Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Gendered Media:
The Influence of Media
on Views of Gender
Julia T. Wood
Department of Communication, University of North times more often than ones about women (“Study Re-
Carolina at Chapel Hill ports Sex Bias,” 1989), media misrepresent actual pro-
portions of men and women in the population. This
constant distortion tempts us to believe that there really
are more men than women and, further, that men are
THEMES IN MEDIA the cultural standard.
Of the many influences on how we view men and
women, media are the most pervasive and one of the
most powerful. Woven throughout our daily lives, media
insinuate their messages into our consciousness at every MEDIA’S MISREPRESENTATION OF
turn. All forms of media communicate images of the
sexes, many of which perpetuate unrealistic, stereotypi- AMERICAN LIFE
cal, and limiting perceptions. Three themes describe how
media represent gender. First, women are underrepre- The media present a distorted version of cultural life
sented, which falsely implies that men are the cultural in our country. According to media portrayals:
standard and women are unimportant or invisible. Sec-
ond, men and women are portrayed in stereotypical White males make up two-thirds of the popula-
ways that reflect and sustain socially endorsed views of tion. The women are less in number, perhaps be-
cause fewer than 10% live beyond 35. Those who
gender. Third, depictions of relationships between men do, like their younger and male counterparts, are
and women emphasize traditional roles and normalize nearly all white and heterosexual. In addition to
violence against women. We will consider each of these being young, the majority of women are beauti-
themes in this section. ful, very thin, passive, and primarily concerned
with relationships and getting rings out of collars
and commodes. There are a few bad, bitchy
Underrepresentation of Women women, and they are not so pretty, not so subor-
A primary way in which media distort reality is in dinate, and not so caring as the good women.
underrepresenting women. Whether it is prime-time tele- Most of the bad ones work outside of the home,
vision, in which there are three times as many white men which is probably why they are hardened and un-
desirable. The more powerful, ambitious men oc-
as women (Basow, 1992 p. 159), or children’s program- cupy themselves with important business deals,
ming, in which males outnumber females by two to one, exciting adventures, and rescuing dependent fe-
or newscasts, in which women make up 16% of news- males, whom they often then assault sexually.
casters and in which stories about men are included 10
From Gendered Lives: Communication, Gender, and Culture by Julie T. Wood, Chapter 9, pp. 231-244. 0 1994. Reprinted with
permission of Wadsworth Publishing, a division of Thomson Learning. Fax 800-730-2215.
31
T LI Y IIYC~ WI I H MEDIA
Other myths about what is standard are similarly for- Stereotypical Portrayals of Women and Men
tified by communication in media. Minorities are even In general, media continue to present both women
less visible than women, with African-Americans ap- and men in stereotyped ways that limit our perceptions
pearing only rarely (Gray, 1986; Stroman, 1989) and other of human possibilities. Typically men are portrayed as
ethnic minorities being virtually nonexistent. In chil- active, adventurous, powerful, sexually aggressive and
dren’s programming when African-Americans do ap- largely uninvolved in human relationships. Just as’ con-
pear, almost invariably they appear in supporting roles sistent with cultural views of gender are depictions of
rather than as main characters (O’Connor, 1989). While women as sex objects who are usually young, thin beau-
more African-Americans are appearing in prime-time tiful, passive, dependent, and often incompetent and
television, they are too often cast in stereotypical roles. dumb. Female characters devote their primary energies
In the 1992 season, for instance, 12 of the 74 series on to improving their appearances and taking care of homes
commercial networks included large African-American and people. Because media pervade our lives, the ways
casts, yet most featured them in stereotypical roles. Black they misrepresent genders may distort how we see our-
men are presented as lazy and unable to handle author- selves and what we perceive as normal and desirable for
ity as lecherous, and/or as unlawful, while females are men and women.
portrayed as domineering or as sex objects (“Sights Stereotypical portrayals of men. According to J. A.
Sounds, and Stereotypes,” 1992). Writing in 1993, David Doyle (1989, p. ill), whose research focuses on mascu-
Evans (1993, p. 10) criticized television for stereotyping linity children’s television typically shows males as “ag-
black males as athletes and entertainers. These roles gressive, dominant, and engaged in exciting activities
wrote Evans, mislead young black male viewers in& from which they receive rewards from others for their
thinking success “is only a dribble or dance step away” ‘masculine’ accomplishments.” Relatedly, recent studies
and blind them to other, more realistic ambitions. l&- reveal that the majority of men on prime-time television
panics and Asians are nearly absent, and when they are are independent, aggressive, and in charge (McCauley
presented it is usually as villains or criminals (Lichter, Thangavelu, & Rozin, 1988). Television programming foi
Lichter, Rothman, & Amundson, 1987). all ages disproportionately depicts men as serious con-
Also under-represented is the single fastest growing fident, competent, powerful, and in high-status ‘posi-
group of Americans- older people. As a country, we are tions. Gentleness in men, which was briefly evident in
aging so that people over 60 make up a major part of the 197Os, has receded as established male characters are
our population; within this group, women significantly redrawn to be more tough and distanced from others
outnumber men (Wood, 1993~). Older people not only (Bayer, 1986). Highly popular films such as LethaI
are under-represented in media but also are repre- Weapon, Predator, Days of Thunder, Total Recall, Robocop
sented inaccurately In contrast to demographic reali- Die Hard, and Die Harder star men who embody the
ties, media consistently show fewer older women than stereotype of extreme masculinity Media, then reinforce
men, presumably because our culture worships youth long-standing cultural ideals of masculinity:’ Men are
and beauty in women. Further, elderly individuals are presented as hard, tough, independent, sexually aggres-
frequently portrayed as sick, dependent, fumbling and sive, unafraid, violent, totally in control of all emotions,
passive, images not borne out in real life. Distirted and-above all-in no way feminine.
depictions of older people and especially older women Equally interesting is how males are not presented.
in media, however, can delude us into thinking they J. D. Brown and K. Campbell (1986) report that men are
are a small, sickly, and unimportant part of our seldom shown doing housework. Doyle (1989) notes that
population. boys and men are rarely presented caring for others.
B. Horovitz (1989) points out they are typically repre-
The lack of women in the media is paralleled by the sented as uninterested in and incompetent at homemak-
scarcity of women in charge of media. Only about 5% of ing, cooking, and child care. Each season’s new ads for
television writers, executives, and producers are women cooking and cleaning supplies include several that cari-
(Lichter, Lichter, & Rothman, 1986). Ironically, while two- cature men as incompetent buffoons, who are klutzes in
thirds of journalism graduates are women, they make up the kitchen and no better at taking care of children. While
less than 2% of those in corporate management of news- children’s books have made a limited attempt to depict
papers and only about 5% of newspaper publishers women engaged in activities outside of the home there
(“Women in Media,” 1988). Female film directors are has been little parallel effort to show men involbed in
even rnonz-scarce, as are executives in charge of MTV It family and home life. When someone is shown taking
is probably not coincidental that so few women are be- care of a child , ‘t1 is’ usually the mother, not the father.
hind the scenes of an industry that so consistently por- This perpetuates a negative stereotype of men as uncar-
trays women negatively Some media analysts (Mills ing and uninvolved in family life.
1988) believe that if more women had positions o; Stereotypical portrayals of women. Media’s images of
authority at executive levels, media would offer more women also reflect cultural stereotypes that depart mark-
positive portrayals of women. edly from reality As we have already seen, girls and
7. Gendered Media
33
1 +3 LIVING WITH MEDIA
34
7. Gendered Medi
wrong; rather, it is that media virtually require this of Consider the characters in “The Jetsons,” an animate,
women in order to present them positively Media define television series set in the future. Daughter Judy Jetso
a very narrow range for womanhood. is constantly complaining and waiting for others to he1
Joining the campaign to restore traditional dominant- her, using ploys of helplessness and flattery to win men’
subordinate patterns of male-female relationships were attention. The Rescuers, a popular animated video of the
magazines, which reinvigorated their focus on women’s 199Os, features Miss Bianca (whose voice is that of Zs:
role as the helpmate and supporter of husbands and Zsa Gabon fittingly enough), who splits her time evenl)
families (Peirce, 1990). In 1988, that staple of Americana between being in trouble and being grateful to mah
Good Housekeeping, did its part to revive women’s tradi: characters for rescuing her. These stereotypical repre
tional roles with a full-page ad (“The Best in the House n sentations of males and females reinforce a number o;
1988) for its new demographic edition marketed to’ “the harmful beliefs. They suggest, first, that men are more
new traditionalist woman.” A month later, the magazine competent than women. Compounding this is the mes-
followed this up with a second full-page ad in national sage that a woman’s power lies in her looks and con-
newspapers that saluted the “new traditionalist woman m ventional femininity since that is how females from
with this copy (“The New Traditionalist,” 1988): “She his Sleeping Beauty to Judy Jetson get males to assist them
made her commitment. Her mission: create a more with their dilemmas (McCauley Thangavelu, & Rozin
meaningful life for herself and her family She is the New 1988). Third, these stereotypes underline the requiremen;
Traditionalist-a contemporary woman who finds her that men must perform, succeed, and conquer in order
fulfillment in traditional values.” The long-standing to be worthy
dominant-submissive model for male-female relation- Women as primary caregiverslmen as breadwinners.
ships was largely restored in the 1980s. With only rare A third perennial theme in media is that women are
exceptions, women are still portrayed as dependent on caregivers and men are providers. Since the backlash of
men and subservient to them. As B. Lott (1989, p. 64) the 198Os, in fact, this gendered arrangement has been
points out, it is women who “do the laundry and are promulgated with renewed vigor. Once again, as in the
secretaries to men who own companies.” 195Os, we see women devoting themselves to getting
Men’s authority/women’s incompetence. A second re- rings off of collars, gray out of their hair, and meats on
current theme in media representations of relationships the table. Corresponding to this is the restatement of
is that men are the competent authorities who save men’s inability in domestic and nurturing roles. Horovitz
women from their incompetence. Children’s literature (1989), for instance, reports that in commercials men are
vividly implements this motif by casting females as help- regularly the butt of jokes for their ignorance about nu-
less and males as coming to their rescue. Sleeping trition, child care, and housework
Beauty’s resurrection depends on Prince Charming’s When media portray women who work outside of the
kiss, a theme that appears in the increasingly popular home, their career lives typicallyFreceive little or no at-
gothic romance novels for adults (Modleski, 1982). tention. Although these characters have titles such as
One of the most pervasive ways in which media de- lawyer or doctor, they are shown predominantly in their
fine males as authorities is in commercials. Women are roles as homemakers, mothers, and wives. We see them
routinely shown anguishing over dirty floors and bath- involved in caring conversations with family and friends
room fixtures only to be relieved of their distress when and doing things for others, all of which never seem to
Mr. Clean shows up to tell them how to keep their homes conflict with their professional responsibilities. This has
spotless. Even when commercials are aimed at women the potential to cultivate unrealistic expectations of being
selling products intended for them, up to 90% of the tim: Isuperwoman,” who does it all without her getting a
a man’s voice is used to explain the value of what is hair out of place or being late to a conference.
being sold (Basow, 1992, p. 161; Bretl & Cantor 1988). Magazines play a key role in promoting pleasing oth-
using male voice-overs reinforces the cultural v&w that ers as a primary focus of women’s lives. K. Peirce’s
men are authorities and women depend on men to tell (1990) study found that magazines aimed at women
them what to do. stress looking good and doing things to please others.
Television further communicates the message that Thus, advertising tells women how to be “me, only bet-
men are authorities and women are not. One means of ter” by dyeing their hair to look younger; how to lose
doing this is sheer numbers. As we have seen, men vastly weight so “you’ll still be attractive to him”; and how to
outnumber women in television programming. In addi- prepare gourmet meals so “he’s always glad to come
tion, the dominance of men as news anchors who inform home.” Constantly these advertisements emphasize
us of happenings in the world underlines their authority pleasing others, especially men, as central to being a
(“Study Reports Sex Bias,” 1989). Prime-time television woman, and the message is fortified with the thinly
contributes to this image by showing women who need veiled warning that if a woman fails to look good and
to be rescued by men and by presenting women as in- please, her man might leave (Rakow, 1992).
competent more than twice as often as men (Bayer, 1986; There is a second, less known way in which adver-
Lichter et al., 1986). tisements contribute to stereotypes of women as focused
1 + LIVING WITH MEDIA
on others and men as focused on work. Writing in 1990, 1988 Academy Awards played a victim (Faludi, 1991, p.
Gloria Steinem, editor of Ms., revealed that advertisers 138). Women are portrayed alternatively either as deco-
control some to most of the content in magazines. In ex- rative objects, who must attract a man to be valuable, or
change for placing an ad, a company receives “compli- as victims of men’s sexual impulses. Either way, women
mentary copy” which is one or more articles that are defined by their bodies and how men treat them.
increase the market appeal of its product. So a soup com- Their independent identities and endeavors are irrele-
pany that takes out an ad might be given a three-page vant to how they are represented in media, and their
story on how to prepare meals using that brand of soup; abilities to resist exploitation by others are obscured.
likewise, an ad for hair coloring products might be ac- This theme, which was somewhat toned down during
companied by interviews with famous women who the 197Os, returned with vigor in the 1980s as the back-
choose to dye their hair. Thus, the message of advertisers lash permeated media. According to S. A. Basow (1992,
is multiplied by magazine content, which readers often p. 160), since 1987 there has been a “resurgence of male
mistakenly assume is ,independent of advertising. prominence, pretty female sidekicks, female homemak-
Advertisers support media, and they exert a powerful ers.” Advertising in magazines also communicates the
influence on what is presented. To understand the preva- message that women are sexual objects. While men are
lence of traditional gender roles in programming, maga- seldom pictured nude or even partially unclothed,
zine copy, and other media, we need only ask what is women habitually are. Advertisements for makeup, co-
in the best interests of advertisers. They want to sponsor lognes, hair products, and clothes often show women at-
shows that create or expand markets for their products. tracting men because they got the right products and
Media images of women as sex objects, devoted home- made themselves irresistible. Stars on prime-time and
makers, and mothers buttress the very roles in which the films, who are beautiful and dangerously thin, per-
majority of consuming takes place. To live up to these petuate the idea that women must literally starve
images, women have to buy cosmetics and other per- themselves to death to win men’s interest (Silverstein
sonal care products, diet aids, food, household cleaners, et al., 1986).
utensils and appliances, clothes and toys for children,
Perhaps the most glaring examples of portrayals of
and so on. In short, it is in advertisers’ interests to sup-
women as sex objects and men as sexual aggressors oc-
port programming and copy that feature women in tra-
cur in music videos as shown on MTV and many other
ditional roles. In a recent analysis, Lana Rakow (1992)
stations. Typically, females are shown dancing provoca-
demonstrated that much advertising is oppressive to
tively in scant and/or revealing clothing as they try to
women and is very difficult to resist, even when one is
gain men’s attention (Texier, 1990). Frequently, men are
a committed feminist.
seen coercing women into sexual activities and/or physi-
Women’s role in the home and men’s role outside of
cally abusing them. Violence against women is also con-
it are reinforced by newspapers and news programming.
doned in many recent films. R. Warshaw (1991) reported
Both emphasize men’s independent activities and, in
that cinematic presentations of rapes, especially acquain-
fact, define news almost entirely as stories about and by
tance rapes, are not presented as power-motivated vio-
men (“Study Reports Sex Bias,” 1989). Stories about men
lations of women but rather as strictly sexual encounters.
focus on work and/or their achievements (Luebke, 1989),
reiterating the cultural message that men are supposed Similarly, others (Cowan, Lee, Levy, & Snyder, 1988;
to do, perform. Meanwhile the few stories about women Cowan & O’Brien, 1990) have found that male domi-
nance and sexual exploitation of women are themes in
almost invariably focus on their roles as wives, mothers,
virtually all R-and X-rated films, which almost anyone
and homemakers (“Study Reports Sex Bias,” 1989). Even
may now rent for home viewing. These media images
stories about women who are in the news because of
carry to extremes long-standing cultural views of mas-
achievements and professional activities typically dwell
culinity as aggressive and femininity as passive. They
on marriage, family life, and other aspects of women’s
traditional role (Foreit et al., 1980). also make violence seem sexy (D. Russell, 1993). In so
doing, they recreate these limited and limiting percep-
Women as victims and sex objectslmen as aggressors.
tions in the thinking of another generation of women
A final theme in mediated representations of relation-
and men.
ships between women and men is representation of
women as subject to men’s sexual desires. The irony of In sum, we have identified basic stereotypes and re-
this representation is that the very qualities women are lationships between the two. IndividualIy and in combi-
encouraged to develop (beauty, sexiness, passivity, and nation these images sustain and reinforce socially
powerlessness) in order to meet cultural ideals of femi- constructed views of the genders, views that have re-
ninity contribute to their victimization. Also, the qualities stricted both men and women and that appear to legiti-
that men are urged to exemplify (aggressiveness, domi- mize destructive behaviors ranging from anorexia to
nance, sexuality, and strength) are identical to those battering. Later in this chapter, we will probe more
linked to abuse of women. It is no coincidence that all closely how media versions of gender are linked to prob-
but one of the women nominated for Best Actress in the lems such as these. . . .
36
7. Gendered Media
pathologizing the Human Body and barren. Across the picture was the cover-story head-
One of the most damaging consequences of media’s line “Menopause.” From first glance, menopause was
images of women and men is that these images encour- represented negatively-as desolate and unfruitful. The
age us to perceive normal bodies and normal physical article ‘focused primarily on the problems and losses of
functions as problems. It’s understandable to wish we menopause. Only toward the end did readers find re-
weighed a little more or less, had better developed mus- ports from anthropologists, whose cross-cultural research
cles, and never had pimples or cramps. What is neither revealed that in many cultures menopause is not an issue
reasonable nor healthy, however, is to regard healthy, or is viewed positively Women in Mayan villages and
functional bodies as abnormal and unacceptable. Yet this the Greek island of Evia do not understand questions
is precisely the negative self-image cultivated by media about .hot flashes and depression, which are symptoms
portrayals of women and men. Because sex sells prod- often associated with menopause in Western societies
ucts (Muro, 1989), sexual and erotic images are the single (“Menopause,” 1992, p. 77). These are not part of their
most prominent characteristic of advertising (Courtney experience in cultures that do not define a normal change
& Whipple, 1983). Further, advertising is increasingly ob- in women as a pathology Because Western countries, es-
jectifying men, which probably accounts for the rise in pecially America, stigmatize menopause and define it as
men’s weight training and cosmetic surgery Media, and “the end of womanhood,” Western women are likely to
especially advertising, are equal opportunity dehuman- feel distressed and unproductive about the cessation of
izers of both sexes. menstruation (Greer, 1992).
Not only do media induce us to think we should Advertising is very effective in convincing us that we
measure up to artificial standards, but they encourage need products to solve problems we are unaware of until
us to see normal bodies and bodily functions as patholo- some clever public relations campaign persuades us that
gies. A good example is the media’s construction of pre- something natural about us is really unnatural and un-
menstrual syndrome (PMS). Historically, PMS has not acceptable. Media have convinced millions of American
been a problem, but recently it has been declared a dis- women that what every medical source considers “nor-
ease (Richmond-Abbott, 1992). In fact, a good deal of mal body weight” is really abnormal and cause for se-
research (Parlee, 1973, 1987) indicates that PMS affected vere dieting (Wolf, 1991). Similarly, gray hair, which
very few women in earlier eras. After the war, when naturally develops with age, is now something all of us,
women were no longer needed in the work force, opin- especially women, are supposed to cover up. Facial lines,
ion changed and the term premenstrual tension was coined which indicate a person has lived a life and accumulated
(Greene & Dalton, 1953) and used to define women as experiences, can be removed so that we look younger-a
inferior employees. In 1964, only one article on PMS ap- prime goal in a culture that glorifies youth (Greer, 1992).
peared; in 1988-1989, a total of 425 were published Body hair is another interesting case of media’s con-
(Tavris, 1992, p. 140). Drug companies funded research vincing us that something normal is really abnormal.
and publicity since selling PMS meant selling their reme- Beginning in 1915, a sustained marketing campaign in-
dies for the newly created problem. Behind the hoopla, formed women that underarm hair was unsightly and
however, there was and is little evidence to support the socially incorrect. (The campaign against leg hair came
currently widespread belief that PMS is a serious prob- later.) Harper’s Bazaar, an upscale magazine, launched the
lem for a significant portion of the female population. crusade against underarm hair with a photograph of a
Facts aside, the myth has caught on, carrying in its wake woman whose raised arms revealed clean-shaven arm-
many women and men who now perceive normal pits. Underneath the photograph was this caption: “Sum-
monthly changes as abnormal and as making women un- mer dress and modem dancing combine to make
fit for positions of leadership and authority Another con- necessary the removal of objectionable hair” (Adams,
sequence of defining PMS as a serious problem most 1991)...Within a few years, ads promoting removal of un-
women suffer is that it leads to labeling women in gen- derarm hair appeared in most women’s magazines, and
eral as deviant and unreliable (Unger & Crawford, by 1922, razors and depilatories were firmly ensconced
1992), an image that fortifies long-held biases against in middle America as evidenced by their inclusion in the
women. women’s section of the Sears Roebuck catalog.
Menopause is similiarly pathologized. Carol Tavris Media efforts to pathologize natural physiology can
(1992, p. 159) notes that books describe menopause “in be very serious. As we have seen in prior chapters, the
terms of deprivation, deficiency, loss, shedding, and emphasis on excessive thinness contributes to severe and
sloughing” language that defines a normal process as potentially lethal dieting, especially in Caucasian women
negative. Like menstruation, menopause is represented (Spitzack, 1993). Nonetheless, the top female models in
as abnormalcy and disease, an image that probably con- 1993 are skeletal, more so than in recent years (Leland
tributes to the negative attitudes toward it in America. & Leonard, 1993). Many women’s natural breast size ex-
The cover of the May 25, 1992, Newsweek featured an ceeded the cultural ideal in the 1960s when thin, angular
abstract drawing of a tree in the shape of a woman’s bodies were represented as ideal. Thus, breast reduction
head. The tree was stripped of all leaves, making it drab surgeries rose. By the 198Os, cultural standards changed
37
1 6 LIVING WITH MEDIA
to define large breasts as the feminine ideal. Conse- harmful, while sexually violent materials appear to be
quently, breast augmentation surgeries accelerated, and (Donnerstein, Linz, & Penrod, 1987).
fully 80% of implants were for cosmetic reasons (“The. Pornographic films are a big business, outnumbering
Implant Circus,” 1992). In an effort to meet the cultural other films by 3 to 1 and grossing over $365 million a
standards of beautiful bodies, many women suffered un- year in the United States alone (Wolf, 1991). The primary
necessary surgery, which led to disfigurement, loss of themes characteristic of pornography as a genre are ex-
feeling, and sometimes death for women when silicone tremes of those in media generally: sex, violence, and
implants were later linked to fatal conditions. Implicitlp domination of one person by another, usually women by
media argue that our natural state is abnormal and ob- men (Basow, 1992, p. 317). More than 80% of X-rated
jectionable, a premise that is essential to sell products films in one study included scenes in which one or more
and advice for improving ourselves. Accepting media men dominate and exploit one or more women; within
messages about our bodies and ourselves, however, is these films, three-fourths portray physical aggression
not inevitable: We can reflect on the messages and resist against women, and fully half explicitly depict rape
those that are inappropriate and/or harmful. We would (Cowan et al., 1988). That these are linked to viewers’
probably all be considerably happier and healthier if we
became more critical in analyzing media’s communica-
tion about how we should look, be, and act. MYTHS AND FACTS ABOUT RAPE
38
7. Gendered Media
crease men’s beliefs in rape myths, raises the likelihood shame, anger, powerlessness, and depression-endure
thnt men will admit they might themselves commit rape, far beyond the act itself (Brownmiller, 1975; Wood 1992b
and desensitizes men to rape, thereby making forced sex 19930. Most victims of rape continue to deal v&h the
more acceptable to them. This research suggests that re- emotional aftermath of rape for the rest of their lives
peated exposure to pornography influences how men (Marhoefer-Dvorak, Resick, Hutter, & Girelli, 1988).
think about rape by transforming it from an unaccept- What causes rape, now the fastest growing violent
able behavior with which they do not identify into one crime in the United States (Doyle, 1989; Soeken & Dam-
they find acceptable and enticing. Not surprisingly, the rosch, 1986)? According to experts (Costin & Schwartz
single best predictor of rape is the circulation of pomo- 1987; Koss & Dinero, 1988; Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski’
graphic materials that glorify sexual force and exploita- 1987; Scott & Tetreault, 1987; Scully, 1990), rape is not
tion (Baron & Straus, 1989). This is alarming when we the result of psychological deviance or uncontrollable
realize that 18 million men buy a total of 165 different lust. Although rape involves sex, it is not motivated by
pornographic magazines every month in the United sexual desire. Authorities agree that rape is an aggressive
States (Wolf, 1991, p. 79). act used to dominate and show power over another per-
It is well documented that the incidence of reported son, be it a man over a woman or one man over another
rape is rising and that an increasing number of men re- as in prison settings where rape is one way inmates brU1
gard forced sex as acceptable (Brownmiller, 1993; Soeken talize one another and establish a power hierarchy
& Danirosch, 1986). Studies of men (Allgeier, 1987; Koss (Rideau & Sinclair, 1982). Instead, mounting evidence
& Dinero, 1988; Koss, Dinero, Seibel, & Cox, 1988; Koss suggests that rape is a predictable outcome of views of
Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Lisak & Roth, 1988) hav: men, women, and relationships between the sexes that
produced shocking findings: While the majority of col- our society inculcates in members (Brownmiller, 1975.
lege men report not having raped anyone, a stunning Costin & Schwartz, 1987; Scott & Tetreault, 1987; South
50% admit they have coerced, manipulated, or pressured & Felson, 1990).
a woman to have sex or have had sex with her after
getting her drunk; 1 in 12 men at some colleges has en- Particularly compelling support for the cultural basis
gaged in behaviors meeting the legal definition of rape of rape comes from cross-cultural studies (Griffin, 1981.
or attempted rape; over 80% of men who admitted to Sanday, 1986), which reveal that rape is extremely rar:
acts that meet the definition of rape did not believe they in cultures that value women and feminine qualities and
had committed rape; and fully one-third of college men that have ideologies that promote harmonious interde-
said they would commit rape if they believed nobody pendence among humans and between them and the
would find out. natural world. Rape is most common in countries, like
Contrary to popular belief, we also know that men the United States, that have ideologies of male suprem-
who do commit rape are not psychologically abnormal. acy and dominance and a disrespect of women and na-
They are indistinguishable from other men in terms of ture. Cultural values communicated to us by family
psychological adjustment and health, emotional well- schools, media, and other sources constantly encourage
being, heterosexual relationships, and frequency of sex- us to believe men are superior, men should dominate
ual experiences (Segel-Evans, 1987). The only established women, male aggression is acceptable as a means of at-
difference between men who are sexually violent and taining what is wanted, women are passive and should
men who are not is that the former have “hypermascu- defer to men, and women are sex objects. In concert
line” attitudes and self-concepts-their approval of male these beliefs legitimize violence and aggression agains;
dominance and sexual rights is even stronger than that women.
of nonrapists (Allgeier, 1987; Koss & Dinero 1988. Lisak While the majority of media communication may not
& Roth, 1988; Wood, 1993a). The difference b&ween be pornographic, it does echo in somewhat muted forms
sexually violent men and others appears to be only a the predominant themes of pornography: sex, violence
matter of degree. and male domination of women. As we have seen, thesi
We also know something about women who are vic- same motifs permeate media that are part of our daily
tims of rape and other forms of sexual violence. Between lives, which generally portray males as dominating in
33% and 66% of all women have been sexually abused number, status, authority, and will. Substantial violence
before reaching age 18 (Clutter, 1990; Koss, 1990). The toward women punctuates movies, television-including
majority of college women-up to 75%-say they have children’s programming-rock music, and music videos
been coerced into some type of unwanted sex at least desensitizing men and women alike to the unnatural~
once (Koss, Gidycz, & Wisniewski, 1987; Poppen & Segal ness and unacceptability of force and brutality between
1988; Warshaw, 1988). A third of women who survivi human beings. Thus, the research that demonstrates con-
*ape contemplate suicide (Koss et al., 1988). It is also nections between sex-stereotypical media and acceptance
clear that the trauma of rape is not confined to the time of sexual violence is consistent with that showing rela-
of its actual occurrence. The feelings that accompany tionships between more extreme, pornographic media and
rape and sexual assault-fear, a sense of degradation and acceptance of and use of violence. . . .
39
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