‫‪‬‬

‫‪‬‬
‫ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻒ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺪﷲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫‪ ‬ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻤﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ ً‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫• ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎً‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫• ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬
‫• ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﺎً‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫•‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ‪‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﻗﻞ‬

‫•‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ‪‬‬

‫•‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺬﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺎﻭﻱ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺎً‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﺎً‪ :‬ﺣﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﺎً‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺣﺒﺎً ﺑﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ‬
‫‪ ‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ‬
‫‪ ‬ﻧﺰﻫﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﺎﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺴﻄﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺗﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﺮﻓﻘﺔ‬
‫• ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺿﻮﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺨﻄﻮﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﺗﻜﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻄﻮﻁﺔ‬
‫• ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﻣﺮﺛﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫• ﻟﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪﺍً؟ ﻭﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫• ﻧﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻟﻠﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻭﺟﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬

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‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺭﺩﻭﺩﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺮﻗﺖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔً ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻭﻋﺜﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻓﺴﺪﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺴﻮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ – ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮﻳﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺠﺎء ﺭﺩﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬
‫‪Al-Naseeha Al-Thahabiyya: A Formal Investigation Using the Principles of the Laws of‬‬
‫‪Evidence‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻁﻠﻌﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻄﺮﻕ ﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺅﻧﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﻓﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺟﺪﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﺷﺒﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻁﺮﻓﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺂﺛﺮﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺩﻋﱢﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﻣﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺧﻄﺮ ﻟﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﺔ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻟﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﺎﺋﻖ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺮﺭﺓ ﻓﻘﻬﺎً ﻭﻗﻀﺎءً‪ ،‬ﻛﺂﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ )ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﺎً( ﺗﻤﺘﺪ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻭﻣﻘﺮﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺎً – ﻓﻼ ﺗﺨﻠﻮ ﺑﻠﺪﺓ ﻣﺘﺤﻀﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﺟﺮﺍءﺍﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻟﺸﻴﺨﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺣﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﷲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺴﻤﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻁﺮﺣﺖ ﻭﺑﻤﺤﺎﺫﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﺩﻭﺝ ﺃﻥ ﺧﻠﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﻟﻸﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﻟﻴﺴﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻧﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻧﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﻘﻲ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺻﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﻮﱢﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﺮ ﺑﺼﺤﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎً ﺑﺄﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻴَﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻷﻟﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻔﺒﺮﻛﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﺼﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺮﺡ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻻ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﺗﻘﻲ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺳﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻧﺎﻩ‪ " :‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ" – ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺄﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺂﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ )‪ (Laws of Evidence‬ﻋﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﺻﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻳﻌﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻨﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺻﻼﺑﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻔﺎﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺄﺳﺮﻩ ﻣﺨﻄﺊ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ – ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﺴﺎﻍ‪.‬‬

‫‪2‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ – ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ – ﻭﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺼﺤﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﻴﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻝﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﺗﻘﻲ ﻟﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﺃﺛﻨﺎء ﻗﺮﺍءﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﻄﻔﻮ ﺗﺪﺭﺟﻴﺎً ﺑﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻮﻝﻭ ﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺳﻠﺴﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻦ ﺗﺠﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺪﺋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻁﻞ ﻻ ﻳﺼﻠﺢ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺤﺘﺞ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ‪) .‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺪﺭﺟﻴﺎً ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ (‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﻻ ً‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺿﻮﺋﻴﺔ ﻝﻣﺨﻄﻮﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺢ ﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺒﻴﻦ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‪:‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫• ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻭﺗﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺎﺳﺨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ )ﺕ‪ 1371 :‬ﻫـ( ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﺗﺤﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻭﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺎﺳﺦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ )ﺕ‪851 :‬‬
‫ﻫـ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻄّﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﻴﺦ‬
‫ﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ )ﺕ‪ 790 :‬ﻫـ( ﺑﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ ) ﺕ‪ 761 :‬ﻫـ( ﺑﻨﺴﺨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ )ﺕ‪748 :‬‬
‫ﻫـ(‪.‬‬
‫• ﺛﻢ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺧﺘﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺛﻢ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ – ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ – ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺳﻬﺐ ﻭﺷﻮﻩ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺩﺋﺎً ﺫﻱ ﺑﺪﺉ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﺻﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ – ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﺒﺊ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﺻﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺗﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﻘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﺘﺞ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺎﺩ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻄﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪3‬‬

‫ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻳﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺈﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺻﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎً ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻅﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺯﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﻴّﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍِﺩﻋﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﻼ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﻋﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﻫﺸﺎﺷﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻈﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻳﺠﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﻼ ً ﻟﻠﻔﻀﻮﻝ ﻭﺟﺪﻳﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺤﺺ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺿﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﻘﺮ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺇﻓﻼﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ – ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻏﻠﻔﻮﺍ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴُﻜّﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮّﻥ ﻭﺯﻭﺭﺍ ﻭﺣﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﺤﺺ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻪ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ "ﺃﻣﺔ‪"،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﺎً ﻭﺍﻓﺮﺍً ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﺃﺑﺎﻁﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻻﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﺑﺘﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﻴﻦ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻮﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺨﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﻓﺴﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﻭﺩﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﺻﺪّﺭ‬
‫ﻧﺘﺎﺟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﺠﺐ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺎﺭﺓ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻣﻴﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻤﻂ ﺃﺳﻼﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﺋﺪ‬
‫ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻔﻘﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ – ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎً ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺒﺮﺋﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺴﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﻬﻴﻦ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺟﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺨﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ً ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ – ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻻ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ – ﻭﻗﺪ ﻟﻮﻧﺖ ﻭﺃﺑﺮﺯﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻈﻠﻼ ً‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻳﻤﻸ ﻛﻤﺎً ﻫﺎﺋﻼ ً ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺨﺺ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﺃﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻑ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻷﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺗُﺮﺟﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺮﺟﻢ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺃﺳﻤﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﺘﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺨﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺈﺩﺭﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺄﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺴﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻨﻘﺾ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻁﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺃﺧﻔﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺍﺟﻤﺔ ﻟﻨﺴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻅﻔﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺈﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺘﺬﺑﺐ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻁﺮﺣﻬﻢ ﻭﺇﺷﺎﺭﺗﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪:‬‬

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‫"ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﺣﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺛﻢ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺸﻒ ﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺬﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻣﻪ‪] ".‬ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ )؟!([‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺰﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺟﻞ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪:‬‬
‫"ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺜﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﻯء ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﻦ ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻘﺪﺣﻪ ﻭﻳﺬﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻠﻴﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻟﻤﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺻﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻳﺤﺬﺭﻭﺍ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻜﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﻕ ﺍﻻﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻔﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺃﺯﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺪ ﻟ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﺎﺫ ہﻠﻟ ﻓﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺬﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺬﺭ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻤﻦ ﻳﻜﺬﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺪ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‪".‬‬
‫]ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ )؟!([‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻄﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺫﺝ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺄﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﻨﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺃﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻼء‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼً‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺄﺗﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻴّﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻠﺘﺒﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺷﺮﻭﺭﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺣﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺒﻼء ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺧﻄﺄ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﺣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪﻫﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺧﻄﺄ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺆﺩﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺬﺓ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﻠﺘﺒﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻱ ﻟﻬﺆﻻء‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎً‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﺔ ﻝﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻣﻀﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﺗﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻣﺜﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺩﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﺗﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﺌﺘﻴﻦ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻨﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺮﺩ ﺃﺳﻤﺎءﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﻧﺠﺪ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺴﻬﺐ ﻟﻨﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ – ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ – ﻭﺳﻴﺮﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺮ ﻋﺪﻭ ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻳﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺘﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻔﺮﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺳﺎﺋﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺭﺩﺍ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺎ ﺑﺬﺍﺗﻪ ﻣﻔﻨﺪﺍ ﻟﻠﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﺴﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺆﻫﻼ ً ﻟﻴﺄﺧﺬ ﻁﺎﺑﻌﺎً ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻴﺎً ﻭﻳﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻵﻳﺔ ﻭﻳﺼﺒﺢ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﻄﻮﻝ ﺃﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺤﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭﺗﻀﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﺭﺻﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﺎﺛﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺫﻛﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﻤﺪﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫"ﻭﻓﻲ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺖ ﺗﺎﺳﻊ ﺟﻤﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺣﻀﺮ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺍء ﺍﻷﺣﻤﺪﻳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻷﺑﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻀﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﺴﺄﻟﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﺑﺤﻀﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍء‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺇﻣﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺣﺎﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻗﻮﻻ ﻭﻓﻌﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﺮﺝ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺐ ﺍﻹﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﺭﺍﺩﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻮﺍ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻁﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻁﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻬﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻠﻴﺪﺧﻞ ﺃﻭﻻ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻟﻴﻐﺴﻞ ﺟﺴﺪﻩ ﻏﺴﻼ ﺟﻴﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﻟﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻞ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻉ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻐﺘﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻼﺣﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻪ؛ ﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺟﺎﺟﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻈﻦ ﺑﺨﻼﻑ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ] ".‬ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ ‪ ،14 /‬ﺛﻢ ﺩﺧﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ[‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻛﻒ ﻋﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻚ ﻣﺤﺠﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻨﺎﻡ‪".‬‬
‫" ﻳﺎ ﺭﺟﻞ ہﻠﻟ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ‬
‫ﱠ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻮﺿﺢ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﺧﺰﺍﻫﻢ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺘﺄﻫﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺮّﺍﺝ ﻟﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻧﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﺃﺿﻮﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻮﺑﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺃﻁﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺳﺨﻴﻬﺎ – ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻟﻪ ﻁﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤُﺮﺳـِﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤُﺮﺳَﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺨﻀﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻀﻞ ﻟﺪﻱ ﻷﻧﻪ ﺳﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﻡ )ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺿﻮﻥ؛ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻋﺒﺊ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻧﻪ – ﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻠﻲ‬
‫– ﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻁﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺣﺠﺔ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺊ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﻁﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺿﺤﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﺍً ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ )ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ( ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒـِﻞ‬
‫)ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ(‪ :‬ﺃﻧﺖ ﺩﺟّﺎﻝ ﻭﺃﻓّﺎﻙ ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﻭﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻼ ً ﻟﻠﺒﺤﺚ ﻭﻻ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ!‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ّ ...‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ 10 :‬ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻌﺪﺓ‪ 1428 ،‬ﻫـ‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒـِﻞ‬
‫]ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ[‬
‫]ﺧﺘﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ )ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﺦ ([‬
‫ﺧﺘﻢ ‪ /‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ‪ /‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻤﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﻀﺢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺧﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻫﺎ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‬
‫• ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒـِﻞ‬
‫• ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺳﻤﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺘﻤﻪ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺮﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻮﺯ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ ﺃﻥﻩ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻭﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺮء‬
‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻳﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ – ﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ – ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻛﻲ ﻧﺒﻴﻦ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻁﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ‪‬‬

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‫‪:‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺬﺭ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺎﻭﻱ‬

‫ﻭﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺇﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒِﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺮﺍء‬

‫‪‬‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺮﻗﻞ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻡ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒـِﻞ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻗﺎء ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ‪‬‬

‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﺘﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻤﻦ ﻳﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﻣُﺼﺪﱢﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍ‪ ‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺃﻣﲑ ﺍﳌﺆﻣﻨﲔ‬
‫ﺍﱃ ﻋﺒﺪﺍ‪ ‬ﺑﻦ ﻗﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ :‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻓﻬﻢ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺩﻟﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﻊ ﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﺤﻖ‬
‫ﻻ ﻧﻔﺎﺫ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺁﺱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺟﻬﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺪﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻻ ﻳﻄﻤﻊ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻔﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﻴﺄﺱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻠﺢ ﺟﺎﺋﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺻﻠﺤﺎٌ ﺃﺣﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﻣﺎٌ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺣﻼﻻ ٌ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻤﻨﻌﻨﻚ ﻗﻀﺎءٌ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺪﻳﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻟﺮﺷﺪﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻗﺪﻳﻢٌ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺗﻠﺠﻠﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻻ ﺳﻨﺔٍ‪...) .‬ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪(...‬‬
‫]ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪[1/‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﺎﺑﻬﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫)ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ(‪» :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔٌ ﻛَﺘَﺐَ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺒﺘُﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪«(...) :‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ‪ " :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺗﻪ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ" ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺜﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪ " :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ "...‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﻷﻭﻝ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﱡﺴّﺎﺥ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ )ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ( ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻻ‪ ،‬ﻟﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﺎً ﻟﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻭﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ّ .‬‬
‫ﺷﻴﺨﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎً ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﻎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺭﺥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺮ ﻳﻌﻠﻢ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻬﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺤﺪﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻤﻪ )ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ(‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﺃﺑﻮ ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻷﺷﻌﺮﻱ( – ﻓﻤﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﻎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﺨﺮﺝ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﺎً‪ :‬ﺗﺄﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬

‫ﺃﻣّﺎ ﺗﺄﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺐ ﺑﺪﺃﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ‪‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺛﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‪:‬‬
‫"ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﺪﻱ‪ :‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ -‬ﺃﻋﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺳﺖ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ‪ -‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻠﺖ‪ :‬ﻗﺪ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﺳﺒﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺮﺓ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺻﻚ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺤﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﻱ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ؟ ﺃَﻣِﻦْ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ؟‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻮﻧﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺆﺭﺧﻮﺍ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺆﺭﺥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺱ ﺑﻤﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻠﻚ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺃﺭﺧﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻫﻮﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﺭﺧﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺇﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮﻫﻮﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻄﻮﻟﻪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻮﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﺭﺧﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻟﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﷲ ﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﻌﺜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺃﺑﻲ ﻁﺎﻟﺐ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺭﺥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺠﺮﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭﻩ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺃﻅﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻟﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﻌﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺤﺴﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻣﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺭﺥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﷲ ﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺭﺧﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﷲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺣﻜﺎﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻘﺪﻭﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﺃﺿﺒﻂ ﻟﺌﻼ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﻡ ﺃﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪] ".‬ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪" ،7/‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﺮﻗﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﻫﻴﺖ"[‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺭﺧﻴﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺭﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻗﻠﻮﻥ ﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺘﺄﺭﻳﺨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ‬
‫ﻣﻦﻩ ﺳﺪ ﻋﻴﺐ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺭﺧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﻴّﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺑﻲ ﺃﺑﻮ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺳﻰ ﺍﻷﺷﻌﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺭﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎء ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﺣﻮﺍ ﻳﺘﺄﻭﻟﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﻜﺸﻒ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺑﺎﻁﻴﻞ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺎﻛﺴﻬﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺤﺘﺞ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻷﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺭﺧﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺃﺳﻬﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳُﺮﺩّ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺤﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ – ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ – ﺗﻤﺸﻴﺎً ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻋﺎﺷﺮﻩ ﺛﻢ ﻣﺪﺣﻪ – ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻛﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺽ ﻓﻘﻂ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺎً‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺷﻜﺎﻻﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺭﺧﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻻﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺨﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺨﺘﻤﻪ ﻭﻻ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻻﺳﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒـِﻞ )ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ( ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﺎﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﺔً‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺤﻮﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺗﺆﻫﻞ ﻣﺆﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺤﺘﺞ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻩ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍً‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴّﻨﺔ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ – ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻗﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺳﻼﺕ – ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻯ ﺗﺮﻓﺾ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪" :‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ".‬ﺃﻭ ‪:‬‬
‫"ﻫﺬﻩ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻨﻲ‪ ".‬ﺃﻭ‪" :‬ﻟﻢ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻋﻲ‪".‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺤﺤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺩﻻﻻﺕ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻼ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﻘﻀﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻟﺰﻳﺪ ﻭﺧﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺯﻳﺪﺍً ﻛﺘﺐ ﻟﺨﺎﻟﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎً ﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅﺎً ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻻﺋﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺈﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻳﻌﺘﺬﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﺨﺎﻟﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻁﻠﺐ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﻷﺩﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻛﻼﻫﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺪﺭء ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺯﻳﺪ ﻭﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﺨﺎﻟﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻳﺒﻴﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻲ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺜﻼ ً ﺃﻥ ﻳﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺪﻗﺔ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻄﺌﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪ " :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ".‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻻ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻁﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﺗﻨﻘﻀﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﻛﺜﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻢ –‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﺔ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﺨﺘﺺ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺷﻲء ﻳﺨﺺ ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺻﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻳُﺮﺍﺩ ﺇﻳﺼﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣُﺼَﺪﱢﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻄﻪ )ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌﻪ ﻭﺃﺧﺘﺎﻣﻪ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻣﺤﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺘﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻪ – ﻭﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺤﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻔﺎﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺇﻳﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻔﺎﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫– ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ – ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﺑﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪11‬‬

‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺼﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺨﻠﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺭﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺎً ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺣﺮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﻭﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺠﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺳﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺟﻼ ً )ﺧﺎﻟﺪ( ﺗﺰﻭﺝ ﺍﻣﺮﺃﺗﻴﻦ )ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭﻋﺎﺋﺸﺔ( ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1990‬ﻭﻁﻠﻖ ﻋﺎﺋﺸﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ 3‬ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻁﻼﻕ ﻋﺎﺋﺸﺔ ﺃﻥ‪ " :‬ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﺪ‬
‫ﻁﻠﻖ ﺯﻭﺟﻨﻪ ﻁﻠﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺟﻌﻴﺔ‪ ".‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺰﻭﺝ ﺑﺂﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮ ﺳﺄﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻗﺪ‪" ،‬ﻫﻞ ﺃﻧﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﺰﻭﺟﺔ؟" ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻁﻼﻕ ﻋﺎﺋﺸﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻗﺪ‪ " :‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻁﻼﻗﻲ‪ ".‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﻠﺘﺒﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻗﺪ ﻭﻳﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺔ! ﻭﻳﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻭﻳﺘﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﻮ ﻗﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳُﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺒﺖ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺠﺮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﻨﺠﻌﻞ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ = ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ = ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ = ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻳﺪ ﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ(‪.‬‬

‫ﺛﻢ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ "ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ" ﻭﺳﺐ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺣﻘﺮﻩ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﱡﺴّﺎﺥ ﻟﻴﻨﺴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺈﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻟﻴﻨﺴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺑﺈﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻟﻴﻨﺴﺨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺛﻢ ﺃﺿﺎﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻼﻫﺎ‪ " :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ".‬ﺛﻢ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﻳﺨﺘﻔﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﱡﺴّﺎﺥ ﻭﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎً ﺑﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﻜﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺎءﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫"ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺃﻗﺼﺪﻙ‪ ".‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺠﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻟﻴُﺴﺄﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺘﺐ‪ " :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ "،‬ﻳﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻼ ً‪" :‬ﻻ ﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻭﻟﻢ ﺃﺭﻩ ﻁﻮﺍﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ )ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻭﻟﺪ ﻓﻲ ‪ 779‬ﻫـ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ‪ 851‬ﻫـ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 748‬ﻫـ(‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺨﻂ ﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻜﻲ ﻳُﻨﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻂ ﻳﺪﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺨﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻯ ﺑُﺪﺍً ﺳﻮﻯ ﺇﺳﻘﺎﻁﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺩﺳﺎً‪ :‬ﺣﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺃﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﻓﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻻ ﺗﻜﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻻ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪﻫﺎ‪ّ ،‬‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻳﻮﻣﻴﺎً ﺑﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ّ ،‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻷﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻲ ﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻧﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻟﻠﺨﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺳﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺒﻴﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺼﺮﺍً ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺳﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻂ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺳﺲ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻋﺒﺊ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻴﺮﺓ‪" :‬ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻜﺮ‪".‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻳﺴﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﺒﺴﻄﺔ ﻭﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻘﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻖ؛ ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺲ ﻭﺿﻮﺍﺑﻂ ﻻ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ﺫﻛﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻼ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻟﺦ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎء ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻗﺴﻢ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻮﻁ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻤﺘﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫– ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻭﻻ ﺩﺍﻋﻲ ﻟﻺﻁﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﻤﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﺔً‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﺮﺍءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﻨﺘﺪﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻳﻮﺩﻉ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺎﺫ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺨﺒﺮﺍء‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺪﻻ ً ﻣﻦ ﺇﻳﻀﺎﺡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻮﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﺪﺃ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻧﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺄﻟﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻲ )ﻕ‪ .‬ﺇ‪ .‬ﻙ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮء ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ ﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﻣﻤﺎﺛﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺟﻮﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻧﻮﻋﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺳﻤﺔ ﻛﻼ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺗﻢ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻭﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻳﻘﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ )ﻭﻫﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺮﺗﻘﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﻴّﻨّﺎ( ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ( ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ )ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻋﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ . 1‬ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻅﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻳﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻁﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻸﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻭﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﺴﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻭﻗﻌﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺈﻣﻀﺎءﺍﺗﻬﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺄﺧﺘﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺒﺼﻤﺎﺕ ﺃﺻﺎﺑﻌﻬﻢ‪] .‬ﻕ‪.‬ﺇ‪.‬ﻙ‪[8/‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ :‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ "ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ".‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺴﺦ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻢ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺅﻳﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺇﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻼ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﻳﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﺃﻡ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻪ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺮﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﺎ ‪] .‬ﻕ‪.‬ﺇ‪.‬ﻙ‪[9/.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ :‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻝﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ – ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻱ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺤﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﻄﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻸﺻﻞ ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻸﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻧﺎﺯﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺣﺪ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﻭﺟﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ‪] .‬ﻕ‪.‬ﺇ‪.‬ﻙ‪[10 /.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ :‬ﻟﻸﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻄﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻭﺃﻭﺩﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺗﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻋﻮﻣﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺓ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫• ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺣﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻈﻬﺮﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻸﺻﻞ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺧﻮﺫﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺗﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻥ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺧﻮﺫﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻌﺘﺪ ﺑﻬﺎ ّ‬
‫•ﺃ ّ‬
‫ﻟﻤﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﺱ‪] .‬ﻕ‪.‬ﺇ‪.‬ﻙ‪[11 /.‬‬
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‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ :‬ﺃﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺧﻮﺫﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺎءﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ( ﻓﻼ ﻳﻌﺘﺪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻄﺮﺡ ﻟﻤﺠﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ . 2‬ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻭﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﻜﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺼﻤﺔ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺙ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻒ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻹﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺤﻠﻒ ﻳﻤﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻠﻢ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻣﻀﺎء ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻟﻤﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻤﻦ ﻧﺎﻗﺶ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﻜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻣﻀﺎء ﺃﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺼﻤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﺑﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪] .‬ﻕ‪.‬ﺇ‪.‬ﻙ‪[13 /.‬‬
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‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﻣﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻟﺘﻨﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﻣﺤﺮﺭﻫﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻸﺳﻒ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﺳﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪" :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ "،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺟﺎء ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻠﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺳﻮﺍء‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻬﺎ ّ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺎ ‪ :‬ﺃﻭﻻ ً‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺷﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﻅﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎً‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻣﻀﺎء ﺃﻭ ﺑﺼﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺒﺼﻢ ﻟﻌﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺟﺴﻤﻪ ﻭﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻭﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﻟﻤﻘﺘﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺑﺨﺘﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻌﺎً‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﻁﻌﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻋﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺎً‪ :‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﻟﻠﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺃﻻ ﻳﻄﺒﻖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﺼﺎﺕ‪] .‬ﻕ‪.‬ﺇ‪.‬ﻙ‪[14 /.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻛﻲ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺑﺎﻁﻠﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻧﺴّﺎﺥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻜﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﻫﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺧﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﺳﻤﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺘﻤﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﺮﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻣﺴﺔ ﺗﺒﻴﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﻘﺮﺕ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺨﻴﻦ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬

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‫ﻭﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺇﻳﺪﺍﻉ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺑﺈﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺗﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺦ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً‪ :‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺭﺧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺣﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﺒﺮﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺻﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺩﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻷﺻﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻟﻠﺒﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻌﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻻ ﻟﻤﺠﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﺱ‪] .‬ﻕ‪.‬ﺇ‪.‬ﻙ‪[16 /.‬‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍً‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻁ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺪﻝ ﻋﻞ ﻣُﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﻮﺍء ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺛﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻛﺎﺗﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺨﻂ ﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻔﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺃﺻﻞ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺪ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻫﻴﻚ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﺃﺻﻞ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻅﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻠﻴﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﻭﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺛﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻼ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺑﻌﺎً‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺣﺒﺎً ﺑﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻮﺍﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﻠﺔ ﺃﻋﺪﺍء ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺣﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻼً‪ ،‬ﻅﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﻀﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺮﻭﻋﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﺑﻘﺎءﻫﻢ‪ّ ،‬‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺭﺣﻞ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺋﻪ ﻣﺨﻠﻔﺎً ﻭﺭﺍءﻩ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﺎً ﻫﺎﺋﻼ ً ﻣﻠﻴﺌﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺒﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺄ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻋﻞ ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻮﺭ ﻳﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺃﻫﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻳﺤﻘﻘﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﺎﺯ ﺗﻠﻮ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﺎﺯ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﺑﺘُﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﺮﺧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ – ﻭﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻔﺮﺥ – ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺴﺨﺎﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻜﺮﻩ ﻭﺫﻛﺎﺋﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻬﺪﺃ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻭﺃﺓ ﻻﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﺎﻋﺮﺓ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﻮﺍ ﺩﺭﺳﺎً ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺍً ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺛﺒﺖ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻀﻰ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻣﺜﻼ ً ﺃﺑﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﺗﺨﻠﻰ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺨﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺷﺎﻋﺮﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﻷﺷﻌﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻔﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻲء ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻂ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺳﺒﺒﺎً ﻓﻲ ﺇﺧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﻟﺪﺗﻬﻢ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻟﻮﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺷﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻀﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻜﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺍءﻩ ﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﻭﺃﻅﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﺜﻼً‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺼﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺸﻜﻮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ؟ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻜﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺔ ﺣﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺑﺎﻁﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻀﺤﻚ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺬﻭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻧﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺠﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺒﺲ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﺃﺗﺮﻓﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻛﺘﻔﻲ ﺑﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺘﺠﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ‬
‫‪28. Bayan Zaghl al-`Ilm wa al-Talab in which al-Dhahabi states: "Ibn Taymiyya was considered‬‬
‫‪by his enemies to be a wicked Anti-Christ and disbeliever, while great numbers of the wise and the‬‬
‫‪elite considered him an eminent, brilliant, and scholarly innovator (mubtadi` fadil muhaqqiq bari`)."33‬‬
‫‪29. An epistle entitled al-Nasiha al-Dhahabiyya written when al-Dhahabi was around fifty-five‬‬
‫‪years of age and addressed to Ibn Taymiyya towards the end of his life. In this brief but‬‬
‫‪scathing epistle the author distances himself from his contemporary and admonishes him without‬‬
‫‪naming him, calling him "an eloquent polemicist who neither rests nor sleeps."34 A "Salafi" apologist‬‬
‫‪recently cast doubt on the authenticity of al-Dhahabi's authorship of this epistle, also claiming that,‬‬
‫‪even if al-Dhahabi wrote it, then it is directed to someone other than Ibn Taymiyya.35 However,‬‬
‫‪both Salah al-Din al-Munajjid and Dr. Bashshar `Awwad Ma`ruf declared that there was no‬‬
‫‪doubt al-Dhahabi wrote it towards the end of his life and addressed Ibn Taymiyya.36 Ibn‬‬
‫‪Hajar voiced no doubt as to the authenticity of this epistle as attributed to al-Dhahabi,37 nor al‬‬‫]ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭ[ ‪Sakhawi who calls it "a glorious statement of doctrine."38‬‬
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‫‪ .1‬ﻳﺸﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻭﻻ ً ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻳﻤﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻤﺘﻄﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﻥ‬
‫"ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻓّﺎﻛّﺎً ﺩﺟّﺎﻻ ً ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍً ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺒﺘﺪﻋﺎً ﻓﺎﺿﻼ ً ﻭﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎً ﺑﺎﺭﻋﺎً ﻋﻨﺪ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺃﺩﺭﻱ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ ﻋﺪﻭﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻮﻻ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺮﻭﻩ ﻋﺪﻭﺍً‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺟﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻔﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺛﻢ ﺇﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﺒﺪءﻭﻥ ﺑﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﻋﻤﺮﻩ‬
‫‪ 55‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﻭﻭﺟﻬﺎ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﻤﻪ!( ﻭﻫﻮ )ﺃﻱ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ( ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ‪ 55‬ﺳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻋﺒﺜﺎً‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻁﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ) ‪ 728‬ﻫـ( ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻟﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ) ‪ 673‬ﻫـ(‪.55 = 728 – 673 :‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﻫﻤﻮﺍ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﺒﻞ ﻣﻮﺕ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻳﻔﻨﺪﻩ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻟﻮ ﻭﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﺭﺟﻼ ً ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺭﺟﻼ ً ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎء‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﻮﺍ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﻟﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻋﺎﺷﺮﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻅﻨﻬﻢ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺳﻖ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻠّﻔﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﺮﺍﺟﻢ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻁﺮﺣﻨﺎ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ "ﻣﻮﺑّﺨﺎً ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻳﻨﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻪ )ﺃﻱ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ(‪ ".‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺒﻂ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺻﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻮ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺿﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﻳُﻌﺮﻑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﻓﻼ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺴﻤﻦ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻐﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﺳﻠﺴﺔ ﻭﻓﻌّﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ – ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺨﻠﺺ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺛﻢ ﺇﻧﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻴﻦ‪ " :‬ﺃﻥ ﻛﻼ ً ﻣﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺻﺮﺣﻮﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺛﻤﺔ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻭﻋﻨﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪".‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﺠﻮﺋﻬﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺲ ﻫﻮ ﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺮﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﺎﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺪﻭﺍ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ )ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻻﺫﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺃﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﻠﻠﻮﺍ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎً‪" :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﻮ ﻭﻋﻨﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪".‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺒﻂ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺗﻀﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻗﺎﻟﻮ‪ :‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻀﻴﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﻬﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺄﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺘﺨﺒﻄﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺭﺩﺍً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﻠﻘﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻤﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺴﺘﺘﺐ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﺮﺻﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳُﺴﻮّﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺳﻢ "ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ " ﺣﻮﻝ " ‪towards the‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻲ‬
‫‪ ".end of his life‬ﻓﺄﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ "ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ" ﻗﺐ‬
‫ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﺗﺨﻠﻮ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﺎﻋﺮﺓ ﺗﺨﻠﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺢ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺘﻌﺪ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻭﺟﻪ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺴﺒﺐ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ‪ 748‬ﻫـ ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ‪ 728‬ﻫـ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻼ ﻳﺼﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻳﻮﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻟﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻓﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺭﺧﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺎﺷﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺴﺨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﱡﺴّﺎﺥ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺣﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻮﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﻤﻪ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺨﺘﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﺨﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻻﺳﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻞ ﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻷﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺳﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺧﻠﺺ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻟﻮ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺆﻻء ﺻﺮﺣﻮﺍ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺷﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻧﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﺿﻮﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻮﺑﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴّﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﺺ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﺆﻻء ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺷﻜﻮﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲء‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻈﻞ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺤﺺ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻋﺒﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺍﻵﺭﺍء ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻧﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﺩ‪:‬‬

‫‪18‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫»‪ ...‬ﻭﻫﻮ )ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ( ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻭﺛﻖ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷﻚ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ‪«...‬‬
‫»ﻭﺫﻫﺐ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻋﺒﺮﺓ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ « ]ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣـ ﻟﻠﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪[146 ،102 ،61 .‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺸّﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺩُﻟـِﺲّ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻳﺸﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻮّﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﺃﻗﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺄﺗﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻧﻮﻱ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺷﻚ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻧﻘﻠﺖ ﻣﺨﻄﻮﻁﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﻛﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳُﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺜﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻛﺜﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﺒﺎً ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺷﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﻋﻠﻴﻪ «‬
‫]ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺮﺗﻪ ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺭﺧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻘﻖ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪[14 .‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺒﻴﻦ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻚ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺸﻚ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺒﺮﺭ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺒﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﺺ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺟﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺃﺧﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ "ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ‪ "...‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺬﻭﺍ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺳﻠﻔﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺧﻄﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻌﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﻌﻠﻮﻩ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺩﺩﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ؟ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺭﺧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺼﺢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻅﻞ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﺯﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﻛﺮ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼً‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﺅﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺒﻴﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻓﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ )ﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻳﺤﺪﺩ ﻧﻄﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﻦ( ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻁﺮﺡ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺸّﺎﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺿﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎ "ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻴﺪﺓ‪".‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ‪:‬‬
‫"ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻟﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺣﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ 'ﻣﺎ ﺭﻣﻘﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﺫﻛﺎءً‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﺒﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﻭﺗﻔﺘﻴﺸﻪ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻄﺎﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺁﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻘﺘﺘﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﺒﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﺑﻮﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺠﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺮﻁ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﺨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺯﺩﺭﺍء ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻞ ﻛﻔﺮﻭﻩ ‪ّ ،‬‬

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‫ﻭﻣﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺎﺱ ﻟﻴﺴﻮ ﺑﺄﻭﺭﻉ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻋﻠﻢ ﻭﻻ ﺃﺯﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻧﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻬﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﻡ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻬﻢ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻼﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻞ ﺑﺬﻧﻮﺑﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ ﷲ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻘﻮﻥ‪ ] " '.‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺑﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻋﻦ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻋﻪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺟﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ّ‬
‫ﺹ‪[143 .‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ ً‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻠﺼﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻧﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﺎً – ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻠﺼﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻧﻮﻱ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺍﺏ ‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻣﻀﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪700‬‬
‫ﻫـ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺟﻮﻻﺗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﻭﺃﻫﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻋﺪﺍءﻩ ﻣﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 705‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻭﻁﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﺎً‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴّﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻼ ً‪" :‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﺒﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء"‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻳﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻻ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻘﺔ – ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮّﻡ ﷲ ﻭﺟﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍً ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺗﺰﻭﺝ‪ .‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ –‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ‪" :‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰﻭّﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗَﺴَﺮّﻯ" ]ﺫﻳﻞ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺑﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،2/‬ﻻﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ[‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍً ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻝ‪ " :‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰﻭﺝ" – ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺮﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪" ،‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ " ﻓﻴﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﺎً‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻋﺪﺍء‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻁﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻀﻔﻲ ﺷﻲء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺼﻠﺢ ﻷﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً ﺳﻨﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻠﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﻈﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺻﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺘﻮﺍ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻈﻠﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻔﺴﺠﻲ‪:‬‬

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‫"ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺨﺼﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺐ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺭﺟﻊ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺤﻖ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺷﺮﻭﻁﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﺃﺳﺮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﺎ ﻟﻶﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺃﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻮﻥ ﻭﻋﺰﻭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺮﻑ ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺷﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﷲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺸﻖ ﻏﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺠﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻼﺫ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺲ ﻭﻟﻌﻞ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﻳﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺛﻼﺛﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﺑﻞ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻖ ﻻ ﻳﺄﺧﺬﻩ ﻓﻲ ﷲ ﻟﻮﻣﺔ ﻻﺋﻢ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﻟﻄﻪ ﻭﻋﺮﻓﻪ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﻨﺴﺒﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺬﻩ ﻭﺧﺎﻟﻔﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﺴﺒﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺫﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻭﺃﺿﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺑﻴﺾ ﺃﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺮﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﺤﻤﺔ ﺃﺫﻧﻴﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻟﺴﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻁﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻴﺤﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﺪﺓ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﻘﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻠﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺃﺭ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﺘﻪ ﻭﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﻻ ﺃﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﺼﻤﺔ ﺑﻞ ﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ ﻭﻓﺮﻁ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻼﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻪ ﻭﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻟﺤﺮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺸﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﺗﻌﺘﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻀﺐ ﻭﺷﻈﻒ ﻟﻠﺨﺼﻢ ﺗﺰﺭﻉ ﻟﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻭﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺱ ﻭﺇﻻ ﻟﻮ ﻻﻁﻒ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻛﺒﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻌﻠﻮﻣﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻓﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻓﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻨﺪﻭﺭ ﺃﺧﻄﺎﺋﻪ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮ ﻻ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻛﻨﺰ ﻻ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﻨﻘﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺧﻼﻓﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻓﻌﺎﻻ ﻭﻛﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻳﺆﺧﺬ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻈﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﺍﺋﻊ ﻅﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﻭﺑﺎﻁﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺆﺗﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮء ﻓﻬﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺮﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺑﺤﺮ ﺯﺧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻼﻋﺒﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﻤﺴﺎﺋﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﻬﻲ ﻭﻻ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﻖ ﺑﻞ ﻳﺤﺘﺞ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﻭﻳﻨﺎﻅﺮ ﺃﺳﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﻓﻠﻪ ﺃﺟﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺋﻪ ﻭﺃﺟﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺻﺎﺑﺘﻪ" ] ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺝ‪ ،1/‬ﺹ‪[177 -174 .‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺃﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻼﻋﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻄﻤﻌﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍء ﺃﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺤﻠﻪﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﻴﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻵﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﻬﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳُﻨﺴﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻨﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺴﻄﺎﺋﻴﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺰﻫﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﺎﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺴﻄﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺁﺭﺍءﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﺨﺺ ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﻏﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻳﺴﻤﻴﻬﺎ‪ " :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ!" ﻳﻌﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻁﺎﺏ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻨﺴﻠﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫"ﻓﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻨﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻭﷲ ﺗﻘﺮﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻝ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻂ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺠﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺤﻖ ﻭﺑﺒﺎﻁﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﻴﺌﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ؛ ﺛﻢ ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣﻈﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻜﺴﻮﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺘﻤﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺧﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺟﺎﻻ ﺃﻓﺎﻛﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺋﻪ؛ ﻭﻣﺒﺘﺪﻋﺎ ﻓﺎﺿﻼ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻋﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻣﻦ‬

‫‪21‬‬

‫ﻋﻘﻼء ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء؛ ﻭﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺃﻗﻮﻝ ﻟﻚ‪] ".‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ[‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺻﻨّﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﺻﻨﺎﻑ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺧﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍً ﻣﻀﻴﺌﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺭﺃﻭﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻈﻠﻤﺎً ﻣﻜﺴﻮﻓﺎً ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺘﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺃﻋﺪﺍءﻩ‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺟّﺎﻻ ً ﺃﻓّﺎﻛﺎً ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ )ﻟﻴﺲ ﻁﺎﺋﻔﺔ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﺪﻋﺎً ﻓﺎﺿﻼ ً ﻭﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎً ﺑﺎﺭﻋﺎً‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺠﺎء ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫"ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﷲ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺃﻏﻼﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﺭﺣﻤﻬﻢ‬
‫ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ‪ :‬ﺻﻨﻒ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻼﻣﻪ ﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﺭﺟﻞ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﻓﻼ‬
‫ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻳﺨﻄﻰء ‪،‬ﻓﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﺼﻴﻤﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻄﺄ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻼ ﺭﻳﺐ ‪ .‬ﻭﺻﻨﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﺤﺎﻣﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﻌﺼﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻘﺒﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻭﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺟﻔﺎء ‪ .‬ﻭﺻﻨﻒ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻧﺒﺬﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺩﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻝ ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﺳﻄﺎً‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻁﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﻮ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﻔﺎء ‪] " .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ – ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ[‬
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‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺺ ﺍﻷﺻﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻬﻤﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻬﻤﻨﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻒ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺮﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﻴﻠﺘﻪ‪:‬‬
‫"ﻭﺻﻨﻒ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺍﻷﻣﺔ ﻭﻧﺒﺬﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ‪،‬ﻭﺭﺩﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻝ ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ‪،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﺳﻄﺎً ﺑﻴﻦ ﻁﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﻠﻮ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﻔﺎء"‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺥ ﺣﻤّﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻄﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻢ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء ﻭﻭﺟﺪﻭﺍ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﺘﺪﻋﺎً ﻓﺎﺿﻼ ً ﻭﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻋﺎً‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲء ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﺗﺮﻛﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻁﺮﺣﻪ ﻏﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ "ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ]ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ[" ﺃﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻻ ﺃﺻﻞ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺟّﺎﻻ ً ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍً ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺃﻓّﺎﻛﺎً ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻈﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻜﺴﻮﻓﺎً ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺘﻤﺔ – ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺒﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻮ ﻏﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻤﻴﺎً ﺇﻟﻰ ﻁﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺫﻛﺮﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻘﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﻀﺤﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺴﻄﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺨـﺎﺗﻤـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻑ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺘﺘﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺏ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻏﺮﻳﺰﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻳﻀﻌﻒ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺗﻬﻢ ﻭﻁﻘﻮﺳﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻗﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻋﻲ ﺗﻠﺼﻖ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻱ ﻓﺮﻗﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻱ – ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎﻟﻔﺔ –‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮﺓ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﻭﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻠﺼﻮﻑﺓ‬
‫ﻁﻘﻮﺱ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺫﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﻭﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﺜﻼ ً‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻁﻘﻮﺱ ﻳﻐﺮﺯﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺝ ﻭﻫﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺃﺟﺴﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻵﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪:‬‬
‫‪http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x95DXTE-pPE‬‬
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‫ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﻮﺱ ﺃﺻﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺮﺍ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺫﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻳﻠﻨﺪﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺑﻮﻛﻴﺖ‪:‬‬
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‫‪http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yPyR8ARizso‬‬

‫ﻓﺒﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻮﻓﺔ ﻳﻐﺘﺎﻅﻮﻥ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﻳﺤﺪﺙ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﺋﻬﺎ )ﻭﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻧﺘﻄﺮﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﺩﻣﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻢ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻵﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺓ(‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺒﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺩ ﻭﺗﻠﺼﻘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻼﻁﻴﻦ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺗﻬﻢ ﻭﻗﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﻋﻬﻢ ﻭﻳﺒﻄﻞ ﻁﻘﻮﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻳﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺭﻳﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﺪﻯ ﻟﻬﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﻤﻀﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻴّﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻠﺤﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺗﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﻓﻀﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺍﳊﻤﺪ ﷲ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﲔ‬
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‫ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ‪2010 /5/19‬‬

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‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﻄﻮﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻭﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻅﻬﺮﺕ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺩﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1347‬ﻫـ ) ‪1928‬ﻡ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺣﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺗﻪ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﻜﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺨﻄﻪ ﻫﻮ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻖﺍﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻁﻠﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﺃﻡ ﻧﺴﺨﺖ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ...‬ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﱡﺴّﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻂ ﺍﻷﺧﻀﺮ ﻳﺤﺪﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎء ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻳﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧَﺺﱡ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫)ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ(‪» :‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔٌ ﻛَﺘَﺐَ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺒﺘُﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻂ ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪ ﻟ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺏ ﺍﺭﺣﻤﻨﻲ ﻭﺃﻗﻠﻨﻲ ﻋﺜﺮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﻔﻆ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺰﻧﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺣﺰﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺃﺳﻔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺫﻫﺎﺏ ﺃﻫﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﻮﻗﺎﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﻴﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﻭﻧﻮﻧﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺰﻧﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻧﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﺼﺎﺑﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺣﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺥ ﻣﺆﻧﺲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻁﻮﺑﻰ ﻟﻤﻦ ﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻋﻴﺒﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﺎً ﻟﻤﻦ ﺷﻐﻠﺘﻪ ﻋﻴﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺪﺡ ﻧﻔﺴﻚ ﻭﺷﻘﺎﺷﻘﻚ ﻭﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺗﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺬﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻋﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ؟ ﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻚ ﺑﻨﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪» :‬ﻻ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻭﺍ ﻣﻮﺗﺎﻛﻢ ﺇﻻ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ ﻓﺈﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻓﻀﻮﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﻮﺍ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﺃﻧﻚ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻟﻲ ﻟﺘﻨﺼﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻚ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﻴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﻮﺍ ﺭﺍﺋﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻋﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎء ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻰ ﻭﷲ ﻋﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﺧﻴﺮﺍً ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً ﻣﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬﻠﻮﺍ ﺷﻴﺌ ًﺎ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ًﺍ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻴﻬﻢ ﻭ»ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻒ ﻋﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻚ ﻣﺤﺠﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺇﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺮء ﺗﺮﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻴﻪ«‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﺟﻞ ہﻠﻟ ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻛ ﱠ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺮ ﻭﻻ ﺗﻨﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻳﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺍﻷﻏﻠﻮﻁﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﺒﻴﻚ ﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﻋﺎﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻬﻰ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪»:‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﺧﻮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺧﺎﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺑﻐﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻘﺴّﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺐ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻮﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﷲ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺮﻧﺎ ﺿﺤﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻟﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﻗﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻘﻮﻟﻨﺎ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺟﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻠﻌﺖ )ﺳﻤﻮﻡ( ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﺔ ﻭﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻔﺎﺗﻬﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻜﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻮﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳُﺪﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻤﻦ ﻭﷲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺷﻮﻗﺎﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻼﻭﺓ ﺑﺘﺪﺑّﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺸﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﺬﻛّﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻤﺖ ﺑﺘﻔﻜّﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻫﺎً ﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺑﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻦ ﺗﺘﻨﺰﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻦ ﻳﺬﻛﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺯﺩﺭﺍء ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻌﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎﺝ ﻭﻟﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺰﻡ ﺷﻘﻴﻘﻴﻦ ﻓﻮﺍﺧﻴﺘﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ہﻠﻟ ﺧﻠﻮﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺑﺪﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﻴﺲ ﻭﺃﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺑﺪﻉ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻼﻝ ﻗﺪ ﺻﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻔﺮﻩ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﻛﻔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻋﻮﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪﱡ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﺜﻠﻨﺎ؟ ﻭﷲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻮﺏ ﺷﻜﻮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺳﻠﻢ ﻟﻚ ﺇﻳﻤﺎﻧﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺗﻴﻦ ﻓﺄﻧﺖ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﺒﻌﻚ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺰﻧﺪﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺤﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻁﻮﻟﻴﺎً‬
‫ﺷﻬﻮﺍﻧﻴﺎً‪،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻳﻨﻔﻌﻚ ﻭﻳﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻋﻨﻚ ﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﺴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻁﻦ ﻋﺪﻭ ﻟﻚ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﻗﻠﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻋﻚ ﺇﻻ ﻗﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‪،‬ﺧﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺬﺍﺏ‪،‬ﺑﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ ﺃﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﺟﻢ ﻗﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻧﺎﺷﻒ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﺪﻗﻨﻲ ﻓﻔﺘﺸﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺃﻗﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﻮﺗﻚ ﻟﻤﺪﺡ ﻧﻔﺴﻚ‪ .‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻗﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺎﺭ؟ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻗﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺰﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻷﺑﺮﺍﺭ؟ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻢ ﺗﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺼﻐﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩ ؟ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻰ ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻤﻘﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺎﺩ؟‬

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‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻰ ﺗﻤﺪﺡ ﻛﻼﻣﻚ ﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻤﺪﺡ ﺑﻬﺎ ـ ﻭﷲ ـ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﻴﻦ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺖ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗُﻐﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻹﻫﺪﺍﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻭﻳﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﻜﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﻋﻮﻱ؟ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻥ ﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻮﺏ ﻭﺗﻨﻴﺐ؟ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺃﻧﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻞ؟ ﺑﻠﻰ ﻭﷲ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺫﻛﺮ ﺃﻧﻚ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ ﺑﻞ ﺗﺰﺩﺭﻱ ﺑﻤﻦ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻨﻚ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺼﻐﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﻋﻈﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻟﻚ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﻄﻊ ﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺫﻧﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺗﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻗﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ ﺳﻜﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺩﱢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﻚ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺋﻚ؟‬
‫ﻭﺃﻋﺪﺍﺅﻙ ـ ﻭﷲ ـ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﺻﻠﺤﺎء ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘﻼء ﻭﻓﻀﻼء‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﺎءﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﻓﺠﺮﺓ ﻭﻛﺬﺑﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﻬﻠﺔ ﻭﺑﻄﻠﺔ ﻭﻋﻮﺭ ﻭﺑﻘﺮ!‬
‫ﻗﺪ ﺭﺿﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻚ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﺴﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻼﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﺑﻤﻘﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺮﺍً )ﺭﺣﻢ ﷲ ﺍﻣﺮﺃً ﺃﻫﺪﻯ ﺇﻟﻲّ ﻋﻴﻮﺑﻲ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻧﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻏﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻳﻞ ﻟﻲ ﺇﻥ ﺃﻧﺎ ﻻ ﺃﺗﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺍﻓﻀﻴﺤﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﻮﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺩﻭﺍﺋﻲ ﻋﻔﻮ ﷲ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻣﺤﺘﻪ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﻴﻘﻪ ﻭﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪ ﻟ ﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻟﺔ ﻭﺻﺤﺒﻪ ﺃﺟﻤﻌﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻻﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ«‬

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‫‪‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺭﺥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺃﺑﻲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻣﺎﻡ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺷﻴﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺸﻘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ "ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﺮ " ﻓﺄﺣﺒﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻟﺠﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﺑﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﺰﺍﻟﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﺒﺄﻧﺎ ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺃﺑﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﻧﺸﺪﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻳﺮﺛﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺃﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺣﻤﺔ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺕ ﺧـــﺬ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺩﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻓـــﺪﻉ‪‬‬

‫ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺼــﻤﺖ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺒـــﺖ ﲝـــــﺮﺍً ﻣﻔﺴـــﺮﺍً ﺟﺒــــــﻼ‪‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﳛــــﺪﺙ ﻓﻤﺴــــــﻠﻢ ﺛﻘــــــﺔ‬

‫) ‪(2‬‬

‫ﳏــــﻮﺕ ﺭﺳــــﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠــــﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟـــــﻮﺭﻉِ‬

‫ﻋﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﺘﻔﻰ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺃﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻉِ‬

‫ﺣـــﱪﺍً ﺗﻘﻴــــﺎً ﳎـــﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﻴــــــﻊِ‬

‫) ‪(1‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﻳﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﻓﺼــــﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻠﻤــــﻊِ‬

‫) ‪(3‬‬

‫ﻭﺇﻥ ﳜـــﺾ ﳓـــــﻮ ﺳﻴﺒــــﻮﻳﻪ ﻳﻔــــﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻜــــﻞ ﻣﻌﻨــــﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻦ ﳐـــــﱰﻉِ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘـــﻪ ﻓﻴــــﻪ ﻓﻜــــﺎﻥ ﳎﺘﻬـــﺪﺍً‬

‫ﻭﺫﺍ ﺟﻬــــﺎﺩ ﻋـــﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉــــﺰﻉِ‬

‫ﻭﺻــﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﱄ ﺍﻹﺳﻨـــﺎﺩ ﺣﺎﻓﻈــﻪ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻌﺒـــﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻌﻴــﺪ ﺍﻟﻀﺒﻌــــﻲ‬

‫)‪(4‬‬

‫ﻭﺟـــــــﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﺗــــﻤـﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﻬـــــﺮ‬

‫ﻭﺯﻫـــﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻘــــﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻄـــﻤﻊِ‬

‫ﻣــــﻊ ﻣـــﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻹﻣــــﺎﻡ ﻭﺃﲪـــــﺪ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺨﻌــﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻀـﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴـــﺔ ﻭﻣﻮﻋـــــﺪﻩ‬

‫ﻣﻊ ﺧﺼﻤــــﻪ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻧﻔﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﻔــــﺰﻉِ‬

‫ﺃﺳﻜﻨـــــﻩ ﺍ‪ ‬ﰲ ﺍﳉﻨـــــﺎﻥ ﻭﻻ‬

‫ﺯﺍﻝ ﻋﻠﻴـــﺎً ﰲ ﺃﲨـــﻞ ﺍﳋــــﻠﻊِ‬

‫) ‪(5‬‬

‫ــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ‬
‫)‪ (1‬ﺃﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻓﻀﺔ ﻓﻠﻪ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻉ ﻓﻲ ‪ 9‬ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ ﺃﺳﻤﻪ "‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ " ﻗﺪ ﺃﻓﺤﻤﻬﻢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﻋﻬﻢ ﻭﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻫﻢ ‪.‬‬
‫)‪ (2‬ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺴﺎﺑﻮﺭﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻱ ‪.‬‬
‫)‪ (3‬ﺃﻱ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫)‪ (4‬ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺎﺿﻬﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻋﺪﺍء ﺍﻟﺘﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺮﻋﺒﻪ ﻗﻮﺗﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺘﺎﺩﻫﻢ ‪.‬‬
‫)‪ (5‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﻌﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺣﻨﻴﻔﺔ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻘﻪ ‪.‬‬

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‫‪‬؟‪‬‬
‫ﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺰء ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻳﻞ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺑﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﻛﻢ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺒﺲ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﻮﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﻠﻠﻮﺍ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﺉ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺳﻴﻐﺘﺮ ﺑﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﺑﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻳﺼﺪﻗﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻳﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎً ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺩﻑ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ – ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻈﻬﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ – ﻓﻲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺍً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻪ‪.‬‬

‫‪‬‬
‫‪‬‬
‫ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻀﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺸﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻬﺮﺗﻪ ﺗﻐﻨﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﻁﻨﺎﺏ ﻓﻌﺐ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻬﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﺪ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﺛﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺷﺮ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻭﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﺘﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩ ﻭﺑﺈﺧﻮﺗﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼء ﺍﻟﺘﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺳﺒﻊ ﻭﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﺘﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺴﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺤﻴﻰ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺃﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻤﻊ "ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺪ" ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣُﻌﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺤﺼﻰ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﺰﺍء‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺮﺃ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﺨﻄﻪ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺰﺍء‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻐﺮﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻭﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺃﺑﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺮﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺎﻅﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺮﺃ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻣﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺒﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺄﻣﻠﻪ ﻓﻔﻬﻤﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺮﺯ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﻜﻢ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﺋﺾ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﻛﺎﺑﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﻫﻞ ﻟﻠﻔﺘﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻪ‬

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‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﺪﻩ ﷲ ﺑﻜﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻜَﺘْﺐ ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﻆ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑُﻂء ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺤﻔﻆ ﺷﻴﺌﺎً ﻓﻴﻨﺴﺎﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺗﻮﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻮﻅﺎﺋﻔﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻭﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﺳﺘﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﻀﺮ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺑﻬﺎء ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻛﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻛﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺎً ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺎً ﻓﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻤﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻈﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺛﻨﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺛﻨﺎءً ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻖ ﺑﺨﻄﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﺟﻠﺲ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻔﻈﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﺳﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﻧﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺓ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺗﺴﻌﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺳﻲ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﺷﻴﺌﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺷﻬﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻮﻱ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻮﺗﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪:‬‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻪ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﺭﺟﻮ ﺑﺮﻛﺘﻪ ﻭﺩﻋﺎءﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﻲ‪ .‬ﺫﻛﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯﺍﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺷﺮﻉ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺇﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺰﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻮ ﻭﺍﺯﺩﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺷﻴﻮﺧﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻴﻢ‪ -‬ﻭﺳﺎﻕ ﻧﺴﺒﻪ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺸﻘﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎً ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﺠﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺫﻛﺎء‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺎ ﻭﺷﻴﺦ ِ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮﺍً ﺇﻟﻬﻴﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺮﻣﺎً ﻭﻧﺼﺤﺎً ﻟﻸﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﺮﺍً ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻭﻧﻬﻴﺎً ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﺳﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻁﻠﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﻭﺧﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺼﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺼﻠﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﻂ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺃﺷﻴﺎء ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻏﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻄﺒﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﻁﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ِ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺒﻖ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺮﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﺣﻔﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻞﱠ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﻔﻆ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﻔﻈﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺰﻭﺍً ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺻﻮﻟﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺻﺤﺎﺑﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺬﺍﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﻓﺘﻰ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺑﻤﺬﻫﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺗﻘﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﺻﻮﻻ ً ﻭﻓﺮﻭﻋﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻠﻴﻼ ً ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎً‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺮﻑ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭَﺭَﺩﱠ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭَﻧﺒﱠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺌﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺬﺭ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺑﺄﻭﺿﺢ ﺣﺠﺞ ﻭﺃﺑﻬﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺃُﻭﺫﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃُﺧﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻤﻊ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎء ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭَﻛَﺒَﺖَ ﺃﻋﺪﺍءﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻻ ً ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺒﻞ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻮﻙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﻟﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺎﻋﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﻴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﺩ ﻳﻨﺜﻠﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺘﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺃﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺃﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺘﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻐﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺧﻴﻼﺋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻈُﻨﺖ ہﻠﻟ ﺍﻟﻈﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻟﺰﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻣﻨﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺷْﺮَﺃَﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﻭﺃﺑﺪﻯ ﺻﻔﺤﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺤﺎﺳﻨﻪ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﺮﺗﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮ‬
‫ﺣﻠﻔﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﺤﻠﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺮﺃﺕ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻣﺔ ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺑﻀﻊ ﻭﺗﺴﻌﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻢ "ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ" ﻛﺎﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺳﺌﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻓﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻅﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﻊ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻔﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺣﻜﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪﺍً ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺟﺎﻟﺴﻮﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻬﻢ ﺃﺷﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻅﺮ ﺃﺣﺪﺍً ﻓﺎﻧﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ -‬ﺳﻮﺍء ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻉ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﺇﻻ ﻓﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻫﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﻌﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺠﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﺼﺮ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺇﻣﺎﻣﺎً ﻣﺘﺒﺤﺮﺍً ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺻﻮﻓﺎً ﺑﻔﺮﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﻏﺎً ﻋﻦ ﺷﻬﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻛﻞ‬
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‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﺒﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻟﺬﺓ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺗﺪﻭﻳﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻤﻘﺘﻀﺎﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻠﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺸﻴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﺥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﻴﺌﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺃﺕ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺨﻄﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻴﻌﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺳﺆﺍﻻﺕ ﺃﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﻴﺎﻁﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﻟْﻔَﻴﺘُﻪ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻈﺎً‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﺩ ﻳﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻦ ﻭﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻔﻈﺎً‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﻓﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﻏﺎﻳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺫﺍﻛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻮ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺮَ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻠﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺯ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺑﻨﺎء ﺟﻨﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺮ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺁﻩ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺭﺃﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﻄﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺟﺮﺣﻬﻢ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺒﻘﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﻔﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺣﻔﻈﻪ ﻟﻤﺘﻮﻟْﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺩ ﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺞ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺰﻭﻩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﺼﺪﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻛﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺲ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﺒﺘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺠﻴﺰ ﻷﻭﻻﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺘﺐ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻗــﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻼ ً ِ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻧﺤﻮﺍً ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺳﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺑﺄﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺤﺚ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺙ ﺧﻀﻊ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻛﺮ ﺃﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻛﺘﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺒﱠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻚ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻔﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﺛَﺒَﺖ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﺎً ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻣﺎ ﺣﻔﻈﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﺡ ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻳُﺪﺍﻧﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺻﻼ ً‪.‬‬
‫ﻗـــﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻤﺴﻠﻢ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺍﻵﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ -‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ‪ -‬ﻗﻮﺓ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺭﺁﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺮﺉ ﺗﺤﻴﺰ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻔﺮﻁ ﺇﻣﺎﻣﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻁﻼﻋﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﺒﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺄ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺴﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻳُﻮﻫﻲ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻻ ً ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺼﺮ ﻗﻮﻻ ً ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺍً‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎً ﻟﻤﺎ ﺩﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺍﺋﻞَ‪ :‬ﻧﺤﻮﺍً ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻛﺮﺍﺭﻳﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺯﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻠﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ "ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻮﻳﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﻗﻌﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺯﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺒﻴﺾ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﺩﻫﺮﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻹﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﻳﺪ ﻁﻮﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﺳﻘﻴﻤﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻌﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻳﻤﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺨﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺇﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ" ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﺟﻢ ﻟﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺛﻨﺎء ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺎً‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﺗﺤﺖ ﺫﻟﻚ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺻﻔﻮﻥ ﻟـﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺣﺠﺔ ﻟـﻠـﻪ ﻗـﺎﻫـﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺁﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﻠﻖ ﻅـﺎﻫـﺮﺓ‬

‫ﻭﺻﻔﺎﺗﻪ ﺟﻠﱠﺖْ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﻋﺠﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻫـﺮ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﺭﺑﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﺃﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮﻱ‪ -‬ﻟﻤﺎ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻪ‪ -‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻘﻞ ﺃﺑﻴﺎﺗﺎً ﺧﻴﺮﺍً ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻓﺤﻞ‪:‬‬
‫ﻟﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﺗﻘـﻲ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻦ ﻻﺡ ﻟـﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻉٍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﱠﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍً‪ .‬ﻣـﺎﻟـﻪ ﻭﺯﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺻﺤﺒﻮﺍ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺔ ﻧﻮﺭٌ ﺩﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﻟـﻘـﻤـﺮ‬
‫ﺣَﺒْﺮ ﺗﺴﺮﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺩﻫـﺮﻩ ﺣِـﺒَـﺮﺍً‬
‫ﺑﺤﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺫﻑُ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺍﻟـﺪﺭﺭ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺷﺮﻋﺘـﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺗَﻴْﻢٍ ﺇﺫْ ﻋَﺼَﺖْ ﻣُـﻀـﺮ‬
‫ﻓﺄﻅﻬﺮ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻦ ﺇﺫْ ﺁﺛـﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻙ ﺇﺫ ﻁﺎﺭﺕ ﻟﻪ ﺷﺮﺭ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺃﺻِﺦْ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﺘـﻈـﺮ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻭﺣﻜﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ‪ -‬ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻤﺎﻋﻪ ﻟﻜﻼﻣﻪ‪ :-‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻨﺖ ﺃﻅﻦ ﺃﻥ ﷲ ﺑﻘﻲ ﻳﺨﻠﻖ ﻣﺜﻠﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻣﺔ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻜﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠ ّﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﺎﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻛﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺧﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺤﺮﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﺮﻁ ﺫﻛﺎﺋﻪ ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻠﻮﻏﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎً‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻭﺃﺟﻞّ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺭﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺼﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻻ ﻟﻐﺮﺽ ﺳﻮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺮﻳﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﻷﻭﻓﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻱ‪ :‬ﻳﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻟﻢ ﻳُﺮ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺑﻠﻐﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻁﺮﻳﻖ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﺳﺌﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ؟ ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻟﻢ ﻳُﺮَ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻤﺴﻤﺎﺋﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺸﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻗﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻅﻨﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻤﺴﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺃﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺧﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤِﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺭﻓﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻘﺪﻭﺓ ﺃﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺤﻜﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺃﺳﻠﻤﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻓﻨﺎ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻄﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻈﻤﻪ ﺟﺪﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻠﻤﺬ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺳﻦ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﻴﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻳﻮﺻﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﺘﻌﻈﻴﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺮﻓﻬﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺮَ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎً ﻭﻋﻤﻼ ً ﻭﺣﺎﻻ ً ﻭﺧﻠﻘﺎً ﻭﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺮﻣﺎً ﻭﺣﻠﻤ ًﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﻁﺎﻑ ﺃﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻣﺎً ﻓﻲ ﺣﻖ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻗﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻠّﻪ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﺻﺪﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻘﺪﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺤﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻤﺎً ﻭﻋﺰﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻔﺬﻫﻢ ﻭﺃﻋﻼﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﺨﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻔﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﻤﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﺎً ﻟﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﻗﻲ ﻋﺼﺮﻧﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﺠﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻨﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻭﺃﻓﻌﺎﻟﻪ ﺇﻻ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻻﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺹ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻜﺮﻭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻛﻼﻣﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻭﻧﺤﻮ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﻖ ﺇﻥ ﺷﺎء ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﺣﻔﺎﻅﻬﻢ ﻭﻓﻘﻬﺎﺋﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺤﺒﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻭﻳﻌﻈﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻳﺤﺒﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻏﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺳﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻁﺮﻳﻖ ﺃﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﻭﺃﺣﻤﺪ ﻭﺇﺳﺤﺎﻕ ﻭﺃﺑﻲ ﻋﺒﻴﺪ ﻭﻧﺤﻮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻫﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺛﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﻫﻮﺍ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺷﺬﻭﺫ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻧﻜﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺬ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﻗﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺎء ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺣﻄﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﺰﻫﺪﺓ ﻓﺒﺤﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﻀﻪ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺬﻫﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺬﺭ ﻟﻠﺨﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﺮ ﺃﺣﺪﺍً ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗـــﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺞ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﺮﺍﻫﻴﻦ ﻭﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﻮﺭ ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺒﻖ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻁﻠﻖ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺣﺠﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﻭﻫﺎﺑﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺴﺮ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺎً ﻻ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﻭﻧﺎﻅﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻛﺎﺑﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻻ ﻳﺪﺍﻫﻦ ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺤﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﱠ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﱠﺍﻩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺫﻫﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﺔ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺗﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻦ ﻭﺍﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺨﻮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻟﺤﺮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺠﺮﻯ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺣﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺭﻣﻮﻩ ﻋﻦ ﻗﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﻨﺠﻴﻪ ﷲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﻬﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﺄﺵ‪ ،‬ﻟﻪ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺫﻛﺎﺭ ﻳُﺪْﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻠﺤﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍء‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮﺍء‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺤﺒﻪ؛ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺐ ﻟﻨﻔﻌﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﻼ ً ﻭﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍً‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﻗﻠﻤﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﺒﻬﺎ ﺗﻀﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﺸﺒﻪ ﺃﻛﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻷﺑﻄﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻲ ﺃﻋﺒﺎء ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﻗﻌﺪ ﻭﻁﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺧﻞ ﻭﺧﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻠﻚ‪ -‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪-‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻘَﻄْﻠﻮﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑُﻮﻻﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺠﻖ ﻳﺘﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺪﺍﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﺮﺍءﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻮﻝ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﻟﻪ ﺣﺪﺓ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺘﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺚ ﺣﺮِﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻪ ﻣﺜﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻌﻮﺗﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺆﺩﺓ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﻳﻐﻔﺮ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﺇﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺷﻬﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺻﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺪﻓﻊ ﷲ ﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺷﻲء ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺃﺧﻮﻩ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻏﺪﺍء ﻭﻻ ﻋﺸﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺃﻛﺮﻡ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﻓﺮﻍ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺬﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﻅﻨﻪ ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻫﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﻭءﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻌﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻻ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻠﺒﻮﺳﻪ ﻛﺂﺣﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء‪ :‬ﻓَﺮﱠﺟِﻴﱠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩِﻟْﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺛﻼﺛﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﺎً ﻭﻣﺪﺍﺱ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺷﻌﺮﻩ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺹ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﺭَﺑْﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻜﺒﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻟﺴﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻁﻘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺼﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺻﻼﺓ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻁﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻛﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻭﺳﺠﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻟﻤﻦ ﻳﺠﻲء ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻏﺎﺏ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺟﺎء ﻓﺮﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻣﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻞ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺍء‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﺤﻦِ ﻷﺣﺪ ﻗﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﻳﺴﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺼﺎﻓﺢ ﻭﻳﺒﺘﺴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻈﻢ ﺟﻠﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻠﺖ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﻲء ﺍﻟﺘﺘﺮ ﺳﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻼ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﺘﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻭﻧﺼﺮﺓ ﺃﻫﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﺏﱢ ﻋﻨﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﻟﻬﻢِ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻨﺼﺮﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺒﺪﻝ ﺑﻜﻢ ﺳﻮﺍﻛﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻼ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ " :‬ﻭَﺇﻥْ ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻳَﺴْﺘَﺒْﺪِﻝ ﻗﻮﻣﺎً ﻏﻴﺮَﻛْﻢ ﺛُﻢَ ﻻ َ ﻳﻜُﻮﻧُﻮﺍ ﺃﻣْﺜَﺎﻟَﻜﻢ" " ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ "38 :‬ﻭﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ " :‬ﺇﻻ ﺗَﻨْﻔﺮُﻭﺍ ﻳُﻌَﺬﱢﺑْﻜﻢ ﻋَﺬَﺍﺑﺎً ﺃﻟِﻴﻤﺎً‬
‫ﻭَﻳَﺴْﺘَﺒْﺪِﻝْ ﻗَﻮْﻣﺎً ﻏَﻴﺮَﻛﻢ ﻭَﻻ َ ﺗَﻀُﺮﻭﻩُ" "ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺑﺔ‪."120 :‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻠﻎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ‪ -‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺤﺴﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺠﺒﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﻣِﺤَﻦُ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ :‬ﻓﻜﺜﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﺮﺣﻬﺎ ﻳﻄﻮﻝ ﺟﺪﺍً‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻗﻠﻴﻼً‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﺻﻠﻰ‬
‫ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺃﻁﻠﻘﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻜﺮﻣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ "ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻮﻳﺔ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺷﻨﻊ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺼﺒﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘَﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﺃﻧﺘﺼﺮ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿُﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻜﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻩ ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﻀﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺄﻟﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ؟ ﻓﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﻀﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ "ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻄﻴﺔ" ﻓﻘﺮءﻭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﻗَﻘُﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺤﺜﻮﺍ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺳُﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻁﻮﻋﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺮﻫﺎً‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﻗﺼﺪﻧﺎ ﺑﺮﺍءﺓ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺒﻴﻦ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﺩﺑﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﻌﻘﺪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺪَﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺒﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺷﻨﻜﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻑ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄُﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋُﻘﺪ ﻟﻪ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻭﺻﻮﻟﻪ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ -‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﻋِﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻑ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﷲ ﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﻑ ﻭﺻﻮﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺵ ﺑﺬﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ِ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻁﻠﺐ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴﻎ‪ -‬ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‪ -‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ؟ ﻓﺤﻤﺪ ﷲ ﻭﺃﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﺳﺮﻉ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺌﺖ ﻟﺘﺨﻄﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﺃُﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ؟ ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﺟﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻤﺪﺕ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﺴﻜﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺃﺟﺐ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻟﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻓﻲ؟ ﻓﺄﺷﺎﺭﻭﺍ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻻﺑﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻑ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ؟ ﻭﻏﻀﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺍﺩﻩ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻲ ﻭﺇﻳﺎﻙ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﻳﺤﻜﻢ ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻋﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻭﻣﻌﻪ ﺃﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺭﺿﻴﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲَ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻤﻜﱠﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﺧﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ‪ :‬ﺑﻞ ﻗﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﻫﺐ ﻟﻬﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﺍً ﻳﻬﺘﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺣﺒﺴﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺑُﺮْﺝ ﺃﻳﺎﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﻠﻮﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺐ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻟﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ -‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺃﻫﻞ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻪ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺰﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﻗﺮﺉ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺴﺪﱠﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺼﻞ ﺃﺫﻯ‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻟﻠﺤﻨﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺬ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻠﺦ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺃﺣﺼْﺮ ﺳﻼﺭ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺼﺮ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺗﻔﻘﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺸﺘﺮﻁ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻣﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺭﺳﻠﻮﺍ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﻀﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮﺍ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻤﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻧﺼﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺷﻲء‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﺻﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﺑﺪﻣﺸﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻦ ﺣﻀﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺛﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﺷﺠﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻛﺮ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺷﻴﺌﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺴﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺩﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‬
‫ﺗﺪﻧﺲ ﺑﺸﻲء ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺳﺒﻊ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻣﻬﻨﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ ﺃﻣﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻀﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺄﺫﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘﺪ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺣﻀﺮﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﺯﺍﻟﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﻄﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻼ ً ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﻭﺃﻟﻔﺎﻅﺎً ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻤﺎ ﺧﺎﻑ ﻭﻫﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺃﻁﻠﻖ ﻭﺍﻣﺘﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻲء ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﻳﻘﺮﻯء‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻜﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻓﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘﺪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﻜﻼﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻋﻄﺎء ﺑﺄﺷﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﻴﺌﺎً‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻐﺎﺙ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺒﻲ ﺻﻠﻰ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﺔ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺷﻲء‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺃﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺳﺎءﺓ ﺃﺩﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﻔﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ :‬ﻗﺪ ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻤﺜﻠﻪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺪﻣﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺑﺎﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮﻭﻁ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺧﻴﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﺷﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺒﺲ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺧﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺄﺟﺎﺑﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺭﻛﺒﻮﻩ ﺧﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺭﺩﻭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻀﺮ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺤﻀﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺿﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺒﺲ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭﺃﺫﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺤﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻣﺘﻨﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻲء‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺫﻥ ﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﻣﻀﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﺲ ﻭﺃﺗﺒﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ :‬ﻓﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﻳﺼﻠﺢ ﻟﻤﺜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻤﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺭﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﻭﺃﺟﻠﺲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺟﻠﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﻨﺖ ﺍﻷﻋﺰ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺣﺒﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺫﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺨﺪﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺈﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﺲ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﺘﻰ ﻭﻳﻘﺼﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺰﻭﺭﻭﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺗﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍء‬
‫ﻭﺃﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﺪﺧﻠﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻭﻻ ً ﺳﺮﺍً‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻮﺍ ﻳﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺧﺮﺟﻮﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺒﺲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺝ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻣﻀﻲء‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺸﻨﻜﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻘﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻤﻨﻊ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺨﺮﺝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺷﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺮﺝ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺭﺟﻒ ﺍﻷﻋﺪﺍء ﺑﻘﺘﻠﻪ ﻭﺗﻔﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺤﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎء ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﻔﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﻓﻲ ِ‬
‫ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻭﺗﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻤﻞ ﺷﻴﺨﻪ ﻧﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺒﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﺘﺪﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺟﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﻟﻤﺪﺍﺧﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻈﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺰﻝ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺈﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺮﻣﺎً ﻓﻲ ﺷﻮﺍﻝ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺗﺴﻊ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺮﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺇﻛﺮﺍﻣﺎَ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻠﻘﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﺣﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء ﻭﺃﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻛﺮﺍﻣﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﻳُﺴﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺸﻴﺮﻩ ﺳﻮﻳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺤﻀﻮﺭﻫﻢ ﺛﻨﺎء ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﺮﻓﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻑ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﺃﻓﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻋﻔﺎ ﻋﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍء‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﺬﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺼﻞ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺄ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ‪ -‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﻐﻀﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ‪ -‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺑﻤﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺛﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺘﺶ ﺑﺄﻁﻮﺍﻗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﻀﺮ ﻣﻌﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻤﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﻓﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻔﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻛﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﺛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺘﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺗﻔﻖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﻫﻢّ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﺘﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺑﻘﻄﻊ ﻟﺴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﺜﺮﺓ ﻓﻀﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺟﺮﺍءﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﺷﻔﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻔﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻳﻘﺮﺉ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺠﻠﺲ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺇﺧﻮﺗﻪ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﺛﻨﺘﻲ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻤﺎ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﺸﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺘﺮ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﺨﺮﺝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﺭﻗﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺴﻘﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺱ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺛﻢ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻏﻴﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﺒﻊ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﻪ ﺃﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﺧﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻟﺘﻠﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳُﺮﱠ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻤﻘﺪﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻭﻻً‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﺭﻳﺴﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻓﺘﺎء ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻧﻔﻌﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻼﻕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻜﻔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻘﺪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﻛﺎﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺮﺉ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻮﺗﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺘﻴﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻮﺗﺐ ﻭﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻷﺟﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﻊ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻳﻔﺘﻲ ﺑﻠﺴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻳﺴﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ :‬ﺩﺑﺮﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻟﺰﻣﻮﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﺺ ﺑﺎﻷﻧﺒﻴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﺘﻰ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻁﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻷﻫﻮﺍء‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﺎً‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺧﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻲ ﻭﺃﻓﺘﻰ ﻗﻀﺎﺓ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺤﺒﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺒﺲ ﺑﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﺳﻨﺘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ِ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺷﻬﺮﺍً‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻁﻞ ﺑﺈﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﺟﺪﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻳﺨﻄﺊ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺧﻄﺄ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻔﻮﺭ ﻟﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺍﻓﻘﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺎء ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﺑﻨﺎ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻣﺸﻖ ﺃﻓﺘﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺃﺻﻼً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺟﺢ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻘﻲ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﻳﺼﻨﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﷲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺠﺴﻴﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻗﺪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺄﺷﻴﺎء‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻳﺘﻤﻨﻮﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺪﻣﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻀﻴﻴﻊ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﻙ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﺓ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻭﻻ ﻭﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﺠﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺟﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺎ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﻤﻌﺖ ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺎ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺪﺱ ﷲ ﺭﻭﺣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺟﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺪﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺟﻨﺔ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﻨﻊ‬
‫ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﺑﻲ؟ ﺃﻧﺎ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻭﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺻﺪﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻳﻦ ﺭﺣﺖ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻔﺎﺭﻗﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺣﺒﺴﻲ ﺧﻠﻮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺧﺮﺍﺟﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺒﺴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻟﻮ ﺑﺬﻟﺖ ﻣﻞء ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺫﻫﺒﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻋﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﻜﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﻮﺍ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺮ ‪ -‬ﻭﻧﺤﻮ ﻫﺬﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺠﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻠﻬﻢ ﺃﻋﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮﻙ ﻭﺷﻜﺮﻙ ﻭﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺗﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎء‬
‫ﷲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻗﻠﺒﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺄﺳﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﺮﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻤﺎ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺳﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‪ " :‬ﻓﻀﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﻮﺭ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻁﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻅﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺬﺍﺏ" "ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪."13 :‬‬

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‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺷﻴﺨﻨﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﷲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﺃﺣﺪﺍً ﺃﻁﻴﺐ ﻋﻴﺸﺎً ﻣﻨﺔ ﻗﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺒﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺟﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻁﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻴﺸﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺷﺮﺣﻬﻢ ﺻﺪﺭﺍً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻗﻠﺒﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﺎً‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﺡ‬
‫ﻧﻀﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﻪ ﻭﻛﻨﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺨﻮﻑ ﻭﺳﺎءﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻈﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ :‬ﺃﺗﻴﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺴﻤﻊ ﻛﻼﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﻨﺎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﺍﻧﺸﺮﺍﺣﺎً ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﻭﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎً ﻭﻁﻤﺄﻧﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺴﺒﺤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻬﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻟﻘﺎﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺗﺎﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺭَﻭﺣﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻧﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻁﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺮﻍ ﻗﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻟﻄﻠﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻔﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻔﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻄﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻣﺘﻸﺕ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺼﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﻭﺯﺕ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺣﺼﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﺴﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺫﻛﺮﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻨﺬﻛﺮ ﻧﺒﺬﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﻤﺎء ﺃﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻨﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺍﻹﻳﻤﺎﻥ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺔ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫"ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﻮﻳﺔ" ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺪﻋﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻣﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﻥ "ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﺍﻧﻴﺔ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ "ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ" ﺳﺒﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﻧﻴﻒ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺍﻹﻳﻤﺎﻥ" ﻛﺘﺒﻪ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺑﻤﺼﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺳﺒﻊ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﻨﻔﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ ﻟَﻔﱠﺔ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺩﺭء ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ" ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﺸﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﻳﺔ" ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ "ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻴﺢ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﻥ "ﺷﺮﺡ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺼﻞ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺯﻱ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ "ﺷﺮﺡ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺯﻱ"‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﻥ "ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻖ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ "ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﺎﺛﺔ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ "ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻞ ﻛﺴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﻓﺾ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﻥ "ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺪﻳﺔ"‪" ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﻴﺎء ﻗﻮﻯ ﻧﻔﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ"‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺪ "ﺍﻟﻬﻼﻭﻧﻴﺔ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ "ﺷﺮﺡ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﺻﺒﻬﺎﻧﻲ" ﺟﻠﺪ "ﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪﺓ" ﻟﻠﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺐ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ "ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻟﺠﺪﻩ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ "ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺷﺎﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ‪" ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ "ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺤﻴﻢ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ "ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺣﻔﻴﺮ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ "ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻼﻕ" ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ "ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻠﻴﻖ ﻭﺇﻷﻳﻤﺎﻥ" ﻟﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ "ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﻭﺃﺟﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﻭﻯ‪ :‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺣﺎﻁﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﺜﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻔﺮﻗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ "ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﻭﺃﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻄﺎﻥ"‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ "ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻄﻼﻥ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ "ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﻳﻤﺎﻥ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‬
‫"ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻋﻴﺔ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ "ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ" ﻣﺠﻠﺪ‬
‫ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻧﺒﺬﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻔﺮﺩﺍﺗﻪ ﻭﻏﺮﺍﺋﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺼﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻧﺤﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻠﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺰﻋﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻣﻴﻦ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﻔﻴﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻤﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﻧﺤﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻌﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻫﺎﺑﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﻉ ﻭﺗﻴﺴﺮﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻔﺎﺋﻒ ﻭﻧﺤﻮﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﻤﻢ ﻟﺨﺸﻴﺔ ﻓﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻟْﻲ ﺣﻖ ﻋْﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺬﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻦ ﺃﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻋﻤﺪﺍً ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻀﺎﻳﻖ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺸﻲ ﻓﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺤﺪﺙ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻘﻆ ﺃﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ‪ :‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻄﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎء ﻭﻳﺼﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺘﺴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺃﺓ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺷﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺰﻭﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻴﻤﻢ ﻭﺗﺼﻠﱠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺣﺪَ ﻷﻗﻞﱢ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺾ ﻭﻻ ﻷﻛﺜﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻷﻗﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﻬﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﻀﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻟﺴﻦ ﺍﻹﻳﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺾ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﺃﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻋﻤﺪﺍً‪ :‬ﻻ ﻳﺠﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺸﺮﻉ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﺰ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﻓﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻟﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﻭﻁﻮﻳﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺳﺠﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻭﺓ ﻻ ﻳﺸﺘﺮﻁ ﻟﻪ ﻁﻬﺎﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺚ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻟﻤﺴﺖ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺇﻟﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻌﺪﺓ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﻣﺮﺽ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﻮﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻤﺮﺿﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻔﺠﺄﻫﻢ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻮﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﻟﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺛﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﺸﺮﻱ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻌﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺛﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺒﻌﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺆﺫﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺑﺮﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺴﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﻌﻮﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﻮﻁﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻄﺒﺦ ﺃﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺷﻴﺌﺎً‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻓﺘﺤﻮﺍ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺎﻛﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻔﺘﺢ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻏﺎﺋﺒﺎً ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺎء ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺰﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻠﺲ ﻋﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﺜﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺮﻫﻢ ﺃﺧﻮﻩ‬
‫ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺩﺧﻼ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺛﻤﺎﻧﻴﻦ ﺧﺘﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﺮﻋﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻬﻴﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ‪ " :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻘﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻧﻬﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﻌﺪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ"‬
‫"ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺮ‪."55 .54 :‬‬
‫ﻓﺸﺮﻉ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺭﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻳﺮ‪ -‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻳﺤﺐ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍءﺗﻬﻤﺎ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﺑﺘﺪﺍء ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﺘﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺎﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺎﻫﺪﻭﻩ ﺛﻢ ﺧﺮﺟﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻐﺴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﺴﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﻦ ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻤﺰﻱ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻔﺮﻍ ﻣﻦ ﻏﺴﻠﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻣﺘﻸﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺼﻠَﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻌﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻭﺓ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺣﻴﻨﺌﺬ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻜﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺪﻋﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺣﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﻸ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻭﺻﺤﻨﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻼﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺃﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻌﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﺰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻨﺪ ﻳﺤﻔﻈﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻠﺲ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﻣﺮﺻﻮﺻﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻠﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﺩ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻜﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺻﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﺫﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺫﻥ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﺮ ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻼﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺻﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻼء ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﺍﻁ ﻟﻐﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﺳﺎﺭﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ِ‬
‫ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻜﺎء ﻭﺩﻋﺎء ﻭﺛﻨﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻬﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺗﺄﺳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﻄﺤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺒﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻋﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﺒﻜﻴﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻣﺎً ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩﺍً‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺪﻣﺸﻖ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻭﺣﻮﺍﺿﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻔﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺻﺮﺥ ﺻﺎﺭﺥ‪ :‬ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺋﺰ ﺃﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﻜﺎء‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً ﻋﻨﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﺘﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻟﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻌﺸﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻳﻞ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﺋﻤﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﺶ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺰﺩﺣﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻪ ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﺩﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ :‬ﺃﺧﻮﻩ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺩﻓﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺒﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﺑﻤﻘﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣُﺰﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺑﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺃﻟﻒٍ ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺎﺋﺘﻲ ﺃﻟﻒ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﻤﺪ" ﺑﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻉ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﺰ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﺑﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺃﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻅﻬﺮ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﻮﻝ ِ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺘﻢ ﻟﻪ ﺧﺘﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﺒﺮﻩ ﺃﻳﺎﻣﺎً ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻼ ً ﻭﻧﻬﺎﺭﺍً‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺖ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺛﺎﻩ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍء ﺑﻘﺺ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺷﺘﻰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻟﻔﻘﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻠّﻪ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﺣﻤﻪ ﻭﻏﻔﺮ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺻﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻼﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻓﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻼﺩ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﺄﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺼﻼﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ "ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﷲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺣﻔﺺ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻐﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺍﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﺘﺮﺍﺟﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍً‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻤﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻭﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻧﻴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎً ﺣﺪﺙ ﺑﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

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‫‪‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻟﻤﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ ﺑﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻁﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﺛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﺟﺎﺟﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻮﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺭﺩﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪http://www.dd-sunnah.net/forum/showthread.php?t=93125‬‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪ - 5‬ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺄﺗﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﺛﺮﺓ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻛﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺇﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻭﻧﺴﺘﻜﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻠﻖ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ؟ ﺇﻥ ﻷﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ )ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ(‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺳِﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎ ﻗﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻤﻴﺬﺍً ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻋﺒﺮﺓ ﺑﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻜﺮ ﺛﺒﻮﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﻀﺔ ﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎء‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺤﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺧﺼﻢ‬
‫ﻣُﻠِﺪﱞ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺼﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺷﺮﻋًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺨﺲ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻳﻀﺎً ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻋﺒﺮﺓ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ؟ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺳﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺤﻖ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻷﻋﻮﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺞ ﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺿﻊ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﻳﺮﺟﺢ ﺍﻷﺛﻘﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻞ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻁﺊ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻻ ﻳُﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ّ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻁﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺳﻞ‬

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‫ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻫﻲ ﺷﺒﻴﻬﺔ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻳﻨﻘﺼﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺜﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﻯء ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﻦ ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﻘﺪﺣﻪ ﻭﻳﺬﻣﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻠﻴﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺠﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓــــــﻲ ﺑـــــــــﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ؟ ﻓﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ – ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺻﺤﺘﻬﺎ – ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺎﺷﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﺻﺢ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻢ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻣﺮﺛﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎءﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﻤﺔ ﺑﺴﻠﺴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺸﻘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﺮ‪ .‬ﺃﻣّﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﻴﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ – ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻻ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﻓﻮﺿﺔ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮ ﻋﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺃﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺛﻢ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺸﻒ ﻟﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻪ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻪ "ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ" ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﻪ ‪" :‬ﻓﻮﷲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻣﻘﺖ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻋﻠﻤًﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﺫﻛﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺭﺟﻞ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﺒﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﺒﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻓﺘﺸﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻄﺎﻭﻟﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺃَﺧﱠﺮَﻩُ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺃﻫﻞ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺎﻡ ﻭﻣﻘﺘﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻔﻮﺳﻬﻢ ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺭﻭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻛﺬﺑﻮﻩ ﻭﻛﻔﱠﺮﻭﻩ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺠﺐ ﻭﻓﺮﻁ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻴﺨﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺯﺩﺭﺍء‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺒﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻭﺑﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻭﻯ ﻭﻣﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺄﻝ ﷲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻣﺤﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻧﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﺑﺄﻭﺭﻉ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻭﻻ ﺃﺯﻫﺪ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻭﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻧﻮﺏ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻬﻢ ﻭءﺍﺛﺎﻡ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻬﻢ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﺳﻠﱠﻄﻬﻢ ﷲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻼﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻞ ﺑﺬﻧﻮﺑﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ ﷲ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻋﻦ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻋﻪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻘّﻮﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻳﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ"‪ .‬ﺍﻫـ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﻣﻦ ﺫﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻷﻭﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ – ﻭﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ – ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ‪ .‬ﺃﻓﻼ ﺗﻘﺮﺃ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪" :‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ؟‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻴّﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻼ ً‪ " :‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻠﺒﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء"‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻳﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻻ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء – ﻓﺈﻥ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺮّﻡ ﷲ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍً‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺗﺰﻭﺝ‪ .‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰﻭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ‪"" :‬ﻭﻟﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰﻭّﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗَﺴَﺮّﻯ" ]ﺫﻳﻞ‬
‫ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺎﺑﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻦ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻨﺒﻠﻲ[‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﺍً ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻝ‪ " :‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺰﻭﺝ" – ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء‬
‫ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪.‬‬

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‫ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ "ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺑﻴﺦ ﻟﻤﻦ ﺫﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ" ﻣﺎ ﻧﺼﻪ ‪ " :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻟﻪ )ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ( ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﻣﺠﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﻪ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺓ" ﺍﻫـ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻕ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﻧﻘﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﻘﻞ ﺃﻱ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ءﺍﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻪ "ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ" ﻣﺎ ﻧﺼّﻪ‪ " :‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﺖ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﻭﺗﻮﺍﺑﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﺭﺍء ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﻭﻣﺤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺼﻤﺖ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﱡﻨّﺔ ﻭﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﻘﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻨﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻭﷲ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﻳﺖَ ﻣﺎ ءﺍﻝ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻂّ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺠﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻔﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺤﻖّ ﻭﺑﺒﺎﻁﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻨﻮﱠﺭًﺍ ﻣﻀﻴﺌًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣُﺤَﻴﱠﺎﻩ ﺳِﻴْﻤَﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣﻈﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻜﺴﻮﻓﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺘﻤﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺧﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺟّﺎﻻ ً ﺃﻓّﺎﻛًﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﺮًﺍ ﻋﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺒﺘﺪﻋًﺎ ﻓﺎﺿﻼ ً ﻣﺤﻘّﻘًﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻋًﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻼء ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء"‪ .‬ﺍﻫـ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻧﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻟﻪ ﺗﺘﻤﺔ ﺗﻢ ﺑﺘﺮﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﻟﻬﺎ ﺑـ "‪ ".‬ﺟﺎءﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻨﺒﻴﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺘﺒﻴّﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺫﻣّﻪ ﻷﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺽ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﺃﻱ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺘﺪﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻟﻤﻌﺘﺰﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺒّﻬﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺛﻨﻰ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﻔّﺎﻅ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪" :‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺃﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﱡﻨّﺔ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻪ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻭﺗﺪﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺬﻡ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 3‬ﻓﺼﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺴﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ 4‬ﻓﺼﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﻔﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪:‬‬
‫"ﻓﻤﺎ ﺃﻅﻨﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺭﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻭﷲ ﺗﻘﺮﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻝ ﺃﻣﺮﻩ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻂ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻬﺠﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﺤﻖ ﻭﺑﺒﺎﻁﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍ ﻣﻀﻴﺌﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺤﻴﺎﻩ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ؛ ﺛﻢ ﺻﺎﺭ ﻣﻈﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﻜﺴﻮﻓﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺘﻤﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺧﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺟﺎﻻ ﺃﻓﺎﻛﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺋﻪ؛ ﻭﻣﺒﺘﺪﻋﺎ ﻓﺎﺿﻼ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻋﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻼء ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء؛ ﻭﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺃﻗﻮﻝ ﻟﻚ‪] ".‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻏﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ[‬
‫‪U‬‬

‫‪U‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻓﺼﺎﺋﻞ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺧﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍً ﻣﻀﻴﺌﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺭﺃﻭﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻈﻠﻤﺎً ﻣﻜﺴﻮﻓﺎً ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺘﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺃﻋﺪﺍءﻩ‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺩﺟّﺎﻻ ً ﺃﻓّﺎﻛﺎً ﻛﺎﻓﺮﺍ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ )ﻟﻴﺲ ﻁﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻓﻘﻂ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﻩ ﻣﺒﺘﺪﻋﺎً ﻓﺎﺿﻼ ً ﻭﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎً ﺑﺎﺭﻋﺎً‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ‪ :‬ﺭﺃﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﻣﺤﻴﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ ،(4‬ﻓﻼ ﺷﻚ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺪﺭﺝ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻁﺎﺋﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻀﻼء )ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ (3‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺫﻛﺮﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺫﻣﺎً ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﻧﺼﻪ ‪ " :‬ﻭﺃﻧﺎ )ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ( ﻻ ﺃﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﺼﻤﺔ ﺑﻞ ﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻟﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﺻﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻓﺮﻋﻴﺔ" ﺍﻫـ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺑﺄﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺛﻤﺔ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻭﺳﻮء ﺍﻷﺩﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻛﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺰﻭﻳﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻠﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻣﺤﻤﱠﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻷﻧﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼء ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺛﻨﺎء ﻫﺆﻻء ﻏﺮّ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﺘﺒﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻋﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺪﺃ ﻳﺬﻳﻊ ﺑﺪﻋًﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻭءﺍﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺴﺎﻣﺤﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻓﻠﺘﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻳﻨﻄﻮﻱ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺏ ﻅﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﻮﺍ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﺗﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺨﻠﱠﻮﺍ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪًﺍ ﺇﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ – ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻷﻱ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺍﻁﻠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﻄﻮﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ – ﻣﺼﺪﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻛﻞ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺟﺎءﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓ ﺃﻋﻼﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻋﺪﺍء ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء ﻟﻪ ﻋﻴﻮﺑﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼً‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ )ﺹ‪ (101 .‬ﺃﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﺰ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻜﻲ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‪" :‬ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻷﺩﺏ‪".‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎء ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺧﺼﻢ‬
‫ﻣُﻠِﺪﱞ ﻻﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻛﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻔﺘﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻠﻔﻖ ﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻻ ﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﻁﻌﻦ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﻐﻪ ﻭﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ؟ ﻛﻴﻒ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻤﺖ ﻫﺬﺍ؟ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺩﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻴﺤﺔ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺇﻥ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻌﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺳﺒﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎء‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺛﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻪ ﻭﺗﺒﻌﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺗﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻜﻲ ‪" :‬ﻭﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﺈﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء ﻭﻭﻻﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻀﻴﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﺻﺤﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪...‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎء ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﻭﻱ ﺷﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻫﺐ ﻭﻟﻪ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺨﺲ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺑﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻴﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﺴﺘﻐﺮﺏ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﺒﺬ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻁﻤﺲ ﷲ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﻰ ﻭﺃﻋﻤﻰ ﻗﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻬﻞ ﻓﻼ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻛﻠﺘﻬﻢ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﺧﻄﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ـ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ ـ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻧﻘﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺓ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ‬
‫‪ 18823 /‬ﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﺎﺑﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺃﺑﻲ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻨﻮﻓﺮ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻄﻮﻁﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺒﺪﺃ ﺑــ‪ " :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺗﻪ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪ "...‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮ – ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ –‬
‫ﻳﺪﻋﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﺩﻋﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺜﺮ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺩﻋﺎء ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻴّﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻓﻠﺤﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﻋﺐء ﺍﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺷﻬﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﺴﻠﻴﺎً ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻋﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻄﻪ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺛﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﱞﺴّﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻧﻘﻠﻮ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻳﻤﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻧﺎﺳﺦ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻗﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻋﻴﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪.‬‬

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