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Archaic Greek Culture:

History, Archaeology, Art & Museology
Proceedings of the International Round-Table Conference
June 2005,St-Petersburg, Russia

Edited by
Sergey Solovyov

BAR International Series

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Acknowledgements 5

Archaic Greek Culture 7

John Boardman

A Kore in Amber 12
Faya Causey

Greeks and the Local Population in the Mediterranean:

Sicily and the Iberian Peninsula 25
Adolfo J. Domínguez

The Contribution of Archeometric Results to

Our Understanding of Archaic East-Greek Trade 37
Pierre Dupont

Greeks in the East: A View from Cilicia 41

Charles Gates

The Collection of Works in Archaistic Style

in the Hermitage Museum’s Department of Classical Antiquities 46
Alexander Kruglov

Greek-Ionian Necropoleis in the Black Sea area: Cremation and Colonisation 51

Vasilica Lungu

Greeks and the Local Populations in Magna Graecia and in Gaul 59

Jean-Paul Morel

Greek Gems and Rings of the Archaic Period.

The Formation of the Hermitage Collection 64
Oleg Neverov

Archaic Greek Culture: The Archaic Ionian Pottery from Berezan 66

Richard Posamentir

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan 75

Tyler Jo Smith

Borysthenes and Olbia:

Greeks and Natives Interactions on the Initial Stage of Colonisationon 89
Sergey Solovyov

Die Beziehungen zwischen Borysthenes, Olbia und Bosporos

in der archaischen Zeit nach den epigraphischen Quellen 103
Sergey R. Tokhtasev

Аrchaic Bronzes. Greece – Asia Minor – North Pontic Area 109

Mikhail Treister

The Program of the Rearrangement of the Classical Antiquities Galleries.

The Display of Archaic Art in the State Hermitage Museum 121
Anna Trofimova

The Polis in the Northern Black Sea Area 129

Yuryi Vinogradov

Bibliography 133

Abbreviations 153

Index 155

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From 23–25 June 2005 the State Hermitage was host to and Western Black Sea Littoral were the subject of papers
the international scholarly round-table conference dealing given by J.-P. Morel (France), A. Dominguez (Spain),
with issues relating to the culture, history and archaeology S. L. Solovyov and A. M. Butyagin (Russia), аnd V. Lungu
of Archaic Greece. Attention was also devoted to questions (Romania). The reports by A. A. Trofimova (Russia) and
of exhibiting ancient Greek monuments in museums. J. Gaunt (USA) examined historical questions and issues in
The conference was opened by the Hermitage’s Director creating museum exhibitions of Archaic monuments.
Prof. Mikhail Piotrovskii. The basic problems of studying The conference provided the context for the opening
Archaic Greece were set out in a lecture written by Sir John of the exhibition entitled Borysthenes– Berezan. Early
Boardman (Great Britain), which was read in his absence by Antiquity in the Northern Black Sea Littoral. The 120th
Dr. Udo Schlotzhauer of the German Archaeological Institute. Anniversary of Archeological Excavations on the Island of
Twenty-two reports were delivered during the conference. Berezan with the illustrated catalogue that was published
They dealt with the following major themes: Archaic art; at the Hermitage Publishing House and ARS Publisher
the Greek polis (forms and rate of development); and (St-Petersburg). The first volume of the Hermitage’s series
colonisation (models and evolution, interrelations between entitled Borysthenes–Berezan: the Archaeological Collection
Greeks and non-Greeks). Within the limits of these topics of the State Hermitage was also released to coincide with
great attention was directed to the Greek city-states of the the conference.
Mediterranean Sea region (J.-J. Maffre, France) and Black The conference was made possible by financial support
Sea region (Yu. A. Vinogradov, Russia); to the penetration from the Alexander A. Onassis Public Benefit Foundation,
of Greek culture to the East (М. М. Dandamaeva, Russia; the British Academy Black Sea Initiative and the British
Ch. Gates, Turkey) and the West (F. Causey, USA); and Society for Hellenic Studies. The organisation and successful
to the trade relations of the Greek cities as we know them work of the conference were certainly depending on
from archaeological and epigraphic data (P. Dupont, France; many people, among which I am especially grateful to
S. R. Tokhtasev, Russia). the managing team’s members, which were E. Arsenteva
Two of the conference sessions were devoted to the issues and M. Akhmadeeva. At the first stage of preparation
surrounding study of Archaic art in its basic manifestations: of the conference large job was done by the staff of
vase painting (M. Kerschner, Аustria; R. Pozamentir, the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Hermitage, which
Germany), sculpture (А. V. Kruglov, Russia), jewellery in time issued and has dispatched official invitations to all
(D. Williams, Great Britain), bronzes produced by artisan participants of the conference, as well as by the members
workshops (M. Treister, Germany), glyptic ornaments of the Department of Social Development of the Museum,
(О. Ya. Neverov, Russia), and numismatics (S. А. Коvalenko, which secured comfortable accommodation for all participants
Russia). Questions involving Greco-barbarian relations in at St-Petersburg’s hotels. I am very thankful to Catherine
the regions of Greek colonisation on the Iberian Peninsula, Philips for translating some contributions from Russian
in the South of France and Italy, as well as in the Northern into English.
Sergey Solovyov

Archaic Greek Culture

John Boardman

We have become very easy with the term ‘Archaic’. However, the first half of the 5th century saw a sufficient
Applied to history and art it has acquired a serious status change in the figurative arts of at least parts of the Greek
which we might deem to reflect something positive and world to promote the convenient view that the Archaic was
defi nable in antiquity. Indeed, to defi ne it in general turning into the Classical, and therefore that the Archaic
terms is not difficult, but there is always the danger of itself had enjoyed some sort of individual entity. This may
letting our terminology dictate expectations, leading to be apparent in some of the arts, but is far less so in other
theories of development, progress, assumptions about areas of life and politics. The ethos of 6th-century Sparta
dating, even admitting some ancient consciousness of was not so unlike that of 5th-century or even 4th-century
an archaic Greek cultural self-identity, which may not be Sparta. We are trapped by our own terminology, our
wholly warranted by the evidence, and this must take dependence on Athens, which was the least typical of
priority over the convenient theory. the Greek states, and on art history.

When ancient authors used the word archaios they The Archaic period may be thought of as seeing the rise of
referred to anything old or old-fashioned, or to a remote the Greek polis, as though this was a unique phenomenon.
past whose arts seemed to them generally crude and Aristotle’s research team collected 158, perhaps over 250,
unformed, or at best in a style that bore little recognizable different politeiai, and I doubt whether they were able to
relationship to the Classical, as it had been defi ned by determine much uniformity in them any more than can
the 5th century. The Lindos Chronicle used the word modern scholarship, except in very general terms. But
of the odd poses of figures on early panel paintings; the development of relatively small self-sufficient and self-
Dionysius of Halicarnassus picked on simplicity of governing communities with their own territory – chora –
colouring and a preference for line; Demetrius saw was a phenomenon of antiquity wherever conditions
in the stat ues a compact ness and spareness unlike dictated, from the Levant to China to Peru. In Greece it
the grandeur and precision of a Pheidias; Pausanias was especially determined by geography, to which Greek
singled out crudeness and composition (Pollitt 1974, culture owed it special character, and which encouraged,
255–59, for passages). The Archaic lacked beauty. indeed obliged a degree of independent development in
The word, and our use of the word ‘Archaic’, implying all areas of life, undisturbed by considerations of any
primitive, antiquated or out of date, combined a view central authority or concerted action, yet with total
that admits to a degree of the primitive and unformed, intercommunication of people and ideas. We must not
but also the idea that it involved also something of an confuse the Homeric view of Bronze Age Greece, with
arche, a beginning, that was to develop into something its broad kingdoms and interrelated royalty, with reality.
more fully fledged. Both views are supported to some Those thick walls of Mycenae, Tiryns and the rest were
degree by what we now know of Archaic Greece, by erected by each state against its neighbour, sometimes
which we mean the Greek mainland, the eastern Aegean a very close neighbour, and the Homeric Catalogue of
and much of the colonial Greek world in the 8th to 6th Ships hints at a somewhat different pattern of diverse and
centuries BC. The defi ning points for the end of Archaic independent states and cities. Later, there were dozens
are, I suppose, the Persian Wars, or the advent of a form of Greek Leagues of city-states before Rome intervened,
of democracy in just one state in Greece, Athens, or, in and most of them were lucky to survive as long as two
the arts, the beginning of a move towards the idealised generations. It was not that sort of country, and it bred
realism that typifi es the High Classical. Of all these people who were used to determining their own fortunes
the least important, I think, is the Persian Wars, for all in their own communities. This was to lead to their
that is claimed today about it being a defi ning point downfall and loss of independence, but not before they had
for Greek self-realisation and identity. It was no such demonstrated to the rest of the world, and to the present
thing. Half Greece still resisted the results of the wars day, what this independence and the conscious exercise
and most of Greece resented the resultant dominance of of freedom could do for human culture and welfare, even
Athens, while democracy, demokratia, meant whatever progress.
any politician wished it to mean, just as it does today.
In Athens it defi nes a period when democratic institutions What I want to do is to take a regional view of how
were in place, but which was still dominated by families Archaic Greece developed – not a common view although
and individuals – Themistokles, Kimon, Perikles – and it was the one wisely adopted by Ann Jeffery (1976) in
outside Athens it meant nothing at all, while in the arts her book on Archaic Greece 30 years ago, and it can
whatever was being developed after the Archaic in Athens be revealing about differences; and then to consider just
took long to be regarded elsewhere, and in some places how coherent the Archaic was, vis-à-vis the Classical, in
was totally disregarded. various areas.

J. Boardman

A few years ago I explored the concept of what I call we tend to, this might seem to suggest a cultural revolution
the visual experience of antiquity (Boardman 1995), since leading to notable progress in the narrative arts, but this
this is one of the few things that an archaeologist/art- is probably a wrong deduction from the prolific evidence.
historian can do with any hope of success, and without Nothing in the narrative goes much beyond the traditional
excessive reliance on the literary heritage of the ancient and formulaic manners established in the 7th century in
world, which to some still seems self-sufficient, especially Athens and Corinth, even though there is much more of
in Oxford. In other words to speculate on what the ordinary it. More credit perhaps goes to whoever traded the pottery
citizen would judge of his own environment and that of far afield, and so provided the impetus for home production
other Greeks simply from what he saw around him. Thus, to grow, and imaginative innovation to work upon it, but
the visual experience of an early 6th-century Corinthian we should not judge Archaic people by their pottery alone.
would have been very different from that of a contemporary A busy trade in home goods, as well as an extensive chora,
Athenian or Milesian, and in Athens this experience would may explain in part Athenian lack of interest in any colonial
change as the century wore on to a material climate activity, beyond an intermittent involvement in the north-east
markedly more Ionian than Corinth’s was ever to be. And Aegean, on an important trade route.
all this was not simply a matter of geography and art but
of a mixture of political and economic influences. By contrast, Corinth faces all ways. We find there, from
the Geometric on, an interest in the arts of the east, probably
There was probably a good deal more uniformity in promoted by people as well as objects since Corinthians
the way of life of all Greeks in the 9th and 8th centuries themselves sailed west rather than east, but they were on
BC, the Geometric period, than there was thereafter, at a vital east-west route and therefore the recipient of anything
least for another 500 years. The impact of the Near East of worth and novelty. There was the Diolkos on which ships
was felt strongly in Crete, where it was brought to them could be dragged across the peninsula linking the Corinthian
by easterners. It was felt in the Euboean states, where it Gulf at the west with the Aegean at the east, while their
had been sought out by the Greeks themselves, and to artificial harbour at Lechaion sounds more like an artificial
some degree in Corinth. The rest of Greece held back, or Phoenician kothon harbour than most Greek harbours,
observed and copied, and everywhere, to varying degrees, answering the more natural harbour at Perachora opposite,
the Geometric forms in the arts were remembered, but were and recalls the oriental flavour of cults on Acrocorinth.
never again dominant to the point that one could say that The abandonment by Corinthian potters of figure decoration
the arts and culture were totally regressive or stagnant. on their vases about the mid-6th century was probably
The ‘sub-geometric’ was a widespread but subsidiary a minor craft revolution, and only in part the product of
phenomenon, in some places lingering into the 6th century, Athenian competition. More likely, the visual experience
and geometry in the arts always appealed to Greeks. of the Corinthian was better fed than in Athens by other
media – metalwork and panel-painting, in which Corinth
Politically the individual, king or tyrant, was in charge, had an early reputation. In other areas Ionian influences in
even among oligarchic families, and the assembly of citizens Corinth were negligible, while Corinthian commerce fuelled
only counted for something because from about 700 BC most novelty, not least in the proliferation of coinage and in
on warfare depended more on the hoplite class, which was associations with new colonies in the west, which Athens
socially more extensive than the élite families and leaders, wholly lacked, and the state was managed by tyrants and
and so had a voice that could not be ignored. related oligarchs.

We start with Athens. In Athens the Geometric period Sparta, meanwhile, was managed by a tyrant-type twin
had monumental aspirations, as also in Euboea, and this dynasty. It devoted itself to a social order which guaranteed
survived in Athenian arts into the 7th century, with little a strong army and this it deployed against its neighbours
more than a glance towards Corinth and the islands. Athens’ relentlessly, and in a virtually imperialistic way within
political health seems to have been in a poor state until the Peloponnese, even eventually interfering in Athens
desperate regulatory measures by Drakon, if he existed, at and courting the major powers across the Aegean, both
the end of the 7th century, and cool ones by Solon, which Ionian and foreign. To this extent it was outward-looking,
put it on course again in the 6th century, when a tyrant no less than Athens; in others it was too much constrained by
family, as tyrants tended to, established a form of stability the need to keep control at home. The system was austere, yet
and prosperity at the expense, it may be, of some degree the élite could live well enough, to judge from the bronzes
of individual freedom, and with more reliance on an army and pottery made in Laconia, although this was certainly
more loyal to the tyrant family than the state. Then there not a place for palaces and marble temples or fancy grave
is Kleisthenes, not that he really managed to do more than monuments. Thucydides remarked how deceptive would
shift the identity of power rather than its character, and with be a comparison between a ruined Athens and a ruined
the help of a Spartan army, we should remember. But with Sparta in terms of judging power. Spartans had not
the tyrants Athens had become more consciously Ionian been not slow to respond too much of the orientalising
(where tyrants were the norm) in its arts – in sculpture more revolution in Greek art or even its later manifestations
than painting, an innovation that was slow to spread to other in the 6th century. It was to play a major military role in
parts of homeland Greece. In other 6th-century arts Athens the Persian Wars, but these had little enough effect on its
followed the lead of Corinth. If we judge by the pottery, as general culture, and only intermittently did Sparta rouse

Archaic Greek Culture

itself to ensure that it was top dog in south Greece or even When the Persians came to Ionia they took rather than
in Greece generally. Athenian classicism in the arts was gave, or were tolerant of people they could exploit and who
virtually ignored and the Spartans’ visual experience long gave access to the rest of a Greek world that they had tried
remained sub-archaic. to embrace. They failed to get further after the attempts
of the early 5th century because the poor Greeks were
Thebes seems even less like the pattern of Athens, perforce made of stouter stuff than the already faltering
Corinth and Sparta. It was busy trying to dominate empires like those of the Medes and Lydians, and they had
the lesser states in Boeotia, one of the richer agricultural better military technology and strategy, but for the most part
areas of Greece, like Thessaly to the north. Like Thessaly, the Persians could not be bothered with them. Domination
it was indifferent to the Persian threat when it came, and of Greece offered the Persians no obvious profits to
caved in, always jealous of Athens. Its arts stagnated compare with those of Anatolia, Egypt and Central Asia.
and depended much on the arts of neighbours, including The Ionians thus emerge as the cleverest of all the Greek
Athens; its people stayed at home. states. Their proximity to eastern cultures probably explains
their precocious science, and in their arts we should look
Crete took a prominent part in Greece’s orientalising to their achievements in metalwork, painting, architecture
revolution, as recipient of ideas and, it seems, people, and sculpture, all of them much affected by the east, rather
without going to look for the east, or at least beyond than their mainly miserable pottery. Their Persian wars
Cyprus, as the Euboeans did. Crete was also something had been in the mid-6th century and many of their people
of a leader in codifying legal practices, an activity followed their masters against their fellow Greeks. Some of
not characteristic of all parts of Greece in the earlier them were stirred to revolt by their fellows to the west, but
Archaic period, but to be an important element in for the most part they acquiesced in the new order; their
the development of even a roughly democratic city artists took little enough notice of the Classical revolution,
state. But in the 6th century the big Cretan sites seem and when they did it was in a very innovative way and
strangely quiet, and it would be hard to tell from fi nds often with borrowed craftsmen.
or art when or whether the Archaic ever gave way to
the Classical in art or manners, while the island was If we turn to the colonial world we fi nd a political
untouched by the Persian Wars or even the 5th-century scene in the Archaic period not that unlike some parts
inter-Greek wars, and we have no reason to believe that of the homeland – dominated by tyrants or kings, call
there was any serious depopulation. Like many other them which you will. Perhaps it should be easier to study
parts of the Greek world it simply does not conform Greek political behaviour in this environment, away from
to expectations of the pattern of Greek progress and the heroic traditions of the homeland, although the colonies
behaviour in the archaic period. were quick to create their own heroic traditions; away
also from attitudes to long-established neighbours which
If we move on to the east Aegean, to Ionian cities had been adopted over centuries. Colonial links with
like Ephesus and Miletus, we meet a yet more different the homeland remained strong even if commercial rather
cultural and political environment. They were ruled by than political. After early exploration, which was a legacy
tyrants, but tyrants, in Greek terms, do not represent of the Bronze Age, there must have been more deliberation
a special form of political control, just a form of kingship in the foundations than some current scholarship credits; this
with less certain succession and loyalties, dependent more is clear enough from the archaeology even without the texts,
on armed support than family. In the east Greek world, as indicating the possibility of easy subsistence as well as
in Athens, tyrants could be patrons of major enterprises – sources of a surplus for trade. The essential Greekness – by
temples, waterworks, fortifications – much more like which I mean language and religion, rather than any
the kings of Anatolia. One reason why they could act in more complicated sense of so-called ethnicity – remained
this way in east Greece was their geographical position dominant, and in the arts the colonies took their lead from
beside powerful neighbours – Phrygians, Lydians – and the homeland wherever they could, but were capable of
their presence on sea-routes north and south that took developing individual styles.
them into the exciting and rich territories of the Black
Sea, into the Levant and Egypt, although in the Levant at But the colonies’ neigbours were not now other Greeks.
least they had been anticipated by mainlanders. Much that They were people who sometimes had raw materials
they achieved must have been, and some demonstrably which the Greeks valued and needed, whether metals or
was, fi nanced by their neighbours, who regarded them foodstuffs. Culturally they were, in Greek eyes, naive.
as their vassals, to a degree that Greek historians, then It is fashionable nowadays to pretend that the colonial
and now, were generally unwilling to admit. Lydians Greeks learned much from their new neighbours, be they
did not subsidise the building of a colossal temple to Sicels, Apulians or Scythians, but it seems impossible for
a very Anatolian goddess like Artemis of the Ephesians anyone to produce any serious evidence for this in either
just out of the goodness of their hearts, or because they material or social matters, beyond the probable effects of
thought the Greeks were basically good people, a third a degree of intermarriage. Syracuse would have looked much
world worth supporting. They did it, and advertised it, to the same if it had been founded on the shores of Thrace or
demonstrate their supremacy and in honour of a goddess even Libya. The natives offered a market which could be
of Anatolian significance. observed and exploited, sometimes by trying to cater to its

J. Boardman

special needs and encouraging the people and their leaders terms, but again not in a way that suits all Greek lands
to esteem Greek products. There was no serious reciprocal at all times. Take sculpture. The kouroi may have been
effect – or I would be glad to hear of it if any can be ubiquitous in Greece, but the Athenian ionicising arts of
shown to have existed. The Greeks of the Black Sea did the mid century on were not. Natural selection of forms
not pick up nomad ways or nomad arts; quite the reverse. tended to greater realism in rendering of anatomical detail,
When in contact with Europe, in Italy, Spain or France, and towards the end of the 6th century, in drawing perhaps
the Greeks were unaffected by European arts. They barely before sculpture, more thought was given to effective
noticed Egypt, yet, years before, when their own arts had depiction of action and posture – but it was a question of
been relatively unsophisticated, they had been totally won the effective not the realistic, and the artist does not begin
over by the arts of Syria, so they were not temperamentally to look at life, virtually a first for the history of the art
averse from learning, just very discriminate. of ancient man anywhere, until the 5th century. Then
it is encouraged by a shift in sculptural techniques from
What is certain is that Archaic colonial Greeks went on the carved to the modelled. It was not inevitable; it was
living a Greek life, while the life of their neighbours was not so elsewhere in ancient art in the world, and it took
irretrievably changed by the Greek intrusion. This is not some time to be adopted in all Greek lands, mainly from
jingoistic – it is simply observation of verifiable fact. Even the example of travelling artists.
when the Greeks succeeded in securing a trading enclave at
Naukratis in Egypt, they turned it into a Greek town, with In its way the Archaic mode was the general mode for
Greek temples and a social system which they came to call all antiquity, in the Old and New Worlds, and we single
a polis – that magic word. The Egyptians were the only it out in Greece only because it is easier to isolate, and
race to remain immune, most of them until Roman times. for what came later, a progression not to be identified
The British Raj could have done no better for themselves; elsewhere. Egypt maintained what we might call a very
but the Raj had other missions too and came to seek more sophisticated Archaic mode in the arts through over three
than just subsistence and trade. Strabo observed bitterly on millennia, highly successfully and despite the constant
the bad effect the Greeks had on the natives with whom possible influence of other styles, including the Greek.
they had contact in the Black Sea. Think too of Europeans The rest of the world never quite had a Classical revolution
in the Americas. Lord Curzon, looking at Central Asia in to look forward to in Greek terms – China, India,
the 19th century, commented that “Western civilization in the Americas – only China eventually devised its own style
its Eastward march suggests no sadder reflection than that of idealised realism, beside much that was still Archaic.
it cannot convey its virtues alone, but must come with Rome spread its own reading or misreading of the Greek
Harpies in its train, and smirch with their foul contact message, until it was recaptured by the Renaissance and
the immemorial simplicity of Oriental life”. modern scholarship. Reflecting on this we can see how
unnatural in its way the Classical revolution was, and how
Looking at the archaic behaviour of these areas – of Greece might easily have continued with modes of art and
Athens, Corinth, Sparta, Thebes, Ionia, the colonies – expression on which variations might be worked but never
the states of Archaic Greece can be seen to have had very a revolution. Nor is it easy to argue for any sort of political
different fortunes, motivations and achievements. They were sophistication which inevitably culminated in the reforms
all Greek in that they spoke Greek, in various not always of Kleisthenes, rather than a pattern of royal, dynastic,
intercommunicable dialects, and they worshipped Greek or commercial governance of vastly different style even
gods. They recognized that non-Greeks were different but in adjacent territories. We move from near-oriental cities
not necessarily worse or inferior, and they were well ready like Miletus, in many ways dependent on major powers to
to court them and learn from them, at least in the east or the east, to the quaintness of Sparta, to the internal intrigues
Egypt. If we look for something more coherent by which of Athens, to trading states like Corinth, the farmers of
to define Archaic Greece we should perhaps look rather Boeotia and Thessaly. There was perhaps more coherence
to the national sanctuaries, Delphi and Olympia, but in of political practice in the Greek colonial world than at
this period even they were very much at the mercy of home, determined by partial isolation and the importance
local politics – think of the Amphiktionic wars at Delphi of trade as much as subsistence on local land, but it did
and Olympia’s Peloponnesian bias. At least, as showcases not lead to democracy, if that is what we think the post-
of the arts, from architecture to Kleinkunst, they provided Archaic is about.
visitors with a fairly broad range of examples of excellence
from different parts of Greece, and no less from outside It becomes clear that our understanding the coherence
Greece. of the Archaic has to depend to some degree on our
view of the coherence and achievement of what came
A prime mover for the Archaic was the example of afterwards – the Classical. The English poet Alexander
the Near East, sought out by some Greeks, but to which Pope wrote: ‘Know then thyself, presume not god to scan,
the Greeks responded in different ways and at a different The proper study of mankind is man’.
tempo in different places, many of them without direct
knowledge of or contact with the east, as we have seen, This is a concept that goes back to Greece, not least
but simply copying other Greeks. In the arts it is certainly to the Greek motto gnothi seauton ‘know thyself’, but
possible to make a definition of Archaic art on its own especially to Classical Greece. Archaic Greece observed

Archaic Greek Culture

man, his world and his behaviour, rather than his Greek taste and standards, and not by foreign example.
motivations and processes of thought and argument, But this happened only locally and was not a universal
and observed him closely – from Homer, the Lyric Greek pattern of development.
poets, through the developing narrative arts. Archaic
philosophical and scientific speculation went outside If there is any message at all it is that we may easily
man to the whole cosmos, from atomic theory to global be led away from the truth, and a fair assessment of what
geography, still largely observed in terms of divinity, was achieved in ancient Greece, if we are as bound by
however defi ned, and much dependent on the example of consideration of ‘the Archaic’ or ‘the Classical’ as other
the foreigner, Egyptian or Babylonian. Meanwhile Hesiod antiquarians are by classifications and labels of Early,
and others codified what the Greeks should believe about Middle, Late, Ripe, Decadent. Greek history and culture
their myth history and gods. is nothing if it is not variegated, and the different strands
of culture, physical and intellectual, did not always or
Classical Greece is different; in Athens at least it did everywhere progress in a uniform way. We fi nd it easy,
not simply observe, but went on to analyse man and his with hindsight, to discern progress, but there is little in
behaviour, with or without gods, through the tragedians, Greek art or culture in any period to suggest that their
historians, sophists, philosophers and scientists. It was artists and thinkers were consciously dedicating themselves
not a foregone conclusion that this would have happened to improvement, rather than reacting to different conditions
after the Archaic period, and the reasons for it are not and associations, or trying to answer old and new problems.
for pursuit today. It was also highly localised. What if Professor Dodds (1973) argued that the Greeks had no
the Persians had succeeded? concept of Progress at all except for a brief period in
the 5th century. It would even be possible to argue that
It would not be altogether impossible for me, as others going for the realistic in the arts was a retrograde step,
have, to turn my whole initial argument on its head, and not taken by any other ancient culture, whatever its
to argue that the Archaic in Greece was a unified culture, results may have proved to be. In this Plato would have
consciously developed by a people with a mission and agreed. What 7th-century Corinth or Ionia, 6th-century
ambition; but it would mean that I would have to cut Athens or Sparta achieved, what much of the Greek
many corners in the argument and ignore many parts world simply chose to ignore, are but stepping stones
of the Greek world altogether. Or, as I did in a book of across very troubled waters, which were eventually but
nearly 40 years ago (Boardman 1967), one might argue not inevitably to be channelled in parts of Greece and
that the Archaic period amounts to a first phase of eventually on the broader fields of the Roman empire, into
necessary instruction from the east in the orientalising other achievements; these had much more to do with the
revolution, followed by a later archaic phase in which history of human culture than idealised realism, narrative
Greek arts grew up and purged themselves of the foreign formulae, predicting the eclipse of the moon, or recording
and oriental, while developing an art dictated wholly by history and the material world.

A Kore in Amber

Faya Causey

This conference and the gathered papers provide when working with a decontextualized archeological artefact.
an opportunity to propose an addition to the corpus of The loss of any artefact’s context is immeasurable, and
South Ionian Archaic art1. It is an amber pendant of any attempt to discuss the kore pendant without it, is, to
the kore type in the J. Paul Getty Museum, one in a large borrow an analogy from Thorkild Jacobsen (1976, 19), “not
donation of carved amber objects made to the museum unlike entering the world of poetry”.
in 1976 by Gordon McClendon. The Getty kore-type
pendant (76.AO.77), Figs. 1–5, is one of a handful of The amber pendant was collected as a work of Archaic
Archaic figured amber objects which can be attributed Greek art and as an important antiquity by the donor,
to the Greek East; two others, amber Masks (76.AO.79, and accepted as a gift to the museum because its
Fig. 6, and 77.AO.81.5), also jewellery elements in the quality, beauty, and rarity. At the time of its acquisition
McClendon donation, were previously published by this into the Antiquities collection, there was no published
author (Causey 1993). In spite of their respective states comparable work, adding to its value and interest. (Donald
of preservation, these three ambers are exceptional Strong’s catalogue of ancient carved amber in the British

This paper is intended to identify the kore pendant “as

a domestic object with a potential plurality of meanings”
(Moorey 2004), keeping in view the challenges presented

I would like to thank the organizers of this conference for
the invitation to participate and to our Russian hosts for their
hospitality and generosity. This paper benefited greatly from
the other presentations and discussion at the Hermitage conference,
and I would like to thank the participants for their stimulating
presentations as well as their constructive comments on my paper.
The subject grew out of the project of cataloguing the carved amber
objects in the Antiquities Department of the J. Paul Getty Museum
(now the Getty Villa collection). I would like to express my gratitude
to the Getty’s curatorial, conservation, and publication staff, past
and present, who have been of great help over a long period of
time in this endeavor. The research for this paper was supported
by a Robert H. Smith Fellowship at the National Gallery of Art
and the writing by an Ailsa Mellon Bruce Curatorial Fellowship
at the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts, National
Gallery of Art. The ‘Pendant Carved as a Kore’ is published in
The J. Paul Getty Museum handbook of the antiquities collection,
(2002, 145, where it is in the Etruscan section) and in the author’s
forthcoming catalogue of the Greek, Etruscan and Italic carved
figured ambers, to be published in the Villa collections series.
Gordon McLendon donated his ancient carved amber collection to
the Getty between 1976 and 1978. It consists of figured objects,
fibula decorations, plain beads and pendants; ring pendants with
metal mounts, and a large number of beads and pendants stung
into necklaces, some of which include gold beads. Three of
the McLendon donation necklaces seem to be strung with related
material (date, form, style, technique, and state of preservation);
others are made up, and include a range of bead and pendants.
One necklace of gold and amber beads included an Etruscan gold-
mounted Archaic Greek carnelian scarab. The carnelian scarab
is published by J. Spier (1992, 16–7, no. 13), and by P. Zazoff
(1978–1979, 196–7). The other carved ambers in the Antiquities
Collection, including the remainder of the McLendon donation, Fig. 1. Amber kore pendant, J. Paul Getty Museum
will be published in another catalogue volume. (76.AO. 77). [Front]. Photo: Museum

A Kore in Amber

Fig. 2. Amber kore pendant, J. Paul Getty Museum Fig. 3. Amber kore pendant, J. Paul Getty Museum
(76.AO. 77). [Back]. Photo: Museum (76.AO. 77). [Right profile]. Photo: Museum

Museum collection, encompassing Bronze Age to Roman the terracotta was involved in”. Indeed, what ‘activity’
material, had been published shortly before in 1966.) was the amber kore involved in?
Because of its history, the kore was investigated with the
toolkits of a range of disciplines, including art history, Kore: condition and description
archaeology, anthropology, ethnology, and the history of
collecting and display. Two of the late Roger Moorey’s last Condition
works, the 2001 Schweich Lectures, Idols of the People, There are pinpoint losses over all the surface and
Miniature images of Clay in the Ancient Near East (2003) small breaks over much of it – along the right side: on
and his catalogue of the Ancient Near Eastern terra the veil, the right breast, and the right arm from elbow
cottas in the Ashmolean (2004) have served as models to hand; and along the left side: on a section of the veil,
for such a multi-disciplinary approach, and it is from and the upper torso near the breast. There are also breaks
the latter that Jacobsen’s quote is borrowed. A number on the crown, at the top center and on the whole bottom
of Moorey’s observations have played a specific role in of the sculpture from the lower hem area to the feet.
shaping this inquiry, among them his cautionary note in This pendant has a uniform dark orange-red translucency
the introduction to the Ashmolean catalogue (2004, 9): in normal daylight conditions and a bright orange-red
“Even if it may be possible to identify who or what is color when held to the up to the light. No inclusions are
represented, whether it be natural or supernatural, that visible to the naked eye. Upon acquisition by the museum,
does not in itself resolve the question of what activity the piece (which had been broken at the waist and re-glued)

F. Causey

was cleaned mechanically and treated with an amber oil

distillate. The result of the treatment was an improved
translucency and slight darkening of the color.

The amber has not been chemically analyzed, but its
appearance is consistent with Baltic amber. The object is
flat on the reverse and concave on the obverse, suggesting
the form of the piece of amber from which it was worked,
but there are no depressions or grooves. The lack of
visible inclusions and no flow lines suggests that it was
carved from amber formed inside the trunk. The flange
at the top of the head is drilled from both lateral sides
toward the center for the insertion of a carrier. Under
strong light, the two borings are distinguishable. Some
areas preserve the multi-directional scratches caused by
the use of a fi ne abrasive: between the arm and the bodice,
on the long folds of the garment, and at the juncture of
face and hair.

Fig. 4. Amber kore pendant, J. Paul Getty Museum Fig. 6. Amber mask (Apollo?), J. Paul Getty Museum
(76.AO. 77). [Left profile]. Photo: Museum (76.AO. 79). Photo: Museum

She holds the chiton skirt in both hands, and is posed with
her left leg advanced slightly in front of the right. The figure
wears a chiton with belt, veil, crown, and bodice jewellery. Her
face is a full oval, the brow is smooth. The smallish, narrow
eye sockets are shallow and empty; they were likely inlaid
(with eyes made from ivory and amber?). Enough of the nose
remains to show that was indented slightly at the root, and
was carved at an angle close to the facial plane. The cheeks
are flattish and full. The mouth, formed in an expression
of a half-smile, has a short upper lip (with the tubercle
indicated), which protrudes over a full lower lip, which is
indented slightly at the center. The nodes at the corners of
the mouth and the mouth angle furrow are indicated by
short, nearly vertical indentations. The mentolabial sulcus is
shallow; the chin is small and round.

Fig. 5. Amber kore pendant, J. Paul Getty Museum The hair framing the forehead is parted in the middle,
(76.AO. 77). [Detail, head]. Photo: Museum and the two sections are dressed to each side in a series

A Kore in Amber

of four rounded waves, each undulation plastically swelled. the Novi Pazar ambers have been published as coming
The sections then are pulled over the top of the ear and from the production centers of Southern Italy, the huge find
behind it. Over her hair is veil of fi ne fabric. Her hair is seems to include objects from many artisanal traditions, not
worn loose down the back, in a fall which is curved at only those of the south of Italy. (The Novi Pazar korai are
the bottom (the middle of which hits the top of the thoracic discussed in more detail to this author below.)
vertebrae). Atop the veil is a crown, worn at the position
of the bregma. The pendant flange at the top of the head The amber of the kore
is carved with a bead and reel. Owing to the fragility of the object, the amber of
the Getty pendant has not been scientifically analyzed.
The torso section of the chiton falls into two vertical However, because of the size of the pendant, the quality of
folds over falling the waist to the position of her wrists. the amber, its clarity and color it is presumed to be ‘Baltic’
The skirt is drawn closely against the body. In her left hand, amber. This is the case for almost all ancient worked
her thumb over the cloth, she grasps the central portion amber and for all of the tested pieces in the McLendon
of the chiton, which is delineated by three narrow pleats. donation 2.
Her right hand also holds a section of the skirt, causing it to
construct a vertical accent of several folds, the thumb once Just as the material of clay is essential to the nature of
again uppermost on the gathers. The draping on the right the terra cotta ‘idol,’ so, too, is the amber of the korai.
side is pulled into six evenly spaced folds, patterned into If any natural material known to humans is magical, it is
almost parallel, horizontal sections. Three raised horizontal amber. Since earliest times, amber was treasured for its
bands at the waist signify the belt. The hem at the neckline, physical, chemical, and optical properties, its origins, and
the median join of the sleeves indicated by two adjoining for its mythic associations. The fossil resin’s amazing
and parallel raised lines, and the narrow hems at the elbow inclusions of flora and fauna must have dazzled, intrigued
are clearly indicated. The veil falls forward to either side and inspired explanation. Even without figuration, a drop
of the head at the position of the ears (not indicated) to of (Baltic) amber, Greek elektron, was a high-value,
her shoulders, forming drapes of cloth, or lappets, which high-status object since earliest times. Lumps of amber
hand forwards to the level of her armpits. The veil leaves have been found in Norther n European Paleolithic
the tips of the shoulders free, and cascades down her back dwelling caves. In the Mesolithic in Northern Europe,
to about the level of her ankles. She wears a beaded objects of amber – shaped into or embellished with potent
ornament across the clavicle area, a horizontal element. symbols of the sun, fertility, and regeneration – were
Is it a pectoral ornament, the string fitted with hooks to buried with the dead, perhaps to offer light and warmth
fasten it across the top of the garment; is it sewn directly in the grave, perhaps to offer the same suspended
to the garment; or does it attach the two veil lappets, lifelikeness of the creatures encased in amber, probably
something similar to a modern sweater chain? In the back, with the hope of protecting the deceased in the fraught
the veil is patterned into a series of vertical pleats to a level journey to the Beyond. In archaeological contexts and in
just above the hem of the chiton. The center of the veil ancient literature, amber is almost always associated with
is flat, unpleated, and plain; the sides of the garment the divine, the heroic, and the elite, and was a significant
are turned back, folding onto the center portion. This material in status display. When the context of worked
results in the terminal edges patterning into swallowtails. amber is known in the Mediterranean world, it is a ‘princely’
Drop-shaped fabric weights (two) attached to the each grave, or a dedication or a foundation deposit in a sanctuary.
corner of the veil, and are discernible at the uppermost Amber was used in ornament, amulet, medicine, or as
edges of the zigzags on both sides. raw incense from earliest times.

Provenance At the time of the pendant’s making, amber was

All of the carved amber objects in the McClendon the province of the privileged and powerful, a material
gift were said by the donor to have come from Italy, with divine, mythical, heroic, and historic associations. For
but unfortunately there is no further information about Homer’s audiences, this association is evident from the first
the objects’ history or about the circumstances of the find(s). appearance of elektron in the Book 4 of the Odyssey, in
‘Italy’ is a large geographical construct, but it may be Telemachus’ description of Menelaus’ palace. Elektron occurs
the correct (however generalized) provenance, since almost two other times in the Odyssey. In Book 15, the swineherd
all documented Archaic figured amber has come from Eumaeus, in telling the story of his kidnapping to Odysseus,
Italian sites. However, it is three finds from an Iron Age remembers the cunning Phoenician mariner who turned up
‘princely’ burial at Novi Pazar which may provide the best
parallels for the Getty kore pendant. The kore-type ambers Michael Schilling, chief scientist, Getty Conservation Institute,
are three among the 8377 carved ambers of the burial. and Jeffrey Maish, Getty antiquities conservator, completed
The construction of the stone tomb, excavated in 1957, the analysis of 35 ambers and a paper on their research in March
is characteristic of Central Balkan ‘princely’ burials 2005. A condensed version of their paper is included in Causey
(Palavestra 2003, 213, with earlier bibliography including forthcoming. I would like to thank both of them and also Jerry
Popović 1994). “The abundance of the grave offerings was Podany, head of antiquities conservation at the Getty for their
placed in a wooden chest and around it; the chest itself was expertise, contributions, collegiality, and support with this project.
covered with stone slabs” (Palavestra 2003, 213). Although The photographs were taken by Ellen Rosenbery.

F. Causey

at his ancestral home with an eye-catching golden necklace, of the 6th century BC. The Getty amber is one of nine
strung with amber pieces. In Book 17, when the suitors vie published examples, of which four have documented
with each other in the extravagance of their gifts to Penelope, archaeological contexts: the three from Novi Pazar noted
Eurymachus’ contribution is “a richly crafted necklace of gold above, each representing a female in chiton, veil, and mantle;
adorned with sun-bright amber”. Another early occurrence and a single female figure in a simple chiton (and veil?)
of elektron is in the (pseudo-) Hesiodic Shield of Herakles from a 6th century BC female burial at Monteleone di
[2.41] somewhat later in the Greek-speaking world, around Spoleto, Colle del Capitano (Perugia, Museo Archeologico
600 BC, amber attracted a new kind of attention: Thales of Nazionale 101185: De Angelis 1985, 288, fig. 9). The latter
Miletos is credited with having discovered ‘electricity’, based comes from a disturbed grave, which also included an amber
on his observation of amber’s capacity to attract fiber fluff. pendant of a siren (?) protome. The other figured ambers in
(Did Thales make this discovery at home, as he observed the Novi Pazar burial include pendants in the form of ram
a woman in his household spinning Miletos’ famous wool protomes, birds, and acorns, and two large plaques: the one
with an amber distaff?). with Herakles carrying the Cecropes engraved on one side
and two hoplites on the other; and the second, engraved
Korai in miniature with a rider and horse on one side and facing sphinxes
Small figures in the form of draped females made from on the other. Aleksandar Palavestra (2003) has proposed
high-value materials for use as amulets and ornaments for that the triangular-shaped plaques, some of the birds, and
the living and for the dead have an ancient history. In Egypt, some of the other flat pieces were originally combined to
Hathor, Isis, and Neith, are among the human-headed form complex ornaments. The other non-figured Novi Pazar
amulet types. Gold sheet repoussé-formed jewellery ambers are plain beads and pendants, spacer beads, and
pendants with female figures are known from Minoan part of a vessel. All of the amber samples tested show it
Crete, and are a frequent subject of Orientalizing gold to have come from the north of Europe. Palavestra writes
work from the Greek East. In Italy, Archaic repoussé that the style of the ambers points to the production centers
figures of precious metals were excavated in the southern in Southern Italy (2003). As noted above, to this author,
Italy at Taranto, Oria, and Metaponto (dated to the second the burial appears to include the work of many different
half of the 6th century BC), and were apparently attached artisans, traditions, object-types, and include a variety
to poloi. Etr uscan gold plaques (for jeweller y and of sources – in subject, style, and type – not just those
dress?) of the 6th–5th centuries BC, related to the earlier attributable to Southern Italy.
East Greek examples, often represent female figures
wearing crowns or pointed hats. Ivory kore-type figures The five other published amber korai do not have
were long used in the Ancient Near East as supports documented provenances, but they are said to have come
and parts of furnishings, a tradition that continued in from Italy: a kore figure once in Berlin and now lost
Greek and Etruscan Orientalizing art. The finds from (Bernstein Inv. no. 1: Heidenreich 1968, 656 ff., pl. 9.1),
the Ephesus and Samos are the extraordinary Ionian wearing a chiton and an over garment, over the head; two
witnesses: the ivory statuettes from the Artemision in Dresden (Albertinum, inv. no. 1384, for both: Heidenreich
represent the goddess herself; those from Samos, Hera 1968, 655 ff., pl. 8: 1–2) garbed in chiton, veil, and
and other divinities including Egyptians. The ivory and mantle; and a fifth in New York (Metropolitan Museum
bone figures of a standing draped woman at Sparta are of Art inv. no. 17.230.52: Richter 1940, 32, figs. 104–105),
Artemis Orthia. In Italy, one of the earliest documented a kourotrophos. Both figures were chitons, and the adult
examples of an ivory kore is from Murlo, dating to about figure wears an over-garment, perhaps a veil. Richter
the same time as the precious metal examples and many attributes it to Etruria. Robert Heidenreich recounts that
of the Greek ivories. Osseous korai are more frequently the Dresden ambers came from a grave near Rome, and
in evidence in the last quarter of the 6th century BC, attributes the pair to Etruria; the Berlin pieces have no
no longer in Ionia, now almost exclusively in peninsular known find spot, and Heidenreich considers them as Italic,
Italy. Bone and ivory draped female figures dating to probably Etruscan. These remain reasonable conclusions.
the decades each side of 500 BC include a pendant from
Taranto excavated from a tomb; six draped female figures The Getty and other amber korai, compared and
of bone or ivory, all wearing simple chitons, strung in contrasted
a row on the pin of a fibula excavated from a grave The Getty pendant has features in common with
at Belmonte Piceno (along with a corresponding nude each one of the nine pendants, but it is most similar to
kouroi-decorated pin); and seven bone or ivory single the Berlin pendant, at least to judge from the photograph
female figures in simple chitons, one a seal and the others, of her front (there is no extant photograph of her back).
statuettes, unearthed from the Stipe di Sant’Omobono They are alike in contour, volume, stance, hand position,
at Rome (Rome, Antiquario Communale, inv. no. 27876, as well as general body proportions: large heads on
the single figure; and 27858, the seal). Because of their diminutive necks (their heads make up roughly a fifth of
large disc-shaped head ornaments, the latter have been their total height), wide shoulders and full upper arms,
identified as representing the Mater Matuta. and a short stature. Both wear chitons with deep over
folds, and have similar long, cape-like veils with lappets
The earliest amber korai are contemporary with of cloth on the front and shoulders. Although the Getty
the bone and ivory examples, and date to the last decades and Berlin pendants may share a common artistic tradition,

A Kore in Amber

and even a common prototype, there are differences of the features3. Croissant’s comments about this group,
between them, notably in the more cursory modeling that their faces are serene and communicate a sense of
of the Berlin pendant. Whereas the Getty amber has an immediate and living presence could also be applied
a bead and reel flange as part of the pendant, the Berlin to the Getty pendant.
amber is bored through the head from temple to temple.
The expression of the Getty figure smiles, while the Berlin The weight and hand of the chiton and veil fabrics
amber communicates greater gravity (is this owing to age are communicated by the carver with a rich plasticity
or the photography?). The larger of the Dresden amber in the modeling. The figurine’s belted chiton has long
pendants is also veiled, but there are no frontal lappets overhangs, a central bunching of folds in the skirt in
(the smaller one may also wear a veil, but it is not as front, an emphasized verticality in the bodice folds,
clearly represented). The Getty, the Berlin, the larger of and a series of horizontal folds of the skirt section.
the Dresden pendants, and two of the Novi Pazar figures This is a similar patterning to that of many South Ionian
(689/I and 692/I: Popovič 1994, 208, no. 296 and 298) hold marble korai, including two fragmentary marbles from
folds of drapery in both hands, but more markedly with Miletos (Berlin 1577 and 1744), one from Didyma
the left hand. Novi Pazar 689/I is the most pronounced (Berlin 1793), but also to that of a marble from Theangela,
display of cloth-grasping. Caria (London B319, a), and to the figure of a votive relief
from near Cyzicus (Berlin 1851).
These nine amber korai, all apparently by different
hands, and from at least six different find spots, suggest The long curving coiffure of the amber figurine, which
a widespread demand for amber pendants of the kore does not appear to be a common Archaic hairstyle, may
type. The similarities and differences in dress and pose also be worth further investigation. Parallels for it include
deserve attention. The iconographic variations may have three Greek marble korai, a Greek bronze mirror stand, and
carried different meanings and identities, may signal their a number of Etruscan votive bronzes. The Greek examples
different functions and any relationship to any prototypes, are the above-mentioned Letos (?) from Delos in Athens
and may reveal the flexibility of the kore type. Three of (NM22); the marble Kore from Andros in Copenhagen
the amber female figures are stationary, of which one is (number); a late 6th century BC (with later interventions)
a kourotrophos. Five are chiton-grasping, and have the left marble kore in New York, said to be from the neighborhood
foot forward; of these, three are veiled. Two – the Getty of Laurion (07.286.110); and a late 6th century bronze
and Berlin pendants – are similar enough in dress, pose, mirror stand in London, said to have been found in Rome
and style to suggest a common prototype, yet different (BM 242). The Etruscan examples, dated by Emeline
enough for them to be the work of different carvers. Richardson to the Middle Archaic, include two in Florence
(nos. 266, from Arezzo, fonte Venziana stips; and 231), and
Although the number is relatively small, the fact an unnumbered bronze in the Villa Giulia4.
that nine amber korai pendants were found in similar
circumstances, six with documentation that they come Atop the hair of the amber figure, lies the veil, held in
from graves, might allow them to be considered as “part place by the crown. The veil is long: it leaves the front
of a single system of symbols at the time of use” (Moorey of the hair exposed, surrounds the face, covers the ears,
2004, and see below). and forms two graceful loops of fabric, or lappets at
the shoulders. In the back, it descends to about the level of
Milesian manufacture? the ankles, just above the hem of the chiton5. The rendering
The Getty kore pendant is attributed here to a South of the top portion of the veil corresponds to the type
Ionian carver, perhaps by a Milesian, because of its physical Brunilde Ridgway (1993) characterizes as typically Milesian,
type, form, iconography, and style. It is dated to the last a fashion which swells around the temples in contrast with
decades of the sixth century BC. In the absence of parallels the tighter arrangement of Samian veils. Milesian, too, are
in similar scale, the amber kore is compared here to the veil’s zigzag folds. Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones (2003, 27)
three-dimensional objects, marbles, terra cottas, and bronzes. describes the Milesian veils as lightweight, and perhaps
More could be gained by looking at the Getty amber in diaphanous. Yet, unlike the three-dimensional marble
relation to the two-dimensional images of painted vases, korai that wear the long veil, the amber kore’s veil is not
especially in light of the many new or newly-published wrapped around the body and tucked into the belt, but
vessels which might be tied to South Ionia, and more instead falls freely to the ankles: this is the also the way
specifically Miletos. the long veil appears on the korai of the marble reliefs.
The Getty pendant kore appears to be the only complete
Published analogues for the head of the Getty pendant
include terra cottas and marbles. Four marble heads, two Croissant 1983, Chapter II. Group B: BM 205, BM 206,
from Miletos (Berlin 71, Sk 1631), one from Samos (Berlin Athens 5669, and Louvre MNC 681.
Sk 1874), one possibly from Samos in Paris (M4546), For the Villa Giulia bronze, see Richardson 1983, 264, figs. 601–
and another in Izmir (15136) are similar in the overall 602.
anatomical structure. A group of terra cottas attributed The relief figure found at Caltidere (Myrina) in the Izmir Museum,
by Francois Croissant to Miletos are particularly close in wears a veil that forms nearly identical lappets. Akurgal (1979, 38,
their emphasis on horizontality in the design and placement pl. 8: 1–2) dates the relief to about 570–560 BC.

F. Causey

three-dimensional example of a figure wearing the long rôle. In the case of carved amber, researchers have long
veil in this manner, since otherwise it is known only from proposed a place for Ionians and Ionian art in production
body-less marble heads, headless bodies, and figures of in Italy, from the Orientalizing into the Archaic. One way
marble relieves. of measuring impact is in influence and in this author’s
view, works such as the New York Morgan amber, a fibula
Carved where? decoration of a banqueting scene, said to have come from
If the pendant were indeed carved by a South Ionian, Falconara, and reveals the specific artistic impact of south
where was it carved? Although there is no direct evidence Ionia on the indigenous culture. This is a thoroughly Italic
for the location, the circumstantial evidence points west, type (Picene?) type of fibula which represents an Ionian/
to Italy, the reported provenance. There is very little Etruscan version of an Oriental subject. Another example,
archaeological evidence for amber working in Greece after said to be from Italy, is the recumbent amber lion pendant
circa 600 BC, although it is well-attested earlier at Ionian in the Getty (76.AO. 78, Figs. 7–8) of the early 5th century
archaeological sites throughout the Orientalizing period, BC; it is very close to the marble lions of Miletos.
in sanctuaries especially. However, it disappears from
the record after 600 BC, just at the time Thales records For the Archaic period, myth and legend may help
its trick of attracting fluff electromagnetically. In contrast, explain the abundance of amber in Italy. The best known
amber seems always to have been available in Italy, with story of amber’s origins is that of Phaeton. The Eridanos
numerous amber-rich fi lled graves dating to the second (identified early on with the Po) is the river where Phaethon
half of the 7th century BC. Italian peninsular finds are not crashed and fell, where his sisters and mother, the Heliades,
uncommon after 600 BC, and beginning in the last third came to mourn, and where the Heliades were turned into
of the 6th century BC and continuing into the 5th century poplar trees, their tears hardening into amber as they
BC, the archaeological record shows a wealth of amber dripped into the river. There also existed other amber-origin
objects in Italy. The Italian Orientalizing and Archaic finds stories ‘documenting’ Italy or the Adriatic as its source:
are almost exclusively funerary. This is not to exclude Euripides, Apollonius, and Pseudo-Aristotle (Adriatic Gulf)
the possibility that the amber kore was carved in Ionia – it and Theophrastus (Liguria).
may be merely absent in the record. Baltic amber may
well have been imported to South Ionia in the Archaic and If the kore were carved in Italy, near the presumed
worked there. Amber comes in various, small size pieces sources of raw amber, it might be asked: Was the carver
and is remarkably light and easy to pack – unlike ivory a foreign resident, a free-lance itinerant, a transferred
for example. craftsman? 6 Or was the kore’s carver a high-ranking
stranger, the ‘seer, or a healer of illnesses, or a carpenter
But if carved in Italy, where and under what circumstances? who works on wood, or even an inspired singer’ named
The preponderance of amber finds come from graves in by Eumaios [Od. 17. 384–385]? Amber was a prestige
the south central Basilicata, the Etruscan cities of Campania material and the skill represented by the maker of the kore
(Cumae, Canosa, Pontecagnano), the mid-Adriatic, especially suggests valuable artisanry. But might a greater value have
in ancient Picenum, and the areas bordering Etruria to lain in the knowledge of what amber was good for, how
the north and east. In this picture, the Novi Pazar burial is it might ‘work’? Whatever is the case, it does not mean
exceptional. Many, if not most of the 5th – 4th centuries that the pendant maker need have been an amber carver,
BC figured ambers have an inconographic connection
to Etruscan art, and the Ionian presence is still seen in It may be that the kore pendant was made by an ‘amber worker’;
the forms, subjects, and style. Few objects of amber have alternatively, it may be that this amber and others were made
been found in Magna Graecia, and only one figured work, by a craft specialist in skeletal materials, stone workers, or gem
a lion, from a documented context (Lo Porto 1959, 213, cutters, for example, owing to the characteristics of the fossil
n. 7, fig. 183: d; from Tomb 116 [Acclavio Street], dated resin. Although the techniques evidenced in the kore are most like
to 560–550 BC). As many classes of Archaic material those of the skeletal materials, a ‘goldsmith’ or gemstone carver
demonstrate, including a many discussed in this conference, would have found soft amber pleasant to work. The high quality
findspot is no guarantee of location of manufacture. of the kore pendant and its similarity to images of bronze, terra
cotta, marble, and plastic elements on vases and to plastic vases
There is considerable evidence, both literary and suggest that the authorship should not be limited to the materials of
archaeological, for close ties in the Archaic between South jewelry or miniatures. The evidence from Bronze Age workshops
Ionia and Italy, and more specifically between Miletos (for which there is more evidence than for Archaic workshops)
and the west, with Magna Grecia and Etruria, especially. points to the wide range of materials and a relatively small
The history of South Ionia has long been outlined and number of tools employed in multi-media productions including
there is significant evidence for both objects and people amber. Another way of considering the kore has to do with its
from the area in various west Greek and Italian centers. potential function as an amulet. Any one of the four kinds of
The Miletos-Sibaris and Sibaris-Etruscan connections are high-ranking strangers named by Eumaios could have been
long known. In the arts, the impact of South Ionia is marked involved in the carving of an amulet with the same subject. For
in architecture and city planning, but also in smaller scale, more on this much-discussed passage, see the recent discussion
in bronze work, vases, ivories and gemstones. Coroplasts by G. Nagy (1997, Chapter 12, section 13:
and their products seem also to have played an important edu/books/nagy/BofA.html), and by W. Burkert (1992, 41–87).

A Kore in Amber

per se. An artisan familiar with the working of fine woods,

ivory, stone, metals, or gemstones when faced with working
amber would have mastered the fossil resin in little time.
Amber is very soft and pleasant to work, and needs no
special tools: it can be shaped and carved with a simple tool
set, abrasives, graver, sharp edge, drill and saw. Amber’s
inherent peculiarities, such as flow lines, brittleness, low
melting point, inclusions, or odd forms could have been
mastered quickly.

Types and antecedents: kore and veil

There is much uncertainty in current scholarship about
the kore type, its meaning and functions and its historical
and cultural contexts. This author supports the position that
marble korai represent divinities rather than human beings
(when designated as individuals, they are in divine form),
and the same appears to be true for small scale korai in
other media, including the miniatures. As Ridgway fi rst
argued in 1977, the kore type is heavily indebted to Oriental
prototypes both in rendering and in items of clothing;
it could be exploited to portray specific goddesses usually
by the addition of an attribute or extra garment. Ridgway
has underlined the importance of studying the clothing of
the kore throughout her career. Writing in 1981 about another
of the Getty’s korai, the marble Elgin Kore, Ridgway
declared there that “most depictions of garments on statues
and on vases are either ritualistic or ‘old-fashioned’ and
Fig. 7. Amber lion pendant, J. Paul Getty Museum most certainly symbolic, although the allusions may escape
(76.AO.78) [Top view]. Photo: Museum us today”. This comment has been borne out be later finds
and recent scholarship. She also was among the fi rst to
note that the Ionian long veil is related to those worn by
Anatolian women, Phrygians and others, of the Neo-Hittite
period (Ridgway 2004; Llewellyn-Jones 2003).

As part of this traditional costume, the Getty amber

kore’s veil is significant. The way it is worn (including
the fact that her face is uncovered) may suggest the status
and even the name for the figure, since a veil may indicate
age, social statues, the locale (out of doors), a specific
activity, or event. Llewellyn-Jones summarizes the extant
evidence for veiling in ancient Greece, and provides
a rich discussion of the multivalence of its meaning,
including the place of veils and veiling in the social order.
The outer-garment could denote stages in a woman’s
life-cycle and appears to have played various social
and symbolic rôles though Greek culture. In Homeric
epic, noblewomen (and in notable cases by their serving
women), the focus of the cycles, wear the veil, and in
7th century BC vase painting, goddesses (Athena and
Aphrodite) and well-born wives ( Eriphyle and Helen)
are depicted with various types of outer-garments worn
over the head. A girl’s passage to womanhood was
marked by her use of the veil; she offered her veil to
Artemis on the eve of her wedding before donning
a special wedding veil (when the bride comes under
the protection of Aphrodite); and as a married woman
wore a veil in public, going without it only in the fi rst
stages of mourning. Llewellyn-Jones (2003, 27) reviews
Fig. 8. Amber lion pendant, J. Paul Getty Museum the complex range of Greek veil-terms and the difficulty
(76.AO.78) [Bottom view]. Photo: Museum of matching them up with their artistic counterparts.

F. Causey

Nevertheless, it is tempting to speculate about which veil Anthology [AP 6.280] to explain the polos-wearing ‘dolls’
word is appropriate to the Getty amber kore7. from the Locrian Grotta Caruso. It “honours Timareta, a kore
who died before her marriage, but after she had dedicated
The dress of the Getty amber kore re-opens many her dolls to Artemis Limnatis” and “makes explicit a triple
old questions about the dress of Archaic korai: do they identification of korai: Timareta-kore, Artemis-kore, and
wear real clothing as worn by real people or invention? the votive doll-korai. The polos-wearing Locrian terracottas
Llewellyn-Jones, Ridgway, Bernard Schmaltz, Mireille Lee, could have functioned as kore-doll gifts to the goddess while
Catherine Keesling, Katerina Katerasi have looked at these at the same time representing the korai-nymphai who were
questions again recently, and came up with in a range of performing rituals in the nymphaeum”.
responses8. In the opinion of these authors, the dress of
Getty kore is a schematized representation of traditional Moorey’s observations about types and meanings are
dress, that is, real dress which is worn in old-fashioned also relevant here. In his catalogue section, ‘Towards
ways, with the old-fashioned ness intended. The then a Better Understanding’, he remarks, “Every figurine focuses
current fashions must have retained the basic format of attention on two central questions: Image of? Image for?
ancient dress as known from earlier images. The static, It would appear that these miniature clay images, when
formal aspects of the amber kore and of comparable marble recurrently found in close association, were part of a single
korai owe much to older images of the gods, at the same system of symbols at the time of use”. In his Schweich
time that they are fashionable (much like a Vera Wang lectures, Moorey (2003, 6) proposes that anthropological
white wedding dress). It seems to this author that even research “[i]n the first place highlights the fact that figures
if a model is being followed, one which itself must have of similar appearance may have represented different beings,
retained something of a more ancient prototype, the carver natural or supernatural; that the same type of figurine might
must have understood the properties and characteristics of have multiple functions, and that in one assemblage the same
the represented garments as worn by actual people. It is type might have had more than one function. In the second
hard to imagine that the carver of the Getty amber kore did place, it indicates that terracotta anthropomorphic figurines
not have first-hand knowledge of a living person wearing do not have to conform to the tendency to regard them
the ensemble, even taking into consideration the cursory as necessarily representative of supernatural beings…
nature of the forms. The cloth weights of the veil alone They may have embodied aspects of prevailing ideologies,
might suggest this. whilst also reflecting contemporary society by encoding
a variety of ritually significant knowledge relevant to
Active korai the world of man and nature… in light of ethnographic
The kore type may have been as flexible in meaning analogies... clay figurines do not have to conform to our
as were its antecedents as well as some of its terra cotta expectations for them to be representations of supernatural
contemporaries – not only those from Greece and Italy, but beings or forces rather than of living human beings acting
also examples from the Ancient Near Eastern. The terracotta as votaries or worshippers or perhaps of dead human beings
‘dolls’ from Locri and other sites in Magna Graecia and as ancestors or ghosts”.
Sicily, from ritual as well as funerary contexts – to signal
out but one kore sub-type recently illuminated by significant Who or what is represented?
publications – shed light on the possible meanings and If the Getty kore pendant represents a supernatural
functions of the miniature amber korai. Bonnie MacLachlan being or force, who or what is represented? The crown and
(2004, 7–8) uses a well-known epigram from the Hellenistic the once-inserted eyes suggest that the figure is a divinity.
The material of the pendant, the amber, suggests the same
Is it the kre¯ demnon, the glistening white veil Hera covers thing: amber is appropriate to a supernatural force, to
herself with in Iliad 14; the headdress of Nausikaa and a divinity. If an Olympian, major or minor, Artemis,
her maids; the flowing, shining veil that Penelope wears in Aphrodite, Leto, and Eos are possibilities. The elements of
front of the suitors; the shining veil worn by Andromache dress and pose are also key. The amber kore has her left
in Iliad 22.468–470? Or might the veil of the amber kore foot forward, holds the chiton with both hands, holding
be the ampekhone¯ (or ampekhonon), the fi ne and expensive a large fold in the left which pulls the skirt upwards
outer-garment, most probably a veil, noted in antiquity for its and to the eft and in her right a modest handful of
delicacy and, semi-transparency? Although in texts the latter is skirt. This pose, characteristic of countless korai, gives
noted as the stuff of hetairai, prostitutes, and even an Arcadian the figure a sense of life and naturalism generally, and
shepherdess, it has divine associations. It is listed the textile suggests physical activity. Is she taking small, dainty
dedications to major goddesses, in several cases at sanctuaries steps, the appropriate speed for Greek girls to walk?
of Artemis. “On the Athenian Akropolis (sic!), an ampekhone¯ is Or is she at the start of a dance or run, or perhaps
recorded as being draped over the statue of Artemis…The word the position of a sudden appearance? For Kerakasi (2003,
occurs three times in the clothing inscriptions at the Artemis 50–1), the gestures of the Milesian marble korai, including
Brauronia sanctuary: on two occasions the garment is draped some of those noted above as comparanda for the dress
around the statue ”, one of which has woven into it, ‘sacred to and style of the pendant kore, emphasize the display
Artemis’ (Llewellyn-Jones 2003, 27–8). of the dress, draw attention to the bodies beneath, and
See, for example, Llewellyn-Jones 2003 and Ridgway 2004, 754, represent the figure’s movement in dance, cultic and ritual
with further bibliography. dance specifically. If the pose is read as frozen at the most

A Kore in Amber

important or recognizable part of a series of movements, At Ephesus, the great hoard of perforated amber objects,
it can be understood “in terms of the meaning of the larger partly from necklaces, excavated at the Artemision in
ritual in which it was embedded” as has been said about the cella of the peripteros; these belonged to the parure
comparable Egyptian poses (Wilkinson 1994, 205). of the xoanon of the earlier sanctuary and demonstrate
an early connection to the goddess. Amber was also
Amber’s optical characteristics, its colors, brilliance, found at the temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. No such
luminosity, and goldenness accrued to amber its solar parallels have been found in sanctuaries of Aphrodite;
and celestial associations. Amber might even have seemed however, a number of Orientalizing amber pendants from
to issue light, like the principal astral bodies, like fiery Italy ( Etruria and Latium) are representations of tiny
bodies, or the shimmering of light on water. Irene Winter standing nude females, who wear only a broad collar
(1994, 123) underlines that it is “the combination of as ornament, and whose primary sexual characteristics
light-plus-sheen yielding a kind of lustrous ness that is are clearly indicated. (Waarsenberg 1994). Aphrodite is
seen” which was particularly positive and auspicious, and the divinity invoked in the space between the end of
sacral, not only in Mesopotamia but also in other cultures. childhood and marriage; in early Greek epic, Aphrodite
The divine and heroic are known by their brilliance is frequently connected to dancing and singing and being
and they characteristically shine. Divinities can also be attended by young maidens. Artemis is always on the go,
identified by colors. In reference to the colors of amber, and among the cult activities surrounding Artemis are
yellow is associated with Artemis; at Brauron, the ‘little included running and dance. (Cyrino 2004, 31, after
bears’ were dressed in yellow, or saffron. Aphrodite Boedeker 1974, 63). Eos runs and flies, including with
appears in the colors white, red and gold, also common a youth in her arms, and this is how she is represented
colors of amber. Both Artemis and Aphrodite are called in a number of Etruscan influenced Italic carved ambers,
golden. Eos, fair-haired, has golden arms (and rosy fingers) including an early 4th century BC pendant excavated at
and she is yellow-robed or saffron-cloaked. Aphrodite Serra del Cedro di Tricarico.
and Artemis are also described as fair-haired or blonde.
Artemis associated regularly with torches and light and It may be that it is Aphrodite’s bright erotic beauty
so, too, amber. As Paul Friedrich, Deborah Boedeker, and adorned with cosmetics and jewelry, her swiftness and
Monica Cyrino have argued with new emphasis, Aphrodite mobility across space, her delight in sudden epiphany,
is to be identified with the sun, and both her solar aspects and especially in the exhibition of her body (Cyrino 2004,
and her goldenness derive from her origins as a dawn 31) that is present in the Getty kore. The pendant’s tiny
goddess. Eos is the dawn in literature from Homer and pectoral adornment may point to Aphrodite, rather than
Hesiod onwards. She is represented in art beginning in Artemis. And as for the amber kore’s smile, it can be
the Archaic (not always winged), and usually wearing likened to that of Aphrodite, the smile that Sappho might
outer-garments with folds ready for veiling. Aphrodite is know anywhere. ([Fr. 1.3–14], from Cyrino 2004, 33, and
the one major Olympian goddess whose physical beauty n. 34). The eroticism of the image might also argue for
and embellishments are always described in careful detail Aphrodite: the garments play their age-old rôle in revealing
in the sources; indeed her intrinsic goldenness is related and concealing. If the Getty kore (as well as other Archaic
to the theme of adornment; it is also a sign of Aphrodite’s korai) are seen as illustrating “the manners and customs of
function as the goddess of physical beauty. Some of communities in which fertility (or maternity) is to be seen
the defi ning characteristics of Aphrodite in archaic Greek as complementary to sexuality not as its polar opposite”
poetry include the “goddess’ solar and astral qualities” (Moorey 2003, 10), then greater clarity is gained about who
(Cyrino 2004, 31). might be represented in the amber, why, and what activity
it was involved in, to return to Moorey’s formulation.
Amber’s inherent physical and chemical properties If, in Ionia, sexuality and fertility (or maternity) were not
made it an important materia medica for both women seen as inextricably linked (i.e. that they were seen as
and babies, and thus, amber was important to healers in quite separate), and fertility was not seen as the excuse
various forms. Artemis was important from earliest times for sexuality (Moorey 2003, with reference to Bahrani
in the protection of babies, children and women (especially 1996), then the tiny amber kore may have incorporated
in childbirth), and this goddess, like her brother Apollo this, too.
and mother Leto, were healing divinities – not only in
the domestic sphere, but also for men at war. At Troy, Another possibility is Leto, the minor Olympian perhaps
Leto and Artemis healed Aeneas of his Diomedes-inflicted most often associated with successful child birth; she is
wounds. Amber has always functioned in protection and a healing divinity, the mother of Artemis and Apollo. Leto’s
in the averting of danger: these are characteristics of ancestry is Anatolian (she had a major temple in Lycia) and
the Delian divinities as well as of Aphrodite. The latter is she was an important divinity in the Greek east through
not usually thought of as a protector, but as it is recounted classical times. The marble kore figure from Delos (Athens,
in the Iliad, Aphrodite enveloped her son Aeneas in her NM 22), considered by most scholars to represent Leto, is
robe to shelter him on the battlefield at Troy. Eos’ role an apt comparison for the Getty amber: the marble, too,
in the transport of the dead is well-known, and many wears a long veil over her chiton, a pectoral ornament (it is
examples are to be found in Archaic art, including in much more elaborate), and is in a movemented pose as will
Etruscan and Italic amber. be characteristic of her later sculptural representations.

F. Causey

What ‘activity’ was the amber kore involved in? in Novi Pazar does not contradict this assumption, as is
If the original find spot of the kore were in a sanctuary, in shown in the case of the Corinthian helmet in the probably
a votive or foundation deposit, the pendant would have been female ‘princely’ grave from Arareva gromila at Glasinac…
a valuable offering or dedication to a female (?) divinity, Finally, considering the conditions of the excavation,
in thanks, in fulfillment of a vow, or as a commemoration nothing can be inferred conclusively about the number
of an event – one that would have demonstrated the donor’s of the bodies buried in Novi Pazar, nor of their sex,
piety, asserted his/her status, and displayed to fellow nor of the uncertainty whether the chest found under
mortals the wealth and taste of the commissioner of such the church is the primary or the secondary archeological
an object. It might be called agalma, delight, and the donor context. Therefore the issue of the sex of the owner…must
might describe it as kosmon, an adornment for the god or unfortunately remain unresolved”.
shrine (Lapatin 2001, 49). These are some of the activities
of the ivories dedicated at 6th century BC Ephesus and A third example for the Getty amber kore’s possible
Samos. archaeological context is that of a well-documented
Archaic burial from Italy: the tomb of a ‘princess’, that
Alternatively, if the Getty kore were exhumed from of a 6–7 year old girl, uncovered at the site of Braida
a grave, as is more likely, the interment was probably di Vaglio on the slopes of Mount Serra di S. Bernardo
that of a woman or girl, arguing from the generally ( Vaglio, Basilicata), excavated in 1994, and published
correct archaeological truism, amber-female grave. If so, soon thereafter. It has been dated by Angelo Bottini
many questions remain, not just those instigated by and Elisabetta Setari (1995; 1998; 2003) to the end of
the loss of the archaeological context. Where in the burial the 6th century BC – beginning of the 5th century BC.
would the kore have lain? On or near the body, or with Over five hundred objects were inventoried from tomb
the ashes of a cremated person? Outside the container of 102, among them almost 300 pieces of amber. Hundreds
the remains? Was the pendant the deceased’s during her of beads and pendants had been strung in a omplicated
life or a post-mortem ‘possession’, a gift, a grave offering, pectoral ornament, which was pinned to the top garment
or a prestige object? by 25 silver fibula of Magna Graecia manufacture. At her
feet was a scepter made up of amber units. To this author,
Much recent work on burial rituals in the ancient the beads and pendants range in date and style, and were
world underscores the importance such questions. Michael not made at the same time, and were likely of various
Pawleta (2003) succinctly urges scholars: “we must also manufactures. Among the figured objects are two much
consider funerals as areas of [the] display of social worn frontal female heads and a number of pendants of
structure and that objects in graves can comment more animal subjects, including a large Sphinx pendant, which
on mourners than on the dead9. Particular individuals may must date very close in time to the burial. The latter, like
be given specific post-mortem treatment in burial rites, the New York Morgan amber and the Getty lion pendant
grave assemblages or in a distinctive costume. Thus we (Figs. 7–8) mentioned above, might be seen as rooted in
may be dealing exclusively with artfefacts not belong[ing] the art of South Ionia, and were likely expressly carved for
to the deceased but chosen by the living to convey a funerary purpose. Inside tomb 102 was also a variety of
information about their dead. From this point of view, other ornaments: gold beads, a gold diadem (Ionian?), hair
dress should be understood as the costume of the dead ornaments, an ivory disc, gilt-silver lamina; and numerous
(way of dressing the corpse) rather than as the dress of ceramic and metal vessels (Attic and other Greek types
the living10. But the fact that such practices existed, whether of vases, local Sub geometric ware); and also two iron
postmortem treatment or while the deceased was alive, spits (?). The vessels and spits suggest wine drinking and
reveals that they were part of a wider social structure, feasting, perhaps in relation to Dionysos. Although no
socially recognized, practiced and accepted”. kore pendant was among the figured ambers, the female
protomes must represent divinities or supernatural forces,
If the Getty amber were a burial good, the documented and the signs of rubbing on the faces suggest to this author,
archaeological comparanda for the Getty kore noted repeated amuletic use. This tomb, and the necropolis of
above, the amber korai from the Monteleone and Novi ten graves, is remarkable, as the excavators have shown.
Pazar excavations provide two examples for its ancient Despite all that Tomb 102 offers as evidence, many
underground context. It must be remembered, however, that questions remain: who was the deceased? Were the ambers
the Monteleone burial was a disturbed site, and the Novi and other objects the property of the girl in her lifetime?
Pazar a complicated excavation. Palavestra’s studies of Was the elaborate, costly, and status-establishing jewellery
the Balkan burial underscore what is not known. He writes a parure for the dead, prepared as part of the burial ritual
(Palavestra 2003): “The composite jewelry set of amber and made up of family possessions, or funeral offerings,
would well support the hypothesis that the majority of or mourner’s gifts? Was it significant that materials in her
luxurious finds from Novi Pazar belong to a female tomb (gold, silver, ivory and amber) were the same that
burial, as is also indicated by the lack of weaponry in Telemachus describes in Menelaus’ palace? If the objects
the assemblage. The presence of the symbolic gold armor were not the child’s, might they have been the family’s,
clan’s or ‘client’s’? Were they made by a ‘gift’ craftsman
Here he cites S. Lucy (1997). or special gifts – as prestige gifts, the residues of a system
Here he cites M. L. S. Sørenson (1991). of gift protocols, perhaps for the funeral itself? How did

A Kore in Amber

the individual and the collective of ambers of tomb 102 throughout many ancient (and modern cultures), almost any
‘work’ in this context? jewellery object might carry some sort of danger-averting
and protective function. As Geraldine Pinch (1994, 15)
The kore type as amulet and ornament remarks in her book on Egyptian magic: “it is hardly an
It is not known what words were used to refer to exaggeration to say that most Egyptian jewelry has amuletic
the figured amber pendant from tomb 102, the korai from value. How conscious the wearers were of the symbolism
Monteleone di Spoleto and Novi Pazar, or the Getty of their ornaments is a more difficult question”. The same
amber kore, either in the singular or in the plural. Pliny must be true for most Archaic jewellery, including
[NH 37.11, 12], who considers a figured amber an object of an object such as the Getty pendant. As for consciousness
luxury, nevertheless considers amber “beneficial for infants of the symbolism, was this also true for the makers and
also, attached to the body in the form of an amulet” and givers and recipients?
he describes “the female peasantry in the countries that lie
beyond that river wearing necklaces of amber, principally Even if it were possible to draw precise lines of
as an ornament no doubt, but on account of its remedial demarcation between the ancient use of amber for adornment
virtues as well”. Pliny also uses the term alligatum for and its part in healing, between its reputation for warding
what is a pharmacological use. Another Roman, Apuleius off danger and the nature of its connection to certain
[Apol. 56.3], might have referred to a string of amber divinities and cults, such categorizations would only take
miniatures as crepundia sacrorum. Because of the material us so far in the attempt to understand the wider picture of
of amber and its traditional use in medicine and magic, it is how amber as a material was perceived in antiquity.
useful to consider it using both of Pliny’s words, ornament
and amulet. The modern collective term, ‘jewellery’, while In the case of the amber kore, the image, the subject,
useful, is limiting, and fail to encompass the full significance the prototype and the style were critical to its meaning,
of the material under study. The terms, ‘adornment’ and value, and activity. If the amber represents Leto or Artemis,
‘object of adornment’ are also limiting, especially in their they would have directed or focused the ornament to
modern sense of the decorative, and in the various agencies their health and healing and protective powers. Artemis,
involved in adornment. the torch bearer, brings light to the night, and the ancient
Ephesian Artemis welcomed amber ornaments. Eos brings
‘Amulet’ is fruitfully applied to the amber objects the dawn light, as does Aphrodite. Eos, too, was a protective
discussed here even though it, too, is a loaded term, situated divinity, stemming from her solar aspects, and as for death,
on a much-discussed crossroads between magic, medicine, Eos played an important role in transport, perhaps not only
ritual, and religion. Amulet is a modern word, derived for male youths. If Aphrodite, the direction may have been
from the Latin amuletum, used to describe a powerful or
protective personal object worn or carried on the person. as elsewhere earlier in the Mediterranean world, the application
“Because of its shape, the material from which it is made, of an amulet was probably very often performed in conjunction
or even just its color”, an amulet “is believed to endow with an incantation, as R. Kotansky describes. Socrates in Plato’s
its wearer by magical means with certain powers and Republic lists amulets and incantations as amongst the techniques
capabilities” (Andrews 1994, 6)11. As is well established used to heal the sick, a tradition which continues into the Late
Antique period at least. Galen sanctions the use of incantations
The literature on amulets, amuletic practice, magic and ritual by doctors. (Dickie 2001, 25, and passim). In Egypt, as Andrews
practice in the ancient world is vast. In addition to the sources 1994, 6, summarizes, an amulet, at the very least, could “afford
listed in Causey, forthcoming, other works invaluable for some kind of magical protection, a concept confi rmed by the
the framing of this discussion of amber as amulet include Moorey fact that three of the four Egyptian words translate as ‘amulet,’
2004. The terms magic and amulet are used here in their broadest namely mkt (meket), nht (nehet) and s3 (sa) come primarily
and most positive senses. Although Dickie and others argue that from verbs meaning “to guard’ or ‘to protect.’ The fourth wd3
magic did not exist as a separate category of thought in Greece (wedja), has the same sound as the word meaning ‘well-being.’ For
before the fifth century, practices which are later subsumed the ancient Egyptian, amulets and jewelry incorporate amuletic
under the term did, especially the use of amulets. The use of forms were an essential adornment [ed: sic!], especially as part
amulets implies a continuing relationship between the object and of the funerary equipment for the dead, but also in the costume
the wearer, continuing enactment, and the role of at least one kind of the living. Moreover, many of the amulets and pieces of
of practioner. Dickie 2001, 130, concludes that the existence and amuletic jewelry worn in life for their magical properties could
wide use of amulets in Rome by the Late Republic “leads us back be taken to the tomb for use in the life after death. Funerary
into a hidden world of experts in the rituals of the manufacture amulets, however, and prescribed funerary jewelry which was
and application of amulets, not to speak of those who sold them.” purely amuletic function, were made expressly for setting on
Pliny uses three different words to describe items of amber the wrapped mummy on the day of the burial to provide aid and
used in medicine, protection, and healing: amuletum and monile protection on the fraught journey to the Other world and ease in
(for a necklace), and alligatum, when citing Callistratus. Greek the Afterlife.” In the ancient Near East, the great variety of human
terms for amulets include periamma and periapton. Following problems handled by recourse to amulets is well-documented
Kotansky 1991, n. 5, I use amulet to encompass the modern already in the Early Dynastic period (see B. L. Goff (1963),
English talisman, and also the phylaketērion. The Greek recipes in especially Chapter 9, ‘The role of amulets in Mesopotamian
the Papyri Graecae Magicae use the latter term. In early Greece, Ritual Texts’, 162–211).

F. Causey

to the goddess’s characteristics of beauty, sexuality, and In life, the amber kore was both ornament and amulet and
protection. The in-life wearing of such a pendant might have thus suitable for dedication: it was agalma and kosmon.
tied the power of a specific goddess to the owner; it may In the rituals of burial, and in the closed grave, the pendant
have had a specific meaning for its owner(s). Whatever symbolized protection, guardianship, and well-being. What
may be the identity of the figure, and however it may have better item to accompany the dead to the Beyond? On its
been used, the pendant was a high status object. Amber own, the single kore pendant was potent, yet if part of
and necklace of amber carried Homeric and aristocratic a larger ornament-complex, it would have taken on even
allusions. And what about the electrostatic property of greater value, meaning and significance. From the time
the elektron? Was there a link to South Ionia, beyond the amber kore was unearthed, it has been appreciated as
the style? Was its South Ionian-ness (or even possibly a work of art, as jewellery, as an archaeological object,
its Milesian-ness) a guarantor of meaning, of efficacy, and now, hopefully, in a larger frame, as a tiny window
of added value? Did it signal both Homer and Thales? on the past.

Greeks and the Local Population in the Mediterranean: Sicily and the Iberian Peninsula

Adolfo J. Domínguez

1. Sicily (Fig. 1) of Ortygia (the island city); afterwards, they spread

themselves along the mainland (the outer city), occupying
We have some archaeological evidence which suggests and enclosing within walls that part of the city [Thucydides
the existence of contacts between Greeks and the coast of 6. 3. 2]. The city became very prosperous because it had
Sicily before the establishment of the first poleis. It is quite both excellent natural harbours and an extraordinarily fertile
possible that Greeks from Euboea (or from their Tyrrhenian territory [Strabo 6. 2. 4]. Archaeology has confirmed that
establishments) explored the coasts of eastern Sicily during the fi rst Corinthian settlement took place on the island
the second half of the 8th century, during their travels of of Ortygia and the first levels of the Greek city are
prospecting, exploration and trade. In one of the traditions immediately above the destruction levels of the previous
dealing with the foundation of Naxos, the first Greek native settlement, although probably not in all places.
colony in Sicily, we hear that it was not until Theocles The chronology suggested for the Corinthian settlement by
was blown off course to Sicily and discovered the scarcity Greek pottery is between the third and fourth quarters of
of the population and the good quality of the land that the 8th century (Pelagatti 1982, 125–40), which fits well with
the region could be opened up to colonization [Strabo 6. the date suggested by Thucydides. The native settlement
2. 2]. We fi nd the fi rst relevant references to the native of huts occupied all the highest part of Ortygia (Pelagatti
inhabitants of Sicily in Thucydides [6. 2. 2–5] when he 1977, 119–33; Frasca 1983, 565–98) and although it seems
describes the population of the island and mentions the three to have been destroyed by the establishment of the Greek
main peoples, Sicels, Sicans and Elymians. At the same time, polis, probably the ‘expulsion’ of the natives may have not
the foundation stories of the Greek cities also occasionally been as complete as Thucydides suggests (Domínguez 1989,
refer to the presence or absence of natives. Let us look at 182–6). Syracuse would become, in time, one the most
some examples. important cities not only of Sicily, but of the whole Greek
world; this was the consequence, mainly, of the expansive
According to Thucydides, the first gesture of the colonists politics marked by the foundation of new second-generation
of Syracuse was to expel the natives who occupied the island (secondary) colonies (sub-colonies). However, as well as

Fig. 1. Sicily. Sites mentioned in the text

A. Domínguez

penetration inland to territories held by the natives and to living together in the city for six months, the Chalcidians
the southern coast of Sicily during the 7th century, it seems expelled the Megarians, allowing them to live for one winter
that the city showed very soon a clear interest in the control in Trotilon [Polyaenus Strat. 5. 5]. The existence of a pact
of the entire coastal strip from the city southwards to between the Chalcidians and Sicels is quite likely (Nenci
Helorus, 30 km distant (Copani 2005, 245–63). and Cataldi 1983, 595–6).

The foundation of Megara Hyblaea appears to have been From an archaeological point of view we know little about
one of the most complex of all the first wave of Sicilian the earliest city at Leontini, although the evidence seems
colonies. Furthermore, the different sources do not agree on to confirm a period of cohabitation, or at least coexistence,
all the details, which complicate the issue further (Graham between Greeks and natives, of perhaps a greater duration
1988, 304–21). It seems, however, beyond all doubt, that than the written sources suggest (Orsi 1900, 62–98; Lagona
a host coming from Megara and led by Lamis, left the city 1973, 64–5; Rizza 1959, 78–86; 1962, 3–27; 1978, 26–37;
more or less ‘about the same time’ that the Chalcidians were 1981, 313–7; Frasca 1996, 142–3). The Greek city may have
founding Naxos and the Corinthians Syracuse [Thucydides 6. been sited at Colle San Mauro (mainly in its southern
4. 1; Strabo 6. 4. 2]. It also seems certain that Megarians part) and the native settlement, probably on the adjacent
and Chalcidians lived together for a time in Leontini Metapicola hill. As time passed, the city came to include
[Thucydides 6. 4. 1; Polyaenus Strat. 5. 5], and some both hills and eventually, in the valley between, the agora
authors even thought that Chalcidians and Megarians left and the main political buildings of the Greek city would be
Greece together [Strabo 6. 2. 2; Ps.-Skymnos 274–277 = placed [Polybius 7. 6]. The date of foundation traditionally
Ephorus FGrHist 70 F 137]. It is possible that before or assigned to Leontini is 729 BC; the same also to Catane.
after their cohabitation with the Chalcidians at Leontini, The archaeological evidence is compatible with this
the Megarians settled for a time at Trotilon, by the River chronology (Rizza 1981, 313–7).
Pantacias [before: Thucydides 6. 4. 1; after: Polyaenus Strat.
5. 5]. Anyway, after the unsuccessful joint experience with As for Zancle, the name itself perhaps deriving from
the Chalcidians of Leontini [PS.-Skymnos 276 talks about that given by the natives to the harbour area, with
a stasis], the Megarians settled in Thapsos, where Lamis died a characteristic shape of a sickle (zanklon, it seems, in
[Thucydides 6. 4. 1]. They were eventually expelled from the Sicel language: [Thucydides 6. 4. 5]) suggests a native
Thapsos, although we do not know who was responsible presence in the area.
(the recently arrived Corinthians?); this would have
forced some individuals to join the Corinthians who were With respect to Gela, it seems that the Lindians had
founding Syracuse [Strabo 6. 2. 4]. It is now that the native established a trading post in southern Sicily in the late
king Hyblon gave part of his territory for the settlement 8th century [Thucydides 6.4.1]; a generation later, and
[Thucydides 6. 4. 1]. There have been numerous attempts consequent upon some difficulties in their city (a civil
to identify where king Hyblon might have resided and what conflict or whatever), some of the Lindians had to leave
his interest in helping the Megarians was (Bernabò Brea their home. To increase their opportunities, they had to join
1968, 161–86; Graham 1988, 312–7; De Angelis 2003, 13–4); people coming from elsewhere in Rhodos and a small group
it is usually thought that his initiative may ultimately have of Cretans, perhaps with a leader of their own. They might
failed, because it seems beyond doubt that Syracuse came also have accepted others from the regions surrounding
to occupy the lands previously in the hands of the Sicels. Rhodos (among them some individual from Telos) who
The Megarians established themselves on a calcareous wished to join them, and perhaps picked up others in
plateau by the sea, only 20 km to the north of Syracuse, the Peloponnese. The place chosen for the establishment
where there are no remains of previous native settlement. was (naturally) the mouth of the River Gela where there
The oldest Greek pottery found there attests the date given was already one (or several) small nucleus of Rhodians.
by Thucydides (Villard 1982, 181–5; Gras et al. 2004, 86, The first years of the city were very hard, at least to judge
151, 527, 569). from the campaigns that the oikist himself had to lead
against the neighbouring native Sicans, placed in the polisma
The foundation of Leontini was not free of difficulties, of Omphake, which would eventually be destroyed and
although the brief summary by Thucydides does not reveal plundered [Pausanias 8. 46. 2].
them in detail. In fact, he says only that the Chalcidians
expelled the Sicels who lived thereabouts after a war Gela brings to an end the first series of Greek colonies
[Thucydides 6. 3. 3]; however, when he turns to the foundation founded in Sicily. During the last third of the 8th century
of Megara, he mentions the period of joint residence of and the first quarter of the 7th century, colonies of Chalcis,
Chalcidians and Megarians at Leontini, before the latter Corinth, Megara, Rhodos and Crete were established. Each,
were expelled by the former [Thucydides 6. 4. 1]. Strabo according to the opportunities, developed its urban area,
[6. 2. 2] also attests the relationship between Chalcidians with public spaces and sanctuaries and, at the same time,
and Megarians in Sicily in that period (as we have already began a process of expansion toward the lands previously
seen). Polyaenus gives a more complete picture: he states held by the natives. The pattern of the relationships between
that Theocles and the Chalcidians lived in Leontini together these cities and the native world was extremely varied
with the native Sicels, although they used the Megarians, (Domínguez 1989, passim); however, a common feature was
led by Lamis, to expel the natives; later on, and after that all cities created an agricultural territory as well as

Greeks and the Local Population in the Mediterranean

an area of influence, of greater or lesser importance, which oikists: Dasco and Menecolus. This most probably suggests
ended up affecting the native environment. The development that we are dealing with a true ktisis of a true Greek
of trade in Greek products, which had already begun to polis, although it is doubtful, judging from the war against
arrive in native centres in the 7th century (sometimes Syracuse (see below) that it was completely independent
earlier), is a clear mark of that interaction inaugurated by (Manganaro 1999, 116–7). On the other hand, the existence
the foundation of the Greek cities. of two oikists may point to the existence of two main groups
of colonists one of them, at least, or Syracusan origin. We do
From the 7th century, in a process that continued to not know if the other could be Corinthian, as Dunbabin
the late 6th century, the first generation colonies usually had suggested (Dunbabin 1948, 105). Camarina was
became mother cities of other new colonies in turn. But founded on the southern coast of Sicily, whereas the other
they had no need to seek distant countries to take their two colonies and the first Syracusan foundation, Helorus,
surplus population; Sicily itself was the destination. This were directed to the eastern coast. The actual motives for
did not always encourage the widening of the mother city’s this foundation are not well known but we must not forget
horizons beyond its own borders; indeed, sometimes there two very important facts. On the one hand, the new city
was to be strife between the new colony and its remote very quickly developed a political orientation absolutely
mother city. The main difference between this new process opposite to that of its mother city. This brought about
and that which had led to the foundation of the first severe retaliation in ca. 553 BC, when it revolted against
generation colonies is that the Greeks established in Sicily Syracuse and allied itself with the Sicels [Ps.-Skymnos
ended up knowing the island extraordinarily well, both 295–296; Thucydides 6. 5. 3; Philistus FGrHist 556 F 5]
its economic capacities and the eventual difficulties which (Di Stefano 1988–89, 89–105). On the other hand, it is not
the creation of sub-colonies might bring about. Undoubtedly, improbable that the foundation of Camarina was designed
all Greek cities always needed to increase their territories, to prevent Geloan expansion both along the coast and in
but in Greece itself this implied fighting Greek neighbours; the interior of Sicily; expansion dangerous for Syracuse and
in the colonial world, the expansion was at the expense of its outposts Acrae and Casmenae (Di Vita 1997, 367–8).
the natives, who, in the Greek view, were inferiors. This
circumstance justified conquest and expulsion (Nenci and Himera was, except for Mylae the only Archaic Greek
Cataldi 1983, 581–605). Even civilising and conqueror colony on the northern coast of Sicily. Material of native
heroes such as Heracles, sometimes removed impediments origin, although not very abundant (Bonacasa 1981, 339–
to legitimate the appropriation of territory (Giangiulio 1983, 49; Vassallo 1996, 200–1), is known at several points of
785–846; Capdeville 1999, 29–99). the Archaic city, which has led some scholars to suggest
that there was an indigenous presence within the Greek
Syracuse founded three colonies in Sicily (besides Helorus): city. Already in the Archaic period Himera had created
Acrae, Casmenae and Camarina. According to Thucydides an important agricultural territory, the lands suited to
[6. 5. 2], Acrae had been founded about 663 BC (70 years cultivation delimited by the valleys of the Himera and
after Syracuse), Casmenae about 643 BC (20 years after Torto to the east and the west, and by a range of hills
Acrae) and Camarina about 598 BC (135 years after Syracuse). (400–500 m high) to the south (Belvedere 1988a, 1–16).
Undoubtedly, each of them reflected different interests of their This territory, 700 square km in extent (Fischer Hansen
mother city, but essentially within the same politics, especially et al. 2004, 199), constituted the chora proper of Himera.
in the case of the first two (which I shall deal with first). We Surveys carried out in it, show the great interest of the city
have the name of an oikist for neither, which has usually been in controlling bordering regions: it is the most distant sites
considered as proof of their close relationship to their mother that are the first show remains of a Greek occupation during
city. Perhaps they were not independent (Dunbabin 1948, 105, the 6th century, some clearly of a defensive character,
109; cf. Graham 1983, 92–3; Fischer-Hansen et al. 2004, 189, others sacred (Belvedere 1988b, 152, 164–74, 177–85, 196–9;
205). Contrary to the general practice for Sicily (the exception Muggia 1997, 86–9; De Angelis 2000, 131–3). Furthermore,
is Leontini), and unlike the remaining sub-colonies analysed Himera’s interests in inland territories are perfectly attested;
here (including the third Syracusan foundation, Camarina), they were encouraged by the course of the River Himera,
they were established inland, not on the coast. Thus, we are at whose mouth the city had been founded (Belvedere,
probably contemplating centres whose main function was 1986, 91–5), but also by those of several other rivers in
to secure efficient control of the territory, not for their own the region (S. Leonardo, Torto) (Belvedere 1997, 91–7).
benefit but for that of their mother city, Syracuse (Di Vita This broad territory was populated by important native
1987, 78–80). The two cities were established on the upper settlements, still not very well known, which correspond
reaches of the main rivers which bordered Syracusan territory, to the area occupied by the Sican people (Vassallo 1996,
the Anapo to the north and the Helorus (modern Tellaro) to 199–223). It is possible that Himeraean expansion involved
the south (Collin Boufier 1987, 666–8). It is quite probable, armed conflict with the natives, as an inscription dated to
therefore, that Acrae and Casmenae served as frontier posts, the first half of the 6th century, found in Samos, would
reinforcing the Syracusan presence in an area that was very suggest. In it a group of individuals (Samian mercenaries?)
important to its interests (Finley 1979, 21). make an offering to the divinity (Leukaspis?, Hera Thespis?)
in fulfilment of a vow “when the Himeraeans suffered
The third Syracusan colony, Camarina, was founded in the assault of the Sicans” (Dunst 1972, 100–6; Manganaro
about 598 BC. In this case we do know the names of the two 1994, 120–6).

A. Domínguez

It has sometimes been suggested that the foundation of Eryx, which perhaps Segesta considered to be a threat,
Selinus should be related to the eventual threat posed by as did the Phoenicians of Sicily. Their actions convinced
the Phoenician-Punic world to the Greek world of Sicily, the Carthaginians to intervene, helping Segesta against
and it has even been said that Selinus and Himera would the Greeks, whose city would be destroyed. Some years
be part of the same buffer against the Punics (Tusa 1982, later, perhaps when Gelon began his rise to the power,
192–4; Cordano 1986a, 122–3). This interpretation is not he could have used the affair of Dorieus to intervene in
wholly satisfactory and we must consider several kinds of western Sicily. The Carthaginian reaction, encouraged by
interests at work in the foundation of Selinus: trade, in internal strife in Himera, led to the invasion of 480 BC,
relation both to the Phoenician world of Sicily and, mainly, concluding in the battle of Himera (cf. [Justinus 4. 2. 6–7;
to the natives of that region (Elymians) (Domínguez 1989, 19. 1. 9–12]) (Domínguez 1989, 552–63).
373–8; Danner 1997, 156); a clear philo-Punic attitude,
which would make Selinus take part in the traffic carried During the last third of the 8th century, when most
out by the Phoenicians in the Far West (Di Vita 1997, of the first-generation Greek colonies were founded,
374–9; see also Wilson 1996, 64). Finally, some scholars but especially during the 7th century, the Greek cities
have suggested that Selinus could represent a similar of Sicily began to interact among themselves and with
model to its mother city, with the territory for the colony the indigenous world. Each city had as a priority the creation
provided by the natives (Graham 1982a, 168), although of its own political and economic territory, its chora, but
this is far from clear. Lastly, acquisition of land cannot be also the creation of an area of influence, varying in size
ruled out (De Angelis 2003, 201). It is probable that all according to the city’s interests and capabilities. These
the previous interpretations have some truth to them, some dynamics may have caused conflicts between Greek cities
others too. The territory of Selinus is not well known, but and with the native world, but also brought about non-violent
it is possible that its area of influence was wide. We know forms of contact which would create a political and cultural
this mainly from Thucydides, who remarks that there were space highly innovative in many respects.
conflicts between Selinus and the Elyrnian city of Segesta
over lands shared between them [Thucydides 6. 6. 2]. The issue of the expansion of the Greek cities of Sicily
Furthermore, the discovery of an inscription devoted to has been dealt with extensively in the study of these cities.
Heracles (ca. 580 BC) written in the Selinuntine alphabet, Already in the 1950s and 1960s, the journal Kokalos
at Monte Castellazzo di Poggioreale, 25 km distant from published a series of articles (Di Vita 1956, 177–205; Vallet
Selinus (Piraino 1959, 159–73; Giangiulio 1983, 796–7; 1962, 30–51; Orlandini 1962, 69–121; De Miro 1962, 122–52;
Dubois 1989, 84–5 [no. 84]), suggests that the city had Tusa 1962, 153–66.) which continue to be the starting point
interests over a very wide area (Nenci 1999, 216–7; for all study of the Greek penetration of the native territory
De Angelis 2003, 173–195). of the interior. As we have seen, a native involvement,
greater or lesser according to the circumstance, may be
As for Lipara, while in Diodorus’ account [5.9] its traced in almost all the Sicilian foundations (Domínguez
foundation took place with the collaboration of the natives, 1989, 641–6; Leighton 1999, 234–7). In some, the written
in that of Pausanias [10.11.34] (Antiochus of Syracuse), we sources tell of the basic rôle played by the natives in
may observe a curious fact: the author has not clearly decided the foundation of the colony (e.g. Megara Hyblaea); in
whether the islands were uninhabited or whether the Cnidians others the traditions are contradictory, some asserting
had expelled the natives before founding their city. In this that rôle and others denying it (e.g. Leontini and Lipara).
case, the explanation may be revealed by a general analysis In yet others, the predominant tradition of the expulsion
of Antiochus’ view on the Greek colonisation in Sicily. of the natives (Syracuse) may be coloured by the light
Clearly, he preferred a view according to which a necessary of the archaeological evidence (Nenci and Cataldi 1983,
prerequisite to the founding of a colony was the expulsion 581–605). Be that as it may, it seems undeniable that
of the previous inhabitants. On several occasions, this view the native question had to be considered when establishing
contrasts with other traditions that refer to varying periods of colonies. Furthermore, the creation by the polis of an area
coexistence between Greeks and natives. Thus, I suggest that of political and economic dominance necessarily took
Antiochus’ account is absolutely appropriate to a time, such as place to the detriment of the territory’s previous owners
that in which he wrote, when his city, Syracuse, was subject (Boardman 1999a, 189), irrespective of any agreements for
to strong pan-Siceliot propaganda (for instance, [Thucydides appropriation of such land by the Greeks. The Greek literary
4. 59–64]) (Domínguez 1989, 642–3; cf. Sammartano 1996, tradition interprets the implicit violence in this in several
51–3). Archaeology helps us little to identify those eventual ways: developing the theory of empty territories before
natives living in Lipara before the arrival of the Cnidians the Greek arrival (Cusumano 1995, 67–91), of legitimate
(Bernabò Brea and Cavalier 1960, XXVII; Cavalier 1999, occupation (in this case given ideological support by myths),
293). Furthermore, there is no archaeological evidence for or resorting to the single justification of military victory
a supposed Cnidian presence on the largest island before (Moggi 1983, 998).
the foundation of the colony in the 50th Olympiad (Braccesi
1996, 33–6). It is undeniable that Greek cities exerted strong economic
pressure over areas beyond the confines of their chorai.
In the last place, it seems certain that the city of Heracleia This derived, in part, from sheer economic weight. In
was founded by the Spartan Dorieus in the territory of fact, the very efficient mechanisms of international trade,

Greeks and the Local Population in the Mediterranean

which, as the archaeological evidence shows, maintained world and the pressure exerted by other (usually adjacent)
all the Greek cities of Sicily from the moment of their Greek cities. How they did this varied: on the one hand,
foundation, caused every kind of manufactured goods establishment of sub-colonies and military outposts to
from every part of the Mediterranean to flow through secure the main routes of communication; on the other,
them (Dehl-von Kaenel 1994, 346–66). Besides their by inclusion of important native territories within a sphere
use in the daily life of Greek cities and in the funerary of mutual interest, grounded on establishing agreements,
rituals of their citizens, such goods were also used as alliances and (sometimes) pacts of mutual security, among
an economic inducement to the populations living in which we could include matrimonial agreements of the type
the vicinity of the cities. The native élites, as well as other of the epigamia, and even the inclusion of native territories
non-Greek societies, claimed these goods, together with in spaces of shared rights and laws. Perhaps the legal texts
the products manufactured in the Greek cities themselves, in found at Monte San Mauro di Caltagirone may suggest
circumstances of social and economic competition in which the inclusion of this centre within the area of interest of
ownership of Greek products became a matter of prestige. the Chalcidian cities (Procelli 1989, 682) as opposed to
The distribution of Greek pottery through the interior of the influence exerted previously by Gela. In fact, Monte San
Sicily lets us trace these economic relationships (Roller Mauro was at the limit of the Geloan area of influence,
1991, 89–95; Albanese Procelli 1991a, 97–111; Giudice 1991, but the legal texts found there, which relate to homicide
199–210) and observe the important rôle played in this and date to the later 6th century, show a clear Chalcidian
traffic by products such as wine and the vessels suitable imprint, including the type of alphabet and the Ionian
for its consumption (Albanese Procelli 1991a, 105; Hodos dialect in which they are written (Cordano 1986b, 33–60;
2000a, 41–54). Domínguez 1989, 298–304; Dubois 1989, 15–7 [no. 15]).
Even the interpretation of it as a status symbol (Morgan
Greek cities required a wide range of goods which 1999, 114–5) does not conflict with its use as evidence that
they did not (could not?) produce, or produced only in Monte San Mauro had entered the orbit of the Chalcidian
small quantities, such as honey, textiles, animal products, cities, acting as their true south-western border (Procelli
wood, minerals (Leighton 1999, 244), herbs, and medicinal 1989, 687). Recently, the possible rôle of Monte San
and edible plants (Tamburello 1993, 173–92), even slaves Mauro as a distribution centre for Greek products, which
(Mafodda 1998, 21–3). Thus, we are faced with a group were previously stored there, has been discussed (Albanese
of places which demanded a great quantity of products Procelli 1997, 17–8), and it has even been suggested that
and had at their disposal the means to pay for them, it could have been a true Greek foundation, the unknown
including products such as wine and olive-oil (which were Chalcidian colony of Euboea (Frasca 1997, 407–17).
traded with the native interior of Sicily from the later
7th century, as finds of Greek amphorae show) (Albanese The various Greek cities, with their different methods and
Procelli 1991a, 107–11; 1996, 91–137; 1997, 3–25; 2000, traditions, created different native ‘cultural provinces’. This
479–85; Cordano 2004, 733–809). Who carried out this helps to explain the opposed interests among the different
trade with the interior? For many scholars the answer is native regions in later times (La Rosa 1989, 54; 1996, 524),
Greeks (La Rosa 1989, 92), although latterly the possible and provides a coherent means for understanding better
intervention of the natives is also being discussed (Albanese how each city constructed its own area of dominance,
Procelli 1997, 18–9). Non-Greek areas in the environs of allowing sketchy interpretations, which supposed that
Greek cities became their true economic satellites. This Chalcidian colonists pursued peaceful means whilst
may even have extended to the introduction of new ways the Dorians used violence, to be abandoned (Sjöqvist 1973,
of production and new agricultural techniques in order 36–7; against, Domínguez 1989, 177, 248). A phenomenon
to satisfy the cities’ needs. At the same time, such new observable at Monte San Mauro but also known in a good
ways of production could encourage the development of part of native Sicily during the 6th century (earlier in
new productive strategies by the natives, as suggested, some places), is the progressive appearance of a certain
for instance, by the existence of new pottery shapes of urbanism, as well as prestige (religious or political)
non-Greek manufacture (Antonaccio 2004, 55–81). Thus, buildings, even dwellings, which assume a Greek aspect.
in central and eastern Sicily (later 7th – early 6th century This is the case, for instance, with a group of pastas houses
BC), we know the existence of native storage vessels, discovered in Monte San Mauro during the 1980s, perhaps
as well as the manufacture of a type of native amphora, having a special significance within this important centre
although with Greek influence, supposedly devoted to (Domínguez 1989, 300–1; Cordsen 1995, 111–4; Leighton
the storage and transport of some liquid, perhaps hydromel. 2000, 36–7). In other places, dwellings of Greek type,
This type of amphora does not appear in the Greek cities single or in groups, are also accompanied by the rise of
(Albanese Procelli 1996, 125–6; on the native pottery, see a regular urbanism, which seems to copy or adapt Greek
also Trombi 1999, 275–95). Sometimes the Greek cities took models. This inf luence may also be observed in the
on an aggressive posture, which was mirrored in the native development of funerary rituals, although the implications
world by the rise of defence works (Procelli 1989, 682). there are deeper. A list of these centres is long and they are
known, to a greater or lesser degree, in all the regions of
At the same time, the Greeks sought control of those Sicily exposed to the influence of Greek cities, irrespective
areas of production basic to their economic development, of ethnic affi liation: such centres are present both in
to secure them against eventual threats from the non-Greek the part of Sicily inhabited by the Sicels and in those

A. Domínguez

in which dwelt Sicans and Elymians (Martin et al. 1980, perhaps related to the rise or development of political
706–64). The best known are Serra Orlando (Morgantina) structures of monarchic type (La Rosa 1996, 532). This
(Domínguez 1989, 150–8), Monte Bubbonia (Domínguez perspective is, perhaps, better than the one which tries
1989, 292–6), Monte Saraceno (Domínguez 1989, 311–5; to quantify mechanically how many Greek and native
Calderone 1999, 203–12), Monte Sabucina (De Miro 1983, elements appear in a certain place in order to detect
335–44, 1999, 187–93; Domínguez 1989, 316–24), Segesta the identity of their bearers: that has been adequately
(Domínguez 1989, 390–400) , Vassallaggi (Domínguez 1989, cr iticised (A ntonaccio 1997, 171–2; 2001, 113–57;
448–52) and, most recently, Monte Polizzo (Morris et al. Thompson 1999, 464–9).
2004, 197–279).
As R. R. Holloway has summarised it, “one may say that
Perhaps the important feature is the transformation between the extremes of Greek and Sicel there seems to
from village-type (komai in Greek) to urban structures have existed a middle ground of cities where both elements
(poleis), as a text of Diodorus [5. 6] referring to the Sicans merged, but merged in different ways in different places”
suggests (Testa 1983, 1005–6; cf. Leighton, 2000, 21–2). (Holloway 1991, 93)3. In the case of Morgantina, the presence
In it Diodorus perhaps does not preclude the existence of Greek speakers seems attested for the 6th century by
of a political organisation among the Sicans, but only the presence of graffiti written in Greek, both in the archaic
mentions the dispersed and slightly organised character settlement and in the necropolis (Antonaccio 1997, 167–93;
of their ancient way of settlement1. The complexity of Lyons 1996a, 145, 193; Antonaccio and Neils 1995, 261–77),
the territorial organisation of the native settlements, at least and we cannot discard the possibility of mixed marriages.
from the 6th century onwards, with an evident hierarchy That does not imply a hegemonic position for the Greeks but
among them, has been revealed recently through a survey it can suggest, at least in this instance, Greek intervention
carried out in the surroundings of Morgantina (Thompson in the creation of a new ethnic identity. If we widen
1999, 389–91, 486–8). the panorama to embrace to the rest of Sicily, I think that
the rise of different non-Greek ethnicities was perceived,
An old debate about the ‘Hellenisation’ of these centres and even used, by the Greeks, as a mean of apprehending
had as its main question the possibility that Greeks could and controlling these native territories for their own benefit.
have lived there, thus being responsible, in a certain way, A different matter is that this process, as time went on, could
for the various developments (La Rosa 1989, 54). A typical act against the Greeks themselves, as the episode of the Sicel
case of the change in interpretation is represented by Serra revolt lead by Ducetius in the mid-5th century might suggest
Orlando (Morgantina), where the strong Hellenisation of (Domínguez 1989, 563–9).
the settlement and the necropoleis from the second quarter
of the 6th century had been considered as a consequence of Consequently, the Greek penetration of the interior of
the arrival and establishment of Greeks in the region (Sjöqvist Sicily has to be considered as a long process with several
1962, 52–68; 1973, 68) living with the natives (Domínguez stages, each very different from the other from a qualitative
1989, 151–2; Procelli 1989, 685). However, more recent and quantitative point of view. In it, we find actions of
studies prefer to emphasise the creation of a more complex very different kinds taken in response to different needs.
and multicultural local society, where the stimuli brought by Thus, for instance, the need to consolidate an initial area of
the Greeks had been adapted and reinterpreted within that political and economic domination of a newly-founded city
non-Greek society (Lyons 1996a, 129–33; 1996b, 177–88; explains the actions carried out by the oikist Antiphemus
Antonaccio 1997, 180–8; Morgan 1999, 98–104). of Gela against the native centre of Omphake [Pausanias
8. 46. 2; 9. 40. 4] or those carried out by Phalaris against
In any case, and although we accept that ‘Hellenisation’ the indigenous surroundings of Acragas [Polyaenus 5. 1].
as a term and concept “usually applied to the transformation In addition, the end of some native settlements neighbouring
of the way of life of non-Greek residents in the Greek Greek cities, as may be the case with Pantalica, has
colonial sphere of influence, does not adequately account for usually been interpreted from that perspective (Orsi 1912,
the reciprocities of intercultural contact” (Lyons 1996a, 132), 301–408; Bernabò Brea 1990, 64–5, 101). At the same time,
we must certainly accept that Greek modes of expression, the increase of population in other centres (e.g. Morgantina)
the formal and ideological language, the mixed concepts of seems to have been the result of the displacement of native
religion and politics were responsible for the rise of a new populations from areas of Sicily already occupied by Greeks
ethnic consciousness among the non-Greek peoples of Sicily2 (Thompson 1999, 485).

On the concept of kome, see Hansen 1995, 45–81; on the use The creation of the economic and political territories
of polis as a generic word for state, see Hansen 1997a, 9–15. of Greek cities introduced a certain transitory stability to
This was already observed by Finley (1979, 20) when he wrote: the non-Greek world. The beginnings of the exploitation of
“It is certain that Hellenization did not immediately destroy their these territories by Greeks meant the rise of an intensive
self-consciousness as Sicels or their desire to remain free from agrarian economy, and the generally coastal location of
overlordship from original Greek settlements”. Thompson (1999, 463) the cities, meant their rapid absorption into the pattern
has also observed how “Hellenization was not simply a process of
becoming Greek but was, just as importantly, a process of becoming The use of concepts such as “middle ground” has been also
Sikel”. A review of recent scholarship in La Rosa 1999, 159–85. applied to other colonial regions: Malkin 2002b, 151–81.

Greeks and the Local Population in the Mediterranean

of circulation of goods through the Mediterranean. Although the non-Greek world. In fact, there was a clear desire by
perhaps not the consequence of predetermined action, the native élites to adopt aspects of the economic model
it is true, as Strabo [6. 2. 4] observes, that “the Greeks represented by the Greek cities (Boardman 1999a, 190),
would permit none of them [the barbarians] to lay hold whilst many non-Greek communities were developing
of the seaboard, but were not strong enough to keep an intense multi-cultural character. The 6th century was
them altogether away from the interior”. Undoubtedly, this the great period of Greek action in the native world of
fact made the Greek cities economic centres with a wide Sicily and it is then that we can seek, for the first time,
hinterland and reach, supplying the native interior with the earliest manifestations of native cultures that were
prestige goods and consumer items. In turn, the interior beginning to express their own political and ideological
came to supply raw materials and, especially, services. identity using mechanisms adapted from the Greeks. Thus,
We find in the written sources information about the basic the non-Greek epigraphy of Sicily was used for the same
agrarian character of the island’s interior. Strabo mentions purposes as Greeks deployed their own writing. It gives
that although Hybla did not exist in his time, its name us an interesting means to perceive how native uses and
had been preserved thanks to the excellence of Hyblaean customs were adopting a Greek mode of expression, while
honey [6. 2. 2]; he also praises the quality of the lands Greek concepts were beginning to penetrate to the native
covered by volcanic ash for producing excellent wine and world. Examples as interesting as the public inscription
cattle, both in the territory of Catane and, in general, all of Mendolito (Albanese Procelli 1991b, 546), where terms
the lands affected by the eruptions of Aetna [6. 2. 3], as referring to the community (touto) or others perhaps
well as the general wealth of the island [Strabo 6. 2. 7]. mentioning armed youth (verega) (Zamboni 1978, 988;
Prosdocimi 1995, 66–7), show the use of Greek inspired
It is possible that the early interest of Catane in the far writing with a public projection to proclaim socio-political
interior may explain the arrival in some native centres of structures of a clearly non-Greek nature. Also inscriptions of
great quantities of Greek prestige goods, such as the bronze probably private use, such as that on an askos of Centuripe
tripods at Mendolito, amongst a great hoard of bronze (more (Albanese Procelli 1991, 107), or the painted text added
than 900 kg) dated to the 8th and 7th centuries (Albanese before firing on the local amphora from Montagna di Marzo,
1988–89, 125–41; 1989, 643–77; Albanese Procelli 1993, show customs probably Greek but seen through native eyes.
109–207). Of course, the native response is also interesting In fact, the inscription on the amphora seems to mention
because hoards such as those of Mendolito and Giarratana, individuals with Greek names, but is written according
may imply processes of accumulation of wealth, perhaps to the rules of Sicel phonetics (tamura or eurumakes)
related to civil or religious powers (Albanese Procelli (Montagna di Marzo 1978, 3–62; Agostiniani 1991, 33–4)
1995, 41). and the use to which it was put was drinking (Prosdocimi
1995, 68–73). We might add some other epigraphical
A further step would imply Greek desire to establish evidence showing possible bilingualism, with texts written
a more direct control over these territories, partly to in native tongues but with words of possible Greek type
obtain the profits from their natural resources, partly to (emi, tode)4, or the interesting case of the funerary epigraph
get higher revenue by forcing the natives to pay tribute. of Comiso (6th century), written in Greek, where an
Syracuse seems to have been the most efficient city in individual relates how he has buried his parents, at least
establishing such control, as the foundation of sub-colonies one of whom (the father) carries a Sicel name (Pugliese
on the borders of the territory subject to its control indicates. Carratelli 1942, 321–34; Dubois 1989, 140–1 [no. 127]).
However, such a policy does not seem to have been
pursued widely elsewhere on the island and other cities Similar development perhaps took place also in native
may have used different tactics. In addition to the trade religion, a subject not very well known, although some of
existing between native centres and Greek cities, undeniable their gods, such as the Palici (Bello 1960, 71–97; Croon
from an archaeological point of view, we may think of 1952, 116–29; Cusumano 1990) or Adrano (Cusumano 1994,
the presence of Greeks in the native centres. The existence 151–89; Morawiecki 1995, 29–50), whilst preserving features
of Greek graffiti in different places of Sicily (Dubois of their own, also suffer a process of Hellenisation, even of
1989, passim) as well as the development, from the mid- appropriation by the Greeks to integrate them into their own
6th century, of indigenous writing clearly based on Greek mythical universe (Manganaro 1997, 81–2). This is especially
alphabets (Agostiniani 1991, 23–41; 1992, 125–57; 1997, evident in the case of the Palici, whose use by Aeschylus
579–81) may indicate the penetration of native territories in the Aetnaeans (ca. 472 BC) may be interpreted either as
by individual Greeks. a fusion of the Greek and the native (Corbato 1996, 67) or,
perhaps more correctly, as an expropriation by the Greeks of
We have previously discussed, with respect to Morgantina, native traditions in order to justify Greek political domination
different interpretations of that eventual Greek presence. in general and, more concretely, the dispossession of native
In most instances it was not hegemonic; consequently, we
cannot consider these Greeks as spearheads of an imperialist Emi in Elymian inscriptions: Agostiniani 1991, 40–1; 1992,
policy directed from the Greek cities. However, it seems 145. Also, in a graffiti from Morgantina: Antonaccio, Neils 1995,
beyond doubt that the increased political and economic 261–77; and in another from Castiglione di Ragusa: Wilson 1996,
activity of the Greek cities in their hinterland may 74. Tode in a funerary inscription from Licodia Eubea: Agostiniani
be explained with reference to the changes affecting 1991, 41; 1992, no. 13.

A. Domínguez

lands carried out by Hieron during the foundation of his suggest that Hippocrates was interested in conquering
city Aetna, in the territory of ancient Catane (Basta Donzelli the area surrounding the territories of Camarina and
1996, 94–5). As for the manifestations of the indigenous Syracuse (Luraghi 1994, 154–5). The difference between
religion, these vary in the different parts of Sicily; thus, in the policies initiated by Hippocrates and those carried
eastern Sicily (the area traditionally assigned to the Sicels) out previously by the Greek cities is great: Greek cities
the native cult places are not very well known, although some had carried out a process of control and influence over
votive deposits and some possible sacred building inspired their environs within a dynamic of expanding frontiers
by Greek models are certainly mentioned (La Rosa 1989, (Vallet 1983b, 942–5). However, the new policies of
57–9). As for central/southern Sicily (the Sican area), some Hippocrates forced Gela to intervene in areas in which
sacred buildings of great interest are known in places such as it had never before shown the slightest interest. Clearly,
Sabucina and Polizzello. Those buildings reproduce the model this was an imperialist policy (Luraghi 1994, 129–30) in
of native huts (the so-called hut-shrines), although introducing which the tyrant even seems to have included the Sicels,
architectural elements (and perhaps ritual practices) of Greek using them as mercenaries and establishing alliances
type (De Miro 1983, 335–44; 1999, 187–95; Mambella 1987, with them to obtain troops (cf. Polyaenus, who mentions
13–24; La Rosa 1989, 62–4; Leighton 1999, 262–3). Lastly, mercenaries, misthophoroi and allies, symmachoi, among
in the Elymian area (western Sicily) the case of Segesta is the Ergetians) (Luraghi 1994, 166–7; Tagliamonte 1994, 99–
outstanding. Here, as well as the well-known unfinished 102; Mafodda 1998, 25–8). According to another scholar,
Doric temple, dated to the later 5th century (Mertens the rise of Sicel mercenaries might have been the result
1984), an Archaic sanctuary (contrada Mango) dated to of the evolution of the warrior aristocracies previously
the beginnings of the 6th century and apparently of purely existing in Sicily, who had modified their way of life
Greek type is also known (Tusa 1961, 31–40; 1992, 617–25). because of the action of the Greek cities (La Rosa 1989,
Recently, a series of bronze artefacts from that sanctuary, 90). At the same time, the usual changes of population
perhaps corresponding to a native votive deposit, has been carried out by the tyrants must have affected the native
published (Di Noto 1997, 581–6). world (Manganaro 1999, 118–9).

The panorama outlined so far is proof of the increasing Henceforth, the deep interaction between natives and Greek
complexity of the archaic world of Sicily, where new cities, especially those which carried out an imperialist policy,
ideas arriving in the non-Greek world from Greek cities such as Syracuse after its conquest by Gelon [Hdt. 7. 156],
were immediately echoed by the natives. This shows how would be very intense. There were, however, to be moments
the non-Greek world of Sicily had come within the area of special tension such as the refoundation of Catane as Aetna
of economic interest of the Greek cities, perhaps even by Hieron (476/5 BC) and the transfer there of 10,000 new
that of political interest. The inscription at Monte San colonists, 5,000 from the Peloponnese and the other 5,000
Mauro (mentioned above), perhaps placed in a sacred or from Syracuse, as well as the enlargement of the territory of
prestigious building (Spigo 1986, 1–32), could talk about the new city compared with that held by Catane [Diodorus
the juridical aspect of the relationships between Greek cities 11. 49] (Domínguez 2004a, 47–75). This seizure of territory
and natives. The well-known cause of the disputes between from many native communities led, after the fall of the tyranny,
the Greek city of Selinus and the Elymian city of Segesta, to a fight by the Sicels, under Ducetius, to restore the old
matters relating to marriage laws between the two (implying balance [Diodorus 11. 76] (Manganaro 1996, 32–3), although
certainly the epigamia) [Thucydides 6. 6. 2] undoubtedly this became subsumed in a campaign, perhaps the most
point in the same direction. Furthermore, the shelter given interesting of whose objectives was the creation of a synteleia
by the natives of Maktorion to the Greeks of Gela who or political and military alliance which, in Diodorus’ words
fled their city in consequence of a stasis [Hdt. 7. 153] [11. 8] included all the Sicel poleis which were of the same
may reflect close relationships between both communities. race (homoethneis) except Hybla.
Finally, the help given by the Sicels of south-eastern Sicily
to Camarina in its fight against its mother city Syracuse Related to this last, it is also probable that we must ascribe
[Philistus FGrHist 556 F 5] is remarkable when we consider to Hellenic influence the creation of ethnic identities among
that this part of Sicily had remained quite hostile to Greek the non-Greek peoples of Sicily, mainly Sicels, Sicans and
influence for a good part of the 7th century (Domínguez Elymians, already perfectly delineated in Thucydides [6. 2.
1989, 547; Leighton 1999, 245–6). 2–5], who would have taken such data from the Syracusan
historian Antiochus (Anello 1997, 539–57). It is difficult, of
A final phase in the relationships between Greek course, to know how far Greek views on the formation of
cities and non- Greek communities during the Archaic ethnic identities among the pre-Greek inhabitants of Sicily
period is that begun during the tyranny of Hippocrates were accepted by these groups, if at all. At the same time,
of Gela. He directed his actions against Chalcidian it is usually futile to seek to establish relationships between
territory, attacking Callipolis, Naxos, Zancle and Leontini, Greek myths and legends and archaeological evidence
as well as “numerous barbarian cities” [Hdt. 7. 154]. (Leighton 1999, 215–7)5. However, in some instances we can
One of the Sicel cities he conquered was Ergetion
[Polyaenus 5. 6] and Hippocrates would die during the siege Serrati (2000, 9) has rightly observed that “in terms of archaeology
of the Sicel city of Hybla [Hdt. 7. 155], perhaps Hybla there appears to be very little difference between the indigenes
Heraea ( Ragusa). The location of his campaigns would of the island”.

Greeks and the Local Population in the Mediterranean

see how some native groups, for instance the Elymians, In Tartessos, ‘unexploited emporion’ at that time, he obtains
may have used their identity, in this case insistence on their extraordinary profits, which enable him to dedicate as
Trojan origin [Thucydides 6. 2. 3], as a means of stressing a votive offering a huge bronze cauldron in the sanctuary
their rivalries with the Greeks (Nenci 1987, 921–33; Braccesi of Hera in his city. These first contacts by the Samians
1989, 107–14; Capdeville 1999, 45–6). were possibly interrupted as a result of significant political
changes affecting the city of Samos in the last years of
2. The Iberian Peninsula (Fig. 2) the 7th century BC (Domínguez 1991, 131–47; Shipley
Before considering the Greek presence in the Iberian 1987). It is surely because of this that another reference
Peninsula, it is important to note that, in contrast with can be found in Herodotus to the discovery of Tartessos.
other Mediterranean regions that had Greek colonies, According to this, other Greeks, the Phocaeans, also claimed
real apoikiai, only two Greek cities can be distinguished: to have discovered it. It can be seen from his story that
Emporion and Rhode. In the rest of Iberia, Greek activity the Phocaeans claimed to have discovered the Adriatic Sea,
was mainly commercial, not calling for the establishment Tyrrhenia, Iberia and Tartessos. In Tartessos they became
of permanent settlements: at most there might have been friends with the king, Arganthonius, thanks to whom
coastal towns in which stable Greek communities could Phocaea obtained innumerable riches. Thanks to Herodotus,
have existed, although only at certain periods. Thus, instead we know that the Greeks established a relationship of philia
of talking about ‘colonisation’, current research favours with the Tartessian leaders, which allowed the exchange of
the more neutral term ‘presence’. goods, from which the polis of Phocaea obtained substantial
profits (chremata), to the extent that it was able to pay
The first references to a Greek presence are found for the construction of a large and elegant wall (Özyiğit
in Herodotus, and are again controversial: they can be 1994, 77–109.).
considered as half way between legend and historical fact.
In two different parts of his work, and in two different The interpretation of Herodotus’ information has
contexts, he mentions two ‘discoveries’ of the Peninsula by always generated intense debate. This is not the place to
Greeks from different places. In 4. 152, within the logos analyse the arguments in detail (Olmos 1986, 584–600;
dealing with the founding of Cyrene, he introduces 1989, 495–521). I will simply say that until a few years
an excursus in which he talks about the arrival in Tartessos ago the absence of significant finds pointing towards
of the Samian nautes Kolaios, driven by the east wind. the existence of important trade links with the Greeks in

Fig. 2. The Iberian Peninsula. Sites mentioned in the text

A. Domínguez

the southern part of the Iberian Peninsula, which is where A direct consequence of the frequent visits of the Phocaeans
Tartessos must have been located, whatever the precise to the Iberian coast was the creation of a network of
location of the place reached by Kolaios and ruled by places to be used as ports of call and eventual residence
Arganthonios might have been, made it difficult to accept during their long journeys from the Eastern Mediterranean
Herodotus’ story (More1 1966; 1982). However, the increase (Alvar 1979, 67–86). For this reason, small settlements or
in archaeological excavations in Spain over recent decades emporia developed from early on, fulfilling this function as
is providing new insights, which are helping to clarify well as acting as places of trade exchange with the native
the problem of the commercial links between Greece and population (Domínguez 1986b, 601–11; Cunliffe 1993, 66–7).
the Peninsula. In the city of Huelva, on the Atlantic coast Of all these places, it is Emporion, on the north-eastern
and one of the main sea ports of the Tartessian world, what coast of the Iberian Peninsula, which would eventually
seems to have been an area of harbour warehouses of the old develop a political structure as well as its own character
indigenous city, has been excavated. The city was already (Domínguez 1986a, 3–12; 2004b, 164–5). The founding of
under the strong influence of Phoenician trade (Fernandez Emporion is described especially by Strabo [3. 4. 8–9],
Jurado 1985, 49–60), and a powerful aristocracy, strongly who recounts that the first Phocaean settlement, at a place
orientalised, settled in the hills surrounding the harbour eventually called Palaiapolis, was located on a small island
area and was buried in graves with rich grave goods (even off the coast. It would later be transferred to the mainland.
chariots) (Garrido, Orta 1989). Archaeological investigation has shown that this order of
events is, in general terms, correct. The first remains of
It is in the harbour area that a significant amount of the Greek presence, from about 600 BC, belong to the place
Greek pottery has been found. Although these fi nds are now called San Martin de Ampurias, which in earlier times
fewer than those of indigenous pottery and ceramics of was indeed an island. It has been observed that even before
Phoenician influence, they have opened new perspectives on the construction of the first Greek houses around 580 BC,
the question of the Greek trade presence in the Tartessian the Greeks pursued commercial activities on this island,
world. Following the contacts begun in the last third of which was controlled by the natives (Aquilué 1999).
the 7th century, at the beginning of the 6th century BC
onward objects, especially pottery, arrived in Huelva (and It was not until the middle of the 6th century BC,
other places in the south of the Peninsula) from East some 30– 40 years after Palaiapolis was founded on
Greece and, to a lesser extent, Athens, although not in the island, that the settlement was transferred to land to
large numbers. From around the year 580 BC commercial the south of the island, which contemporary scholars refer
exchanges increased, judging by the numbers of objects to as Neapolis. This was a bigger island, surrounded by
discovered. The pottery still came mainly from East marshes, and the area inhabited by the natives was perhaps
Greece, and Athenian products were present, but items its western part (Rovira and Sanmartí 1983, 95–110).
from Corinth and Massalia also began to appear, as well The Greeks initially occupied the northern part of what
as a few from Laconia. They are, for the most part, would become the town. This, as has been observed and
dinking containers, especially Ionian cups of different as the archaeological finds indicate, grew towards the south
origins. There are also transport amphorae from East with time (Sanmartí 1992b, 173–94; Dupré 2005, 103–23).
Greece, Athens, Corinth and Western workshops: three I will deal later with the appearance and development of
quarters of them were used to transport olive oil. Towards Emporion.
the middle of the 6th century there was a sharp reduction
in imports, as well as a change in their nature: the quantity Rhode is described by Strabo [3. 4. 8] as being situated in
of East Greek pottery decreased, although this was partly the modern town of Rosas, some kilometres to the north of
counterbalanced by maintaining the number of vases Emporion. According to him, it was “a small town belonging
imported from Athens and by an increase in products made to the Emporitans” (polichnion Emporiton) and, although
in Massalia. This tendency strengthened from 540 BC or there are some who suggest that it may already have
thereabouts: no more East Greek pottery was imported existed in the 6th century BC, the truth is that the oldest
and only a few Attic vases arrived in Huelva (Domínguez archaeological remains do not predate the 5th century
and Sánchez 2001, 5–16). (Martín, Nieto and Nolla 1979, 4; Domínguez 1990, 13–25).
It is quite probable that one of the original functions of
The abundance of metals was the reason for the long both Rhode and Emporion was to act as an arrival and
journey from East Greece to the far West. Once in western departure point for ships on their voyage through the Gulf
waters, the Phocaeans explored the coast in search of water of Lion (Ruiz de Arbulo 1984, 1 15–40).
and anchorage, and simultaneously studied the natural
resources of the country. This allowed them, during the peak A passage from Strabo [3. 4. 6] indicates the existence
of trade relations with Tartessos, to establish trading posts between New Carthage and the River Jucar, and near
or emporia, which would make their activities easier (More1 the latter, of three trading posts or small Massaliot towns
1992, 15–25). The result of this period of intense exploration (polichinia Massalioton), of which the best known (and
was the creation of centres which, like Massalia, Emporion the only one mentioned by Strabo) is Hemeroskopeion, which
or Alalia (and maybe others on the Iberian coast), originated has a sanctuary for Ephesian Artemis on a promontory.
as part of the same impulse, however different their fortunes Despite the uncertainty surrounding these settlements – they
(Sanmartí 1992a 7–41; Gras 1985, 393–423). have even been called ‘ghost colonies’ – and although there

Greeks and the Local Population in the Mediterranean

are no specific archaeological remains to provide the proof but also in Eastern Andalusia: these sculptures possess
(Martín 1968), some arguments have recently been put a figurative and iconographic nature that undoubtedly
forward again, which locate Hemeroskopeion in the area harks back to Hellenic prototypes. The clearly indigenous
around Denia (Rouillard 1991, 299–303; Pena 1993, 61–77; origins of this kind of sculpture cannot be understood
cf. Domínguez 1986b, 601). Another of these settlements without reference to the techniques of and training by
is probably Alonis, both town and island, according to Greek craftsmen. The explanation for its origins has to
Stephanus of Byzantium, which thanks to a Roman Itinerary, be looked for in the internal mechanisms of the native
the Anonymous of Ravenna, we can locate around Santa communities in the south-east of the Peninsula. They were
Pola (Llobregat 1983, 225–42), in direct relation with the old beginning to develop a complex social organisation that
lagoon area (Sinus Illicitanus), at the end of which there required works of art as a sign of prestige, emphasising
emerged the important native centre of Illici (Rouillard the power of the élite. It should be noted that this type
1991, 303–6). of sculpture is undoubtedly Iberian in character; it is not
‘provincial’ Greek art, as was thought some time ago,
What characterises the Phocaean model of colonisation nor is it an imitation of Greek sculpture. It is a genuinely
is the close relationship established with the local Iberian form of expression, which merely makes use of
environment: among the Tartessians of Huelva, the natives the techniques and the formal and decorative repertoire of
in the south-east of the Peninsula, the people of the Gulf of Greek art. With these elements, Iberian craftsmen produced
Rosas or the Ligurians in Massalia, the Phocaeans settled works with a distinctive character, which served ideas and
within the shadow of the existing inhabitants. The same social structures that had nothing to do with those of Greece
is probably true in the south of the Peninsula, in those (Domínguez 1999, 301–29).
places under clear Phoenician domination. Naturally, in
those places where the existing inhabitants were stronger Another element to reveal the strong link between
and more numerous than the Phocaeans themselves, the Greeks and the regions in the south-east of the peninsula
no stable political structure emerged. It is also true that was the development of a type of written script derived
the commercial activity (emporia) of the Phocaeans did from Greek. There had been writing systems in Iberia
not require much infrastructure (Lepore 1970, 20–54), as for centuries. They had developed within the context of
long as the local authorities guaranteed a fair and peaceful Tartessian culture (De Hoz 1989, 523–88; Correa 1993,
trading environment (Domínguez 2001, 27–45). Under those 521–62). However, nowadays there are the provinces of
conditions, all that was needed was a number of trading Alicante, Murcia and, latterly, Valencia – the same area
posts or emporia for bringing together the different natural in which the sculpture had developed, where a type of
resources, which would then be traded commercially by alphabetic script for the transcription of the Iberian language,
the Phocaeans themselves throughout the Mediterranean based on an Ionian alphabet, existed. Although the existing
(Domínguez 1986b, 603–6; 2000, 241–58). features of this script correspond to the 4th century BC,
experts argue, on the basis of palaeographic and epigraphic
As mentioned earlier, Greek imports to the Tartessian considerations, that such a system must have originated
centre in Huelva decreased considerably from around in the first half, most probably the second quarter of
the year 540 BC. Without doubt, the capture of Phocaea by the 5th century (De Hoz 1985–86, 285–98). The connexion
the Persians, as well as a restructuring of trade affecting between this writing and the development of commercial
the central Mediterranean (Domínguez 1991c, 239–73), interchanges between Greeks and Iberians has also been
influenced the transformation of Phocaean commerce in stressed (De Hoz 1994, 259–60).
Iberia. These processes affected and interrupted trade
between the Greeks and Tartessians, and occasioned Thus, both sculpture and writing appear as forms of
a reorganisation of commercial strategies. Those centres expression controlled by native élites. It was they who
which had emerged in the south-east of the Peninsula now regulated trade with the Greeks and acquired techniques
started to play a significant rôle. At the end of the 6th and knowledge from them, which they then used as a sign
century, they began to develop an intense relationship with of their own prestige – of their lineage and of their ‘cities’.
the local population. This must have been quite specific Although I think that the Greeks developed a complex
in nature, since the main evidence – Greek pottery – is “colonialist agenda” (Domínguez 2002, 65–95) it is too
not present in significant quantities in the south-east of simplistic, as some reviewer has done, “to place agency
the Iberian Peninsula until the middle of the 5th century entirely in the hands of sinister Greek traders” (Brumfield,
BC (Domínguez and Sánchez, 2001; Domínguez, 2001–2, 2005, 135). All this indicates how profound and intense
189–204; 2003, 201–4). There are other indicators which were the contacts between Greeks and the south-east
provide a clue to the type of relationship established: of the Peninsula: a true gateway for the resources of
they are related not to Greek activities in themselves the interior. There is little doubt that Emporion should be
but to the consequences of such activities on the native considered responsible for these contacts.
Clear evidence for trade relations between Emporion
The first indicator is Iberian stone sculpture. From and the Iberian coast is the discovery, in excavations in
the end of the 6th century BC groups of sculptures began the Greek town itself, of a lead letter in which, despite
to appear, especially in the south-east of the Peninsula, some gaps, reference is clearly made to the commercial

A. Domínguez

relations between the Emporitans and the native settlement Taking into consideration the distribution of the pottery,
of Saigantha, through the intervention of one Basped[…], and studies of the road layout, it seems beyond doubt that
possibly a native, whose job was also to tow ships and the pottery found comes from the south-eastern coast of
whose services are recommended by the writer. This Iberia, in particular the area between the Cape of Palos
document may date to the end of the 6th century BC, and (Los Nietos, province of Murcia) and the mouth of the Rivers
it has been fairly convincingly suggested that the town of Segura and Vinalopó. New light on the question is shed by
Saigantha could be Saguntum, which the Greeks called the recently published excavation of the fortified settlement
Zakantha/Zakynthos. The text seems to have been written of La Picola, in Santa Pola, which shows a regular layout
by a Greek who used the northern Ionian dialect, with some and defensive system of clear Greek inspiration. It may have
Aeolisms, which points to its Phocaean nature. This is highly served as the harbour or the emporion for the native town
significant, since it provides evidence of the trade links of Illici, and Greek intervention seems clear. It was built
between Emporion and the native territories in the Peninsula, towards the mid-5th century and used until ca. 330 BC.
as well as the relation between this Greek centre and other All the construction seems to have been based on the use
Phocaean settlements in the West (Sanmarti and Santiago of a foot (29,7 cm), certainly the same as that used in
1987, 119–27; Santiago 2003, 162–72). Emporion (Badié et al. 2000).

The evidence advanced here points towards the existence As for Emporion, the presence of natives in the earliest
of a strong relationship between the Greeks and the native days of its occupation is mentioned by authors such as
population on the coast of the Iberian Peninsula by the 6th century Strabo, who also alludes to the fact that Greeks and
BC, which explains the adoption by the natives of a series of natives were later governed by the same laws [3.4.8]. Some
significant cultural characteristics. We do not know whether archaeological finds, both in the city and in the cemeteries,
the Greeks deliberately encouraged these processes of social confi rm these contacts. Similarly, Livy, writing of a later
organisation in order to facilitate commercial relations with period, mentions that there were mutual interests that
the settlements in the interior of the Peninsula, or whether they favoured commercial contacts between the Greeks of
were simply spectators of the process. From the second half Emporion and the natives living in the surrounding areas
of the 5th century onwards imports of Greek pottery reach [3.4.9]. Archaeological evidence confi rms that many native
their peak in the Iberian Peninsula, not only on the coast but settlements around Emporion had close relationships with
also in the interior (Rouillard 1991, 117–23, Domínguez and the Greek city from at least the sixth century. Those
Sánchez 2001, 1–170). This was the result of an increase in contacts are attested by the native adoption of Greek
the demand for raw materials in the Greek coastal centres, architectural elements, the use, sometimes on a large
and of the additional development of the native exchange scale, of Greek pottery, and Greek influence on native
network, which would eventually connect the Mediterranean manufactures. We can also observe the introduction
coast with those centres closest to the interior in the southern among the natives of Greek ideas and techniques, for
third of the Peninsula. instance the rise of cereal agriculture in the territories
surrounding Emporion and the arrival in the native
As a consequence of the economic processes that took world near Emporion of prestige goods clearly used for
place between Greek merchants, most probably based on ritual purposes, which were also given a religious use by
the coast, and native centres in the interior, it is possible the natives themselves.
to observe, together with a significant development
of stone sculpture, the presence of Greek pottery in Much more than in other regions of the Mediterranean,
such native centres, sometimes in great quantity and where Greek presence was stronger, in the Iberian
mainly concentrated in the cemeteries. Indeed, in most Peninsula the existence and economic prosperity of the
of the south-eastern quadrant of the Iberian Peninsula Greek cities were possible thanks to the interest of the local
(including Eastern Andalusia), Greek imports began in élites in Greek activities; for those élites, the Greeks were
the second half of the 5th century and in most sites appeared a way of gaining access to prestige goods that emphasised
for the first time (Domínguez and Sánchez 2001, 171–458). their power and supremacy among their peers.

The Contribution of Archeometric Results to Our Understanding of Archaic East-Greek Trade

Pierre Dupont

In one of his former brilliant papers, Jean-Paul Morel The reattribution to the Miletus area of R. M. Cook’s
(1982) gave us the fruit of his thoughts about the value of ‘Middle Wild Goat II’ and Fikellura main series , as well
pottery as an indicator of ancient trade. While observing as one shape of transport amphora, so far considered as
to what extent the former represented “un instrument de Samian, has shed new light on our view of Archaic Greek
mesure privilégié” of the latter, he warned us against trade indeed. On the basis of lab results obtained on
the multiple dangers of its processing: “le bon usage de la samples from ‘colonial’ consumption sites as Histria and,
céramique – he wrote then – exige que nous éliminions at a lesser degree, Naukratis, it appeared that the pottery
les à-peu-près quant aux identifications, aux datations et (mostly MWG II and Fikellura, complemented with some
problème trop souvent négligé – aux quantifications”. Since series of Ionian cups and simple banded oinochoai and fruit-
then, great strides have been made forward year after year stands with ray patterns) and amphora exports of Milesian
in these three fields. origin were far from forming the major share of the East
Greek deliveries to the Black Sea settlements. Moreover,
Concerning the identification of centres of manufacture, if most of the four or five main local geochemical patterns
major advances have been obtained on Archaic East Greek identified in Miletus herself have been actually distributed
wares and transport amphorae, thanks to the decisive overseas, only one of them seems to have gathered most
contribution of chemical analyses, so much that our general exported containers of Milesian type together with MWG II
perception of the great Ionian trade turned out to be and Fikellura painted pottery, some Ionian cups and scarce
radically reconsidered. common ware. Conversely, imports from Samos, Chios and
North-Ionia do not seem well attested among the Archaic
The pioneering work initiated by the Laboratoire de finds in Miletus.
Céramologie in Lyon (Dupont 1983; 1986), which led
to this major reassessment, was based on a strategy of Farther in the north, the situation in Ephesus still
comprehensive approach which proved to be particularly looks unclear. The batch of 28 Archaic samples from
efficient. It consisted in tackling in parallel the study of the Artemision, analysed in Lyon in the late seventies,
materials from both potential centres of manufacture in revealed much more heterogeneous than in the case of
Eastern Greece, in order to constitute a reliable net of Miletus, with many imports from nearby Miletus and Samos,
local references, and on the fi nds of peripheral sites of as well as from North Ionia and, seemingly too, from Lydia.
the Greek colonial world, where imports were all issued Such a cosmopolite assemblage was probably connected with
from the main exporting workshops of the motherland. the fact that most samples came from the Artemision. Only
Later on, the results obtained in Lyon have been largely a few samples formed a separate group, distinct at once
corroborated by the matching ones of other labs, first of from Miletus, Samos and North Ionia, which might be of
all those of Mommsen’s lab in Bonn (Akurgal et al. 2002), local (or Lydian?) manufacture, but no trace of it was found
and by recent archaeological discoveries made throughout on the export markets, neither at Istros, nor at Naukratis.
Eastern Greece itself during the last decades, especially in Only a very few marginal samples might actually belong
Miletus and Clazomenae. to some underlying local group still under-represented
numerically in our batch. Conversely, due to random or
However, numerous problems have not yet been more diversified sampling, several supposedly local groups
solved quite convincingly and, even concerning the well have been recently identified both by the Bonn (Kerschner
established archeometric results, the evolutional character et al. 2002) and Berlin (Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger et al.
of the answers given by the lab must be emphasized, 1996; Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger and Schneider 2000) labs,
the determinations of origin put forward often having but without regional differentiation as concerns the latter.
a provisional value, sometimes subject to unexpected Besides, further local groups have been identified in Lyon
reversals as the net of local references strengthens for the Middle Ages (Sauer and Waksmann 2005). However,
qualitatively and quantitatively and as its meshing becomes even if some imitations of transport amphorae of Milesian
denser. This notion of evolutional results may surprise type have been identified (Kerschner and Mommsen 2005);
within the field of exact sciences, but is easily explained no trace at all of Ephesian exports overseas has been found
by the fact that the chemical results do not give directly so far, at least for the Archaic period.
the place of manufacture but only indirectly, through
systematic comparison and cross-checking with local As for Rhodos island, shorn of its main f leurons,
references, sometimes to constitute in the absence of it appeared to have scarcely exported southwards, first of
any remains of workshops (kilns, wasters, etc.), the clays all towards Naukratis, some series of Vroulian cups and,
being difficult to deal with, and the terracotta building seemingly too, a handful of Daphnae situlae. Moreover,
materials such as roof tiles being not always locally made during the Archaic period, the viticulture of the island
(e.g. the case of Sinopean roof tiles). was obviously not yet in a position to produce exportable

P. Dupont

surplus: no Archaic Rhodian transport amphorae have been E. Skarlatidou). Such pieces seem also attested on export
identified neither on East Greek nor Black Sea sites. At that markets in the Western Mediterranean, e.g. at Cerveteri in
time, in the field of pottery and amphora manufacture, Etruria (Rizzo 1990, 13, figs. 3–4; 15, fig. 8; 16, fig. 10
Rhodos seemingly did not play any significant role. All lab ‘tipo con ingubbiatura incolore’) and at Mylai on Sicily
results are in agreement on this point. (Brea and Cavalier 1959, 41–42, tabl. 1bis, pl. L: 1, 3).

In fact, on the overseas markets, both in the Black Sea Concerning the products of Lesbos, locally-manufactured
area and in Naukratis, Late Wild Goat style and other decorated vases are conspicuous by their almost complete
North Ionian products hold a prominent position from absence, both on the island itself and on the export markets.
the beginning of the 6th century onwards. But from the very In the same manner, unlike a still communis opinio, lab
beginning of the Greek colonisation of the Euxine, bird- results have revealed no significant export of Lesbian grey
bowls and trade-amphorae of Clazomenian type are already wares so far, at least on Black Sea settlements. Conversely,
attested as far as the remote Azov Sea shores. Above all, they do support the attribution to the island of the main
these North Ionian wares include a large range of mass lineage of Lesbian grey transport amphorae, the widespread
produced painted vessels, which have been widespread, distribution of which goes back as far as the early
following in this way the example of Corinthian ones: simple Archaic period. Besides, thin-walled variants, displaying
dishes with key-pattern at rim and lotus and/or tongue finer and lighter grey clay are also attested on Black Sea
pattern in bowl, plainer banded dishes of type Tocra 684, sites. Further pieces of information have been obtained.
ring-askoi, rosette bowls, banded oinochoai. Only the North In particular, it seems that superficially reoxydized variants
Ionian black-figured style did not succeed in challenging of the same shapes of containers have been produced, if
seriously the Attic exports, which overrun the market at not by the same workshops, at least by others elsewhere
the same period. Several different centres seem involved on the island. Conversely, with their fine orange clay and
in the overseas distribution of these products: Clazomenae, slimmer profile, Zeest’s ‘tumbler-bottomed’ amphorae,
as well as another still unidentified more prolific centre, alias Clinkenbeard’s ‘fractional red’, form a class of its
judging by its wide distribution throughout the Euxine and own; their distinct chemical pattern points to a different
down to Naukratis; this second major centre is most likely clay source: possibly outside the island, somewhere in
to be located towards Teos or even Kolophon judging by Mytilene’s opposite peraia, but not necessarily, because
the evidence of preliminary chemical results. Two other this class is attested in Mytilene itself, though (seemingly)
nearby cities, Erythrai and Old Smyrna, do not seem to scarcely. Other locations on the opposite Aeolis, whether in
have exported their products overseas at that time, at least the Cymaean area or in Phocaea (Özyigit 1994), seem so
as concerns painted pottery. However, a local fabric of far to exclude, though these amphorae seem well attested
trade-amphorae of Zeest’s ‘Samian’ type has been recently throughout the region.
alleged in Erythrai, on the basis of a stamp EPY found in
the cargo of the Tektas Burnu shipwreck (Carlson 2003), As for painted pottery, continental Aeolis has obviously
an assumption not really supported by lab results (Dupont, not been a leading manufacturer during the Archaic period:
forthcoming). a single centre only seems to have dispatched its products
overseas. Contrary to all expectations, lab results obtained
As for the widespread white-slipped vases of the Chian both in Lyon in the late seventies and more recently in
style, lab results have revealed that most of those found Bonn did not point out to Phocaea (Dupont 1983, 22–3;
on Mediterranean and Pontic markets do originate from Dupont, in press; Kerschner 2004). The chemical pattern
the island: most Chian samples from Histria and Naukratis of the distinctive group ‘Eolide archaïque’ individualized in
analysed in Lyon do fit the main local reference pattern of Lyon, based on representative samples from Larisa, Cyme,
the island indeed. Of course, some imitation fabrics have Myrina, Gryneion and Phocaea, differs from those of the two
been revealed here and there, e.g. in Erythrai, Pitane, Thasos, local groups at fi rst identified in Phocaea: a main one,
and even on colonial sites as Histria, though seemingly not almost exclusively made up of ‘Late Roman C’ specimens,
where it was upmost expected, viz. at Naukratis. Most of manufactured from volcanic clay materials, and a smaller
all, Chian trade is embodied by an unmistakable lineage one of banded common ware, the chemical pattern of which
of mass exported transport amphorae. Chemical analyses fits the ones of kitchen wares (with low CaO and high K2O
have established that this main lineage of ‘canonical’ contents). For that reason, it seems more sensible to locate
containers was supplemented from the mid 6th century the centre of manufacture elsewhere within the same area.
onwards by at least one variant of shape related to Zeest’s As at Larisa, Cyme and Myrina the distinctive chemical
‘Protothasian’ type (Dupont 2006). Conversely, they have pattern of our group ‘Eolide Archaïque’ is predominant and
revealed, in the Archaic necropoleis of Abdera and Orgame, very homogenous; whereas it is not the case at Phocaea.
that at least one part of the earliest white-slipped models It can be inferred that these three cities are most probably
of Chian containers were not of Chian but of North situated in the immediate vicinity of the workshop. As, on
Ionian manufacture (Dupont and Skarlatidou 2005; Dupont the other hand, a certain amount of pieces belonging to
2006). This result seems supported today by the new this group ‘Eolide Archaïque’ has been exported towards
discoveries made at Clazomenae (Sezgin 2004, 170–2, the Black Sea and Naukratis – especially ‘provincial’ Wild
Group I, figs. 1–3, 5) and in the nearby Akpinar necropolis Goat style dinoi belonging to Kardara’s ‘London Dinos
(current excavations B. Hürmüzlü, kind information of group’, pinakes of type Kassel T 469, derived from the North

The Contribution of Archeometric Results to Our Understanding of Archaic East-Greek Trade

Ionian ‘Late Wild Goat’ stage, as well as some black- express serious doubts about its local origin. Furthermore,
glazed oinochoai of Karydi’s ‘schwarzbunt’ type. There is the fact that we are faced with a highly specialized mass
a strong probability that the producer was a harbour-city producer for export is noteworthy.
and if so, Cyme does appear to be the main prospective
candidate. However, one must beware of hasty conclusions: Solving this keen problem of origin is urgently required;
the possibility of one further pre-Roman Phocaean group, because the fine Ionian cups forming the core of this group
using clays different from those of ‘Late Roman C’ wares, ‘Samos 2’ are so widespread throughout the Mediterranean
cannot be entirely excluded. As well as it cannot be entirely and the Black Sea. Both archaeological evidence and lab
excluded that the distinctive group ‘Eolide archaïque’ at results at our disposal point at first sight to Southern Ionia
fi rst individualized by the Lyon lab, which is also well as the most probable homeland of the Ionian cups: first,
attested at Phocaea, could in fact be Phocaean too. In this because they are quite well represented within our local
respect, the fact that, after withdrawing ‘Late Roman reference group ‘Samos 1’; second, because the next fairly
C’ specimens, the percentage of samples from Phocaea important producer on the opposite mainland was Miletus,
ascribable to the group ‘Eolide archaïque’ climbs up to identified both by chemical analyses and recent discoveries
71 % must be pointed out. at Kalabaktepe, including pieces decorated in the ‘Middle
Wild Goat Style’ (Schlotzhauer 2000). Furthermore, these
Conversely, lab results have revealed that the group of Milesian variants of Ionian cups have also been exported to
workshops referred to under the label ‘Eolide Archaïque’ the Black Sea. Conversely, even if the distribution map does
does not seem to have exported any significant amounts not point a priori to Aeolis as an alternative or additional
of grey wares overseas, nor did any other East Greek production area (at least judging from the fi nds so far
one, at least in the case of Histria, where nearly all grey published), the closely related chemical pattern observed
wares were locally made (at least judging by the range of between ‘Samos 2’ and the abovementioned group ‘Eolide
samples selected by P. Alexandrescu and analysed in Lyon). Archaïque’ as well as slight puzzling evidence (especially
Such a situation is closely connected with that observed in one fragment of black-glazed Villard B1 cup from Old
the Western Mediterranean, where the so-called ‘Phocaean Smyrna, with typical orthodox ‘Late Wild Goat’ decoration
Grey ware’ has already been reassigned to colonial or even outside, see Dupont 2000, 452, fig. 317) invites to check,
indigenous workshops (Arcelin 1984). However, even if, among others, the possibility of an Aeolian origin rather
on major Greek settlements along the northern Black Sea than a Samian one for the group ‘Samos 2’.
shore, numerous colonial workshops have been brought to
light, the case of Histria can hardly be generalized, because As for the prolific family of Ionian bowls, most of
on other prominent Northern Pontic settlements such as the exported specimens of orthodox bird-bowls and rosette-
Berezan and Olbia where the range of grey wares seems to bowls are issued from workshops located in North Ionia
be more diversified indeed, including, beside a majority of (Clazomenae, Teos) and, at a much lesser degree, from
admittedly Aeolian shapes quite similar to those identified Aeolis. The characteristic eye-bowls stand aside, as we will
in Histria and also made of regional loess, some distinctive see below. Several models of banded bowls have been
products, either of finer quality and still related to the North widely distributed as well: some of them with incurved
Ionian/Aeolian repertoire of shapes, or made of very rim, of the same shape as bird- and rosette-bowls, and
micaceous clay and related to the South Ionian (Milesian?) North Ionian or Aeolian too; bigger ones, with splaying
pattern. In both cases, imports are to be expected, though ring foot and straightened rim, attributable to Milesian
in a minority.Still quite puzzling appears the case of Samos workshops, and still others, with higher slanting foot and
island, for which the batch of some 250 samples analysed shallower bowl with bevelled out-turned rim, underlined
in Lyon (partly from the Heraion, partly from systematic with purple stripes, mistakenly interpreted by the Histria
surveys) has revealed, besides some imports, one dominant excavators as Lydian bowls (Dimitriu 1966; cf. Solovyov
chemical pattern, obviously local (call it ‘Samos 1’ for 2005, 48, no. 57).
convenience), divided into several sub-groups, including
miscellaneous types of vessels, seemingly mostly common Let us come now to two still unattributed East Greek
wares and Ionian cups of indifferent quality. On the export groups, well attested on the Black Sea settlements. The first
markets, this dominant Samian entity is mainly represented one includes these ‘Lydian’ bowls (call it provisionally
by some batches of Ionian cups and transport amphorae of ‘Group of Lydian bowls’), together with banded and
Grace’s early type, with echinoid rim, low neck constricted ‘Waveline’ common ware as well as specimens of Ionian
at base, ovoid or pear-shaped body, and smooth ring-foot. cups belonging to two types: on the one hand, Villard’s
Beside this prevailing pattern, spread out over a good part B1 shapes of Alexandrescu’s fine ‘Lambrino’ type; on
of the island, another secondary chemical pattern is to be the other, Villard’s A2 shapes of Hayes’ ‘Samian’ type.
found only among the Heraion finds. This second entity Seemingly, this group fits in with none of the reference
(call it ‘Samos 2’) is exclusively constituted of fine Ionian groups for South Ionia, Middle Ionia, North Ionia, Aeolis
cups of Villard’s most widespread types. The fact that this and Rhodos, as in the case of the abovementioned group
group is attested only among the finds from the Heraion, ‘Ionie du Sud 3’.
a Pan-Hellenic sanctuary, and apparently nowhere else in
the island (judging from the absence of overlap of chemical In the same way, another important centre of manufacture,
pattern with any other sample collected all around), leads to still unidentified and exclusively attested in the Black Sea

P. Dupont

area (Histria, Berezan) and the Troad, by series of thick- less distant away from one another, viz. Chios, North Ionia
walled Ionian cups of Villard B1 shape and ‘Middle Wild (Teos-Kolophon? Erythrai B?, Northern Aegean (Thasos,
Goat II/III’ fruit-stands reinforced with some specimens of Abdera?), Miletus, Ephesus, and yet Samos too. In the same
South-Ionian ‘Middle Wild Goat II’ style oinochoai (and manner, systematic appraisals would be needed for the other
accordingly recorded ‘Ionie du Sud 3’ within Lyon data major units, viz. Chios, Clazomenae and Lesbos, for which
bank). Such a restricted distribution cannot but arouse analyses have still lifted but one corner of the veil. For that
suspicions and the possibility of an outsider centre of purpose, collecting samples non only on urban settlements
manufacture located rather at the Propontis shore than in but also throughout their surrounding chôrai as well as
Troja, is to be expected, for which Milesian foundations their more or less remote peraiai would be needed too: in
such as Abydos, Parion or Kyzikos would appear to be good the same way as Beaune alone is certainly not representative
candidates. The abovementioned eye-bowls also seem to fit of the whole Burgundy wine region, Erythrai was certainly
in with this group ‘Ionie du Sud 3’, though as a marginal not representative of the whole Mimas ‘terroir’, the exported
sub-group; stylistic evidence also points to South Ionia, staples of which were not necessarily all forwarded through
viz. Milesian ‘Middle Wild Goat’, but the presence of the polis. Incidentally, concerning transport containers,
the eye ornament on a predominantly North Ionian shape determinations of contents are still sorely lacking too.
is unusual and raises doubts about a South-Ionian origin
for these drinking vessels. In view of these multiple reattribution of origin,
sometimes disconcerting and often imprecise or provisional,
Beside all these original mass produced vessels, largely one gets quite puzzled over the fragility of frequency data,
widespread overseas, more or less successful local imitations which now constitute a prerequisite to any evaluating of
have flourished here and there, with sometimes unorthodox goods traffic. Often based on misattributions of origin, they
adaptations to other regional styles of decoration, as e.g. in can, in a good many cases, provide us with nothing else
the case of the Fikellura pots produced in Miletus. but a distorted image of the real situation, even more that
the ‘market shares’, hold by the different pottery producers
Evoking local imitations leads to move on to the case abroad, were not necessarily directly proportional to
of colonial fabrics, the most famous one being revealed by the total volume of goods exported by the cities concerned.
chemical analyses at Histria, with a quite surprising range Accordingly, one must more than ever keep in mind
of elaborated products, viz. vases decorated in the Fikellura this sword of Damocles hanging above statistical data of
style (though with but some slightly unorthodox features), frequency, before elaborating subtle theories on some or
to be attributed to some Milesian immigrant craftsman any supposed commercial trend, either Rhodian, Samian,
settled there and using the local loess as clay material or Phocaean.
(Dupont 1999). Similar workshops are attested on numerous
Black Sea sites, as well as at Naukratis. Even if it is not Concerning lab results themselves, let there be no
always easy to distinguish between original imports and local misunderstanding about them. They are far from being
imitations, and sometimes, between colonial imitations and infallible, but they are all the more reliable as the specific
secondary imitations supposedly produced by indigenous net of local references they are based on is closer. As it is
potters in the hinterland. mostly not the case, for various reasons (incomplete geological
and geographical cover, reference groups wrongly selected
In the case of East Greek transport amphorae, it and/or numerically too weak), reassessments may occur as
is obvious that lab results have marked the failure of this reference net is being complemented with more closely
M. Gras’ theory of the emblematic value of the amphora fitting local groups, or when typological refinements or
shape for the polis (Gras 1987), well exemplified by distribution patterns lead to new research trends. Accordingly,
the case of V. Grace’s lineage of ‘Samian’ containers, now our perception of trade patterns remains strongly depending
scattered between several areas of manufacture, more or on the progress of provenance studies.

Greeks in the East: A View from Cilicia

Charles Gates

Documenting and interpreting the activities of ancient a town or village newly founded by Greeks. In this
Greeks in the East, that is, in Western Asia and Egypt, region, the reality was much more complicated. ‘Greek
during the Iron Age are tasks of great significance for physical presence’ included newly founded towns, but
understanding the development of Archaic Greek culture. it also included districts within towns already established
This development was not solely an internal affair, by local peoples. In addition, some ‘Greek presences’ must
but resulted in part from stimuli from the established have been seasonal, or merely transient, short-term, even
civilisations of the Near East and Egypt. Greek civilisation never repeated.
would have been unthinkable without the Orientalising
Revolution, as Walter Burkert called it (1992), Greek art We need to keep in mind too the reasons why Greeks
and architecture very different without Egyptian models of ventured into these regions. Colonists searching for land,
design, proportion, theme, and techniques. Merely noting traders, and soldiers (whether mercenaries or prisoners of
the debt is not sufficient. We want to know the mechanisms war) are frequently cited, as have been craftsmen, exiles,
of the cultural exchanges: when, where, how, and why did and pirates (Graham 1982b; West 1997, 606–24; Boardman
Greeks encounter Near Eastern and Egyptian peoples? 2001b; Luke 2003). Surely there must have been other
Why did certain ways of seeing, making, thinking have occupations, other motivations, even the most personal, and
such appeal? the most private. For the archaeologist, the challenge lies
in identifying in the material record the nature of these
This paper will focus on one aspect of this interaction, ‘Greek presences’ (Boardman 1999a, 7–159, 267–82).
the nature of Greek settlements in the Eastern Mediterranean:
Cilicia, Cyprus, the Levant, and Egypt (Fig. 1). In particular, Thus far I have introduced the problem from the point
excavations carried out in Cilicia during the past two of view of a classical archaeologist ‘wearing Greek goggles’,
decades offer a new perspective on this question. as the late Rodney Young, one of my teachers, loved to
say. But it is important to pay attention to the eastern
Instead of ‘Greek settlements’, perhaps I should say Mediterranean/southwest Asian context in which this
‘Greek presences’. The term ‘Greek settlement’ suggests chapter of early Greek civilisation took place (Dunbabin

Fig. 1. Map, Eastern Mediterranean

Ch. Gates

Fig. 2. Map, Northeast Mediterranean: Cilicia and Hatay (Turkey)

19571; Morris 1992a, 1992b; for Cilicia: Röllig 1992; iron (Kuhrt 2002, 21). In addition, it was ethnically
Zoroğlu 1994b; Casabonne 2004). In the Archaic period, mixed. Two of the Ionians who worked on the multi-
Greeks were entering lands belonging to long-established ethnic crew of carpenters at Nebuchadrezzar’s palace,
Near Eastern cultures, Phoenicians and Egyptians, notably, early 6th century BC, had personal names that are not
but lands that would be conquered in turn by Assyrians, Greek: ‘Kunzumpiya’ and ‘Aziyak’ (Kuhrt 2002, 20–21).
Babylonians, and Persians. The tumultuous histories of these In contrast, the Babylonians employed a Greek from Lesbos,
grand states and their many cultural components make up Antimenidas, as a mercenary, as we learn in a poem his
the dramatic background in which Greek presences need to brother, Alkaios, wrote to celebrate his return home [Alkaios,
be evaluated (Kuhrt 2002, 17–8). Indeed, as Amélie Kuhrt fr. 350] (Kuhrt 2002, 22).
(2002, 17) and John Boardman (1999a, 268) have remarked,
we might consider preClassical Greece as a culture lying on In exploring further this problem of Greek presences
the outer edge of the larger circle of Ancient Near Eastern in Near Eastern contexts, I would like to concentrate on
and Egyptian civilisations. In this way, preClassical Greece archaeological evidence from the area most familiar to me:
continues the same relationship seen in the Middle and Late the northeast Mediterranean region, in Turkey (Fig. 2).
Bronze Ages, of Minoan and Mycenaean civilisations with Discussion about the Greek presence in this region has been
their eastern neighbours (C. Gates 1999a). dominated for over a half century by the site of Al Mina
(Waldbaum 1997, 2–4; Luke 2003; C. Gates 2005, 52–6).
From the Near Eastern viewpoint, the presence of Greeks Al Mina was excavated in 1936–37 by Leonard Woolley
was barely noted (Kuhrt 2002). In Assyrian texts of the late (1938a; 1938b). Its ancient name is not known for certain 2,
8th and 7th centuries BC, Ionians were associated with and so its history does not figure in Greek – or other – texts.
the Mediterranean, a very general identification (Kuhrt Woolley labelled the settlement as Greek, and quickly
2002, 18–20). Ionia may perhaps refer to Anatolia, but
not specifically to a Greek area (Kuhrt 2002, 21). For Possibilities proposed have included Ahta (Fantalkin 2001a, 121,
the Neo-Babylonians, Ionia was a source of bronze and citing Zadok 1996), Kašpuna (Kuhrt 2002, 18, citing S. Parpola
1987), and Poseideion (Woolley 1938, 3, 28–30; 1959, 159–60).
Although in many respects out of date, these posthumously Poseideion is now usually identified with the site of Ras el-Bassit,
published lectures can still serve as a useful starting point. in Syria (Courbin 1986, 187–8, 206–7; Waldbaum 1997, 4).

Greeks in the East: A View from Cilicia

the site became the epitome of the Greek encounter with “colony” (apoikia), these sites are thus potentially important.
the Near East in the pre-Classical period. Here Greeks met, Of these three sites, the best archaeological evidence for
absorbed, and transmitted home the cultural achievements Archaic period settlement has come from Kelenderis,
and values of the venerable Near Eastern world. But this under excavation since 19874. The earliest pottery dates
view has been contested; perhaps Levantines established to the late 8th – early 7th centuries BC, with East Greek
the town, with or without a Greek contingent (Descoeudres wares becoming important (Zoroğlu et al. 20055). Attic
2002; Luke 2003; Niemeyer 2004, 38–44). pottery appears in the early 6th century, increasing in
succeeding decades, a reflection of changing contacts with
Anyone wishing to understand the meaning of Al Mina the Aegean world. What attracted Greeks? Although this
faces many problems. The excavation was conducted in region sees the closest point between the Anatolia and
the grand manner of yesteryear: a large area dug quickly by Cyprus, the coastal lands here are narrow. More attractive
a large workforce, with few supervisors, by an archaeologist must have been the resources of the Taurus Mountains,
eager to reach the Bronze Age. Bronze Age levels were not such as timber for shipbuilding (cedar and pine) and iron
to be found; Iron Age, the Persian period, and Medieval ore (Zoroğlu 1994a, 3–4, 73). Walls deep down in the lower
were the only periods represented. Woolley published city attest to the 6th century BC town, destroyed, or badly
the stratigraphy, established its chronology, and presented damaged, by fire. By this time Kelenderis had passed into
the architecture and, in summary fashion, the finds – with Persian control (Zoroğlu 2005). But despite its protected
the important exception of the pottery. harbour, the Persians’ preferred base in the region is
thought to have been Meydancıkkale, a fort perched on
The plans of Levels 10–7 and 6–5, the levels dating a rocky spur some 15 km inland (Davesne and Laroche-
from approximately the mid 8th to the early 6th centuries Traunecker 1998).
BC, show an architecture that is regularly laid out,
rectilinear, repetitive, basic, simple (Woolley 1938a, maps A different dimension is given by excavations at Kinet
4–5). There are no differentiations of size or quality of Höyük, in progress since 1992 (C. Gates 2005, 61–2).
construction. Nothing is grand. There are no temples, An ancient harbour town located in the northeast corner
no palaces, and no tombs. Nothing is quirky, unusual. of the Mediterranean, Kinet Höyük has a long history
In short, this architecture is uniform, and not diagnostic of occupation, attested by fi nds of Halaf period shreds,
of any particular cultural group3. Thus, for interpreting then by architectural levels from the Early Bronze Age
the early histor y of Al Mina, the potter y became into the 1st century BC, and again, after a long gap,
crucial. Woolley left the task of publishing the pottery in the Medieval period, late 12th – early 14th centuries.
to others (Lehmann 1996, 171–6). This work, which Kinet Höyük has been equated with ancient Issos – not
still continues, has generated considerable controversy. a Greek colony, according to ancient texts, but a town
The well scrutinised Greek pottery of the earliest levels with an ancestry etymologically traceable back through
at Al Mina has been taken as proof of a Greek settlement Phoenician Sissu to Hittite Zise or Izziya (M.-H. Gates
in the 8th century BC (e.g. Boardman 1999a, 38–46; 1999a, 304; Forlanini 2001, 553–4). Its long Iron Age
1999b; 2002a; Kearsley 1995; 1999. Contra: Graham sequence has yielded some Greek traces, notably pottery
1986; Descoeudres 2002; Luke 2003; Niemeyer 2004). and graffiti, but these items must be evaluated against
However, the local undecorated pottery surely was not a rich backdrop of local culture. With this mix of materials,
scrupulously saved (Waldbaum 1997, 6; but see Boardman Kinet Höyük exemplifies the problem of identifying “Greek
1999b, 144; 2002a, 320–1) – thus skewing the ceramic presences” in the eastern Mediterranean. It may be taken
picture in favour of diagnostic Greek wares. Interpreting as an antidote to the confusion of Al Mina – and may well
the changing nature of the ceramic complex in subsequent give us, when the finds, including the local undecorated
years, in the 7th and early 6th centuries (and indeed wares, are eventually published, a guide to placing Al Mina
beyond) is equally complicated. For a balanced evaluation, in its local context.
we need to take into account not only the Greek pottery,
but also the Phoenician, Cypriot, Cilician, and local North Let us take a closer look at the fi nds that illustrate
Syrian contributions to the material record. the varying components, Greek and other, in the material
remains of this modest north Levantine harbour town.
New excavations begun in Cilicia during the past twenty Architecture typically consists of mudbrick walls atop
years have encouraged a re-examination of these problems foundations of naturally-shaped stones from nearby
(C. Gates 2005, 61–4). The sites represent contrasting river beds6. In this rainy corner of the Mediterranean,
situations. Kelenderis and Nagidos were colonies established
by Samians, Soloi (later renamed Pompeiopolis) by Lindians For a bibliography on Kelenderis, see Zoroğlu et al. 2005.
and Argives. For examining the concept and reality of In the following file: Bilgilendirme/Kentin Tarihi/Arkaik Çağ
[Information/History of the City/Archaic Period].
3 6
The warehouses of the later Achaemenid Persian period The findings of Iron Age architecture have been presented in
levels (4-2) share similarities in design with storage buildings the preliminary reports of the Kinet Höyük excavations 1997–1999
from the Levant (Nunn 2000, 517–8). According to a different and 2001–2003: M.-H. Gates 1999b; 2000; 2001; 2003; 2004;
interpretation, these “warehouses” may have served mixed 2005. For the late Iron Age (Achaemenid Persian period), see also
residential and commercial purposes (Luke 2003, 29–30). C. Gates 1999b.

Ch. Gates

the mudbrick has largely melted away. In the Iron Age Another connection with the Levantine coast to the south
levels, buildings and rooms are rarely diagnostic of function is the murex, the shellfish that yielded the precious purple
apart from houses and work areas. Kilns have been found, dye, a Phoenician specialty (Jensen 1963; Stieglitz 1994).
but no temples, no tombs. As one exception to this general Although murex are common at Kinet from the 14th to
trend, Period 8 (late 8th century BC) features a grander the 6th centuries BC, in Period 7 (7th century BC), they
and idiosyncratic plan. From this building, a seal showing feature in an unusual way. Vast amounts of crushed murex
a man grasping an ostrich by the neck and some pottery shells were brought up onto the mound and laid down as
attest to the Assyrian presence at the site (M.-H. Gates ground cover (M.-H. Gates 2003, 284). We don’t have
2003, 285; 2004, 406–8). remains of dye making – that must have taken place by
the water but the quantities of crushed shells are surely
Greek materials begin early, with a few shreds with the residue of industrial-scale collection and treatment.
pendant semi-circle skyphoi among the Cypro-Cilician In sum, despite contacts with the Greek world as reflected
ceramic repertoire that characterizes the ninth–eighth in the pottery, the nature of the “Greek physical presence”
centuries BC (Hodos 2000b; M.-H. Gates 2002, 58–9). at Kinet Höyük is not known. In any case, the overall
In the seventh–sixth centuries (Periods 7 and 6), ceramics context of the town seems Levantine, not Greek.
change, with East Greek forms and motifs now constituting
the standard table ware (M.-H. Gates 1999a, 308–9; 1999b, Do pots = people? This basic question in archaeological
261–4; C. Gates 2006). This pottery includes Wave line interpretation everywhere is key not only for understanding
ware, East Greek banded bowls, Ionian bowls, bird bowls, who lived at Al Mina in its several Iron Age levels, but
East Greek plates, and Wild Goat. Other Greek pottery also for explaining why Greek pottery is found at certain
includes fragments of Attic SOS amphoras, and Proto- Levantine sites and how it happened to get there (Waldbaum
Corinthian aryballoi. Attic Black figure (and eventually 1997; Boardman 2002b; Luke 2003). If the Greek “colony”
red figure) are rare. Interestingly, alongside the very small or “emporion” was once the favoured scenario, today
number of clear imports from the Aegean, the locals made different types of Greek presences (such as seasonal traders
their own copies of those attractive styles. Such imitations and even mercenaries) seem likely (Boardman 2001b). Sites
make up an estimated 40% of the ceramic assemblage of throughout the Levant and Egypt document the variety.
the seventh–sixth centuries7. The Aegean world, especially Naukratis, founded, according to Herodotus, as a concession
its eastern cities, had certainly spread the fashion for their from the pharaoh Amasis, demonstrates that Greek cities
ceramics far and wide. existed in these foreign lands (Sullivan 1996; Leonard
1998; Boardman 1999a, 111–33; Möller 2000; Höckmann
Who were the inhabitants of Kinet Höyük? It is and Kreikenbom 2001; James 2003). A Greek enclave in
difficult to say. Writing is rare. A few shreds with a non-Greek town has been proposed at Tell Sukas (Syria),
graffiti, Greek (upper right) and Phoenician/Aramaic have with a small temple and altar of perhaps Greek type,
been found. The choicest example so far is the phrase Greek pottery and roof tiles, and a shred inscribed in
“To Sarmakadannis”, a complete Luvian or Hurrian name Greek, “I belong to Helios” (Riis 1969, 1970; Ploug 1973).
written in Phoenician letters on a large jar fragment. At Tel Dor, a variety of Greek finds (including pottery,
The date, from associated pottery, is the second half of figurines, inscriptions, Gorgon-headed terracotta antefixes,
the eighth century (M.-H. Gates 2004, 408 and 414, fig. 8). perhaps the regularised town layout) have suggested a Greek
Who was Mr. Sarmakadannis? The owner of the jar, or component in this cosmopolitan port city (Stern 1989; 2002;
a merchant? Did he live at Kinet Höyük, or somewhere for a more cautious view, Waldbaum 20039; Stewart and
else? We don’t know. Martin 200510). Greek mercenaries camped at such fortresses
as Mesad Hashavyahu and Tell Kabri (Fantalkin 2001b;
The Phoenician, or mixed Levantine, context of Kinet Niemeier 2001; 2002; Kempinski 2002), perhaps also at
Höyük, indeed of the eastern Mediterranean, can be seen Al Mina (Kearsley 1999). Greek and Carian mercenaries
in additional fi nds: a lyre player seal (later 8th century serving in Egypt are well attested in texts and inscriptions
BC) (M.-H. Gates 2005, 166 and 173, fig. 13) and a faience (Austin 1970; Boardman 1999a, 111–7).
scarab, with an Egyptianising scene of two figures in
a horse-drawn chariot carved on its base (Period 8) At the other end of the spectrum are Greek absences,
(M.-H. Gates 2003, 285 and 296, fig. 10). Levantine trade Phoenician towns in which finds of Greek pottery reflect not
relations are clear from finds of basket-handled amphoras8. Greek presence, but the ceramic preferences of the non-Greek
Most wonderful is a unique fibula (Period 8), in which inhabitants. Tyre is surely one (Bikai 1978; Coldstream and
a Near Eastern nude goddess bends cheerfully backward Bikai 1988; Joukowsky 1992). According to Josette Elayi,
to accentuate the curve of the pin (M.-H. Gates 2004, 407 the later (Achaemenid Persian) Level 3 at Al Mina, called
and 414, fig. 7 right). “Greek” by Woolley, is another (Elayi 1987; 1992).

7 9
Personal communication, Marie-Henriette Gates (May, 2006). With comments on Greek pottery from Mikhmoret and Tell
Since the study of the Iron Age ceramics from Kinet Höyük is el-Hesi as well as from Dor.
still in progress, the exact percentage is not yet certain. Stewart and Martin note that ‘much of the later so-called
For a Persian period example, 5th – 4th centuries BC: M.-H. Gates East Greek ware may be of non-Greek, eastern Mediterranean
2001, 209 and 222, fig. 8.1. manufacture’ (p. 81), a situation seen also at Kinet Höyük.

Greeks in the East: A View from Cilicia

Indeed, who brought this Greek pottery to the Levant, and (Reyes 1994). As a place of interaction between Greeks and
for whom? Greeks and/or non-Greeks (notably Phoenicians)? Near Easterners, Cyprus is of great importance.
And what about pottery in Greek styles, not imported but
imitated locally, in Cyprus and the Levant – who produced Could Cyprus have been the place where Greeks adapted
it, and why (Boardman 2004)? The issues are highly the alphabet from the Phoenicians? The multi-cultural
controversial. If Greeks, were many cities taking part, context seems ideal. Indeed, in a recent study, Roger
or only a few? Euboeans have been viewed as important Woodard has said ‘Yes, Cyprus is the place’ (Woodard
players, because of the widespread finds of Euboean pottery 1997, 1–7, 133–262). For him, the influence of the writing
not only in the area that interests us here (including at conventions of the Cypriot syllabary on the new alphabet
Al Mina), but also in the central Mediterranean. Opponents is clear. But Woodard does not explain well why Greek
of such an interpretation believe that too great a faith in writers of the syllabary should invent a new script while
the equation ‘pots = people’ misrepresents the complexity retaining, and preferring, the old11. The questions about
of trade throughout the Mediterranean in the first half the origins of the Greek alphabet are thus still open – where,
of the fi rst millennium BC (Sherratt and Sherratt 1993; by whom, why12?
Papadopoulos 1997).
In conclusion, the resulting picture, filled with many
Lastly, and briefly, let us turn to Cyprus, and the transmission different situations, does not provide an easily understood
of the alphabet from Phoenicians to Greeks. Phoenicians, context for the cultural exchanges that led to the Orientalizing
arriving in Cyprus in the ninth century BC, and Hellenized Revolution and beyond. It ref lects, however, the rich
locals divided the island into kingdoms – ten are listed in complexities of Greek interactions with peoples of established
673 BC, on an inscription of Assyrian king Esarhaddon states. The contrast with the history of Greek settlement
(Reyes 1994, 24, 58, 160). To name here but three, on in other areas, such as the Black Sea and the western
the south and east coasts, Amathus and Salamis were local; Mediterranean, is striking. If we can’t answer our question
in between lay Kition, a Phoenician town. All were important well, we can, like John Boardman in his classic study,
stops on trade routes from the Aegean to the Phoenician The Greeks Overseas, appreciate the “diversity in intention,
mainland (Coldstream 1989). The island was captured by practice, and product” that “close study of each site and
Assyrians in 709 BC, later dominated by Egyptians from each find reveal,” the rich diversity that was characteristic
ca. 560 BC until the Persians gained control in 545 BC of the Greek experience (Boardman 1999a, 282).

An objection voiced by many: e.g. Dunbabin 1957, 61.
On the origins of the Greek alphabet, see also Jeffery and Johnston
1990, 1–42, 425–8; Powell 1990; and, for a review of Woodard’s
book, Dickey 1998.

The Collection of Works in Archaistic Style
in the Hermitage Museum’s Department of Classical Antiquities

Alexander Kruglov

In the outline of my talk I set out a detailed list of varied breast, a fragmentary head from Chersonesos of the late
monuments in Archaistic style. Yet one might immediately 5th century BC and a fragmentary monumental statue from
correct the title of both talk and paper, for Archaic works Panticapaeum dating from the Roman period (Saverkina
are to be found not only in the Department of Classical 1986, 134, no. 57; 128–30, no. 53).
Antiquities – as today’s Department of the Classical World
was once known – but in the Department of the Archaeology A precise understanding of details and stylistic execution
of Eastern Europe. Apart from this quibble with the title, help us correctly identify an image in terms of both
the subject itself remains one of significance, for today iconography and chronology. Plaques found in a barrow
there are more than fifty such Archaistic works, forming at Kul-Oba showing dancing female figures (Artamonov
a genuine ‘collection’. It includes examples of sculpture 1970, fig. 234) had not been previously identified and
in the round of marble and stone, marble and clay reliefs, their partial archaism had not been noted. The figures
examples of glyptics and metalwork, kore figures and were interpreted as Maenads, Horae, Charites or Muses,
bronze-casting. yet the veils covering their heads are typical of none of
these. We should note the zigzagging borders of the left
Works from the Roman period have been well studied figure’s drapery, one of the most characterising features of
and published while those of the Greek period are less archaistic treatment of robes. This combination of heads
well known. Particular attention is therefore concentrated covered with veils and archaistic drapery elements point
on them, the material presented in chronological order. This to an identification of the figures as nymphs. When shown
is important for an understanding of how the Archaistic in an exhibition of Greek gold in 1995 the plaques were
style took shape and what its archetypes were, since these redated and placed in the mid-4th century (Williams and
formed the very foundation of the theory of Archaising art. Ogden 1994, 150, no. 90). I see no basis for this, the way
We will thus analyse Greek models, bringing in Roman the figures are shown – with the upper part of the body
material where necessary. and legs turned in three-quarter view, while the head
remains in profile – being evidence for a dating in the late
It is important to note that Russian art history does 5th century, since by the mid-4th century moving figures
not avoid differentiating between the terms Archaistic and were shown with crossed legs and body turned.
Archaising, nor does it use the term Lingering Archaic.
As a rule, Archaistic and Archaising are used equally and Another important iconographical motif in the Archaistic
indeed we should note the absence of a true international style of the 5th century that was to continue into the next
standard for their usage, each scholar who uses the terms century was widely taken up by metalworkers. Many pieces
in different senses seeming to use their own personal of metal have been discovered in barrows in Southern
approach (Harrison 1965, 50). Following the examples Russia, among them images of a chthonic goddess as
of B. S. Ridgway, whose pragmatism I personally find a half-figure, the lower part of the body formed of
impressive, I prefer to see the term Archaistic as referring vegetable tendrils or snakes, as on a gold horse’s temple
to works in which Archaic features dominate and Archaising pendant from Bolshaya Tsimbalka dating from the middle
as referring to those which contain some formal features of to third quarter of the 4th century BC (Artamonov 1970,
the Archaic style (Ridgway 1977, 303). Moreover, it should fig. 186), a silver dish from Chertomlyk of the late 4th
be noted that during different periods of its existence, to fi rst quarter of the 3rd century BC (Artamonov 1970,
Antique art manifested differing degrees of archaism in fig. 178) and a gold plaque from Bolshaya Bliznitsa of
its use of different iconographical types. the 4th century BC (Artamonov 1970, fig. 308). The motif’s
iconog raphy has ancient roots and was ext remely
It is this which explains the need for special terms, widespread in different parts of the Greek world. Not so
such as Lingering Archaic or Sub-Archaic (Willers 1975, long ago a Bulgarian colleague, Yulia Valeva, arranged
9–20) to define works of the early 5th century BC. They the known Greek material to include Southern Russian
might be used to describe a white-ground lekythos with and Thracian monuments. Describing the style she justly
an image of Artemis (ca. 490 BC), where the numerous noted: “The figures seem to depict ancient images, similar
folds of the goddess’s Ionic chiton and her diagonal mantle to so many sacred statues worshipped all over the Greek
are treated in an old-fashioned manner (The Hermitage land” (Valeva 1995, 349). There is indeed a certain likeness
Museum 2004, 58–9). between the caryatid beneath the handle on the dish from
Chertomlyk by a Greek master and a monumental sculpture
In some 5th century types, however, there is only by a Thracian master from a tomb near the village of
minor archaism, manifested in the treatment of specific Sveshtari. I am not inclined to see here any direct
details like hair or drapery. Such are the images of Cybele borrowings but when we realise that the figure’s raised
with archaising spiral locks of hair falling down onto her hands press palm upwards into emptiness it becomes

The Collection of Works in Archaistic Style in the Hermitage Museum’s Department of Classical Antiquities

clear that the Chertomlyk image derives from sculpture a hekataion have always been considered (and indeed
originally intended for an architectural context. the labels today still state that they are) Roman copies, but
we have only to look at the technical features, at the working
Pointed radiating leaves forming the ‘skirt’ of the female of the marble, to be convinced of an earlier date.
figure from Chertomlyk accord with the depiction of robes in
the earliest known sculptural image in the Archaistic style, Scholars have been divided on the question even in the past.
a marble statue of Aphrodite of 420–400 BC in the Altes Waldhauer placed the hekataion in the mid-4th century BC
Museum, Berlin (Altes Museum – Pergamonmuseum 1998, (Waldhauer 1936, 24, no. 258, pl. XVII); in his monograph
70–1, no. 33). There the goddess leans on an ancient idol on depictions of Hekate, T. Kraus put it in the early
shown in Archaistic style. He is dressed in the Classical Hellenistic period (Kraus 1960, 125–6, no. 12), while Willers
belted peplos with an overfall, given an Archaic appearance dated it to the early Roman Empire (Willers 1990, 306–7).
through elongation and a twist in the ends. The resultant How should we date this piece today? When we recall
sharp ends recall the Ionic diagonal cloak. that the object arrived from the collection of A. D. Bludov,
Russian envoy in Athens, we find indirect support for
It soon becomes clear that the figure on a temple pendant an Attic provenance.
from Bolshaya Tsimbalka is also based on drapery motifs
of the kind found in Greek statuary. Moreover, by depicting Harrison, who has written about archaistic works found
the goddess in Archaistic robes the artist endowed her with on the Athenian agora, suggests that a whole group of
a status equal to images of gods from the Greek pantheon. monuments that Kraus placed in the early Hellenistic period
We can extrapolate this example to draw a broader cultural in fact relate to the Late Hellenistic or Roman period. Based
conclusion: the Archaistic style not only helped the Scythians on her observations of Attic sculpture, she rightly noted
or Thracians to emphasise the legitimacy of their own images the difficulty in dating individual pieces since techniques
of local gods but also helped the Greeks perceive the latter barely altered from the Late Classical to Roman periods
as being related to their own tradition. (Harrison 1965, 86–97).

In the Hermitage there is a marble acroterium with When dating these objects, therefore, we must take into
gryphons and a winged male chthonic divinity (Möbius account what might at first seem to be but secondary details.
1929, 72, fig. 64a), a familiar composition of a half-figure Up to now no attention has been paid to the depiction of
with tendrils. The acroterium arrived in the Hermitage the head and the hair type on the Hermitage hekataion:
from the Musin-Pushkin family collection, and we might the oval head seems even more elongated because of
tentatively suggest that it was found in Olbia. the structure of the hairstyle, with the hair parted in
the middle and twisted around the head, the left side twisted
Hair and beard are treated in Archaistic style and and thrown diagonally over the right lock, creating a peaked
the image is somewhat simplified in treatment, since the relief effect above the forehead. Later masters do not seem to have
was not intended for close viewing. Yet we can clearly been attentive to careful reproduction of this hairstyle, which
see that it belongs to a certain type, that of the Hermes dates to around the middle of the 4th century BC (370–340s).
Propylaios, which is linked with the work of Alkamenes in An early date is also suggested by an understanding of
the 5th century BC. The persistence of the Alkamenes type is the depiction of the clothing. The fine folds of the chiton are
quite unique. We can only agree once more with the accepted not only shown on the sleeve but are visible at the neck and
opinion that the drawn out existence of the Archaistic style feet, emerging from below the edges of peplos. At the neck
was prompted by religious conservatism. In the Hermitage are ‘Venus’ rings’. Also characteristic Archaistic features
we have excellent examples of Roman copies, a large herm are the modelling of brows, pupil and both eyelids. All
of the Ephes-Hermitage type (Saverkina 1986, 93–4, no. 36) these details indicate a manner of execution of the Late
and works from the Hellenistic period (the acroterium Classical period, and in dating the object I would thus
is dated to the 3rd century BC). From the Late Classical concur with Waldhauer.
period comes a Chersonesian head of Hermes, a version of
the Brussels-Basle type (Saverkina 1986, 95, no. 37), dated The statuette of the seated Dionysos (Waldhauer 1928,
to the 4th century BC. Alkamenes’ Hermes was copied 23, no. 9, fig. 7–8, pl. VII) can be dated to the 2nd –
an endless number of times. “The Hermes… standing on 1st centuries BC. Dionysos’ right hand up to the elbow – it
the square near the Painted Portico… is covered in tar, once clearly held a kantharos – was made separately and set
since sculptors take casts of it every day,” wrote Lucian into a rounded hollow, a characteristic Hellenistic technique
[Iupp. Trag. 33]. This apparently anecdotal story proves to in the making of marble figures. There are noticeable
be the very truth, confirmed by the find in Chersonesos traces of red paint on the cloak surface and the sides of
of a cast from that same marble head, made in Hellenistic the throne with their ornamental relief, from which we
times for the purpose of making terracotta copies (Belov can conclude that this statuette was not placed in a niche
1971, 109). but in an open aedicula, a domestic sanctuary, possibly in
the peristyle garden of a private home.
Also in the Hermitage there are superbly preserved
original Greek Archaistic statuary from the Late Classical Many representations of gods in metalwork and glyptics
and Hellenistic periods. A statuette of Dionysos and would seem to have been based on statuary types. We know

A. Kruglov

of no authentic cult Archaistic statues from the Late

Classical or Early Hellenistic periods but we can recognise
their reflections in small-scale contemporary works, such
as the statute of Artemis which appears on a gold ring
from the Bolshaya Bliznitsa barrow (Williams and Ogden
1994, 193, no. 125). Of this there can be no doubt, since
the figure is shown on a pedestal which, to judge by
the profile, would have been a low round base identical in
form to the pedestal of two bronze urns from the Early
Hellenistic period found at Vasyurina Gora.

The archaistic style of the figure from Bolshaya Bliznitsa

is determined by the composition itself, a half-profile
arrangement of the body combined with a profile turn of
head and both feet, which rest identically on the ground.
L. Stefani noted the features of this style: “This statue,
slightly repulsive in its harshness typical of a heriatic
style…” (Stefani 1866, 77), and linked it with the statue
of Artemis at Agrae near Athens described by Pausanias
[I, 19, 6], although we have no reliable basis for such
an identification.

An abundance of linear drapery folds reminds us of

the patterned nature of drapery on goddesses of the Creto-
Mycenaean period – indeed, it is in this that the Archaistic
phenomenon lies: to create an impression of age through
additional ornamental details. But we have only to look
more carefully at the best examples of Archaistic costume
to recognise that sculptors were not playing with decorative
elements on the image’s surface but modelling the robes Fig. 1. Caryatids. Bronze. Inv. Nos. Vas. 70; Vas. 71.
according to their own understanding of their task. From the barrow Vasyurina Gora. The State Hermitage

We shall look at different types of Archaistic attire form part of this attire. A statue in Berlin from the 2nd
on the basis of a bronze caryatid from Vasyurina Gora century BC, for instance, wears only a chiton and himation
(Fig. 1). (In passing, we should note that publications (Altes Museum – Pergamonmuseum 1998, 96–7, no. 51).
by Herdejürgen and Zagdoon have given an incorrect
provenance, ‘Kurgan’, for items that in fact derive from Fullerton, one of today’s leading scholars of Archaistic
Vasyurina Gora on the Taman Peninsula; Herdejürgen 1968, sculpture, noted that it was unlikely that such drapery
87, no. 8; Zagdoon 1989, 176). reflected the kind of attire actually worn in everyday life
(Fullerton 1986, 268). If we agree with such a suggestion
The caryatid’s fi ne chiton has numerous small folds then one must conclude it was specially developed for
gathered in horizontal bands on the short sleeve. Over this a certain sculptural type, the very earliest version of which is
she wears a peplos fastened at the left shoulder, its folds represented by the statuettes from Vasyurina Gora (Fig. 1).
forming a triangular neck. The long, broad cloak with The type of cloak with rounded festoons relates to fashions
its overfall forms a variety of omega and zigzag shaped in Asia Minor, appearing there on marble sculptures of
folds. Cloaks were cut to a particular design, in order to the 2nd century BC.
create this play of festoons and hanging ends, with part of
the fabric twisted and arranged diagonally across the chest At one time Rostovtseff dated the chariot with bronze
and down the back, from which festoons hang down to adornments from which the caryatids come to the fi rst
the waist and hips, each fold ending in the characteristic half of the 3rd century BC (Rostovtseff 2004, 89). He also
‘swallow-tail’ feature. One edge of the cloak with its zigzag noted that the style of the caryatids themselves provides
folds descends along the figure’s right side from beneath us with no independent criteria to determine their age.
the raised shoulder, with the broader cascade of side folds of Yet a systematic arrangement of Archaistic material and
the peplos emerging beneath. The other edge, also long and the development of a theory of the style provide a serious
gathered in zigzag folds, hangs from beneath the festoon on basis for a confident dating. A comparison of the attire of
the left side. It is slightly pushed towards the left arm and the caryatid from Vasyurina Gora with that on an Archaistic
forms an additional smooth curve. The central drapery in figure of Athena on coins of Antigonus Gonatas (ca. 271 BC)
the form of a swallow tail in the lower part of the ‘skirt’ allows us to conclude that the archetype for such drapery
should probably relate to the peplos, from beneath which relates to the first third of the 3rd century BC (thus
we see small folds of the chiton. A peplos did not always confirming Rostovtseff’s dating). The prominently bulging

The Collection of Works in Archaistic Style in the Hermitage Museum’s Department of Classical Antiquities

large round eyes recall – if this is not simply a coincidence – the Istanbul sculpture has any relationship to the statue of
the iconography of the Ptolemies. The hairstyle, a bun Hermaphroditus nobilis by the sculptor Polyklos mentioned
gathered below the back of the head without any emerging by Pliny the Elder [NH 34, 80]. One of the inscriptions from
spiral locks, is found on Archaistic reliefs (the earliest, of the Athenian agora is a sort of inventory of sculptures of
the late 3rd century BC, is a relief showing the dance of gods and other mythological figures that stood in different
the Seasons). parts of the gymnasium, and it is thus concluded that
the Hermaphrodite was amongst statues considered suitable
The bronze adornments on the chariot in the form of for a gymnasium (LIMC 1990, 269, 271, no. 4, 283). The date
youthful female figures would seem to reflect a monumental of the inscription is the second half of the 2nd century BC.
type ( Muse-caryatids), represented in the Hermitage by The Chersonesos statuette, found in 1903 in the central part
a marble statue of the Roman Imperial period from Venice of the town, should also be dated to that time.
(Waldhauer 1936, 26–8, no. 260).
To judge by the fact that the right hand was pressed quite
Another statue of Artemis appears on an engraved close to the body, it could not have been made separately
chalcedony gem set in a gold ring of the 4th century and then joined to the rest of the figure, as might have
BC from Panticapaeum (Neverov 1976, 58, no. 39). been thought. A pin hole at the broken wrist indicates that
In composition the figure does not differ from that of the loss was restored in Antiquity. If my identification of
contemporary statues (resting on one leg, the other set the figure as Hermaphrodite is correct, the hand would have
back), and only in the treatment of the cloak’s long edge held a characteristic attribute, a folding mirror. Features of
to the side do we see signs of the archaistic trend. the Archaistic style in Late Hellenistic works are found
in the hair, its long, slightly wavy locks ending in sharp
In a statue of Apollo on a chalcedony intaglio of the 4th triangles, recalling the locks of hair on the youth from
to 3rd centuries BC from Gorgippia (Neverov 1976, 62, Piraeus, regardless of the fact that today many Classical
no. 54) the archaism lies in the manner of depicting the hair specialists – with whom I would agree – see the Piraean
in locks, the arms identically bent at the elbow and the Apollo as an Archaistic work of the Athenian school of
feet both shown in profile. Yet this is not a depiction of an the 2nd century BC (Palagia 1997, 183). Based on its
Archaic statue, as was noted by the object’s first publishers. marble type, the Chersonesos Hermaphrodite is not of Attic
Rather the extremely elongated and feminine proportions are production but relates to the archaising tendencies of Late
evidence of another era and of the artist’s own individual Hellenistic sculpture.
manner. He has given the image of Apollo the features of
a Hermaphrodite – Apollo clearly has a female breast and Characteristic Archaistic style features in male statuary –
soft belly. The figure from Gorguppia precedes depictions a row of ring curls over the forehead and spirals of hair
of Apollo according to the repertoire of 2nd-century BC falling down to the side – were persistently found on
Neo-Attic art. glyptics of the 4th century BC, the Hellenistic and Roman
periods, for instance, a depiction of Poseidon on cornelian
I shall cite another example of iconog raphical from Panticapaeum (Neverov 1979, 108, no. 1, pl. 1: 1),
re-orientation in the Hermitage collection. A fragmentary another of Jupiter the Thunderer or the works of the master
marble statuette of a youth from Chersonesos was compared Hyllos (Neverov 1976, 68, no. 87; 74, no. 114, 115). Hyllos’
by Saverkina with the image of Dionysos with a kantharos works are a superb illustration of the Archaising style, only
found on the Athenian agora (Saverkina 1982, 96–7, fig. 1). selected details being stylised with archaic features, while
She noted that both figures have identically arranged cloaks all other aspects make clear that these pieces represent
and gave both the same date in the 2nd to 1st centuries BC. Roman Classicism.
She also indicated a close relationship to the depiction of
locks of hair on the bronze Apollo from Piraeus, and then Hellenistic reliefs are represented in the Hermitage
dated to 530–520 BC. It seems to me that there is some by a fragment from Panticapaeum which shows a figure
basis to speak of some iconographical model that served of Hermes Nymphagetes (Fig. 2). His iconography is
as a prototype for the Chersonesos statuette. determined by the presence of a cloak and the surviving
part of a caduceus. The short chiton and chlamys with
All earlier scholars have ignored the youth’s female arrow-shaped and zigzag folds and the lack of spiral
breast, which leaves us with no doubt that this is an image locks of hair have parallels in reliefs of the 3rd century
of Hermaphrodite. We should note the difference in BC, allowing us to place the Hermitage fragment in that
the composition of the cloak compared with the Dionysos period. Attic reliefs of the late 4th – 3rd century BC are
agora: not above, but below the elbow. The whole placing represented by a Hermes, protector of herds, who leads
of the figure, with its slight bend in the torso – clearly a dance of nymphs, divinities of fertility, around an altar
visible also from the curve of the spine – repeats in in a grotto. Attic reliefs were used as models in many
reverse (and on a considerably reduced scale) a statue workshops on the islands. To judge by the large-crystalline
of Hermaphrodite from Pergamon of the 2nd century marble and certain harshness in the modelling we should
BC (Archaeological Museum, Istanbul; Smith 1991, 156, place the Hermitage relief amongst such Greek island
fig. 187). There the figure rests on a pylon, which explains works. Amongst the few known reliefs in Archaistic style
the torso’s smooth curve. It is difficult to say whether found in the Bosporus (there is one from Taman now in

A. Kruglov

of a marble vase or the rim around a well. The head of

a nymph or Hora, personifying a season, appears on a small
marble fragment with a rounded top, which would seem, by
analogy with another piece in the British Museum (Selection
2003, 23), to have been part of the marble surround to
a well (puteal). The fragment is dated to the 1st century
BC (Kruglov 1991, 215–8).

Some Archaistic images that have now become independent

objects derive from larger items, such as ritual vessels.
Hellenistic terracotta masks of Dionysos or Silenos, found in
many centres of the Northern Black Sea area (Belov 1970,
74, pl. 12: 4; Pruglo 1970, 99, pl. 44: 1, 5; Silanteva 1974,
20–1, pl. 12) are repetitions and variations of the applied
elements that appear below the handles of large bronze
vessels (Mertens 1985, 56–9, no. 38–40).
Fig. 2. Hermes. Marble. Inv. no. PAN. 165.
From Panticapaeum. The State Hermitage As has been seen, the Hermitage collection is rich in
monuments in Archaistic style, encompassing a variety of
Moscow, another from Kerch now in Odessa), the earliest forms, material and periods. Whereas these monuments have
is the St-Petersburg fragmentary relief with Hermes. not previously been looked at as a whole, this survey allows
us to arrive at a better understanding of the iconography and
Archaistic reliefs may have had various functional uses: to give objects a more precise dating. Thus we can more
they might have been independent (brought into a temple as clearly comprehend the different periods in the Archaistic
an ex-voto offering), or have decorated the base of a statue style and how it was manifested in Ancient Greek and
or candelabra; they might have formed part of the decoration Roman art.

Greek-Ionian Necropoleis in the Black Sea area: Cremation and Colonisation

Vasilica Lungu

Burial customs and beliefs about the dead in the Greek erected by the Persians, and Hanfmann (1963, 55) said that
period have long since developed into a highly specialised it may preserve the Hittite tradition of cremating kings
and complex study, particularly in mainland Greece and (Bögazköy texts, cited by Riis 1948, 41). Nilsson noted that
the western Mediterranean. An examination of burial cremation has been taken to indicate the performance of
customs in Pontic Ionian colonies can be based on significant particular rituals, which in the case of Mycenaean tombs
information from a good sample of graves dating from would mean a complete and simultaneous destruction of
Archaic to Hellenistic times. In order to provide a helpful the body and funerary offerings on the pyre (Nilsson
perspective of funerary practices in the Milesian, or 1950, 350). Cremation was consequently explained by him
rather, Ionian colonial milieu, the starting point for this as an arbitrary choice inspired by the regular burning of
investigation consists of the excavated necropoleis on offerings. Cremation of adults and inhumation of children in
the north, south and west shores of the Black Sea. Hundreds jars were the preferred burial rites at Ialysos in the Archaic
of tombs can be attributed to the Greek period at Berezan, period (Gates 1983, 19). This combination has been taken to
Olbia, Istros and Orgame, or Apollonia Pontica, and they indicate that, in the case of East Greece, cremation would
can reveal useful information about burial customs and mean a standard rite in common necropoleis, in contrast
the Greek colonisation process. with earlier Anatolia where, according to ritual Hittite texts
of the 14th century BC, the cremation was reserved for
It was established a long time ago that in Greek the king. The process of burning may be equally different
necropoleis cremation and inhumation were practiced side by from one region to another, according “to differences in
side (Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 329). It is thus significant pyre construction, stoking, and overall combustion time”
that Herodotus notes [5.8] concerning the common practice (Musgrave 1991, 285).
of both rites by rich peoples of Thrace, the neighbours
of the Greeks, which contradicts the ‘aristocratic’ theory Early cremations come from the fi rst stages of Ionian
as a focal point of the funeral meaning of cremation. colonisation in the north and west Pontos. During the fi rst
In certain areas, therefore, cremation is exclusively used for excavations in 1900–1901 in the necropolis of Berezan,
adults, as necropoleis of Ionian Siris attest for South Italy Skadovskii noted more then 100 cremations for 514 tombs
(Berlingo 1986, 121). It was long dominant, for example, (Lapin 1966, 120–1). The last systematical investigations,
throughout the Ionic colonies of western Pontus Euxinus, made between 1976 and 1990, added 213 tombs more, of
too, where cremation was practiced regularly for at least which 4% were cremations during the 6th–5th centuries BC
six centuries. (Domansky et al. 1989; Solovyov 1999, 80, note 52;
Vinogradov and Domansky 1996, 295; Fabritsius 1951, 58),
The reason for cremation practice in Greek necropoleis with 16 more tombs investigated by Gorbunova in 1967–68
has not yet a clear answer. It might be possible to find (Gorbunova 1969, 20–5). According to the most recent
a common thread running through the Greek and non-Greek estimations, tombs in the Berezan necropolis number
necropoleis; it would be unrealistic to expect a disjunction approximately 900 (Tsetskhladze 1998, 45), 14.7% of
in rites practiced in different communities connected by which were cremation graves, and it is the most important
a common history. Herodotos [3.99–100] tells us clearly that group of cremations on the northern shore of the Black
many Greek and non-Greek peoples preserved the ancestors’ Sea. Occurrences elsewhere in the same region during
rules (nomoi), rejecting those of other peoples. Religious the period of Greek colonisation are a few at Olbia,
conservatism appears the main characteristic. It is very usually interpreted as evidence of foreign presence
likely that the same cremation rites were common in among the Greeks of the city (Kozub 1974; Skudnova,
many ancient communities and these must be individually 1988, 36–172, Bessonova 1991, 92–9; Vinogradov and
studied because of their particular meanings. At Sardis, Kryzhtsky 1995, 122–6, mentioned 3000 tombs excavated
there is some evidence for it at the tomb of Alyattes, at Olbia). Some other occurrences from the second half of
father of Croesus, but inhumation seems to be the standard the 6th century BC to the Hellenistic period have come
practice (Hanfmann 1963, 55). The problem of interpreting from the Nymphaeum necropolis (Grač 1999). Cremations
Croesus himself on the pyre as it is revealed by Greek formed there a smaller group than the inhumation burials
literature [ Bacchylides, Epinicia 3.23–62; Hdt. 1.86–87; and, because containing rich grave goods, they have
Nicolas of Damascus FGrHist 90.F68] or Greek painted been evaluated by social criteria. The interpretation of
vases (Louvre G197, Myson’s Amphora) need not be the archaeologists is that they belonged to Nymphaeum’s
indicative of funerary practices in Lydia. As for the pyre wealthiest people (Grač 1999, 323). In the necropolis at
of Croesus, “it is uncertain whether the purpose of the fire Apollonia Pontica, cremation appears relatively late, in
was the incineration of the corpse of the Lydian king or the middle of the 4th century BC, a “comparatively rare
was related to some funerary ritual conducted by living phenomenon” among the more than 1500 graves discovered
at the tomb” (McLauchlin 2003, 156–8). The pyre was (Panajotova 1998, 102; 2003, 123–40).

V. Lungu

This complex panorama of funeral practices in the north in the same necropolis during the Hellenistic period and
and west colonial milieu could be interpreted in the light that statistical studies of the cremations are meaningful.
of the typical aspect of Greek-Ionian colonisation, that of
mixed settlements. In this context, the numerous groups A substantial number of burials have been recorded
of cremation graves reported at Istros and Orgame play in the Orgame necropolis where some sufficiently large
an important role in this discussion. More completely areas have been investigated; the results have allowed their
investigated than elsewhere on the Romanian coast of main characteristics to be defined (Lungu 1995, 231–63;
the Black Sea, the necropoleis of Istros and Orgame can 1996, 745–52; 1999, 71–80; 2000a, 101–18 ; 2000b, 67–87;
serve as an important source of evidence for identification 2000–2001, 171–88; 2001, 165–74 ; 2002, 3–17; 2003).
of the burial customs of colonial cities in the Greek Systematic investigations began there two years after its
periods, from Archaic to Hellenistic times. The records chance discovery in 1988, with yearly exploration until
both published and unpublished of excavations conducted in 2002. The excavation areas spread in many sectors in
the second half of the 20th century have much to emphasise the necropolis including tumuli with cremation tombs and
about the burial practices and provide data of great only few inhumations (Lungu 2000a, 102, 4% inhumations
importance for the evaluation of contrasting developments for 96% cremations). The burials were assembled in distinct
in neighbouring Greek colonies. clusters of various sizes, identified as family plots. They offer
us a firmer basis for new research and hypotheses.
The research on the Istros necropolis comes in part from
the excavations led by Petre Alexandrescu (Alexandrescu The tumulus appears as a more permanent funerary
1966, 133–294; 1994, 15–32; 1999, 117–37). Excavations monument, and its position and shape underline the importance
outside the ancient city have, however, generally been of funerary practices in preserving the image of social
limited to a few burials identified in cemeteries located status in Orgame. The use of the tumulus type burial is
in the chora of Istros, some 18 km in the hinterland, a “world-wide phenomenon” (Summers 1998, 172), and
in the vicinity of the modern villages of Corbu de Jos “the distinct cultures of different regions may have adopted
(Bucovală and Irimia 1971, 41–56 ; Teleagă 1999, 33–44; it at separate times by separate mechanisms for separate
Avram 2001, 599; 2003, 291; Buzoianu 2001, 131–2), reasons” (Roosevelt 2003, 123). They covered different
Nuntasi (Rădulescu 1961, 377–83 ; Bucovală and Irimia kinds of graves and they are common for East Greece,
1971, 52) and Histria Bent, close to the present village of Lydia, Anatolia, and Thracian and Scythian areas. Only
Istria (Zirra 1970, 213–20; 1985, 56; Avram 2001, 600; a few tumuli are known from the Lydian period and they
2003, 291; Buzoianu 2001, 133; Teleagă and Zirra 2003). were probably reserved for royalty, and perhaps related
An isolated tumulus was excavated in 1952 at 600 m from elites (Roosevelt 2003). The diverse tumulus tradition
Tariverde (Condurachi et al. 1952, 272–4; Buzoianu 2001, in Phrygia consisted of inhumation burials in pits,
135; Ruscu 2002, 46, note 52). These discoveries give sarcophagi and architectural tomb complexes, and only
a chronology ranging from the 6th century BC down to very few with cremation adopted down to ca. 625/620 BC
the beginning of the 5th century BC, which correlates with under the influences of East Greece (Kohler 1980, 66).
the historical record of the colony’s establishment. What Contemporary cremation burials under tumuli were known
is particularly surprising about the funeral discoveries in in Lycia (Dörtlük 1980). The Phoenicians of the first
the chora is the large number of inhumations in contrast with millennium practiced both cremation and inhumation
the cremations from the main necropolis of Istros (4,5 : 1 (Moorey 1980, 7). Secondary cremations, in which the ashes
for cremation). The tombs there are of the same types as were buried elsewhere in a container, were the principal
those of the same period found at Olbia, Apollonia Pontica funeral practice in the S Necropolis of Samothrace, from
or Berezan, but differ from the group of ‘aristocratic’ burials the beginning of its use as a cemetery around the middle
from the tumular necropolis of Istros. In terms of quality, of the 6th century BC to the middle of the 4th century
the grave goods from cemeteries in the chora of Istros are BC, when interment replaced it (Dusenbery 1998, 11).
comparable to those at the other Greek necropoleis, but are As for the Greeks on the mainland, tumuli were built in
less numerous in each tomb. the necropoleis, but only a very few over cremations (Athens:
Schlörb-Vierneisel 1966, 19).
The description of the graves at Istros and in its chora,
the nature and the development of the burial customs At Orgame, the cremations are normally placed in tombs
have been presented in detail in monographic volumes surrounded by stone circles, covered by tumuli and gathered
(Alexandrescu 1966, 133–294; Teleaga and Zirra 2003). into family plots, which were systematically distributed
The typology of tombs and the rites, the assemblages of grave along the ancient roads leading to the city. The stone
goods, and the spatial distribution of tombs were the main circles were used to aid the rising of the mound, to mark
questions focusing the debate. Unfortunately, at Tomis, the tomb borders and to accomplish ceremonial practices.
the other important Milesian colony on the west Pontic Their spread in Orgame indicates a custom perpetuated
shore [Strabo, 7.6.1; Ovidius, Trist. 3.9], the excavations from Archaic to Hellenistic times. Other examples emerge at
on the necropolis as well as in the polis were disturbed by different times from Olbia (Skudnova 1988, 10), Apollonia
the modern town (Bucovala 1967, Lungu 2003). There are, Pontica (Panajotova 2003, 129), Berezan (Solovyov, 1999)
however, good grounds for believing that cremations and and Istros (Alexandrescu 1966), but they are not sufficient
inhumations (48 cremations and 21 inhumations) were mixed in number to demonstrate if they represent a norm, even

Greek-Ionian Necropoleis in the Black Sea area: Cremation and Colonisation

if only for a small part of the community, or an arbitrary What is particular for the necropolis at Orgame is
individual option. the clear distribution of the familial plots under the tumuli
close to the dwelling area. Assemblages of individual
The practice of erecting a stone circle around the central burials in familial plots, from 4 or 5 to 10 tombs of
grave is not specific only to the Pontic necropoleis; it is different sizes, have been identified so far, suggesting
well known from many other tumuli excavated in Illyrian, that this necropolis might indeed be related with an urban
Macedonian, and indeed wider Balkan areas (Bejko 2002, structure, organised within some social hierarchy. A pattern
40; Andrea 1985; Bondinaku 1982; Andronikos 1966). could be identified of assemblages of big tombs surrounded
Moreover, the tombs ringed with stones point out by by smaller ones.
their frequency an essential particularity at Orgame, and
also at Berezan, Istros, and other necropoleis of the large The burial plots were situated along the ancient roads.
family of Milesian colonies. One illustrative example is The fact is particularly obvious on air photos as well
in the necropolis of Olbia with inhumation as the usual as during archaeological excavations. One of the most
rite, but with as well a few cremations in tombs ringed important roads was investigated some years ago, and
with stones. the earliest burials that flanked it date back at least from
the beginning of the 4th century BC. It is about 6–7 m wide,
From a brief analysis of cremation in Ionian colonies and consisted of a layer of stones sometimes containing
in the Black Sea, one may easily observe that during Greek amphora fragments. Some other major axes of
the Greek period the necropoleis of west Pontic colonies the roads found in the necropolis set the plan from east
at Orgame, Istros, Tomis, and Berezan had the highest to west, from the city to its chora. They also served for
percentages of cremation tombs. At Orgame, the dominant orientating the tombs, and sometimes were connected to
practice of cremation covering a large span of time, close tumulus by smaller side roads, as excavations have
from the 7th to 3rd centuries BC, has been viewed as made clear.
significant for the evolution of the settlement. There
are two types of cremation tombs: 1) with the grave at Cremation was generally practiced in the Greek colonies
the same place as the pyre; 2) with the grave in a place at Orgame, Istros and Tomis during the Greek period,
different from the pyre, with the cremated remains as well as in the necropoleis of indigenous peoples in
transferred directly into the grave or into urns. The fi rst Dobroudja. Some of them, somewhat distant from these
type is connected with the biggest tumuli, and the second colonial centres, had different kinds of tombs. This was
one with the smaller ones. In the case of the tombs the case in the indigenous necropolis at Enisala (Simion
with primary cremation, since the burial pyre generally 2003, 259–320; 321–8) in close connection with the chora
corresponds to the size of an adult human, surely they of Orgame. There were common instances of secondary
were initially made for the cremation of a corpse in cremations and urns in ordinary necropoleis in this period,
fully extended position. The red colour of the earth, but nothing like the family plots. The tombs with cremation
the bones so fragmentary and white, the pottery and and stone enclosures under tumuli were obviously rare and
the other objects offered as grave gifts suggest an intense not typical of autochthonous burials. They could be the sign
combustion. Sometimes the vases were not burned, but of influence from outside, perhaps of Greeks from Orgame.
often they were, either completely or partly. Some of That could be an argument to include the settlement of
them may have been placed on the burning pyre together Enisala within the chora of Orgame. A somewhat different
with the body, some others afterwards. situation is revealed by the chora of Istros, where inhumation
in a rectangular pit is the main rite.
The familial plots of the Archaic period contain outside
such tombs a circular stone construction used as an altar All around the Black Sea the burial practices of the local
during the commemoration ceremonies. Some other tombs populations were different, too. Before and after the arrival
contained small pits outside the stone rings, in all cases on of the Greeks on the Northern coast, the inhumation under
the northwest side (Lungu 1995, 255, fig. 2, TIV). These huge mounds (kurgans) had been usually practiced by
pits occurred in three cremation graves of the 4th century the Scythians. Skoryi reports about 1500 Scythian tumuli
BC only, and all of them are to be found in the biggest of the 7th century BC located in the forest-steppe regions
graves of the familial plots. The purpose of these pits of the Black Sea (Skoryi 1996, 40), where this practice
was certainly for libations and special offerings. Some continued to be preferred down to the Hellenistic period
pottery, ashes and small fragments of burnt bones were (Chernenko 1994, 45–53, reports 3000 Scythian tumuli
found in some of them, and they were deposited there of the 4th–3rd centuries BC). Different occurrences in
when the cremation was started. Small fragments of burnt a Scythian context in Dobroudja come from the necropolis
bones were recognized also outside of the tomb on the ring of Celic Dere, not so far from the west Greek colonies,
stones of many tombs. It is tempting to interpret these as revealed by archaeological records of mixed burial rites of
the remains of funerary ceremonies performed periodically mixed population in the fortified settlement 70 km north of
around the grave. The preserved bone pieces were too small Orgame (Simion 2000, 69–82; 2003, 237–46). Throughout
to assure any accuracy of the identifications. We can only Thrace cremation and inhumation were practiced regularly,
suggest that they could have belonged to small animals with both rites being practiced side by side in some
and birds offered to the dead. necropoleis [Hdt. 5.8] (Gergova 1989, 233). The Getae,

V. Lungu

a branch of Thracians [Hdt. 4.93], preferred cremation The prominent location, the large dimensions and
and regularly used burial urns placed in pits (Gergova the construction of this tumulus differed obviously from
1989, 237). In the necropolis of Enisala (Simion 2003, other tombs situated to the immediate east of the necropolis,
259–320, 321–8), there is also good evidence suggesting as well as from other tombs in Greek necropoleis of
that the custom of cremation in tombs with stone rings the Black Sea. It is associated with unusual quantities of
distributed in familial plots may have been brought there grave goods, which set it in the group of the hero tombs.
by colonists from Orgame. Considering the usage of this The wooden construction of the pyre and the ritual of
funeral practice unusual in Getic burial customs, other vase deposition NDW
H»FQ (following the custom) has
cultural contributions, social and religious, originating been attested by Homer [Iliad. 23] when he described
during the 4th century BC may also have been imported: Patroclus’s funeral. Finds included fi ne pottery, namely:
it suggests a mixed population in Enisala as a possible result one Ionian cup Villard-Vallet A2, probably of Samian
of its integration within the chora of Orgame. origin, and one fragmentary filleted cup Villard-Vallet A1,
several transport amphorae of both Clazomenian and Samian
The attested instances of cremation in Orgame and types, oinochoai, as well as one handmade vase. In terms
Istros indicate a strong contrast with the overwhelming of the chronology of this material, the limits given by
preference for inhumation elsewhere in the Pontic colonies. the pottery point to a short period, confined to the middle
Other sites in the north, especially Olbia and Berezan, and and third quarter of the 7th century BC.
in the south, as is well testified at Apollonia, exhibited
a growing preference for pit inhumation burial throughout Cut into the rock was a circular trench surrounding
the Greek period, from Archaic to Hellenistic times. Orgame the tumulus. The complete excavation of the trench area
and Istros are exceptional for their retention of cremation brought to light a concentration of ceramic material,
burials in tumuli, to the exclusion of any rectangular pit sometimes with cremated remains but without any evidence
burials. This specific situation of varying funeral customs in of another burial in situ. These deposits, however, contain
two neighbouring settlements is unique in the Ionian milieu remains of cremations and vessels in connection with ritual
of the Black Sea. It is, however, particularly interesting that, practice of periodical commemoration covering a long
while the Orgame and Istros necropoleis display a distinctive chronological span. There is much pottery of the 7th–3rd
material cultural identity within the Pontic colonised area, centuries BC in date, including Archaic, Classical and
their funerary practices owe virtually nothing to the burial Hellenistic Greek shapes, as well as some distinctively
customs of their leading mother-city, Miletos (Wiegand handmade vases, contemporaneous with the colonial
1906, 38; Gorman 2001, 206–8). material. These vessels were often similar to those of
the grave goods found in common tombs of the necropolis,
Systematic investigation of the archaic necropolis at but they include well dated characteristic pieces.
Orgame has revealed the presence of a tumulus-heroon.
The tumulus which covered the hero-tomb stood atop The earliest vessels inside the trench (after the mid-7th
the ancient level of limestone slabs, about 300 m to the west cent u r y BC), however, are contemporaneous with
of the urban settlement. It lies on top of a hill in the north the contents of the pyre and suggest the start of Hero-cult
side of the tumular necropolis. It was the principal excavated im mediately af ter the t u mulus const r uction. It is
monument between 1995–2002 in the funeral area and some a practice revealed by literary sources in 6th century BC
general considerations and pottery associated with the Hero- [Hdt. 6.38; Thucydides 5.11]. The cultic deposits continue
Tomb have been regularly published (Lungu 2000a; 2000b; until the middle of the 3rd century BC. The vessels
2000–2001; 2002). consist of drinking vases, such as amphorae and jugs,
some crater fragments, and drinking cups suitable for
The Heroon displays most impressive proportions when the commemoration of a hero. The majority were imported
compared with all other excavated tombs of the ordinary vases, with a few handmade wares. Amphorae formed
necropolis. It has a circular structure covering a combined the main share of the contents of the trench; they were
area of approximately 42–43 m in diameter by 1,75–1,80 m used both for practical purposes and as status symbols
height, without any ornamentation preserved. It appears (Velasco Lopez 1992, 209–20). The presence of many
about three times larger than the largest of the tombs and amphora stamps will affect the date of all classes of pottery
20 times larger than the smallest of the tombs excavated associated in the trench contents. Clearly, the greatest
inside the necropolis. Moreover, this is one of the biggest effect of their chronology would be on the calendar of
archaic monumental tombs anywhere in the Greek colonial ritual practices at the hero-tomb. It may, in fact, have been
area of the Black Sea. later in absolute terms that the last phase of the hero-cult
proposed there, viz. second quarter of the 3rd century
The tomb contained a central pyre formed around BC or so. These dates confi rm the historical record of
a cremation pit cut in the rock and protected by a very the hero-cult, supported by the presence of many graffiti.
impressive stone enclosure. The enclosure is preserved They were all incised after the pots were fi red and their
1,25 m in height and 7 meters in width at the base. Finally content made sense according the religious rules of
it was protected by a tumulus and surrounded by a trench the Greek city. The language of the graffiti seems generally
cut into the rock and used widely for centuries for the ritual the Ionian dialect, but most of them show variations in
offerings to the dead. the text and style of the inscription.

Greek-Ionian Necropoleis in the Black Sea area: Cremation and Colonisation

The trench offerings could identify the common Greek factors – with a continuation of the practice during
practice of T¼PDWD, burned offerings [Pindar, frag. 129, 9]. the post-Archaic Greek period. Burkert has remarked that
These offerings were no doubt simply set on the ground “to recognise the claims of the dead person is to affirm
or on special stone assemblages. Their remains identified the identity of the group, to accept its rules and hence
as ash or cremated bones show that the dead received assure its continuance” (Burkert 1985, 191). There is, then,
a regular supply of roasted flesh in ritual circumstances. good reason to recognise a clear existence of active praxis,
Once ritually consecrated, the hero was inextricably intended to prove an identity self-consciously distinct from
integrated within the ideological framework of a Greek other neighbouring sites. In Classical Athens, the presence
polis through the rituals related to fi re. Apollonius from of familial plots is connected with the members of shallow
Rhodes informs us that “for those who have arrived in patrilineages [Demosthenes 43.79, 55.13–14, 57.28] “with
a foreign land the custom was to sacrifice to the local the responsibility for burial devolving upon the deceased’s
gods and heroes” (Nilsson 1950, 2, with note 2; Malkin bilateral kindred as far as the second cousin and they form
1987, 193). Ancient Greek literature tells us much more the group called anchisteia” (Morris 1987, 90). This custom
about the practice of burning animal offerings during is used particularly in societies with complex structures of
the hero-cult [Hdt. 6.38; Pausanias 2. 20]. Their presence kinship (Jacoby 1944, 67–75; Humphreys 1980, 96–126;
inside the trench surrounding the tomb could be assimilated Morris 1987, 90) and Orgame has the most clearly nucleated
to the symbolic role played by a temenos (sacred precinct), patterns of burials in the entire Black Sea region. This
as it shows a distinct preference for separating sacred and unique feature may help account for the social structure
profane areas, a practice frequently reported for tombs in Orgame. Moreover, while some social groups were
[Hdt. 9.116]. This division of spaces corresponds to the idea distinct, we must acknowledge the presence of a hierarchic
of separation of sacred and profane areas similar to those community. Some tombs attest the practice of hero cult,
existing on the acropolis in Greek poleis [Plato, Laws 745 b]. which is obviously only for the founder of the family
The heroon was reserved as a focalising centre for the cult (Lungu 1995), who becomes more or less assimilated to
identified with the founder (oikistes) of Orgame. The fire the founder of the city. It seems to be characteristic of
to burn the offerings on the altars, the wine or the water to the funerary cult set up in Orgame, as seen in funerary
make the libations at the tomb could be seen as the elements customs of the 4th century and later.
by which one could recognise the religious unit. Tomb TA95
at Orgame is the first place where the worship of the hero The complexity of the Histrian attitude towards the dead
cult connected to an oikistes was established in the Pontic is explained by the presence of an oligarchic régime, as
area (Lungu 2000, 73–5). part of a general pattern of attitudes [Aristotle Pol. 1305b,
1–12] (Alexandrescu 1994, 31). The hierarchic pattern
The relationship of the Heroon with the common detected in the Orgame necropolis could be considered here
necropolis is especially clear. Because it is quite separate in the same way, and then the rise of hero cults testified
spatially, it could be indeed an example of an isolated, for the 4th century BC (Lungu 1995; 2003) might be
individual burial which became a shrine. Its significance an expression of “competitions among groups” (Antonaccio
is both civic and territorial: the addition of well-organised 1998, 61) within the community of Orgame. A social and
familial groups with tombs closed in date and location on political function of the funerary customs becomes there
the east side of the tumulus-heroon TA95 would mean a clear apparent, for the reason that they are concerned with
intention of organising the archaic necropolis. The evident the aristocratic genos tradition across generations and in
separation of the Heroon from the other tombs offers particular with its stability, solidarity and continuity.
important evidence regarding its status in Archaic times.
What has emerged is the construction of self-identity of The study of the spatial distribution of tombs at Orgame
the group; the hero cult is apparently connected with this. shows more about the use of the necropolis according to
Significantly, the rarity of the hero cult before the Archaic the funeral rules established at the beginning of the settlement
period has been demonstrated (Antonaccio 1995, 197). and perpetuated down to the Hellenistic age, suggesting
a certain organisational structure. Throughout this period,
Considering the chronology and the Ionian origin of most there was very little variability in ritual, and no other
of the finds which appear for the first time both in this contemporary Pontic colony displays such stability within
tomb and in the civil settlement, one may postulate that its necropolis. The most likely interpretation is that this
the Heroon coincides with the earliest stage of the colony and settlement preserved during many centuries its original
establishes the earliest use of the cemetery with cremation structure based on the familial unit. It seems that the Greek
as general rule. In the light of these discoveries, it would colonists settled there permanently rather than temporarily.
appear certain that Orgame started to organise the territory This settlement must have been a sort of apoikia, to which
in the first stage of its existence using as the main criterion the colonists came to acquire a new home. Some scholars
the distribution of tombs in familial plots. explain this term as a “polis exported abroad” (Wilson
1997, 205; Malkin 1994, 1–2).
Grouping closely located graves into familial plots is
generally preferred at Orgame (Lungu 2000a, 103–6) and Apoikia may describe a true colony, “a settlement with
Istros (Adameşteanu 1967, 374 ff.; Alexandrescu 1999, 62, a certain organisational structure, including a political
note 21) – a tendency determined by social and religious dimension” (Petropoulos 2005, 84). Its foundation could

V. Lungu

be supported by the “consultation of the Delphic Oracle, resolve some of the difficulties of Milesian colonisation
the naming of an oikistes, transmission of sacred fire and there. Considering the dates of the early 6th century rural
continuing relation with its mother city” (Wilson 1997, 205–6). settlements established in the chora of Istros, of the defence
Possible arguments concerning the status of apoikia of wall erected at the end of the Archaic period, and of
Orgame are based on very important evidence which may be the building period of the temple area (Zone Sacrée) from
connected to it, particularly that concerning the organisational the mid 6th century BC onwards, he concludes that Istros
structure, the presence of an oikistes tomb and the continuous was an apoikia occupied by successive waves of colonists
fire on the shrine of the Heroon, part of the sacred fire (epoikoi) (Avram 2003, 286). The name of Istros, being
connecting the colony with its mother city and giving to it the name of a local river, is itself neutral. Thus, the testimony
a sure identity and autonomy. All these elements can explain of Ps.-Skymnos and Eusebius might be regarded as authentic
the polyvalent significance of the term apoikia. because Istros would be at the beginning an apoikia.

Apoikia is even today preferred by Manucu Adamesteanu Archaeologically, there is no real doubt about a Milesian
for the settlement of Orgame (Manucu Adamesteanu 2003, presence in Istros at its foundation. For Strabo [14.1.6],
345) and by many scholars studying the settlement of the Black Sea was entirely colonised by them, as were the
Berezan, in an attempt to replace that of emporion which Propontis and a good many other regions. However, whether
displayed an obvious commercial orientation (Vinogradov both sources concerning the foundation of Istros, in 630 BC
1983, 374; Tsetskhladze 1998, 21). It is not within the scope at Demetrios of Callatis mentioned by Pseudo-Skymnos and
of this work to debate the question of the applicability of in 657/6 BC at Eusebius, refer to the same initial phase
both terms here, but it could be relevant for the study of of occupation or to two successive phases at Istros is
the similarities of Ionian colonies in Pontos. Thus, judging questionable. Anyway, in Avram’s opinion, Istros received
from the data at our disposal, the settlements of Orgame, massively ca. 600/580 BC an additional group of epoikoi,
Istros and Berezan would reflect in their fi rst stage, in refounding the former colony. “Une deuxième vague de
our opinion, a desire of migration rather than of genuine colons installés à Istros vers le milieu du VIe s. pourrait
colonisation. être suggérée par l’essor de la ville et l’apparition de
nouveaux établissements dans le territoire de la cité, alors
The structure of the Berezan necropolis did not remain qu’une troisième est hautement probable après la conquête de
fixed throughout the centuries. In the second half of Milet en 494“ (Avram 2003, 286). Contrary to the previous
the 6th century cremations represent 66% of the burials, but theory, Vanessa Gorman (2003, 71) cannot accept Milesian
with increasing variability in mortuary practice, cremations colonisation as occurring in waves or stages. At Istros,
account for only 17% in the first half of the 5th century the fact is clearly documented by its historical evolution
(Treister 1994, 13). This phenomenon is common in many in the Archaic period.
Ionian colonies of the north of the Black Sea, as well as in
the necropoleis of their chora, where the inhumation seems The same development cannot be invoked for Orgame.
to be predominant. Despite the scarcity of the information Much evidence, mainly archaeological but also literary,
offered by Skadovskii, what we can see in the Berezan suggests that the beginning of this settlement is at least
necropolis is not exactly a changing from cremation to contemporary if not earlier than that of Istros (Lungu 2000a,
inhumation, but a juxtaposition of new burial practices with 110). To judge from the chronology of an Ionian cup of
the pre-existing ones which looked back to the past. If it Samian provenance, attributed to Villard A2 type (Vierneisel
is difficult today to assume that cremation of adults was and Walter 1959, 18–9 [Brunnen 6], fig.33.3, about 710–
exclusively practiced at the beginning of the settlement in 640/30 BC; Schlotzhauer 1995, 2000, type J), and two
the second half of the 7th century BC (Eusebius, 646/5 BC), Clazomenian amphoras of the middle of the 7th century BC
it is not difficult to observe a remarkable dominance of (Lungu 2000b, 81, fig. 4; 2000–2001, 178, fig. 7; Dupont and
cremation tombs during its early period. From the fi rst Scarlatidou 2005, 77–81) in the tumulus-heroon, as well as
half of the 5th century BC onwards, a different pattern from the ‘Middle Wild Goat I’ sherds found in the settlement
clearly emerges, with inhumation dominant in the burial and dated around 640–630 BC by Manucu Adamesteanu
practices – a structure common in many contemporaneous (2000, 196, fig. 1.1), or earlier 665/60–650/45 BC, after
necropoleis in the Black Sea area, such as Olbia or Kaüfler’ chronology (1999, 204–12), it is possible to speak,
the rural cemeteries in the chora of Istros. At this point, at least at present, about a chronology close to the middle
I cannot completely agree with my colleague Damianov of the 7th century BC. Furthermore, Orgame appears at
who tentatively explains this phenomenon of changing the beginning established as an independent body, most
from cremation to inhumation in the northwest Greek probably as a polis exported abroad (=apoikia), according to
necropoleis only by political changes (Damianov 1995, Hecataios’s information: Orgame polis epi to Istro [Stephan’s
77–97). It was in fact the result of the developing colonial of Byzantion, Ethnica, FGrHist I, fr. 172]. The use and
process characterised by the juxtaposition of many waves the meaning of polis, which has been connected by us with
of settlers in this area and by the flourishing of the polis the organisational structure of the necropolis in the Archaic
of Olbia, in strong connection with that of Berezan. period, are also of significance in this context. Polis can
serve here in an urban sense. We are tempted at this point to
The same situation is not to be found at Istros itself, follow Hansen’s fair assumption about Hekataios’s intention
where Avram has put forward a theory which attempts to “to use polis in the urban sense of the term” (Hansen

Greek-Ionian Necropoleis in the Black Sea area: Cremation and Colonisation

1997b, 20). By comparison with Istros, Orgame appears early as the fi rst half of the 7th century BC (Ivantchik
as secondary by its historical development, according to 2001, 308). Contemporaneously with Scythian actions
its smaller dimensions and scarcity of literary, epigraphical, occurred the oppression of the Lydian king Gyges against
and archaeological evidence concerning its monuments, Ionian cities, with Miletos, Smyrna, and Kolophon the most
even if its foundation must be placed about the middle of affected [Hdt. 1.14]. It may well be, despite the few examples
the 7th century BC. It could have come into Histrian hands cited here, that these synchronisms are not coincidences;
by at least the second half of the 5th century, when Orgame as we have seen, Miletos managed the situation of
is listed on the Athenian tribute lists (Avram 1995, 197; the cities affected by Kimmerian (or Scythian) raids,
2001, 611). A similar occurrence is recorded by the same and their chronology effectively supports the high date
tribute lists which indicate some small poleis dependent for the foundations of Orgame and Istros. For the latter,
on Erythrai (Hansen 1997b, 24–5). The presumption is an account in Eusebios’s chronicle reveals 657/6 BC as its
that the settlement of Orgame was by this time a small date of foundation. Assuming the prominent role of Miletos
polis dependent on Istros. Moreover, the Histrians extended is true, we can suggest that some people from the Ionian
their territory to the north, obtaining a large section of cities damaged by these troubles, notably Milesians, were
land across the Danube Delta to the north-east, including those who migrated and founded the first apoikiai in
the town of Nikonion. the north and west of the Pontus Euxinus.

Apart from these factors, it is significant that the evidence The archaeological record makes Orgame a particular case.
for the burning of dead and the grouping of tombs in It seems to indicate there a unitary group of immigrants
familial plots or under a single mound is seen at both led by an oikistes, rather than a mixed group of colonists
Orgame and Istros. The situation of excavations in Berezan dislocated from Ionian cities and sent to create a colony.
is far from clear, but its necropolis offers an obviously At Istros, according to the differences between the main
different panorama of funeral practices in comparison necropolis and the necropoleis of its chora, we must
with the above mentioned sites. Berezan seems more distinguish between the first groups which established
attached to the necropoleis at Olbia and Apollonia. Trying the apoikia and the groups of later colonists (epoikoi).
to decide on a particular explanation in a comparative It appears that they come in a second stage as groups attached
study between these sites may be presumptuous because to the main group established there before. Considering
of the significant discrepancy in the quantity of examples the usage of cremation from the beginning of the colony,
uncovered during excavations: 3000 tombs excavated at it must have been exclusively practiced at Istros, while its
Olbia, 1500 at Apollonia, and ca. 900 in Berezan, in contrast chora indicates the performance of different burial customs.
with 40 tumuli excavated in Istros and 70 in Orgame. But Even if clear evidence does not exist, it seems possible that
the archaeological situation permits us to observe a well the new waves of colonists later caused some variations
established coherence of cremation starting in the Archaic among funeral practices. The north Pontic necropoleis provide
period, and continuing down into Hellenistic times at possible examples. There, the archaeological evidence testified
Berezan, as at Orgame and Istros. that the settlement of Berezan (Borysthenes) was the first
settled by apoikoi, later partially transferred to Olbia, but
Cremation was associated by Thucydides with epidemics leaving a part on the island and mixing with new populations.
or military invasions [Hist. 2.52; 6.71]. Basing himself on Consequently, we can think here about a similar situation
the reason for the foundation of Chalcis in the 8th century as on the west shore.
BC [Strabo 6.1], Cawkwell argues his theory about
Greek colonisation in the 8th and 7th centuries, which In the light of these new data, the necropolis of Orgame
“was, it may be posited, the core not of the endemic appears to be the most homogenous in its burial customs,
evil of over-population but of the epidemic woes of as it reflects a society based at the beginning by the power
climate disaster” (Cawkwell 1992, 302). It may explain of the genos with some eminent groups distinguished during
the establishing of cremation, according to Thucydides, as the centuries. To explain the varying usage of the genos
the main rite by small groups of immigrants obliged to power there, we find ourselves thrown back on possible
go far from their homeland. According to Ehrhardt (1983, ancillary factors such as the Apollo Ietros cult, developed
250), Milesian colonisation paused from ca. 680–650 BC, by the aristocratic genos in Istros (Ehrhardt 1983, 138)
probably because of the invasion of the Kimmerians into “dont le sacerdoce était monopolisé pas les descendants
Asia Minor. Graham (1987, 124–9) disputes this hypothesis de l’oeciste” (Avram 2003, 300). This growing attention to
as based on an argumentum ex silentio. Strabo [14.1.40] the Apollo Ietros cult is another particularity of the west
recounted the role of Miletos which held the city of Pontic colonies. This is not surprising, considering the fact
Magnesia when it was ruined by the invading Kimmerians that war is the main source of damages such as famine or
in the 7th century. Demetrios of Callatis, mentioned by illness, while one of the primary duties of the immigrants
Ps.-Skymnos, sought a chronology of the foundation established abroad was to honor Apollo, the god of Milesian
of Istros in the time of the Scythian invasion in Asia colonisation, as the saviour of their life. I would suggest that
Minor, long ago if unconvincingly placed about 630 BC the remarkable attention paid to Apollo Ietros in the west and
(Avram 2003, 284). Based on recent epigraphical and north Pontic colonies has a good explanation in the context
literary research, Ivantchik argued that the Scythians who of the consequences of Lydian and Kimmerian (Scythians)
followed the Kimmerians were present in Asia Minor as attacks concentrated on the Ionian cities in the fi rst half

V. Lungu

of the 7th century BC. Being forced to leave their homes pl. 113, coppa ionica d’imitazione locale), or of Clazomenian
to build a new life in ‘barbarian’ lands, the Ionian settlers amphorae in Pithekousai, Orgame and Kolomak, north of
would need divine protection. the Black Sea (Lungu 2000b, 81, fig.4; 2000–2001, 178,
fig. 7; Dupont and Scarlatidou 2005, 77–82), offers a new
This study has had two aims, first of all, to establish and significant parallel which may serve our discussion
the place of cremation in the burial customs of the west by noting common marketplaces for both areas. Added to
and north Pontic colonies, and secondly, to investigate how a previous debate opened by Alexandrescu (2000, 517–20)
this rite is to be explained and interpreted in the context of on comparative discussion of occidental and oriental Greek
Greek colonisation. The investigation has been focused on colonisation, these parallels provide the framework for new
the literary and archaeological evidence, both in defining the and complex debates about the character of the first Greek
cremation rites and its specific characteristics in the Ionian installations in foreign lands.
colonies of the Black Sea and in relating them to the general
process of implantation of Greeks among ‘barbarian’ If all this evidence is taken into account, not just
communities. The discussion focused on the beginning of the exceptional cases, cremation appears as the principal
these implantations has been considered as particularly rite at the beginning of the new settlement at Orgame and,
important, since the chronology and the conditions were probably, at Istros and Berezan. The Heroon in Orgame and
distinct from one colony to another. It is significant to the cult activities connected to it attest that the foundational
find good parallels at this point in other colonial areas, activities of the oikistes did really exist; still, it is inconceivable
for example, in Italy to understand that cremation is that the act of foundation did not refer to the original city
not specifically Ionian, Aeolian or Phoenician, etc., but (motherland) supposed to be Miletos, by analogy with
a panhellenic phenomenon. Istros. Despite all evidence, the role of the mother city is
not revealed. Dominant were the nature and the character
To explain that, we can follow the parallels established of the colonising group (genos). Maybe the significance of
between the Ionian necropoleis in the Black Sea and those the first cremations come from the exceptional duty of this
of the Euboean Pithekousai in the central Mediterranean. foundational group which corresponds more to a repetitive
The funeral evidence of cremation burials surmounted by activity of ‘allumer le foyer’, that is, building a new home
tumuli as dominant in the Archaic period from Orgame for a new society in a new land, with new neighbours.
is close to that in Pithekousai, with a height percentage of The Heroon cult “could truly belong only to the new city,
cremations (60%, d’Agostino 1999, 214). It is important to since it could not have been imported from any mother
remark that the usage of cremation burials is incompatible city” (Malkin 2002, 200). The perpetuity of cremation for
there, too, with the Euboean origin of the colony. We recognise many centuries in the necropolis of Orgame may suggest
analogous situations in Pontic Milesian colonies, with a strong personality of the original genos preserving its
the necropolis of Istros, for example, obviously different original unity for many generations and being completely
from that of its mother city, Miletos. The social structure closed to new waves of immigrants. In contrast, close Istros
in Pithekousai centred on the genos suggests a good analogy and distant Berezan had open frontiers and received new
for Orgame. Another parallel is that there were generally waves of settlers. We can note the facts that join these cities
no fi nds of weapons in Orgame, as in the necropolis at with each other and the other aspects that separate them.
Pithekousai. As for the archaeological record, the presence of Consequently, the value of the recent discoveries on the Pontic
the same ancient type of Ionian cup at Orgame (Lungu 2000b, coast becomes considerable in studying the dynamics of
82a,b) and Pithekousai (Bucher and Ridgway 1993, 352, Greek colonisation.

Greeks and the Local Populations in Magna Graecia and in Gaul

Jean-Paul Morel

The colonisation allowed Greece of the origins, the little erased, in my opinion. It upsets the balance of the native
Greece of the Aegean zone, to increase considerably in size, communities, with harmful effects: the disappearance,
diversity, wealth, and influence. The memory of this influence the hasty move, or the decline of their settlements. Such is
is still alive from the Pontus Euxinus to the Atlantic Ocean, the case especially in the Sybaritis, but also at Metapontum,
from Iberia of Orient to that of Occident, and that in both fields, Siris, Locri, Poseidonia and Cumae. Paradoxically some
connected but different, indicated by the word ‘colonisation’: scholars have interpreted the desertion of the indigenous
on the one hand, the creation of colonies; on the other hand, centres in Calabria at the very period when the Greek colonies
the relations with the native communities. I want to comment were established as an evidence of peaceful coexistence
on some problems of this second aspect of Greek colonisation of the natives with Greeks, who were supposed to have
with regard to Magna Graecia and Gaul. immediately mingled with each other. What we observe
(that is the eradication of the natives, or the decline of their
First I observe that people the Western scholars call ‘natives’ settlements) is not consistent with the hypothesis of Alfonso
are instead called ‘local populations’ by the Eastern scholars. de Franciscis, for example, who wrote: “the Greeks came,
This latter denomination better acknowledges the political, basically, in search of land and in search of trade, not in
economical and cultural personality of the natives. I shall order to conquer or to subdue”: moreover could the Greeks
insist on this aspect of our problem, a marginal, perhaps, but obtain land without despoiling some natives, with a few
nevertheless essential element of the archaic Greek world. exceptions.

The circumstances of the foundations All this raises the big question of the ‘terra di nessuno’,
Let us begin with the circumstances of the foundations the ‘no man’s land’ or rather the ‘nobody’s land’. It would
of Greek colonies, distinguishing three cases for Magna be too easy to say literally “the old thema of the ‘eremos
Graecia. chora’”. There were not always natives on the very site
of the colonies when the Greeks arrived, for example
1) A strong resistance of the local population, which at Pithecoussai or at Velia; but nevertheless in the case
sometimes induces a renunciation of the Greeks. That is of Velia the Greeks are said to have “bought a town”
notably the case of Iapygia. The natives offered vigorous from the Oinotrians (ektesanto polin gês tês Oinôtriès,
resistance to the Greeks, which culminated in 473 BC Herodotus) – this is to mean: to have “bought a territory
with Taranto’s defeat and “a huge slaughter of Greeks”, to found a city” from the natives, who therefore had been
phonos hellenikos megistos ( Herodotus). The Greeks the owners of that territory.
did not insist, and Taranto did not settle any subcolony
on the Adriatic sea (even though it was not far away), So we often observe at the beginning of the colonisation
unlike the colonies of the Ionian coast of Calabria who a situation of conflict, or at least a very difficult situation
in a similarly isthmic position settled subcolonies on for the local populations. Then, in the 7th–6th centuries
the Tyrrhenian sea. This is an Adriatic situation, with BC, the relations between the Greeks and the natives are
the absence of archaic Greek colonies which characterises thought (at least from an hellenocentric point of view) to
that sea. In Apulia, the presence of indigenous settlements have become more peaceful, with a modus vivendi (perhaps
in the low coastal zones that the Hellenes liked (and from this moment onwards because of the weakness of
not, as in other regions of Magna Graecia, on heights at the natives).
some distance from the coast) and the enterprising spirit
of peoples such as Daunians, interfered with the plans A few words about Gaul in particular. Greek Gaul,
of the Greeks. that is, for the Archaic period, essentially Marseilles/
Massalia, is a special case compared with Magna Graecia,
2) The cautious progression, of which a typical case is because it is characterised in the beginning by an almost
the transfer from Pithecoussai to Cumae of the Euboeans, emporical situation. A main feature of emporia practised by
who ‘dared’ cross into the continent only at a second stage, the Phocaeans was to bring indirectly the local populations
deinde in continentem aussi sedes transferre [Livy VIII, into contact with the Mediterranean, thanks to trade and for
22, 5]: all the more because those pioneers were isolated the benefit of trade. The Phocaeans were like technicians
in the most remote place (for a long time) reached by of that commercial venture. The Phocaeans’ emporia did
the Greeks in the West (two centuries later the Phokaians not work without the agreement of the local populations.
acted in the same way at Ampurias, which at that time Therefore the relations between the Greeks and the local
suffered a similar isolation). populations in Gaul include a first stage which does not
exist in Magna Graecia. The fi rst reception is peaceful,
3) What I would term the ‘ordinary’ colonisation can better or even warm. The Phocaean presence is welcomed by
be assimilated to a brutal conquest: a fact that is too often the local populations or at least by their chiefs, because

J.-P. Morel

for them it opens a window upon the world: the king Marseilles (a series of huts inside a fortified enclosure)
of the Segobrigii Nannus behaves at Marseilles like probably housed, as has been said, “families of native
Arganthonios in Tartessos, the king of Tarquinia at Gravisca, farmers, working for Massalia”. But was it a collective
Tarquinius Priscus at Rome, and probably the Indiketan chief farm? A barrack-farm? Or an ergastulum-farm?
at Ampurias. But the Phocaeans’ long-term settlement turns
the local population hostile. Then we find a similar situation Anyway, if there was coexistence as is likely, this word
to that of the Greeks in Magna Graecia. But in Gaul alone does not signify anything: it ought to be completed by
the situation of Phocaeans is worsened by the geographical an appreciation of its social significance. Only a few cases
isolation of Massalia, by their lack of interest or of seem relatively clear. Iron spears in tombs at Metauros or at
capability for a terrestrial expansion despite the immensity Francavilla Marittima near Sybaris suggest the presence of
of the hinterland, by the pugnacity of the natives. In other free, or semi-free natives. At Policoro, it has been supposed
words, Greeks are more on the defensive than in Magna that there was a ‘mixed’ necropolis, because two types of
Graecia. In a third stage a modus vivendi develops more pottery, Greek and indigenous, were found there: a problem
or less, with this mixture of cautious mistrust and of which is at the same time different and analogous to that
mutual interest that Livy [34, 9] describes so well for of a tumular necropolis probably mixed, ‘Graeco-Thracian’,
Emporion/Ampurias. at Histria (where the offerings are Greek, and the funerary
rites barbarian), and, more generally, to that of the Milesian
Topographical and geographical aspects colonies of the Pontus Euxinus.
If we consider now topographical and geographical
aspects, we can again distinguish three situations. Generally speaking, it is difficult to define, to delimit,
to interpret the chorai, for the chora is a land of margins,
1) The Town of fringes, with, once again, an immense problem of
There were natives in the Greek towns (and natives interpretation of archaeological data which are often
also frequented Greek sanctuaries, at least extra-urban ambiguous. It is very difficult to detect the presence
ones). But were they integrated? Obviously not, as far as of natives in the chora, even more difficult to define
citizenship is concerned. As it has been said, “the city their status, even in the Pontus Euxinus, where concrete
excludes, by definition, the indigenous world”. The group investigations about the territories of the cities has for
barbarians-slaves-women is opposed to the polis, ‘club of a long time been considered very avant-garde.
men’, ‘club of citizens’. The question of the place reserved
to natives in the city regards above all women and slaves, 3) The Hinterland
the non-citizens par excellence. Let us go farther out of the chora. Were there Greeks
in the strictly speaking native societies, in the deep
The presence of native women in the Greek colonial hinterland? The hinterland began quite near the colonies,
societies is revealed by tenuous signs. For example, according for the Greek settlements at the periphery of the colonies
to pottery, the presence of native women in the population were very rarely situated at more than fifteen kilometres
of Massalia in the fi rst decades after the foundation is or so from the towns. Further away was another world.
evaluated at about 20 %. In Magna Graecia, some fibulae The Greek colonisation was basically a maritime and
of Italic type were made by the Greeks of Pithecussae coastal one. Only exceptionally and rather slowly
and Cumae. There is a debate about the meaning of that it achieved some territorial continuity. As a general rule
fact, but it seems indubitable that the initial impulse was there was no question of dominating a deep hinterland
given by native women. We must take into consideration beyond the chora: a great difference with Roman or even
the necessity for the Greeks, at the beginning of the colonies, Etruscan colonisation.
to ‘get’ women ‘on site’.
At Garaguso, about fifty kilometres from Metapontum
As for slaves, how did the Greeks get them? Through in the hinterland, in Oinotrian territory, I have excavated
native chiefs like those who in Gaul, according to Diodorus a settlement, a necropolis, and two votive deposits, which
Siculus [5, 26, 2–3], gave one slave in exchange for one therefore give a fairly complete idea of the situation in
amphora of wine? Or by expeditions launched by the Greeks a native society. There are many Greek objects, but no
themselves? A necropolis in Paestum has revealed 160 tombs unquestionable proof of the real presence of Greeks.
of slaves of the late Archaic period. Their appearance The case of fortifications of Greek type built in native
can be related to the disappearance of the near native areas of Italy (in Lucania) and of Gaul (Saint-Blaise
settlements, as if it were raids which had procured slaves near Marseilles) is an emblematic one: are they Greek?
for the Greek city. Or indigenous? Once more it is a classic problem of
interpretation: exportation of techniques, with the presence
2) The Chora of Greek architects on the site? Or natives copying Greek
It is a general opinion that the Greeks exploited their fortifications in whose construction they could have
chorai employing natives. Were the latter slaves? Semi-free participated?
men? Or free ones? This problem also comes up against
the difficulty of the interpretation of the archaeological The problem of the hinterland concerns above all individual
signs. One example: the settlement at Le Verduron, near cases, the Dick Whittaker’s ‘individual frontiersmen’, even if

Greeks and the Local Populations in Magna Graecia and in Gaul

this phenomenon could sometimes exist on a more massive Ruozzo at Teano, a town of the Sidicini 25 km north-west
scale, as during the great Ionian migration in Etruria, of Capua, less than 50 kilometres from Naples and Cumae.
which produced the artistic inf luences that we know. Almost no Greek imports. But many of the innumerable
Usually we have at the best an isolated inscription, like votive offerings that we found there show more or less
a dedication to Heracles by a potter (kerameus) Nicomachos clearly a Hellenic influence. The Greek models were adopted
at San Mauro Forte in the far hinterland of Metapontum, or (or refused) with a variety of interpretations which range
the graffito of an Eukritos (perhaps a Massaliote trader) on from the ‘almost Greek’ to the absolutely inorganic. For
a Neapolitan black vase at Roanne in the heart of Gaul. example with terracotta warriors’ heads (Fig. 1), some of

Those are marginal elements in every sense of the word,

perhaps even “colonisers turned natives” (Whittaker again).
But they are all the more important because those Greeks
were generally traders, craftsmen or artists. Those men
were in the local populations, as says Brian Shefton, as
“leaven in dough”.

Cultural aspects
If we come now more specifically to the cultural
area properly speaking (which has a central place in our
symposium), it is obvious that in the immense majority
of the cases it was the Greeks who furnished models and
products: writing and money, olive-tree and wheel-made
pottery, certain types of urbanism or fortifications. But
conversely can we see an indigenous influence or component
in some particularities of the art of Magna Graecia
compared with that of Greece, as has been supposed for
the religious architecture of Locri? Or simply a colonial
fact, that is the mentality of a powerful new world liberated
from the traditions of the mother country, or also, as some
scholars affirm more disdainfully, a certain ‘provincialism’
or even ‘degeneration’? This discussion must also take
into account, as has been proposed for Gaul, indigenous
contributions concerning agriculture, medicine, language,
exploitation of local resources, ceramic types, table manners, Fig. 1. Terracotta warriors’ heads from Teano
cooking, etc.

Concerning cultural contacts between Greeks and whom are close to their models (but with protruding eyes
natives in Magna Graecia and Gaul, scholars often hesitate which are the mark of a local art), others so far from their
between reserve and disregard. 1)’Reserve’: the vocabulary models that they could be taken for true caricatures. There
has become more cautious. Rather than ‘acculturation’ or is a great liberty in the reception of influences, but not
‘hellenisation’, some people say now ‘strategy of relations’ a total incommunicability between two worlds. The same
or ‘diffusion of behaviour models’. 2) ‘Disregard’: it results liberty characterises an imitation of the 6th century Greek
of a history of ancient art conditioned for a long time by kouroi, strangely limited to the inferior half of the body
classicism and not converted by the lessons of Ranuccio (perhaps a sort of anatomical ex-voto?). The same remark
Bianchi Bandinelli on ‘organicity’ and ‘abstraction’. can be made for a warrior (whose helmet had originally
a big crest) where Greeks influences are perceptible, but
One example. According to Mario Napoli, a good with the tendency of Italic art to abbreviate the human
connoisseur of the native world of the Campanian periphery, figures (the statue is abruptly cut under the torso). Some
“if we look at the works of art or of artistic craftsmanship statuettes, reminiscent in their structure and details of kouroi
produced in the 6th–5th centuries BC in the Campanian of the third quarter of 6th century BC, are in complete
area, we realise that not any echo of the Greek artistic contrast to other ones, absolutely rustic or with a totally
vision arrived in the Campanian hinterland with the Greek Italic bi-dimensionality, etc (Fig. 2).
products. There is an impassable barrier between both
cultures, due to the ‘unclassicism’ (‘aclassicismo’) of This mixture of assimilation and of opposition between
the Campanian populations”. Here we are at the heart two worlds is very complex and, even at a single location
of the debate about Italic art in its relations with the art (like Teano), extremely diversified. It is possible to
of Magna Graecia. be scandalised – and many people are – before those
vicissitudes of Greek art. But it is also possible to appreciate
We can illustrate the necessity of more balanced opinions positively those indestructible ferments of an indigenous
with the great votive deposit of the sanctuary of Fondo artistic autonomy.

J.-P. Morel

Fig. 4. The Oinotrian vase of the 6th century BC

3) The schematisation. Inversely, plastic figurations of

Greek origin can be converted into abstract and geometric
shapes. At Garaguso once more, on Oinotrian vases of
the 6th century BC, a St Andrew’s cross with a pole reminds
us of the torch with four arms (Fig. 5), a well known
accessory of the cult of Demeter in the Greek colonies of
Fig. 2. Terracotta statuettes imitating Greek kouroi of the coast, Siris and Metapontum. It has been said that this
the third quarter of the 6th century BC from Teano is a case of “a naturalism seen geometrically”.

Let us note some other tendencies (among many) of

the Italic reactions towards Greek art, with regard to
the Oinotrian site of Garaguso in Basilicata, in the far
hinterland of Metapontum.

1) The polychromy and especially the use of red

(a colour with an often magical significance). One minor
but typical example: an imitation of an Ionian B2 cup
of the 6th century BC (Fig. 3): the shape is fairly well
imitated, but the invariably brown concentric bands of
the Greek models are reproduced with two colours,
brown and red. Fig. 5. The Oinotrian vase of the 6th century BC

4) The exaggeration in comparison with the Greek

models. The natives want to make or to buy ‘better’,
much ‘better’, than the Greeks. The only scale model
of a Greek temple in marble, not in terracotta, was
found in Garaguso (Fig. 6), with a marble statuette of
a seated goddess, both dated to around 475 BC. Similarly
the greatest Greek bronze crater ever found was discovered
in Vix, very far in the hinterland of Gaul. Pottery of
the Oinotrian settlement of Palinuro imitates the Ionian
Fig. 3. Local imitation of an Ionian B2 cup ceramics of the near Velia, but with an exaggerated
of the 6th century BC from Garaguso accentuation of some details, like the proliferation of
the twists of the handles. We observe the same phenomenon
in Gaul with the pottery of the indigenous settlement of
2) The anthropomorphisation of geometric elements. Le Pègue, in the deep hinterland, in comparison with Ionian
On Oinotrian vases of the 6th century BC (Fig. 4), ceramics of Marseilles.
triangles fi lled with cross hatching remind us of some
motives of Greek ceramics. But they are fl anked by We ought also to evocate what we could name the ‘cultural
raised arms with schematic hands, thus resembling torsos imitation’ or ‘emulation’, that is the allusion to Greek ideals
with an undeniable power of evocation, although deprived or institutions more or less assimilated. The knowledge
of head and legs, in conformity with the abbreviative of symposion, ephebeia, palaestra, hippeia, or the desire
tendency or Italic art. for access to them, become apparent by the borrowing of

Greeks and the Local Populations in Magna Graecia and in Gaul

the symposion was often transplanted onto former local

customs of the festive or ostentatious consumption of
alcoholic drinks: where we had supposed the introduction
ex nihilo of a new custom, we ought rather to speak of
the transformation of a pre-existent need.

Generally speaking, there was an indigenous initiative.

And conversely the Greek products and models did not
always impose themselves very quickly on the natives,
not only in the hinterland, but also sometimes in almost
coastal areas. For example it took them one century to
reach Garaguso, about fifty kilometres from Metapontum,
and we note a similar delay in coastal Campania: as if
a sort of indifference or ignorance between the Greeks
and the surrounding natives had prevailed often and for
a long time.

It is time to conclude briefly. Finally we are in a field

where nothing is simple, because it is a matter of relations
between two very different worlds. In addition things vary
enormously depending on period, region, and identity of
Fig. 6. The marble model of a Greek temple the colonisers and of the local populations. We must avoid
found in Garaguso an aseptic and idyllic idea of Greek colonisation, despite
its immense cultural contribution to native populations:
this colonisation was devoid of neither violence, nor
objects, products, customs, figurations of all sorts: craters, ruse. We must have as equilibrated an appreciation as
strainers, cheese graters, phialai, tripods, cauldrons, weapons possible of the various cultures. On the other hand
of Greek type, athletic use of oil, pederastic graffiti, or a social approach is necessary beyond the ethnic one:
figures like the horseman of Grumento. It is difficult social classes subdivide ethnic groups (see for example
to measure the degree and significance of this cultural the ‘international of the chieftains’ tombs’). Anyway one
assimilation. This debate is made richer by ethnology and thing is sure: despite their conflicts, the local populations
comparatism. Thus Michael Dietler has revealed the role and the Greeks, indissolubly bound for better or for worse,
of alcohol in some indigenous societies, independently of have together made Magna Graecia as well as preRoman
Greek offers. The introduction by the Greeks of wine and southern Gaul.

Greek Gems and Rings of the Archaic Period.
The Formation of the Hermitage Collection

Oleg Neverov

A large group of Archaic gems and signet rings of man-eating mares that Diomedes, King of Thrace, kept
the 6th to 5th centuries BC – some 150 items in all – was locked up, feeding them on human f lesh. This time
gradually assembled within the context of the Hermitage the engraver produced a multi-figure composition, with
Museum’s collection of Classical glyptics. Just how did it the horses’ brazen stalls and a victim sacrificed to their
come into being? hunger, the Thracian King’s wild horses and Heracles
himself giving them to drink. There is a replica of
A small number of pieces, four items only, were to be the Hermitage gem in Berlin (Zippold 1922, Taf. 38, 2).
found in Catherine II’s huge dactyliotheca (composed of
over 10000 pieces). Their precise provenance and date was The last of the Archaic Greek gems from Catherine’s
almost certainly not known at the time: to the collector- collection is a cornelian scarab, the subject of which
Empress herself they were simply ‘antiqs’, whether they were was identified by M. Maksimova (1926, 36). It proved
carved by ancient masters or by European gem-engravers to illustrate an Egyptian tale of how a good demon in
of the 16th or even the 17th century! When Catherine’s the form of a huge snake saved a traveller lost at sea. Today
librarian, H. Köhler, compiled a major work on scarab gems an Egyptian papyrus relating the tale (from the collection
(Köhler 1852, 109–204), all the gems he looked at proved of V. S. Golenishchev) and the scarab are united in a single
to be Etruscan. Köhler discovered a paradox: the most museum, the Hermitage. The gem may have been the work
ancient of the items (6th–4th centuries BC) were the most of a master of the Graeco-Phoenician circle, working on
developed, in a style more familiar to us today, while despite Crete.
all expectations the later pieces were more primitive and
generalised. Later the term a globolo (from the Italian word In 1813 three Archaic gems entered the Hermitage in
globolo – sphere) was used to describe these coarser gems the form of a gift to Emperor Alexander I from the diplomat
of the Hellenistic era (3rd–2nd centuries BC). Jean-Baptiste Mallia of Vienna. Engraved on one of these
is a raging bull, on another a naval ship with rowers and
On a cornelian scarab that came into Catherine’s possession a captain. Best of all, however, is the cornelian scarab on
in 1787 as part of the collection of the Duke d’Orléans (Paris), which the master depicted a little scene filled with humour:
one 6th-century engraver produced an image of a youthful a drunken centaur at the feast of the King of the Lapiths.
rider, an anabates (one who does acrobatics on horseback, His legs can barely keep him up, his lips bear a tipsy smile,
including leaping from its back and then mounting into but he nonetheless tries to pull up a knotted tree trunk to
the saddle once more). There is a copy of the Hermitage wield in a fight at the wedding at which he is a guest.
scarab in the British Museum that derives from the island This seal was perhaps intended as a warning to a young
of Samos. John Boardman describes the author of these Greek with difficulty controlling his wine consumption!
gems as one of those working in a dry style (Boardman
1968, 77 ff.). Perhaps the engraver broke Solon’s celebrated During the reign of Nicolas I purchases were comple-
rule forbidding the making of copies or the keeping of mented by finds made in the Crimea and southern Russia by
repetitions of seals, safe in the knowledge that the seals’ the Imperial Archaeological Commission. In 1845 the diplomat
owners would be divided by a broad expanses of sea. Dmitry Tatishchev bequeathed to the Tsar his valuable
dactyliotheca, which included Archaic Greek gems. Southern
Carved on the second gem, a sard scaraboid acquired at Russian gems are of particular value in that we know
the end of the 18th century from the collection of Joseph the archaeological context in which they were found along
de France in Vienna, is that popular Greek hero Heracles, with other objects, among them – most importantly – coins.
shown in the ‘kneeling run’ pose with his mighty club The scholars H. Köhler and L. Stefani contributed greatly to
raised to destroy the Lernaean Hydra. Here the Hydra looks fundamental study of these objects.
something like a rather benign snake, this perhaps being
simply the kind of humorous detail that frequently enlivens Some Greek engravers of the Archaic period adopted
works by Archaic masters, along with the gentle smile a new form of seal in place of the usual scarab or abstract
on the hero’s lips. This work can be placed in the Group scaraboid: the pseudo-scarab, in which the back of the gem
of the Tzivanopoulos Satyr (according to Boardman’s was engraved not with a relief insect but with a reclining
classification), characteristic of Late Archaic glyptics in lion, a full-length satyr or a satyr mask. Just such a gem
the Eastern part of the Greek world. found in Kerch bears a running lion on the flat side with
a reclining lion on the reverse (Reinach 1892, pl. 16: 8).
From the collection of the diplomat de Breteuil
the Empress acquired a sard gem bearing a scene of In 1859, during the reign of Alexander II, two magnificent
the eighth of Heracles’ twelve labours, in which King Archaic gems were presented to the Tsar by D. Cebrario.
Eurystheus ordered the hero to bring back the wild Carved on one, which still has its Ancient movable mount, is

Greek Gems and Rings of the Archaic Period

an engraved head of Athena with her symbol, an owl, while Some masters of Archaic gems engraved their names
the other bears a virtuoso image of a satyr hunter catching on their works, so that today we know of Aristoteiches,
a mounting goat or ibex (Neverov 1976, pl. 8: 11). Epimenes, Onesimos and others, but this was still far less
frequent than in the Classical era. No name is known, for
A landmark in the history of the Museum’s glyptics instance, for the engraver Boardman called The Master
collection was the acquisition in 1865 of a whole collection of the Leningrad Gorgon, in honour of the gem found in
of 36 gems assembled by Professor Ludwig Ross of Halle. 1869 in a burial in the Panticapaeum necropolis Uz-Oba.
Truly scholarly in scope, the collection had no examples Here the engraver depicted a four-winged woman in
from the Classical, Hellenistic or Roman eras, starting with a terrible mask with snakes in her hands. The artist’s skill
Aegean gems of the second millennium BC and concluding in conveying the effect of her transparent robes seems to
with Archaic Greek engraved stones. A large group was made speak of the next, Classical, stage in the development of
up of so-called ‘island gems’ of the 7th – 6th centuries BC. gem engraving.
Alongside real animals they show fantastical beasts. Amongst
the first are a leaping youthful ibex; among the second In 1880 the Hermitage received an agate scarab with
Pegasus and the chimera. We are particularly amazed by a comic scene of the abduction of a woman by a satyr from
the depiction of a winged ibex in which the engraver seems the archaeologist A. E. Lutsenko (Neverov 1976, pl. 13).
to have sought to create an imaginary beast that could exist
in three elements – in the air, on the earth and beneath In 1911, a colourless scarab was found in the Panticapaeum
the water (Neverov, 2000, fig. 8). Ross even indicated on necropolis with a skilful depiction of a lioness in
which islands in the Aegean his gems had been found: the manner of the engraver Aristoteiches.
Melos, Aegina and Cyprus.
In 1949 archaeologists discovered in the Nymphaeum
One gem shows the Phoenician hero Melcartus, hypostases a colourless scarab from the Island of Cyprus with
of the Greek Heracles. Of particular interest here is the genre a depiction of a flying beetle (Khudyak 1962, 17, pl. 5.2).
scene showing a competition of acrobats wearing armour.
Clearly the owner of this seal wished to commemorate his Lastly, in 1964 a collection bequeathed to the Hermitage
own victory in the agon. The Hermitage has another similar by the gemmologist G. G. Lemmlein (Moscow) brought
gem showing a performance by circus beasts: a pig with an Archaic gem of glass with the figure of a boar (Inv. no.
a piglet, monkeys and a learned raven. Zh 6627).

An example of the daring experiments undertaken Thus did the Hermitage collection of Archaic gems
by masters of Archaic gems is found in a large scarab take shape. We might add also seal rings of metal such
purchased by archaeologist Nikolay Kondakov from a Kerch as Olbian rings with a figure of a lion (silver) or Danae
dealer, B. Bukzil. Engraved on it is a winged genius (gold), a Nymphian ring with a flying Nike with a wreath
seated on a horse. John Boardman named this skilled artist (gold) etc. These well-documented pieces serve to reinforce
The Master of the London Satyr (Boardman 1968, 51 ff). the earlier collection acquired mainly through purchases.

Archaic Greek Culture: The Archaic Ionian Pottery from Berezan

Richard Posamentir

Within the framework of a conference on `Archaic vessels as objects of identification for ethnic groups is no
Greek culture´ an article on the Archaic Ionian pottery longer rated very highly, and rightly so.
from Berezan might, at fi rst glance, seem a bit out of
place. However, justifying such a contribution is, in fact, It would certainly also be possible to study Archaic
anything but difficult – since this conference was held in Ionian pottery in Ionia itself – and indeed this has been
St. Petersburg, which has such extremely rich collections done very successfully by a handful of scholars over the last
of Archaic Ionian pottery, housed in the Hermitage*. couple of years3, with tremendous results, allowing us to
Moreover, part of this archaeological material came from interpret fi nds from the Black Sea area more precisely.
the site of Berezan, which still holds a cardinal place But – as in related situations – it turns out to be quite
among the cities of the Black Sea shore due to the early informative to study a geographical-historical area and its
date of the settlement’s establishment and, even more inhabitants by taking a close look at the people who left
importantly, the outstanding level of preservation of its their natural environment in order to live in someplace
pottery1. else, and who thus confronted problems that might not
only have led to the reinforcement of a common identity,
A short glance at the relevant publications attests to but may also have caused them either to adhere more
this circumstance well. Reviewing the literature, such strictly to certain traditions or to accept a greater degree
as Elena Walter-Karydi’s Samos VI, which must still be of local differences among them that would have caused
considered one of the best illustrated overviews on Archaic a problem at home.
Ionian pottery (Walter-Karydi 1973, pls. 1–140), makes
the significance of the entire Black Sea area as a finding spot In fact, there seems to be no other explanation for
immediately apparent, despite the fact that Walter-Karydi the phenomenon that – despite indications that trade between
would not have been aware of all publications printed in North Ionian cities and pottery production centres such
the Pre-Soviet and Soviet times in Russian language2 (not as Teos, Klazomenai or Smyrna and their South Ionian
to mention all the different and to some extent unpublished counterparts such as Miletos or Samos was rare in archaic
collections in various cities and museums containing finds times (Cook and Dupont 1998, 44; Ersoy 2000, 406) – tons
from numerous locations along the shore of the Black of pottery from all of the Ionian cities mentioned were
Sea). A quite amazing percentage of these finds derives in simultaneous use in the Ionian colonies abroad4 and
from the Northern colonies – and a great many of those that cult institutions in both areas co-existed right next
are from Berezan itself. An astonishing result, considering to each other5.
the rather small scale, the relatively short period of wealth
and the rather modest dwellings of the settlement of This most remarkable assemblage of different styles
Berezan – once most likely called Borysthenes. and traditions in vase painting is one of several factors
contributing greatly to the importance of a site like
Generally, it must be said that even though most of Berezan: only there do we have the possibility of relating
the 7th/6th centuries BC colonies that were established the development of local styles manufactured in certain
anywhere in the Black Sea Area were founded by people production centres (Chian, Aeolian, North Ionian and South
whose origins were in Ionia, one cannot detect more than Ionian) with one another. Without such evidence we would
a faint reflection of the wealth and widespread artistic skills be forced to keep on struggling with postulated time gaps
of the mother cities in their sculpture or architecture – in
contrast to the Athenian influence for example, which See Ersoy 1994; 2000, 399–406; 2003, 254–7, Kerschner 2004,
set in during the 4th century BC in this region and was 115–48, Özer 2004, 199–219 and Paspalas 2006, 93–101 for
probably more powerful in this respect (Bouzek 2006, Northern Ionia; Schlotzhauer 1999, 223–39; 2000, 407–16; 2001a;
12–9; Posamentir 2006b, 20–2; 2007). In contrast however, 2006, 133–44, Käufler 1999, 203–12, Ketterer 1999, 213–21,
the Ionian origin of the settlers is reflected remarkably Villing 1999, 189–202, Posamentir 2002, 9–26, Kerschner and
strongly in their pottery – even though the value of painted Schlotzhauer 2005, 1–56 for Southern Ionia; Iren 2002, 165–207;
2003, Kerschner 2006a, 109–26; 2007 for the Aeolian region, and
* I am deeply grateful to the keeper of the Berezan collection in Attula 2006, 85–92 for the East Dorian region.
the State Hermitage, Dr. Sergey Solovyov, for involving me in this This holds true for western as well as eastern or southern colonies;
most fascinating project and inviting me for this conference. compare for example Kerschner 2000, 487; Schlotzhauer and Villing
For an overview on the finds see Solovyov 1999, 28–97; most 2006, 53–62; Schaus 1985, pls. 18–33 or Boardman and Hayes
recently and concerning the Archaic Ionian pottery only : Posamentir 1966, pls. 28–39.
and Solovyov 2006; 2007, and Posamentir 2006a, 159–67. See, for example Ehrhardt 1983, 153–5 for the worship of Artemis
For references to these different contributions, especially those by Ephesia in the Milesian colonies Panticapaeum, Hermonassa and
L. V. Kopeikina, see Solovyov 1999, 134–44. Gorgippia.

Archaic Greek Culture: The Archaic Ionian Pottery from Berezan

(Cook and Dupont 1998, 32–106) 6 and with major problems Moreover, not only does the number of important Ionian
in synchronising local features – since in many cases it still pottery production centres still remain uncertain, but so too
seems unclear whether differences or similarities should be does the range of vessels and styles that a single place might
put down to an intervening time span or a specific distance have produced11 – because, without any doubt, successful
to the next production centre. types, such as bird or rosette bowls, were clearly copied
in different places.
Yet, in addition to this most fortunate constellation,
pottery found in Berezan has even more to tell us about Hopefully, the rich material from Berezan can provide
far-reaching phenomena such as trade: it recently became new evidence to clarify such questions, but the odd mixture
possible to ascribe a high percentage of the pottery of material found in an Archaic pottery kiln in Klazomenai,
unearthed all over the ancient world to certain Ionian most recently (Ersoy 2003, 254–7), should serve as
production centres. This allows us to ascertain which a substantial warning against simplification. Rethinking
places ex- and/or imported pottery and which did not do the former ascription of different Ionian vessels to certain
so (Akurgal et al. 2002; Posamentir and Solovyov 2006; cities on the base of stylistic analysis (Walter-Karydi 1973,
2007; Schlotzhauer and Villing 2006, 53–68; Kerschner 1–95) – once considered a highly useful approach – does
2006a, 109–26; 2006b, 129–56). Certainly, this observation not have to entail the repetition of a major mistake: even
immediately gives rise to new questions: why were archaeometric results can do no more than prove that
certain Ionian cities, such as Miletos, Teos, Klazomenai a certain type of clay has been decorated in a certain way;
(or the island of Chios), so heavily involved in the Black potters, painters and even clay might have been more mobile
Sea trade while others, such as Ephesos, Smyrna, Phokaia7 than we might tend to think today. Moreover, we should
(or the island of Samos), obviously were not involved, or not overlook the fact that producers and traders would
were to only a very limited extent? Or were there centres very probably have been different people – and that traders
such as Priene, Myus, Kolophon and Erythrai that have might have had a wide range of vases to offer wherever
yet to be identified and remain obscured behind recent they travelled (Johnston 1979, 236) as well.
archaeometric results? And is it not actually extremely
unlikely that people on Berezan imported all kinds of In order to find plausible answers, one has to start with
pottery all the way from the Ionian cities for decades a comprehensive study of all of the material at hand – unlike
without spending a thought on producing (or copying) it the approach taken in earlier attempts that focused only on
(or at least part of it) someplace closer to home8 or even certain show pieces or specific fragments in order to support
on the peninsula itself? Why shouldn’t there have been a particular view of the settlement’s development. Naturally,
artisans and potters among the settlers setting out to earn in such an investigation one must bear in mind the fact
their living in a new and different place?9 that, on its own, no fragment or even complete vessel can
reveal much about its user or his ethnic roots, no matter
The various Archaic South or North Ionian (and Aeolian) how convincing its ascription to a certain production centre.
pottery products are, compared with each other, definitely Still, differences in the assemblage of pottery of Ionian
less characteristic than Attic, Corinthian or Chian products. mother cities (concerning the variety of shape, decoration
In those latter products, clay or slip consistently display or treatment), in particular, might be able to teach us more
well known and distinctive features – and the mica content about the people living and trading on Berezan. Having
alone, occasionally regarded as proof of Milesian origin people familiar with the pottery found in Ionia work on
for example, will not allow us to clarify the situation10. the pottery found on Berezan, and vice versa, in order
to detect their differences is, in fact, a visionary idea.
For a full discussion of the transition between Wild Goat and The differences, whose existence cannot be doubted, might
Fikellura style see Schlotzhauer 2007. otherwise have easily escaped the notice of archaeologists
Pottery regarded as being produced in Phokaia (vessels of and been lost forever.
the London Dinos group for example) has recently been moved
to Kyme by Kerschner 2006a, 109–26; 2007 on the base of Drawing on what is known, common sense should tell
archaeometric analysis. Still in favour of a Phokaian origin: Iren us that the earliest pottery found on Berezan dates back
2002, 165–207; 2003. no further than 630 BC12, a conclusion which does not
For the localisation of a Milesian branch in the Hellespont area exactly conform with the written, but much later, sources.
see Posamentir and Solovyov 2006, 113–7; 2007, 194–201; Kerschner The pottery dated to an earlier period by various scholars
2006b, 148–51. consists almost entirely of vessels for which there are no
See already Posamentir 2006, 164–6. Casting moulds for metal close parallels or at least no published parallels – but still
objects found on Berezan island: Treister 1998, 182–8. At least one the dates in question have to be revised with great care13.
misfired table amphora in `North Ionian Style´ has been excavated Within the last decades of the 7th century BC, pottery
by V. Nazarov on the site several years ago; the vessel is on display
in the museum of Ochakiv with the inventory number AB-021213. The range of some of the Ionian production centres is now
A copy of a Fikellura Amphora in grey clay is kept in the collection sketched out in Posamentir and Solovyov 2007.
of the State Hermitage. For moulds of archaic terracotta figurines Compare already Solovyov 1999, 29 and Posamentir 2006, 162–3,
from Phanagoria, see Kuznetsov 2003, 946 figs. 11a–b. figs. 6–9.
10 13
Compare Voigtländer 1986, 46–52. See for these examples Kerschner 2006c.

R. Pozamentir

Fig. 1. Collection of more or less identical vessels of known type found on Berezan

produced in Southern Ionia, or Miletos, predominates (Fig. 3) – for a very definite reason17. On the other hand,
the material at hand, while a look at the 6th century BC the variety of different shapes is, in general, surprisingly
reveals a complete reversal (Posamentir 2006, 160, figs. 2–4), limited (Posamentir 2006, 163, fig. 10), which should also be
similar to that already mentioned for the Western colonies put down to Berezan’s role as a point of trade. To elaborate
(Kerschner 2000, 487): vessels from Northern Ionia overrun on these general remarks, a couple of detail phenomena are
the whole market and take the leading position on Berezan going to be discussed in the following.
as well. Certain products of Aeolian(?) origin tend to
become more popular as well, but these are restricted to It is wor th mentioning that in comparison with
certain specific groups – such as the so-called London Dinos the assemblage of pottery of Ionian mother cities some forms
group and the black-polychrome oinochoai (Posamentir and are missing almost completely in Berezan while others are
Solovyov 2006, 106–9). Still, the material shows the entire present in higher (and unusually high) quantities. We do not
range of possibility of the time and in this feature Berezan find more than one of the well known Milesian one-handled
stands out, not only in contrast to the mother city of drinking cups or mugs (Schlotzhauer 2006, 138–40)18 among
Miletos, but also to North Ionian places such as Teos or the thousands of shreds deriving from Berezan, but on
Klazomenai – in neither has a comparable mixture been the other hand we have to deal with a surprising number
found14. Obviously, places like Berezan must also have of extraordinary forms such as lydia or askoi19 (Fig. 4).
functioned as some sort of bridge-head for the pottery trade
in the Black Sea region in Archaic times – we seem justified These huge bowls/plates (as well as most of the plates with
in this notion by the unusually large quantity of more or figural protomes) have been produced in a Milesian branch in
less identical vessels of varying quality (Posamentir 2006, the Hellespont area (Posamentir and Solovyov 2006, 113–7; 2007,
163–4). Some of these vessels, found during field works 195–201; Kerschner 2006b, 148–51).
over the last 50 years, are of well-known types and may be See for more modest examples Voigtländer 1982, 61, fig. 20.
decorated delicately (Fig. 1)15 or simply (Fig. 2)16, but others Voigtländer’s attribution of many pieces to Chios has to be revised
of them are absolutely unknown in Ionian mother cities to a great extent. A comprehensive study of these vessels is being
prepared by U. Schlotzhauer.
14 19
A comparable assemblage of material is to be found in No such askoi are listed by Ersoy 2003 for Klazomenai, even though
Histria (Alexandrescu 1978), but the Berezan collection exceeds they were most likely produced in this area. See also Hürmüzlü 2004,
the published amount by far. 87, fig. 20 for a single piece from there – similar vessels seem to be
For plates of this kind compare the examples found in Miletos rare in other colonies such as Tocra, Kyrene or Histria, where a fair
(Graeve 1987, pl. 16, 54–55). amount of East Greek pottery has been published; see Schaus 1985,
Compare for example Schaus 1985, pls. 20, 348; 24, 404, or pls. 18–27 or Boardman and Hayes 1966, pls. 28–39 or Alexandrescu
Boardman and Hayes 1973, pl. 11, 2007. 1978, pl. 71, 696 – at least one piece there.

Archaic Greek Culture: The Archaic Ionian Pottery from Berezan

Fig. 2. Collection of more or less identical vessels of known type found on Berezan

Fig. 3. Collection of more or less identical vessels of unknown type found on Berezan

R. Pozamentir

Fig. 4. A selection of askoi found on Berezan

Moreover, other exceptional forms such as so called not transport amphoras or coarse ware) found in cities like
‘incense burners’ or ‘lanterns’ that E. Akurgal found in Miletos or Klazomenai, lies in the frequent application of
several pieces in Çandarlı and Bayraklı 20 (while another dipinti (Fig. 6), or three times more often, graffiti (Fig. 7).
fragment had been found in Massilia: Bouiron 1999, 50), Such a feature has already been well attested for other
are remarkably well attested in Berezan in at least three, colonies (Johnston 1979, 235) and it is probably of specific
and perhaps even more examples (Fig. 5). If Berezan interest if one tries to examine more closely the question
really served as some kind of trading centre a reasonable of how the process of manufacturing, trading and, later,
explanation for this phenomenon would be at hand: these of using the vessel should be regarded. Taking a closer
vessels were not actually made for the settlers in Berezan look at these marks, one can easily discern patterns
but were meant to be sent to many other places from that have, in case of the Berezan complex, not yet been
there. That suggestion may be confi rmed by the presence studied comprehensively. Recognising parallels between
of North Ionian table amphoras in such high numbers the marks on vessels excavated in Tocra and Histria
in Berezan that a ‘terminus technicus’ has recently been for example, A. Johnston thought that Rhodos might be
proposed for them: ‘Borysthenes-amphoras’ (Kerschner a common source for them 21. Nowadays we know better
2006b, 152, fig. 25). There is actually no other place in and the sources are thought to be elsewhere – specifically,
the ancient world where comparable vessels have been in Miletos, Teos or Klazomenai. Doubtlessly a detailed
found in similar numbers – but this is an aspect that study of the dipinti and graffiti might help tremendously22
did not become clear until scholars had examined both to support and, moreover, complement recent archaeometric
sides – the Ionian and the Black Sea side. results.

Another major difference between fragments and vessels Johnston 1979, 237; compare also Boardman and Hayes 1966,
found on Berezan and Archaic Ionian pottery (fine ware and 45, fig. 22.
A comprehensive study by S. R. Tokhtasev is in preparation
Akurgal 1993, fig. 90a and pl. 118: c, d – which he thought and will be published within the frame of the Berezan-publication
to be of Chian origin. project; edited by S. Solovyov.

Archaic Greek Culture: The Archaic Ionian Pottery from Berezan

Fig. 5. Incense burners or so called `lanterns´ found on Berezan, Smyrna, Bayraklı and Massilia

Fig. 6. Selection of dipinti on archaic Ionian pottery found on Berezan

R. Pozamentir

Fig. 7. Selection of graffiti on archaic Ionian pottery found on Berezan

An amazing twenty percent of all preserved feet of According to Johnston, dipinti were occasionally applied
East Greek decorated vases deriving from Berezan and on top of graffiti (Johnston 1979, 5), but some examples from
kept in the State Hermitage of St. Petersburg feature either Berezan suggest that in many cases precisely the opposite was
a dipinto or a graffito. Taken into account the number true. A comprehensive study would certainly reveal how many
of dipinti that may have faded away during deposition, of those simple graffiti could be interpreted as commercial
the statistical proportion of graffiti – which are three-times or numerical marks – but the rather large amount of smaller
more frequent – might be misleading; however, one does vases (Johnston, 1979, 237) such as jugs, cups or similar
register a significantly higher number of marks of both vessels featuring such marks makes the latter solution less
kinds compared to figures for the mother cities. Johnston credible. An interpretation as clumsy marks made by literate
suggested that traders would have painted these marks on and ‘illiterate owners’ would probably be more likely.
their way, but naturally it is also possible that potters made
them as a way of marking vessels ready to be shipped This does not hold true for another category of marks,
although the marks (as well as the graffiti) were probably which are nonetheless also difficult to explain: small
added after firing (Johnston 1979, 4–5). depictions of humans 23 or animals on unusual – and
normally not visible – spots on the vessel are not extremely
But unlike dipinti, which can normally (including on uncommon on Attic or Corinthian vessels24, and occasionally
Berezan) be found on the lower side of the foot of decorated found on East Greek products. These `marks´ were
vases, graffiti appear in a number of different places – definitely applied before firing and have been interpreted
these simple marks (dedicatory and literal ownership as insignificant drafts, sketches, caricatures or jokes – but
advertisements excluded) are sometimes defi nitely what all these explanations remain hypothetical. Two informative
Johnston called fittingly “ill-positioned” (Johnston 1979, examples will be presented here, both originating from
4–5). The red painted dipinti may well be commercial a Milesian workshop without any doubt and one of which
marks, the commonly accepted view (Johnston 1979, 5, 235), was exported to Berezan.
but can those simple graffiti of non-alphabetic shape really
have been made by “illiterate traders” (Johnston 1979, 2)? The fragment that remained in Miletos belonged to a late
It does not seem very likely that traders would scratch 7th century BC lid. On the lid’s inner side is the head of
their symbols on the inside of a cup or the outer wall of
a vessel, and perhaps risk reducing the value of the traded Compare for example Schlotzhauer 1999, 229, fig. 18.
product by doing so. See Greifenhagen 1971, 80–102 or Schauenburg 1971, 162–78.

Archaic Greek Culture: The Archaic Ionian Pottery from Berezan

one of the well known Milesian ‘wild goats’ – but atop necessary to be considered as a joke on the part of a vase
a rather strange body (Fig. 8) that eludes the grasp of painter25 – while the ram might possibly be interpreted as
iconography. The piece that was shipped to Berezan once a meaningful symbol, connected with cults that existed
formed a stemmed plate dating from approximately the same in Miletos. In fact, votive reliefs found on Zeytıntepe
time and bears on its lower side the head of a ram (Fig. 9). show peculiar depictions of a ram (Senff 1992, 108,
While goats are among the animals most frequently depicted pl. 17: 1).
on comparable vessels of the 7th century BC, rams do not
play even a minor role – which makes the explanation Surprisingly, similar markings have not been detected
that these ‘marks’ were drafts or simple sketches rather on pottery originating from the North Ionian area yet,
unlikely. On one hand, the goat, with its strange body which leads us to another interesting phenomenon that
(front or profile?), probably fulfils all the required criteria has to be addressed when dealing with the Archaic Ionian
pottery from Berezan. As already stated, the pottery from
this colony is of outstanding importance for the possible
correlation of local Ionian styles and craftsmen traditions –
but, as it happens, things are by far more complicated than
one might have hoped.

To begin with, a plausible explanation should be found

for the fact that transitional or bilingual pieces of the North
Ionian area (between Wild Goat and Black Figure or
‘Corinthianizing’ style) are widespread and well attested in
Berezan (Fig. 10) and in many other places26 while examples
of the contemporary or slightly earlier transition in South
Ionia (Wild Goat to Fikellura style: Schlotzhauer 2001b,
119–22; 2006, 135–7; 2007) are almost entirely concentrated
within the South Ionian and the Carian region.

Moreover, recent pottery analysis seems to indicate

that distinct lines separating Aeolia, North Ionia and
South Ionia can be drawn only to a limited extent.
Examples of characteristic North Ionian ‘maeander rim
plates’ can be found within several North Ionian groups
and in the assemblage of Aeolian vessels (Posamentir and
Fig. 8. Inside of lid found in Miletos with depiction of Solovyov 2007, 187–94) as well – and the same holds true
standing(?) goat for a few pieces of typical North Ionian Rosette bowls
and table (or Borysthenes-) amphoras (Kerschner 2006b,
140–6). A rather peculiar crater (now known as of Aeolian
origin) in a mixed style had already indicated earlier, that
surprises have to be expected (Posamentir and Solovyov
2006, 108–10, fig. 4). Unless chemical analysis supporting
the attribution of Kyme as an important production centre
(Kerschner 2006b, 109–19; Kerschner and Mommsen
2007) are entirely wrong or have been, at least, falsely
interpreted, we would have to bear in mind the possibility
of exchange of certain stylistic elements (and craftsmen)
between at least two ‘territories’ – although the fact that
typical vessels of these or other Aeolian production centres
(Iren 2003) have obviously never been exported seems
somehow to be more than peculiar. One thought that might
simplify things again would be to assume that cities such
as Kyme and Phokaia might have (at least to an extent)
used the same clay deposits – if that were true, then all
the aforementioned examples would have been produced
in Phokaia and therefore still be of North Ionian origin,

Compare the inside of a Corinthian lid: Shoe 1932, 73,
fig. 17.
Compare vessels like Walter-Karydi 1973, nos. 899–901, 907, 908,
Fig. 9. Lower side of plate found in Berezan with 918, 938, 939, 941, 952, 953, 1012, 1015, 1016; Akurgal 1993, pl. 7.
depiction of a ram’s head For the vessel from Berezan already see Kopeikina 1970, 96–9.

R. Pozamentir

pl. 16b; Croissant 1983, pls. 51–57) 29 for example, one

might in fact detect in the surprisingly realistic and lively
way of modelling the human appearance a characteristic
touch – in contrast to the high quality but supernatural and
more stylistic approach of South Ionian artisans (Freyer-
Schauenburg 1974, pls. 9–10; Fuchs and Floren 1987, pls.
30: 2–3, 32: 4–5, 33: 2–3; Akurgal 1961, pls. 201–204,
221–225; 1987, pl. 15; Croissant 1983, pl. 1.7). One might
even tend to find a similar vibrancy in the decorated vases
of that period – but things are definitely not that easy and
developments not that coherent.

Artisans and craftsmen in cities of Northern Ionia in

particular seem to react repeatedly and strongly to impulses
from other areas and the process of copying is probably
accompanied by some kind of transformation – obscuring
Fig. 10. Transitional style of North Ionian pottery: the stylistic approach. In vase painting the ‘Wild Goat style’
from `Wild Goat´ to black figure (Corinthianizing) style was probably adopted from the South and for a long time
misunderstood as ‘Late Wild Goat style’; the transition from
‘Wild Goat’ to vases in ‘Fikellura (black figure) style’ is
but further analysis must be performed to support such executed equally in the Northern cities, but models from
a conclusion. Corinthia played a more decisive role at first, while later
on, Attic black figure style becomes the driving force for
However, taking into account other archaeometric results, potters and painters working in Klazomenai (and most likely
it is in fact much more likely that we should expect so called Teos). Reasons for the temporary acceptance of certain
‘transitional spheres’ – and not only between Aeolia and patterns are probably to be found in political, economic or
North Ionia: the existence of a Milesian branch, producing at least other rationally understandable constellations – not
Milesian vessels in the Hellespont-area (probably in Abydos) in the land itself.
with local clay, has already been proven (Posamentir and
Solovyov 2006, 113–7; 2007, 194–201; Kerschner 2006b, Obviously, all these new questions and ‘obstacles’
148–51). Since much more pottery in North Ionian style has will make it even harder to understand the ‘Berezan
been found on Berezan, it would be more than tempting phenomenon’ – but still, we have to be more than content:
to postulate a similar phenomenon for the North Ionian the site offers an enormous amount of information in every
region – a workshop with potters and painters from one aspect and following the publication of the planned five
or several North Ionian cities might have acted upon the volumes dedicated to the various fi nds kept in the State
same idea in order to be closer to the Black Sea trade Hermitage, it will become an important source of reference
and market. Possible and logical options would be the area for the Black Sea area and as well for the rest of the Ionian
around Byzantion/ Kalchedon (maybe also Chrysopolis); world.
mostly Megarian foundations we know practically nothing
about or one of the Black Sea colonies itself. To date,
some, but only scarce, traces (Posamentir and Solovyov
2006, 124–5; 2007, 180–3; Kerschner 2006b, 151–4) seem
to support the supposition of such a constellation.

In general, one has to raise the question of whether it will

remain possible to talk about Archaic Ionian pottery in terms
of ‘North Ionian’, ‘South Ionian’ or ‘Aeolian’. Although
we do seem to be able to divide North Ionian from South
Ionian sculpture (Kyrieleis 2000, 265–74; Langlotz 1927),
terracotta27 or vase painting, it will become more and more
tricky to combine style or tradition with a specific – though
at the same time metaphysical – region 28. Doubtlessly,
selected features seem to be typical for certain areas and
we might be even able to articulate them, but the reasons
behind this tentative distinction tend to be rather trivial
in most cases. Looking at North Ionian Korai and faces
(Akurgal 1961, pls. 206, 212–213; 1987, pls. 76–77; 1993,
See also Fuchs and Floren 1987, pl. 35: 2, for the famous
See the attempts undertaken by Croissant 1983. kore of Erythrai, or Akurgal 1993, pls. 18, 19, for the head
Compare Raeder 1993, 105–9. from Smyrna.

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan*

Tyler Jo Smith

Vase-painting has much to contribute to our knowledge Berezan’, opening at the Hermitage during summer 2005,
of the visual culture of ancient Greece. For the Archaic and connected with the 120th anniversary of archaeological
period in particular, black-figure vases provide some of excavations on the island (Solovyov 2005).
the best available iconographic evidence (at least in terms
of quantity). Once a full black-figure technique emerges in This paper takes a closer look at the iconography of
Athens during the early 6th century BC, many vase-painters the Athenian black-figure vases from Berezan. Elsewhere
devote themselves to human figure scenes1. The ubiquitous the objects have been presented and discussed by shape,
animals of the previous century’s Orientalising style lag for to some extent by painters, and for what they reveal about
several decades, mainly in subsidiary friezes. In the work settlement, trade and colonisation (Gorbunova 1973; 1982;
of the black-figure masters in Athens – from Sophilos and Kopeikina 1986; Bouzek 1990, 45–7; Boardman 1999, 225–
Kleitias to Lydos, the Amasis Painter and Exekias – “figure 66, esp. 250; Smith 2009). However, as an assemblage of
decoration ranges from the miniaturist to the monumental” ancient pottery, representing a single technique, and yielding
(Boardman 2001a, 61). The subjects include mythological from the same site, it is thought that their decoration
scenes, some more clearly narrative than others, religion might provide a certain amount of cultural insight. What,
and ritual, as well as portrayals of more mundane human if anything, might ‘simple visual observation’ of the surface
life: drinking and dancing, riding and exercising. Shapes images themselves reveal about their makers, importers,
and their functions play an important role too, though buyers, users, or viewers (Orton et al. 1993, 26)? Is their
the space available for decoration both dictates and limits an Archaic visual culture lurking behind our black-figure
artistic possibilities. Such choices on the part of painter and depictions of satyrs or gorgons, athletes or warriors? Due to
potter, or indeed any aesthetic, conventional or commercial the rather ragged state of the evidence, the discussion here
reasons for them, are not our concern here2. Nor does it is divided thematically. Rather than presenting the images
seem necessary to revisit Beazley, his attributions or his chronologically or by attributed painters, we shall instead
critics3. Rather we shall focus our attention on a group of address three iconographic categories: animals and monsters,
vases decorated by a number of different hands, on a good gods and heroes, men and women. The inherent problems
range of shapes. Each specimen, be it whole pot or shred, and limitations of such an approach (i.e. inevitable overlap)
represents the same technique, region of production, and should be kept constantly in mind, as should the reliability
archaeological provenance4. of using pot shreds as iconographic evidence (Orton et al.
1993, 32–3, 227–8). With regard to visual culture theory,
Excavations on the island of Berezan in the northwest it might have been more appropriate to focus on everyday
Black Sea region have unearthed examples of Athenian life; however, the nature of the extant evidence necessitates
(or Attic) black-figure imports, manufactured throughout a slightly broader definition of the term6. That being said,
the 6th century BC. Over 230 whole pots and shreds have the black-figure technique of the early 6th century was
recently been catalogued and studied, and will be published something of a ‘new visual medium’ in Athens (Mirzoeff
in the second volume of the Berezan final excavation reports 1998, 48), invented by Corinth artists, then spreading to
(Smith 2009). Other figure-decorated wares, including other pottery producing areas favouring figure-decorated
Corinthian, East Greek and Athenian red-figure, have vessels; considered in this manner, black-figure iconography
also been discovered at the site, and will appear as part becomes a suitable candidate for this sort of inquiry. What
of the same publication5. A number of these finds were follows is a brief summary of some of the more informative
displayed as part of the exhibition entitled ‘Borysthenes- and best-preserved images. A certain amount of attention is
devoted to pieces attributed to known Athenian black-figure
Thanks are extended to the following for help of various painters, and to those where the subject and decoration best
kinds with this paper: Malcolm Bell III, Carmen Higginbotham, demonstrate Archaic style7.
Ian Jenkins, Gillian Shepherd, Sergey Solovyov and Dyfri
Williams Animals and Monsters
Beazley 1986, 1–2, on the invention of black-figure. Animals and monsters in black-figure vase-painting,
See e.g. Boardman 1974, 196–200; and Osborne 1998, 95–9. initially associated with the Orientalising phase of Greek
In general see Rouet 2001; and Whitley 2001, 36–41. art, continue to appear in Archaic times. Although
The exact archaeological find spot at Berezan has not been the Corinthian and East Greek artists show the greatest
recorded for each piece, but publications indicate that some served
as burial offerings; see Solovyov 1999, 25–6, 80–4; Gorbunova In general see Mirzoeff 1998, and esp. 8–10, for the connection
1982 (for sector G); cf. Damianov 2005, 83–90, on burial rites from with everyday life.
the site, and problems of interpretation. Solovyov has described some For the sake of clarity and convenience, the Hermitage inventory
as ‘tableware’ (1999, 88). numbers are given for each object. Comparanda and a complete set
See Ilyina 2001; Solovyov 1999, 49–52; and Shapiro 2009. of illustrations appears elsewhere (Smith 2009).

T. J. Smith

enthusiasm for multiple friezes of parading animals, as in red, found on either sides of a pair of shallow skyphoi
the example of the Wild Goat Style, a number of early dated to the early 5th century BC (B90.82, 83).
Athenian vase-painters, such as the Gorgon Painter and
Sophilos, choose animals for decoration on large or small As we have seen, imaginary creatures, namely sphinxes
scale, or both. Monsters and hybrid creatures find their place and sirens appear alongside real animals. A Deianeira
as well, inserted into mythological stories – as on the Nessos lekythos (B83; Solovyov 2005, no. 155), assigned to
Painter’s name vase8 – or inserted less conspicuously into the Black-neck class, displays an elegant, if faceless,
animal friezes. It has recently been suggested that myths pair of confronting sphinxes, a subject again visible on
involving monstrous creatures, such as griffins and centaurs, a Heron Class skyphos (B63.204). A siren and a bird
and their associated images, may have been inspired, at adorn a patterned cup (B90.77), a relative of the Cassel
least in part, by ancient discoveries of the bones of long- type (Solovyov 1999, fig. 85), and gorgoniea expectedly
extinct animal species9. embellish several cup tondos (i.e. B82.127; Solovyov 1999,
fig. 83.2) and both sides of a cup-skyphos of ca. 540–520 BC
Among the Athenian black-figure fi nds from Berezan (B68.81; Gorbunova 1982, 47, fig. 9). However, on most
the animal-style is well-represented. On a large scale, extant examples from the Berezan excavations, where
grazing goats and birds appear on the sides of several monsters or hybrids are featured in black-figure, we find
column-kraters, at least two of which have been attributed the creatures inserted into easily identifiable mythological
to the Manner of Lydos (B87.49; B87.317). The handle- stories where they took part. An obvious example is
plates, where preserved, are decorated with birds and the Centauromachy depicted on a lip-cup attributed to
in one case a sphinx (B85.89; Solovyov 1999, fig. 36). the Centaur Painter (B482; Fig. 5) (Gorbunova 1982, 40,
Some years ago Skudnova attributed the large fragment fig. 3a)12. Perhaps the most impressive is the skyphos with
of a stand decorated with animal friezes to Sophilos three fleeing gorgons in short belted chitons decorating both
(B114; Skudnova 1957: 49), and a second set of stand sides (B84.139; Fig. 1a–b) (Solovyov 1999, fig. 82), a clear
fragments of similar style and decoration (B82.106) has reference to the Perseus myth. One of the three is Medusa,
been identified as belonging to the same painter10. On headless and falling, but no hero is present. A similar
the second example, which is much better-preserved, skyphos has been discovered at Morgantina in central Sicily,
ordinary felines (and possibly a bull) share the decorated where again Perseus is conspicuously absent (Allen 1970,
space with sirens and sphinxes. Expectedly, animal friezes 381, pl. 97, fig. 32). On another skyphos from Berezan
adorn lekanides, one likely the work of the Polos Painter (B76.178; Fig. 6a–b), one side displays a large bearded
(B89.115), as well as amphorae attributed to the workshops Triton between two Nereids, while on the other Herakles
of the Gorgon Painter (B447) and the Painter of London and Nereus are wrestling. The quality of the painting is
B76 (B74.152; Kopeikina 1986, 38, no. 19). Also worthy very low, and some aspects of the iconography remain
of mention are several horse-head amphorae, datable to enigmatic. On the Herakles side, two females stand on
the fi rst quarter of the century, whose primary function either side of a laver or large mortar, while an athlete or
may have been as prizes (Boardman 1974, 17–8; Kreuzer dancer moves away from the scene. The lack of comparative
1998, 96–7). Swimming dolphins appear on a fragmentary evidence makes the scene difficult to read, and it may
cups (B70.152, B76.203; with parallels from Histria represent nothing more than a somewhat random display of
and Smyrna respectively), again beneath the handle of decorative elements13. The iconography bears some relation
the gorgon skyphos yet to be discussed (B84.139; Fig. 1a-b), to scenes of Perseus attacking a sea-creature, the ketos14.
and as a delightful pairing on a lid or disc considered by An isolated Pegasus makes an appearance in the tondo of
Gorbunova to belong to the circle of Exekias (B67.123; a stemless cup (B73.210; Fig. 7), and we may conjecture
Fig. 2) (Gorbunova 1982, 42, fig. 4). Animals in groups that again the bigger myth involving Perseus is here heavily
large and small are not surprisingly represented on abbreviated15.
the exteriors of many Little Master cups. Iconographic
combinations known from elsewhere, such as cock and Gods and Heroes
hen, panther and fawn, birds and rams (e.g. B90.67; Fig. 3) Mythological scenes portraying the lives and exploits
(Solovyov 1999, fig. 81), are found here on both band- and of the gods and heroes are well-attested in Athenian
lip-cups. A pair of lions sharing the scene with at least black-figure, and indeed in much of Greek vase-painting.
one grazing dear on a fragmentary band-cup (B79.102; The vases have been variously interpreted and discussed.
Fig. 4) is no doubt related to the work of the mannerist Some scholars have approached the images for their real or
painter Elbows Out11. Belonging to the domestic realm are
the dogs, clearly pets wearing collars highlighted in added P. Heesen (Amsterdam) is responsible for the attribution.
The recent suggestion of a cultic occasion may be relevant here:
Athens NM 1002. See Boardman 1974, fig. 5; Beazley 1986, Neils 2004. See also Boardman 1974, 213.
14–5. For the myth in ancient art see Carpenter 1991, 106; and
Mayor 2000, followed by Boardman 2002c, 33–43. LIMC 7, ‘Perseus’, nos. 186–202, esp. no. 188, a Caeretan hydria
For the same combination of shape and decoration in works of with a similar scene.
this painter see ABV 40.22, and 42.1; and Beazley 1986, 16. For depictions of Pegasus alone or in no particular setting see
See ABV 250–2, for his band-cups, many of which have animal LIMC 7, ‘Pegasos’, 215–8. See also Boardman 1974, 227; and
themes. Carpenter 1991, 108.

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan

Fig. 1. a–b: Skyphos with gorgons (B84.139)

Fig. 2. Lid or disc with dolphins (B67.123)

Fig. 3. Little Master Cup with animals (B90.67)

T. J. Smith

Fig. 4. Band-cup, manner of Elbows Out (B79.102) Fig. 5. Lip-cup, by the Centaur Painter (B482)

Fig. 6. a–b: Skyphos with Triton, Nereids, Herakles (B76.178)

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan

might be Athena appears alongside a charioteer; the identical

scene is found on lekythos in the British Museum (83.11–
24.17) in the manner of the same painter (ABV 543.125), and
in both cases we may detect a reference to the Panathenaic
games. Hermes with his winged boots is identified on
the fragment of a column-krater (B76.220) and again on
the shoulder of a fragmentary hydria (B68.71).

The only divinity represented with any frequency in

Athenian black-figure is Dionysos. The god of wine and
drama, sometimes in the presence of satyrs and maenads,
is found on several examples from Berezan. Dionysian
and related iconography survives in greater numbers than
any other mythological subject matter. However, as with
the other vases discussed thus far, the evidence remains
in a fragmentary state, and the contents of a larger myth
or narrative, if either was intended, are lost to us now.
The god and his followers are not surprisingly a theme
of choice for many cup painters working primarily in
the second half of the 6th century. The types include Little
Masters, eye-cups and skyphoi. Several band-cups depict
Fig. 7. Cup tondo with Pegasus (B73.210) frolicking satyrs, some ithyphallic, engaged in their favourite
activities of dancing with maenads (B72.119) or sexually
pursuing animals (B76.429, B70.157). The satyrs are at times
assumed relationship to ancient poetry, most notably epic, shown frontally, in a manner which emphasises their more
lyric and drama (Schefold 1978; Shapiro 1994). Others animalistic nature18; such is the case on the fragment of
have preferred analysing the scenes for their contribution as a band-cup (B63.195) and again on the tondo of a stemless
‘narrative art’ (Snodgrass 1987, 132–69; Himmelmann 1998, cup (B76.177; Fig. 8), where the hybrid creature is expressly
67–102; Stansbury-O’Donnell 1999). Politics and cult have ithyphallic. The god himself may also be present wielding
enjoyed their place in the arguments as well, with a certain his signature drinking-horn (B86.92, B71.159, B83.95).
amount of attention lavished on the tyrant Peisistratids Skyphoi painters provide a similar range of scenes on
and Herakles (Boardman 2001a, 202–9; Shapiro 1989). To the extant vases: satyrs dancing, with or without their female
this list might be added a continuous flow of publications counterparts (B77.112, B89.134, B63.206, B87.78), Dionysos
on the iconography of the Trojan Cycle, Dionysos and and a satyr confronting (B68.77). Satyrs without Dionysos
his retinue, and classical archaeology’s somewhat delayed are seen on two skyphoi in slightly more complicated
love affair with ‘others’, among them non-Greek Scythians compositions. The first is a Heron Class skyphos (B80.209;
and Thracians16. In the midst of these constructions and Fig. 9) attributed to the Theseus Painter by Ilyina (1987,
deconstructions it is worth placing our evidence into an 31–3). On either side a satyr plays a lyre while maenads
appropriate, if less-than-trendy context. As John Boardman draped in animal skins and turbans play krotala. The subject
(1974, 216) has accurately observed: “The Olympian deities appears elsewhere by the same painter (e.g. ABV 520.22), and
are seen very frequently on black-figure vases: not often as his repertoire of scenes related to Dionysian ritual has been
protagonists in myth, but as supporting figures to heroes noted by Borgers (1999, 88). On an unattributed Heron Class
or in their own right with no action involved”. skyphos, again satyrs are musicians in a processional setting.
On this occasion their instrument is the double-pipes, and
On the Athenian black-figure vases from Berezan both on each side the satyr is on the company of a winged
gods and heroes are present. The fragmentary state of female figure, a charioteer and a lyre-player. The quality of
many scenes makes identification of the story or setting the painting is not as high as in the previous example by
impossible. Attributes and, in a few cases, inscriptions the Theseus Painter, and here the iconography may have
provide much needed help, as recently summarised by quite a different meaning. The winged figure sometimes
Woodford (2003, 15–20). Athena, Apollo and Hermes each joining satyrs is Iris, and the subject has been associated
appear in uncertain or incomplete settings. Athena armed with a lost satyr-play by Achaios dated to the second half
with her spear and helmet faces a lyre-player, who may well of the 5th century19. More than once Dionysos is shown
be Apollo, on the side of an olpe (B85.93). In scenes of as a dancer, either solo between eyes on the exterior of
the birth of Athena, Apollo is sometimes portrayed playing a cup (B90.75; Fig. 10) (Solovyov 1999, fig. 84), or in
the same instrument17. On a small lekythos attributed to the company of draped females on a lekythos (B89.111;
the manner of the Haimon Painter (B85.118), a figure who
Johns 1989, 90 –2, for the range and meaning of such
Hedreen 1992; 2001; Isler-Kerényi 2001; Cohen 2000, each scenes.
with bibliography. See LIMC 5, ‘Iris I’, 751 for play, and nos. 105–9 for black-
Cf. LIMC 2, ‘Athena’, nos. 367–8. figure depictions.

T. J. Smith

Fig. 8. Cup tondo with satyr (B76.177)

Fig. 9. Skyphos by Theseus Painter (B80.209)

Fig. 10. Cup with Dionysos dancing (B90.75)

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan

Fig. 11) (Solovyov 1999, fig. 72). Depictions of the god as Fig. 13). The helmeted heads of the fighting pair are visible,
dancer are not terribly common in vase-painting, but are and one plunges his upraised sword towards the chest of
attested in ancient literature (ThesCRA 2, ‘Dance’, 332–3). the other. The only clue to their identity is the somewhat
More than once Dionysos appears in exclusive female enigmatic inscription which reads ‘menonos’. It is not
company, and his companion may well be Ariadne. On uncommon for the names of the figures to be included in
a fragmentary late black-figure cup (B68.76), the male and the scene, though ours is clearly not a standard spelling22.
female couple reclines beneath vines, and dolphins swim It is also possible that one of the figures is meant to be
beneath the handles. The cup has been attributed to the late Menelaus engaged in a fight with Paris or Hector, episodes
black-figure Leafless Group, whose painters, while not also known from black-figure vase-painting23.
the most accomplished, are at ease with Dionysian themes
(Boardman 1974, 150–1). Herakles and Theseus, heroes often associated with Athens
and mainland Greece, are easily identified on several vases
from Berezan. In the best preserved examples the heroes
participate in dangerous exploits. Theseus struggles with
the bull of Marathon on the side of an oinochoe dated to
the late 6th/early 5th century (B320; Fig. 14). The story is
found on a number of examples in black-figure vase-painting
and occasionally on the same shape24. The date of the vase
is consistent with an increase in the hero’s iconographic
popularity in Athens (Carpenter 1991, 160), and there is
no reason to assume it has special significance at Berezan.
Herakles is seen on at least four vases from Berezan.
On two of the four he fights the Nemean lion – once on
an unattributed band-cup (B71.173; Fig. 15), with females
looking on, and again on a lekythos belonging to the Class
of Athens 581, where Athena is present (B80). The wrestling
match between Herakles and the Triton, Nereus, decorating
a skyphos (B76.178; Fig. 6a–b) has been mentioned above in
our discussion of animals and monsters. The lion-skin clad
hero’s name is inscribed on a fragmentary hydria (B68.71),
also mentioned above, but the scene is not preserved in
full. Herakles aggressive posture suggests he might be
performing a labour, or perhaps attacking Nessos with
a sword (Carpenter 1991, 132). Finally, a pair of youthful
males armed with spears, standing beside their horses, may
well be the Dioskouroi (B69.157; Fig. 16). The identical
scene appears on both sides of an eye-cup, attributed to
the Group of Courting cups (ca. 530), and was published
previously by Gorbunova (1982, 46, fig. 8). The heavenly
Fig. 11. Lekythos with Dionysos dancing (B89.111) twin sons of Zeus are shown in much the same way in
the examples of vase-painting as well as in other arts of
other periods25.
Heroic iconography is somewhat prevalent in Athenian
black-figure from Berezan. Some examples are clearly Other mythological figures, though neither gods nor
related to the Trojan Cycle, such as the recovery of Helen, heroes, deserve comment. The Centauromachy is the chosen
appearing on the fragments of a large krater (B63.179-80; subject on a Little Master lip-cup attributed to the Centaur
Fig. 12)20. Here females in elaborately decorated garments Painter already mentioned (B482; Fig. 5). It should be
are joined by a draped, beardless male, and armed warrior added that other cups discovered at Berezan, of the same
(Menelaus), and a veiled female (Helen). The females in shape and type, are thought to be the work of the same
the scene are an unusual addition, as such extra figures painter. The Amazonomachy is depicted on several known
are normally males, either armed or unarmed 21. The duel vases in Athenian black-figure from Berezan. The fi rst
between Achilles and Memnon might be the subject of decorates the tondo of a Siana cup (B348) attributed to
a fragmentary olpe from the end of the 6th century (B71.183; the C Painter by Skudnova (1955, 36), though the armed
female grabbing another figure by the helmet could in
I owe the suggestion to Alan Shapiro. In general see LIMC 4,
‘Helene’, nos. 210–24. For examples on black- and red-figure vases see Immerwahr
Though in red-figure, Aphrodite is sometimes included; LIMC 4, 1990, nos. 138 (‘epic form’) and 348.
‘Helene’, nos. 243–4, 248, 251. See also a red-figure skyphos in LIMC 8, ‘Menelaos’, nos. 12–15 (Paris), 22 (Hector).
Boston (MFA 13.186) attributed to Makron, for additional female Cf. CVA Munich 12 (65), pl. 43.1–2 (no. 1779).
figures: Boardman 1975, fig. 308. LIMC 3, ‘Dioskouroi’, 26–49, for similar scenes.

T. J. Smith

Fig. 12. a–b: Krater fragments, Recovery of Helen (B63.179–180)

Fig. 13. Olpe with Achilles and Memnon(?) (B71.183)

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan

Fig. 14. Oinochoe with Theseus and Marathon Bull (B320)

Fig. 15. Band-cup with Herakles and Lion (B71.173)

Fig. 16. Cup with Dioskouroi(?) (B69.157)

T. J. Smith

fact be Athena at the Gigantomachy26. Fighting amazons setting somewhat difficult in many instances. The stock
emerge again on the fragment of a band-cup (B302), and subjects associated with Archaic iconography are represented
perhaps again on a later black-figure cup of the Leafless here in the form of duels, riders, athletes and processions.
Group (B77.111). Of obvious local significance is the scene Whether such images portray a Homeric or at least mythical
of Scythians at war on a fragmentary ‘overlap’ Siana cup world is not the issue here. However, such an interpretation
(B78.97) originally said by Skudnova to be the hand of for the scenes should not be totally dismissed (Boardman
the C Painter (1955, 36). Europa riding the bull, though 1974, 205). An armed warrior decorating the tondo of
not fully preserved, is easily recognized on the body a Siana cup attributed to the C Painter (B332; Brijder
fragments of a closed vessel (B90.48), perhaps an amphora 1983, no. 77, pl. 18g), or a departing warrior between two
or hydria. The skyphoi representing scenes of f leeing youthful friends on a fragmentary amphora, the work of
gorgons (Fig. 1a–b) and lively Nereids (Fig. 6a–b) have the Painter of Louvre F6 (B74.153; Fig. 17), each exemplify
been noted above. the problem. The multi-figure compositions displaying
chariot processions, such as one on the fragment of a large
Men and Women lip-cup attributed to the Painter of Louvre F81 (B77.125;
Scenes of daily life in Greek vase-painting have received
a certain amount of attention in recent years. The category
is somewhat ambiguous embracing virtually all non-
mythological aspects of ancient Greek culture. Even
the Greek gods have been the subject of such intellectual
scrutiny (Sissa and Detienne 2000). In his 1969 publication
Everyday Life in Classical Athens, T. B. L. Webster (1969)
incorporated visual and material evidence in his discussions
of life both inside and outside the home. The much more
recent book of Robert Garland, Daily Life of the Ancient
Greeks (1998), while covering a wider range of times and
places, relies on vase-painting surprisingly little. There is
little doubt that Athenian black- and red-figure vases, as
well as some produced outside, are an excellent source
of information about warriors and workers, athletes and
musicians, even children. Aspects of religious life, including
festivals and their associated activities (sacrifice, procession,
etc.) are subjects found suitable for vase decoration, as
well as the related themes of weddings and funerals. Not
surprisingly, scholars have used Greek vases a great deal
in discussion of sexuality and gender, ethnicity and class,
dress and performance. The relationship between art and
society, and documented ‘social rituals’ – most notably
the symposion – have claimed the interest of classicists,
archaeologists and cultural historians27. Museums have
also embraced the idea of thematic displays of the past
with particular attention to daily life as witnessed through
visual and material evidence (Jenkins 1986). Although
attention to mythological figures has historically been far
greater than that given to everyday people, it is arguable
that portrayals of drinking, dining and dancing have
far more to contribute our discussion of Archaic visual
culture. Such scenes of contemporary life – regardless of
the artistic conventions employed in their production or
the difficulties of iconographic interpretation – are certainly Fig. 17. Amphora with departing warrior,
amongst the best ways of encountering ancient Greek men Painter of Louvre F6 (B74.153)
and women in their ‘modern’ setting.

The scenes of daily life in Athenian black-figure Fig. 18) (Solovyov 1999, 89, fig. 80), while far more
from Berezan are far too numerous to discuss in detail. complicated, remain impossible to relate to an actual event,
The ambiguous nature of many, combined with their be it legendary or contemporary28. Similarly, the miniature
fragmentary condition, makes identification of activity or rowers on the inside rim of a large open vessel (B78.124)
are too poorly preserved to be attributed to a specific
LIMC 2, ‘Athena’, nos. 381–6, for the subject in black-figure.
27 28
See in particular: Bérard et al. 1989; Murray 1990; Lissarrague I thank P. Heesen (Amsterdam) for the attribution. On the painter
1990; and Davidson 1998. see ABV 191.3.

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan

Fig. 18. Lip-cup, by the Painter of Louvre F81 (B77.125)

painter, group or occasion, but easily relate to the known cup (B77.120) considered by Brijder to be the work of
repertoire29. the C Painter (Brijder 2000, Add. no. 37, pl. 718), and
the wrestlers under the watchful eyes of their trainers on
On a number of vase fragments, male figures appear a pair of band-cups (B70.147; B80.27, 88).
either bearded or beardless, dressed or undressed, and in
no particular setting. Worth mentioning is the nude male One of the best represented areas of daily life in
‘runner’ facing a draped male on at least two lekythoi Athenian black-figure iconography from Berezan is in
assigned to the Fat-runner Group and dated to ca. 530 BC the realm of male entertainment, namely the symposion.
(e.g. B87.41; Fig. 19)30. Little Master cups are another Scenes of homosexual courtship, erotic encounters between
men and women, and revelling, are identified amongst
the surviving examples. Courtship iconography is found,
not surprisingly, on two cups attributes to the Group of
Courting Cups of ca. 530 BC (B69.157; B82.127; Fig. 20).
Although both examples are not fully preserved, it is
clear that the standard iconography of the ‘lover’ (erastes)
and the ‘beloved’ (eromenos) is portrayed31. The theme is
repeated on the fragment of a late 6th century skyphos
(B89.127), where we discover a boy holding a white
cock, a standard love-gift (Johns 1989, 101). Heterosexual
love-making in miniature decorates at least one side of
a band-cup (B76.383), and should perhaps be imagined as
Fig. 19. Lekythos, the Fat-runner Group (B87.41) an advanced stage of the symposion. The symposion itself
is only identifiable with certainty on a late black-figure
lekythos belonging to the Haimon Group (B79). The quality
suitable venue for this sort of abbreviated, even decorative, is of the low standard associated with the group and assigned
scheme. Such is the case on the fragments of a band-cup date, however a recliner on a couch can be recognised
(B69.151) where again two males, one nude, the other in the company of standing and seated women. Another
with cloak and spear, are given no further attributes or possible version of erotic iconography deserves mention.
context. On another cup (B70.146), this one attributed to On the body and rim fragments of a band-cup, a beardless
the Circle of Hermogenes by Gorbunova (1982, 41, fig. 3b), nude male strikes another with a sandal (B68.85). This sort
a non-descript draped male and a bird meet face to face. of ‘slippering’ is perhaps best known from the name vase
On some vases, the male figures are obviously athletes in of the Sandal Painter (Bologna PU 204; Boardman 1974,
training or competition. To the current discussion should fig. 43), and has been related to either sexual arousal or
be added the boxers on the fragments of an overlap Siana chastisement32.

29 31
Brownlee 1997, 517–9, discusses the meaning of such scenes Cf. Boardman 1974, fig. 183; and see Shapiro 1981.
in relation to the symposion. The Archaic images to date are listed in Boardman 1976,
Cf. ABV 459–69. 286–7.

T. J. Smith

Fig. 20. Eye-cup, Group of Courting Cups (B82.127)

Images of male revellers, commonly referred to as on East Greek wares33. On the Athenian examples, we
‘komasts’ are identified on at least 18 Athenian black-figure find the dancers on Little Master cups (B70.153; B72.122),
cups and other shapes. Nine of these are on Komast cups both band- and lip- , and each time the dancer is a nude
attributed to the Komast Group, and two more decorate male. On a CHC Group skyphos (ca. 500 BC) and on
column-kraters belonging to the same group (B62.43, B444; another attributed to the Haimon Group of similar date
Gorbunova 1982, 37, fig. b); most appear to be the hand of the dancers are again nude males in no particular setting
the KY Painter (e.g. B88.38; B73.245). Gorbunova attributes (B87.77; B88.39; Solovyov 1999, 92, fig. 88). Other examples
a fragmentary cup to the Manner of the KX Painter from the mid-late part of the century include an amphora
(B66.88; Fig. 21) (Gorbunova 1982, 37, fig. 1a), but Brijder attributed to the Group of Vatican G52 (B82), though
here the nude male in the company of a draped one may
be a runner, and the lower part of a dancer on the body
fragment of a closed vessel (B72.134).

Scenes of women’s lives are far less common at Berezan,

and in Archaic art in general. The female head between
eyes on one side of a type A cup, was attributed by Beazley
to the Logie Painter (ABV 203.3), but the significance
of the iconography remains uncertain 34. From Berezan
we fi nd at least three possible depictions of weddings.
The kithara-player performing on the fragment of a large
dinos or krater (B74.144; Fig. 22), and again on an amphora
from the third quarter of the 6th century BC (B70.140),
may indicate we are in the presence of divine or at least
mythological participants (ThesCRA 1, ‘processions’, 1–2,
Fig. 21. Komast Cup fragment (B66.88) 9–10; Bundrick 2005, 20; Oakley and Sinos 1993, 28–30).
The best preserved of the scenes is on the dinos or krater
fragment just mentioned, where the bride tugging her veil
believes it to be the work of the Painter of Copenhagen 103 and holding a wreath is just visible behind the groom, and
(Brijder 1983: no. K7). Regardless of painter, the standard attendants supporting baskets on their heads participate
iconography of the male reveller with exaggerated anatomy, in the procession. Finally, one of the more enigmatic and
dressed in a short red chiton, and slapping his bottom, is rare images in black-figure appears on a small oinochoe
easily recognised. No attributes are extant on the surviving discovered at Berezan. The place of manufacture of
fragments, but it can be assumed that at least some of the vase is not certain, and Cook has identified it as East
the dancers held drinking-horns in their hands (Smith
2000, 311–2). The subject continues to be chosen by black- Solovyov 2005, no. 104 (Fikellura), and no. 95 (Chian).
figure vase-painters, both in Athens and beyond, and is The iconography and composition are typical of the group
found at Berezan throughout the 6th century, including (ABV 203: ‘Group of Louvre F137’).

Black-Figure on the Black Sea: Art and Visual Culture at Berezan

Fig. 22. Dinos(?), wedding scene (B74.144) Fig. 23. Fragment of epinetron, charioteers (B68.79)

Greek (Cook and Dupont 1998, 119, fig. 16.1). Regardless, and ethnicity, subjects of relevance for a mixed cultural
the iconography deserves our attention. Two women are area such as Berezan 37. Greek pottery in general has
wrapped in a single cloak, while two males, one on either featured prominently in discussions of the settlement
side, look on. Such images have been variously interpreted, phases of the site, and in those concerned with colonial
and ours is perhaps a somewhat abbreviated version contacts around the Black Sea (e.g. Tsetsklhadze 1998).
of an event involving a greater number of participants. As well, shape seems to be as important a factor, if
A possible cult occasion seems as good an interpretation not more important than subject or style, in choosing
as any (Schauenburg 1976, 213–9). At the same time, one Athenian imports at Berezan and elsewhere 38 . While
wonders if such scenes might not be related in some way tedious arguments might be constructed to indicate
to textile production. In fact, fragments of two black-figure that the Archaic iconography here is unique, or at least
epinetra (or onoi), the knee and thigh cover used by women special in some regard, this would be both incorrect and
for working wool, have also been discovered at Berezan misleading. Parallels of shape and decoration are found at
(B66.94, B67.132, B68.79; Gorbunova 1982, 42, fig. 5; and nearby Olbia, and at Histria, to name but a few, as well
B68.78, 79; Gorbunova 1982, 43, fig. 6; Fig. 23)35. as at many Greek colonial sites outside the Black Sea
regions (Smith 2009). The variable quality of our fi nds
Archaic Visual Culture? might say more about what found its way to Black Sea
The imagery adorning the black-figure vases found sites (in this case via Ionia), than about the individuals
in the Berezan excavations reveals many of the subjects who used them once they arrived 39.
associated with both the time and the technique. Dividing
the discussion into the broad categories of animals and Finally, the study of Athenian vase-painting has greatly
monsters, gods and heroes, men and women has provided evolved since the time of Beazley and his contemporaries40.
a structure for our iconographic summary. At this point, Black-figure pottery manufactured both inside and outside
we might pause to ask some obvious questions. In studying Athens is far better studied and understood than ever before.
such an assemblage of Athenian black-figure imports (or any We are asking new and different question of the evidence
other), does Berezan differ from other Greek colonial sites with varying degrees of success. Connoisseurship and
around the Black Sea, or from those further afield? Would cataloguing are no longer considered ends in themselves,
these images be equally at home in Histria or Myrmekion? and we take a greater interest these days in the language
Sicily or Cyrene? And how do these finds contribute to and meaning of images. Recent work has been devoted
our discussion of Archaic visual culture? to collecting and reception, and with current cultural
property debates abounding, there is still much to be
Firstly, we must be reminded of the limitations of covered in these areas. Returning to Archaic visual culture,
the evidence. The majority of examples from Berezan are we can be certain that the iconography of vases alone
fragmentary, survive in generally poor condition, and do does have something, potentially a great deal to teach us
not represent the highest quality of Athenian black-figure about everyday concerns in a variety of contexts, from
available at any point of production. Secondly, our pottery the artisan’s workshop to the symposiast’s andron. But
certainly has, and should continue to be used as evidence for
dating, trading, function and/or status, as has been variously Hall 2002, 104–11. For Berezan in particular see Solovyov 1999,
suggested36. To this list might now be added acculturation 47–97, where he is interested in the issue throughout; Solovyov
2001; and also Shepherd 1999, for an intelligent discussion base
For this rather rare shape see ABV 480–1; Boardman 1974, on burial finds from Sicily.
191, with bibliography. Bouzek 1990, 89–8; Curry 2000; and see Rice 1987, 244–73.
36 39
Orton et al. 1993, 23–30; cf. Boardman 1999, 12–9, 239–45; Tsetskhladze 1998, 51–2; Boardman 1999, 242–5. On ‘visual
and Gorbunova 1973; 1982; Kopeikina 1986; Bouzek 1990, 45–7; colonialism’ and related issues see Mirzoeff 1998, 282–90.
Boardman 1999, 225–66, esp. 250; Smith 2009, for Berezan. Cf. note 3 above. See also Smith 2005.

T. J. Smith

just how this same iconographic evidence contributes to well attested, such as in Sicily, might also prove beneficial.
the discussion of identity and ethnicity is much more The portrayal of Scythians and Greeks – attested in only
a matter of debate. A careful analysis of form, function, one known example from the site (B78.97) – is in its own
find-spot and distribution would be necessary if we way telling, but adds little to this particular discussion.
would hope to shed light on any specific local or ethnic At the end of the day, these images and our endless methods
significance. Comparisons with other artistic media, or with of approaching them may say more about modern visual-
archaeological sites where Greek and native relations are cultural concerns than those of Archaic Berezan.

Borysthenes and Olbia:
Greeks and Natives Interactions on the Initial Stage of Colonisationon

Sergey Solovyov

The initial stage of Greek penetration into Scythia stemmed dish), accompanied by a number of North Ionian
covered from the middle up to the last quarter of bird bowls dating not earlier than 630 BC, and isolated
the 7th century BC. These chronological frames are finds of Protocorinthian pottery, that of Linear kotyle
determined by the first Greek imports found in the Northern dating to 650–630 BC, as well as hand-made local ceramics
Black Sea hinterland and by the foundations of Greek originated in the forest-steppe Scythia, those of tulip-shaped
set tlements in the coastal zone that more or less pots of Late Chyornyi Les culture, which were decorated
meets the information of ancient authors on the Greek with applied decoration separated by fi nger-prints with
colonisation of Northern Pontus (Vinogradov et al. 1990). punctures (Fig.2).
The archaeological evidence, which used to be associated
with this date, can be shared on two groups by their In turn, the Taganrog collection of 7th century Greek
provenance. One group includes the fi nds of archaic Greek imports mainly composes of several dozen shreds of East
pottery in the sites and tombs of indigenous population, Greek bird bowls and jugs (Kopylov and Larenok 1994).
which inhabited the steppe and forest-steppe zones of But we should not forget that this collection was mainly
Scythia. Other group embraces the Greek ceramic import formed of artefacts found on the sea shore. First attempts
of two coastal sites, those of on the Berezan Island and have just recently been made to investigate ancient cultural
on the coast of the Taganrog Gulf (Fig. 1). layers submerged by a sea (Dally and Larenok 2002).

A revision of archaeological evidence, which Berezan Meanwhile both imported and local pottery can not
provides, has definitely shown that relevant archaeological be a strong argument of Greek and Natives inhabitation
materials really consist of a very small group of painted before ca. 630 BC. Just in the following decades
Greek vessels (Solovyov 2007b, 38–40), which were mostly of the 7th century, pottery seems to reflect a time of
composed of SiA Id, by the classification of M. Kerschner comparative steadiness of the site as a trading emporium
and U. Schlotzhauer (2005), jugs and plates (so-called for the Northern Black Sea coast. The ways and reasons

Fig. 1. The map of the Northern Black Sea area: 1 – Greek and local sites; 2 – Scythian tombs with Greek
pottery of the 7th century BC

S. Solovyov

Fig. 2. Greek (Inv. B90.21, B172, B69.29, B254, B83.19, B451, B69.60) and local (Inv. B69.217) pottery of the first
stage of colonisation from Berezan

of Greek penetration into the Northern Black Sea now might specify the irregularity and the short duration of first
are mainly found out (Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1998; contacts between Greeks and Natives (Solovyov 1998, 208–12;
Tsetskhladze 1994, 1998; Solovyov 2007b; Domanskii, 2007, 41). They needed plenty of time for getting better
Marchenko 2007). In turn, the appearance of Scythians acquainted with each other. More than a quarter of the century
on the coast is also explained by the specific character has passed before the first traces of their permanent and
of their economy and the seasonal dependence of cattle joint residing on Berezan have appeared, which were those
breeding (Gavrilyuk 1999, 138–9). of the cultural layer and dwellings on the site, and burials
in the necropolis (Solovyov 1999, 3–4).
The recently made archaeometric analysis of Greek
pottery from Berezan provides some observations on ethnic On the basis of archaeological materials from Berezan
composition of traders and their trading habits. It turns out and other places in the Northern Pontic area, where Greeks
that late 7th century BC imported pottery was generally were active, one can be stated that the development of
dominated by South Ionian, mainly Milesian products, the coastal zone of the Black Sea-Azov basin could not been
while the market in the 6th century BC was dominated accomplished by ancient Greeks without their being well
by North Ionian products. The mutable partition between acquainted with geographical conditions, natural resources
South Ionian and North Ionian products can reflect a free and demography of colonised regions. The development was
market or can also indicate changes in the origin of probably accomplished by small groups of seafarers – adventurers
newly arrived settlers (Posamentir 2006a, 161–2, figs. 2–4; and traders, mostly Ionians. They were interested in new
Posamentir and Solovyov 2006, 127). sources of raw material, first of all cooper and iron, and,
probably, in obtaining foodstuffs for their home cities, which
Nevertheless, the small number and typological unvariety were burdened by internal social and economic problems
of Greek imports and handmade pottery of the 7th century and struggles against external enemies (Solovyov 2007b).

Borysthenes and Olbia

Contacts with local population of the Northern Black Greek merchants and tribal leaders of nomadic and
Sea littoral were undoubtedly an important part of semi-settled Scythians could have initiated this kind of
the colonisation process (Marchenko 2005c). Numerous interaction. To be successful, Greeks probably had to
archaeological data testify that the most simple and widely receive the approval of the local leaders. This could be
spread pattern of interactions was the accidental meeting of obtained in different ways: by providing occasional gifts,
Greek seafarers with nomads and semi-settled population, by making temporary agreements and by paying regular
who lived in the steppes and forest-steppe of Scythia, and tribute. The majority of 7th century Greek imports found
used water-meadows of Borysthenes and Hypanis, as well as in the Scythian burials must have been such gifts.
northern coast of Lake Maeotis, as winter pastures for their
cattle. Under favourable circumstances (such as peaceful Seasonal moorings were certainly erected at other coastal
and easygoing interactions; absence of external threat and points, protected from bad weather and the threat of sudden
mutual benefits) these casual meetings gradually developed attack. Most probably, these were the places, which were
into steady, regular, most likely seasonal contacts. The areas identified in the Greek peryploi of Pontus. By the end of
around Berezan (on the Northern Black Sea shore) and 7th and the early 6th centuries BC these locations began
Taganrog (on the northern coast of the Sea of Azov) became to be transformed into the stationary settlements with
the epicentres of such contacts (Solovyov 2004). mixed Greek and native population, which probably were
the archaeological sites on both banks of the Cimmerian
Without any doubt, the wide development of trade Bosporus, first of all those of Panticapaeum and Hermonassa
dominated in relations between Greeks and Natives in (Tsetskhladze 1997, 44–9, 55–7).
these places. The same could be inferred from handicraft
production, which initially also had a seasonal character. The last decade of the 7th century BC the appearance
The best example of such a seasonal craft site is at of first Greek settlements, properly trading stations or port-
Yagorlyk on the Dnieper delta not far from Berezan (Fig. 3). of-trades on the Northern Black Sea coast has cardinally
The remnants of temporary iron, bronze and glass-making changed the character of cultural interactions between
workshops, dated from the 7th century BC, have been Greeks and Scythians. Though the number and composition
found on the site (Ostroverkhov 1979). New evidences of of finds of the Greek pottery in hinterland have a little
bronze-making and pottery manufacturing workshops have changed in comparison with those of the previous stage, in
recently been uncovered on Berezan as early as the early turn the ceramic assemblages of coastal settlements became
6th century BC (Domanskii and Marchenko 2007). numerically significant and typologically various (Kopeikina

Fig. 3. The satellite view of the Dnieper-Southern Bug estuary

S. Solovyov

Fig. 4. The map and views of the Berezan Island

1986, 28–37). The main feature of the coastal settlements was built up by the dugout (subterranean) dwellings, which
became a mixture of the Greek and local traditions in all were made in accordance with the local house-building
their cultural variety. A vivid example is that of the Berezan traditions (Fig. 5). They were built half in and half out of
settlement (Solovyov 1999) (Fig. 4). the earth in an area occupying from 6 to 16 square meters.
These buildings were architecturally crude, characterised
The Berezan settlement, known in the ancient world by simplicity of construction and interior layout. The basic
initially by the name Borysthenes, was the fi rst link in distinction among dug-out constructions lies in the form
a chain of Greek city-states, which appeared on the northern of dwellings: the layout may be quadrangular, oval, or
coast of the Pontus in the Archaic period. Together with circular. The duration of their functioning averaged from
those other city-states, Borysthenes became an active 5 to 12 years. Nearly 250 such dwellings have been found
participant in the cultural and trading expansion of ancient up to the present time. It turned up that composition of
Greeks into the Northern Pontus, and in the transmission dwellings varied by different parts of the settlement (Fig. 6).
of Greek culture on the vast territory of forest-steppe and The North-western section was dominated by dug-outs of
steppe Scythia. Borysthenes became a powerful ‘magnet’, circular and oval layouts. In turn, the Eastern section was
drawing the representatives of indigenous population dominated by dug-outs of quadrangular shapes. The central
into its economic and political influence, also due to its area of the settlement was clear of domestic architecture in
advantageous position in the mouth of two major rivers that time, and likely was composed of household structures,
of Scythia, those of Borysthenes and Hypanis. Natives, in those of storage pits and dug-outs.
turn, left numerous traces of their presence in the material
and spiritual culture of Berezan. It was attested that the building practice of the fi rst
inhabitants of Berezan was determined mainly by local
The settlement was founded on a peninsula in full traditions of dug-out construction. Not only the morphological
conformity with the Greek colonial practice. However, indicators of the Berezan dug-outs show that, but also
during first three quarters of its existence the settlement the spatial arrangement of the settlement, which developed

Borysthenes and Olbia

Fig. 5. Archaic dug-out dwellings of the Berezan settlement

haphazardly, with no regulation of construction, and was On the whole, the statistic analysis of ceramic assemblages
shaped exclusively by the elementary rules of communal from Berezan dug-outs has shown that fragments of Greek
living and by the conditions of economic activity (Fig. 7). trade amphorae made up the largest part of finds (up to 80 %
Resting on dug-out construction, the urbanisation of of all pottery fragments). Leaving amphorae out of account,
the Berezan settlement could not be fully realized in the ratio of imported Greek ware to hand-made pottery was
principle (Sollovyov 1996). approximately 80 % to 20 %. In isolated instances the portion
of handmade pottery increased by 10–20 %.
Nevertheless, the strongest local tradition is attested by
handmade pottery, which composition consists of varied So, one can assume that certain particular features of
typological groups and represents a steady complex of the construction of dug-outs on Berezan, which at fi rst
various categories of vessels (Marchenko 1988; Senatorov glance appear accidental (especially, the three layout types
2005) (Fig. 8). First of all, it composes of coarse kitchen of dwellings, changes in the frequency of their occurrence
ware decorated with applied decoration separated by in separate areas of the settlement, and the apparent
fi nger-prints with punctures and tableware with incised absence of construction regulations in general), in fact
ornamentation, reflecting ceramic traditions characteristic directly reflected the diversity of the local culture. The fact
of forest-steppe Scythian cultures of the Early Scythian of this heterogeneity became clear primarily as a result
time. Another table pottery, which has polished surface of the observed combination of specific characteristics
decorated with both incised and combed ornaments, was of Berezan dug-outs with other features of daily life for
characteristic of the Kizil-Koba (or early Taurian) culture Berezan inhabitants. Most important in this regard was
in the Crimean peninsula, which dated, respectively, from the combination of dug-out features with the types of hand-
the 8th to the first half of the 6th century BC, and from made pottery widely used in everyday life and discovered
the second half of 6th to the first half of 4th century BC. in fill inside dug-outs (Fig. 9). It turned up that in places,
The appearance of such pottery on Berezan is dated as where circular dug-outs were concentrated, pottery related
early as the second quarter of the 6th century BC (Solovyov to that of the middle Dniester region, which seemed to be
1995). The coarse jars and bowls with fluted surface, which under the strong influence of Thracian culture, tended to
appeared on Berezan in the same time, attest the presence predominate. In parts of Berezan occupied by rectangular
of population whether derived from the Northern Thrace or and to some extent oval structures, a different type of
being strongly influenced by the Thracian culture. hand-made pottery predominated. This other type can be

S. Solovyov

Fig. 6. Dynamics of Berezan dug-outs varied by layouts

Fig. 7. Spatial organisation of dug-out construction on the Berezan settlement

Borysthenes and Olbia

Fig. 8. Archaic hand-made pottery of the Berezan settlement

Fig. 9. Composition of hand-made pottery from Berezan dug-outs varied by layouts

S. Solovyov

linked only to the pottery of the middle Dnieper region, 2008). One of the most notable features of such buildings
which was settled by forest-steppe Scythian tribes. is the stone basement arranged around all the sides of a pit
(Solovyov 1999, 59–63, figs. 43, 44, 46; 2008, figs. 1–4).
Cultural differences between the groups of natives, who The aboveground parts of the wall were constructed of
(willingly or unwillingly) ended up residing in the Lower mud bricks. The lower row of the masonry consisted of
Bug River region, can be seen not only in the type of large polygonal slabs placed sidewise. The dwelling was
dwellings or in ceramic assemblages, but also in other one-chambered; however, its interior space was divided
details of everyday life on Berezan (Solovyov 2005, 126–35). into two ‘halves’ with separate functions: living and food-
Particularly important in this regard are cult objects, types preparation areas, where stoves and hearths were located
of work tools, weapons, and adornments. All of those have (Fig. 10). Moreover, the inhabitants of the dug-out also used
been found in great quantities on Berezan, and the great of portable braziers. Finds from these buildings compose,
majority of which are linked to local cultures. The fi rst as usual, mainly of fragments of amphorae from various
craft workshops, which appeared on Berezan and in its manufacturing centres of Ionia and Greece. Both decorated
vicinities at the same time, made the bronze and iron and cooking pottery is well represented too.
products of local types.
Among numerous and diverse archaic burials in
Therefore, in my opinion, there is no doubt that most of the Berezan necropolis (Fig. 11) only few can be referred to
the more visible features of ancient Berezan culture during the first half of the 6th century BC. Mostly of them were
the first three quarters of the 6th century BC were rooted cremations and children’s interments in vases (Vinogradov,
in the local cultures of the northern Black Sea. However, it Domanskij 1996). At the same time, so appreciable absence
is also clear that some part of Berezan culture must have of a large number of early Greek graves can also specify
belonged to the Greek colonists, whose existence in this rather small share of Greeks among the fi rst settlers on
region is of course without doubt. Berezan. The necropolis materials attest that the quantity
of Greek colonists has sharply been grown in the second
It was the statistic analysis of ceramic assemblages from half of the 6th century BC. More than half burials were
dug-outs that has shown that the fragments of trade amphorae dated by that time.
from Klazomenai, Chios, Lesbos, and Miletus made up
the largest part of the numerous finds, followed by those of Depending on these cultural features of the Berezan
imported Greek ware. settlement during the first 60–70 years, its main function,
which was caused by interests of Greeks in trade with Natives,
The composition of Greek table pottery in that time was is defined as a trading-craft centre. Though, it is possible to
dominated by North Ionian production. It was noticed that speak with confidence, such interest was mutual.
this ceramic material showed a surprisingly limited variety of
shapes and the same time surprising amount of almost identical It is worth noting, when Greeks along with their trade
objects, and among them high number of ‘extraordinary’ shapes affairs have been engaged in a political arrangement of
such as askoi, alabastra, lydia, etc. On the whole the spectrum the Dnieper-Bug estuary coastal area (Solovyov 2001b),
of shapes is dominated by table amphorae, jugs, krateres, which was improbable without the consent of local
plates or stemmed dish, and drinking cups. The latter in turn tribal leaders, the Berezan settlement in short term was
compose of well-known types of the North Ionian area, such purposefully transformed into the typical Greek city and
as bird-, rosette-, meander-, lotus-, eye-, banded-ware and Borysthenes polis, in which non-Greeks formed the main
animal-frieze bowls. The South Ionian pottery of that time is part of rural population. These cardinal changes of
represented by the so-called Ionian cups and Fikellura pottery. architectural and cultural aspects of the Berezan settlement
It is worth noting that the Berezan settlement also became have taken place in the third quarter the 6th century BC.
one of the most important places of discovery for the Aeolian
dinoi of the so-called London Dinos Group (Posamentir 2006a, During a very short time the whole territory of the settlement
161–4, fig. 4, 10, 11). was built up with aboveground homes of generally Greek types.
As it has been established, this was preceded by preparatory
Other groups of Greek pottery compose of Early work to fill the dug-outs and storage pits, and to level
Corinthian aryballoi, kotylai and pyxides (Bukina), Chiot the surface of areas designated for aboveground construction
chalices and lekanai (Ilyina 2005), Clazomenian krateres (Solovyov 1999, 64–79).
and jugs (Ilyina), as well as of Attic black-figure vessels,
which earliest examples are dated to the first quarter The newly erected houses had an area of 120 to 260
of the 6th century, including the workshops of Sophilos, square meters and consisted of a few living and household
the Gorgon Painter, the Komast Group and the Polos Painter rooms that were grouped around an interior courtyard.
(Smith in this volume; Smith; Petrakova 2005). The overall Depending on their designated purpose, the rooms held
number of Athenian black-figure imports increases towards stoves, hearths, braziers, heating systems of a fireplace type,
the middle of the century. paving, and drains. In the courtyards, partially paved with
fragments of pottery and small stones, there were located
Probably, the first Greek settlers could use any part of wells, root cellars, altars, and drains. The houses were
the dug-out constructions as temporary dwellings (Solovyov most likely one-stored, although the wall construction of

Borysthenes and Olbia

Fig. 10. Berezan dug-out 41 of the second quarter of the 6th century BC

S. Solovyov

Fig. 11. The map of the Berezan necropolis excavated by G. L. Skadovskii (after Lapin 1966)

Borysthenes and Olbia

Berezan buildings would not prevent the construction of The area of such a block approached a half of acre. The size
a second floor. The quality of the construction work varied and placement of the blocks were regulated by a developed
and seemed to depend on the wealth of the home-owner. network of streets, which was evidently set up from
On the whole, construction techniques were of a fairly the beginning by an approximately regular plan. Regulation
high level. of the area of the settlement occupied by aboveground
buildings evidently did not extend to the outskirts, where
The architectural appearance of the Berezan houses right up to the beginning of the 5th century BC dug-out
indicates the urban character of construction. All the dwellings construction continued, although to a significantly lesser
were grouped in blocks of eight or more houses (Fig. 12). extent than before (Fig. 13). Only a very small number of

Fig. 12. The map of the Late Archaic residential area of Borysthenes

S. Solovyov

Fig. 13. Dynamics of residential construction in Berezan

the former dwellers of Berezan evidently remained living One further very important change of this time consisted
on the peninsula. These people were possibly involved in the fact that the spiritual life of Borysthenes inhabitants
in construction work at the new city or had some other now took on typically Greek characteristics. Primary among
relationship with the newcomers. these characteristics are traces of Greek cults. Attributable
materials, which were discovered in aboveground houses,
That the new settlers of Berezan possessed a political included remnants of fixed and portable altars, numerous
organisation of the polis type also seems difficult to graffiti on vessels, and dedications to various deities
doubt. By the end of the first third of the 5th century BC of the ancient Greek pantheon, cultic terracotta, stone
Borysthenes reached its greatest dimensions that it had statuettes, and stone and clay lamps. The single known cult
never attained before or since. The construction work on construction on the Berezan – the temple of Aphrodite – has
Borysthenes reached its peak, which undoubtedly gave it been erected at the same time (Nazarov 2001; Kryzhytskii
the characteristic features of a classical city. 2001). At that time were issued the first Borysthenes coins
(Solovyov 2006)), those were cast of bronze in shapes of
In the last quarter of the 6th century BC cardinal arrowheads and dolphins, and in shape of large segment
changes developed in practically the entire cultural combined images of both an arrowhead and a head of
sphere of the Berezan settlement (Solovyov 1999, 64–97). tuna. One of the earliest in the Northern Pontus jewellery
Substantive changes occurred in the composition of workshop with bronze punches has been revealed in Berezan
the ceramic complex of the settlement. Most significant (Treister and Solovyov 2004).
was the growth of wheeled pottery, both cooking and
table ware. From this time forward, most of this pottery The uncovered part of the Berezan necropolis mainly
consisted of products from Athenian workshops. Among belongs to the same time (Vinogradov and Domanskij 1996).
other shapes of the pottery stemmed cups taper off in In the second half of the 6th – the first half of the 5th century
quantity during the later years of the 6th and the early BC 90 % of burials were inhumations in simple funeral
years of the 5th centuries BC (Petrakova 2009), only to be pits with quadrangular or oval shapes. The skeletons found
replaced to some extent by skyphoi; lekythoi also increase in them mostly were laid extended on a back, oriented by
in popularity in the years around 500 BC (Smith). Attic a head, as a rule, to Northeast or Northwest. In this group
products gradually supplanted Ionian pottery in the daily 33 % of deceased were buried writhed and laid on a side. It is
life of Borysthenes’ citizens. Excluded from this process possible to attribute them with the indigenous population of
were of course the amphorae produced by Ionian potters. the Northern Pontic area, although the question on ethnicity
It is well known that wine was in huge demand in of writhed burials, which were recovered in the necropolis of
the marketplaces of the Northern Black Sea region, sought Ancient Greek cities, is still rather far from the final decision.
after by both Greeks and Natives. Besides the deceased in writhed poses, the rest bodies were
buried by Greek funeral rites. By the way, it is necessary to
The amount of hand-made pottery in the ceramic complex note that a location of the cemetery of indigenous population
of Berezan declined substantially in comparison with earlier keeps unknown.
times. In addition, the composition of such pottery also
changed: many specialised forms disappeared, but hand-made All those features, which earlier were proper to Berezan
imitations of Greek originals became frequent. (dugout constr uction, hand-made potter y, elements

Borysthenes and Olbia

of local cults), after that one can find in the culture their rural territories, as the agriculture was a necessary
of the Borysthenes agricultural population that was condition of independent existence of poleis, along with
heterogeneous and Hellenised. From that time the indigenous those of trade and craft.
population was mainly used in developing of agriculture
on Borysthenes chora. Natives, those of farmers and settled More than two hundred rural settlements from the earliest
nomads, being under the influence of Greek economy and colonisation period and a few hundreds of sites from later
policy, became dependent on the Greek community, which times have been surveyed, but only several sites have been
granted them lands on lease and allowed bartering at the city excavated (Kryzhitskii et al. 1990). Differences between
markets. Semi-dependence status of Natives is attested by the rural settlements of both poleis became apparent, first
archaeological data from chorai of Northern Pontic cities, of all, from the planning of the sites, the type of dwellings,
those mostly of Ionian. A form of non-economic coercion and the assemblage of hand-made pottery.
was slavery. The epigraphical evidence such as lead letters
from Berezan and Phanagoria (Vinogradov 1971; 1998) and The rural population of Borysthenes, coming mainly
Herodotus mention the slaves, most probably non-Greek by from the agricultural areas located between the Dniester
their origin, among the population of early Greek colonies and the Southern Bug Rivers, had a more homogeneous
in the Northern Pontic region. composition. The typical site of Borysthenes chora is
the Kutsurub settlement (Marchenko and Domanskii 1986;
The aspiration for marking the borders of the state 1991). Its features include those of the subdivision of
territory was realised by means of the creation of several the settled area into two zones – household and residential,
boundary sanctuaries (Buiskikh 2004), those of the sacred with the latter represented by scattered dugouts of
grove of Achilles in the Beykush settlement, the altars a mainly circular layout, and the stability of construction
of Heracles and Mother of Gods in Hylaia. The main of traditions. The material culture of the site is dominated
which most likely was that of the sanctuary of Apollo by the components characteristic of the middle Dniester
the Healer in Olbia, which at that time obviously was region, which seemed to be under the strong influence of
just the part of Borysthenes polis. Olbia was settled by the Thracian culture.
mixed population, both Greek and Natives, that is attested
by dug-out construction and handmade pottery discovered The population of the Olbia chora was heterogeneous,
in the settlement. However, owing to the social collisions, dominated by the immigrants from the forest-steppe
which have happened in Borysthenes, already at last quarter middle Dnieper region. The typical site of the Olbian rural
of the 6th century BC Olbia became an independent city- territory is the Staraya Bogdanovka settlement (Marchenko,
state (Solovyov 2001b). Domanskii 1981). The dynamic, intensive development of
house-building resulted here in quite a rapid replacement
In that time, after the arrival of a significant group of of big and small single-chamber dugouts and semi-dugouts
new colonists, this place became the centre for the worship by aboveground mud-brick and stone structures. Some
of Apollo Delphinion. The social conflict between the first of them, those of the very large farmstead and unique
settlers and the newcomers has become known in the form circular building, are still left without any parallels in
of a religious dispute between worshippers of Apollo material culture of the region. The Greek pottery from
the Healer and Apollo Delphinion. It has received mystical the settlement was characteristic of rural sites of the region,
reflection in the Apollo Didyma oracle found on Berezan but the typologically heterogeneous hand-made pottery
(Rusyaeva 1986). According to its contents, the recovery reflected the ethnic diversity of the local population, mainly
of social peace in the region was owed to Apollo. It was Scythians and Thracians.
reached due to the worship of both hypostasis of the god.
The territory of the polis was divided between the new Statistical analysis of dug-out construction and hand-made
city-states, which became those of Borysthenes and Olbia pottery from Berezan, supplemented by similar data from
(Solovyov 2001b). The confirmation of prosperity made by a series of other Late Archaic sites in the lower Bug River
officials was obviously that of permitting the equivalent region, demonstrates the significance of the correlation
circulation of different polis coin forms, which were those abovementioned (Fig. 14). The explanation of the facts can be
of ‘arrowheads’ and ‘dolphins’ probably authorised by found just in the course of Greek colonisation in the Northern
the temples of the two deities (Solovyov 2006). Black Sea area. The active and successful Greek economic
activities drew some groups of indigenous population from
The border between the two cities was probably the deep the forest-steppe Scythia into the process of occupying
Adzhigol Gully, with slopes used mainly as a pasture for the Lower Bug River region. Owing to certain features
small cattle and neat. Scythian nomads, which cemeteries of their culture (particularly in building practice and in
have been found out, settled this territory from the end of making and decorating hand-made pottery), the forest-steppe
the 6th century BC. Scythian groups were drawn mainly from two areas, those
of the middle Dniester and middle Dnieper regions.
In the second half of the 6th – the first third of
the 5th centuries BC the inflow of local population onto The culture of the nomadic Scythian population, which is
the territory of Borysthenes and Olbia did not weaken. Both also reflected in archaeological materials, probably comprised
city-states felt a need of manpower resources for developing a third component of indigenous culture. Owing to specific

S. Solovyov

Fig. 14. Share and composition of hand-made pottery in the Late Archaic sites of the Low Bug River area

characteristics of nomadic way of life, the steppe-Scythian very close to Greek colonies in the North-Western Black
culture was very heterogeneous and included components of Sea area. In that period of political and military instability
those cultures with which the nomads came into contact. in Scythia some portions of the urban, and possibly rural,
population of Borysthenes may have overflowed into Olbia.
At the end of the first third of the 5th century BC From that time decline of Berezan settlement has gradually
the cultural and historical situation in the Northern Black started. The later existence of ancient Berezan is the history
Sea region underwent fundamental changes because of an ordinary agricultural and fishing settlement not very
of the Scythian expansion to the west (Marchenko and visible against the background of other villages of Olbia
Vinogradov 1989). The areas of nomad activities have become polis, which obtained better fortune.

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Die Beziehungen zwischen Borysthenes, Olbia und Bosporos in der archaischen Zeit
nach den epigraphischen Quellen*

Sergej R. Tokhtasev

Mit diesem Vortrag möchte ich nochmals (vgl. Tokhtasev Dieses unbestreitbare Zeugnis von so frühen, direkten
1999a, 187–8; 2005, 7–12, 28–30) auf bestimmte schriftliche Beziehungen zwischen Borysthenes und Bosporos ermöglicht
Quellen und vor allem auf epigraphische Angaben über die die richtige Deutung einiger anderer Daten, die eigentlich
Beziehungen der bosporanischen Städte mit Borysthenes schon seit Jahren gut bekannt sind, doch bis jetzt nur wenig
(der Siedlung auf der Insel Berezan) und Olbia während und nicht genügend beachtet wurden.
der archaischen Zeit hinweisen.
2. Der Achilleuskult ist an der Schwarzmeerküste außer
1. 1998 publizierte Jurij G. Vinogradov einen auf ein in Olbia und Chersonesos3 nur am Bosporos bekannt. Nach
Bleitäfelchen geschriebenen Brief aus Phanagoreia, den Strabon [XI, 2, 6] befand sich das “Dorf Achilleion (
er überzeugend in das letzte Viertel des 6. Jh. v. Chr. NÊPK)..., in dem ein Heiligtum des Achilleus steht” am
datierte (genauer – etwa 530–510 v. Chr.) . Der Text lautet Maiotischen See, wo er in die Meeresenge übergeht4. Leider
folgendermaßen: ² SamM : RÃWRM {%RUXVT|QHRM {SUTK : ist Achilleion bisher archäologisch nicht entdeckt, und so kann
¶QRPD : D»WÐL : )DÆOOKM S…QWD : T|ORPHQ : [-5-6-]d">@TDL ,
man über den Beginn dieses Kultes am Bosporos nur nach
d.h. “Dieser Sklave wurde aus Borysthenes zum Verkauf indirekten Quellenangaben gewisse Schlüsse ziehen.
erworben, sein Name ist Phaulles. Wir wünschen alles
[…]en…”. Den terminus post quem gibt das Epitaphion CIRB
1059, das anscheinend in der Nekropole von Hermonassa
Man kann schwerlich vermuten, daß es in Borysthenes gefunden wurde und das, wie an anderer Stelle gezeigt wurde
damals einen Sklavenmarkt gab (wie etwa im hellenistischen (Tokhtas’ev 2005, 28–30), folgendermaßen rekonstruiert
Rhodos), zu den man speziell hinfuhr, um besonders werden muß: 3RO|P>DU@cRM ~VWKVHQ
wertvolle Sklaven zu kaufen. Im 6. Jh. v. Chr. gab es oder besser
$FLOOL>GHZ@ [vgl.
$FLOOHgGKM I.Priene 2661,
noch keine Märkte solcher Art. Falls Phaulles tatsächlich 2. Jh. v. Chr.]; “Polemarchos errichtete (dieses Denkmal) für
irgendwelche außerordentlichen Fähigkeiten besessen hätte Isokrates, den Sohn des Achilleides” (oder Achilleios). Die
(z.B. als ein hervorragender Handwerker, Musikant oder Stele ist verschollen, und die Wiedergabe der Inschrift in
wertvoller Paidagogos oder als Knabe mit glänzender der editio princeps von Ju. Ju. Marti erlaubt keine Datierung
Schönheit), wäre dies in dem Brief wohl auch angegeben nach paläographischen Besonderheiten. Doch die Bewahrung
worden. Andererseits war er sicher auch kein ganz des langen Diphthongs im Patronymikon (wie etwa in
gewöhnlicher Sklave, da man einen solchen ebenso gut
(IHVLK, s. weiter unten, (s. u., 4) verweist sie eindeutig in
auch in Phanagoreia oder anderswo in Bosporos hätte eine ziemlich frühe Zeit, d.h. in das 6. oder 5. Jh. v. Chr.5
kaufen können. Daher handelt es sich allem Anschein nach Die Personennamen, die von dem Heroennamen Achilleus
nicht um einen gewöhnlichen Ankauf, der während einer abgeleitet sind, erscheinen also vor der römischen Zeit außer
Geschäftsreise des Briefschreibers nur nebenbei getätigt in Berezan und Olbia6 nur in Hermonassa. Daraus geht hervor,
wurde. Vinogradov (1998, 162 ff.; 1999, 140 ff.) dachte
freilich, wohl richtig, an den Handelsagenten (vgl. T|ORPHQ) 3
Solomonik u.a. 1978, Nr. 388:
AFLOOH>m oder |>ZM (Ende des
eines bosporanischen Kunden. “Offensichtlich besaß der 5. Jh. v. Chr.), Nr. 389–402: $&, $& (4.–3. Jh. v. Chr.).
seinem griechischen Namen nach wohl im Herrenhaus Vgl. auch ebd. VII, 4, 5 (dieselbe Quelle); Ptol. Geogr. V, 9, 5
aufgewachsene und ausgebildete Sklave (4UHSW´M) besondere ({Sj WRÂ VW´PDWRM); Ps.-Arrian. 10r23-24; 16v15, Diller; St. B. s.v.
handwerkliche oder künstlerische Fähigkeiten, die die
Sklaven in der näheren Umgebung des Käufers nicht Die ältesten bisher bekannten Steininschriften aus Bosporos datieren
beherrschten… Ein unbekannter Phanagorite beauftragt fast ausschließlich in das 1. Viertel des 5. Jh. v. Chr. Älter sind nur
die sich nach Borysthenes begebenden Kaufleute, einen zwei Inschriften – ein Grabstein aus Korokondame (Tsetskhladze
Sklaven mit besonderen Fähigkeiten zu erwerben, wofür er and Kondrashev 2001, 348–9, № 1, fig. 2, mit falschen Lesung
ihnen einen Vorschuß und/oder ein Pfand zahlte; nach ihrer und Datierung; Agafonov 2004, 22–3: VWOK HfPL 0KW>; um
Heimkehr forderten die Händler ihn dann auf, sämtliche 550–525 v. Chr.) und eine Votivinschrift CIRB 1234 (wahrscheinlich
Kosten zu begleichen” (Vinogradov 1999, 140 ff.). aus Hermonassa oder Phanagoreia), die leider längst verlorengegangen
und nur nach einem alten Stich bekannt ist (s. CIG II 2133 =
* Diese Artikel wurde mit der Unterstützung der Russischen IGA 350 = IOSPE II 469; vgl. Tolstoj 1909); die Buchstabenformen
humanistischen wissenschaftlichen Stiftung (RGNF) abgefaßt ( , ⊕, +) weisen auf das 6. Jh. hin.
(Projekt Nr. 04 – 01– 00508а: “Klassische Epigraphik des 6

$FLOO´GZURM, Verfasser des berühmten Bleibriefes um 500 v. Chr.:
Bosporos”). Vinogradov 1971, 97; Dubois 1996, Nr. 23; vgl. auch Tokhtasev
Vinogradov 1998, 160 ff. Nr. 3 [= SEG XLVIII 1024]; s. auch in: Solovyov 2005, 142 ff., Nr. 269 (leider mit Druckfehlern), mit
Vinogradov 1999, 140 ff. einer Photographie. Ein anderer Achillodoros ist aus einer olbischen
Vinogradov: [FU£ ? „SR]d>´V@TDL “We wish all (debts?) to be paid” Fluchtafel aus der ersten Häfte des 4. Jh. v. Chr. bekannt, s. Tolstoj
bzw. “Wir wollen, daß die ganze (Schuld)summe ausgezahlt wird”. 1953, Nr. 63 (= Dubois 1996, Nr. 105).

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daß der Kult des Heros auf der asiatischen Seite des Bosporos Berezan entdeckt wurde. Es lautet:
$SDW´UKM (gen. fem.;
spätestens seit dem 5. Jh. v. Chr. existierte. Abb. 1). Nach der Meinung der meisten Forscher stellt
dieses Graffito eine Weihung an Aphrodite dar, die unter
Alkaios gibt in seiner Hymne auf Achilleus [Fr. 354 demselben Epithet, nur in einer anderen Form, nämlich als
[Z 31] Lobel – Page] dem Heroen das Epitheton “Herrscher
$S…WRXURM9 am Bosporos verehrt wurde [Strabo XI, 2, 1010].
des skythischen Landes”, der seine Macht beinahe über die In den frühen bosporanischen Inschriften wird sie hingegen
gesamte nördliche Schwarzmeerküste ausbreitete. Alkaios
war möglicherweise bekannt, daß Achilleus nicht nur auf
Leuke und in Borysthenes, sondern auch am anderen
Ende Skythiens, am Bosporos, verehrt wurde. In diesem
Fall erhalten wir einen anderen terminus post quem: die
ersten Jahrzehnte des 6. Jh. v. Chr., d.h. die Zeit der ersten
Koloniegründungen am Bosporos.

Man kann heute kaum daran zweifeln, daß gerade die

Bewohner von Borysthenes und Olbia, die Hauptverehrer
des Achilleus am Schwarzen Meer, seinen Kult auf der Insel
Leuke gründeten; die zahlreichen Achilleus-Heiligtümer
auf dem gesamten Territorium der olbischen Polis müssen
als Filialen dieses zentralen Heiligtums betrachet werden
(Latyschev 1887, 61; Okhotnikov und Ostroverkhov 1993,
106; Bravo 2001, 242). Unter diesen Umständen kann der
bosporanische Kult wohl als ein Beweis für die kulturellen
Beziehungen zwischen Borysthenes bzw. Olbia und
Bosporos gelten. Ebenso darf man wohl auch das frühe
Auftreten des Achilleuskultes in Chersonesos (s. o.) erklären
(vgl. Solomonik 1976, 135).

Achilleion befand sich höchstwahrscheinlich dort,

wo die Landzunge Chuschka beginnt. Es ist sicher kein
Zufall, daß auch einige andere olbische Heiligtümer
für Achilleus, wie Bejkusch und Tendra (das Achilleos
dromos der Antike) ebenfalls auf Landzungen lagen. Ein
gewisser Dionysios von Olbia, der nur aus den Scholien zu Abb. 1. Graffito aus Borysthenes $3$725+6
Apollonios aus Rhodos [II, 658] bekannt ist, schrieb sogar, (Hermitage, St. Petersburg Inv. Nr. B108)
daß “die breiten Landzungen als Laufstrecken des Achilleus
bezeichnet wurden” (WˆM H»UHgDM ¨´QDM O|JHVTDL
GU´PRXM)7. Möglicherweise wollte man damit die Lage des mit “Aphrodite Urania, Herrscherin (des Heiligtums)
Hauptheiligtums auf der einsamen und menschenleeren Apaturon” (
Insel gewissermaßen nachbilden. Übrigens befand sich das CIRB 1111 u.a.) angeredet. Daher kann die Kurzform des
Achilleusheiligtum bei Sigeion in der Troas, wo Achilleus Epithets nichts anderes als ‘die Apaturische’, ‘von Apaturon’
auch gefallen sein soll und wo man auch seinen Grabhügel bedeuten (s. bereits Tolstoj 1909, 219); vgl. z.B. =HÂ…
zeigte [Strabo XIII, 1, 32] ebenfalls auf einer Landzunge. 'ZGZQDmH neben 'ZGÊQKM PHG|ZQ 3 233 ff. Eine andere
Es muss berücksichtigt werden, daß die Griechen überhaupt Kürzung des umfangreichen Epithetons ist in einer späteren
gern extraurbane Heiligtümer auf Kaps errichteten, z.B. den Weihinschrift aus Hermonassa (?) CIRB 1045 (105/4 n. Chr.)
Poseidontempel in Sunion, die Tempel des Apollon Delphinios zu finden: >
$SDWRXUL…GL (wie .XTKUL…M usw.).
und der ephesischen Artemis in Massalia (s. u., 4). Somit ist bewiesen, daß der Kult ursprünglich ein lokaler
bosporanischer war (Tokhtasev 1999a, 187 f.; ders. in
3. Als Beleg für Einflüsse des Bosporos auf Borysthenes Solovyov 2005, 136). Apaturon dürfte nur eine gräzisierte
im religiösen Bereich ist ein Graffito zu werten, das auf dem Form eines einheimischen (sindischen) Ortsnamens sein, was
Boden einer schwarzglasierten Kylix (etwa 450–425 v. Chr.) sich auch über eine Kultstätte einer einheimischen Göttin
aufgetragen ist8, die bei Ausgrabungen der Nekropole von denken läßt (Tokhtasev 1984, 141, Anm. 26).

Diese Nachricht hat natürlich nicht mehr Wert, als die Aussagen 9
Die Varianten
$SDWR ¼ UK und
$S…WRXURM erklären sich
des antiken Lexikographen, der Begriff %´VSRURM (eigentlich durch ihre jeweilige Zugehörigkeit zu Adjektiva mit 3 bzw. 2
E´VSR U R M) bedeute allgemein ‘Meeresenge’ (s. Et. M. s.v. Endungen.
Eine ganz falsche Deutung dieses Zeugnisses schlugen L. Dubois
s. dazu Tokhtasev 1999a, 86. (1996, zu Nr. 75) und Ju. G. Vinogradov (2000, 326; 2002, 18,
Tolstoj 1953, Nr. 78 (= Dubois 1996, Nr. 75); vgl. Yajlenko 1980, Anm. 51) vor; s. Tokhtasev 1999a, 188 mit Anm. 78; Finogenova
89, Nr. 15; Photographie: Solovyov 2005, 136, Nr. 258. und Tokhtasev 2003, 87, Anm. 5.

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Allerdings ist es auch nicht ausgeschlossen, daß

ein Frauenname ist, nämlich der der Besitzerin dieser Kylix.
Doch auch ein solcher Anthroponym wäre auf jeden Fall
von dem Epitheton der Göttin abgeleitet11. Wie dem auch
sei, er stellt in jedem Fall einen Beweis für einen kultischen
Einfluss des Bosporos auf Borysthenes oder sogar auf ganze
olbische Polis (s.u.) dar.
Abb. 3. Weihgraffito aus Borysthenes (Museum der
A. S. Rusyaeva (1992, 103; 102, Abb. 31: 5) will Naturkunde, Ukrainische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
einen weiteren Beleg des Kultes der Aphrodite Apaturos Kiev; nach Yajlenko 1982, 225, Abb. 100)
in einem Graffito auf dem Rand eines schwarzglasigen
Skyphos des 1. Viertels des 5. Jh. v. Chr. aus Olbia sehen:
>@7+>@A " 725+>@ (oder +,>), das folgendermaßen
ergänzen werden soll:
$S@aW´UK> L 12. Wenn
diese Rekonstruktion richtig ist (was ohne Autopsie der
Scherbe nicht nachprüfbar ist), so muß man
$SDW´UK aus
Berezan sicher als Beiname der Aphrodite auffassen.

4. Auf dem Griff eines Bronzesiebes für Wein (œTP´M,

infundibulum) aus dem dritten Viertel des 6. Jh. v. Chr.,
das auf der Akropolis von Pantikapaion entdeckt wurde, ist
folgende Widmung eingraviert: 6ÐQ
(IHV>LKL (oder
HgKL@) (Abb. 2)13. In der Zeit von Leukon I. (und zwar etwa

Abb. 2. Votiv des Son aus Pantikapaion (Museum der

bildenden Künste, Moskau; nach Trejster 1990)

370–360 v. Chr.) und Pairisades I. (344/3–311/10 v. Chr.)

datieren noch zwei weitere Weihinschriften für die Ephesische
Artemis aus Pantikapaion: >
(IHVHgKL (CIRB 6a)14, bzw.

(IHVHgKL (ebd. 11), sowie eine aus Gorgippeia aus
der zweiten Hälfte des 4. Jh. v. Chr.: >
(ebd. 1114). Dazu kommen noch das Weihgraffito aus dem Abb. 4. Graffito aus Kerkinitis
5. Jh. v. Chr. >
(IH>V@, gefunden in Borysthenes (nach Kutajsov 1992; 2002)
(Yajlenko 1982, 225, Abb. 100; 290, Nr. 100 = SEG XXXII
741; hier Abb. 3), und auch eine aus Kerkinitis, etwa aus
der gleichen Zeit:
(IHVLK und
(IHV>LKL@ Weihinschrift an Artemis Epheseie auf einem Bronzeleuchter
(Kutajsov 1992, 46, Photographie; ders. 2002, 85; 273, Abb. 70: bekannt (Abb. 5), der in Moldawien (Oloneşti) als Teil eines
1–2; 275, Abb. 72: 1–2; hier Abb. 4). Schließlich ist noch eine Schatzfundes aus der zweiten Hälfte des 4. Jh. v. Chr. entdeckt
wurde (Sergeev 1966, 133 f., Abb. 3; Lesung S. Ja. Luria und
Die von den Götterepitheta abgeleiteten Namen sind schon seit T. S. Kaukhchischvili); das Weihgeschenk selbst soll ungefähr
archaischer Zeit belegt, s. Bechtel 1917, 569 ff. synchron mit dem Sieb aus Pantikapaion sein. Die Inschrift
Nach Rusyaeva, die (wie auch viele andere) nicht erkannt hat, ist aber paläographisch kaum vor den Anfang des 5. Jh. zu
$S…WRXURM (bzw.
$SDW´UK) nur eine Ableitung von einem datieren:
(IHVLK C+JQDVVD › /¼NZQRM (Abb. 6).
$S…WRXURQ ist, handelt es sich angeblich um eine Leider ist der Herkunftsort unbekannt, am ehsten aber darf
ionische Apaturiengottheit. man Olbia oder eher Nikonion vermuten15. Das entscheidende
Die Lesung von N. P. Rozanova mit Korrektur von Ju. G. Vinogradov
(1997, 505), s. Treister 1990, 37 ff. mit Lit. G. P. Sergeev (1966, 134) vermutete, daß der Leuchter aus dem
Zur Lesung und Datierung s. Tokhtasev 2005, 7 ff.; 2004, 157 ff.; ephesischen Artemision stammen könnte, was aber, wie unten
2006, 24 ff.; Zavoikin 2004, 150 ff. gezeigt werden wird, auszuschließen ist.

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war, wurde deutlich, daß er ebenfalls eine Herkunft dieser

Weihgabe aus dem nordpontischen Raum vermutete.

Ich habe schon an anderer Stelle vermerkt (Tokhtasev

1999a, 168, Anm. 8; 2005, 11), daß die starke Verbreitung des
Kultes der Artemis Epheseie im nördlichen Pontosgebiet der
Hypothese von N. Ehrhardt (1983, 155) und M. Ju. Trejster
(1990, 41 ff.), der ihm darin folgt, widerspricht, nach
welcher ihr Kult nach Pantikapaion während der ersten
Etappe der Kolonisation von den Milesiern oder eher von
späteren Epoikoi aus Ephesos (um 540 v. Chr., laut Treister)
gebracht worden sei. Nach einer eingehenden Untersuchung
dieses Problems kam ich zu folgenden Ergebnissen
(Tokhtasev 2005, 7–12): Diese besondere Variante der
Epiklese der Artemis von Ephesos, die hinsichtlich ihrer
Wortbildung für Götterepitheta außerordentlich selten
und im Vergleich mit dem traditionellen
(IHVgK ganz
unerwartet ist, hat einst in der Antwort eines Orakels auf
die Anfrage eines Bewohners einer nordpontischen Kolonie
oder einer Gruppe aus der Metropolis, die sich gerade für
das Kolonisationsunternehmen vorbereiteten gestanden.
(IHVLK als auch
(IHVHgKL kann, im Unterschied
(IHVgK, gut in einen Hexameter eingefügt werden, d.h.
in die übliche Versform eines Orakels. Folglich kann das
ungewöhliche Suffix des Epithetons mit der metrischen Form
seiner Quelle erklärt werden (vgl.
(I|VHLD bei Sophokles,
o. Anm. 16, und
(IHVLD (JU…PPDWD bei Anaxilas, PCG I
Abb. 5. Bronzeleuchter aus Oloneşti (nach Sergeev 18, S. 285). Wegen der Autorität des Orakels hat sich dieses
1966, 134, Abb. 3) Epitheton in der Kultpraxis irgendeines nordpontischen
Zentrums eingebürgert und sich von dort aus samt dem
Kultus schließlich in den anderen dortigen ionischen
Kolonien verbreitet. Da uns nun ganz zuverlässig bekannt
ist, daß Wechselwirkungen solcher Art im Pontosraum
schon während der archaischen Zeit bestanden haben, ist
nur noch das Problem zu lösen, aus welchem nordpontischen
Zentrum dieser Kult stammte. Leider ist hier, im Gegensatz
zu Achilleus und Aphrodite Apaturos, die Situation nicht
so sicher entschieden, wobei die Weihung aus Gorgippeia
zusätzliche Fragen aufkommen läßt.
Abb. 6. Weihinschrift auf einem Bronzeleuchter aus
Oloneşti (nach Sergeev 1966, 134, Abb. 3) 4.1. Bekannterweise wurde Gorgippeia unter Leukon I.
an der Stelle des alten Sindikos Limen gegründet, das
seinerseits ein Ergebnis der sog. inneren Kolonisation
Argument dafür ist die charakteristische Form des Epithetons, bereits in archaischer Zeit darstellte [s. Ps.-Skymn. 887 ff.
die außerhalb des nördlichen Pontosgebiet nirgends zu finden Diller = F 17b Marcotte und unten]. Daraus entsteht nun ein
ist. Sowohl auf Inschriften als auch in literarischen Quellen Dilemma: Der Kult der Ephesischen Artemis kam vielleicht
lautet der Beiname der Göttin
(IHVgD K ‘ephesisch, von erst nach der Gründung Gorgippeias von den bosporanischen
Ephesos’ und stellt also das normale Adjektiv mit dem Tyrannen aus Pantikapaion; es ist aber auch nicht völlig
universalen Suffix L¬ aus dem Stadtnamen v(IHVRM (wie auszuschließen, daß er bereits den früheren Einwohnern
Artemis 'KOgD aus '£ORM usw.) dar.
(IHVLK (< *
(IHVKLD) von Sindikos Limen bekannt war, welche diesen von ihrer
aber muss als etwa ‘aus Ephesos stammend’ (als Ethnikon – bosporanischen Mutterstadt ererbt hatten.
‘Ephesierin’16) aufgefaßt werden.
Ps.-Skymnos gibt – mit wenigen Ausnahmen – oft recht
Bei der Besprechung des Problems mit Ju. G. Vinogradov ausführliche Angaben über die jeweiligen Metropolen, aber
während unseres letzten Treffens auf der Konferenz in zu Sindikos Limen schreibt er lediglich: “die Bevölkerung
Güzelçamlı (Türkei, August 1999), die dem 100jährigen besteht aus Griechen, die aus den am nächsten gelegenen
Jubiläum der deutschen Ausgrabungen in Milet gewidmet Orten hierhergekommen sind” (… ~FZQ RfNWRUDM /
u(OOKQDM „S· WÐQ {JJ¿M žNRQWDM W´SZQ). Die Deutung
(I|VHLD ‘Ephesierin’ im Drama „Alexandros“ von dieses Satzes wird dadurch erschwert, daß er im gesamten
Sophokles [TGF IV 97]. Text des Periplus keine Parallele hat. Einerseits fehlt

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der Name der Metropolis, andererseits aber gibt er ein 898 D. = F 17a Marc.; Plin. n. h. VI, 18] Kepoi als
recht konkretes Detail: die Kolonisten kamen aus den unmittelbare Quelle des Artemis-Kultes in Sindikos Limen
“am nächsten gelegenen Orten”. Wahrscheinlich wollte zu denken sein dürfte.
Ps.-Skymnos damit sagen, daß die Gründung von Sindikos
Limen ein Gemeinschaftunternehmen mehrerer Poleis Aber nach der Meinung von A.A. Zavojkin, der vor
gewesen sei, wobei seine Quelle allerdings die Namen kurzem alle veröffentlichte archäologische Materialien
derselben verschweigt (an anderen Stellen werden bei aus den ältesten Schichten des Sindikos Limen revidierte,
Ps.-Skymnos die Metropoleis solcher Städte immer genannt, wurde es nicht im letzten Viertel, sondern um die Mitte
vgl. z.B. zu Chersonesos, 826 ff. D. = F 12, 7 ff. Marc.: des 6. Jh.v.Chr. gegründet, d.h. nur 20–30 Jahre später
Herakleoten und Delier). Tatsächlich verfügte der Autor als Hermonassa und Kepoi (und etwa gleichzeitig mit
nicht immer über ausreichende Quelleninformationen zur Phanagoreia). Daraus ist mit Zavojkin (1998, 143 ff.; 2002,
asiatischen Seite des Bosporos. So nennt er (im Gegensatz 96 f.) zu schließen, daß es sich sowie bei Ps.-Skymnos,
zu Phanagoreia, Kimmeris und Kepoi: 885–898 D. = als auch bei Mela nicht um Anapa-Siedlung handelt,
F 17a, b Marc.) auch nicht die Gründer von Hermonassa. Der sondern um Gorgippeia, die man bekanntlich in der
Ausdruck “aus den am nächsten gelegenen Orten” kann noch Fremde gewöhnlich mit den vorigen Namen, Sindikos
nicht einmal die Frage beantworten, ob die Leute von der Limen, benannt. Der Artemis-Kult in Gorgippeia muß also
asiatischen oder europäischen Seite der Meerenge stammten offensichtlich pantikapäischer Herkunft sein.
(übrigens darf man solche Angaben nicht unbedingt von einem
antiken Autoren erwarten, da sie für ihn sehr viel weniger 4.2. Nach Strabon [IV, 1, 4] haben die Phokäer, als
relevant waren als sie es heute für uns sind). Die parallele sie in den Westen umsiedelten, ein Orakel erhalten, einen
Stelle bei Pomponius Mela [I, 111] gibt aber ausdrücklich Wegweiser “von der ephesischen Artemis” mit sich zu
an, daß die Gründer von Sindikos Limen Bewohner der nehmen, d.h. eine Nachbildung der Kultstatue, die in
Siedlungen an der asiatischen Seite des Bosporos waren: Ephesion bewahrt wurde. Die Phokäer weihten ihr bei der
Sindos in Sindorum (Sindonum Hss.) (sc. finibus) ab ipsis Gründung von Massalia einen speziellen Tempel
terrarum cultoribus condita est17. Es ist kennzeichnend, neben dem Heiligtum des phokäischen Hauptgottes Apollon
daß auch hier die Metropolis (Metropoleis) nicht genannt Delphinios20. Diese Göttin war in Massalia und später in
wurde(n), wobei eine gemeinsame Quelle des Mela und des ihren Kolonien zusammen mit dem delphinischen Apollon
Ps.-Skymnos wegen des Unterschiedes der Namenformen die am meisten verehrte Gottheit. Da ihr Kult von den
(Sindos – Sindikos Limen) ausgeschlossen ist. Massalioten in ihre Kolonien nach Iberien gebracht wurde,
verbreitete er sich sogar unter den Iberern [ebd. IV,
Nach den Angaben von E. M. Alekseeva (1990, 23) 1, 5]. Eine Filiale des zentralen Tempels entstand an der
wurde die Stadt in der zweiten Hälfte des 6. Jh. v. Chr. Rhodanos-Mündung [ebd. § 8].
gegründet („eher im letzten Viertel“). Somit kommen als
Gründer von Sindikos Limen wahrscheinlich nur Einwohner den ionischen Buchstaben geschrieben sind (s. Schelov-Kovedyaev
von Hermonassa und Kepoi in Frage: beide Städte wurden 1991, 269 ff.), wie auch ein Bleibrief aus der 1. Hälfte des 5. Jh.,
bereits im zweiten Viertel des 6. Jh. v. Chr. (am nächsten der 2000 gefunden wurde (s. Finogenova 2005, 439, Abb. 3: 4) und
um 580–570) gegründet18 ; ein Anteil von Phanagoreia, den ich nun zur Publikation vorbereite. Die ältesten Steininschriften
das von den Teiern erst um 545 v. Chr. gegründet wurde aus dem 5. (CIRB 1059, s. o., 2) und aus der 1. Hälfte des 4. Jh.
[Ps.-Skymn. 885 ff. D. = F 17b Marc.; Arrian. Bith., (CIRB 1037, 1056; Tokhtasev 2002, 81 ff., Nr. 1) sind auch ionisch
FGrHist 156 F 71], ist fraglich, da diese Stadt zumindest (vgl. Schelov-Kovedyaev 1991, 268 ff.). Vgl. aber C,VWgD (Schelov-
bis zum ersten Viertel des 5. Jh. selbst dringend Siedler Kovedyaev 1991, 268, Nr. 3; 275, Abb. 3, ionisches Alphabet; oder
benötigte (Dolgorukov 1990, 31 ff.). Eine Votivinschrift eine Abkürzung des C,VWLD gR ?). Ju. G. Vinogradov edierte in einem
CIRB 1040, die höchstwahrscheinlich aus Hermonassa posthum publizierten Artikel (2002, 15, leider ohne Abbildung) ein
stammt, bestätigt die Existenz eines Artemisheiligtums um Graffito um 480 v. Chr., das schon im Altertum von einem neuen
Mitte des IV. Jh. v. Chr.: >„Q|TKNHQ@ ‡JDOPD eHUZP|QK Besitzer stark ausgeschabt wurde; Vinogradov las den Text wie

$U>W|PL GL @; V. V. Schkorpil (1913, 63, Nr. 1) hat in der folgt:

Lücke das Epitheton
(IHVHgKL ergänzt (dabei sind ihm die letzte Form (und vermutlich auch die vorletzte) sei aiolisch
die Herausgeber des CIRB gefolgt), was zwar tatsächlich (genauer – literarisch-lesbisch aber auch homerisch; = {NO|JHLM),
willkürlich erscheinen mag, doch im Licht der oben die beiden ersten aber sind sicher ionisch (zu
angestellten Überlegungen durchaus sinnvoll ist. Zugleich Tokhtasev 2004, 154, Anm. 39); so handele es sich angeblich um
muß man aber in Betracht ziehen, daß Hermonassa eine eine Dialektmischung. Oder ist {NO|JHVVTD>L@ zu ergänzen? Ein
mytilenische [Arrian. ebd.], wenn auch sehr früh ionisierte weiteres Graffito aus Hermonassa ,28./($6, das von Vinogradov
Gründung ist19, so daß eher an das milesische [Ps.-Skymn. (1983, 369, Anm. 20) als aiolisch interpretiert wurde (angeblich eine
Kürzung des *
,RXORNO|DM; nach ihm Schelov-Kovedyaev 1991,
Dazu ausführlich Tokhtasev 2001, 71 ff., wo auch die Notwendigkeit 271; Avram et al. 2004, 945), hat mit dem Problem offensichtlich
einer Emendation Sindorum aufgezeigt wird. nichts zu tun (s. Tokhtasev 2000, 136 f.: zu lesen
,TXNO|DM; der
Hermonassa: s. zuletzt Finogenova 2005, 422 ff.; Kepoi: Kuznetsov Mann selbst stammte aus Boiotien oder aus Megara); vgl. auch
1991a, 36–52; 1991b, 34. Vinogradov und Tokhtasev 1998, 40, Anm. 45.
19 20
Dafür sprechen die verhältnismäßig zahlreichen Graffiti des 5.– Ausführliche Analyse des Zeugnisses von Strabon s. Malkin
4. Jh. v. Chr., die im ionischen Dialekt (.DOOgKM, >C,@sWLDgR) und mit 1987, 69–72, 119.

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Von dem Fundort des oben erwähnten (4) Siebes aus Artemis und der Aphrodite Apaturos blieben ebenfalls
Pantikapaion wäre zu schließen, daß sich auf der Akropolis eine nordpontische Besonderheit. Über die Gr ünde
von Pantikapaion in archaischer Zeit neben dem Heiligtum dafür kann man letztendlich nur spekulieren, aber
des Hauptgottes Apollon Ietros auch das der Ephesischen unter Berücksichtigung der in der Antike (und nicht
Artemis (falls ein solches überhaupt existiert hat, s.u.) nur damals) engen Verf lechtung von Religion und
erhoben haben könnte (Tolstikov 1984, 44–6 und u. Anm. 42). Politik darf man annehmen, daß es sich – unabhängig
Besitzt die verlockende Vermutung, daß die Ephesische von ihrer Herkunft – tatsächlich um indirekte Angaben
Göttin ebenfalls die Gründer von Pantikapaion anführte über politische Beziehungen zwischen den Poleis an der
(vgl. Ehrhardt 1983, 155) und daher ihr Kult in Gorgippia aus nördlichen Pontosküste handelt.
Pantikapaion stammen könnte, ausreichende Begründungen?
Man muss zugeben, daß die topographische Nähe zwischen
dem Fundort des Weinsiebes und dem Tempel des Apollon
Ietros in Pantikapaion auch eine ganz andere Erklärung
haben könnte, nämlich daß der Kult der Ephesischen Artemis
in archaischer Zeit innerhalb des Heiligtums des Apollon,
ihres Bruders, existierte. Der Altar der Ephesischen Artemis
mit der Inschrift CIRB 6a könnte auch im Heiligtum des
Apollon Ietros gestanden haben. Die späteren Belege des
Artemiskultes, die auch auf der Akropolis nahe beieinander
gefunden wurden 21, helfen hier auch kaum weiter. Ein
bei den Ausgrabungen von V. P. Tolstikov entdecktes
Monumentalgebäude in der Nähe des Tempels des Apollon,
das er in Zusammenhang mit diesen Zeugnisse gebracht hat
und es als ein Heiligtum der Artemis-Hekate interpretierte
(Tolstikov 1987, 90 mit Anm. 10; 106; Treister 2000, 44 mit
Anm. 48), wurde erst in der hellenistischen Zeit errichtet.

5. Das ursprüngliche Zentrum des Kultus der Artemis

Epheseie könnte nur durch neue archäologische und
epigraphische Funde bestimmt werden. Das Problem ist
jedoch von eher spezieller Bedeutung. Wichtiger ist, daß
die kulturellen Kontakte zwischen den ionischen und vor
allem milesischen Kolonien des nördlichen Pontosgebietes
schon während der archaischen Zeit bestanden. Handelte
es sich vielleicht um eine gewisse Form von Kontinuität,
die sowohl von der gemeinsamen ionischen Herkunft
bedingt war als auch von den jeweils ununterbrochenen
Beziehungen zur Metropolis? Tatsächlich könnte diese
gemeinsame Grundlage die Bildung von Elementen einer
kulturellen Koine in der Geisteskultur der verwandten
Poleis stimuliert haben. Dennoch fi nden sich bis zur
Kaiserzeit weder im Westen 22, noch im Osten und auch
nicht im südlichen Pontosgebiet irgendwelche Spuren
eines Achilleuskultes. Wenn wir uns indessen erinnern,
daß er seit Ende des 5. Jh. v. Chr. auch im dorischen
Chersonesos bezeugt ist, so darf man auch nicht außer
Acht lassen, daß die Gemeinde der Polis Chersonesos
von Anfang an einen nicht unbedeutenden ionischen
Bestandteil enthielt 23. Die Verehrung der Ephesischen

Weihung an die “Hekate, Herrin von Sparta”, CIRB 22 aus dem
3. Jh. v. Chr. und eine andere von König Pharnakes an Artemis
Symbulos (?) CIRB 28.
Die westlichste Zeugnis bietet eine Oinochoe des 4. Jh. v. Chr.
aus Tyras mit einem Reliefdarstellung des Achilleus und der
eingestempelten Inschrift
$FLOO|Z, Cojocaru 2000, 57 ff.
Vinogradov 1997, 408 ff.; vgl. 410 (in Zusammenhang mit
dem Achilleus-Kult); Tokhtasev 2007, 111 f.; vgl. insbesondere
den speziell milesischen Namen >0@ROS‹M auf einem Ostrakon
um 480–460 v. Chr.

Аrchaic Bronzes. Greece – Asia Minor – North Pontic Area

Mikhail Treister

Regional schools in the Archaic Greek metalworking The example discussed demonstrates how unsteady are for
are singled out nowadays on the basis of listing of the present the attempts of singling out the local centres
the materials and the thorough stylistic analysis. For the 6th of Archaic metalworking, especially in case of superficial
century BC and the territory of the mainland Greece, it is discussion of the materials.
supposed, for example, that in the first half of the century
the leading role was played by Laconian workshops; in At the same time, that does not mean, that we should
the second half of the century they gradually lost their completely abandon such attempts. The North-Western Pontic
significance and the dominant role was played at that time area with its main centres being the settlement on the Berezan
first by the Corinthian, and later by the Attic schools. island and Olbia on the mainland, forming the Olbia polis,
The attribution of the works of arts, which are ascribed to yielded in the last decades numerous workshops remains
a certain workshop, allows on the level of interpretation to as well as separate finds of bronze punches and casting
use the information of the written sources. Let me illustrate moulds, allowing to suggest the formation in these region
this with one of most characteristic examples. of the local metalworking centre (Treister 1998, 179 ff.;
Solovyov and Treister 2004). Among them there are moulds
One of the most remarkable items of bronze plastics of of the Archaic period, including those for casting of items,
the 6th century BC is a krater from a Celtic princely burial executed in the so-called Animal Style (Fig. 1) (Treister
at Vix. This krater (Stibbe 1996, 115 ff.; 2000, XIII–XIV), 1998, 182 ff.; 194 ff., figs. 5–8), given the ground to suggest
as well as a close standing krater from a Illyrian tomb the manufacture of such objects for the barbarian population
at Trebenishte (Stibbe 2000, 59 ff., figs. 35–41; 2003,
70 ff., figs. 34–38), belongs to the masterpieces perhaps
of the Laconian school. At present several bronze items
are attributed to the so-called “Workshop of Vix krater”
(Stibbe 2000, XIII ff.), including a fragment of a tripod
from Olympia, whereas the workshops itself is corresponded
by Konrad Stibbe with Gitiades from Sparta, who was
famous as an architect, and even as a poet, the creation
of a bronze cult statue of Athena Chalkioikos at the main
temple on the Acropolis of Sparta [Pausanias III, 17, 2–3],
as well as two tripods, which had been seen by Pausanias at
Amiklae [Pausanias III, 18, 8], were also ascribed to him.
As an indirect confirmation of the connection of Gitiades
with the “Workshop of Vix krater”, Stibbe (1996, 118 ff.,
pl. 12: 1–4) brings a statuette of Athena found not far from
the temple of Athena Alea in Tegea. To his opinion, this
Laconian statuette could have reproduced a type of the cult
statue of Athena Chalkioikos by Gitiades. The scholar points
out to the similarity of the face features of the statuette,
decorating the lid of the krater from Vix, the so-called
“Dame of Vix”, and the above mentioned statuette, which is
kept in the National Museum at Athens. At the same time
Stibbe points out to the unsteadiness of such constructions,
which need a thorough administration (Stibbe 2000, XIV)1.
How precarious such constructions are a recently published
thorough study of the materials from the tomb at Vix
proves; its author Claude Rolley inclines to a later dating of
the krater: 530–520 or 540–520 BC and its manufacture in
the workshop of Sibaris or Paestum (Rolley 2003, 123–31).

“The picture which we have created above, of a workshop in
Sparta for bronze vessels, useful implements and even statues
in the second quarter of the six century, representing the apex in Fig. 1. Casting mould from Berezan (found in 1975)
the development of the Laconian bronze industry in general, does and its offprint. Kiev, Archaeological Museum, National
not meet general acceptance. It is a working hypothesis, which needs Academy of Sciences of the Ukraine. Inv. AB-75/1259.
to be supported by much more research” (Stibbe 2000, XIV). Photo: Kiev, Istitute of Archaeology

M. Treister

of the Hinterland in the workshops of the Olbia polis, not in this area (Solovyov and Treister 2004, 370 ff.). No one
excluding the possibility of working of barbarian craftsmen other Archaic Greek apoikia in the North Pontic area has
in these workshops (Treister 1998, 189 ff.). yielded materials, testifying the local jewellery and toreutics
The find of 1986 on the island of Berezan in the room
with the material of the last quarter of the 6th century In spite of the absence of written sources concerning
BC of a bronze punch (Fig. 2) (Treister 1998, 187 ff., 197, the bronze-working in this area, especially referring to
fig. 13; Solovyov 1999, 93, note 35, fig. 90: 1–2; 2005, the Archaic period, the archaeological materials from Greek
no. 217; Solovyov and Treister 2004, 365 ff., figs. 2–4; 371 colonies, established on the northern shores of the Black
ff. no. 2 with complete bibliography), allowed us to maintain Sea, allows us to make an attempt of reconstructing of
the manufacture at the Berezan settlement also the items this model.

Fig. 2. Bronze punch from Berezan (found in 1986). Fig. 3. Bronze punch from Berezan (found in 1973).
St. Petersburg, Hermitage. Inv. B.86.311. St. Petersburg, Hermitage. Inv. B.73.398.
Photo by M. Treister Photo by M. Treister

made of precious metals, perhaps the applied ornaments in As a case study I would present an analysis of several
the form of masks, which were soldered on the walls of groups of Late Archaic bronze mirrors, the majority of which
the phialai with omphalos, or on the terminals of necklaces. originates from the North-Western Pontic area. These mirrors
An opinion that the house, in which the stamp has been do not have direct parallels among the materials from Greece
found, belonged to a bronze-worker and a jeweller has been or Asia Minor, although we can clearly trace the prototypes.
expressed (Solovyov 1999, 93, note 55). During the work The mirrors of one of these groups, represented by five
with the Berezan collections of the State Hermitage one specimens (Fig. 4), from the necropolis of Olbia, a Scythian
more punch has been singled out (Solovyov and Treister barrow near Volkovtsy (Khanenko 1900, 14, no. 351b, pl. XLVI;
2004, 365 ff., figs. 6–8; 371, no. 1; Solovyov 2005, no. 216), Pharmakovskii 1914, pl. XIII: 1; Studniczka 1919, 2; Bondar
which originates also from the Archaic context, in particular 1955, 67, fig. 2a; Onaiko 1966, 19, 63, no. 224, pl. XIX: 6;
with a foot of Rhodian-Ionian plate, dating not earlier than Oberländer 1967, no. 46; Belin de Ballu 1972, pl. LXXII: 2;
the middle of the 6th century BC (Solovyov and Treister Skudnova 1988, 25; Treister 2003, fig. 3), and a Thracian
2004, 372 ff., fig. 9), and which served for the manufacture tomb near Plovdiv (Filow 1934, 225, fig. 227; Oberländer
of the necklace pendants with the upper part in form of 1967, no. 45; Treister 2003, fig. 5), have a flat round disk,
a circular bead, and the lower part of the cylindrical shape a flat cast side handle with two round projections on the disk
with the rounded ending (Fig. 3) (Solovyov and Treister on the both sides of the handle and a round ending, showing
2004, 370). The Berezan jeweller’s stamps of the middle to a profile figure of a sphinx. The handle is decorated with
the third quarter of the 6th century BC testify the important a naked female figure in low relief.
role of metalworking at the earliest stage of the development
of Greek apoikia and the traditions of jewellery art of Lydia An evident proximity to the above mentioned mirrors
and North Ionia, which found their further development demonstrate the mirrors, which are similar in shape and

Archaic Bronzes. Greece – Asia Minor – North Pontic Area

Fig. 4. Bronze mirrors, with the handle decorated with a nacked female figure in low relief. 1 – Opalchenets.
Plovdiv, Archaeological Museum; 2 – Volkovtsy. Kiev, Natioinal Museum of History of the Ukraine. Inv. Б 1129;
3 – Unknown provenance. Leipzig. University, Antikenmuseum. Inv. M 46 (332); 4 – Olbia (find 1913). Whereabouts
unknown; 5 – Unknown provenance. Moscow, State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts. Inv. II 1a, 530–532

M. Treister

decorated with other images: with a lotus flower instead of Kryžickij 1995, pl. 101: 2; Kryzhitskii et al. 1999, 65, fig. 25;
the naked female figure on the handle, and with the head of Treister 2003, fig. 8, with complete bibliography), barrow No. 3
Gorgon instead of the figure of the sphinx on the round ending near the village of Aksyutintsy (“Stajkin Verkh”) (Оnaiko 1966,
of the handle. Such mirrors originate from the burial No. 10/1913 63, no. 223, pl. XIX: 4; Skudnova 1988, 25, 128), barrow No. 7
of the Olbian necropolis (Fig. 5) (Pharmakovskii 1914, 28, pl. 11; of the Elizavetinskij Nekropolis in the Don Estuary (Miller 1910,
Studniczka 1919, 5, fig. 3; Oberländer 1967, no. 43; Belin de 95, fig. 5; Bilimovich 1976, 60, no. 8; Skudnova 1988, 128),
Ballu 1972, pl. LXXIII: 1; Bilimovich 1976, 39 ff., no. 7, fig. 4; besides a similar mirror has been found in Kardashi near Cherson
59 ff.; Skrzhinskaya 1984, 108, no. 1, 2; 124, no. 12; 2000, (Оnaiko 1966, 57, no. 27; Bilimovich 1976, 39 ff.; Skudnova
184, fig. 83; Skudnova 1988, 128, No. 199.7; Vinogradov and 1988, 128).

Fig. 5. Bronze mirror. Olbia. Necropolis. Burial no. 10/1913. St. Petersburg, Hermitage. Inv. O.1913.23.
Photo after Farmakovskii 1914, pl. 11

Archaic Bronzes. Greece – Asia Minor – North Pontic Area

The proximity of the two groups of mirrors is testified not the handle, which are decorated with comparaneous ‘whirlwind’
only by their comparaneous shape. The mirror from the burial rosettes, engraved guilloche pattern, decorating the edge
No. 10/1913 of the Olbian necropolis (Fig. 5) and the mirror, of the disc (cf. Figs. 5: 2, 6: 2) and the relief pearl-frieze,
which is kept in Leipzig (Figs. 4: 3; 6) (Studniczka 1918; framing the handle and circular projection decorating its
1919, 3 ff., fig. 1; Filow 1934, 226, note 1; Oberländer 1967, ending (cf. Figs. 5: 3, 6: 3). These details could hardly be
no. 44; Bilimovich 1976, 40, 56, note 61; Herrmann 1979, casual, especially given the fact, that outside the North Pontic
691, pl. VII: 1; Skrzhinskaya 1984, 114; Skudnova 1988, area such mirrors are unknown. Most probably they testify
25; Treister 2003, figs. 1–2 with complete bibliography), are the chronological proximity of the two groups of the mirrors
united only by small circular projections to the sides from and their manufacture in one manufacturing centre.

Fig. 6. Bronze mirror. Unknown provenance. Leipzig. University, Antikenmuseum. Inv. M 46 (332).
Photo, University Leipzig

M. Treister

Already Studniczka (1919, 6) referred to the finds in Olbia Some scholars failed to establish the chronology
and in its vicinities of the undecorated mirrors of similar of the mirrors discussed (Studniczka 1919; Oberländer
shape or the mirrors decorated with engraved patterns or 1967, 41); another dated them to the second half of
images on the handles. Among the mirrors under discussion the 6th century BC without basing their points of view
the mirrors with the projections, at the place, where (Onaiko 1966, 19; Skrzhinskaya 1984, 114 ff.). Skudnova
the handle adjoins the disk, attract attention – the shape has dated the mirrors similar to the find from the burial
and position of such projections undoubtedly point out to No. 10/1913 of the Olbian necropolis, to the late 6th century
the connection with the mirrors of the first two groups. BC according to the stylistic features (lotus flower, head of
In the Olbian necropolis there are known fi nds of seven Gorgon) (Skudnova 1988, 25). According to the opinion of
of such mirrors (Kozub 1974, 83–5, figs. 37: 1–3, 38; Bilimovich, the mirrors of the mixed group may be dated in
Bilimovich 1976, 40, 60, nos. 9–13), whereas a special frames of the late 6th – first quarter of the 5th century BC,
proximity to the mirrors discussed demonstrates a piece whereas the earliest of them (given the strict proportions
from the burial No. 15/1913, which is decorated with and Archaic treatment of the Gorgon’s face), is the mirror
a double guilloche along the edge and hammered rosettes; from the burial No. 10/1913 (Bilimovich 1976, 40). Given
similar rosettes also decorate the projections at the both the above mentioned proximity of the mirrors of two groups,
sides of the handle (Fig. 7) (Bilimovich 1976, 40, fig. 5; a special significance becomes the dating of the burial
60, no. 9; Skrzhinskaya 1984, 108, fig. 1: 1; 124, no. 14; No. 10/1913 of the Olbian necropolis, in which besides
Skudnova 1988, 130, no. 202.9); this mirror has been dated the mirror there were found various gold ornaments, as
by Z. Bilimovich to the early 5th century BC. well as black-glazed vessels. Skudnova has dated the burial

Fig. 7. Bronze mirror. Olbia. Necropolis. Burial no. 15/1913. St.Petersburg, Hermitage. Inv. O.1913.45.
Photo after Bilimovich 1976, 40, fig. 5

Archaic Bronzes. Greece – Asia Minor – North Pontic Area

to the early 5th century BC, whereas the editors of no. 26, pl. XIX: 5; Artamonow 1970, pl. 69; Congdon
the publication rightly stated, that the black glazed bowl 1981, no. 26, Taf. 23: ca. 490–480 BC; cf. Bilimovich
on a feet and a kylix find parallels in the materials from 1976, 35, 58 ff., no. 1: second half of the 6th century BC;
the Athenian Agora, which are dated to the second quarter of Galanina and Grach 1986, fig. 51; Treister 2003, fig. 7).
the 5th century BC (Skudnova 1988, 127 ff., nos. 199.9–10; Similar images, however, of male figures, were used also
cf. Skudnova 1988, 128, note 1). as handles of bronze pateras and hydriai of the second half
of the 6th – early 5th century BC (Gjødesen 1944, 101–87;
Most of the scholars attributed the female figure on Jantzen 1958; Tarditi 1996, 172–8).
the mirrors handles as the image of Aphrodite. Meanwhile
it is evident, that as a prototype of the relief decoration of Most of scholars, following the opinion of Pharmakovskii,
the mirrors with the handles in form of sculpted figures considered the mirrors discussed as the production of
of caryatids should be taken into account – a small group the Olbian workshop (Pharmakovskii 1914, 13; Bondar
of such mirrors has handles in form of naked figures of 1955, 59; Prushevskaya 1955, 329; Bilimovich 1976, 40) or
caryatids with the hands bent in the elbows and stretched the workshop, located in the one of the Ionian colonies of
upwards (Congdon 1981, 15 ff.), similar to the images in low the Pontic area (Studniczka 1919, 7–8; Filow 1934, 226).
relief, for instance on the handle of the mirror in Leipzig According to Filow (1934, 226) “Alle diese Spiegel sind
(Fig. 6: 1–2). To this small group belong the mirror from zweifellos aus derselben Werkstatt hervorgegangen, die in
the burial at the island of Aegina, which is kept in Athens einer der ionischen Kolonien am Schwarzen Meer zu suchen
(Congdon 1981, no. 14, pl. 10: ca. 520 BC; cf. Walter- sein wird”. In the last decades in the Russian and Ukrainian
Karydi 1987, 65 ff.: ca. 560–550 BC; pl. 17; Thomas 1992, literature there dominated a point of view, that all these
76, fig. 64), as well as the chance find from Annovka in mirrors were imported (Onaiko 1966, 19; Skrzhinskaya
the vicinities of Nikolaev (Fig. 8) (Onaiko 1966, 18 ff., 1984, 114 ff.; Skudnova 1988, 25; Skrzhinskaya 2000,
184: Argos), whereas as arguments a highly artistic style
of images was mentioned (Оnaiko 1966, 19). Let me,
however, state, that one can hardly characterise in a such
way the images on the handles of mirrors of “Leipzig group”
(Fig. 6: 1–2). The proportions of figures, disproportional
details, and the treatment of face of the caryatid testify
the provincial workmanship. On the feet of the figure on
the Leipzig mirror only four fingers are shown. Although
the treatment of soles is reminiscent of those of the sculpted
figures of the handles of Archaic bronze hydriai, on the latter
there were always shown five fingers (Stibbe 1997, no. 58,
fig. 11; no. 61, fig. 12; no. 92, fig. 20).

The distribution of the mirrors, the absence of finds of

such items outside the Black Sea area, their concentration
in the necropolis of Olbia and in general in the Olbian
region (Fig. 9), the combination in the mirrors of the features
and details of ornamentation, characteristic for Greek
mirrors produced by various schools, allows us to discuss
them as items of Olbian workshops of the first quarter of
the 5th century BC (Treister 2003). That the prototypes of
such mirrors found their way in the Northwestern Pontic
area is testified by the fi nds in Olbia of the mirrors of
the Argo-Corinthian type, including those (Fig. 10: 1)
(Olbia, burial no. 4/1911: Bilimovich 1976, 37, fig. 3;
59, no. 6; Skudnova 1988, 24, 71, no. 92.7), which were
spread in Argos, with the round endings of the handles
having openings (Waldstein 1902, 264 ff., pls. XCII:
1560–1561, XCIII). Among them there is a piece with
a rectangular decoration at the place where handle adjoins
the disk, decorated with an applied relief showing Orestes,
killing Aigisthos (Fig. 10: 2–3) (Olbia, burial no. 23/1910:
Pharmakovskii 1914 26, pl. X: 9–10; Oberländer 1967, Nr. 6;
Bilimovich 1976, 38 ff., 59, no. 55; Skudnova 1988, 24 ff.,
58 ff., no. 62.3); cf. the mirror kept in Berlin: Bol 1985,
Fig. 8. Bronze mirror. Annovka (chance find, 1897). 90 ff., fig. 58; Zimmer 1987, 38, pl. 2.; cf. the undecorated
St. Petersburg, Hermitage. Inv. DN 1897. 4/1. mirror of this type from Corinth: Payne 1931, 225 ff.;
Photo after Galanina and Grach 1986, fig. 51 Davidson 1952, 182, no. 1306, pl. 81), as well as the pieces

M. Treister

Fig. 9. Distribution maps of bronze mirrors: a) with the handle decorated with a nacked female figure in low
relief; b) with the handle decorated with a lotus flower

Archaic Bronzes. Greece – Asia Minor – North Pontic Area

Fig. 11. Schist matrix (mould) from Olbia (1985,

Section E3, no. Ol.85.351). Photo, St. Petersburg,
Institute for History of Material culture.
Fig. 10. Bronze mirrors of argo-corinthian type from Inv. 3213-77, 78
Olbia. 1 – burial no. 4/1911. St. Petersburg, Hermitage,
Inv. O.1911.14; 2, 3 – burial no. 23/1910. St.Petersburg,
Hermitage. Inv. O.1910.81. Photo after Bilimovich 1976,
37, fig. 3 and Skudnova 1988, 59

with sculpted handles in formed of naked caryatids (Fig. 8).

The Peloponnesian prototypes of the Olbian mirrors
discussed are proved by the small projections to the both
sides of the handle at the disk – similar projections occur
on the mirrors from Argive Heraeum (Waldstein 1902,
pls. XCIII: 1564; XCIV: 1565; XCV: 1566).

The mirrors discussed allow us to trace the mechanism of

creation of artistic style in bronze plastic on the periphery
of the Greek world in the Late Archaic period. Adopting
the shape of the Peloponnesian mirrors of the second half of
the 6th century BC, the Olbian craftsmen decorated the flat
handles of such mirrors with reliefs reproducing the type
of the handles in round, characteristic for the mirrors with
the caryatid stands (Treister 2003).

A unique schist mould from Olbia, found in 1985

(Figs. 11–13) and published by Denisova (1994, 78–87)
allows us an insight in the development of repertoire of
the local metalworkers and also gives us the idea of self-
consciousness of the craftsman. I discuss this important
find in detail, moreover, because my interpretation varies Fig. 12. Schist matrix (mould) from Olbia (1985,
from that of Denisova. The original mould, showing a part Section E3, no. Ol.85.351).
of a lion figure in profile, which served as a matrix for Drawing after Denisova 1994, 80, figs. 1–2

M. Treister

(Furmanska 1958, 42, fig. 1: 3), Berezan (Solovyov 2005,

no. 232) and Panticapaeum (Treister 1992, 70 ff., fig. 3: 4–5;
72, fig. 4; 77 ff.).

The key point is the inscription ΙΚΕΣΙΟ ΕΙΜΙ, which

undoubtedly belonged to the craftsman, as well as a drawing
showing most probably the portrait of a craftsman in a pylos-
shaped head-dress, incised on the rear of the mould
(Figs. 14–15). Denisova, came first to this conclusion,
suggested that the portrait of Hikesios belonged to
the craftsman, who was engaged in casting beads (Denisova
1994, 87), however stated some problems between
the inscription, which she dated to the first quarter of
the 5th century, and the drawing, which appeared, to her
mind, as an earlier one (Denisova 1994, 83).

A careful observation of the mould, however, allows

me to suggest that the drawing and the inscription, which
were originally framed with an incised double line, rather
belong to the primary matrix, not to the secondary casting
mould (Figs. 11: 2; 14: 1). In particular that is testified
by the fact, that the depressions for casting of beads
have partly damaged the matrix with the image of lion
and the self-portrait of Hikesios with its framing. Besides,
the mere technical observation, this interpretation has sense.
Indeed the partly preserved lion figure shows an image,
executed on a high artistic level. I failed to fi nd metal
reliefs of such style and quality among the Archaic finds
from the North Pontic area.

Qualitatively, the final relief worked in the matrix,

or most probably matrices of Hikesios, could look like
a 6th century BC silver-gilt pectoral from Boeotia in
the Louvre (De Ridder 1924, no. Bj105). It is also noteworthy
to mention two gold plaques with the embossed images of
pegasoi, wild goats, griffins, panthers, sphinxes etc., which
found in Delphi in the same favissa with the chryselephantine
statues supposedly dedicated by Croesus, were probably
executed by Ionian ( Ephesian or Chian) craftsmen in
ca. 570–550 BC, and probably related to them, perhaps to
the figure of Artemis (Amandry 1939, 96–103, pls. 23–34;
Fig. 13. Schist matrix (mould) from Olbia (1985, 1962, 35 ff., fig. 1, App. 6–9; Musti et al. 1992, 134–5,
Section E3, no. Ol.85.351). no. 96.7; 253; Maass 1997, 142–3, fig. 63).
Drawing after Denisova 1994, 80, figs. 2, 3, 6
Can we consider Ionia or Western Asia Minor on
the whole as a possible origin of Hikesios? Denisova
hammering of reliefs presumably in precious metals, (1994, 82–3), coming to the conclusion of the Ionian origin
according to Denisova (1884, 83), was created most probably of the matrix compared the lion on it with the Neo-Hittite
in the last decades of the 6th century BC, in Ionia, perhaps sculpture, stating the absence of the parallels in the vase-
in Miletus, and was brought to Olbia, later broken and painting. I cannot agree with this statement – one can point
reworked in a fold of a double-folded mould used for out, in particular, to the similar treatment of the elongated
casting of biconical beads with relief decoration (Fig. 13). lion’s mane in the Chian vase-painting of the first half of
The fi nds of similar beads in the Olbian necropolis of the 6th century BC (Berezan Animal Chalice; Chalice Style:
the Late Archaic period (Denisova 1994, 79, 81), as well Lemos 1991, 79 ff.) from Rhodes (Walter-Karydi 1973,
as of casting moulds for such objects on the settlement of 67, 139, no. 756, pl. 94; Lemos 1991, no. 972, pl. 133),
Olbian chora, Kozyrka-15 (Ruban 1979, 249–58), allows Naukratis (Lemos 1991, no. 546, pl. 68), tomb no. 221 of
dating the secondary use of the matrix to the first quarter the necropolis Ayia Paraskevi, Thessaloniki in Macedonia
of the 5th century (Denisova 1994, 81). Casting moulds (Lemos 1991, no. 952, pl. 127) and Berezan (Hermitage,
for such biconical beads are also known from the Archaic inv. Б85.42: Solovyov 1999, 50, fig. 33: 1; 2005, no. 90; Ilina
deposits of Histria (Dimitriu 1966, 482, pl. 50: e), Olbia 2005, 78, no. 12; 127 [fig.]; Hermitage, inv. Б57: Lemos

Archaic Bronzes. Greece – Asia Minor – North Pontic Area

1991, no. 667, pl. 86; Solovyov 2005, no. 88; Ilina 2005,
78 ff., no. 15; 127 [fig.]; Hermitage, inv. Б63.105: Lemos
1991, no. 963, pl. 129; Solovyov 2005, no. 93; Ilina 2005,
85, no. 47; 134 [fig.]).

We will never find the personal name Hikesios in

the standard publications of the personal names in Asia
Minor (Zgusta 1964) and North Pontic area (Zgusta 1955),
however, the sampling made on the base of the already
published volumes of “Lexicon of Greek Personal Names”
(LGPN I–IV, 1987–2005) and “Supplementum epigraphicum
Graecum” from 1980 to 2001 shows that the name Hikesios
was spread mainly in the Western coast of Asia Minor,
primarily in Ionia, as well as more rarely in Lycia, Phrygia,
Lydia and Pontos. It was also wide-spread in the Aegean
Islands (LGPN I, 1987, 234), Western and North-western
Pontic area, especially in Olbia (Vinogradov 1997, 212,
note 216; LGPN IV 2005, 173). At the same time, the name
Hikesios was very rarely attested in mainland Greece,
including Attica (LGPN II, 1994, 234f.), Corinth (LGPN IIIA,
1997, 218) and Boeotia (LGPN IIIB, 2000, 207).

Magistrates with the name Hikesios stamped amphoras

of Chios (SEG XLVIII, 1998, no. 1184; SEG LI, 2001,
no. 1599)2 and Sinope (SEG XLIII, 1993, no. 909.22; SEG LI,
Fig. 14. 1 – Fold of a schist matrix (mould) from 2001, no. 946)3 in the second half of the 4th and in the 3rd
Olbia (1985, Section E3, no. Ol.85.351); 2 – Detail. century BC. They minted bronze coins of Kolophon of
The inscription of Hikesios. Photo, St. Petersburg, the second half of the 4th century BC (BMC Ionia, 39
Institute for History of Material culture. Inv. 3213-78 no. 33, 428; Milne 1941, 68 no. 136) and Hellenistic period
(Milne 1941, 73 no. 155; 79 no. 176); the 2nd–1st century
bronze coins of Smyrna (BMC Ionia, 240 no. 25, 428); and
bronze coins of Chios dated after 84 BC (BMC Ionia, 335
no. 66, 428). The coin magistrate of Kolophon Hikesios,
whose name appears on the silver coin of Kolophon from
the hoard found in Klaros in 1988 and dated between
320 and 294 BC, is identified with Hikesios Konnionos
mentioned in the inscription concerning the rebuilding of
walls of Kolophon dated to ca. 311–306 BC, as one of
the contributors (SEG XLI, 1991, no. 986; SEG XLIV, 1994,

Jöhrens 1986, 498, fig. 15; 503, no. 19 with bibliography;
Burow 1998, 118, 121 ff., nos. 567–572 (the third quarter of
the 3rd century BC).
Hikesios I, chronological group III (Conovici et al. 1992, 241,
pl. 1, no. 37; Conovici 1998, 38, no. 57); Hikesios II, chronological
group IV (Shelov 1975, no. 569; Conovici et al. 1992, 243, pl. 1,
no. 100; Conovici 1998, 39, no. 92; 102 ff., nos. 298–327; Jöhrens
2001, 450, nos. 375–376); Simios I, the son of Hikesios, 4th
chronological group (Conovici et al. 1992, 243, pl. 1, no. 104;
Conovici 1998, 39 no. 83; 82 ff., nos. 148–152); Hikesios III, the son
of Bakhios, chronological group Vb (Conovici et al. 1992, 244,
pl. 1, no. 114; Shelov 1975, no. 562; Conovici 1998, 48, no. 104;
122 ff., nos. 414–429; Jöhrens 2001, 450 no. 374, ca. 247 BC);
Hikesios IV, the son of Simios, chronological group Vc (Conovici
et al. 1992, 245, pl. 1, no. 131; Conovici 1998, 49, no. 118; 140,
nos. 521–522); Hikesios V, the son of Eteonikos, chronological
Fig. 15. 1 – Fold of a schist matrix (mould) from group Vd (Conovici et al. 1992, 245, pl. 1, no. 141; Conovici 1998,
Olbia (1985, Section E3, no. Oл.85 - 351); 2 – Detail. 49 no. 130; 144, nos. 540–541); Hikesios VI, the son of Antipatros,
The inscription of Hikesios. chronological group Vd (Conovici et al. 1992, 245, pl. 1, no. 140;
Drawing after Denisova 1994, 80, fig. 2 Conovici 1998, 49, no. 129; 146, nos. 546–551).

M. Treister

no. 702). Another Hikesios was a famous Greek physician, or came to work for a certain commission is a matter of
the founder of the erasistrateic school in Smyrna in the early discussion, however, the fact, that the broken matrix was
1st century BC [Strabo 12.8.20] (Der Neue Pauly 5, 1998, not simply thrown away, but reused by a bronze-worker
555 ff. s.v. Hikesios). rather presupposes: 1) a tradition in metalworking, when
a prominent master, who came to the North Pontic area and
The name Hikesios was used as epiklesis of Zeus (Pape founded a workshop, which was inherited by a craftsman
and Benseler 1911, 542 s.v. Ίκέσιος; Der Neue Pauly 5, 1998, working for the simple local needs; 2) a general character
555, s.v. Hikesie), Apollo (BMC Ionia, 79 no. 238: bronze of the workshop – manufacture of items both hammered
coin of Ephesus minted in the reign of Antoninus Pius). in precious metals and cast in bronze and lead. These
suggestions correlate well with our conclusions concerning
The Olbian find is a rare example of an Archaic Greek the local Olbian creation of specific types of Late Archaic
matrix (cf. Treister 2001, 19). Besides, it is the only bronze mirrors and give the ground to consider Olbia as one
example of a metalworker’s tool with his signature and of the regional centres of metalworking, the creation and
the self-portrait, not only in the Archaic North Pontic Area, development of which was probably affected by itinerant
but in the Greek world4. It allows us to suggest that Olbia metalworkers from the Greek Mainland and Western
was at least visited by prominent metal artists. Whether Asia Minor, one of which, Hikesios by name, left us his
they stayed at the edge of oikumene for a long period self-portrait.

Cf. on the whole about the signatures of craftsmen: Burford
1972, 26, 207–17; about the signatures of metalworkers and toreuts:
Mattusch 1996, 175 ff.; 221 ff.; Thomas 2002, 242; Painter 2001,
28; about the representations of metalworkers on the Greek vases:
Ziomecki 1975, 28–30; Oddy and Swaddling 1985, 43–57.

The Program of the Rearrangement of the Classical Antiquities Galleries.
The Display of Archaic Art in the State Hermitage Museum

Anna Trofimova

The display is the highest result and the most specific The image of the age got at an exhibition could not
manifestation of the museum. You cannot have a museum be understood as something separate – the permanent
without exhibits. For the visitor, no alternative experience exhibition always belongs to the museum. The museum not
can replace a visit to a museum display. Catalogues and just keeps the history and takes care about the monuments.
guides, video films and Internet sites are essentially additives The museum creates the image of history, determining
to personal acquaintance with the halls of a museum and the artistic trends. That is why the transformations of
the collections presented in them. All forms of museum the exhibitions and galleries, first of all, follow the realising
activity – scholarly research, attribution, the restoration of the museum’s individual mission.
of objects and interiors, temporary exhibitions and even
new acquisitions – are to a certain degree only preludes Nowadays, with hindsight, we can see that some
to the creation of a museum display that sums up and transformations were detrimental to the individual character
communicates the significance of the exhibits. of the museums concerned – and irreversible. While we
share common goals, the means of achieving them should
In our own day, with the ongoing ‘museum boom’, vary from museum to museum – the physical appearance
the role of museum exhibitions has grown greatly in of each museum is, after all, as unique, as is its destiny.
importance. While museums now provide many secondary The ‘improvements’ introduced during the museum boom
services, their exhibition halls remain the basis of their were perhaps too uniform.
attraction for the public. Thousands of tourists, pilgrims
and lovers of art pour into museums every day; visits by For this reason, when the Hermitage embarked on
statesmen and royalty are increasingly frequent. It is through the reconstruction of its galleries of Ancient art we studied,
donations to enhance the museums’ galleries that patrons fi rst and foremost, the historical precedent – looking at
and sponsors – members of the business and fi nancial the ideas of the architect who created the New Hermitage,
elite – seek to perpetuate their names. and also at the methods of our predecessors – curators
and display organizers. The result of this research was
Starting in the 1970s the world’s major museums the programme of reconstruction drawn up in the Department
embarked on large-scale programmes to reconstruct their of Classical Antiquities in 1998. The main proposals in
buildings and galleries. The transformations that took place the Programme were discussed at departmental meetings,
at the Louvre, the British Museum and the Metropolitan and in the year 2000 they were approved by the Hermitage’s
have made headlines. Apart from measures aimed a creating Academic Council. The key concept of the programme is
information zones and rest areas, important changes were the idea that exhibitions located in the halls of the New
also made to the way the museums displayed their art. Hermitage should be implemented in ‘Klenze’s style’ and
The purposes of these changes included the introduction of in keeping with the established historical structure of
new, improved museum technologies (lighting, conservation, the museum.
security) and also the presentation of new aesthetic and
scholarly ideas. The museums were striving, on one From the mid-19th century to the present day the collections
hand, to preserve themselves spiritually and physically of Greek and Roman art have been housed in exhibition halls
and, on the other, to ‘translate’ the historical and artistic in the New Hermitage (Fig. 1). It was build by the order
artefacts in their collections into a language accessible of Nicolas I as a new wing onto the Winter Palace. It was
to contemporary visitors (Kuzmin and Kuzmina 1991, 7; designed as a special museum building by the German
Kalugina 2001, 177–90). architect Leo von Klenze who has been already famous
by the museum buildings in Munich, the Glyptothek and
Such ‘translation’ is the aim of any historical research. the Pinakothek.
However, in the image of the époque, created at the exhibition
(either Medieval Iran or Archaic Greece) the specific The New Hermitage was created as a public museum in
means should be used. Scientific research, which based which the treasures of the imperial family could be made
on the collecting, analysing and generalising of the data, accessible to a wider public. At the planning stage each
results in the concepts such as scheme of the development hall of the museum was already assigned to the display of
of culture. The exhibition influences directly the senses. a particular type of art. The decoration of the interiors and
It forms the visual ideas, the emotional images of the past. the design of the display cases were both devised by Klenze
Often these visual ideas are even more effective and no in a Neo-Grecian style, forming a single ensemble with
less ‘objective’ than scientific ideas. The exhibition just the works of art they contained. For example, in so called
likes an artistic portrait, which sometimes not represents Roman Yard (Fig. 2) you can see freely standing sculpture
the details but deeply penetrates the nature, giving us more and columns, and beautiful violet colour of the walls, which
for the understanding of the object. gives the association with Imperial Rome.

A. Trofimova

Fig. 1 .The Main staircase of the New Hermitage Fig. 3. Obeliskos. Gallery of Bospor Kimmeriiskij
museum. Watercolor by K. Ukhtomskii 1853 Antiquities. Watercolor by K. Ukhtomskij 1950s

Fig. 2. Roman Jard. Gallery of Ancient Sculture. Fig. 4. Kerch Room. Gallery of Bospor Kimmeriiiskij
Watercolor by L. Premazzi 1856 Antiquities. Watercolor by K. Ukhtomskij 1950s

In Kerch Room at the front there is an obelisk full a particularly sumptuous interior. At the same time he created
of objects, which was specially designed for the ground a new kind of structure suited to a universal museum (Buttlar
floor of the New Hermitage (Figs. 3–4). The architecture 1999, 372). In contrast to the Munich Pinakothek (a museum
is remarkable: low arches, cross-shaped supports and of painting) and Glyptothek (a museum of sculpture), the New
the decoration with the Central Asian motifs are very Hermitage showed art of every possible variety: painting,
convenient for the image of Bosporan tombs. In this gallery engravings (Fig. 5), sculpture, vases, coins, medals, carved
the Ancient art of Kerch and Chersonesos was displayed. gems, works of jewellery, books and drawings (Fig. 6).

Klenze made the New Hermitage continuation of the palace. The plan for the galleries was based on a combination
He blended the building into the residential complex and gave it of two principles: chronology, with a succession of halls

The Display of Archaic Art in The State Hermitage Museum

Fig. 5. Gallery of Engravings. Fig. 7. Twenty-Columns Room. The Hall of

Watercolor by K. Ukhtomskij Greco-Etruscan Vases. Watercolor by K. Ukhtomskij 1850s

of the monument and recreation of the atmosphere of

the past. Besides, trying to create an attractive museum,
Klenze developed and put into practice simple principles
of influence such a clear structure of the exhibition and
a strong impression from the interior.

In the architect’s opinion, the impact of the exhibits was

increased many times over when they formed a single whole
with the Neo-Grecian interior decoration. It was a palace
museum and he considered that the rich decoration of
the halls encouraged aesthetic appreciation: “The opulence
of the whole fills the viewer’s heart with a sense of festivity
and makes it receptive to the beauty and nobility of ancient
art”, he wrote (Wünshe, 1986, 40).

Fig. 6. The Library. It is not possible to devise an exhibition in the New

Watercolor by K. Ukhtomskij 1860 Her mitage without taking this stor y into account.
Thus, when renovating, we stay close to the original
conception of the museum’s outstanding architect. It is
showing art of different eras (‘The Gallery of Most not, of course, a matter of literally copying the lay out of
Ancient Items’) and monographic, with a single type of nineteenth-century halls. The years that have passed since
item on display (‘The Hall of Greco-Etruscan Vases’ in the construction of the museum have seen major changes
the Twenty-Columns Room (Fig. 7) allowing the history of in the composition of the collection and in scholarship.
style to be demonstrated through a single art form. His The nature of the museum and its visitors have also
approach was highly innovative – at that time most museums changed. But in creating new displays we have to bear
of antiquities used a story telling approach, with a hall of in mind that the visual impact of the interior continues
gods, a hall of heroes, and so on (Buttlar 1999, 390). to form the viewer’s fi rst impression and, consequently,
dictates the tone of the exhibition.
An equally important innovation was the idea that
the decoration of a gallery should reflect the character of In 1920s–1930s this way had been used by Oskar
the display – in the organisation of lighting, display cases, wall Waldhauer (Mavleev 1984, 123–33; 1987, 46–58). Some
and ceiling paintings. The architect designed special showcases of the exhibitions created by him have been remained
for each gallery and different methods of lighting were developed the best displays of the Department for a long time.
for different kinds of objects. Klenze himself formulated his Then several rooms took its own material matching its
principle very clearly: “The historical evocation of an Ancient era individuality and tone such as Jupiter Gallery with art
arouses interest, attracts and helps the viewer … to experience of the Roman imperia, Dionysos Room displaying art of
the spirit of a remote age” (Wünshe 1986, 38). Hellenism (Fig. 8).

This was the way he solved the tasks which are still of The work at the display in this way was continued after
true interest – presentation of the historical understanding the Second Word War. The Gallery of Athenian Vases and

A. Trofimova

Fig. 8. Dionysos Room. Sculpture of Hellenistic Age. Fig. 9. Gallery of Big Vase. The display “Roman
1922. Photograph, 1934 Portraiture of the Age of Trajan and`Hadrien”. 1998

the Gallery of Cameos were unfortunately dismounted and The Pompean Room resembles a private house and we
in present times there are the cabinets of the Antiquities put there the objects of everyday life (Fig. 10).
Department staff there.
In the Pompean Room for the first time we used
In any case over the twentieth century many galleries the unique collections of the show-cases of mid-19th century.
were reconstructed at different dates with the result that, These are the pyramids, which were proposed by Gile,
by its end, there was a patchwork of exhibitions. Some of the Head of the Department of that time, and designed
them retained their appearance from the 1920s or 1930s; by Klenze, and the obelisks that decorated the rooms of
others from 1950s and 1970s. At the same time some the ground floor. We imitated the neoclassical composition of
masterpieces, and whole collections, remained unseen in a gallery of 19th century and, as it seems, this style brings
the museum store. Old display cases had been replaced the fullest harmony with ancient shapes to the exhibition.
by modern ones.

The task facing the Hermitage in the 1990s was

exceptionally difficult. On one hand, the displays must
reflect modern scholarship and new technology; on the other,
the historical identity of the museum and its unique style
have to be preserved. We formulated our aims as follows:
1) bringing all the most valuable exhibits and collections
out of store and put them on display; 2) partially regrouping
items in accordance with new attributions and scholarly
thinking; 3) organising the material chronologically or
through monographic displays; 4) restoring the interiors of
the halls, recreating their original decoration; 5) installing
a new system of lighting.

At the first stage of the Programme (1998–2000)

the material was regrouped and three new displays were
opened. First of them was the display of the Portraits
of Trajan and Hadrian ages in the Gallery of Big Vase Fig. 10. Pompean Room. The display “Arts and Crafts
(Fig. 9). It was important to set up a style of display we of Roman Imperia”. 1999
got. Firstly we followed the architectural image of the room.
For example, the Room of the Big Vase gives an image of
a Roman villa – columns, a huge vase of ancient shapes, The second stage (2000–2002) involved the reconstruction
two-headed eagles in the decoration of the Room. Therefore of the Augustus Room. This is a Classical gallery of
the image of the époque embodied at the display through sculpture. It was partly regrouped by Waldhauer and we
the neoclassical images of the New Hermitage building decided to keep the most part of it untouched (Fig. 11).
made the impression much stronger. This is the way to However, we came across an important question during
create ‘the portraits’ of Trajan and Hadrian époques. the works. The most part of the collections of the Hermitage

The Display of Archaic Art in The State Hermitage Museum

Fig. 12. Twenty-Columns Room. The display “Art of

Ancient Italy of the 9th – 2nd centuries BC”. 2004

an ancient place of worship to which the faithful would

bring works of art as precious gifts to the deities.

The restorers returned the hall to its original splendour,

cleaned and renewed the colourful murals, reset thousands
of fragments in the mosaic floor. Much thought went
into the development of a system of lighting; the light is
directed onto the coffers of the ceiling and the painted
Fig. 11. Augustus Room. The display “Roman Art of panels situated in the upper part of the walls, delicately
the late Republic – early Empire”. 2000 underlining its beauty without disrupting the architect’s

was formed by copies and imitations of the originals in The collection on display, devoted to the art of ancient
the 18th – 19th centuries. Some of these monuments Italy from the late 9th to the 2nd centuries BC, was changed
were very famous, for example, the well-known bust of a little and enlarged: the collection of Lucanian vases,
Athena was admired by Winkelman. Such objects are of Apulian ceramics made in the Gnathian technique, Etruscan
great artistic and historical value. They are related to bronzes and arms and armour. Lights have been successfully
the history of the Hermitage. We decided to leave them installed inside the historic showcases which have also been
in the display of the antiquities, while the insignificant fitted with modern, bullet-proof glass. Standing separately
fakes were put into the deposits. At the Augustus Room on pedestals in the centre of the gallery are two world
we kept the portrait of Julius Caesar by an Italian artist famous masterpieces: the 4th century BC hydria, known
of the 16th century. as the Regina vasorum or ‘Queen of Vases’ and the bronze
statue of a reclining Etruscan youth from a tomb.
The third stage (2002–2005) involves the reconstruction
the Twenty-Columns Room (Fig. 12) and the Gallery of The last project, which actually was the reason of
Archaic Art. One of the best known and most visited the meeting, is the Gallery of Archaic art. After Klenze’s
galleries, the Twenty-Column Room is the only museum project, the room was indented for the library; therefore there
ensemble created by Leo von Klenze to have survived are painted portraits of ancient philosophers on the ceiling.
virtually untouched. Intended for the display of Greek There are large windows in the room facing a quiet yard.
vases, the architect designed special wall glass cases and During the erection of the building it was decided to place
desk-shaped show cases which were made by St. Petersburg’s there the collection of Russian sculpture. Then, in 1859,
top cabinetmakers Peter Gambs, Andrej Tur and Egor the drawings were moved there (Fig. 13) and the Russian
Miller. The walls were painted with vignettes imitating sculpture was placed to a cabinet of the western wing.
the murals of Etruscan tombs – the recent discovery of such In 1860-s the Hermitage purchased large collection of
mural paintings had fired Leo von Klenze’s imagination. antiquities of marquis Campana, the Demidovs and Laval.
The mosaic floor is patterned in the antique style. Both Therefore all the ground floor was given to the antiquities.
the decoration and the architecture of the hall – the ranks of Modern sculpture and the painting were moved to the first
marble columns – recreate the artistic impact of the temples floor. In the Archaic Room there were displayed the oldest
of antiquity. With its display of magnificent painted vases objects according to the scientific views of the second half
and ancient bronzes, the Twenty-Column Room resembles of the19th century.

A. Trofimova

Fig 13. Gallery of Archaic Art in the mid-19th Fig. 15. Gallery of Archaic art in 1970s. “Art of
century. The Hall of Drawings. Greece of the 9th – 5th century BC”.
Watercolor by K. Ukhtomskij 1859 Photograph, 1977

In 1920–1930-s the exhibition was rearranged by

Waldhauer (Fig. 14). This was a complex display, which
become an important invention in museology of the first
half of 20th century. From that time the exhibition was not
changed for 70 years (Fig. 15; the Soviet times).

The reconstruction of the Archaic gallery started from

the restoration works involving the full reconstruction of
decorative elements (Fig. 16; after restoration). The interior
of the Archaic gallery remain almost untouched to present
days. The room is arched by a torispherical vault. The walls
are decorated with artificial marble that smartly imitated
the natural stone. The vault is covered by glue painting put
onto alabaster slabs. The idea of the new lightning system,
as well as in other rooms of the ground floor, based upon
the light that puts an accent to the architecture.

The most important novelty is that we made the decision Fig. 16. Gallery of Archaic Art after restoration, 2000
to prepare a special set of show-cases (Fig. 17; modern
view). In the other words, we created the exhibition,

Fig. 17. Gallery of Archaic Art. The Display “Art of

Fig. 14. Gallery of Archaic art in the 1930s. “Art of Ancient Greece and Cyprus
Archaic and Classical Greece”. 1934. Photograph, 1938 from the 14th till the 5th centuries BC”, 2005

The Display of Archaic Art in The State Hermitage Museum

which have never existed in the museum. A new display

is a stylisation of the Gallery of New Hermitage style.

A set of 16 show-cases consists of originals designed by

Klenze (Fig. 18), which have been restored. The second type
is the show case of the late 19th century (Fig. 19) and copies
after them. The third one (Fig. 20) is the imitations after
the samples of 19th centuries, created after the Klenze’s
modules. At the same time the technologies and design of
the lighting are up-to-date: they are diode tubes. The light
system is based upon the balance of the accent put onto
the object and the unity of the environment.

In the middle of the Room there are two obeliskos

and the table (Fig. 21) with the most important vases
covered by the glass-box. Therefore we show the part of
the 19th century museum making it as a key object of
the display. Fig. 20. The imitations after the samples
of the 19th century

Fig. 18. Show case designed by Leo von Klenze,

mid-19th century

Fig. 21. Table designed by Leo von Klenze,

mid-19th century

The presenting of the material meet the tendencies of

contemporary museums: the show has to be spectacular and
clear to understand. The type of the exhibition is ‘didactical’
and to a certain extent ‘problematical’. The exhibition
presents the main artistic centres of Archaic Greece and
Ancient Cyprus. At the same time the monuments are
grouped in a way to illustrate the subjects that are the most
important for clear understanding of Greek culture, Gods
Fig. 19. Show case, the late 19th century and Heroes, Trojan Cycle, Armour, Daily life. The display

A. Trofimova

is arranged in a chronological way, so it gives an idea of The aesthetics of a museum from the era of Historicism
main stages of artistic development, from Mycenaean to has proved far more congenial to today’s visitor than, for
Classical ages. example, the severe aesthetics of Purism of the 1970s
and 1980s. The Gallery of Archaic Art is now one of
In future we plan to open the Attic Vases Room, the museum’s most visited galleries, attracting both
presenting one of the best collections of the Hermitage, and the sophisticated viewer and the mass tourist. The festive
the Cameos Gallery and the others. We clear understand illumination and sumptuous decoration creates an upbeat
the way of these rearrangements: this will be a combination atmosphere, puts visitors in a happy frame of mind, and
of contemporary features (lighting design and scientific as Klenze wrote, “helps to forget the ages of cruelty and
ideas) and stylisation of the galleries of the 19th century. destruction”.

The Polis in the Northern Black Sea Area

Yuryi Vinogradov

One of the key questions in the study of Antiquity is which have up to now been little noted in works dealing
that of the polis. Much of our understanding of the history with this question overall2. Such specific features notably
of Ancient Greece depends on how it is resolved. It is well include the relative poverty and simplicity of material
known that the word polis had three basic meanings in culture in the Northern Black Sea poleis. An overview of
Ancient Greek: 1) the town, 2) the state, 3) civic society1. archaeological information relating to this region has made
On that nearly all scholars are agreed, but since I shall it clear that there were very few examples of monumental
be dealing with Greek colonies in the Northern Black Sea sculpture, that the architecture of public buildings was
area it is important to deal with another axiom: colonies not rich in variety or scale, there was no great variety in
were mainly constituted like the polis (Graham 1964, 5; lapidary epigraphy (with the exception perhaps of Olbia).
Snodgrass 1986, 49; Blavatskij et al. 1979, 13). A recognition On the other hand we should note the relative wealth of
of that fact, however, in no way simplifies the scholar’s necropolises of the Greek apoikiai in the Northern Black
task, since – as was noted by Frolov (1988, 53), the true Sea area, particularly in the Bosporus. The practice of
embodiment of principles of the polis in Ancient Greece placing a large number of precious items in a tomb was
was paradoxical. The paradox is even more relevant in not by any means a chance development. Not only did it
the regions affected by colonisation. Whilst understanding reflect the level of the colonists’ wealth but there can be
the complexities of this problem I shall try to be brief, almost no doubt that the practice was tied to perceptions of
dealing in detail only with those aspects the study of which the world beyond the grave, the afterlife. The idea gradually
seem to be most relevant today. appears that gaining immortality was of considerably
greater concern to the colonists of the Northern shore of
It must be emphasised once more that Greek colonies the Black Sea than it was to the Greeks of the metropolis
were mainly constituted as a polis. There were certain (Vinogradov 2000a, 121–2).
nuances in connection with the Western wave of colonisation,
due mainly to the fact that in the 8th century BC even We cannot judge with any certainty what form of political
poleis in the metropolis had not fully taken shape and system existed in the region as the colonies emerged or even
there were no towns as such. In other words, it cannot be later, whether aristocratic, democratic or tyrannous. When
excluded that the apoikiai of this region were more advanced compiling a list of all the known poleis, on the basis of
that their metropolises in social and political development a set of defined features, Hansen (1996, 41–54) in essence
(Snodgrass 1981, 42; 1986, 49–51; Kolb 1984, 111; Hansen denied the status of polis to nearly all Greek colonies in
1993, 11; Di Vita 1996, 264). The Greeks’ mastery of the region with the exception of Olbia. This does not of
the Northern shores of the Black Sea came relatively late, in course mean that Kerkinitis, Chersonesos, Theodosia and,
the second half of the 7th and first half of the 6th century for instance, Panticapaeum were not poleis. That is not
BC, by which time Greek societies in the metropolis were the question, nor is whether or not Hansen’s chosen criteria
already structured as poleis, there were towns, established were the right ones. The essence of the matter is that most
types of public and residential buildings and so on. We can of the colonies along the Northern shore of the Black Sea
with confidence assert therefore that poleis arrived in do not satisfy overall the proposed criteria, a situation that
the Northern Black Sea area already formed. This does not, cannot be explained by insufficient archaeological study
however, make the question of their study any easier. of those colonies since dedicated excavations have been
conducted in most settlements over the course of many
Most important of all the reasons for this seems to years. Rather it is the result of how the Ancient Greek
be that none of the colonies ever became what we might poleis developed within the context of the Northern Black
call a ‘clone’ of its metropolis. We must assume that one Sea area, reflecting one of the most important features of
of the most important questions in any study of Greek their physical cultural manifestation.
city states in the regions is how they were adapted to
quite specific local ecological, military, political and Colonisation of the Northern shore of the Black Sea could
demographic conditions. A comparative study of the main not have happened spontaneously, through ‘non-polis’ means,
centres of Greek colonisation in the Northern Back Sea and yet have led in some unknown manner to the creation of
area (at Olbia, Chersonesus Tauricus, the Cimmerian structured agglomerates and so on, as has been suggested by
Bospor us) demonstrates, along with clear signs of some colleagues in Kiev (Lapin 1966, 176; Ruban 1977, 43;
individuality in each, an obvious similarity that was Kryzhitskii and Otreshko 1986, 8). Disagreements as to
manifested particularly in their material and spiritual where – in the Lower Bug region or on the shores of
culture and in certain principles of historical development the Straits of Kerch – poleis were established immediately

1 2
See Andreev 1976, 3; Starr 1986, 36; Morris 1991, 25 ff. ; See Gajdukevič 1955; Vinogradov Ju. G. 1980; 1983; 1997,
Raaflaub 1991, 565–6; Hansen 1993, 7; 1998, 123. 100–32.

Yu. Vinogradov

and where not seem to me to be similarly without basis settlements (villages?) of the relevant period (Abramov and
(Kryzhitskii and Otreshko 1986, 8; Shelov 1994, 102, 104; Paromov 1993, 71 ff.), but archaeological study here has
Tsetskhladze 1997, 59, 81). The unique feature of Greek been only very limited in scale (Vinogradov 2002, 61 ff.;
colonisation here lies in something else entirely. Solovyov and Butjagin 2002, 71). Material received so
far allows us to suggest that at least some of them were
One of the most important circumstances that we seasonal settlements for foreign farm workers who came
should note lies in that during the early stage of their here to work in the fields.
development the apoikiai of the Northern Black Sea area
were not towns in the full sense of the word. Almost There is some reason to consider that the use of foreign
none of them had any of the structures typical of urban workers on the lands of the polis was an important factor
systems. The current opinion that the system of urban in development of the economy of apoikiai of the Northern
planning in Ancient Greece was formed as a result of Black Sea area. Locals from the native farming tribes
colonisation, including colonisation of the North Pontus were of course actively employed by the colonists to
Region (Fischer-Hansen 1996, 319), cannot be seen as create the rural context for the poleis. A special study of
matching the archaeological material at our disposal archaeological material from rural settlements in a number
(Kryzhitskii 1993, 34; Tsetskhladze 1998, 20–1). Modern of cases demonstrates quite clearly the ethno-cultural
archaeological study has convincingly demonstrated that features of inhabitants of the chora. To differing degrees
throughout the course of the fi rst seventy or eighty years this affects all the poleis of the region (Rogov 2005,
of their existence all the colonies that have been more or 196–9), but it is most vividly manifested on the territory of
less well studied (Berezan, Olbia, Kerkinitis, Panticapaeum, Olbia (Marchenko and Domanskii 1999, 72–4; Marchenko
Myrmekion and others) were made up of earth structures 2005b, 87 ff.).
set down into the earth itself 3. There were possibly other
kinds of structure also, but these dug-outs or semi- We should also def ine other forms of barbarian
dug-outs now seem to be most indicative, of greatest influence on the general appearance of the region’s early
cultural significance. The link between this tradition and Greek colonies. One might hypothesise that the foreigners
the culture of local tribes in the Northern Black Sea area were involved not only in creating a layer of dependent
is clearly extremely likely at the very least (Kryzhitskii farmers but also in forming the civic core of early poleis.
1982, 30; 1993, 41; Tsetskhladze 1997, 59; Vinogradov Such a thesis might seem strange at fi rst sight, since it is
1999a, 108). We must stress again that the ‘dug-out’ phase generally accepted that barbarians could not become
in the history of the Greek colonies of the region was citizens. Yet my opinion is that mixed marriages by
a relatively long one. It was only some seventy or eighty the fi rst colonists were an absolutely reality, convincingly
years (two generations!) after their foundation that these demonstrated by the results of a study of Greek colonies
settlements gained urban structures, consisting of large in the Western Mediterranean (Morel 1983, 134; Hansen
multi-room houses with courtyards laid with stone slabs, 2000, 143). In the Nor ther n Black Sea area there
streets with pavements and so on. The previous period in was probably a predominance of marriages between
the history of all the Northern Black Sea poleis should be Greeks and local women and the role these women
seen, in my opinion, as purely adaptive, thanks at least played in forming the cultural appearance of early
partly to the slow growth of their material and demographic poleis in the region – and of course in the development
potential (Vinogradov 1999a, 108–9; 2000b, 230–1). of their demographic potential – seems to have been
All poleis of the Northern Pontus had agricultural
territories (chora), assimilation of which had its own One archaeological feature of Greek colonies in
specific features in each region. A comparative study of the region is that hand-made ceramics made according
the situation – or more precisely situations – that took to the traditions of local tribes have been discovered in
shape in the territories around the Greek towns would their cultural layers 4. A special study of such pottery
doubtless help us considerably in our understanding of their creates a curious picture. Firstly, there is a lot of it in
history (Vinogradov 1993, 88–91; 2005, 223–4; Solovyov very different layers, but the number drops considerably
2007). In the Archaic period Olbia was possessed of as we reach the layers relating to fifty to seventy years
extensive territories with more than a hundred villages after foundation of the settlement. It is indicative that this
(Kryzhitskii et al. 1989, 22 ff.). There is no trace of any such reduction in quantity comes only when the grandchildren
situation in the European Bosporus (the Kerch Peninsula). of the first settlers were already grown (Vinogradov
A different system for the assimilation of agricultural lands 1999a, 108; 2000b, 230–1). Secondly, there is serious
prevailed here, probably due to the threats from nomads; reason to think that a considerable part of this pottery
around Panticapaeum a series of large settlements were was brought in by local women who married the fi rst
established (Tyritake, Myrmekion, Porthmeus etc.), which colonists. In a number of cases, study of the typology of
in time were transformed into small ‘agrarian towns’ hand-made pots allows us to identify with which barbarian
(Vinogradov 1993, 91–3; 2005, 223–4). On the Asiatic side tribes the Greeks of each town established close links
(the Taman Peninsula) we know of more than thirty small (Vinogradov 2005, 230–3).

3 4
See Vinogradov 1999a, 106–8; Butyagin, 2001; Tsetskhladze 2004. See Kastanajan 1981; Marchenko 1988.

The Polis in the Northern Black Sea Area

At a number of Bosporan sites (Myrmekion and Porthmeus) It is quite possible that this was also the case in
remains have been discovered of early fortifications dating archaic Panticapaeum. One gains the impression that early
from the middle to second half of the 6th century BC silver coins of Panticapaeum were first minted not around
(Vinogradov 1999b, 290–3; Vakhtina and Vinogradov 2001, the mid-6th century BC, i.e. during the ‘dug-out’ phase of
41–5). The defensive walls were probably built of mud- its history, as is thought by most (Zograf 1951, 164; Shelov
brick and the bases of large crude stones. Yet the main 1978, 9; Frolova 1996, 54), but somewhat later. There is
part of the population, in Myrmekion at least, was living some basis to suggest that it happened almost synchronously
in those semi-dug-outs, which only rarely made use of with the creation of an urban system, probably at the end of
stone and even then – as has been demonstrated by certain the 6th century BC (Tereshchenko 2001, 207).
observations – not from the very start (Vinogradov 1994,
57–64). We have already mentioned the earthen or ‘adaptive’ As we see, in a number of cases the minting of coins in
phase in the history of Greek colonies of the Northern Black the colonies of the Northern Black Sea area can be linked
Sea area, when they barely resembled towns at all. with the creation of an urban building structure but at
times it occurred earlier. All generalisations with regard to
Without the town there is no polis! Based on what we have the historical questions under discussion can of course be
said, it would indeed seem that the apoikiai of the Northern disputed, but it nonetheless seems correct to suggest that
Black Sea area were not indeed true poleis for the fi rst in the process of Greek colonisation of the region the towns
seventy or eighty years of their history. Yet such a conclusion emerged gradually from existing polis structures (Vinogradov
seems to be rather too simple. During excavations of early 1999a, 109). In other words, the polis as an urban phenomenon
settlements archaeologists have discovered the remains of took shape on the Northern shore of the Pontus later than its
craft workshops (Son 1987, 118–5; Vinogradov 1999a, 111), development as a political phenomenon (See Hansen 1996, 7,
in which context we should note the recent discovery of 25–6, 32). These two elements must not be confused.
bronze casting complexes at Berezan (Domanskii and
Marchenko 2004, 23–8). At some sites remains of interesting With regard to the Northern Black Sea area it must also be
sanctuaries have been found (Rusyaeva 1991, 124 ff.; 1998, admitted that the usual system of ‘one town – one polis’ is not
164; Vinogradov 1999a, 111–2). Nor should we forget always applicable. Here the polis was typically structured with
the mention of poleis in epigraphic documents (mainly several towns. Greek civic communities relatively quickly
graffiti) that clearly relate to that ‘earthen’ period in their outgrew the usual narrow territorial borders, increasing their
development (Rusyaeva 1986, 26, 50 ff.; 1987, 146; 1998, lands to what were usually quite established and historically
168; Vinogradov Ju. G. 1989, 65–6). Such facts allow us to consistent limits, forming social and political organisms that
see some early settlements of the region, despite their lack should be termed ‘megapoleis’ rather than poleis (Vinogradov
of an urban structure, as fully multifunctional centres that 1999a, 103–5 ; Zavoikin 2001a, 173–4).
served as a kind of ‘proto-town’.
We know that the Olbia polis consisted of two centres,
Of considerable interest is the numismatic material. There Olbia and Berezan, the latter having apparently previously
is some basis to think that they started making cast bronze been an independent polis (Vinogradov Ju. G. 1989, 67–8;
‘arrow coins’ in the region of Olbia-Berezan or perhaps that 1997, 133–45; Solovyov 2001). Chersonesus Tauricus with
cast coins in the form of dolphins date from the period time came to include two towns, Kekrinitis and Kalos Limen
when there were as yet no clearly defined urban centres (Shcheglov 1976, 77, 82–3; Zubar 1997, 25–6). The oath of
here. Coins imitating the tips of Scythian type arrows in inhabitants of Chersonesus demanded that all citizens protect
form were widespread in the North-West Black Sea area as Chersonesus, Kerkinitis, Kalos Limen and other fortified
early as the first half of the 6th century BC (Karyshkovskii sites [IOSPE I², 401]. We might agree with Kutajsov (1990,
1988, 31; Solovyov 2006). All scholars link the coins in 143 ff., 156 ff.; 1992, 61–2, 110) that Kekrinitis was originally
the form of dolphins with the Olbian polis. Their dating a typical Hellenic city-state. Nothing changed in its economy,
gives rise to serious problems but it is nonetheless logical and particularly not in its external appearance, when it became
to conclude that they were first made in the second half part of the Chersonesus polis (or rather megapolis). Only its
of the 6th century BC (Karyshkovskii 1988, 34 ff.), when political status altered.
Olbia had not as yet assumed urban form.
At first the Bosporan kingdom also took shape along
Nothing can be added here with regard to Chersonesos these same general lines: under the early Spartocids Panticapaeum
Tauricus, where coinage developed along more or less traditional annexed earlier independent poleis – Nymphaeum, Theodosia,
lines5, but the situation in another Crimean polis, Kerkinitis, is Phanagoria, Kepoi, Hermonassa, Sindian Harbour (Gajdukevič
worthy of note. During the 1980-s excavations there turned up 1971, 65–84; Shelov-Kovedyaev 1985, 82–143; Saprykin
unusual forms of currency that were clearly linked with Olbian 2003, 27). In essence the word polis can be used only with regard
traditions, the most interesting being tokens in the form of fish. to the seven named Bosporan colonies (Vinogradov 1993; 1999a,
Kutajsov (1995, 44, 54) dates the start of their issue to around 104–5)6. We cannot be in any way certain that the remaining
470–460 BC which, in his opinion, accords with the appearance (quite numerous) Greek settlements in the region, even those
of an urban building system in Kerkinitis itself. with urban building types and even fortifications, were such.

5 6
See Anokhin 1977. But see Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1998, 252–60; Zavoikin 2001b.

Yu. Vinogradov

As we see, on the shores of the Straits of Kerch There is some basis to suggest that the scheme for creating
the polis framework ceased to satisfy the interests of a polis from several urban centres appeared in the Bosporus
the local elite even under the early Spartocids, as a result even earlier, during colonisation of the shores of the Straits
of which a sort of ‘megapolis’ was created. Soon even of Kerch. We have already mentioned that a number of
its borders became too narrow and when the Bosporus factors led to the creation of a series of relatively large
incorporated several barbarian tribes of the Kuban region settlements (Tyritake, Myrmekion, Parthenius, Porthmeus)
it formed the Graeco-Barbarian Bosporan kingdom, near Panticapaeum, and these in time became small towns.
governed by a hereditary monarchy (Gajdukevič 1971, 54 ff.; In functional terms none of them ever became major trading
Shelov-Kovedyaev 1985, 89 ff., 124 ff.; Saprykin 2003, points or crafts centres and they all probably existed simply
27–8). Questions as to the place within that structure of as agrarian satellites around Panticapaeum. Perhaps the same
individual poleis (Panticapaeum, Theodosia, Nymphaeum, path was taken by other Bosporan poleis. It is very difficult
Phanagoria etc.) and the preservation of at least part of their to say as yet. Archaeologists have much further work to do
autonomy remain very much open to discussion (Kolobova in order to identify reliable criteria which would allow us
1953, 52; Belova 1954; 15; Gajdukevič 1955, 117; Semenova to consider (or, on the contrary, not consider) local urban
1984, 28–9; Zavoikin 2002). settlements as the centres of autonomous civic societies.

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