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Hamuel Heath

Hamuel Heath

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from early documents in Gen. and Sam. to a possibly late. passage of Micah (76)and the late book of Ruth. The cognate Ass. word dmu (emu)also means ' fatherin-law ' ; ,Winckler's definition, ' the head of a family from which a man gets a wife,' illustrates the anticipative use of the term in two of the letters of DuSratta to Amen-hotep 111. ( A m . Tu6. 173, 182). Like similar words (e.g., inn), its precise usage varied in different Semitic languages. Thus in biblical Hebrew it seems to denote a woman's, in Ass. a man's father-in-law. W e cannot be certain, however, that even in ancient Hebrew it was never used in a wider sense,, as e.g., it sometimes is in Arabic, and as nN and ny certainly are in Hebrew. Thus perhaps all the men of a group might be called a& by the husband and &am by the wife, or vice versa, and so Hamu-el might be practically synonymous with Ahi-el, or, for that matter, with Abi-el H. W. H. (see ABI, N AMES WITH).

The name much exercised the old interpreters. 'Grace of God, 'Grace of God's people' (or 'of circumcision'), are the explanations given in O S 162 25 (cp 186zo), and the former appears as a note on the name in @emg. of u. 7. We should probably read ~ ~ ? U g = ~' God?is~ , ~ ' pity.' HANNIEL occurs twice. [p.v.] Gray's remark (HPN, 307, n. 2) goes too far. The support of the versions could only prove the comparative antiquity of the reading 5Nnjn. 13 is very frequently miswritten for 33.


T. K . C.

§ 50, an abbreviated name ; cp EL-

HANAN, H ANANIAH ; ANAN [BRAL]). I . A name occurring twice@. 23 and u. 38 avvav [L1=944)ina genealogy of BENJAMIN (q.u., $ g, ii. 8) in Ch. 8. 2. b. MAACAH (q.u., ii. g), one of David's heroes ( I Ch. 1 43, 1

HAMUEL, RV Rammuel ($NDn, 46, om. B, AMOYHA [AL]), a Simeonite ( I Ch. 426). The form with double m (MT and RV) was explained 'zestus Dei ' by Ges., but should no doubt be read, as in AV and @, Hamue12 (5iynG) as in the case of HAMUL (see below). The meaning will then be, ' T h e head of my
kindred is God.' See HAMU,N AMES IN. or -5)D!l, possibly a corruption-of 5vsDI'J ; see above, HAMLJEL but the ; name n*5Dn* has been found on an Israelite seal, which makes Gesenius's interpretation ' clementiam expertus,' just possible [cp GAMLJL] ; see also We. De Gent. 22 ; and cp Ki. on I Ch. 25 : more probably, however, like M AHOL , the name is a corruption of J ERAHMEEL [p.u. 3 41: Hezron, Hamul's brother, appears in I Ch. 29 as Jerahmeel's father), a grandson of Judah3 (Gen. 4612,r e p o u ~ X [ADL],

3. The b'ne Hanan a post-exilic family of the NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list [see E ZRA ii., 8 91, Ezra 246=Neh. 749 (in latter, yavav [N])=I Esd. 530, ANAN,. 2 4. A Levite, present at the reading of the Law under Ezra (Neh. 8 7 om. BA = I Esd. 948 awias [Bl avavias [AL] ANANIAS, ;probablythesignatory to the coveAant(see E ZRA i.: 5) $ 7 Neh. 1010 [II] (om. B, avav,[N".&mp.Al, ) avam [L]). 5. l h e name borne by two slgnatories to the covenant (see E ZRA i., 8 7), Neh. 1022 [23] avaw [Ll, 1026 [27] awav [BA], awa [~'id.], evav [Ll). 6. b. Zaccur, a keeper of the storehouses, appointed by Nehemiah, Neh. 1313 (aavav [N] avaviou [Ll). 7. The sons of Hanan b. I G D A ~ (q.u.), were a fapily wh:cb ~IAH had a chamber in the temple (Jer. 354 uiOv wvav VLOU avav'ov [BA ] avuav vi. avvavLov [N, auav. Nc.a, but fi omits

avuav [XI).

.. .

;io) yosoAiov1.l

RAMUL ( h ? - i . e . ,


RANANEEL, AV, RV Hananel($&13?), in ' Tower of Hananeel,' Neh. 3 I 1239 Jer. 31 38 Zech. 1410; See JERUSALEM, 24. In Neh both times the tower of Hananeel is coupled with that of H ~ M M E (q.d.). When we consider that HAMMEAH AH is probably a corruption of dayZZnad 'the old (city) ' it seems very possible that the name of the 'tower of the old ?city)' was Hananeel. Observe in this connection th? in Neh. 1239 @ B does not recognise 'the town of Hammeah. T K. C . . HANANI ('>!ti, 52, shortened from .IiV,'PG, see H ANANIAH ; ANAN[€][ [BRAL]). I Father of the prophet J E H U [p.v., 2 , I K. . 1 16 I (in u. 7 avas [Ba mg.1, avama [A]), 2 Ch. 16 7 (avapeL [B] 19 2 20 34). 2. A temple musician, a son of Heman ( Ch. 25 4 [om. Bl 25 I avamas [B] ;L has avavcqh in both verses which points to a form
3. One of the b'ne I MMEE (q.v., ii. I) among the sons of the priests in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA i., $ 5 end), Ezra 10 20 (auavLa [A] -s [L])= I Esd. 9 21 ANANIAS (auavrac [2]
[ B s J k e of the 'brethren ' of NEHEMIAH (Neh. 1 2 , avau [L], auavew [ K ;? avav &s as in Ll, 7 2, avavia [BNALI). 5. A priest in the procession at the dedication of the wall (see E ZRA ii., $ 13&, Neh. 1236 (avautas [L], avavi Nc.amg. inf.1, om.' BN"A).


\- ; NU. 2621, capouv [B], tupou$, [AFL], \ a whence arises ) , the patronymic Hamulite ($vmr$, Nu. Z.C. ;tupouver

Ch. 25, repouqA [BA], up.[L]


[B], rupouqAr [AL], c ~ , u .[F]). ~

RAMUTAL (5QV2n Kt. $Q+nq, ' m y husband's father is the dew ' [see N AMES , § 461 ; but the second element in the name is very suspicious [see ABITAL] ; read rather HAMUTLJB, h e head of my kindred ( = 't my God) is goodness' ; AMITAA [ALQ]), the mother of Jehoahaz and Zedekiah, 2 K. 2331 (AMBITAI [B]), 2 4 1 8 (MITAT [Bl, A M l T A e [-4]), Jer. 521 (AM[E]ITAAh [BRA]) and in @BAL of 2 Ch. 362a (ABEITAA [B]).
T. K. C.

HANAMEEL, or (RV) Hanamel (hjP3l, ' G o d is kind' ? [see below] ; ANAMEHA [BKAQ]), b. Shallum, a
cousiuof Jeremiah, fromwhom, in the first part of thesiege of Jerusalem, Jeremiah purchased, for seventeenshekels, a property at Anathoth, thus demonstrating his faith, victorious over doubts, in the ultimate restoration of Israel (Jer. 32, [d 391 7-12, cp ~ 4 ) . The account is evidently authentic, though it received its present shape only after the fall of Jerusalem (see Giesebrecht). The details of the purchase are interesting. The deed of purchase was subscribed and sealed (with clay; see C LAY ), and together with a second unsealed copy was deposited in an earthen vessel, which may have been like the earthen jars which contain the Babylonian contract-tablets,
1 Muss-Arnolt connects it with a root emli [=ann], 'to protect, surround,' inferred from a proper name. 2 The altered form may be a mistake under the influence of Ammiel; or an intentional alteration. 3 Names common to Judah and %meon occur not un.

RANANIAH (a:?>?, Vl:Wn-i.e., ' Yahwl: is gracious,' 2 8 52, 84 ;, A N A N I A ( C ) [BKAQIK 871). ., I One of Daniel's companions, also called Shadrach (Dan. 16 . etc). See DANIEL, $ 14. 5 2. Son of Azzur; a prophet who opposed Jeremiah (Jer.
28 1 ) 8 .

3. Ancestor of thecaptain of the guard who arrested Jeremiah (Jer. 37 13). 4. A son of Zerubbabel (I Ch. 3 19 21). 5. b. Shashak in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (q.'u. $ 9, ii. p), I Ch. 8 24. 6 One of the fourteen ' sons of Heman ' (I Ch. 25 4 23). . 7. One of the Bene Bebai in the list of those with foreign wives (see E ZRA i., $ 5 end) ; Ezra 10 28 (viava [B], avaa [K*], avaveca [Kamg.])= I Esd. 9 29, ANANIAS,, 3. 8. An apothecary in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH Perhaps the samd $ 13 ZRA ii. 88.16 [I], 154, Neb.38. E person is inten$ed In Neh. 3 30 (same list). 9. Neh. 3 30. See no. 8. IO. Governor of the castle, under Nehemiah, who describes him as ' a faithful man.' and one 'who feared God above many (Neh. 72). Cp nos. I; 13. 11. Signatory to thb covenant (see E z R A ~ 8 , 7); Neh. . 10 23 [24] evav [L] ; perhaps the same as no. IO. 12. HeHd of a priestly house in the days of Joiakim (see E ZRA ii., $8 6 8 II), Jeshua's successor (Neh. 12 12; BN* om.). 13. A &est in the procession at the dedication of the wall (Neh. 1241 [om. BN*A]); perhaps the same as no. IO.

graphy; KL L ~ ~ o u ~ A K L epovqh. [Jos. (An%.ii.74) has a is for a apovpos, ako the form iapoupor (see Niese).] '949

RAND (12, 6 1 ~ )Many of the uses of the hand in ~ . Hebrew phraseology are too plain to need special explanation. There are some, however, which are nbt

1 3


means to bestow the office of priest,' which is near the devoid of strangeness, and some of the passages in xiginal sense. KalCvy has pointed out ( R E J , 0ct.which ' hand ' occurs, need brief consideration from Dec. 1890,p. 209)that it is exactly parallel to an Assyrian the point of view of textual criticism. Not that mere phrase for the transmission of authority ; Delitzsch critical puzzles are worth mentioning here, but when ;Ass. H W 5 4 0 9 6 ) gives this as k d t d mu118, ' to fill the exegesis is distinctly affected by textual criticism, it band ' = ' to invest with an office.' There is therefore would seem to be a fault of method not to refertothis. no need to suppose either that the objects with which Yrirt,i*, the hand sometimes with reference solely to the wrist (Gen. 2422, etc.) or'finger, sometimes including even the arm the hand was filled were pieces of a sacrificial offering (zZrh?, yiyr), is to be kept distinct from Rajh, 13,1 the palm of ' D i . , Baudissin), or that a sum of money was placed in the hand (or the sole of the foot, paw, etc., cp Lev. 1127). The ;t (Vatke, Wellh. ) ; it is the office itself which is given. hollowed hand is the ZZZ, 5yij ( I K. 20 IO, etc.), or &hen, Nor can we say, with most scholars, that Ezek. 43 16, where , p h (Prov. 304, etc.). For parts of the hand the Hebrew terms :he phrase seems to he applied to the reconsecration of the altar, ny>y~, finger2 (Ex. 31 IS, etc.), ddhen,.1Ti,thumb are e+'&, shows how completely the consciousness of its original meaning . >asfaded away. For i-v 1 ~ 5 (Kr., 6)seems to be a corrup~ 1 (Judg. 16, etc.), &&a, in?, little finger ( I K. 12 IO), andsippdren, :ion of O ' t Y y qb?, words which appear in MT (but with .ly$r, nail.3 The span of the hand is &%a&, nsb (Ex. 25 25, I\,* for I\,) at the head of D . 27, but are lacking in @. Obvietc., n g ~ , K. 7 2 % used as a unit of measurement (cp the I ,usly there are two rival readings, and 1?1* ~ h isr the worse 1 similar use of 'finger' in Jer. 5221); see WEIGHTS A N D if the two. Cp, however Nowack IYA 2 IZOJ ; Addis, Doc. MEASURES. I t should he noted that the full phrase for right Hex. 2263 n.; Dr.-White,'SBOT, Lev. Eng., 71. hand is yad yrimin v y 1 (e.g., Ps. 7325); ydmin, 9 is T I<. C. . properly 'right side.' "Left-handed' is expressed by 'itt2r bud HANDBREADTH (nDii), Ex. 3712 2 Ch. 4 5 Ps. yrimin] []'iYl'] le?, Judg. 3 15 2016. a. I n two important passages ( I S. 1512 Is. 5 6 5 ) 395 [ 6 ] . See WEIGHTS A N D MEASURES. RV"g. records the fact that where English idiom HANDICRAFTS, T o attempt a complete account -requires ' monument,' or ' memorial,' the Hebrew has >f all the handicrafts practised by the Hebrews, in the 'hand ' (;. 1) 'Saul came to Carmel, and, behold, he ight of the Talmud and the evidences of the monu.set him u p a monument' ; this trophy of Saul the nents, would mean a history of their civilisation and Hebrew text calls a ' hand.' The reading, however, is :ulture, and would lie far outside the limits of this not free from doubt.4 At any rate, this use of ' hand' uticle. I t must suffice, therefore, here to give a brief is certainly found in z S. 18 18 (Absalom's ' monument ') summary of the various occupations to which reference a n d in Is. 5 6 5 (the ' memorial ' promised to God-fearing s made in the Bible, and to indicate any additional eunuchs). On many Phcenician votive steles an out'eatures which seem to be of general interest. stretched hand is represented, probably to symbolize I Leaving on one side all workers in metal, whether . the action which accompanied the vow.5 The monu2oppersmiths( I K. 7 14 2 Tim. 4 14), ironsmiths (Is. 44 I) ,, ments referred to in the OT passages may be regarded :old- or silversmiths (Judg. 1 7 4 Is. 40 19 Mal. 323 ) , l we .as votive steles. may start with two allied crafts-vu. those of workers b. Similarly Abram, when he makes a vow, lifts up in wood and workers in stone. his hand (Gen. 1 4 1 4 ; c p Dt. 3240 z K. 1015 Ezek. The common term is W?Q, hrirrii (for harrEZ; @ usually 1 7 1 8 ; and especially, according to the usual interpretaT ~ K T W V ) ,I/to cut, used generally of an artisan (e.&'. 2 K. 22 6 24 14 tion, Ex. 1 7 1 6 , Prov. 1121). Jer. 24 I 20 2) or more definitely of a carpenter 1 Terms. (Jer. l o 3 Is. 4 7): or metal-worker! (Hos. 13 2) ; in . 1 Ex. 17 16 forms part of an account of the defeat of the AmaleI S. 13 19( T ~ K T O U uaS4pov [RAL]) the reference is, kites, when Yahwk declared that he would utterly blot out the as the context shows, to armourers. Usually, however, the term Amalekites. The Hebrew has, 'And he said, That a hand to the throne (?) of Jah, war ,hath Yahwk against Amalek from is qualified by addition of the material-viz. (I) ja? 'n, worker eneration to generation (7). Forth: first part of this RV gives, haT6pos, in stone, 2 S. 5 T I (7. A ~ w v ) ,I Ch. 22 15 ( o ~ K o ~ ~ ~ o s A ~ R w v , FAnd he said The Lord hath sworn. Those who are less tied h i h v ) , Ex. 28 I I ( A L R o v ~ ~ L K ~ ~ v q s ) , ( 2 ) yy 'n, worker in ~dx s t o the MT &an the Revisers were, will admit that the text is hardly translateable, and needs emendation (see JEHOVAH-NISSI). wood, 2 S. 5 11 2 K. 12 II [12] I Ch. 22 15 ( T . [&VI (3) (Jhwv), Prov. 11 21 is alsocommonly said to refer to the custom of lifting n@n,'n, worker in bronze, I K. 7 14, (T. X U ~ K O . ~ ~2) Ch. 24 12 , u p the hand for an oath. As an alternative to the faulty render(,yah;aPq XahKoG), (4) $12 'n, worker in iron, 2 Ch. 24 12 Cyahing of AH we find in RVmg. ' My hand upon it I Heb., Hand K ~ ur&jpou). S From the same root comes "in, &rirGdh, t o hand. There IS, howe;er, no parallel for a proverb constructed as RVw. supposes Prov. 1 21 to be and we should 1 ' work '(naturally more specific than n m k , mZZri'k%),defined, almost certainly read, not, ' My hand upon i; ; the evil man as above, by the addition of. ;1 or f'y (Ex. 31 5). shall not go scot free,' but, 'The malignant witness6 shall not go Words used to express the idea of carving, cutting, or hewinz scot free.' No doubts need be raised against that well-known are : >sn(to hew out of the living rock), I Ch. 22 15 ( T C X V ~ T ~ S ) , 2 Ch. 2 18 [17] (with 152,hadpos), to he kept distinct from >Dn passage, Ps. 1448, ' Their right hand is a right hand of ('to cut or gather- wood'), Dt.195 2911[10], etc.; and ppn falsehood' ; yunzin in Arabic has the double meaning (stone), Is. 22 16, as opposed to (wood), I K. 6 35. Common of 'right hand' and 'oath.' C p 2 K. 1 0 1 5 (:e: 6 [20] Is. 14 s(wood), Mesha to both crafts are nij,Dt. 19 5 I JONADAB, 3) ; Gal. 29, ' the right hands of fellowshp inscr. Z. 25 (stone), and y?>, Gen. 22 3 (wood), Hos. 13 z Ps. c. Clasping hands was the sign of a completed 78 15 Job 28 I O Eccles. 10 g (stone). ~ p(to judge from the use j bargain ; see Job 1 7 3 Prov. 61. of nxpj in Siloam inscr. 1. I ) is used only of stone ; on the RV, however, goes too far when it gives in Is. 26, 'and they chap. other hand, of wood (Is. 10 34, cp I$,1 7 6 24 13). strike hands [in hargains] with the children of strangers.' The 2 T h e work of the carpenter belongs to the earliest . present Hebrew text is hardly translateable, and no suggested rendering is thoroughly suitable to the context. Most probably efforts of man to provide himself with the ordinary conwe should read, 'And with the secret arts of the Harranians 2. workers veniences and simple comforts of life. they practise enchantments ' (see HARAN i.).7 His work ranges from the fashioning of d. In Ex. 2841 299, Lev. 2110 (all P), we find the in wood. the rude tent furniture to veneering, in1 strange idiom, ' to fill the hand ' (; ~ $ 1 3 )for ' t o conlaying, and carvings in wood (mi&Zi'6th,nryipn, e:$. of secrate as priest.'B I n Judg. 175, however, it simply cedar, I K. 6 18 ; olive, 22. 32 i fir, i d . v. 34f. ; $hY?&?n, 1 In Bihl. Aram. OF, Dan. 5 5 ; see Bevan, Dan. 100, n., @m?, I IC 629) ; see B ED , EBONY, I VORY . Cp also Dr. on 2 S. 13 18. SHIP. 2 With &y=toes, 2 S. 2120. The implements used would be primarily of the 3 With nay='to pare the nails,' Dt. 21 12 t. On the custom simplest description. (The modern Bedouin for example here referred to, see WRS, Kin. 178. Bihl. Aram. mu* Dan. 4 30 [331. fashions a hammer by taking a fragment of hard red 4 Cp Schwally L e l e n nach dem Tode, 58. granite and bringing it into the required shape by 6 See SAUL, big. , chipping it with another stone. ) The precise meaning 6 $ $ h p ly (cp Prov. 19 Z) represented in MT byy7 19$1 S, ' . of some of the terms is uncertain, and the mention of



7 m@a; nm; 8 Note the Syr. cognate SmEyE ordination.


1 See METALS, and cp CorPEn, GOLD, IRON, etc.



&?red (sword) in Ex. 2025 to denote an implement is


( 2 K. 1212 [13]) or v? i?! 'd-17( 2 S. 511). Houses were significant. Naturally growth of culture went side by made of bricks or clay; but hewn-stone was not unside with the invention of more elaborate and delicate common (cp below, 6), especially in the case of houses of tools. As we should expect from the analogies of folkthe better class and such buildings as the ].&a, ihp-iu,; lore, implements of stone or wood were long preferred mix, etc., which (like the names they bear) were of for certain purposes to those of iron (cp Ex. 2025) ; but foreign introduction. Joisting is referred to in 2 Ch. the tradition that in the building of Solomon's temple 34 11 (nmp?). Naturally some knowledge of measuring no ' tool of iron ' was heard ( I K. 6 7) is hardly genuine and the drawing of plans (cp nv;m, I Ch. 2811f., etc.) (see I RON , $ 2 ) . was required. The tools comprised various kinds of AXE, H AMMER , S AW, 6. Here mention may be made of the plasterers measuringline (lp, Is. 44 13), chisel or carving-tool (ne?rp?,pl. (ovg, ?@Em, Ezek. 1311,seeMORTAR, 3 ) , and the whiteIs. 44 13, EV 'planes'), the stylus or graver (llp, see PENCIL), and an instrument formakingcircles(so apparentlyil!lnp). Some washer ( M H i"o, cp K O V C ~ W ,Mt. 2327 Acts233) who of these tools, of course, were used by workers in stone: carried a brush with jointed handles (Shadb. 47a). From Is. 44 1 3 8 Wisd. 13I O 8 we gain interesting For thetermsused toexpress the'cutting'ofstoneseeabove(5 I); particulars regarding some of the details of carpentry. the 'quarrying'is called p'pc (I K. 5 18[311 Eccles. 109). Stones T h e artificer takes care to choose a sound tree, one that which have been thus treated are styled (I) X%?g'>?E, 2 K. 12. will not rot, avoiding the crooked and knotted pieces, IZ [13] 22 6 (hitlor Aaropqroi), 2 Ch. 34 IS (A. r ~ r p d m B o r ) , (2) or, may be, 'planteth an ash tree' for the purpose. nw, I K. 5 17 [31] (A. & T & K ~ T O U S ) , I Ch. 2 2 2 (A. ~ u u r o d s ) ,I K. Having made his choice he saws, hews, or cuts it into 7 9 I I 6 36 &&pov Q T ~ L ~ K ~ T U W ) , 5 IT ( . $ P U T O ~ S , or .$uurotk) ; Am. used for altars, Ezek. 40 42 (AL9wac AsAa&up&ar) ; cp the probeams.1 The wood is then ready to he shaped into a hibition Ex. 20 25 (rpqrol); also in buildings, Is. 9 IO [91. (3) slab (pli), board plank stave (la), etc. used in building, Ezra58 64, the same word in Palm. is 3. The art of working in stone goes back to the used of an inscriptional stele. earliest ages. In its rudest forms it is exemplified in Special tools which would be needed in addition to those men3 Workers the primitive rock-cut altars, aqueducts, . tioned above are the plumb-line (?@$ Am.77), or plummetcisterns, in stone. wine-vats, Palestine. and conduits still to weight (n$p$p, Is. 28 17 2 K. 21 13), and the measuring-reed (n,lJi! be seen in Of a less primitive or nina njp, E+k. 40 3). For the mechanical methods employed character are the rough-hewn stones, varying ih workby the Egyptians, see especially F. Petrie, Pyramids and Temples o Gieeh, 173 ziz$ f manship, used as landmarks (Jer. 31ZI), gravestones ( z K. 23 17), inscriptional steles,2 etc. Finally, the art 7. On the art of setting and engraving jewels (Ex. in its most cultivated and advanced form is seen in the 2 8 9 8 , etc.). see P RECIOUS STONES). manufacture of stone vases, etc. (see A LABASTER ) ; 8. Workers in clay and earth. Their trade ranged sculpture, on the other hand, does not seem to have from the building of houses to the manufacture of housebeen practised by the Hebrews, although the prohibition Ocher hold utensils, and pottery of the finest in Ex. 204 is sufficiently wide to indicate that this partrades. construction (see B RICK , $ z ; H OUSE ; ticular branch of art was not unknown. POTTERY). G LASS Cp.u.1 was known to 4. One of the most interesting features connected the Hebrews ; but the glazier is first mentioned in the with the craft of stone-cutting in general is the faculty Mishna ( JJI). which the ancients possessed of dealing with huge masses 9. For t h e - tanning and preparation of skins see of stone (in the form of foundation-blocks, obelisks, BOTTLE, $ I ; L EATHER. or statues). T h e hugest of the stones of Stonehenge I O . For the various kinds of cloths, wearing apparel, is quite put in the shade by such specimens of etc., see DKESSand the related articles, and for their Egyptian workmanship as Cleopatra's Needle (186 tons), manufacture, see E MBROIDERY, L INEN , T ENT , W EAV -' and the obelisk of Hatshepsu at Karnak (circa374 tons), ING, W OOL . In connection with this trade mention and-to go beyond Egypt-by the largest of the stones must be made of the FULLER and the dyer (Mish. yax ; in the outer wall of the Temple Hill at Jerusalem (some see generally COLOURS). of which measure 25 x 12 x 8 ft.), or by some of the 11. Considerable attention was paid to the body. stones in the ruins of Baalbek, three of which are about T h e use of perfumes and perfumed unguents necessi13 ft. in height, probably as much in thickness, and no less tated the apothecaries ' and ' confectibnaries ' (in AV) ;' than from 62 to 64 ft. in length. ' T h e greatest marvel see I NCENSE , O IL , SPICES. Barbers were an indisis that they have been raised to the top of a substruction pensable class (see BEARD, H AIR ). The bath-man already 23 ft. high.' One is enabled to see from ( M H ih), and the i i j (Phcen.), who scraped the skin ~ the extant quarries of red granite at Syene the way with a strigil, first appear at a late date. in which the stone was cut away from the mother-rock 12. Finally must be enumerated the most domestic before removal. Thence it was conveyed upon sledges of all arts--that of cooking; see B AKING , B READ ,' and rollers o r upon rafts and floats, which were drawn by C OOKING , FISH, FOOD. men orcattle(sometimes both) tothe required spot. Brute Among dwellers in the desert whose wants are few, strength-with a total disregard of human life-aided and who derive food and clothing from their herds, a by such simple mechanical expedients as levers was the 5. General knowledge of handicrafts cannot be expected sole motive power employed.4 remarks. to flourish. The women do more than their 5. Turning now to the builders (o'?h, o ~ K o ~ ~ ~weL ) , o share of the work, and owing to inter-tribal co-operation outside aid is rarely needed. Doughty, note that in the construction of walls both wood and however, speaks of a tribe of nomads who travelled as stone were used (Ezra 5 8 6 3 ; cp Herod. 1179, Rawl. ad Zoc. ). T h e specialised term for wall-builders is ~ ' - 1 1 3 cheese-sellers ( A r . Des. Z z o S f . ) , and in the case of metalworkers it is not improbable that there were nomad craftsmen, the ancestors of the siny and soZu66y of CP niip !mn, 2 K. 6 5. The specific term (at all events for the stele maker) is &a, to-day.l found at the end of several Nabatrean inscriptions. In some It is among a settled population living in towns and cases there are two ( C I S 2 nos. 206 209 221) or even three (3. villages that need for special craftsmen arises. Outside no. 208) workmen. One bears the (possibly appropriate) name help was needed by Solomon in the building of the nnm (cp nn?, nm? ; see ENGRAVE). temple ( I K. 5 6 [zo], see G EBAL i. ), and the intercourse 3 Baed. PaL(3)375. Even these are exceeded in size by a prodigious block i the quarries to the SE., measuring 71 X 14x 13. thus established (not necessarily for the first time) was n ft. and probably weighing about 1500tons () cit. 376). Though 0 . h&n out it has not yet been separated from the rock. 1 That the Kenites weresuch aguild (Sayce, RacesofOT, 118) 4 SeeWilk. Anc. Eg.2 3028, and for theinterestingdescription rests upon the slenderest of bases ; see AMALEK, B 7 n., and cp upon the bas-relief in the Deir el-Bahri temple, see F. L. Gristh METALS. in Eg. ExjC. Fwnd Repovt for '95-'96, p. 6 8








not without its influence on the religious history of Israel (.Neh. 13 16 23 c p H ORSE , 5 3 ) . ., With the increase of trade special places for the transaction of business sprang up. The ’ shop ’ (niin) is first mentioned in M H (on the text of Jer. 3716 see C ELLS ) ; .the Gk. [~3150a5 (TUVTOTWXLU) occurs onlyin a Palmyrene inscription. The usual custom, no doubt, was to carry on business out of doors, in the streets (nirrn, see especially I K. 2034), and, as is still so frequently the case, special localities would be set apart for certain trades. Hawkers and pedlars, however, were not unknown. B i b & Bathra zzu mentions the itinerant vendors of perfumes who visited cities to sell toilet requisites to women, and the Tadmor fiscal inscription of 137 A. D. imposes a tax on all peripatetic dealers in old clothes ( p a >T ~vnin* twin>, 11 Gk. ipunorrijhai perupbhor ~ w h [ o 1 7 v ] ~ ePv $ s Tbh€l). In Alexandria there were streets reserved for the goldsmiths silversmiths, coppersmiths, etc. (Succah, 5 1 4 , similarly in Damas: cus (cp Baed. PaLPJ 348 ; see also J ERUSALEM). On the ‘valley of craftsmen or sorcerers’ ( I Ch. 4 14), see GE-HARASHIM. The classification by trade and the formation of guilds doubtless arose at a n early date (cp EPHESUS, 1305, col. n. I). Guilds of goldsmiths and perfumers are mentioned in Neh. 3 8 , l possibly also temple-masons in POCHERETH-





If so the family was a hereditary guild similar to the later families of Garmu and Abtinas who tenahously retained the secret of baking the shew-bread and preparing the holy incense in their respective families (I‘8m83 11). Guilds of potters and weavers seem to he referred to in I Ch. 4 21. A n ~ j 3 n n*>of the coppersmiths is mentioned in Shal.6. I J and a N ’ I ~ 3 1 Nnjn (smiths’ guild) in a Palmyrene inscription ’of the t h i z century A.D. It was possibly as a sign of membership that each artisan used to wear something distinctive of his calling ; the scribe, a pen in his ear; the wool-carder, a woollen thread; the tailor (awn), a needle in front of his dress etc. No encroachment of trade wa; allowed (Mass. 24a) and to avoid competition two butchers would agree together Lot to kill on the same day (Bd66 Batha, ga; see i6. 8 a) Each baker adopted a particular shape of loaf to distinguis8 h:ls workmanship from that of others. All labour was looked upon as honourable. Exceptions were few. The sailor, herdsman, driver of asses or camels, and barber were regarded with disfavour. T h e tanner was obliged to carry on his evilsmelling craft outside the precincts of the city (Bdbd Balhru z j a , incidentally confirmed by Acts l O 3 2 ) , and the low esteem in which his calling was held was only exceeded by that of the skinner of carcases (Phdch. 113a). The trades closed to the high priest were those of the weaver, fuller, perfumer, barber, tanner, leech, and bath-man. Apart from this the practice of some trade or other was recommended to all. ‘ Great is work, for it honours the worker ’ (Niu‘dr. 46b). To neglect to teach one’s son some handicraft was tantamount to bringing him up to robbery (@id. z9a). Not all trades, as we have seen, were estimated alike. BZrikh. ( 6 3 a ) advises every man to teach his son a clean and light employment, such as, for example, tailoring, because the stitches form neat, straight lines like the furrows of the field. Many Rabbins, renowned in their day, were not ashamed to earn their living by the labour of their hands; R. Johanan as a sandal-maker, Hillel as a wcod-cutter, R. Jehudah as a baker, R. Simon as an embroiderer - and many other instances could be given.2 It is quite exceptional, therefore, when Ben-Sira elevates the literary profession far above all trades, and refuses to concede the possibility of the artisan’s acquiring wisdom (Ecclus. 3828J). See EDUCATION.
S. A. C.

HANDS, LAYING ON OF, The same English phrase ‘ t o lay hands upon’ is used in the AV to render two distinct Greek phrases-viz. xcipas ;rrr@a‘hhe~vto lay hands on with violence, and xeipas ; m d E I v a L , to lay hahds on to convey some gift. With the latter phrase corresponds the d?riOetrrs XapOv of Heb. 6 2 I Tim. 4 14 z Tim. 16. From it again must be distinguished the verb X E L P O T O V C ~ V (Acts 14 z i ) , whicd properly signifies simply ‘to appoint,’ so, e.g., in the Diducht chap. 15 ‘Appoint for yourselves ( X ~ L P O T O ~ ~ U 2awois) hishop; ~TF and deaions’ : though at a later period X F L P O T O V ~ is regularly ~ used as a synonym of x ~ ~ p 0 0 e u i a . In the O T we find ‘ laying on of hands ’ practised ( a ) by privileged individuals, of their own free will, and ( a ) by religious officers as a legal act. In the N T we find (c) Jesus and the apostles using it at their pleasure in acts of healing or in benedictions ; we also find it ( d ) as an ecclesiastical rite. In all cases we must suppose the laying on of hands to be accompanied by words. If the words partake of the nature of a spell, the laying on of hands must also be said to have a magical character ; our juclgment on the one act conditions our judgment on the other (see BLESSINGS AN D C URSINGS ). For an instance of ( a ) see Gen. 48 1 7 8 ; for instances of ( 6 ) Ex. 2910 15 Lev. 14 32 44 813J 22 1524 29 33 1621 (see A ZAZEL, § I ) 2414 Nu. 810 12 2718 20 Dt. 139 177 ; cp also Ecclus. 5020. See SACRIFICE. The later Jewish stmmikhd is the lineal descendant of this OT rite; but by the fifth century A.D., the symbolic act of imposition of hands had entirely disappeared from the Jewish ordination of religious teachers. (See Schiirer’s note G]l/(SJ 2 199 LGIVPJ 2 152 ET 3 1771 ; andarticle ‘Ordinirung’inHamburger,

For instances of ( c ) see Lk. 440 (the parallels in Mt. and Mk. are silent), Mk. 823 E16181 1016 (blessing children) Acts 9 17 288. The several passsages in Acts, however, need separate consideration. In Acts 8 16f: we rkad that Peter and John, after prayer, laid their hands on those who had been baptized by Philip in Samaria, and they (for the first time) received the Holy Spirit. That the action was in no degree magical is shown by the incident related in Acts 1044. Similarly in Acts 196 Paul lays his hands on disciples of John the Baptist (see J OHN , DISCIPLES O F ). Instances of ( d ) occur in Acts 66 (imposition of hands on the Seven), 133 (Barnabas and Saul), I Tim. 414 522 z Tim. 16. It is everywhere apparent that only certain privileged persons are able so to perform the rite of of imposition of hands that the ~ d p t u p a office may be communicated, and it is this communication of a Xcipiupu which constitutes investiture of office. Once more the non-magical character of the rite is manifest. In I Tim. 414 the imposition of the hands of the presbytery is in close connection with prophetic utterances (cp I Tim. 118). In z Tim. 16 the description is condensed into ‘ t h e gift (xcip.) of God which is in thee through the laying on of my (Paul’s)hands.’ The meaning of I Tim. 5 22 is not quite plain. ‘ Lay hands suddenly (or, hastily) on no man’ might refer to the appointment of church officers ’ hut the following words, ‘and he not partaker with other men’s’sins,’ hardly seems favonrahle to this. The laying on of hands was afterwards employed in the reception of catechumens and in the restoration of offenders. The ealtleurs x a p i v of Heh. 6 z is closely connected with ‘baptisms ;1 but we are unable to define the precise meaning. See SPIRITUAL GI*TS.



HANES (D>Q; on the versions see n. z ) , a place in Egypt (Is. 304 to which v. 5 belongs). M T is generally rendered thus : ‘ For though 2 his princes are in Zoan,
1 Barnyp0-i 2nlfiuls T E x a p i v
velpo” 2 If
Ka‘ K p L p a OLOY‘OV.

corresponds to


HANDKERCHIEF ( C O Y A A ~ I O N ) Acts 19x2.






See LOOKING-GLASS. 1 The idiom n3aym- 3 etc., may perhaps he the source of the B TOG T C K T ~ V O S ut& (h!t.)1355; contrast Mk. 63). See JOSEPH (H USBAND OF MARY). 2 e.g. Paul ; cp CILICIA, 3 (end), TENT, $ 3. 0

MT of v. 41: is correct, ???,*J milst be taken as conyessive (‘for though .’). His princes cannot mean Judah’s princes for Pharaoh has just been spoken of (see Di. Jes.0 ed. Kittei). @ differs in several points from MT. It presupposes n w , n d m , for iw, i 4 n ; also i y am ~ ( p d ~ q v~ o r ~ a ’ u o u u r[BUAOQ]) for lY’3’ Din; and W N m 53 is v unrepresented. So far as Din for m n is concerned, we cannot pronounce BBNAOQ’s text an improvement. See, however no. 3. Jerome keeps Hanes, hut guesses badly at ‘ ultimam’ juxta




and his messengers go as far as Hanes, none wins aught but disappointment,' etc. (so SBOT, 'Isaiah')-ie., however far the rule of the Pharaoh may extend, none who has anything to ask of him fails to be disappointed (Di., Duhm, Che.). If this is correct, Hanes must have been at some distance from the royal residence, so that the Pharaoh communicated with it by messengers or envoys. Our first object will be to illustrate by Egyptology what the critics pronounce the most probable view of the Hebrew text ; we therefore disregard a t present the different interpretation of EV. I. W e may well be cautious in seeking to identify Hanes, considering the failure of 6 to recognise any Egyptian name resembling it. But we may at any rate reject the view put forward by Dumichen, who identifies both Hanes and the Assyrian @z'nin(!)Si with

represents the destruction of mankind as having begun here.l Politically, the city took the highest rank under the ninth and tenth dynasties (Heracleopolitan), and again we find it important in the eighth and sevei.th centuries. The Ethiopian P'an&y(commonly miscalled Pianchi) mentions the ruler (nomarch) of Heracleopolis, as the chief adversary of the powerful prince of Sais (EGYPT, 6 5 ) . The Assyrian king Ah-bHni-pal speaks of a ruler of @ininSi (=Heracleopolis?) whom h e called X a @ i (but see above). Herodotus (2 137) knows, something of a blind king Anysis (!) R-ho in the island-city "Avuuis (=A&-&) held out against t h e Ethiopian invasion for fifty years (a confusion of some historical and mythological facts). W.M. M. , 3. But is the text on which recent critics have worked correct? I t is very difficult to think so. Gratz (Emendatz'anes, '92) and Cheyne (JQR July '98) have independently suggested omsnn as an emendation of D I ;, ~ ' Zoan ' and ' Tahpanhes ' are very naturally combined. D J at any rate is wrong, thinks the latter ; D J ~ N ~ would he possible (cp the Coptic name Ehnes); but the appearance of 7'714 and 5, both in MT and in @, suggests that more than o n e letter may have fallen out of the text. w " j 3 5 2 also appears to him wrong. There is a &E w'?h (see Ginshurg) ; hut this is &Jartificial. Krochmal, Gratz, and Cheyne read qg ' they all bring presents.' p ? ~ , n*j& (so B ) for vi$*,y& removes all the ground for dispute between EV and the recent critics ; Cheyne's 315 for 3'c may also be right, unless the cor: ruption is more deeply seated. Verses 5 and 6 thus become parallel, and within v. 5 itself the parallelism between ' Zoan t and ' Tahpanhes is as perfect as it could he (see TAHPANHES): Cp Ruben, JQR 1 448 ['gg]. 1 W. M. M. ( I , 2)- T. K. C . (3). HANGING. T h e Hebrew terms employed to denote deaths of this or of a like nature require to be carefully distinguished. I. I n the cases of Ahithophel (z S. 1723) and Judas Iscariot (Mt. 275) death by strangulation (pin, @ana#; drdyXeuOai) is a mode of suicide. Another reference has been found in Job 715, where, after describing some of his distressing symptoms, Job says, according to RV, So that my soul chooseth strangling, And death rather than (these) my bones.


n @'

the capital of a district E53 with a sanctuary



Dumichen held this city to be Daphnze, and Daphnz to be HeracZeopolis pama, but without any other reason than the analogy of this alleged ' g e n e s ' to the southern Hnes (wrongly read &'enensuten by Diimichen). Unfortunately, the reading genes is a guess of the highest improbability. Naville ( A h n a s el-Medineh, 4) admits it to be doubtful, and prefers to emphasise the fact that in ASm-bki-pal's account of his war with Tarku (Tirhakah) HininSi occurs among the names of cities all of which belong to the Delta. I t is clear, however, that this circumstance will not justify us in accepting Dumichen's identification. It can only suggest that ASur-bhi-pal's HininSu was probably a city in the Delta, which is, in fact, all that Naville contends for. 2. W e have next to consider the view prevalent among scholars from Vitringa's time-a view that is at any rate in harmony with the generally accepted interpretation of Is. 504. This identifies Hanes with Heracleopolis (magna), a city of Middle Egypt, W. of the Nile, near the place where the Bahr Yfisuf branches off into the Faiyiim. The spot is now called Henassfye -or Henassiyet-el-Medineb, 12 mm. W. of Beni Suef; on the unproductive excavations there see Naville, Ahnas el Medineh (11th Memoir of EEF, '94). Earlier Arab writers called it A h n i s ; l the Copts HnZs (or Ehnes) ; the ancient hieroglyphic name was g a t (;.e., 'house,' cp n-s), Henen-suten (or seten?) ( i . e . ; ' abode of the royal youth ' ). This name seems to have in been shortened to Hne(n)s(e) the vulgar pronunciation (cp Ass. @ininSi?). The city was the capital of the twentieth nome (or county) of Upper Egypt, which formed an island surrounded by the main Nile and the present Bahr Yiisnf (? Ptol. 125, Strabo, 789, 809, ~ I Z ) , or at least by a similar branch of the Nile (called Menhi in Coptic writers). The chief god was HarSaf(y), 'Apuaq%js-i,e., 'Horus the valiant' (cp Plut. De Z . 37), whence the s Greek name of the city (the ram-headed Hnumu being identified with Heracles), or according to an earlier etymology ' the one on his lake ' (vocalize&+SeiJ) ; but most likely the name (Hr-Fy) meant originally only 'the ram-headed.' The sacred animal was the ichneumon. The city and its chief temple played a great part in Egyptian theology, and deep cosmogonic symbolism was found in the ceremonies of the great local festivals of 'hoeing the ground,' of ' lifting the heaven,' etc. The story which in Egyptian mythology takes the place of the Deluge-story (see D ELUGE, § IS)

knmtt ( ' house of the nurser?).

It is very improbable, however, that a righteous man like Job should be thus represented, and either t h e ' strangling ' must be one of the well-known symptoms' of leprosy, or, much more probably, the word rendered ' strangling ' (pin3 ; so Aq. &yx6v7)v) is corrupt. It is at any rate certain that there is a reference to suicide by strangling in Tob. 310, and to a violent death 1 caused thus in Tob. 23, also in Jos. Ant. xvi. 1 7 (two ~~ V sons of Herod U T ~ U ~ V ~ s~[ v o v ~ u i ) . In later times, according to the Talmud, this form of deathwas the ordinary mode of execution (Sanh. 11 I ; cp 7 3); some form of the garrotte such as is still used in executiorx in Spain and elsewhere, is intended hy the expression. 2. The word rendered ' hanging' in EV (& tdih, ~ $ 5 ,tiZi' ; Kpefikreiv, ~ p ~ f i l iKpepavvdvai, in Esth. 79 v, UTUIJ~OGV; suspendere [appendere, affigere] in patibulo [ligno, cruce], or super stipites, or super trabem, or cruci) seems invariably to mean some form of impalement or crucifixion. ( a ) I t has been doubted whether the references i n a)? 514 6 4 7gf: 8 7 9 1 3 3 25) refer t d Esther (y$p impalement or ta crucifixion (after death). I t is true, impalement (dvauKoXorileiv, Herod. 1128) would have been the correct punishment to specify,s the scene of the story being laid in Persia (cp Schr. KAT(2) 378,

1 Inscription I 19(Naville TSBA 8 4 5 . . 1) Bthiopas et Blemmyes Egypti civitatem.' Saad. renders 2 The whole) verse seems tb need careful restoration. See Che. Ex$. T., May '99, 381 6. ~ b i i l ~cp his rendering of Lehabim in Gen. 1013 ( p n j ) . l; 3 Both bvasrohoq"w and bvaosavpoiiv mean either to impale But this is Eg. Pemse Pemdje Greek IICrq or ' O ~ u v p u y ~ o s . or to crucify. In Herod. 3125 buausadpoosv is used of the 1 The orthography'Akhnas,'found in some books, has no punishment inflicted by Orcetes the Persian on Polycrates, and authority. here there can Be no doubt that impalement is intended. D Lucian, however (De F'emp-. Morfe, II), speaks of rbv 6v .i l l l a h a i u r i v n avao~ohorrio8(vra,-i.s., Jesus Christ (quoted b y Brandt, Evangel. Gesch. 180). Diodorus (532) says of the






6 ~ 5 )but we must not expect minute accuracy (see ; ESTHER, I $ ). Further, the description in 5 14 seems


&OD). Bearing in mind, however, the parallel abstract term b p a p ~ t uin 2 Cor. 521 ( ' made him to be sin for inconsistent with impalement. Both here, and in the us,' 3 d p ~ P & Vd p ~ p ~ hwe, cannot help supposing ) other passages referred to, EV has ' gallows,' but in 2 2 3 that there is another more important reason for the 'hanged on a tree ' as elsewhere. At any rate, the choice of the term K U T ~ ~ U .' Christ was not personally accursed, but only came to stand in the place of such impalement of the living body seems to be meant in an one before God, inasmuch as he suffered the Ezra 611, RV 'let a beam (yx) be pulled out from his accursed death as a vicarious expiatory sacrifice ' house, and let him be Zifled up ( ?I) and fastened (xnnn?) thereon' (@B* LSpOwpQvos T?&~+UETUL [ ~ u y ? j - (Pfleiderer, PuuZz'nism, 199). H e was therefore a ' curse,' but not ' cursed' in the same sense as any QETUL, A], 6s' UbTOF, bL 6pf?WO+UETUL KUL TUy?)UETUL). We may compare the Ass. phrase ina zakiji aza&if: zakipu justly condemned criminal would have been. Paul's i s the ordinary word for 'pale, cross ' ; cp Aram. \&O! ' cross' object being to overthrow the legal religion by terms (same verb in Heb. in Ps. 145 14 146 8). derived from the law, we cannot hold that this minute (6) Beyond all doubt it is the impalement or gibbeting distinction is a mere quibble. H e deliberately avoids of the offender (or part of the offender) after death, for 6 ' s expression as liable to misinterpretation. Cp Holtzpropitiation to God or warning to man, that is meant mann, Neutest. Theol. 2 1 0 5 8 See also Lightfoot's in Dt. 2 1 z z A 1 (see below), Josh. 8 2 9 (king of Ai) 1 o z 6 f . note, GuZatiansP), 1 5 0 8 (the five kings), and 2 S. 412 (Rechab, and Baanah's HANGING. For ( I ) 7CQ mEsEAh, Ex. 2636, RV hands and feet ; so Klo.). Probably also in Gen. ' screen.' AV sometimes covering,' ' curtain ' ; and for ( 2 ) 401922 4 1 1 3 (cp Ebers, Bgypten, 334, and EGYPT, 5 P'y)?, &eZri'im, E x . 2 7 9 etc., see T ADERNACLE . For (3) 28). Similarly Nicanor's head and ,shoulder (2 Macc. 15 35), Holofernes' head (Judith 11 I), and the princes D'FII, bdt(t)2)im, z K. 23 7, RVmg. 'tents, Heb. houses [for the Asherahl' ; see ASHERAH,DOLATRY , $ 4 , also DRESS, B 8. I hanged up by their [enemies' ?] hand (Lam. 5 12). 3. Closely allied to the usage of (6) is that which HANIEL ($8 : 1 c h . 739 AV, RV HAHNIEL, 2. apparently underlies another word (ypv), which is taken HANNAH (il?n, 'graciousness,' 5 51 ; A N N & by EV (after Syrnrn. and Pesh.) to mean hanging. I t occurs in MT only in Nu. 25 (where @ has rrapa8rty[BAL]: Vg. A N N A ) , wife of Elkanah and mother of p a r l u a i ) and in z S. 2 1 6 9 xg(where has l.$'qA~d{eiv, in v. 6 GL the prophet Samuel ( I S. 1). On the probable date d.$'rAauiip@Oa; Vg. cruci figere; cp ZI. 14 @BA jAra&rv, Vg. of Hannah's prayer or song (I S. 2 1-10), see S AMUEL , affigere). Probably however the same verb ought to be read ii. J 7 . also in I S. 31 I O (so,' after La;. Prov. p. iv, Dr., Bu., L6hr). T h e etymology is difficult. WRS, R e l Sem(4 419, HANNATHON (OQn ; & M a e [Bl, €"&ewe thought of precipitation, and reminds us of the many &NA. [L]), a city on the N. border of Zebulun (Josh. cases in which precipitation from a rock was a mode of 1 9 14). Perhaps for Anathon =Beth-anath ' @ L ' s readi execution ; but this hardly suits the context. Dillmann ing (cp bL avuOwu, I Ch. 7 8, for Anathoth) favours this on Nu. 2 5 4 takes the meaning to be to expose with view. There was a Beth-Anath in Zebulun, and not dislocated limbs. This seems to have been the meanfar off a !(art-'Anat or Kirjath-Anath (WMM As. u. ingattached by @ (cp ruptz&qpud& in Heb. 6 6 ) . I n Bur. 195). In Ani. Tab. 1 1 1 7 1 9 6 3 2 we find a city all cases the reference is to a solemn presentation of called Hin(n)atiini in Kinahhi; but h in Assyrian the dead body with piacular intent-in the sun (Nu. sometimes represents y, e.g., Qazitu='Azzah (Gaza). 2 5 4 ) . before Yahwi: (z S. 2 1 6 Nu. 2 5 4 2 S 2lg)-0n . T. K. e. the 'mountain' of Gibeon or the walls of Bethshan, HANNIEL (\KWl, 'favour of God,' 1111 21, 28; until the falling rain showed that the divine wrath had & N [ E ] I H ~[BAFLI): been appeased. I. A Manassite prince Nu. 3423 (P). 4. In spite of the fact that crucifixion was not a 2. AV H ANIEL , in a ienealogy of ASHER 4 ii.), I Ch. 7 39. (I Jewish punishment, we find Paul in Gal. 3 1 3 expressly HANOCH (*3Q, ; F N W X [BADEFL]). asserting that the death of Christ made him ' a curse' I . Third son of MIDIAN[ p . ~ . ] ; Gen. 25 4 ; also I Ch. o n the ground that 'every one who hangs on a stake 1 3 3 [AV HENOCH]. See E NOCH, 3. Perhaps the mod. .(EV a tree, .$liXov, up) is cursed' (Dt. 2123, quoted freely from 6). n Acts 5 3 0 1 0 3 9 (cp I Pet. 2 2 4 ) is- Handkiya, three days' journey N. from Medina (so I Knobel). See Doughty, A?: Des. 2x83. foiind the very same Hebraistic phrase for crucifixion, 2. Eldest son of R EUBEN [ p . ~ . ] , Gen. 46 9 Ex. 6 14 together with the ascription of the responsibility of the Nu. 26 5 (Gentilic, Ranochite, '?iF ; o EVWX [BAFL]), act to the Jews. Evidently those who wrote thus conI Ch. 5 3. Perhaps the clan thus designated was of sidered crucifixion to have a piacular character, and the Midianitish. origin. only wonder is that Paul could have represented an innocent person as attracting to himself the divine HANUN ()U?#'pitied [by Gad],' J 56 ; A N N W N punishment by an act which was a judicial error. I t [B], A[N]WN [A] i n z S . ; A N A N [BHA], but also shoiild be observed, however, that Paul qualifies the A N N A N [K in 1 C h . ; ANNAN [L] in both places; cp term ElrrKardparos by the preceding expression yevbpevos Hanunu, the name of a king of Gaza mentioned by d d p $p&v K U T ~ ~ U being made a curse for us.' I t is ' , Tiglath-pileser, KA TP)257= C O T 1249). true, K U T ~ ~ 'U curse ' may have been suggested by the I . Son of Nahash, king of Ammon, who went to Heb. a))?, which corresponds to B T L K U T ~ ~ U T O Sin Paul's war with David, after insulting his ambassadors (z S . free quotation from Dt. (@ has Krwrqpupdvos d r b TOF 1 0 1 8 I Ch. 191 8 ) . I n z S. 10 I Wellhausen and Budde (see SBOT) omit the name ' Hanun ' ; but see ii., H. P. Smith. See A MMONITES , J 4 ; NAHASH z ; Gauls robs KLV(OUPVO+S dvauKoAorri{0vuL rois &ais, and Strabo (1g8), speaking of the Druids, says KLIIL BAAa 82 bvflpwrroOvut&v ISRAEL, 19. ,ZSq-A&yma& * KO.; y i p Karevi.$'ev6v n v a s K a i dvemadpouv du TO% 2. In list of wall.builders (see N EHEMIAH , $ xJ, ZRA ii., E L€poLs. I; om. 58 16 [I], 15 4, Neh. 3 13 ( a v o w [ " L]), 30 (avoup 1 Jos. B/ iv. I, z [$ 3171, referring to this law, has dveurauDw.





p&vous. 2 Cp also Ar. waka'a 'to fall,' and note the statement 'they fell seven together" (2's. 219). The words 'before Yahwi:' (v. g), however, hardly hvour this view. The word seems to be a religious synonym for n h ; for in z S. 21 g read (with Klo., Che.) 'and they remained hanging there' (a" ~ K E Z ) . ' Hanging' with a piacular intent is what is meant ; before Yahwi:' and 'before the sun' (Nu. 254) are synonymous. When the divine wrath had been ap eased, the bones of ' those who were hanged' were collected a n i buried (a S. 21 13).

[BNI, avwp [AI, avwv [Ll).



HAPHARAIM, AV Haphraim (D!T@? ; possibly 'place of a 'well or moat' ; on form of name see N AMES , § 107; areiN [Bl, A ~ ~ P A ~[AI, AMI M ~ A P A I M[L]), in Issachar (Josh. 19 19).
Mar Miiller(As. ZL. Bur. 170) compares the Eg. Ha-pu-ru-m-$ AFcording to Eusebius and Jerome (OSW 223 61 94 28) Haphraim (aic$paLp) lay 6 R. m. N. of Legio. Perhaps the site is eL-P'arriyeh,N W . of Lejjim (Conder);





The site was first explored by a party detached from the Euphrates expedition,*and the disinterment of a [A], -CCEI [L]), the name of the eighteenth priestly fragment of an Assyrian lion a t Harriin preceded the course (I Ch. 24 rg), corrupted probably from PASHHUR discoveries of Layard in Assyria proper, N o inscrip[u. I. tions have yet been brought from HarrHn itself; but i(i)nwn became, by accidental transposition of letters, $))w3n, the Assyrian and Babylonian texts throw some light on and this became yran,'] and y, n and 7 being confounded. The its history. The ' country of HarrRn ' is mentioned in corruption of nD3n into liBD [see DANCE, 5 4 (+)I is partly analogous. T. K. C. the Prism inscription of Tiglath-pileser I. (KB 139), and another inscription later RARA (K??), mentioned with Halah and Habor as date in R 41 I 19f:). In 5believed to be of not most (3 R 64 Nabana'id, the a place where Israelitish exiles were settled by Tiglathscrupulously religious of the later kings of Babylon, pileser (I Ch. 6 2 6 ; om. @E* ; appAN-i.e., p y [L]). relates that he rebuilt the temple of Sin (the moon-god) From a comparison of z K. 176 it is clear that ~ 1 is a 2 at HarrLn on the foundation-stone of Ah-bHni-pal, mutilated form of some longer phrase. Most critics who discovered the foundation-stone of Shalmaneser ~ think that it represents the 3 2 '?J?( ' cities of Media ') ( I I . ) , son of A&r-na+ir-pal. T h e cultus of this deity had its chief home and perhaps its origin a t g a r r a n ; or perhaps rather y p q? ( ' mountains of Media '), or %*sibbarrLni ('inhabiter of HarrBn') is a title of Sin y y ('river of Media').l I t is possible, however, . under Ah--biini-pal (1 R 8, no. 2, Z 13), and Nab@that the original document had some name of a place na'id tells us that Sin had had his dwelling-place a t such as Barbar, a city and region on the border of HarrLn from remote days (PSBA, 1883,p. 7). Media, near Ellip, conquered by Sargon, and colonised Hence it has been fancifullyconjecturedthat Terah may haye S him with captivesfrom other countries (KB 2 61). y halted at €Jarran because the moon-god had attracted his special It is noteworthy that among the families of Nethinim reverence at Ur (Uru). $0 Tomkins (Lve o Abraltam), f mentioned in the great list in Ezra2 Neh. 7 and I Esd. 5 , Hommel ( A N T73). occur the b'ne Harhur (Harhar). Out of *lni ~ lnlnxr?'and y Sargon 11. also mentions HarrBn. H e states that he in Harhar a city of Media "all the various readings of M r and restored its privileges (as well as those of AHur) ' which @ ma+ hive arisen. (@&A, in z K . 176, has K ~ OPT yqSwv, L had long been forgotten' ( K B 2 53, cp 41); it would where opq is not='>?, but is corrupt. @L ev O ~ L O L [ = O P C Q L ; F see Mal. 131 p q b v , which is a conjectural correction.) seem therefore that HarrLn had taken part in the T.K. C. rebellion of.ASur in the year of the great solar eclipse 763. Ah-bHni-pal, who had been crowned in EARADAH ; XapaAaO [BAF], -ah [Ll), a HarrHn with the crown of Sin', was not less friendly stage in the wandering in the wilderness (Nu. 33 2 4 j ) . to this sacred city. He rebuilt its temple (see above), See W ANDERINGS , 5 1 3 1 and raised his younger brother to the rank of ,high HARAN (175 ; x b p p [BADEQaL]), or, as we shall priest of Sin. During the invasion of the Ummanmanaa ~ ~ (i.e., here, the Medes ; see CYRUS,5 z) much damage here call it, for distinction from the Haran properly was done to HarrLn and its temple. Acts724 AV), is, in so-called, HARRAN(CHARRAW, An inscription of Nabii-na'id discovered by Scheil gives a P, the place where Terah and his family halted in their second account of that king's restoration of the temple of Sin migration from Ur Casdim and where Terah died (Gen. fifty-fouryears after its destruction (see Messerschmidt, MVG 1 3 1 3 12 46 5 ) ; whilst J represents it as the birthplace 1 1896, and cp the cylinder inscription described at length b ; Del. Calzuer Bi6. Lex. (21, S.W. ' Haran '). of Abraham (Gen. 12 I 2447 ; cp 2743 28 IO 29 4, xappas [E]), and gives it the name of the ' city of Nahor' (Gen. The conquest of Harriin mentioned in 2 K. 1912 2410). J also describes it as the home of LABAN evidently stands in connection with the restoration of privileges spoken of by Sargon 11. When the rebellion (q.v.), and introduces it as such into the story of Isaac and Jacob ; he places it in A RAM - NAHARAIM . There of ASur and &miin was suppressed, these places were 2 in this view, and it is doubtless deprived of their ancient rights.' are, however, great difficulties It only remains to be mentioned that at Carrhae (=Hatran) not improbable that ]in in Gen. is miswritten for pin, Crassus was defeated and slain by the Parthians (53 s ) and . : Hauran ; not Harran, but the chief city of Hauran was the emperor Caracalla murdered at the instigation of Macrinus the home of the Laban clan (see NAHOR). At any ($17 A.D.). The place long continued to be a centre of idolatry, and especially pf moon-worship. Its principal temple remained rate there is no doubt that Harran is mentioned in in the hands of the heathen Harranians till the eleventh century zK.1912 (see below); reference is made (11 Is.3712, A.D., and was finally destroyed by the Mongols in the thirteenth. ~apav [K"]) there to its conquest by the Assyrians, and The commercial importance of HarrLn in the sixth in Ezek. 27 23 (xappa [BQ]) to its commercial intercourse century B . C . is attested not only by Ezek. 27 23, but also with Tyre. Nor can any one fail to see the certainty of the later by Pliny, who enumerates among its specialities a restoration Q * J ; ~ for o y x j in Is. 26 which (if we adopt certain odoriferous gum ( H N 12.40). Josephus (Ant. also two other appropriate corrections) produces this xx. 22), too, speaks of its plentiful production of complete picture, aniomum. (There are also in it, he adds, the remains For they are full of diviners from the east, of Noah's ark. ) And of soothsayers like the Philistines See Mez Gesclt. derStadt Haw&, '92; Wi. GBA and A O R And with the secret arts of the Hirranians they practise 1 7 5 8 ; Sichau,Reis#, 2 1 7 8 ; Ainsworth,PSBA,I8~r,p.3878 enchantments. (on the ruins of various dates). Chwolsohn, Literature. Die Ssa6ier undderSsisa6ismus, dk. i. (a history Harran, Ar. garrrin, is situated about nine hours' of HarrZn and the Harranians); HalCvy, MdZ. journey from Edessa, on the small stream called JullZb, 7 2 3 , Rev. Sdm. 1894 (HarrBn, in Syria, seven days' journey to a t the point where the road from Damascus joined the the N. of Mt. Gilead). Noldeke 'Harrln,'ZA 1 ropiog ('96), 1 questions the importahce assigned by Winckler and Hilprecht great highway from Nineveh to Carchemish and Arpad. to the primitive Barran. T K. C. . The commercial and strategical importance of its position may account for its name (Ass. &arrcinu,' road ').4 HARAN (]2?; [AL in I Ch.]). I. Brother of Abraham, and ( P adds) father of Lot (Gen. 1 1 2 8f . 1 At any rate the phrase, whatever it may have been, was first omitted and then restored in the wrong place. [J] ; , 2 6 3 31 [PI ; appa [A], - N [ADEL]). According 2 This is the ground of identifications such as that of Beke to M T (v.29) his daughters were MILCAWI ) and ISCAH. ( (/. ofR. Geoz. SOC. who thinks of H a h n el-'AwEmid, 16 m. 32), Wellhausen thinks that Haran was originally I;IarrBn. E. of Damascus where there is a so-called well of Abraham, and ET, morerecent theAries of HalCvy (see Literature, and cp ARAM- (PYOZ.., 313),and YLkiit, the Arabian geographer, NAHARAIM ). Several places bore the name HarrEn ; but on the mentions the opinion that flarvrin was named after above theory we need none of them. 3 '&3? for '15'3 (see Ex. 7 11) ; ?P@j for lp'eb'. The 1 These privileges were probably connected with the reverence' paid to the ancient sanctuaries. One of them probably was that latter is due to Krochmal. Cp HAND. of immediate dependence on the king; we never hear of a , 4 Winckler, however, questions the connection between the governor of qarrgn (Wi. AOF 194). ' words.




Haran, Abraham’s brother (2231, ap. WIez, garrun, 24). If Milcah=Salecah (of which M T s Iscah must b e another corruption) all becomes plain. The city of Salecah might equally well be called the wife and the daughter of Hauran. J, doubtless, reconciled these Statements (which lay before him in a corrupt form) b y inventing a Haran: :1( .) That P understood the Terahites to have sojourned in Harran on their way from ‘ Ur-kasdim ’ (?) to Canaan, is, of course, not to b e questioned. 2. h. Shimei, a Levite ( I Ch. 239 ; a d a v [B*], lid Abv (sic)

Loubtful ; the M T P ~ 8 m n - p 5uvy can scarcely be Y lefended (in spite of Be.-Rys.), and after the analogy ,f pnpia-jz n’31n (26. ) we should read simply o’mi8-p ‘y. The origin of the intrusive nvnn may perhaps he explained. ts close similarity to the equally unnecessary ?inn in v. 20 BNAL om.) suggests that vv. 8 20 originally stood opposite one mother in parallel columns, and that a marginal note has found ts way.into both passages, suffering corruption in the process. rhe note in question was a > ;: (‘to the mount’), a gloss upon !4??? (the turning of the wall) in v. 196.1 It still survives in 5 L ; where ELF ~b 6poq is inserted bodily between bniuw and a h 0 0 = i + l n v. zoa) and has been transplanted, hut not yet cor~ .upted, in the $g. readjng of v. 20 (‘post eum in monte Zdifi:wit’). A somewhat similar fate (according to We. TBS 151) ias befallen another marginal note in z S. 166 17a (cp We., Dr. ad roc.) ; see Ex$. T. 10280 (Mar. ’99). S. A. C.


D H M Epig. ; cp Sab. pr. n. Denk. 56), the name of a Calebite family, I Ch. 2 4 6 (AppAN [BAI, W P W N [L]). HARARITE, THE (’717Il, BDB Lex., doubtfully 4 mountain-dweller ’ ; 0 apax[~]l [L]), an unknown ethnic applied to certain of David‘s heroes. 1 Shamniah h. Agee, 2 S. 23 11 ( 2 b apouxaros [BA]); . ‘7 , ( ); more rohahly an ARCHITE~ J . v .see SHAMMAH, 3. 2. ghammah, 2 S. 23 33a ( apoS6m)s 6 [BAl)= I Ch. 1 34 1 (6 a p a p [B*bl, apap[cl~ [BabNAl, apopc [Ll), properly the same a ( I ) above, see SHAMMAH (4). s 3. Ahiam h. Sharar, 2 S 23 33b (‘72%: [Ba. for common ’$; t] R V ARARITEuapaovpswqc [BI, apap. [AI apcpLpa [LI) where ; we may read with Marq. (Ru~d. Ah& b. S H A R A ~ 21) (4.v.) the ‘Aradite’ ( : : ??) or ‘Adorite’(‘?lQ; cp A ~ A D . ’



T. K. C.

HARHAS (DflTn), ancestor of SHALLUM (z).,2 K.
2214 (apaac [B*], a p A [Bb certe], apac [AI, abpa ~ IL])=zCh. 3422 H ASRAH ( g . ~ . ) .

HARHUR (l%ll?, ‘fever’ [?I, or, rather, a 3 74, dace-name [see HARA] ; apoyp [BA], apoyap [LI), gmily of N ETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see E ZRA ii., § 9, Ezra251)=Neh. 753 ( ~ P O Y M [BK]) = I Esd. 531 AssUR, RV ASUR(acoyp [BA]). HARIM (Pl?, ‘ inviolable ’ ? cp Nab. and Sin. and Ar. and Sab. name kara‘m ; or = HARUMAPH see ? N AMES , 66; HPAM [BRA] HIPAM [L]). I. One of the twenty-four (post-exilic) priestly courses ; I Ch. 248 (yapqg [B], -qp [AI, Xerpap [Ll), whose head in the days of Joiakim (see EZRA II., IS 6 6 TI) was Adna; Neh. 1% (opcp 15 -uc.amg.inf.] peoup [Ll, BN*A om.). I t is mentioned in the ireat post-ehc list (see E ZRA ii., 5 g), Ezra239 (om. B, q p ~ p rapip [L]) = Neh. 74a (qpa [N] capeLp [LI) = I Esd. 5 25 [k?ppq [BA], ?pap [L]); and in the ’list of those with foreign wives (EZRA I. 5 5 end), Ezra 1021=1 Esd. 921 (@BA om. name); and wks represented aniong the signatories to the covenant (see E ZRA i., 5 7), Neh. 105 [6] ([elipap [BNA]),, 2. A lay family in the great post-exilic list (see E ZRA II I 9) I Esd. 5 1 , EV AROM 6 (apop [BA] ; but see also HASHUM);’misplaced (from between m. 16 and 17) among names of towns (so Bertheau) in @I.and in the 11 Ezra232 ( ~ q p p p [Ll)=Neh. 735 ; mentioned also in the list of those with foreign wives (see EZRA i. 5 5 end) Ezra1031 (pepapei [L]) and in that of wall-builders (s’ee NEHEMIAH, IJ, E ZRA ii., si16 [ I ] 15d) Neh. 3 II (qppa [A]), as also among the signatories to the coveiant (see E ZRA i., s 7), Neh. 10 27 [zS] (qpap [BNvid.], peoup [A], aeipap [Ll). HARIPH (qPl??, 5 57). ’The B’ne Hariph, a postexilic family, Neh. 7 24 (apei+ [BN], -eip [A], mpqe [Ll)= Ezra 2 18 J O R A H [q.7!.1 (oupa [BI, LOP. [A] i w p q ~[L])=I Esd. 5 16, AZ~PHURITH ARSIPHURITH RV (apu&uparB [B] apw+povpsLB [A], opar [I,!), on which see J O R A H ; representid among the sienatories to the covenant (see EZRA i.. S ,I. Neh. 10 IO 1201 ~. (ai[6]c+ [BHA], apq+ [L]); cp the gentiiic Hariphite (‘ ln D , Kr. [so Ki., Kau.1; xapai+ci [BN], apou+i [AI, Xap4,r [L]) I Ch. 12 5, a designation of Shephatiah (4), and the Calebite k A R E P H . 3 HARLOT (?I@, z h i h , ~ O P N H ildl?, kTdZFa‘h, ; ‘one consecrated’ [cp CLEAN, 5 I], kp66ovhos, cp Ass. kadGtzi; a 6 p q LGen. Dt.], ~ e r s h e r p & a i[Hos.], ‘those initiated,’ cp the masc. form AV ‘sodomite,’ n o p v s h v [Dt.], Bv8iqAAayp6vos 2246 (47) A], TehsTai ‘sacred rites or mysteries’ [=+??, Ka8qUdp [B] Ka8qU[€]iV [AL] mzkdci; I K. 1512 @I- u ~ ~ h a c l [z K.23’73, ~ ~ p d l \ O [hB4A L I K.’16 281, cp &alia [Judg. 1121). T h e difference between the Grzeco-Roman and the early Israelitish (and indeed Semitic) conceptions of marriage must be borne in mind when we consider the prevalence of harlotry attested by the OT documents. T h e Semitic conception is closely bound up with the idea that a dead man who has no children will miss something in ShGl through not receiving that kind of worship which ancestors in early times appear to have received (cp Stade, GVH2),3908). Theobject of marriage thus regarded is not the obtaining of legitimate heirs ; a son of a afinuh, like Jephthah, is brought up in his father’s



; eappa KAI BC&ZH


om. La], oape Bwa [A]), or as in Esth. 7 9 Harbonah ( a $ ~ p ; BoyrAOAN [BALB], -ea [K*l -razaN [K“~”], ayaOar [La]), a chamberlain of Ahasuerus (Esth. 1IO). In Jos. Ant. xi. 6 I I the name appears as ua@ovXa8as, uagouCavqs, and the latter stands for I;aflou<ivqr (so for pmpa<q above, rend pa@o<q)-i.e., NIi?>in, a name on the analogy of ptt’poSo 1. @ov<aqs, etc. ; see SHETHAR-BOZNAI. Marq. ( R u d . 7) 8 ; Aacyrroyc [BAFL] [vv. 5 and 6 in g apparently changed places]), Lev. 11 6 Dt. 14,f. The hare is included amongst the unclean animals, on the ground that it chews the cud and does not part the hoof; cp C LEAN A N D UNCLEAN, 8. T h e idea that it chews the cud is an error, probably to be accounted for by the peculiar and constant twitching of the hare’s upper lip when feeding, which, to a superficial observer, has somewhat the appearance of the motion of the jaws when the cud is being chewed by ruminants. Five species of hare (Leyus) have been described by Tristram from Palestine, where, he states, they are highly esteemed by the Arabs a s food. The rabbit, L. cuniculus, is not found in the Holy Land. Cp


A. E. S.


- .

HAREL ($&l)l), Ezek. 4315 EVmg. See A RIEL , 2, n. 6, and A LTAR , 4 . HAREPH (915,‘sharp’ ; 5 57, cp H ARIPH ), a .Calebite, was the father of BETH- GADER [g.v.] (I Ch. 251 ape1 [AI. -EIM P I , A ~ H M I ) . P HARETH (RV Hereth), THE FOREST OF (1YJ apparently the place to which David went after leaving Mizpeh of Moab, I S. 22s ( e ~ rrohsi .CAPBIK [BIB . capix [LIB EN TH IT. aplae [AI, ,CAPIN [Jos. Ant. vi. 1241). Conder (PBFQ, 1876, p. 44) adopts y y , ‘city,’ instead of i y * , ‘forest,’ and





.finds Hareth (Hereth?) in the hill-village of KhFirFis, near the valley of Elah. W e should most probably read [oily] nyp (from n y ) - i . e . , i y ’ and nln are two fragments of niya. Adullam was David‘s refuge. See


T. K. C.

‘?l;r3n?n (?l:illp), Wll?j,see Baer, Ginsb., ad Zuc.; BRA ,[ed. Sw.] om., apaxloy [Tisch. ; cp H-PI, Bbp. [L], &a[Pesh.], ARAIA [Vg.]), the name given to the father of U ZZIEL , 6 (Neh. 38). Its genuineness is



so the best edd., others read


1 So Be.-Rys., who, however, do not notice its connection with vain. 9 A connection u-ith Talm. lhlp, ‘coulter,‘ Ass. &av&arrc, 'bucket'(?), does not help us. 3 Hariphite and son of Hareph may be synonyms.



house with the legitimate children (Judg. 1 z), and can 1 even under certain circumstances succeed to the throne (Judg. 918; cp KINSHIP, 5 6). Social and religious ) necessarily led to the progress (cp ESCHATOLOGY, 5 rise of a higher conception of marriage (cp Gen. 2 2 4 ) ; but in countries where the reproductive forces of nature were deified-in short, where the worship of the Babylonian goddess IStar had been introduced-harlotry became so deeply rooted that it taxed all the energy of the Hebrew prophets of the eighth century and their adherents to overcome or at least to restrain it. For there is sufficient evidence that the worship of IStar was ‘ saturated ’ with this shocking practice (see Jeremias, Izdubar-Nimrod, 5 9 3 ; Jastrow, ReZ. Bab. and Ass. 485), and at the local shrines of N. Israel (see Hos. 4 14) the worship of Yahw& was deeply affected by Canaauitish practices derived ultimately from Babylonia. Even in Judah the consecrated harlotry of both sexes was not unknown (see I K. 1512 22461[47]) ; but we must not be too prompt to draw historical inferences from I K. 1 4 2 4 (uliv8eupos [BAL]), vv. 21-24 being a redactional insertion, nor must we infer from passages like Ezek. 16 15-34 23 5 3 , that licentious religious rites were universally prevalent in the closing years of the Southern king don^.^ I n the original text of Am.43 ‘there was probably a distinct reference to the temple”prostitutes in Assyria (see HARMON). This religious. prostitution was prohibited in the Deuteronomic code (Dt. 23 17 [18] f: ), and the Levitical legislation (Lev. 20 23) represents Canaanitish abominations as the chief reason why the Canaanites were .exterminated. Lev. 21 7 (.old?) forbids a priest to take a harlot to wife, 1,ev. 2 1 9 directs that the daughter of any priest who ’ profanes herself by playing the harlot-’ -shall be burned. In the Wisdom Literature there is no trustworthy reference to the religious prostitutes. In Job 8614, where RV gives, ‘And their life (perisheth) among the unclean’ (mg. ‘sodomites’), the usual explanation is so far-fetched, and affords so poor a parallelism, that emendation of the text is indispensahle.3 Ordinary harlots are, however, referred to, and comparatively high ground is taken in the Prologue to the Book of Proverbs 4 (Prov. 2 16-19 5-7) in dealing with their immorality. Harlotry had ‘become a social evil of a new sort, and had to be encountered by new arguments. Paul, as might be expected, reaches the highest point of Christian insight ( I Cor. 6 13-19), and our first Gospel contains the interesting notice (Mt. 21 31f:’) that the harlots, equally with the publicans, listened to John the Baptist whilst the hierarchical leaders turned a deaf ear t b his call. This circumstance is not indeed referred to in the accounts of John the Baptist’s ministry ; but it is possible that the ‘ publicans ’ are mentioned there as representatives of the most degraded classes. On the singular term ‘ dog,’ Dt. 23 18 [19] see DOG, fa 3 fend), IDOLATRY, and cp Ur. Dmt. 264. ’. HalCvy’s attempt B 6,

‘RE]0 [‘84], 186) to show that Ass. kaaXfu (ZLs’lP) can mean
:he legitimate wife, and that Herodotns (1 19; ‘misunderstood and misrepresented a perfectly innocent matrimonial custom, ias not met with acceptance. See further HOSEA, 0 6, MARRIAGE. T. K. C. AV A RMAGEDDON (4.v. ).




Rev. 1 6 1 6 RV,

HARMON. I n Am. 4 3 RV has and ye shall cast ~yourselves]into Harmon,’ where-AV has ‘ and ye shall
cast [them] into the palace,’ for n$D???J 3 & $ ? . 41?) The text is undoubtedly corrupt. Probably we should read nidltg ;l?\h$nl, ’ and ye shall be ravished among the temple-prostitutes ’-i. e . , ye shall be devoted as spoil of war to the goddess Istar (see Crit. Bib.). Cp


@’s als ~b Bpos ~b poppav aB1; peppau [AQ*l) supposes an unlikely reference to Rimmon ; Tg.’s ‘beyond the’mountains of Armenia ’ (cp Sym.)postulates too early an acquaintazke with Armenia. Theodot. has rb 6++.bv Bpos. Heilprin (Hisforical Poetry o the Hebrews, 2 75 [‘So]) and Kijnig (Lehrged. 2 459, f n. 5) suggest a reference to Mt. Hermon ; cp C’5 1Qmg.I apwwva. Hitzig and Steiner see a reference to the heathen sanctuary of Hadad-rimmon. Zech. 12 T I however is most obscure and HADAD-RIMMON is its’elf corrupi. So much, at ’least [q.v.] these critics have seen more clearly than most, that somi extremely pointed expressions must have closed the prophecy. T K. C. . possibly of Egyptian origin, Marquartl; c p ia1ii&in an old 5 , and for compounds of Horus [with ; not n] cp, with caution, Aram. iiyin, ‘ Horus helps ’and l $>m?,‘Horus is a confidence ’ [see Cook, Aramaic Glos)sary, s.v. in]. avap+ap [Bl apva+ap [AI, apra+fp [Ll) a name in a genealoiy of ASHER(&., I 4 ii.), I Ch. 7 36.t C$AHIRA,HUR, and note the connection between Egypt and ASHER[q.v., 5 I].

S. A. C.

HARNESS, equally with ‘armour’ (see


K. 102s

z K. lo,;), is given by AV for ?$I EAPONS). In I K. 22 34 (see W 11 2 Ch. 18 33, ‘the joints of the harness’ is a vague paraphrase

1 The ‘ harlots ’ intended in I K. 22 38 (see RV) may perhaps though zanbtlz is the word used, be religious prostitutes (sd Kittel). The clause however is a very late insertion. 2 The diflicult pdsage, Eiek. 20 z9, is commonly misunder. stood. Neither of the explanations cited by Dav. will stand: ’ ~ N J is’plainly corrupt, and this throws suspicion on the whole ? passage. Read probably, ‘what are the loves (O*?$.V?) which ye pursue (O’?qen) there? So the name of the land was called Ahzbim (i.e. “1oves”)unto this day.’ The meaning is, Unto this day the laid is given to idolatry. Cp the symbolic names AHOLAH, AHOLIBAH. 3 I n v. 14a for lyl>, ‘in youth,’ read >ti>! famine’(cp ‘by Pesh. in 6), and in 6 for p w ~ J, ‘among the &&?iZm,’ read p n‘?$m, ‘by pestilence.’ 4 On the exceptional use of ?;?l; (EV ‘ a stranger ‘) for a ‘harlot ’ in Prov. 2 16 5 20 6 24 7 5 23 27 see Toy on Prov. 2 16 : Bertholet, StelZung, 195. The dissolute women spoken of were probably often non-Israelites ; hut the wise men had thrown OR a narrow nationalismto such an extent that the origin or birth. place of an adulteress or a harlot is of no moment to them.

of a difficult phrase (cp A V w and RVmg., and see BREAST. PLATE i., col. 606). HAROD, THE WELL OF (?ID ‘the fountain Of trembling’ [?I, C v. 8 ; T r H r H N ApAh [Bls T H N P r H N lA€p[Al, T H N H N Apmh [L]), Judg.71, andperhaps originally I S. 2 8 7 29 I I K. 2030. The fountain ‘ above ’ which Jerubbaal encamped. I . Judg. 7 I.-If Moore is right inreferring this passage to^ a different stratum of tradition from 6 3 3 (which makes the Midianites encamp in the vale of Jezreel), we shall have to conjecture that ‘En HkrBd is the name of some fountain near Shechem. Certainly the two other passages in which MOREH [q.v.] is mentioned, localise the name near Shechem, and Ophrah, the home of Gideon, was probably not far from that town ; hut ( a ) the word Moreh = ‘ soothsayer ’ was, of course, not confined to Shechem, and (6) Moore’s view of the origin of Judg. 7 1 is not quite satisfactory. I t is safest to hold with Budde that 7 I is the continuation of 6 33 (cp MOREH. H ILL O F ), so that the Well of Harod must be sought in the vale of Jezreel; and since there are only three wells or fountains which can come into considerationviz., the ‘Ain el-Meiyiteh, which is at the foot of the hill of Jezreel, the ‘Ain Tuba‘iin, which is out upon the plain, and the ‘Ain JHliid, close under Gilh’oa-and since a position by the first or second of these would have exposed Gideon to the attack of the Midianites, G. A. appears to be right in assenting to Smith (HG397f.) the plausible traditional view that the third is the fountain referred to. Its waters well out at the NE. end of Mt. Gilboa from under a sort of cavern in the wall of conglomerate rock, and spread out into a limpid pool or lakelet 40 or 50 ft. in diameter ( B R 3 1 6 8 ) . From this pool and from the ‘Ain Tuba‘on (the Tubania of mediaeval writers), which is some little way off, the Nahr JHlfid flows down past Bethshan into the Jordan. With its uansually deep bed and its soft -banks it formed a natural ditch in front of the position which both Gideon and Saul appear to have taken up on the plateau




of Gilboa, and rendered it possible for those encamped on the plateau to hold the lakelet below against an enemy on the plain. See G ILBOA , 3 (6). It is true, Budde (who denies that ‘En HHrBd is ‘Ain Jaliid] objects that the Nabi Dahi (with which the ‘hill of Moreh Judg. 7 I [MTI, is generally identified) is too imposing an eminence to be called a ‘ hill,’ny2, ; but (I) loftier heights than the Nabi Dabi (e.g., probably the Tell el-Fiil, is., Gibeah of Benjamin) can be called nu>], and (2) the text of Judg. 7 I is evidently in disorder. I t may, in fact, he regarded as certain 16 that originally ZI. harmonised with v. 86 ; there must also (as Budde allows) be some omission in v. la. The omitted words probably are ‘and passed on to Mt. Gilboa’l (which were afterwards transferred with an alteration to ZI. 3) ; and the description of the position of the Midianitish camp in v. 16 should most probably run thus ‘and the cam of Midian was to the N. of them, beneath d. Gilboa, in t l e vale.’a CPGILBDA5 3 MOREHHILL OF. We can thus dispense with the hypdthesii of Schdarz and Grove that ‘Gilead ’ ( v , 3, MT) was the name of the NW. part of Gilboa, and that there is a trace of this in the name ‘Ain Jilod. 2. IS.391.-It has usually been held (e.g., by Robinson, Stanley, and W. Miller) that ‘ the fountain which is in Jezreel ’ (so MT), beside which Saul’s army encamped, is the ‘Kin Jaliid. T h e expression, however, will hardly bear this interpretation. ‘ The fountain in Jezreel,’ pur exceZZence, can only be the fountain below Zer‘in now called ‘Ain el-Meyiteh ( ‘ the dead fountain ’). This shows the necessity of basing biblical geography on’ a revised Hebrew text. A word must have fallen out of the text, and this word must be ii5. For MT’s liy? we must therefore read ?in py3. This view is supported by bB Pv a e h v and @* Pv aevc?wp--i.e., i i n p 3 (Klo.). T h e ‘Ain Jaliid (=‘En Hsrrdd) is, in fact, little more than a mile from the E. of’ the foot of the hill of Jezreel, and could therefore fairly be described as being ‘in [the district of] Jezreel.’ ‘It was on the plateau above this that Saul’s army was posted, unless M T is very far wrong indeed (see S AUL ). 3. I S. 287.-Did Saul really go 7 or 8 m. to visit the so-called ‘ witch of Endor ’ ? I t is shown elsewhere (ENDOR), with as near an approach to certainty as is possible, that Endor is an error for ‘En Hared. T h e wise woman lived at only ten minutes’ distance from (a), the Israelite camp. See ENUOR bnt cp S AUL . 4 I K. 2030.-Did Benhadad attempt to hide him. self < in an inner chamber ’ ? Does iin2 i i n really mean this? Perhaps we should read ‘ b y the fountain in T. K. C. Harod.’ See G ILBOA , 3 (6).

reading w y for ??i? often confounded). (y and n are Shammab then becomes a man of A RAD (9.. ., I ). So, in the main, Marquart (Fund. IS), who identifies this Shammah with one of David‘s brothers. Cp D AVID , 5 I, n. 2. T. K. C. Shobal I the father of KirjathHAROEH jearim ’ had sons : ‘ Haroeh, half of the Menuhoth ’; 1 Ch. 252 (nin3n;I v n miil ; a i w eueipa p w v a i w [B], apaa EUEL appavie [A, om. L]). For we should read ~’N’I. See R EAIAH , I ; cp also M ANAHETHITES .


RARORITE (’*lc), so

I Ch. 1127 for H ARODITE


RAROSHETH OF THE GENTILES (alisn nghn ; aP€lCC& [ T U N & N U N ] [Bl, AC€lpUt% Ap€lCW% A p y ~ o y[T.S.] [AI, A C H p U e , A p l C & L A p y ~ o y
[T.B.] [L]), the place of residence of Sisera, a powerful



p o y h a i o c [Bl, a p o y h a t o c

[A], aA~pl [L], z S. 23zSn), a designation applied to Shammah, one of David‘s heroes; in v. 256 Elika is also called a Harodite; but v. q b is probably an
interpolation (see E LIKA ). The situation of Shamm a h s native place depends somewhat on that of the home of his fellow on the list, for the names are given in couples. If we omit Elika, the companion of Shammah is Helez the Paltite. B ETH - PALET [q.v.] was in the far south of Judah, which forbids us to connect ‘Harodite’ with En-harod ( H . P. Sm.), and suggests
1 YtS>?? l r s f lLy!!. For attempts to explain 8. 3 with the minimum of change in the text, or even with no change at all, see Moore’s commentary and the article ‘ Gilead Mt.’ in Hastings, O B 2 176a (Dr.). To the present writer icseems useless to ‘ heal the hurt’ of the text ‘lightly.’ The view maintained by him is that an editor transferred the words to v. 3 to form part of the address to the ‘fearful and trembling,’ but with an alteration. The text now stands l$)e? l?P %!!I; but 1 % (‘to plait ’) cannot mean ‘ to turn aside ’ (Ges.-Buhl) ; there has been both corruption and editorial manipulation. An earlier reading was almost certainly 1;tn l’iY!, ‘and let him pass on from Mt. Gilboa.’ What the editor did was to alter i ! into l?n, to adapt the words which he transferred to d their new position. The emendation ‘ Gilboa ’ for ‘ Gilead ’ is adopted from Clericus(1708) by Hitzig, Bertheau, Gratz, Reuss, Driver, etc. ; but it is not sufficient alone. 2 For minn nyxes, ‘from the hill of the soothsayer,’ read y35m i n s nnnn, ‘beneath Mt. Gilboa.’ pV23n is composed of thefirst two letters of nnnn and three of the letters of y>s~n. ~n mnn comes from nn, and mi from ins.

f king (see Cooke, Hist. and Song o Deb. 4). whose oppression roused six Israelitish tribes to common hostile action ,against him (Judg. 42 13 16t). I t has been identified by Thomson (with the assent of Conder. G. A. Smith, G. A. Cooke, Socin, Buh1)l with mod. el-Harithiyeh, on the right bank of the lower Kishon, NW. of Megiddo. This is ‘an enormous double mound,’ situated just below the point where the Kishon in one of its turns beats against the rocky base of Carmel, leaving no room even for a footpath. A castle there effectually commands the pass up the vale of the Kishon into Esdraelon, and such a castle there was on this immense double teZZ of Harothieh [HHrithiyeh]. I t is still covered with the remains of old walls and buildings’ (Thomson, LB 437). The situation is well adapted for an oppressive chieftain, and is not to b e rejected on the ground of the remoteness of Jabin’s city of Hazor, for Sisera was no mere ‘captain of t h e host.’ The place-name, however, does not occur in the Amarna tablets, and textual criticism favours the view (first suggested by the names Shamgar and Sisera) that Sisera was a Hittite king. If this is correct, his place of residence must have been Kadesh on the Orontes ; in fact, recent textual criticism of Judg. 5 reveals to us the Kadeshites and Hadrachites fighting against Israel under Sisera. More precisely, the Hittite city K ADESH [q.v., 21 bears a fuller name in the true text of the Song of Deborah-viz., Kadshon or Kidshon. Now, looking at n&n, we notice that two of its letters recur in p i p , for 7 and resemble each other so closely in all the alphabets as to be often hardly distinguishable. Moreover n, 1, and p are sometimes confounded through phonetic similarity, while the corruption of 21 (the final forms of letters but slowly established themselves) into n is easy. The conclusion we reach is that the otherwise unknown ‘ Harosheth of the nations’ should rather be ‘ Kidshon of the nations.’ I t was so called to distinquish it from places of the same name in Canaan. This view is substantially that of Marquart (Fund. 3). and Ruben (JQR10554); but these scholars did not remark the existence of the termination -on appended Whether t h e to the fundamental element Kudsh. corrupt name T AHTIM -H ODSHI [q.v.] may be comT. K. C. pared, is doubtful.

HARP (ljS?, Ps. 332 etc.;
See M USIC , § 7 3

Din’?, Dan.



HARROW. For Job 39 IO (Vlb) A GRICULTURE , see Ch. 203 (iiim:, .sin) see $ 3 beg. and § 4. For z S. 1 2 3 1 ~ 1 AGRICULTURE, § 8, n. HARSHA (K@?n, ‘deaf,’§66, cp also TEL-HARSHA), afamilyof Nethinim in the great post-exilic list(see EZRA ii., § g), Ezra 252 (apyua [BA], apaua [Ll)=Neh. 754 (a8auau [BNA], a8aua [L])=I Esd. 532 EV CHAREA (Xapsa [A], om. B, @cam [L?]).
1 J. S Black, however, in 1892 and (at greater length) Moore . in 1895,expressed themselves d&btfully. See their respective commentaries.



HARSITH,in ‘ T h e gate Harsith’ (Kr. n”p7np but Kt. n l b l n i l ’V), Jer. 192 RV, AV ‘THEEAsr G ATE ’ (as if from ~7.n. ‘ sun,’ cp mg.), RVmS the gate of potsherds.’ Although B’s xapu(e)d favours Kre, this may be merely due to an early corruptlon or conjecture. Harsith cannot easily he explained. Most scholars (see BDB) render as RVmg. but the ending -iih constitutes a difficulty; Hitzig renders Sherhenfhzmz, KSnig (2 205 [a]) Scher6enei, but improbably. Read perhaps ni w! ‘ ;the Dung-gate seems to be meant. See e I HINNOM, VALLEY OF, 5 4 (z), JERUSALEM, 5 24, col. 2423. T.K. C. HART, HIND n$:g ; shaaoc [BKAQRTFL]). T h e animal intended is probably the fallow-deer (Cervus damn, L.), which is still to be found in the neighbourhood of Sidon (Tristram) ; see R OE , 4. As the name Aijalon shows, the ayyd must have been found in very ancient times far to the S. of this, and Dt. 1 2 1 5 2 2 1522 proves that it was quite common game. I t was regularly supplied to Solomon’s table, according to I K. 4 2 3 [ 5 3 ] . In Dt. 1 4 5 it is enumerated among the clean animals. Hebrew poets delight to refer to it. Its slender but powerful build, the swiftness and sureness of its motions, suggested a pleasing comparison for warriors or for the victorious people of Israel ( 2 S. 2 2 3 4 =Ps. 1 8 3 3 [34] Hab. 3 1 9 , BLS UUPTPXELW [BKAQ]), and in Gen. 4921 (UTQXEXOS [BADFL]), if M T is correct, Naphtali is likened to a nimble hind, with reference to the swiftness of its heroes (see, however, below.). The horns (a figure for rays of the rising sun?) of the ayyZi1 have been thought (wrongly) to be referred to in the title of Ps. 22 (see RVmg.) ; but cp A IJELETH - SHAHAR . Its languishing condition when deprived of pasture is [BKAQ]); its disregard referred to in Lam. 1 6 ( K ~ L O ~ of its young under these circumstances in Jer. 1 4 8 ; its An image eager panting for water in Ps. 421 [.I.’ of feminine grace and affectionateness IS derived from the elegance and the gentle gaze of the hind (Prov. 5 1 9 : cp Cant. 2 7 3 5 [dv ( T U ~ S )iu~6aeucv TOG (i-ypoG (BAKC in both verses)]) ; and a lover may be likened to a young hart, Cant. 2 1 7 8 1 4 (n+;ttt i@). Two passages remain which have to be taken together Job 39 1-4 and Ps. 299. In the former passage the ease with dhich the hinds bring forth appears as one of the wonders of creation : in the latter, a phrase used in Job 39 I of the travailing of the hinds is employed, but with a causative sense, of the effect of thunderclaps in hastening the parturition of hinds. It must be admitted, however, that the reference to the accelerated pangs of the hinds is not quite what we should expect in this grand storm-piece, nor does it suit the parallel line. n l i y , ‘forests,’ seems to require ns to point n h , ‘terebinths’ (so Lowth, Gratz, Thrupp, Che.); the suspicious-looking $sin?should rather be !’&e;, ‘shakes’ (Che.P)). On the analogy of the former emendation some (Bochart, Lo;vth,’Ew., Olsh., Di., etc.), would point n\w, ‘terebinths,’ in Gen. 49 21 instead of h, ‘hind.’ ! See NAPHTALI. HARUM (a??, cp Sab. Din, ilDTl [DHM, Ep. De&. 591, Ar. &w also HORAM) father of Aharhel, a name in an obscure part of’the genealogy’of Judah ; I Ch. 4 8 ( l a p a p [BA] :,om. L, see AHARHPL). HARUMAPH (IDiln, prob. = 78 Daln, ‘with pierced nose,’ # 66), father of Jedaiah in list of wall-builders (see NEHEMIAH, 8 IX; E ZRA ii., $5 66, 16 [I] 15d), Neh. 31ot (epFpopa0 [Bl, -$ [ALI, aimpa0 [HI). HARUPHITE (’Pllil Kt.), I Ch. 125. See HARIPH. HARUZ (ySla,‘eager’? ‘gold’? 566, apoyc [BAL]), of Jotbah, father of Meshullemeth, king Amon’s mother ( 2 K. 2119). HARVEST
937 etc.).


(np?p?), I

Ch. 9 7 AV, RV HAS-


HASHABIAH (9ilJq@Q, I Ch. 2 5 3 2 6 3 0 2 Ch. in iliq@n ‘ Yahwi: has taken account of,’ ; see N AMES , 5 3 2 ; ~ C A B I A ( C ) [BKAL]), a name so
3 5 9 ; elsewhere


common in post-exilic times that the identity or differentiation of the individuals bearing it is sometimes uncertain. On Nos. I , 2, 4,7, cp G ENEALOGIES i.. § 7 [ii. d]. I. A Merarite Levite ( I Ch. 645 [30] U U ~ ~ [ F ] L [BA]). 2. b. Bunni, a Merarite Levite in list of inhabitants of Jerusalem (see E ZRA ii., $5 5 [d], 15 [I] a), I Ch. 914 Feh. 1 15 1 (aua@ov [Nc.amg. SUP.] om. BN*A). 3. One who with his brethren ‘men of valour,’ 1700 in number was overseer in Israel ‘beyond Jordan westward’ (I Ch. 2 8 30) ; see H EBRON ii. I . --+ A musician, a ’son of Jeduthun’ (I Ch. 253 and 19 apra WJ). 5. A Levite, son of Kemuel (;.e., Kadmiel? I Ch. 27r7), perhaps the same as 3. 6. A Levite according to the Chronicler of the time of Josiah (2 Ch. 359). i n I Esd. 1 9 his name appeirs as ASSABIAS, RV SABIAS (uaptas [BA]). 7. A Levite in Ezra’s caravan (see EZRA i. $ 2 ii. 5 15 [I] d), Ezra 819 (ausp[rlra [BA] auua/3ra [L]) I Esd. S i 8 AsEnIA, RV ASEBIAS (om. B auepLa; [A]). cp Ezia 824 ( u a p r a [Av’d.l)=r Esd. 854 ASSAN~AS, AssAini~s(auuaprav [B], alra. [AI. RV auapiav [L]), see Kosters, Hersf. 44, n. 2 ; signatory to the covenant (see E ZRA i., 5 7) Neh. 1011 [IO] (om. BN*, euspras [Wamg. AI) ; 1122, auapsra [HI (see Herstel, 105 ). The name also appears among the Levites in Zerubbabel’s L n d (see E ZRA ii., $5 6 6 11) Neh. 1224 ( a p r a [BH*]). 8. ‘Rder of half the district of Keilah ’ mentioned in list of wa!l-b_uilders (see NEHEMIAH, $ I A, EZR; ii., $8 16 [I], ~ s d ) , N en. 3 17. 9. Head of the houseof Hilkiah EZRA ii., $8 66, TI), Neh. 12n1 (Wamg.inf., om. BN*A).

5 32, probably to be read e . , Hashabni-jah : see H ASHABNIAH ), signatory to the covenant (see E ZRA i., 5 7) Neh. 1025 [261 (€CABANA [BKA]. acB. [Ll).

HASHABNIAH, RV Hashabneiah ( i l J : & , or perhaps, if the text is right, as suggested in 32, il:J?Yn-i.e., HBshabni-iah, ‘ Yahwi: has taken thought of m e ’ ) , a Levite; Neh. 9s (BRA om., C A B ~ N I ~ C or UEXEVLUS[L, the order of the names is different]) ; the name also of the father of HATTUSH( 2 ) ; Neh. 310 (MBANAM [B”], -NEAM [Bab(vid.)l. - B N ~ A M [W -ANI& [A], CABANIOY [L]). T h e I, however, seems due to a scribe who thought of rp12w. Names of the type Hashabniah ’ are generally corrupt. Probably T. K. C. Hashabiah is right. HASHBADANA, RV Hashbaddanah (il?@n, probably, if original [see below], a corruption of il’J2Vnn Hashabni-jah : 5 32). one of those (probably Levites: so Kosters, Herstel, 88) present’ at the reading of the law under Ezra ; Neh. 8 4 (om. B, ACABAANA m ~ dextr. 1, . -BAAMA [A], A B A A N ~ C [L])= I Esd. 9 4 4 (L OTHASUBUS NABARIAS AwebcoyBoc : NABAp[€]l&C [BAI, LICCOM K M ~ ~ A A A N A [Ll). Their number is C doubtful. According to L (in both Neh. and I Esd.) there were seven standing on each side of Ezra ; according to Neh. MT, 6 on his right, and 7 on his left; according to Neh. HA, 6 and 7 [Nc.aAl respectively : Neh. B, 6and 4 : I Esd. BAand RV, 7 and 6 ; I Esd. AV, 7 and 5. The MT seems to have suffered somewhat from the 11th name onwards ; the last two names lack the connective ‘and,’ and the preceding name is surely corrupt. Hashbaddanah may in fact have arisen, the first half (>en) from a repetition of the preceding Hashum (own), and the second (n112) from a repetition of the following ?&). The corruption has taken another course in I Esd., xwni becoming 3wnj(’7), Lothasubus, and ~*TJ? becoming n+y~], Nabarias. We thus lose no doubt the two heptads desiderated by Kosters (Hersfel,&3 ; so also’Be.Ryss., Guthe), hut we get twelve names, corresponding to the tribes. See HASHUM. S. A. C.



Gen. 822 etc. : eepicMoc, Mt. See AGRICULTURE, I 7 ; Y EAR , 5 4 55 .


of the’ children of Zerubbabel ; P A ] , -BIA [Ll).

HASADIAH (ilJ?Pn, ‘ Yahwi: is gracious,’ 5 28),one I Ch. 320 (acabla
$ 1 ~ ;

1 Read with Olsh., Che., We., D . n$fi u, follows).



Neh. 8 46 may be due to the Chronicler (Kosters, HersteZ, 8SL


1 34, 0 . v ~ 1 '27; Bevvaras b Zqpohoysvvouvarv [B], utor Auap' d r r w u v r [A], Bwveas b Bopoyevuouviv [N], d o i Auop 708 Zevv .[L w. 341, Ebpauab b rovvr [L w. 331 ; but see JASHEN).


may have described such as 'children of the slighted wife ' (;r?slD= n9ip ' hated,' ' slighted ' ; see Dt. 2 1 IS$, Is. 6015). This theory is ingenious, and might provisionally HASHMONAH (@@n ; C ~ A M W N P L I , acsA- serve us. But it has perhaps a family likeness to the ~ explanations one finds in the Midrash, and to the N A [AF]), a stage in the wandering in the wilderness ; edifying vocalisations of names in the Chronicler. Is Nu. 3329,ff. See W ANDERINGS , I I J , and cp M AC not ' Praise-Yahw6, the son of the slighted' an unCABEES i., § 2 . natural combination ? HASHUB (>$Bjn), I Ch. 914AV; R V H A S S H U B ( ~ . V . ) . The key to the mystery must be sought elsewhere. I t is to be found in the problematical term M~SHNIIH HASHUBAH (n@I; cp HASHUB),one of the 2. New theory. [q.".], the current explanation of which children of Zerubbabel ; I Ch. 320 (acoyBe [B], AC&A IS purely hvpothetical. An examination CAI, hACABae [L]). of the passages in ;hick this word occurs with reference HASHUM (a??, vocalisation doubtful; cp a'sreadto Jerusalem suggests that underneath it lies the term ings and Meyer, Entst. 144, who suggests @; cp the name ! ' the old city '-Le., the city which existed before D't@n; a[u]uop [BAL]), a family in the great post-exilic list (see Hezekiah built ' the other wall without' (2 Ch. 325 ; E Z R A ii., $5 g, 8 c), Ezra2 19 ( a m p [Bl, a m u p [A], amwp [Ll)= see J ERUSALEM , 23). Hassenaah (ny;m) or HasNeh. 722 (quap[cl [BNAI)=I Esd. 5 16 ARontl (apop [BAj), senuah ( y m ) and Senaah ( n p ) are probably corruprepresented among the signatories to the'covenant (see E ZRA I., tions of n;hc, ' the old city '-the city which is referred $ 7), Neh. !Or8 [191 (qua@[BNAI). Various members of it are mentioned in the list of those with foreign wives (see E ZRA i., 5 5 to under that title in three or rather four passages in end) Ezra 1033 (qu[rlap [BN] auIu1qp [AL1)=1Esd. 933,Aso~. which M T gives ;riwn (RV, conjecturally, ' the second Thehame is borne apparentl; by an individual in list of Ezra's quarter'). T h e 3000, or more, people mentioned in supporters (see E ZRA ii., $ 13 V.1; cp i. $ 8, ii. 5 16 [5], ii. Ezra 235 Neh. 738 at the end of the list of town popu$ 15 [I] C), Neh. 84 (om. BK", wrap [Nc.amg.dextr.Al)=~ Esd. lations are the 'sons ' or people of the ' old city,' or 944, LOTHASUBUS (AwOduoupos [BA]). See HASHBADANA. quarter, of Jerusalem. Now we understand the relative HASHUPHA(K#VQ), Neh. 746 AV, RV HASUPHA. T. K. C. largeness of the number. HASMAAH (ngP@;l), I Ch. 1 2 3 AVmg., E V HASSHUB ' thought of [by God]' ; ACOYB SHEMAAH . ) . (q.~ [BA] in Ch. ; coy5 [K*] in Neh. [BKAL] ; but HASMONXANS. See M ACCABEES i., 2. 323 ; ACOY? [BK]. in Neh. 10 23 [%$I). I A Merarite Levite (I Ch. 914 Neh. 11;s [AV HASHUB]). . HASRAH (n?qn), ancestor of S HALLUM (2),2 Ch. 2 AV HASHUB, Pahath-moab, one of the repairers of the . b. wall (Neh. 3 11). 3422 (XEAAHC P I . ECCGPH [A], acsp [L]). z K. 3. AV HASHUB another of the repairers of the wall (Neh. 3 23). 2214 has H A R H A S - ( ~ . V . ) . 4. AV HASH$, signatory to the covenant (see E ZRA i., $ 7 ) ; HASSENAAH (Neh. 3 3 ) , or SENAAH (Ezra 235 Neh. 1023 [24]. Neh. 738), or$[? Esd. 5231 RV S ANAAS , AV ANNAAS, HASSOPHERETH I scribe' ? OT=ZAREPHATH? o p E [L]). The B'ne Hassophereth agroupof 'Soloa +p O u nF!pO, n@D; CENNAA [AL]). mon's servants' (see NETHINIM) the great post-exilic list (see in I n Neh. 738 uavavar [B'], uavav2 y'(the y'is n;merical)[Ba.], EZRAii., 3 g), Ezra 2 55 (am+qpae[Bl, -+opaO[Al)=Neh. 757with uavava [HA]; inEzra umva [El ; in Neh. 738. auav[B], auavaa article omitted, Bne SOPHERETH (nlBD; ra+apaO [EA], -Or [N], [HI, auava [AI ; in I Esd. uapa [B], uavaas [A]. RV (a)The name, which only occurs with the prefix q, auo+epsO [L])=I Esd. 533 AV AZAPHION, ASSAPHIOTH (auua+eiwO [E], aoa++i. [A]). It is plausible to read n m i * sons of.' was formerlv regarded as the name of a citv. ,, ' men Of ZAREPHATH' (q.W.). T. K. C. 1 Current the ikhagitants of which returned in . HASUPHA (RDjVn, in Neh. ; acoy~$a[AL], explanatione. large numbers (3930in Neh. 738 ; 3630 family of NETHINIM in the great post-exilic list (see E ZRA II., 5 g), in Ezra 235 ; 3330 [A] or 3301 [B] in Ezra243(auou+e [Bl, auou+a~[Ll)=Neh.746 (au+a[Bl, auci+a I Esd. 523) with Zerubbabel, and rebuilt the fish[NA], AV HASHUPHA)=I 5 29 (T?uet+a [Bl, atrsiQa[A], EV Esd. gate at Jerusalem (Neh. 33). This is the first stage in ( in ASIPHA). Corrupted to GISPA q . ~ . ) Neh. 1121. the quest of the true meaning of the phrase b'ni hasse%ddh HAT. For( I)K$?l? (Aram.), kar6lZd, Dan. 321 AV or 6'ni slnddh. But where is there a city with a name like (4Vmg. 'turban,' RV 'mantle') see T URBAN 2 . and for (2) Senaah? The Magdalsenna of Eusebius and Jerome vwauos, z Macc. 412(RV [Greek] cap '), see k ~ i . (OS 2928150zz), 8 or 7 R. m. N. of Jericho, is surely HATACH, RVHATHACH ($?? ; AXpA@AlOC[BRLp], not what is meant. (6) Schlatter (Zur Topoav.21. &os [A], om. La ; in Jos. A& xi. 6 7 axpaOeos), one of the Gesch. Pal. ) and Siegfr. -%a. therefore suspect that eunuchs of Ahasuerus (Esth. 4 5 f : [om. BNAL in w. 61, v. g [b] a Benjamite family (cp I Ch. 97) may be meant. apXOaOaros [N*A] ; v. IO). Marq. (Fund.7) makes this the 0. No such name, however, occurs in the list in Neh. Pers. Lu-~arfu*, 'well-made. C5 also inserts the name in 412 1 0 14-27. (c) Hence a third view : Senaah, or rather (apxaOaias [A]), 13 (aXOpOaiov [Nl, om. A). Hassenaah (with the art.), may be wrongly vocalised. HATCHET (Y@, ~ ~ A ~ K Y C securis), Ps. [BKR], I n I Ch. 97 Neh. 1 1 9 we meet with a 'son of Hassenuah' (in Ch. aava [B], auavoua [A], uaava [L] ; 746t. See A XE , 3. nsana [Vg.]; in Neh. AV S E N U A H ;auava [BRA], HATHACH(TilJ, Esth. 45 R V ; A V H A T A C H ( ~ . V , . ) . auevva [L], serilna [Vg.]) ; cp H ODAVIAH , 2 That . HATHATH (nnn; A e A e [BA], -& [L]), a KenizI Ch. 97-9 contains material derived from a post-exilic list, has long been recognised.2 Ed. Meyer, t h e r e f ~ r e , ~ zite, I Ch. 4 q t . Probably the word is a fragment of does not hesitate to regard Hassennah (misread Hasbnnin (see M ANAHATH ), a variant to 'n~ryo(see MEONOsenaah) as a post-exilic designation, and to explain it THAI). The clan called 'nnin was Calebite ( I Ch. 2 54). T. K. C. Among those who from post -exilic circumstances. returned with Zerubbabel, or, perhaps rather,4 who HATIPHA (K?'grJ [Aram.], 'snatched ' ; ~ T [ ~ ] I @ A after Ezra's arrival formed the KdhdZ or ' congregation ' [RNA] aTouc+a[L], see NAMES, 5 63) afamilyof Nethinimin the of true or genuine Israelites, there must have been many great ;ost-exilic list (see E ZRA ii., $ g), Ezra254 (asou+a [B])= who had no landed possessions. The popular wit Neh. 7 5 6 ; I Esd. 5 3 2 (are+a [BA]), EV ATIPHA, HATITA (R@'pn, ' pointed ' ?); ,a-r[s]i~a [BA], 1 But see also HARIM (21 a See Herzfeld, Gesc?z.'Tzgg ('47). .<&<a [L]), a family of doorkeepers in the great post-exilic list (see EzRA~~., $g),Ezra242(aT?~a[Bl).=Neh.745; E S ~ . ~ Z ~ , T E T A , I 3 Enst. 150, 154,156. J. D. Michaelis partlyanticipated him. 4 Meyer, however, takes the former view. RV ATETA (aq.ra [A], B om.).

HASHEM, THE .SONS OF, the Gizonite







- HATTIL A T ~ ~ [L]). The B n e Hattil, A a group of ‘Solomon’s servants’ (see NETHINIILI) in the great post-exilic list (see E ZRA ii., 5 9); Ezra257 ( a w m [B], arrrh[Al)=Neh. 759 (cy+ [BN], w~qh[A])=~Esd. HAGIA, 534, RV AGIA after @EA ayra. HATTUSH (EhDn, ATTOYC [AL] ; in Ch. XATTOYC [Bl, XETT. [Alp AT. [GI). I A descendant of Davld and son 1 of SHECANIAH . [T.v.] ; he went up with Ezra (see EZRA i. 5 z, ii. 5 15 (I) d), Ezra 8 z (TOUP [B])=r Esd. 829, LETTUS,~ ATTUS om.), cp I Ch. 322. RV (E priestly sirnatorv to the covenant (see E ZRA i... R 7): .. . . - . _ (Neh.’ 10 4 [5l, TOUS [BN*], amus [Ncq); also appears among the ‘priests and Levites, who went up with Zerubbabel [see EZRA ii., 5 6 dl (Neh. 122 [Wa(“‘g.),,om. BN*Al). 2. b. HASHABNEIAH inlist ofwall-builders(see NEHEMIAH, rq.v.1 0 IJ,EZRA ii., 0s 16 [I], 15 d), Neh. 310 (a7ove [BN], auTous [AI).

except Gen. 2 1 1 HEFZLATN), a son of Cush, Gen. lo7 (P), I Ch. 1g ; of Joktan, Gen. 10 zg (J), I Ch. 1 2 3 (EYI [A]). The same name is given to a region bordered by the river Pishon (Gen. 211 J) ; but where the Pishon was, interpreters are by no means agreed Twice again (if not thrice, for (see P AKADISE ). Cornill restores the name in Ezelc. 2722, ‘ Havilah, Sheba, and Raamah’), we find mention of Havilah. In Gen. 25 18 [J] the limits of the Ishniaelites are ‘ from Havilah unto Shur,’ and a similar phrase describes the region within which the Amalekites were defeated, I S. 1 5 7 (but here the text is disputed ; see TELEM). ?’he combination of all the data is difficult, and many critics have been led to distinguish several Havilahs. It would seem, however, that only absolute necessity would justify this, and it is perhaps safest to hold that Havilah is always the same region-of which sometimes one part, sometimes another, is specially referred to. Del. (Par. 1 2 8 j78), E. Meyer (Gesch. J. AZt. 1224), identify with the NE. part of the Syrian desert ; Glaser (SRizze, 2 3 2 3 5 ) , with Central and NE. Arabia. See G OLD , ONYX, TOPAZ. Attempts to find an African Havilah ( ‘ A ~ ~ ~ \ ; etc.)L are Tu , therefore unnecessary, especially since the onlyother son ofCush in Gen. 107 who can be probably identified points t o Arabia (viz. Raamiih). I t appears that P regarded all (non-Ishmaelite) Arabian tribes as connected with Africa. F. B .


; a y p a ~ [ e l i ~ i[BAQI; in n. 18 c [AI, AWPANEITIC [Bl), a region mentioned in connection with the ideal eastern border of Canaan in Ezek. 47 16 18f. Of Hazar-enan (see HAZAR-IIATTICON) we learn that it was on the border of Hauran (n. 16), and more particularly that it was on the border between the territories of Hauran and Damascus (n. 18 ; see Co.’s text of Ezekiel). Furrer ( Z D P V S 2 7 8 ; cp Grove, Smith’s DB) places Hauran far away in the N. at yaww,drin, between Sadad and Karyatin (Baed.(3)40j); but it is a false assumption of his that Hauran is described as N. of Damascus; it is the s. region that %iekiel mentions first (cp v. 16$, first Damascus, then -Hamath). Nor is it safe to work upon an incorrect text. Verse 18 should be emended with Cornill so as torun thus ‘And the east side ; from Hazar-enan which lies on the borderbetween Hauran and Damascus, the Jordan forms the border between Gilead and the landyf Israel as far as the east sea, unto Tamar ; that is, the east side. If we adopt Cornill‘s emendation it becomes clear that Hauran is the district which still bears this name, with the addition of G OLAN (4.n.) which (the) HaurHn adjoins. The name is also found in the Assyrian inscriptions (Hamranu = Havranu, K B 2 8 4 ; Havrina, KB 2 2 1 6 ) ~ and in the Mishna (Rtsh hashanah, 2 4). Elsewhere it has been suggested that J and presumably also E misunderstood the stories respecting ‘the patriarchs which hy, written, before them, and misread ‘Haran’ and (in Gen. 34 IO) ‘ Nahor ’ for ‘ Hauran.’ The ‘ city of Nahor,’ or rather of Hauran,’ will be some importqnt place (Ashtaroth?) in the district between Damascus and Gilead called Hauran. Possibly too ‘Aram-naharaim‘ (EV ‘Mesopotamia’) in Gen. 2410 was NAHOR. misread by J for Aram-Hauran. See HARAN, On the Auranitis of Roman times, see Schurer, GJV 1354 ; on the modern HaurSn see PALESTINE.


HAVVOTH-JAIR, AV, less correctly, H AVOTH - J AIR (T9KI nsn, errayheic iasip [BAFLI ; in Ch. KWMN casip [B”l, K. iaeip [Ba.blpK. i ~ p e i p [AI, a y w e iasip [L]; Auothiuir, Jer. [OS(2), S914]). This was the name
of certain towns (which arose out of tent-villages l) on the E. side of Gilead. An early tradition respecting them is given by J E in Nu. 323g4rf: (n. 40 is an interpolation) ; v. 41 47raliX~isravp [A]). Bu. thinks that this passage originally stood after Josh. 17 1418 (Xi. 87) ; hut surely the colonisation described in it belongs Sa. to a later period (see Judg. lO3fi). Ageographicaldifficulty is caused by Dt. 3 14 (avo0 L a e q [BAFL]) and JQsh. 13 30 ( K i p a L ~a[e]ip [BAL]) which localise the Havvoth-jair in Bashan instead of in Gilead Apparently the writers identify them with the sixty fortresses (Dt. 3 4 I K. 4 13) in the former region --a mistake into which only late writers could have fallen. ‘ (Even) in Bashan’ (l@:-fl$)Dt. 3 13 isevidently a redactional interpolation, and the reference to Havvoth-jair(EV ‘the towns of Jair’) in 1K. 413 (om. BL., avo0 L a p p [Al)has been interpolated from Nu.32 41. I n the post-exilic passage I Ch. 223 (om. Pesh.) Geshur and Aram are said to have taken sixty cities (including twenty-three belonging to Jair). Such is the account generally given of the matter ; but a closer inspection of the text of various passages referring to Gilead (where ‘ Gilead ’ should probably be ‘ Salhad ’) leads to a more favourable view of the writers who localise the Havvoth-jair in Bashan, and to a comprehension of the otherwise dark passage, I Ch. 223, respecting the conquest of the Havvotb-jair by Geshur and Aram. See J A I R KENATH. See Kue. Hex. 47 ; Di. Deul., and Bertholet, Diu>.,ad Zuc. ; Moore,]wdges, 274f:: GASm., HG 551 n. 9. HAWK (y!, n: iepaf [BKAFL]; ACCIPITER), men?, tioned only in Lev. 1116 (om. A), Dt. 1415 (AF in ZI. 14), as one of the unclean birds, and in Job3926 (see below). By the hawk no well-defined zoological species is meant ; the term may be used of any of the smaller diurnal birds of prey. These are common in Palestine the commonest being perhaps the kestrel (TinnuncuZus aZuud&iks) and the lesser kestrel ( T . cenclzris). Both were protected in Egypt as sacred birds. The hawk (in Eg. &k) was especially the sacred bird of Horns (the sun god) and it is the characteristic feature of solar deities in Egypt that they are hawk-headed. The association of the hawk with the sun is found outside Egypt. The Neo- Platonists connect the two, and in O!. 15525 the hawk is called ‘the swift messenger of Phebus. Such was their sanctity among the Egyptians that they were kept in sacred groves in various places along the Nile, and when dead their bodies were em. balmed. I n Job 39 26 the nZ7 is described as stretching out its wings and flying to the south. This applies to the migratory habits of many of the smaller kinds, such as the lesser kestrel, which migrates to central and southern Africa for the winter (cp Thomson, LB 326).
. A . E. S.-S.

HAVEN represents, in EV, ( I ) q h , ?zZph, G e n 4913 etc. (TQIl, ‘ to enclose ’). 2. nnn, m,d&tz,Ps. 1 0 7 3 0 , t primarily ‘ a large city’
(for Assyrian and Syriac usage see BDB, and cp Lex%. of Delitzsch and Payne Smith), but in a special context possibly ‘haven ’ (see, however, below). . 3. Xip?fv Acts 27 8 12. I t is doubtful, in view of the clearness of the Assyrian usage, . whether ,inn can really mean ‘haven‘ ;improbable too that this articular word would have been used in Ps.107. Cheyne Ps.(’4), on these grounds, emends the text of v. 30 reading 0’:: ‘for a beach of ships ’ (cp Gen. 49 13) ;Dn was written twice over, and the first qn corrupted into inn. In Is. 23 IO Duhm and Cheyue read I@ for n1D; but we are not obliged to render inn ‘haven.’ On the harbours of Palestine, see M EDITERRANEAN , and on the terms of the Blessing of Zehulnn (Gen. 49 13) see ZEBULUN.

T. K. C.



HAVILAR (35._:perhaps explained by the Hebrews VI,
*sand-land’;cp $\I7 ; s y ( e ) l A ~ ([BADEL] ; H E m A ~) 1 Emending MT in accordance with U I Esd. 829 (see BeRys. nd &.). 2 ATTUS (AV LETTUS) from a reading +arrauc, a scribe’s is error which could have easily arisen in an uncial MS for a r r o w . 8 ‘ The black land ’ (so Wetzstein, see Del. Hiod, 597), with reference to the basalt formation.

A. C.

Havvoth occurs only in this compound name. It is a legacy from the nomadic stage of Hebrew life (see GOVERNMENT>5 4).



HAWK, NIGHT HAWK, NIGHT (DQPn), Lev. 11 1 . 6

See NIGHTYelek), and so to the torrent of MiSrim (the WLdy el‘AriS). Thus the frontier line went southward from ‘Ain Kadis as far, perhaps, as the edge of the Tih plateau, and then made a circuit to the Jerahmeelite settlement near the sacred fountain (see BEER-LAHAIR OI , J ERAHMEEL ), and to el-‘Anjeh (E N - RIMMON ), where Palmer noticed strongly-embanked terraces which must once have been planted with fruit-trees, and thence by the WHdy el-Abyad into the WHdy el-‘AriS. A less probable view is learnedly set forth by Wetzstein in Del. Gen.P), 586-590. The two texts can hardly both be correct : some corruption must be assumed. One emendation is suggested above. Azmon ( p y ) should probably he En-rimmon ( b ] ? 1’ became 1 jT’) ; ; and fell out. It reniains to read 9 ~ n n - p i i u and for for ypipn <the latter occurs in Josh. 15 3. ( i i represents 5~1. ) ~ ypip:, IS more nearly complete; it comes from ixoni by ordinary corruption and transposition.) T K. C. .

HAY. ( I ) 7’??, @isit-; Prov. 2725 (RV mg. ‘grass’), Is.156 (RV ‘grass’), see G RASS , I ; (2) xip.ror,
I Cor.

3 12.

HAZAEL ($K!Q, 2 K. 88, etc., or $&3!n, z K. 89, etc., ‘ God sees,’ 5 32 ; ~ Z A H A[BAQL] ; A?s. @azu’z’Zu). Successor of BENHADAD (4.v.)as king of Syria. I.
Two great prophetic biographies referred to him. I n I K. 19 15 Elijah is sent from Horeb to Damascus to anoint Hazael king over Syria; in v. 17f: Hazael’s victories over Israel are represented as the divine vengeance upon Baal-worshippers. I n 2 K. 87-15, however, we read that ‘ EZz’sha came to Damascus,’ that he described the cruelties which Hazael would practise on the Israelites, and that when Hazael shrank in affected humility from the prospect (see DOG, § 31,he answered, ‘YahwB has showed me that thou shalt be king over Syria.’ I t would seem that two different accounts were current, and that the redactor combined portions of each. Historically, it is not important to determine whether either or neither of these accounts is correct. What is important is the light which 2 K. 87-15 throws on the road which Hazael took to the throne. There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of this narrative as far as Hazael is concerned, and the natural impression of the reader is that it was not the sick king, but Hazael who I took the coverlet (RV), and dipped it in water, and spread it on his face, so that he died.’ T h e opposite view is no doubt reconcilable with the letter of the n a r r a t i ~ e . ~ Probably the redactor has produced this indistinctness by the omission of some words, to make it more difficult to accuse Elisha of complicity in the deed. W h o Hazael was, we are not told ; but the expressions used by him in v. 13 seem to preclude the idea that he was the legitimate heir of Ben-hadad. H e met the allied forces of Jehoram of Israel and Ahaziah of Judah a t R AMOTH -G ILEAD ( z I(. 828f:; 914s). and gained important successes against Jehu which are referred to elsewhere (D AMASCUS , 8 8). So great indeed was the stress of the affliction of Israel that it was not till the reign of Joash b. Jehoahaz, that the losses inflicted upon Israel by the Syrians were repaired. I n the time of Amos the barbarities of Hazael were still Hazael also fresh in the minds of men (Am. l3f:). came into conflict with SHALMANESER(4.v.). 11. Twice (842 and 839 B.c.) the Assyrian king says that he marched against him and defeated him. Shalmaneser does not, however, appear to have gained any permanent advantage, and he troubled Aram of Damascus no more. Thus Hazael was at liberty to extend his dominion, and this accounts for the notices in 2 K. 1032 1 2 1 8 [17] 1322 of his successesagainst Jehu and Jehoahaz of Israel and Jehoash of Judah. Cp GATH, and (on @’s insertion in 2 K. 1322) A PHEK , 3 (a), K INGS , § 3 (2). Hazael’s successor was probably T K. C. . Mari (see B EN - HADAD 11.).

HAZAR-ENAN (Q’g Tyn, ‘village (enclosure) of springs’- -the second element is not Hebrew but H c Aramaic ; in Ezek. ~ ~ A TOY &IN&( N) [BAQ], in Nu. A p C € N A € l M [B 40. 91, - N [B 71. 101, -C€pN. [BaTb 91, V. a c a p ~ a [ s ] [AFL v.g, and Barb v. IO]), is the ex~~ treme E. point of the ideal N. boundary of Canaan in Ezek. 4 7 1 7 (where it is p 1 9 ~ is?, Hazar-Enon), 4 8 1 (AYAHC T O Y NAAM [Bl, a. T. AINAM [QI). and also in Nu.349 (cp v. IO), a passage which belongs to the priestly narrative and depends on Ezekiel. Probably Hazar-enon ought also to be substituted for HAZARHATTICON (4.v.) Ezek. 47 1 . in 6 Its position is unknown; but, from the passages in Ezekiel where the territory of Damascus seems to be placed on the N. side of the border and excluded from Canaan, the conjectures which place it at KaryatEn or some other point N. of Damascus appear to be illegitimate. Identifications must he precarious, whatever view be taken of the ideal northern frontier. Van Kasteren (Rm. bib., 30f: [’95]) thinks of eZ-H&, to the E. of Biniris, near the road to Damascus. As Buhl points out, however (Geog-. 67 240)~ the name would be still more appropriate for BZniZs itself (BZni@s not being the ancient Baal-gad). This may he only a plausihle conjectnre; but it acquires importance from its complete ccnsistency with the description of the E. border in Nu.3410-12; cp Ezek. 47 18and HAURAN. W. R. S.-T. K. C. HAZAR-GADDAH (a13


1 0 5 ; C E P ~ I[B?],

a c s p r a h h a [A], a c a p . [L]), a place on the Edomite border of Jndah (Josh. 1527). Eusebins and Jerome ( O S 24535 ; 12728) identify ‘ Gadda’ with a village in the
extreme parts of the Daroma, overhanging the Dead Sea. More than one site agrees with this description (see Ruhl, Geog. 185) ; but most probably Eusebius and Jerome are mistaken, and the village Hazar-gaddah lies nearer to Beer-sheba than to the Dead Sea. Cp the name T. K. C. Migdal-gad, and see H AZOR , I (end).

HAZAR-HATTICON, RV H AZER - HATTICON (ly? fiYg?-i.e., ‘the middlevillage’ ; AYAH TOY C A Y N ~ N [B], EYNAN hi T O Y ~ Y N A N [AI, 0”. AYAH
TOY e l X W N [Qmg.]),

on the ideal N. frontier


HAZAIAH (;133Q, Yahwe sees ’ : oz[s]ia [BKA],
[L]), in list of Judahite inhabitants of Jerusalem (see E ZRA ii., S 5 [b] $ 15 [I] a), Neh. 1 5 5 1.

HAZAR-ADDAR(T78 TYno EITAYAIC a p a h [BAL]), a place on the S. border of Judah, Nu. 344.T In the /I passage, Josh. 153, it is called m ~Addar (AV A DAR ); ,
but probably the HEZRON r4.v. i.] which occurs close by is a corruption of yxn (so Ges.-Buhl). Probably, too, adopting necessary emendations, the geographical statement in both passages is that the S. border of Judah went round by the S. of K ADESH -B ARNEA (‘Ain Kadis) and up to Hazar-jerahmeel (near ‘Ain Muwaileh), and then passed along Azmon (Jebel Hela1 and Jebel

of Canaan (Ezek. 47 16). It is probable, both on external grounds and on the evidence of @, that we should read Hazar-enon (p’y for p-,) Sm., (so Co.). Van Kasteren’s attempted identification (Em. Bib!., ’95, p. 30) is therefore needless. See HAZAR-ENAN.

HAZARMAVETH(nlgyn,I 105 ; Sab. ncvmun ; in Gen. a c a p M w e [A’], C a p M a e [A”], UahPJv [E], A C A p A M w e [L] ; in Ch, b p A M a e [Alp om. B, A c s p M u e [L]); the eponym of an Arabian clan, called son of J OKTAN (4.v.) Gen. 1026, I Ch. lzo?. The ;
name (which cccurs in Sabaean, see above) represents the mod. Hadramaut (or Hadramfit), the name of a broad valley running for 100 m. or more parallel to the coast, by which the valleys of the high Arabian tableland discharge their not abundant snpply of water into A similar name occurs in Asia the sea at Saihut.’ Minor (A DRAMYTTIUM ) ; the final syllable was probably 1 Bent, Soufhern Aradia, 71 [I~w].

3 Cp Wi.

Read p m i nmi (CP @I, a h CP KINGS, 3. B Read 1BlP (see BED, 5 3, n. 6. ) AZttest. Unfers.64-66. ‘975


-moth or -muth (cp AZMAVETH). T h e modern district is less extensive than the ancient. The kings of Hadramaut have left inscriptions which Glaser has larely discovered. According to Strabo (xvi. 42), the xa7papwr;ra~ wereone of the four chief tribes dwelling in southern Arabia (their capital was Salma or Sabata- (the S ABTAH of 2. 7). See Glaser, Shizze, , 2 20, 4 q f l ; Hommel, A H T , 77$, 80 etc., and cp BDB. Here dwelt the people who in v. 7 are called SABTAH IC v.I. HAZAR-SHUAL ($d YWJ, § ' o s ) , a city, on the ,extremesouthern border of Judah, assigned to Simon : Josh. 15 2 3 (phaucwha [ B L ] , awapaouha [A]); Josh. 1 9 3 (apawha [B], uipoouha [A], a[ua]pwoha [ L ] ) ; I Ch. 428 (Eqpfouha,8 [Bl, .euepaouah 1-41, auepaao0 (Ll) ; Neh. 1127 (om. BN*A, eaepaoaA

proper Heb. term for ' almond' is no. 319 ; Celsius, 1253J:


See Low,

HAZELELPONI, RV Hazzelelponi (+3a$i$!g; ECHAEBBWN CB1, E C H A A E A ~ W N [AI, & C ~ A ~ @ U N E I
[L]), sister of JEZREEL, SHMA , and IDBASH g . ~ . ] I [q

Oiie of the oddest names in Chronicles mentioned in connection with (the Judahite) Jezreel Etain'and (probably) Hur b. Judah'(r Ch.43). Olshausen tLehyb: d. heby Spy. fj18) explains, Give shade, thou who lookest upon me Curtis (in Hastings, D B 2 128 a) 'the Zelelponites.' Neither) view commends itself. *JIB (poni)is a duplication of i j (pentd) in 5 ~ 1 3 3 ~ (Penuel) which follows : 5533 is miswritten for S,&n, Halasel, the true original of 5 ~ 5 BEZALEEL' . ~ . ] . Possibly Halqel ~ 2 [q is the full name of Halusa (better known to ~ S ~ S Z I K L A G ) . The name would correspond to Jerahrneel (see REHOBOTH, [ K C . a"'g.1 arJspaoah [Ll). T. K. C. It is vbry probably identical with the h k y , ASAREEL J ERAHMEEL). .of I Ch. 416, and SUEXWV, the drother of ' Ir-nahash' RAZERHATTICON, or ' the middle Hazer ' (7yiJ (Beer-sheba), 6 I Ch. 4 x 2 . Conder identifies with'the ]\>+vq),Ezek. 47 16 RV, AV H AZAR - HATTICON [ q . ~ . ] . ruin Sa'weh, on a hill E. of Beersheba But the name HAZERIM (n'??in.acHhwe[B], a c H p w e [AFL]), -is almost certainly a Hebraised form of Ar. siydl, a AV's mistake, derived from 6, for ' villages ' (so RV kind of acacia tree, which grows in Arabia (see Doughty, Dt.223). See AYVIM. .Ar. Des. 291). C p SHITTAH-TREE. T. K. C.





TYQ), Josh. 1 9 d ' ; c a p -


(n'[UlYn; a c H p w e [BAFL]

; in Dt.


.also called H AZAR -S USIM in Josh. ; and MT. I Ch. 431t, P'DlD 'TI ; HMICYCECOPAM' [B"], HMICYCWC O ~ A M [Bab19 H M I C Y ~ W C I M [A H M I C Y points to a reading w~]), c s p c o y c i [L], where a a Simeonite village. T h e name apparently means 'station of a mare.' But this is an early editor's guess, not a Tecord of Solomon's importation of horses (cp MARCADOTH). Possibly a corruption of ivy i~;, HaSer 'aziz. 'strong enclosure.' Kephar 'Aziz was a place in the province of I d u m z a where R. Ishmael, a contemporary .of R. 'Akiba, resided (Neub. Ghgr. 117). T. K. C. [in Ch. § 103; AChCdrN BAMap [BAL], in Ch. &CAM 6 A M a p e PIP A N b C A N ,%MAP [A] ; ASASOATHAMAR), mentioned as inhabited by Amorites, and as conquered by Chedorlaomer, together with the region of the Amalekites, after he had come to Kadesh, Gen. 147. In z Ch. 202 it is identified with En-gedi, which was prqbably suggested by the meaning of Tamar (date- palm), En-gedi having been fanions for its palms. But the situation of En-gedi does not suit. Hence Knobel thought of the important .site called Thamaro or Thamara, and identified by some with Kurnkb, NE. of 'Ain Icadis (see T AMAR ) ; b u t palms, we may be sure, have never grown at Kurnub. There must be a corruption in the text, which in so ill-preserved a narrative need not surprise us. Probably we should read for ' (the Amorites that dwelt) in Hazazon-tamar' ' (the fmorites that dwelt) i n the land of Miyim,' own y In truth it is difficult to L how the N. Arabian land of ;e M q r i (see)M*zRAiM, 5 26) could have been passed over. The neighbourhood of Kadesh and Jerahmeel are probably thought of. In I Ch. 202 the note 'that is, En-gedi' may fairly be taken as a gloss, and 'Hazazon-tamar' be explaiued as a conventional expression for the country s. of Judza, derived from ,Gen. 147 in its already corrupt form. T. K. C.



9 7. HAZEZON-TAMAR (l@ (Wp) Gen. 147 'AV, RV H AZAZON -T AMAR . HAZIEL (Y&Vfl, 5 32 prob. =J AHAZIEL [p.v.], ' El sees'; e i e ! ~ A [B], A Z I H A [AL]), a Gershonite Levite, temp. David (I Ch. 289). HAZO (iQ, [ADL]), Nahor's fifth son (Gen. azay 2222). T h e name resembles Ass. HazE (=?rn), which
was a mountain region of volcanic conical hills (so Fr. Del.) in N. Arabia (KB 2 131). See Buz.

1 1 translated &YAWN [BAFL]), an unknown locality mentioned in Nu. 1135 12x6 3317 J: Dt. 11. See

(ypc fyyn



HAZEL (195, Gen. Q037'f). This very interesting treename (ZUB) is wrongly rendered. Note ( I) that the scene of the narrative in Gen. 3031-43 is laid i n Haran, whereas the hazel-tree is said not to grow in this region, and (2) that this tree is also not known in S. Palestine, to which the author of the narrative (J) belongs. The fact that in Syr. and Ar. the cognate word means almond-tree,' strongly favours R V s rendering A LMOND (g,v.), which is also given by Vg. (amyp.daSnas) and is not hconsistent with the K U ~ U I V T V of &iABL, v o v ~dp being a general term. 795 may be a foreign word ; the
1 2
0 3 ) .

QllDD9Sn: a simple transposition. p~ became yn3 ; p'irn was corrupted into inn>r (nJ= For an analogous corruption see Ps. 1204 (Che. Ps.P)).

HAZOR (YiUiJ; acwp[BAFL]; A S O R ) , like H EZRON (q.v.), is a name corresponding, probably, not to the Ar. &sur ( ' f o r t ' ) but to &n?iru ('sheep-fold,' cp C ATTLE , 5 6 n. jj), an enclosure of thorny branches or of stone. The name Hazor or Hazar occurs frequently as a place-name in the pastoral Negeb. the region of the ' Hezronites '-nomads who dwelt within such enclosures (cp H EZRON ). T h e phrase ' the kingdoms of Hazor ' (Jer. 49 28 30 33 ; adh4 [BKAQ]) is a collective term for the region of the settled Arabs in the S. or E. of Palestine (cp Jer. 2 5 3 4 Is. 4211) ; cp the Ar. /id$iir used (in the plur.) of the settled Arabs living in towns and villages as contrasted with the purely nomad Arabs (cp Rob. AR 1305 and Doughty, Ar. Des. 1274). I. The Hazor of king JABIN (4.v.) lay near the waters of Merom, not far from Kedesh (Jos. 11 and auop, 6" auuwp] 1219 Judg. 42 17 I S.129; uuwp, -pas Jos. Ant. v. 5 I xiii. 5 6 3 ) . Its identification is doubtful. Wilson and Gu6rin think of the TeN Hurreh, SE. of Kedesh, where there are extensive ruins. Conder and others prefer Jebel Hadireh (.' Mt. of the sheep-fold ' ; cp the plain Merj-Hagireh), a little to the W. of DEshiin, about three quarters o an hour S. from Kedesh (cp f Baed., 262). On the whole, Robinson's identification with the Tell Khureibeh, 1680 ft. above sea-level, 24 m. S. from Kedesh, seems the most suitable; but no ruins have as yet been discovered there. As htrgava j - y y ) it seems to he mentioned on the old Egyptian lis& of Thotmes and the p?pyrus Anastasi (WMM As. u. Eav. 173)~ and its importance in the foi:rteenth century is perhaps revealed by the Amarna Tablets, where the king of Hasilra or Harura is mentioned several times ; it had smaller dependent towns and its king is mentioned with the king of Sidon (fromwhici Petrie infers that a Hazor 1 1 m. SE. of Tyre is meant).l In Jos. 1936 ( P ) Hazor appears as a 'fenced' city and is allotted to Naphtali. Its inhabitants were carried off by Tiglath-pileser ( 2 K. 1529). I t is 1 Syvia and Egyfit, 94 173.




= 977


mentioned in I Macc. 1 1 6 7 (AV N ASOR , vauwp [VA], auwp [K]) and is the ASER, RV ASHER,of Tob. 1 2 (aol)p P A 1 auflllp [KI). Whether the Hazor fortified by Solomon was really the northern one seems doubtful ( I K. 9 15 om. BL, euap [A] ; in 1 0 2 3 , auuoup [B], -6 [L], om. A ; XESER [Vg.]). Althoughfollowed by Megiddo its mentionwith Gezer and localitiesin theneighbourhood of Jerusalemdoesnotinspire confidence, and both Jer. and Eus. ( O S 2 ) 97 IO, assure; 2 2 7 3 4 auuoup) actually locate it in Judah. This position seems more natural, and in @’s addition to I K. 2 (35 i auuoup [BA], auou6 [L]) Hazor and the other places are followed immediately by Beth-horon and Baalath. Which Hazor is meant, however, is uncertain. Jer. and Eus. speak of a J u d z a n Aser ( O S 2 )9219 2 2 0 9 3 ) between Ashkelon and Ashdod ; and an Asor on the borders of the former is by them (erroneously?) identified with H AZOR - HADATTAH . Perhaps Solomon’s Hazor is the same as no. 3 below. Megiddo seems to 1 of M IGDAL - GAD [ g . ~ . ] , unless for be a corruption ‘ Hazor, Megiddo,’ we should read H AZAR - GADDAH [g. v.l.2 2. A locality in Benjamin mentioned between Ananiah (Beit Hanina?) and Ramah ( Neh. 1 33 K c.a nLg. L, 1 om. BIY*A). One might plausibly identify it with the ruins of Hazziir near Beit Hanina (PERMiii. 8 114). The mention of Zeboim, however, between Hadid and Neballat (v. 34) makes it possible that Hazor may mean B AAL - HAZOR (iiq p 2 S. 1 3 2 3 ,8arhauwp [B], 5 pehh? [A], pauehh. [L]), which in its turn is defined as being ‘ beside E PHRAIM ’ [q.v., ii.]. This is Te2Z ‘ASzir-a hill I hour NE. from Bethel (which place is mentioned in Neh. Il3r)-and lies ENE. of Jifni ( L e . OPHNI); cp Bnhl, Pal. 177. See ESORA. 3. A town in the Negeb of Judah mentioned between Kedesh and Ithnan (Josh. 15 23 auop [iwvuw] [B], auwp [L.], om. A) ; Bnhl(2.c. 182)identifies with HuGZre, E. from Hebron and NE. from Ma‘in. Cp below. 4. Another Hazor, alternatively called fl! n i 3 y i: (K ERIOTH - HEZRON , R V ; AV read as two) is enumerated L S in the same group (Josh. 1525 ~ ~ X E auapwv [R], s b X ~ s - p [A], ~ 6 X e i s eupwp [L]) and is identified by Buhl with mod. KaryatZn S. of Ma‘in, the place whence Judas perhaps derived his designation ‘ Iscariot ’ (but see J UDAS ). The modern form of Hazor survives in the Negeb in the forms Hadira amount S. of Kurnuh, and a well, el-HuderE, inet-Tih (cp Rob: BR 1223). See HAZOR-HADATTAH. A. c. s.

choice hut to emend in:?? ‘his body’ into in$& ’his skull,’ in spite of the fact that, according to usage it ‘wai not merely the skull, but the whole head of an enemy, :hat was the victor’s trophy. A critical translation of Chronicles would therefore have to render, in 1Ch. 10 IO, ’ and they stuck up his skull in the house of Dagon.’ Why the head was chosen as a trophy (Judg. 7 2 5 I S. 17 54 57 31 9 2 S. 4 7 20 21f. z I<. 1 0 6 8 ) may at first seem to need no investigation; was not the severed head a convincing proof of death? I t may have become no more than this when the grim narrative in 2 K. 10 6 8 was written. When, however, we read of the Australians that one of the trophies which they carry home after killing an enemy is the kidney fat, and that this is kept by the assassin to lubricate himself, because he thinks that thus he acquires the strength of his victim,l we begin to suspect that there is something more than we at first supposed in the custom of decapitating a dead enemy. What is it, then? I t is the idea that the head is a special seat of life (which accounts for the phrase ‘ t o swear by the head,’ Mt. 5 36). Hence among the Iranians the head of a victim was dedicated to Haoma, in order that the life, represented by the head, might return to its divine giver. That was not indeed the usage of the Egyptians or of the Hebrews. Yet both peoples had a reverence for the head. ‘There are twenty-two vessels in the head which draw the spirits into it, and send them thence to all parts of the body,’ is the assertion of the Ebers Papyrus (Maspero, Dawn o Civ. zr6), and shows f what the feeling of the Egyptians was. It is true Herodotns (2 39, quoted Py,WKS, ReL Sen& (2) 379) states that the head of a sacrificial victim was not offered on the altar hut sold to Greek traders, or thrown into the Nile; hut this is opposed t o the clear evidence of the Egyptian monuments.2 The Hebrews, too, doubtless offered the head, among the other chief parts of the body, upon the altar, and there is considerable improbability (see DOVE’S DUNG, col. 1130) in the statement in the M T of z K. 6 2 5 that heads of asses were eaten during a great famine in Samaria,-first, because ass’s flesh was forbidden food, and next, because the dried head of any animal being used by the Semites as an amulet, it was not natural fol‘ them to eat the head.3 (The eating of the head of the paschal lamb was an exception.) It is also probable that there is a sense of the sacredness of the head in the statement of I S. 1 7 5 4 and I Ch. 1010 respecting the head of Goliath and the skull of Saul respectively. In the former passage the M T tells us that David took the head of the Philistine and brought it to Jerusalem (ohii,), but this anachronism is probably an error of the scribes (Che. Eq5.T. IOs22 [‘99]); the true reading is to Saul who had not stirred from his ‘ S a u l ’ (h~$)). place could not regard the head of Goliath as a trophy ; but he may have valued it greatly as a supernatural guardian or amulet. And so in I Ch. 1010 even the Chronicler feels that the skull (representing the head) of Saul may well have been affixed as a sacred object to the wall of a Philistine temple. Possibly we may connect his statement with the view certainly held in Talmudic times that a mummified human head (tlri$him) or even a human skull (’54,could give the knowledge of the future.4 Among the various idioms in which the head finds a place a few may he mentioned. ( I ) To ‘lift up the head ’ when spoken of another, most naturally means ‘ t o raise to honour’ (see e.g. Gen. 40 13 2 K.2j 27). In Gen. 40 19, however, it meaus ‘ t o take off the head as a punishment. It is one of those plays on words in which Hebrew writers delight. (2) Yahwk ‘will take away thy master from thy head ’(2 K. 2 3 5 EV) alludes to the customaryposition of pupils at the feet of their teacher (cp Acts 22 3). WRS Ral. Sew. (2) 380. See Rawlinson Hevodotes, 2 71. WRS Rel. Se& (21, 381. For the references see Buxtorf, Lex. Talmud. z6Gofi; Selden, De Dis Syris, 59; Levy, NHWB, S.V. 1980
1 2 3 4

HAZOR-HADATTAH ( S O RV ; -kq,--i.e. LAram.1 ‘New Hazer,' acwp TH N K A I N H N [ L ; om. BA], ASOR N O VA [Vg.]), a place on the Edomite bqrder of Judah (Josh. 1525). An Aramaic adjective, however, in this region is so strange that the reading must be questioned ’ (Di.). nnin is probahly a miswritten form of which follows ’ Hadattah should he omitted. AV gives ‘And Hazor Hadittah. Eus. and Jer. (OS 21731 908jplack this Hazor tdo far N., viz., on the borders of Ashkelon, towards the E. See HAZOR, I. T K. C . .





Ch. 4 3 RV.


HAZELELPONI. HEAD is the equivalent in OT of dK7, rJ& and in Aram. parts of Dan. of VK?, rZi& and in N T of KE@AAH. I n I Ch. 1010 EV also gives I head’ for n)>si, gu&keth. This passage furnishes a good startingpoint for our survey of some of the ideas connected by the Hebrews with the head. n h h (guZg&th) does not really mean ‘ head.’ The Chronicler misunderstood I S. 31 IO. The first part of the verse, relative to Saul’s armour, is a parenthesis, and probably a gloss, but seemed to the Chronicler to he the beginning of a statement respecting the trophies carried offby the Philistines. If .this view was correct there was no
1 In I K. 9 15(lO 23) the readings are payaw [A], pasrav [Bl (cp medam, OSW 140 34), payr6Sw [Ll ; in 2 35 payaw [Bl, -6w [AL].

2 A possible connection with MAKKEDAH may also be suggested.


(3) ‘They shoot out the lip, they shake the head ’ (Ps.22 7 181) may strike us as a strange combination of phrases. With the Hebrews, however, shaking the head is a sign of mockery (cp Ps. 4414 [Is], z K. 19 21), though it may also be a gesture of sympathy (Job 164). (4) ‘ Thou shalt heap coa? of fire on his head ’ (Prov. 25 z z )


important passage is shown by Ezek. 11~ g f . 18 31 36 2 6 f . , where ‘ a new heart,’ or ‘ a heart of flesh,’ is the organ of that new life which Israel is to lead in the ideal age. A ‘clean heart’ is therefore ‘ a pure conscience and character.’ The consciousness of being free from guilt would most naturally mean, Thou shalt take vengeance upon had often been possessed by the early Israelites temhim by destroying him’l (Gen. 19 24, Ps. 11 6 171). Of course, porarily as a consequence of the due performance of this does not suit the c:ntext nor can 2niq mean anything but ‘fetch,’ or carry away. H e k e the text must be out of order. ritual forms; but the future Israelites would possess Read, ‘for (so) thou wilt quench coals of fire’z (i.e. evil passions, it permanently, because they would have a moral organ Ecclus. 8 re). Certainly the reference to the head can be well which would guard them against displeasing their spared; the ethical gain is considerable. In a Zend sdripture we read, after an exhortation to charity righteous and holy God. on the ground that the Law begs for charity in the person of h c h a ‘clean heart’ is otherwise described as a ‘steadfast thy brethren who beg for bread ‘Ever will that bread be spirit’ (RVmg.; cp Ps. 788 37, EV ‘aright spirit’) by which the burning coal upon, thy head’ (Gistasp Yast, 36, in ~ O x f o ~ d l Psalmist must mean L asteady impulse towards all that is g.ood.’ Zendavesta, part II., by Darmesteter, ,338). The burning For the sense of ‘ conscience’ see also Job 27 6, EV ‘ my-heart coal on the head ’ seems to be a figurative expression for the doth not reproach me ’ (?),and especially I K. 8 8 where EV’s vengeance imprecated on him who refuses the bread of alms. rendering, ‘every man the plague of his own Ieart,‘ should If so it suggests what the MT of Prov. 25 z z a ought to mean. rather be ‘every man a stroke in (lit. of) his own conscience.’ On 6 e phrase ‘to cover the head,’ etc. (in mourning), see The idea is that God not only strikes the body or the possessions of a sinner, but forcibly touches his heart, or conscience, with MOURNING. T. K. C. conviction of sin (see Klo., Ki.). HEADBAND. For ( I ) P’?$?, kiffgrim, Is. 320 AV In the hooks admitted into the Heb. canon (for the (RV ‘sashes’) ; see GIRDLE, 4 ; and for (2) ? ! i#h&-, I K. ?$ Apocrypha cp Wisd. 7 T I Ecclus. 4 2 1 8 [ K ] ) d has the 20 38 4 1 RV (AV ‘ ashes ’), see TURBAN, 2. proper Greek term for conscience, cuvefIBquLs,only once HEADTIRE. I. RV for 8;?9?2, mighi‘Eh9 the -viz. in Eccles. 1020, where the Hebrew text has the priestly ‘bonnet’ of AV (Ex. 2S40 etc.). See MITRE, I. 2. RV It is, however, common in N T , though late word yin.‘ it occurs only once in the Gospels (Jn. 89 in a disputed in for lK?,pi~?r, Is.Szo(AV ‘bonnet’), Ezek. 2417 (AV tire’). See TURBAN, 2. 3. EV for KlSapLs, I Esd. 3 6 ; see CROWN. section). For the sense of ‘ character,’ see also Jer. 1 2 3 , ’ Thou hast tried my heart ’ ; Ps. 79 [IO] I Thess. 24. HEART (35or 2;>, on the distribution of which reHere we find ourselves on the line of progress to N T spectively in O T writings see Briggs, Kohut Memoria( religion. The Pauline epistles give the heart a centra1 Stzldies, 94-105 (’97); ~ a p A l & ) .There are some ~ position in the moral nature of man. I t has the power interesting varieties in the biblical use of the term ‘ heart.’ of immediate perception of the spiritual truths revealed Primarily the heart is the seat and principle of vitality, by G o d s spirit. God, we are told, has shone in the for ‘ the life of the flesh is in the blood’ (Lev. 17 II), and hearts of Christians to give the light of the knowledge the receptacle of the blood is the heart. of the divine glory ( z Cor. 46) ; we even meet with the Hence the expressions, ‘let your heart live ’ (Ps. 22 26 [:7]): strange expression ‘ the eyes of your heart ’ (Eph. 1x8). it reaches to thy heart (Jer. 4 18 ; cp z. IO ‘ to the soul ’) ; the ) whole heart is faint’ (Is. 15). Here the ‘ heart ’ is in fact almost a Hebraistic synonym ‘ Heart’ and ‘ flesh’ ( l ~ t @ )combined designate the for that ‘ reason ’ or ‘ understanding’ ( v o k or G ~ d v o r a ) whole inner and outer man ‘(as in Ass. S ~ Y U and l‘i64u); which is the responsive element in man to the divine spirit (cp G NOSIS , 5). The germ of this representasee Ps. 169 73 26 (cp ESCHATOLOGY) ; and for ‘heart ’ tion, however, is to be found in the teaching of Jesus. in the sense of ‘ inner man ’ note the phrase so frequent ‘ Happy are the pure in heart, for they will see God’ in Dt. (e.g., 42g), ‘ with a l l the heart and with all the (Mt. 58). Indeed, theentire Sermon on the Mount imsoul. presses the necessity of keeping the ‘ heart ’ pure and in More special meanings are the following :constant contact with God and with heavenly things as (a)The seat of the appetites, emotions, and passions ; see, e g . , Ps. 10415 Dt. 1 9 6 I K. 838 Is. 3029. the condition of pure morality. This again is but the (6) Mind, intellect, qnrpose, metnory; so ‘men of heart’= clearer expression of the O T view that it is affinity ‘men of understanding, Job 34 IO 34 ; ‘ all the wickedness which of character that brings a man near to God ; and that thine heart (=thy mind) is privy to; I K. 2 44 EV ; ‘ wisdom and understanding exceeding much and largeness of heart ’ I K. 4 29 the moral and spiritual life which produces character is EV ; ‘it is in his heart (Le. pdrpose) to destroy,’ 1s; YO 7 ; ‘ the seated in the innermost part of man-Le., in his heart (purpose) of Pharaoh was changed,’ Ex. 145 ; David laid T. K. C. ‘heart.‘ up these words in his heart,’ i.e. in his memory, I S. 21 12 (cp Lk. 2 1951). So Ps. 31 12 1131. ‘a dead man out of heart’ would mean ‘ a dead man, forgotten,’ if the Hebrew text were correct. HEARTH. For (I) ‘64 ( ~ c x ~ ; aa u b ) , Jer. p r (c) Consciousness, conscience, character. .So Prov, 14 I O (a 3 6 2 2 3 ; (z)li’?,h&wir, Zech. 126 RV ‘pan (of fire)’ (6ahds, fine passage even in EV; but ‘ intermeddleth with its joy’ strikes a false note, for even a stranger feels some sympathy with simple cuminum) ; (3) Y,?iD, ma&d, Ps. 102 3 141 (+p4ytov, cremiunz, human joys) where readie., dry wood), RV ‘firebrand’; plur. +i,yin, ?a8&d#, Is. A hkart that feels its deep vexation 33 14, EV ‘ burnings,’ see COAL, 3. $ Cannot intermingle with the joy of a stranger.4 Lev. 6 9 [ z ] is $fficult (see below); RV ‘on thehearth,’RVmg. Hitzig would give the sense of ‘consciousness’ to the word ‘on its firewood ; neither is right. The small 13 proceeds from ‘heart’ in the well-known phrase ‘a clean heart,’ Ps. 51 IO LIZ]. an ancient corrector (cp the small j in Is. 44 14) and (as in Is. He supports this bya reference to Prov. 22 11a;aclear consciousLc.) is conjectural. Read i&y, ‘on the fire’ (see 4); the ness- ,a joyous temper&. would then be the boon sought for by letters lip.? were accldently misarranged as mp?, and a the speaker. But the reference is not tenable, for in the passage referred to @ enables us to ,?tore an all-important word which corrector changed 9 into 13 (suggested by SS). has been lost-viz ‘ Yahwk. A human king may he partial to 4. lJp2, y&&zid, Is. 3014t (@BN*Qr om., uL [see Field] joyous-hearted su4ects, butYahw&loves those whose conscience, Ka6uTpa, incendi?mt). ‘the fire burning on the hearth.’ or moral character, is spotless ; dya?rp^ xlipros buias K U P ~ ~ U S . On the ‘hearth of hod,’ Is. 29 I (RVmg.), see ALTAR, ARIEL ; As to Ps. 51 IO [., I ] the true sense of this religiously on the ‘cakes upon the hearth’ of Gen. 166 see BREAD, $ z ( a ) ; on the ‘hearthstones’ of Ezek. 4043 (AVmg.) see HOOK, 7. 1 Toy (Prow. 468) still adheres to the traditional view that the pang of contrition is meant. But what unsophisticated Jewish HEATH, RVmg. ‘tamarisk’ (‘uY‘&, ?$YIl ; 2 drrpioreader could so have interpreted the words? 2 ‘nq?n z i y Wt&y t?. MYPIKH, Jer. 1 7 6 486f). T h e Heh. word may he con3 Lazarus (Ethik d Judenthums 1,981, 231) notes that Talm. . nected with &iy, signifying nakedness, and so point to tC15 has a narrower reference than the biblical 25, and desigthe stunted appearance of the plant (see below). nates the inward disposition as distinguished from external acts. 4 In b read, with Chajes, 27yil; Ei$ l iInnk+. Deep sorrow i 1 y y , however, in Eccles., Z.C., is probably corrupt ; Perles incapacitates a man for sympathy with the joys of others. reads $p;Q?, ‘.on thy couch.’ (@ Bpp~s) for 1 but the result is not : ; Frankenberg reads 2 Thefiame formoccursasanadj.=‘naked’inPs. 10217 [18]; but cp Che. Ps.Pi simple enough for a proverb.




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