomy refers.I3 "The debt to Marx, I think, needs to be paid and
settled, whereas the Third World debt ought to be simply cancelled, "
writes Ahmad ["Reconciling Derrida" 1061. If one attends to the struggles I am speaking of,
where the specter of Marxism has been at work, molelike, although not always
identified with Left parties in the impotent state, one would perhaps think of the debt to
Marx as an unrepayable one with which we must speculate, to make
and ask for Reparation (in the Kleinian sense) in the field of political economy
[Klein 306-43].14 How much making and how much asking will depend on who "we" are. As for the "debt"
increasingly incurred by the South (no longer the third world surely, Ahmad's paper was first given in Lublijana!),
given the dynamics of capital and its relationship to socialism, it can never remain cancelled. What "should"
happen (o tempora, o mores) is a recognition that the South supports the North in the preservation of its resource-
This at least is the sustained message of those struggles, a

reworking of Marx's theme in Capital, that the worker is not a
victim (no black on black there) but the agent of the wealth of societies. Marx
rich lifestyle.
regularly used the phrase "agent of production" rather than "worker." Was this simply politically correct language?
And, what, without infrastructural effort, would this recognition bring, to whom?
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AT Subalterns are Nationalists

First, The idea of a nation is foreign to the subaltern They do not
find themselves in the nation, but silenced by it
Spivak 95 (Gayatri Chakravorty, Columbia, Ghostwriting, JCook.)
I am writing these words in Berkeley, California, and the students are agitating outside against Proposition 187,
which in their view (and mine) legalizes injustice against so-called undocumented immigrants. (Another student
group is publicizing Jesus's love; messianism and migrant activism-the specters of Marx? as, a generation ago,
war protesters and Jesus freaks?) No liberal or radical person in North America, the EEC, Australia et cetera could
therefore be against the metaphorization of Marx as a clandestine immigrant [see Walker]. Yet this privileging of
the metaphorics (and axiomatics) of migrancy by well-placed migrants helps to occlude precisely the struggles of
those who are forcibly displaced, or those who slowly perish in their place as a result of sustained exploitation:
globality. Now we can see why the middle section of the book, speaking of international matters, is the least
The
criticism of "ontopology" ("an axiomatics linking indissociably
ontological value to being-present [on] to one's situation, to the
stable and presentable determination of a locality, the topos of
territory, native soil, city, body in general" [SM 1371Fa word that will undoubtedly be
picked up by postcolonial criticism--can only see the unexamined religious nationalism of the migrant
or the national. It can certainly be used to understand the often
meretricious resentment of elite national intellectuals against the
diasporic. But it is to me more important to point out that to see absolute migrancy as the mark of an
impossible deconstruction, and to see all activity attaching to the South as
ontopologocentric, denies access to the news of subaltern
struggles against the financialization of the globe. The subaltern are
neither "nationally rooted" nor migrant; their intra-national
displacement is managed by the exigencies of international capital
[SM 831. Their struggles reflect a continuity of insurgency which can
only too easily be appropriated by the discourse of a come-lately
New internationality in the most extravagantly publicized
theoretical arenas of the world. Subalternity remains silenced
there."
interesting. For Derrida's itinerary is elsewhere: the anterior is the messianic and the future is migration.
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AT Only About Indian

First, Yes Spivak talks about India because she's Indian. Give me a
reason it doesn't apply to the context of the aff.
*Wont need to read a card unless they spend a minute on this
argument*
Second, This is irrelevant Every impact and criticism is biased to
some form of social history AND The case of India is a result of
Spivaks origins, but the theories still remain true
First, a few disclaimers: In the United States the third-worldism currently afloat in humanistic disciplines is often
I was born in India and recieved my primary, secondary,

and university education there, including two years of graduate work. My Indian
example could thus be seen as a nostalgic investigation of the lost
roots of my own identity. Yet even as I know that one cannot freely
enter the thickets of "motivations: I would maintain that my chief
project is to point out the positivist-idealist variety of such
nostalgla. I turn to Indian material because in the absence of
advanced disciplinary training, that accident of birth and education
has provided me with a sense of the historical canvas a hold on
some of the pertinent languages that are useful tools for a bricoleur,
especially when armed with the Marxist skepticism of concrete experience
as the final arbiter and a critique of disciplinary formations. Yet the
openly ethnic.
Indian case cannot be taken as representative of all countries, nations, cultures, and the like that may be invoked
as the Other of Europe as Self.
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Framework
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Generic
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Theoretical
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AT Framework Policy Version

Interpretation: The affirmative has to prove their plan is a good
idea.
We have multiple DAs to their framework
First, The aff framing ensures a reproductive heteronormative
framing of all policy discussions They are excluding the discussion
of subaltern politics, which is the point of the criticism This is a
new link The have to beat the thesis of our K before gaining any
offense on this flow
Second, Reproductive heteronormative politics only work to
continue the current mode of thought and reproduce the logic of the
state This means we access unique education claims they cannot
access Independent voter for education
Third, Their form of subjectivity and politics is exclusionary to the
subaltern This means we have unique fairness here because only
our criticism is inclusionary to all people Independent voter for
fairness
Fourth, We impact turn their predictability and ground claims
Debate and the aff are so stuck in their ways they dont
acknowledge or realize that subaltern people are being excluded
and subjugated This is a reason the criticism should be weighed
first and this is another link to the K
AND If we prove an impact to reproductive heteronormativity then
it is arbitrary and irresponsible to ignore those impacts
AND Latin America must come first when analyzing the history of
coloniality It is here that the roots of domination began and the
categorizing of life When addressing this topic we must analyze
this area of study
the critique of Eurocentrism and its forms

of knowledge should start not with the Enlightenment but with the
Spanish conquest, for it was at that time the 16th centurythat the
inception of the modern/colonial took place. If this premise is accepted, the
American continent becomes the first contact zone and
battleground for the deployment of ideas of civilization,
evangelization, empire, and racial difference. Much before the world
For the contributors of Coloniality at Large
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was ordered by the scientific categories and the rationality of 18th century
European thought, the Spanish and Portuguese empires had
consolidated ideas of racial difference, humanity, and patriarchy in
relation to theological paradigms and the very knowledge produced
by the Conquest and Colonization. To start the criticism of
Eurocentrism with Conrad and Kipling, or even with the cultural activities of the
East India Company, seems to miss the origin of modernity by two or
three centuries.
AND Predictable They should be able to defend the assumptions
their plan makes
AND Ground They still can weigh their advantages against us
AND Education We challenge the affirmatives most basic
assumptions This is key to any education claims they make,
because if their education is flawed, then their impacts to education
are flawed
AND There is no such thing as objective knowledge as Western
thought would lead you to believe Everything we know, or appear
to deduce is always based upon our epistemological location This
location determines what we know or learn and is the basis of every
action in life Above all else we must question these fundamental
locations That means they have to beat the thesis of our K before
they gain any offense on this flow
Accessed 6/25/13.
The first point to discuss is the contribution of racial/ethnic and feminist subaltern
perspectives to epistemological questions. The hegemonic Eurocentric
paradigms that have informed western philosophy and sciences in
the modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal world-system (Grosfoguel
2005; 2006b) for the last 500 hundred years assume a universalistic,
neutral, objective point of view. Chicana and black feminist scholars (Moraga and Anzalda
1983; Collins 1990) as well as Third World scholars inside and outside the United States (Dussel 1977) reminded
us that
we always speak from a particular location in the power
structures. Nobody escapes the class, sexual, gender, spiritual,

linguistic, geographical, and racial hierarchies of the
modern/colonial capitalist/patriarchal world-system. As feminist scholar
Donna Haraway (1988) states, our knowledges are always situated. Black feminist
scholars called this perspective afro-centric epistemology (Collins 1990) (which is not equivalent to the
afrocentrist perspective) while Latin American Philosopher of Liberation Enrique Dussel called it geopolitics of
knowledge (Dussel 1977) and, following Fanon (1967) and Anzalda (1987), I will use the term bodypolitics of
This is not only a question about social values in knowledge

production or the fact that our knowledge is always partial. The
main point here is the locus of enunciation, that is, the geo-political and bodyknowledge.
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political location of the subject that speaks. In Western philosophy

and sciences the subject that speaks is always hidden, concealed,
erased from the analysis . The ego-politics of knowledge of Western philosophy has always
privilege the myth of a non-situated Ego. Ethnic/racial/gender/sexual
epistemic location and the subject that speaks are always
decoupled. By delinking ethnic/racial/gender/sexual epistemic location from the
subject that speaks, Western philosophy and sciences are able to produce
a myth about a Truthful universal knowledge that covers up, that is,
conceals who is speaking as well as the geo-political and bodypolitical epistemic location in the structures of colonial
power/knowledge from which the subject speaks . It is important here to
distinguish the epistemic location from the social location. The fact that one is socially
located in the oppressed side of power relations does not
automatically mean that he/she is epistemically thinking from a
subaltern epistemic location. Precisely, the success of the
modern/colonial worldsystem consists in making subjects that are
socially located in the oppressed side of the colonial difference, to
think epistemically like the ones on the dominant positions .
Subaltern epistemic perspectives are knowledge coming from
below that produces a critical perspective of hegemonic
knowledge in the power relations involved.
I am not claiming an epistemic populism
where knowledge produced from below is automatically an epistemic subaltern knowledge. What I am claiming is
all knowledges are epistemically located in the dominant or the

subaltern side of the power relations and that this is related to the
geo- and body-politics of knowledge. The disembodied and
unlocated neutrality and objectivity of the ego-politics of
knowledge is a Western myth.
that
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K First LA
( ) Only analyzing the ontological and epistemological implications
of our thoughts of Latin America will allow us to see what caused
our impacts and how to solve those problems today Means the K
must come first
The narrative and argument of this book, then, will not be about an entity called
Latin America, but on how the idea of Latin America came
about. One of the main goals is to uncouple the name of the subcontinent from the cartographic image we all
have of it. It is an excavation of the imperial/colonial foundation of the
idea of Latin America that will help us unravel the geo-politics of
knowledge from the perspective of coloniality, the untold and
unrecognized historical counterpart of modernity. By perspective of coloniality
in this case, I mean that the center of observation will be grounded in the colonial history that shaped the idea of
the Americas. I refer to the process as an excavation rather than an archeology because it is impossible to simply
the
Americas exist today only as a consequence of European colonial
expansion and the narrative of that expansion from the European
perspective, the perspective of modernity.
uncover coloniality, insofar as it shapes and is shaped by the processes of modernity. After all,
( ) The K must be weighed first Your impacts and actions are

dependent on an ideology and subjectivity which constitutes
international actions This basis is what we call into question
It is difficult to speak of a politics of interpretation without a
working notion of ideology as larger than the concepts of individual
consciousness and will. At its broadest implications this notion of ideology would undo the
oppositions between determinism and free will and between conscious choice and unconscious reflex.
Ideology in action is what a group takes to be natural and selfevident, that of which the group, as a group, must deny any historical sedimentation. It is both the
condition and the effect of the constitution of the subject (of ideology) as
freely willing and consciously choosing in a world that is seen as
background. In turn, the subject(s) of ideology are the conditions and
effects of the self-identity of the group as a group. It is impossible,
of course, to mark off a group as an entity without sharing complicity
with its ideological definition. A persistent critique of ideology is
thus forever incomplete. In the shifting spectrum between subjectconstitution and group constitution are the ideological apparatuses
that share the condition/ effect oscillation.
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( ) Their framing of ideology and theory constitutes only an ojective

lens that does not include subjectivity and objectivity Only the
combination of both lens allows for dehumanization to stop, opening
up to a more pragmatic theory that truly solves
A critical view of the subject of ideology would call the clarity of these
distinctions into question and thus ask the critic to address a less simplified view
of the world. It would deconstitute and situate (not reject) the "we" who
experiences the productivity of alternative investigative postures,
the "legitima[cy]" and "power" of the "acceptable standpoints."
Such a view does not allow for a personal-subjective category to be
set up over against an intellectual-interpretive category either, since it
would see complicity between the constitution of subjectivity and
the desire for objective identity. These problematic distinctions are
necessary for Toulmin's argument because it cannot accommodate the
concept of ideology. The neier fortuitous choice of normative metaphors sometimes seems to
suggest this necessity: "There is more temptation to present all [author's italics]
interpretations in the human sciences as being essentially political
in character than there is in the physical sciences. Still, it is a
temptation that we ought to resist" (p. 102; italics mine). This resistance
wins a space for us where it is possible to overlook the tremendous
ideological overdetermination of the relationship between the
"pure" and "applied" sciences, as well as their relationship with
private- and public-sector technology and the inscription of the
whole into the social and material relations of production. All is
reduced to the classical split between subject and object-"two-way
interactions between the observer and the system being observed"
(p. 106). If the clarity of the theory is dependent upon so stringent a
reduction, it loses persuasive value when applied to the
sociopolitical scene. A statement like the following, concluded from the
subject-object premises I quote above, remains merely theoretical,
normed into ethical decoration: "That being so, there is, a fortiori, no
longer any reason to assume that studying human beings from a
scientific point of view necessarily involves dehumanizing them" (p.
106).
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Epistemology Key
( ) Current epistemology of postcolonialism is based within the
Eurocentric view of resistance to Eurocentrism It does not come
from and work with the subaltern perspective when criticizing
Eurocentrism This epistemologically removes our ability to fight
the system that were using
Accessed 6/25/13.
Among the many reasons for the split of the Latin American
Subaltern Studies Group, one of them was between those who read
subalternity as a postmodern critique (which represents a
Eurocentric critique of Eurocentrism) and those who read
subalternity as a decolonial critique (which represents a critique of
Eurocentrism from subalternized and silenced knowledges) [Mignolo
2000: 183-186; 213-214]. For those of us that took side with the decolonial critique, the dialogue with
the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group made evident the need to
epistemologically transcend, that is, decolonize the Western canon and
epistemology. The South Asian Subaltern Studies Groups main project is a critique to Western European
colonial historiography about India and to Indian nationalist Eurocentric historiography of India. But by
using a Western epistemology and privileging Gramsci and Foucault, constrained
and limited the radicalism of their critique to Eurocentrism . Although
they represent different epistemic projects, the South Asian Subaltern School privilege of Western epistemic canon
overlapped with the sector of the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group that sided with postmodernism.
However, with all its limits, South Asian Subaltern Studies Group represents an important contribution to the
critique of Eurocentrism. It forms part of an intellectual movement known as postcolonial critique (a critique of
modernity from the Global South) as opposed to the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group postmodern critique
These debates made clear to

us (those who took side with the decolonial critique described
above), the need to decolonize not only Subaltern Studies but also
(a critique of modernity from the Global North) [Mignolo 2000].
Postcolonial Studies
(Grosfoguel 2006a; 2006b).
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Discourse Key
( ) What terms are we using? Who is using them and what are they
describing? These questions all have implications in the narratives
being used that define our epistemology on any issue. To question
coloniality, we must first question the narratives used around it
Discovery and invention are not just different interpretations

of the same event; they belong to two different paradigms. The line
that distinguishes the two paradigms is the line of the shift in the
geo-politics of knowledge; changing the terms and not only the The
Americas, Christian Expansion, and Racism content of the conversation.
The first presupposes the triumphant European and imperial
perspective on world history, an achievement that was described as
modernity, while the second reflects the critical perspective of those
who have been placed behind, who are expected to follow the
ascending progress of a history to which they have the feeling of
not belonging. Colonization of being is nothing else than producing the idea that certain people do not belong to
history that they are non-beings. Thus, lurking beneath the European story of
discovery are the histories, experiences, and silenced conceptual
narratives of those who were disqualified as human beings, as
historical actors, and as capable of thinking and understanding. In the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the wretched of the earth (as Frantz Fanon labeled colonized beings) were Indians and
African slaves.
That is why missionaries and men of letters appointed
themselves to write the histories they thought Incas and Aztecs

did not have , and to write the grammar of Kechua/Kichua and
Nahuatl with Latin as the model. Africans were simply left out of the picture of conversion and taken
as pure labor force.
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Alternative Solves Epistemology

( ) Our decolonial tactic of epistemology works to include the
knowledge of the subaltern groups This inclusion actively works to
transform thought in the world system and allow for the end of
coloniality and its epistemological controls
Accessed 6/25/13.
The ascribed superiority of European knowledge in many areas of life

was an important aspect of the coloniality of power in the
modern/colonial world-system. Subaltern knowledges were
excluded, omitted, silenced, and/or ignored. This is not a call for a fundamentalist or
an essentialist rescue mission for authenticity. The point here is to put the colonial
difference (Mignolo, 2000) at the center of the process of knowledge
production. Subaltern knowledges are those knowledges at the intersection of the
traditional and the modern. They are hybrid, transcultural forms of knowledge, not
merely in the traditional sense of syncretism or mestizaje, but in Aim Cesaires sense of the miraculous arms
or what I have called subversive complicity (Grosfoguel, 1996)
against the system. These
are forms of resistance that resignify and transform dominant

forms of knowledge from the point of view of the non-Eurocentric
rationality of subaltern subjectivities thinking
from border epistemologies. They
constitute what Walter Mignolo (2000) calls a critic of modernity from the geo-political experiences and memories
of coloniality. According to Mignolo (2000), this is a new space that deserves further explorations both as a new
critical dimension to modernity/coloniality and, at the same time, as a space from where new utopias can be
devised. This has important implications for knowledge production. Are we

going to produce a new knowledge that repeats or reproduces the universalistic, Eurocentric, gods eye view? To
say that the unit of analysis is the world-system, not the nation-state, is not equivalent to a neutral gods-eye
view of the world. I believe that world-system analysis needs to decolonize its epistemology by taking seriously the
subaltern side of the colonial difference: the side of the periphery, the workers, women, gays/lesbians,
racialized/colonial subjects, homosexuals/lesbians and anti-systemic movements in the process of knowledge
production. This means that although world-system takes the world as a unit of analysis, it is thinking from a
particular perspective in the world. Still, worldsystem analysis has not found a way to incorporate subaltern
Without this there can be no

decolonization of knowledge and no utopistics beyond
Eurocentrism. The complicity of the social sciences with the
coloniality of power in knowledge production and imperial global
designs makes a call for new institutional and non-institutional
locations from which the subaltern can speak and be heard.
knowledges in processes of knowledge production.
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Alternative Solves World Politics

( ) Our alternative shifts world-systems of thought, decolonializing
vast paradigms of global politics
Accessed 6/25/13.
the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group

applies to the paradigms of political-economy. In this article, I propose that an
epistemic perspective from racial/ethnic subaltern locations has a
lot to contribute to a radical decolonial critical theory beyond the
way traditional political-economy paradigms conceptualize
capitalism as a global or world-system. The idea here is to
However, what I have said about
decolonize political-economy paradigms as well as world-system

analysis and to propose an alternative decolonial conceptualization
of the world-system. The first part is an epistemic discussion about the implications
of the epistemological critique of feminist and subalternized racial/ethnic intellectuals to western epistemology.
is the implications of these critiques to the way we conceptualize the global or world system.
The third part, is a discussion of global coloniality today. The fourth part is a critique to both
world-system analysis and postcolonial/cultural studies using
coloniality of power as a response to the culture versus economy
dilemma. Finally, the fifth, sixth, seventh and last part, is a discussion of decolonial thinking, transmodernity
The second part
and socialization of power as decolonial alternatives to the present world-system.
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Alternative Solves Politics

( ) Our alternative creates a new form of political resistance which
adapts to modern politics and changes them from the inside out
Empiric social and political movements prove that this form of
politics works and is successful in actually creating change
The goal of many (not all) of the anti-globalization struggles can be seen as the defense of particular, place-based
historical conceptions of the world and practices of worldmaking more precisely, as a defense of particularly
constructions of place, including the reorganizations of place that might be deemed necessary according to the
power struggles within place. These struggles are place based, yet transnationalized (Harcourt & Escobar, 2002;
The politics of place is an emergent form of politics, a

novel political imaginary in that it asserts a logic of difference and
possibility that builds on the multiplicity of actors and actions
operating at the level of everyday life. In this view, places are the site of
live cultures, economies and environments rather than nodes in a
global and all embracing capitalist system. In Gibson-Grahams conceptualization,
this politics of place often favored by women, environmentalist, and those struggling for alternative
forms of livelihood-- is a lucid response to the type of politics of empire
that is also common on the Left and that requires that empire be
confronted at the same level of totality and that, as such, devalues all
forms of localized action, reducing it to accommodation or
reformism. As Gibson-Graham does not cease to remind us, places always fail to be
fully capitalist, and herein lie their potential to become something
other (2003: 15). Or, in the language of the MC project, there is an exteriority to
imperial globality a result of both global coloniality and placebased cultural dynamics that are irreducible to the terms of
capitalist modernity. As I have analyzed elsewhere (e.g., Escobar, 2001), the struggle of
the social movements of black communities of the Colombian
Pacific illustrates the politics of place in the context of imperial
globality. This movement, which emerged in the early 1990s as a result of the deepening of the
Escobar, 2001).
neo-liberal model and in the wake of the new 1991 Constitution that granted cultural and territorial rights to ethnic
was from the very outset

conceived as a struggle for the defense of cultural difference and
the territories. The movement has since emphasized four rights: to their identity (hence, the right to be
minorities such as the black communities of the Pacific,
different), to their territory (as the space for exercising identity), to a measure of local autonomy, and to their own
vision of development. In the encounter with State agents, experts, NGOs, international biodiversity networks,
the movement has developed a unique political ecology

framework that articulates the life project of the river communities
embedded in placebased notions of territory, production systems,
and the environment-- with the political vision of the social
movement, incarnated in a view of the Pacific as a region-territory
of ethnic groups. In this way, the movement can legitimately be interpreted in terms of the defense
etc.,
of practices of cultural, economic, and ecological difference. Emerging from the exteriority of the modern/colonial
world system within which blacks of marginal regions have always been among the most excluded and
forgotten
this group of activists can also be seen as practicing a kind
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of border thinking from which they engage with both their

communities, on the one hand, and the agents of modernity, on the
other. In connecting with other continental or global movements (e.g,
Afro-Latin American and anti-globalization movements), the also become part of the
transnational movement meshworks analyzed in this section.
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K First Spivak
First, The K must be weighed first Your impacts and actions are
dependent on an ideology and subjectivity which constitutes
international actions This basis is what we call into question
It is difficult to speak of a politics of interpretation without a
working notion of ideology as larger than the concepts of individual
consciousness and will. At its broadest implications this notion of ideology would undo the
oppositions between determinism and free will and between conscious choice and unconscious reflex.
Ideology in action is what a group takes to be natural and selfevident, that of which the group, as a group, must deny any historical sedimentation. It is both the
condition and the effect of the constitution of the subject (of ideology) as
freely willing and consciously choosing in a world that is seen as
background. In turn, the subject(s) of ideology are the conditions and
effects of the self-identity of the group as a group. It is impossible,
of course, to mark off a group as an entity without sharing complicity
with its ideological definition. A persistent critique of ideology is
thus forever incomplete. In the shifting spectrum between subjectconstitution and group constitution are the ideological apparatuses
that share the condition/ effect oscillation.
Second, Their framing of ideology and theory constitutes only an
ojective lens that does not include subjectivity and objectivity Only
the combination of both lens allows for dehumanization to stop,
opening up to a more pragmatic theory that truly solves
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106).
Third, Criticisms of framing are inevitable Means no framing bad

offense arguments
One cannot of course "choose" to step out of ideology. The most
responsible "choice" seems to be to know it as best one can,
recognize it as best one can, and, through one's necessarily
inadequate interpretation, to work to change it, to acknowledge the
challenge of: "Men make their own history, but they do not choose
the script" (italics mine).3 In fact, I would agree with Edward Said that the ideological system that one
might loosely name as contemporary USA expects its poets to seem to choose to ignore it and thus allows its
businessmen to declare: "Solid business practices transcend ideology if you are willing to work for it."4
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Ballot Becomes the Criticism

First, Use your ballot to affirm our criticism This proves the
internalization of the theories, which is truly key to solving It
shows a way of affirming a new way of thinking
Accessed 8/26/12.

spirit.") That said, allow me to make a gentle criticism. I always tell my students, "theory is not
there for application. Theorizing is a practice. Read theory for its
own sake so that it's internalized and your reading practice is
changed. Do not make things into illustrations of theory." So, see if
you can get behind my thinking, as if you're thinking them rather
than following them and see what happens. Also, I always have two ways of
looking at things: short term & long term. As Adrienne Rich so powerfully says: " Learn from your own
history" (1979 Smith College Commencement Address). Does increasing speed in travel
actually decrease gasolene consumption? What does history teach
us? And does lessened gasolene consumption lead to a juster world
automatically with no training for epistemological performance?
Would infrastructural change help subaltern groups be heard?
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Dehumanization
*same as second K first card*
First, Their framing of ideology and theory constitutes only an
ojective lens that does not include subjectivity and objectivity Only
the combination of both lens allows for dehumanization to stop,
opening up to a more pragmatic theory that truly solves
106).
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AT Vagueness/Theory/No Practical Application

First, Tag me
2003
G. S.: Yes, I think that is quite true, to comment on the first part of the question. Now, let.stalk about Lenin and
Stalin. I have a footnote about this in my book. When Stalin was talking to the remnants of Hapsburg and Russian
empire, especially the Hapsburg.s, he was actually talking about a kind of very long imperial tradition which was
multiethnic and very different from what Lenin was talking about which was a single nation, postcapitalist colonies
like the British colonies, the French colonies. The Ottomans, the Hapsburg.s, and the Russians are very different
models of empires so when that breaks and it breaks in the postcolonial context as it was established in the middle
of the last century, then the patterns would not be the same, and therefore I would say it is clear in the case of
using anything the people who use this must be creative, I think there is a lot to be learnt from the work that some
of us did. But if it is imitative, and again it is true of using anything, it will fail because whenever one uses theories
like that, one makes the theory part of ones practice, by open sympathy and then as one read one.s own
surroundings, the theory gets normalised by what one is reading. So I will learn as much from what I call postimperial scholar in this kind conjuncture with a financialised goal, and what I began with, you know, the group of
seven, especially Europe-America in competition, Europe talking about it.s past empires as it corrects United States
as a future empire, if you look at the Frankfurter AllemaineZeitung for 31st May you will see that there is a whole
bunch of European intellectuals who are talking about Europe in this way. I say to do this thing, this imperial
competition, in the context of the post-imperial world, with the financialisation of the globe, sometimes called
Who expects to be able to

have theories that are as contingent as the way things are. Theory
will never be like that. One must know how to use theory and I think
our way of doing postcolonial theory can be very useful if one is not
waiting for the theory that exactly matches your situation because
that would be useless. And in this context I would like to say whatever you think of Althusser and we
globalization, it is a very different scenario, but what else is new?
have lots of criticism about Althusser, that his essay .Contradiction and Overdetermination. says this so clearly and
for so many years ago, this business of .not thinking., you know he was speaking from the bosom of the French
communist party, it was a courageous thing to say. .Not thinking.that the theory is going to be pure, to find a field
for pure application.
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AT Organic Intellectual
First, Our version of the organic intellectual solves better
comparative evidence
2005 Routledge
Gramsci, the thinker of subalternity as an amendment of mere

capital logic, had, in his figuration of the organic intellectual, given
us an idea of expanding the horizon of historiography as an activity.
In an extended consideration, I would question the figure of the
organic, but that would not lead to a disagreement with Gramscis
general point. This is not the place to launch an analysis of
Gramscis notion of subalternity. Suffice it to say that Gramscis
subaltern is not as impervious as the one I have been discussing.
There are at least two reasons for this. First, Gramscis thoughtworld was mono-gendered. And, subalternity as position without
identity computed differently in a world where the role of the
Communist party as envisaged by Gramsci in his jail cell was
significantly different from anything that either ourselves or the
early subalternists could imagine. One insight, however, is still useful: The intellectuals are
the dominant groups deputies exercising the subaltern functions of social hegemony and political
government.15 I add here Raymond Williamss dynamic sense of the dominant as defined by its ceaseless
appropriation of the emergent, as it divides itself into mere alternative and actively oppositional. 16 Hobsbawms
and the early subalternists limiting of the subaltern within the historiographical may be seen as such an
appropriation. By contrast, it was the intention of saving the singular oppositional that the example of
BhubaneswariBhaduri taught me so long ago.
That message in her body led outside
disciplinary limits.
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AT Politics Good
First, We are the prerequisite without it domination of the
subaltern is guaranteed. We must first lay the foundation for the
affs politics to work
2005 Routledge
By now it should be clear that insertion into the public sphere means for me the effort to create the possibility of
metonymising oneself for making oneself a synecdoche, a part of a whole, so that one can claim the idea of the
state belonging to one. The particular collectivity claimed here is citizenship: the state can be seen as being in the
citizens service through access to this collectivity. This abstract agential self-perception is a non-dependent
intuition of the public sphere, not as ma-baap but as a claimable right. This is hopelessly idealistic, especially in
the context of a repressive state, in the current era of globalisation where the state is more and more reconfigured
as not the agent of redistribution, but the agent of repression; and the model is not accountability, but
management. The idea of relating to the state in a country as multi-lingual and multi-cultural, as many-leveled as
India _/and to a degree such differences exist everywhere _/, unless you want to go through nationalism/ fascism,
you must be able to metonymise/synecdochise yourself, understand the part by which you are connected to that
abstract whole so that you can claim it. It is not even the right to metonymise oneself, it is the possibility. This kind
of work can only be a supplement to much more quickfix, problem-solving work. But if it isnt there then
subalternisation remains in place and accounts of popular practice as political society remain constative.
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Class Room Pedagogy
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First
First, Only through an embrace of tensions that exist between
cultural narratives can the subalteran speak - failure to include
oppressed voices leads to serial policy failure - a reform of
classroom pedagogy is the critical starting point for inclusion of
alternative narratives
This system of cultural representation and self-representation is the U.S, semiotic field of citizenship and ethnicity.
The cultural fantasies of origin of the prominent "ethnic groups" in

the United States (including the English and the French) and their imprint on the
countries of their origin are well known. (Israel, Ireland, Poland, and Cuba are four other
ecXa.tulJ'l"'")22 All of these groups (excluding the English) had a history of ,vall"'""" of
oppression on the soil that lent an urgency to the fantasies. In the Indian
case, export-import has been speeded up for reasons that I have tried to sketch. Now, if one returns
to the melancholy story of the years of Independence, whose
shadow fell on my childhood, then one begins to see that the
c;ultural, communal (religious), and class heterogeneity native to
the sub. continent has been asserting itself in spite of the unifying
hopes on assorted sides, based on those assorted conceptmetaphors: nationalism, secularism, internationalism, culturalism.
Any extended discussion of remaking history in decolonization must
take into account the dangerous fragility and tenacity of these
conceptmetaphors. Briefly, it seems possible to say that an
alternative and perhaps equally fragile mode of resistance to them
can only come through a strategic acceptance of the centrifugal
potential of the plurality and heterogeneity native to the
subcontinent. Yet heterogeneity is an elusive and ambivalent
resource (except in metropolitan "parliamentary" or academic
space), as the recent past in India, and indeed on the globe, have
shown. Its direct manipulation for electoral or diplomatic results
constitutes devastation. (Manipulation in commercial interest can lead to a dynamic "public
culture.") It is only in situations like this that institutionally placed
cultural workers have the obligation to speak predictively. These
scrupulous interventions are in fact our only contribution to the
project of remaking history or sustaining ever-shifting voices with
an alternative edge. In a sense our task is to make people ready to
listen, and that is not determined by argument. Indirect and
maddeningly slow, forever running the risk of demagogy and
coercion mingled with the credulous vanity and class interests of
teacher and student, it is still only institutionalized education in the
human sciences that is a long-term and collective method for
making people want to listen. As far as I can see, remaking (the discipline of) history has its
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I propose the persistent

establishment and re-establishment, the repeated consolidating in
undoing, of a strategy of education and classroom pedagogy
attending to provisional resolutions of oppositions as between
secular and nonsecular, national and subaltern, national and
international, cultural and socio-political by teasing out their
complicity. 24 Such a strategy of strategies must speak "from
within" the emancipatory master narratives even while taking a
distance from them. It must resolutely hold back from offering phantasmic, hegemonic, nativist
only chance on this unglamorous and often tedious register. 23 Therefore
counternarratives that implicitly honor the historical withholding of the "permission to narrate." The new culturalist
alibi, working within a basically elitist culture industry, insisting on the continuity of a native tradition untouched by
a Westernization whose failures it can help to cover, legitimizes the very thing it claims to combat.
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Solves
First, We must use the classroom to undo the cultural teaching that
caused our impacts to occur Every small step is necessary
In order to sustain such a world, assuming its establishment, it is the skills we

teach in the humanities that we need. I am speaking, of course, of
the skills of reading, of catching the generic difference between
registers of language, with the hope of a setting to work to meet
the world in which we live, in order to read Martin Luther King Jr.s
example of one who so loved his enemies that he died for them as a
narrative, singular and unverifiable. It should be clear from my description of the situation
of religion that secularism which I will define in a momentis a persistent critique; a persistent
setting to work to recognize language as system rather than ground
for belief. If we are to keep working for such a world, we must
partially (only partially) undo the lesson of the last few European
centuries and massively redo the program of disenfranchised
histories. It sounds pretty scary put this way. But if we think of it as
a collective enterprise that we undertake in the classroom, it need
not work that way.
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In Round Solvency
First, Our discourse and discussion in this round leads to us
internalizing these theories, which is truly key to solving It shows
a way of affirming a new way of thinking
Accessed 8/26/12.

spirit.") That said, allow me to make a gentle criticism. I always tell my students, "theory is not
there for application. Theorizing is a practice. Read theory for its
own sake so that it's internalized and your reading practice is
changed. Do not make things into illustrations of theory." So, see if
you can get behind my thinking, as if you're thinking them rather
than following them and see what happens.
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Contestatory Fiction
Our 1ac should not be taken as Truth rather as supplement
Spivak 2001 Guyatri Chakravorty, Moving Devi, Cultural Critique, No. 47,
Winter 2001, pp. 120-163, JSTOR, U of Minnesota Press
Hedged in by this framing, then, I give witness to the great goddesses, Durga and Kali. You will work out my
negotiations. "'I'
is only a convenient term for somebody who has no real

being. Lies will flow from my lips, but there may perhaps be some
truth mixed up with them; it is for you to seek out this truth and to
decide whether any part of it is worth keeping. If not, you will of
course throw the whole of it into the wastepaper basket and forget
all about it."25
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AT Not Enough to Solve

*Same as solves card*
First, We must use the classroom to undo the cultural teaching that
caused our impacts to occur Every small step is necessary
In order to sustain such a world, assuming its establishment, it is the skills we

teach in the humanities that we need. I am speaking, of course, of
the skills of reading, of catching the generic difference between
registers of language, with the hope of a setting to work to meet
the world in which we live, in order to read Martin Luther King Jr.s
example of one who so loved his enemies that he died for them as a
narrative, singular and unverifiable. It should be clear from my description of the situation
of religion that secularism which I will define in a momentis a persistent critique; a persistent
setting to work to recognize language as system rather than ground
for belief. If we are to keep working for such a world, we must
partially (only partially) undo the lesson of the last few European
centuries and massively redo the program of disenfranchised
histories. It sounds pretty scary put this way. But if we think of it as
a collective enterprise that we undertake in the classroom, it need
not work that way.
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Ontology/Epistemology First
First, The separation between the language used and the cultural
values behind it lead to cultural class separation necessarily
fragmenting culture This is a link to the criticism AND means you
have to disprove the thesis of our criticism before gaining this
offense
By contrast, literary activity is usually prolific in the mother tongue of
the writer of Indo-Anglian prose or poetry. The writer of IndoAnglian literature might represent this dynamic base of regional
public culture as if it were no more than a medium of private
exchange or a rather quaint simulacrum of the genuine public
sphere. This artificial separation of public and private is, strictly
speaking, a cultural class-separation. The relationship between the
writer of "vernacular" and Indo-Anglian literatures is a site of classcultural struggle. This struggle is not reflected in personal
confrontations. Indeed, the spheres of Indo-Anglian writing and vernacular writing are usually not in
serious contact. By "class-cultural struggle" is meant a struggle in the
production of cultural or culturalpolitical identity. If literature is a
vehicle of cultural self-representation, the "Indian cultural identity"
projected by Indo-Anglian fiction and, more obliquely, poetry can
give little more than a hint of the seriousness and contemporaneity
of the many "Indias" fragmentarily represented in the many Indian
literatures.
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Deontology First
First, Closing the gap between law and justice is the only way to
acknowledge the role of the historical and political in culture which
is the only way that true ethics can be formed
To begin with, some presuppositions. Radical alterity-the wholly

other-must be thought and must be thought through imaging. To be
born human is to be born angled toward an other and others. To
account for this the human being presupposes the quite-other. This
is the bottom line of being-human as being-in-the-ethical-relation.
By definition, we cannot-no self can-reach the quite-other. Thus the
ethical situation can only be figured in the ethical experience of the
impossible. This is the founding gap in all act or talk, most
especially in acts or talk that we understand to be closest to the
ethical-the historical and the political. We will not leave the
historical and the political behind. We must somehow attempt to
supplement the gap. To try to supplement the gap that founds the historical-political is a persistent
critique. I believe it is in that spirit that Susan Bazilli, editor of Putting Women on the Agenda, writes: "In
the present South African climate we are faced with the task of
determining the future of law and its relationship to women. To do
so we must always be cognizant of narrowing the gap between law
and justice."2
Second, The alternatives radical alterity creates a double bind in
that it forces us to think of people as other and self - only through
accepting this double bind are we forced to make ethical choices
Radical alterity, if one can say it, appears to require an imaging that
is the figuration of the ethical as the impossible. If ethics are
grasped as a problem of relation rather than a problem of
knowledge, it is not enough to build efficient databases, converting
the "gift," if there is any, to the "given" (datum), upon which
calculating "aid" can be based. It is necessary to imagine this
woman as an other as well as a self. This is, strictly speaking,
impossible. Imagination is structurally unverifiable. Thus, the image
of the other as self produced by imagination supplementing
knowledge or its absence is a figure that marks the impossibility of
fully realizing the ethical. It is in view of this experience of the
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figure (of that which is not logically possible) that we launch our
calculations of the political and the legal. The gift of time grasped as
our unanticipatable present, as a moment of living as well as dying,
of being hailed by the other as well as the distancing of that call, is
launched then as reparation, as responsibility, as accountability. This is an account of the double
bind of the ethical as spelled out in the thinking of Melanie Klein, Emmanuel Levinas, Jacques Derrida, and Luce
When one decides to speak of double binds and aporias, one

is haunted by the ghost of the undecidable in every decision. 11 One
cannot be mindful of a haunting, even if it fills the mind. Let me
then describe a narrower sense in which I am using the word. When
we find ourselves in the subject position of two determinate
decisions, both right (or both wrong), one of which cancels the
other, we are in an aporia which by definition cannot be crossed, or
a double bind. Yet, it is not possible to remain in an aporia or a
double bind. It is not a logical or philosophical problem like a
contradiction, a dilemma, a paradox, an antinomy. It can only be
described as an experience. It discloses itself in being crossed. For,
as we know every day, even by supposedly not deciding, one of
those two right or wrong decisions gets taken, and the aporia or
double bind remains. Again, it must be insisted that this is the
condition of possibility of deciding. In the aporia or the double bind,
to decide is the burden
Irigaray.10
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MUHS

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

Lacanian theory promotes a return to the

It is in this sense that psychoanalysis can be described

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

But we can act in such a way that

*same as Decon. K2 Psycho.*

how can (material) content be attributed to a synchronic system of

Here it is also possible to glimpse why psychoanalysis came to play

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

the parameters of the dreamwork and the subjection of this

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

the production of theory is also a practice;

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

contention here is that the descriptive definition of

Marx is not working to create an undivided subject

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

Second, This representational politics and movement uncritically

A deconstructive approach does not seek essences behind the historical,

The very production of categories such as "woman" is a

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

the singular, as it combats the universal-particular binary

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

Instead, Spivak thinks we need to look to singularity, where

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

failure of Deleuze and Guattari to consider the relations between desire,

Western speculations on the ideological reproduction of

these philosophers seem obliged to reject all

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

arguments naming the concept of ideology as only schematic rather

In the name of desire,

This foreclosing of the

At the end or center of delirium, according to Kristeva, is that which is

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

presymbolic but the preobjective, "the ab-ject." (A deconstructive critique

shares such a hollow enter and is thus linked with

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

This is what made necessary and possible, in exchange for certain

one final deconstruction of the one

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

how can (material) content be attributed to a synchronic system of

Here it is also possible to glimpse why psychoanalysis came to play

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

the transformation and translation of unconscious to conscious

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

Western speculations on the ideological

desire is tacitly defined on

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

reintroduce the undivided subject into the discourse of power.

Foucault often seems to

This foreclosing of the

At the end or center of delirium, according to Kristeva, is that which is

shares such a hollow enter and is thus linked with

2 0 1 2 | Cook, Luckett, and Van Bibber

the analyst builds a strong

same as Decon. K2 Psycho.

same as Decon. K2 Psycho.