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DICTIONARY OF

DEITIES AND DEMONS


IN THE BIBLE
DICTIONARY OF
DEITIES AND DEMONS
IN THE BIBLE
DDD
Edited by

Karel van der Toom


Bob Becking
Pieter W. van der Horst

SECOND
EXTENSIVELY REVISED
EDITION

BRILL
LEIDEN • BOSTON • KOLN

WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY


GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN / CAMBRIDGE, U.K.

1999
o 1999 Koninklijke Brill NV. Leiden. The Netherlands
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced. translated. stored in a retrieval system.
or transmiued in any form or by any means. electronic. mechanical. ph()(ocopying.
recording or otherwise. without prior written permission from the publisher.

First edition 1995


Second e~tensively revised edition 1999

Published jointly 1999 by Brill Academic Publishers


P.O. Box 9000. 2300 PA Leiden. The Netherlands. and by
Wm. D. &rdmans Publishing Company
255 Jefferson Ave.. S.E.. Grand Rapids. Michigan 49503 I
P.O. Box 163. Cambridge CB3 9PU U.K.

Published under the auspices


of the Faculty of Theology
of Utrecht Uni"crsity

This book is printed on acid·free p3~r


Printed in the United States of America

05 04 03 02 01 00 99 5 4 3 2 I

Ubrary or Congress Cataloglng-In-Publlcatlon Data


Dictionary of deitiell and demon~ in the Dible (DOD) I Karel van der Toorn.
Bob &eking. Pieter W. van der Horst. editors. - 2nd extensh'ely rev. ed.
p. em.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Brill ISBN 90-04-1 I 119-0 (cloth: alk. paper).
&rdmans ISBN 0-8028·2491·9 (cloth: alk. p3~r).
I. Gods in the Bible - Dictionaries. 2. Demonology in the Bible - Dictionaries.
I. Toom. K. van du. II. Becking. Bob. 111. Horst. Pieter Willem van der.
BS680.G57053 1999
220.3 - de21 98-42505
CIP

Ole Deutsche Bibllothek - CIP·Elnheltsaurnahme


Dictionary or deities and demons In the BIble: (DOD) I Karel van dcr Toorn ... ed. -
2nd extensively rev. ed. - Leiden: Boston: Klnn : Brill. 1998
Brill ISBN 90-04-11119-0
Eerdmans ISBN 0-8028-2491·9

Brill ISBN 90 ~ 11119 0


&rdmans ISBN 0-8028·2491·9

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate
fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center. 222 Rosewood Drive. Suite 910. Danvers. MA 01923
USA. Fees are subject to change.
CONTENTS

Consultants 40 4040 40............................................ VI


List of Contributors VII

Introduction.......... ... XV
Preface to the Revised Edition......................................... XIX
Abbreviations............................... XXI
General.... XXI
Biblical Books (including the Apocrypha) XXI
Pseudepigraphical and Early Patristic Works...... XXII
Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Texts ~.............. XXIII
Targumic Material XXIII
Periodicals, Reference Works, and Series XXIV
List of Entries................................................................... XXXIII

Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible 1

Index a& flo............... 943


CONSULTANTS

HANS DIETER BETZ


Chicago

ANDRE CAQUOT
Paris

JONAS C. GREENFIELD
Jerusalem

ERIK HORNUNG
Basel

MICHAEL STONE
Jerusalem

MANFRED WEIPPERT
Heidelberg
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Tzvi ABUSCH, Waltham


(Etemmu, Ishtar, Marduk)

Larry J. ALDERINK, Moorhead


(Demeter, Nike, Stoicheia)

Bendti\LSTER,<Jopenhagen
(Tammuz, Tiamat, Tigris)

Jan ASSMANN, Heidelberg


(Amun, Isis, Neith, Re)

David E. AUNE, Chicago


(Archai, Archon, Hera, Heracles)

Tjitze BAARDA, Amsterdam


(Sabbath)

Michael L. BARRf, Baltimore


(Lightning, Night, Rabi~u)

Hans M. BARSTAD, Oslo


(Dod, Sheol, Way)

Bernard F. BATTO, Greencastle


(Behemoth, Curse, Zedeq)

Bob BECKING, Utrecht


(Abel, Amalek, Ancient of Days, Arm, Blood, Breasts-and-womb, Cain, Day, Eagle.
El-rophe, Ends of the earth. Exalted ones, Girl, Hubal, Ishbara, Jaghut, Jalam,
Japheth, Jordan, Kenan, Lagamar, Protectors, Qatar, Rapha, Raven. Sarah, Sasam,
Sha, Shalman, Shelah, Shem, Shining One(s), Shunama, Sisera, Thillakhuha, Thuka-
muna, Vanities, Varona,Virgin, YaCuq, Yehud, Zarnzummim)

Hans Dieter BETz, Chicago


(Authorities, Dynamis, Legion)
VIII LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Jan DEN BOEFT. Utrecht


(Saviour)

Jan N. BREMMER. Groningen


(Ares. Hades. Hymenaios. Linos. Narcissus. Nereus. Nymph)

Cilliers BREITENBACH, Berlin


(Hypsistos. Nomos. Satan)

Roelof VAN DEN BROEK, Utrecht


(Apollo. Phoenix)

Mordechai CoGAN, Jerusalem


(Ashima, Shulman, Shulmanitu. Sukkoth-benoth, Tartak)

John J. CoLUNS, Chicago


(Daniel, Gabriel, Liers-in-wait, Prince. Saints of the Most High, Watcher)

Peter W. COXON, St. Andrews


(Gibborim, Nephilim. Noah)

Peggy L. DAY, Winnipeg


(Anat. Jephtah's daughter. Satan)

Meindert DIJKSTRA. Utrecht


(Abraham. Adat, Aliyan, Clay, Esau. Ishmael, Jacob. Joseph. Leah, Mother. Rachel)

Ken DOWDEN. Birmingham


(Aeneas. Daphne, Dioskouroi. Jason. Makedon. Menelaos. Patroklos. Pcrseus.Quiri-
nus, Silvanus, Skythes, Thessalos)

Han J. W. DRIJVERS, Groningen


(Aion, Atargatis, Mithras)

Eric E. ELNES, Princeton


(Elyon, Olden Gods)

Reinhard FELDMEIER, Bayreuth


(Almighty, Mediator II, World rulers)

Jarl E. FOSSUM, Ann Arbor


(Dove, Glory, Simon Magus, Son of God)

Hannes D. GAUER, Graz


(Aya, Bashtu, Hubur)
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS IX

Richard L. GORDON, Ilmmiinster


(Anthropos, Helios, Poseidon, Pronoia)

Fritz GRAF, Basel


(Aphrodite. Athena, Bacchus, Dionysus, Heros, Zeus)

Jonas C. GREENFIELD, Jerusalem


(Apkallu, Hadad)

Mayer I. GRUBER. Beer-Sheva


(Abomination, Azabbim, Gillulim, Lies, One)

John F. HEALEY, Manchester


(Dagon. Dew, Ilib. Mot. Tirash)

Matthieu S. H. G. HEERMA VAN VOSS, Amsterdam


(Hathor, Horus, Osiris, Ptah)

George C. HEIDER. River Forest


(Lahmu, Molech, Tannin)

Ronald S. HENDEL. Dallas


(Nehushtan, Serpent, Vampire)

Jan Willem VAN HENTEN, Amsterdam


(Angel II. Archangel, Dragon. Mastemah, Python, Roma. Ruler cult. Typhon)

Wolfgang HERRMANN. Stuttgart


(Baal, Baal-zebub, EI, Rider-upon-the-c1ouds)

Pieter W. VAN DER HORST, Utrecht


(Adam, Amazons, Ananke, Chaos, Dike, Dominion. Eros, Evil Inclination, Father of
the lights, God II, Hosios kai dikaios, Hyle, Hypnos, Lamb, Mammon, Thanatos.
Themis, Unknown God)

Comelis HOUTMAN, Kampen


(Elijah, Moses, Queen of Heaven)

Herbert B. HUFFMON, Madison


(Brother, Father, Name, Shalem)

Manfred HUTTER, Graz


(Abaddon. Asmodeus, Earth, Heaven, Heaven-and-earth, Lilith, Shaushka)
x UST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Bernd JANOWSKI, TUbingen


(Azazel, Jackals, Satyrs, Wild Beasts)

Albert DE JONG, Leiden


(Khvarenah, Mithras, Vohu Manah, Wrath)

Marinus DE JONGE, Leiden


(Christ, Emmanuel, Heaven, Sin, Thrones)

Jean KELLENS, Liege


(Arta, Baga, Haoma)

Ernst Axel KNAUF, Bern


(Edom, Qos, Shadday)

Matthias KOCKERT, Berlin


(Fear of Isaac, Mighty One of Jacob, Shield of Abraham)

Frans VAN KOPPEN, Leiden


(Agreement, Altar, Holy One, Humban, Kiriri~a, Sanctuary, Soil, Vashti)

Marjo C. A. KORPEL, Utrecht


(Creator of AJI, Rock, Stone, Thombush)

Bernhard LANG, Paderborn


(Wisdom)

Fabrizio LELu, Florence


(Stars)

Theodore 1. LEWIS, Athens (USA)


(Dead, First-born of death, Teraphim)

Bert Jan LIETAERT PEERBOLTE, Leiden


(Antichrist)

Edouard LIPINSKI, Louvain


(Lamp, Light, Shemesh)

Alasdair LIVINGSTONE, Binningham


(Assur, Image, Nergal)

Johan LUST, Louvain


(Gog, Magog)
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Xl

Michael MACH, Tel Aviv


(Jeremiel, Michael, Raphael, Uriel)

P. Kyle McCARTER, Baltimore


(Evil spirit of God, Id. Zion)

Meir MALUL, Haifa


(Strong Drink, Taboo, Terror of the Night)

Luther H. MARTIN, Burlington


(Fortuna, Hennes, Tyche)

Samuel A. MEIER, Columbus


(Angel I, Angel of Yahweh, Destroyer, Mediator I)

Tryggve N. D. METTINGER, Lund


(Cherubim, Seraphim, Yahweh zebaoth)

A. R. MILLARD, Liverpool
(Adrammelech, Anammelech. Nabu, Nibhaz)

Patrick D. MILLER, Princeton


(Elyon, Olden Gods)

Hans-Peter MOLLER, MUnster


(Chemosh, Falsehood. Malik)

S. MONGER, Fribourg
(Ariel)

Martin 1. MULDER, Leiden


(Baal-berith, Cannel, God of fortresses)

E. Theodore MULLEN, Indianapolis


(Baalat, Go'el, Witness)

Gerard MUSSIES. Utrecht


(Amaltheia, Artemis, Giants, Hyacinthus, Jezebel, Olympus, Tabor, Titans, Wind-
Gods)

Nadav NA'AMAN, Tel Aviv


(Baal toponyms, Baal-gad, Baal-hamon, Baal-hazor, Baal-hennon, Baal-judah, Baal-
meon, Baal-perazim, Baal-shalisha, Baal-tamar)
XII LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

George W. E. NICKELSBURG, Iowa City


(Son of Man)

Herbert NIEHR, Tilbingen


(Baal-zaphon, God of heaven, He-of-the-Sinai, Host of heaven, Zaphon)

Kirsten NIELSEN, Arhus


(Oak, Sycomore, Terebinth)

Gregorio DEL OUtO LETE. Barcelona


(Bashan, Deher, Og)

Dennis PARDEE, Chicago


(Asham, Eloah, Gepen. Gether, Koshar, Kosharoth)

Simon B. PARKER, Boston


(Council, Saints, Shahar, Sons of (the) God(s»

Martin F. G. PARMENTIER, Utrecht


(Mary)

Emile PUECH, Jerusalem


(LeI. Lioness. Milcom)

Albert DE PURY, Geneva


(El-olam, El-roi, Lahai-roi)

Jannes REILING, Utrecht


(Elders, Holy Spirit, Melchizedek, Paraclete, Unclean Spirits)

Sergio RIBICHINI, Rome


(Adonis, Baetyl, Eshmun, Gad, Melqart)

Greg 1. RILEY. Fairfax


(Demon, Devil, Midday demon)

Wolfgang ROLLlG, Tilbingen


(Baal-shamem, Bethel, EI-creator-of-the-earth, Hermon, Lebanon,
Sirion)

Hedwige ROUILLARD-BoNRAISIN, Paris


(Rephaim)
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS XllI

Christopher ROWLAND, Oxford


(Enoch)

David T. RUN lA, Leiden


(Logos)

Udo ROTERSW{}RDEN, Kiel


(Horeph, Horon, King of terrors)

Brian SCHMIDT, Ann Arbor


(AI, Moon)

Choon-Leong SEOW, Princeton


(Am, Face, Lim, Torah)

Klaas A. D. SMELIK, Brussels


(Ma'at)

S. David SPERLING, New York


(Belial, Meni, Sheben)

Klaas SPRONK, Amsterdam


(Baal of Peor, Dedan, Lord, Noble ones, Rahab, Travellers)

Marten STOL, Amsterdam


(Kaiwan, Mulissu, Nanea, Sakkuth, Sin)

Fritz STOLZ, ZUrich


(River, Sea, Source)

Marvin A. SWEENEY,
(Ten Sephirot)

Karel VAN DER TOORN, Amsterdam


(Agreement, Altar, Amurru, Arvad, Avenger, Beltu, Boaz, Cybele, Eternity, Euphra-
tes, Gabnunnim, God I, Gush. Ham, Haran. Hayin, Hebat, Holy One, Humbaba,
Humban, Jael, Kelti, Kese), Kiriri~a, Laban, Meriri, Min, Mouth, Nahor, Qatar,
Rakib-El, Ram, Sanctuary, Serug, Seth, Shahan, Sheger, Shepherd, Shimige, Sidon,
Soil, Terah, Vashti, Viper, Vohu Manah, Yahweh)

Joseph TROPPER, Berlin


(Spirit of the dead, Wizard)
XIV LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Christoph UEHLlNGER, Fribourg


(Leviathan, Nimrod. Nisroch, Riding Horseman)

Hcnnan TE VELDE, Groningen


(Bastet. Bes, Khonsu, Nile)

Richard L. Vos, Capelle aan de IJssel


(Apis, Atum, Ibis, Thoth)

Jan A. WAGENAAR, Utrecht


(King)

Wilfred G. E. WATSON, Newcastle upon Tyne


(Fire, Flame, Helel, Lah, Misharu)

Nicholas WYATT, Edinburgh


(Asherah, Astarte, Calf, Eve, Kinnaru, Oil, Qeteb)

Paolo XELLA, Rome


(Barad, Haby, Mountains-and-valleys, Resheph)

Larry ZALCMAN, Tel Aviv


(Orion, Pleiades)

Ida ZATELU, Florence


(Aldebaran, Constellations, Libra)

Dieter ZELLER, Mainz


(Jesus, Kyrios)
INTRODUCIlON

The Dictiona1)' of Deities and Demons in the Bible (henceforth DDD) is in some ways
unlike any other dictionary in the field of biblical studies. This is the first catalogue of
its kind, one which discusses all the gods and demons whose names are found in the
Bible. Complementing the usual surveys and histories of Mesopotamian, Egyptian,
Ugaritic, Syro-Palestinian, Persian, Greek, and Roman religion, DDD assesses the
impact of contemporary religions on Israel and the Early Church by focusing on those
gods that actually left traces in the Bible.
The deities and demons dealt with in this dictionary are not all of one kind. Even
though the distinction between major and minor gods is a delicate one, some of the
gods here discussed are more representative of their culture than others; Marduk's
place in Babylonian religion is more central than that of the god Euphrates. If both
have nevertheless found their way into DDD, it is because the two of them are men-
tioned in the Bible. Other gods, however, despite their importance, have no separate
entry in DDD because there is not a single mention of them in the biblical books: Enlil
is an example of this. The imbalance produced by a selection based on the occurrence
of a god's name in the Bible is redressed, to some degree, by a system of cross-refer-
ences throughout DDD and an index at the end. Thus Anu, the Mesopotamian god of
heaven, does not have a separate entry, but is discussed under 'Heaven', and in various
other articles indicated in the index. The inevitable disproportion caused by the cri-
terion on which DDD has been conceived is often more optical than real.
The criterion by which DDD has selected its gods has just been summarized as men-
tion of the god's name in the Bible. Yet things are not as straightforward as this rule of
thumb measurement might suggest. The boundaries of the Bible, to begin with, change
from the one religious community to the other. In order to make the selection of deities
as representative as possible, the editors have chosen to base it on the most com-
prehensive canon currently used, viz. that of the Orthodox Churches, which consists of
the complete canon of the Septuagint version (including 3 and 4 Maccabees) plus the
Greek New Testament. The term Bible as used in the title of DDD covers in fact the
Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible; the complete Septuagint (including the so-called
Apocrypha); and the twenty-seven books of the New Testament. Though many articles
pay attention to the subsequent development of notions and concepts in the Pseud-
epigrapha, the latter have not been used as an independent quarry of theonyms.
Many gods discussed in DDD are mentioned by name in the Bible. They constitute
what one might call the first group. Obvious examples are Asherah, Baal, EI, Hermes,
Zeus and others. These gods were still recognized or recognizable as such by the author
of the relevant passage and by the audience. In some instances the names are found
only in the Septuagint and not in the corresponding section of the Masoretic text. An
interesting example is Apis: at Jer 46:15 the Greek Old Testament has E¢UYEV 6 "Amc;,
XVI INTRODUcnON

"(Why) has Apis fled?", where the Masoretic text reads ~iiOj, "(Why) was it swept
away?" Should the Greek be a misunderstanding of the Hebrew text (which is not cer-
tain), it is valuable as a reflection of the religious milieu surrounding the-Jewish-
community in which the translator was at home.
A second group of deities listed in DDD are mentioned in the Bible. not indepen-
dently, but as an element in personal names or place names. Such theophoric anthropo-
nyms and toponyms are a rich source of information on the religious milieu of the
Israelites and the Early Christians. It need hardly be said that the occurrence of a deity
in a place name. such as Anat in Anathoth. or Shemesh in Beth-shemesh, does not
automatically imply that the deity in question was in fact worshipped by the people
who lived there; nor need someone called Artemas or Tychicus (TIt 3: 12) have been a
devotee of Artemis or Tyche. Yet such names reflect a certain familiarity with the dei-
ties in question. if not of the inhabitants of the town or the bearer of the name. then at
least of their ancestors or their surroundings. The deities in question may therefore be
said to have been part of the religious milieu of the Bible.
A third group of deities consists of gods mentioned in the Bible. but not in their
capacity as gods. They are the so-called demythologized deities. Examples abound.
One of the Hebrew words for moon used in the Bible is )'iirea~l; this is the etymological
equivalent of Yarikh, the moon-god known from the Ugaritic texts. Although the moon
may have retained faint traces of divinity in the Bible. it has basically been divested of
its divine status. The same holds true of the sun (femeS): the Hebrew word corresponds
with the god Shamash in Akkadian, and the goddess Shapshu in Ugaritic. There are
many other. more trivial instances, such as tiros, the Hebrew word for new wine, ety-
mologically the equivalent of the Mesopotamian deity Sirish and the Canaanite god
Tirash. Although the Hebrew words (and there arc also Greek examples) no longer
stand for deities, the very fact that the corresponding terms in other Semitic languages
do, is revealing. We have included many examples of such dethroned deities, not only
to draw attention to the mythological overtones still occasionally perceptible, but also
to demonstrnte how Israelites, Jews, and Early Christians were part of a religious cul-
ture from which they are to be distinguished at the same time.
The fourth group of deities discussed in DDD consists of gods whose presence
and/or divinity is often questionable. In the course of biblical scholarship. a wealth of
alleged deities has been discovered whose very presence in the texts it not immediately
evident. A famous example is that of Belti and Osiris. By slightly revocalizing Isa
10:4, and altering the division of the words, Paul de Lagarde obtained a reference to
Belti and Osiris where generations of scholars before him had read a negation (bilri)
and the collective designation of prisoners ('ass;r). Such emendations sometimes con-
jure up gods hitherto unknown: in many cases they are phantom deities. in the sense
that they are unattested elsewhere in the Bible or in ancient Near Eastern texts, or that
the textual proposal is simply unwarranted. In the category of speculated deities fall
also the suggestions concerning the appellative use of certain epithets, such as Shep-
herd or Stone. The reinterpretation of good Hebrew words (such as rae. 'evil') as theo-
nyms (such as Re, the Egyptian sun-god) is another case in point. In a limited number
of cases, the supposed deity is established as the hidden reality behind a human figure;
INTRODUcnO~ XVII

thus Jephthah's daughter has allegedly been modelled after a goddess. The inclusion of
such deities often is more a tribute to the scholarly ingenuity of colleagues, present and
past, than an accurate picture of the religious situation in biblical times. Also, it has
proved impossible to be exhaustive in this domain. Some suggestions have no doubt
escaped our notice, or simply been judged too far-fetched to qualify for inclusion in
DDD.
The fifth and final category of gods is constituted by human figures who rose to
attain divine or semi-divine status in a later tradition. Jesus and Mary belong to this
group, but also Enoch, Moses and Elijah. At times the process of glorification, or more
precisely divinization, started during the biblical period: before the closing of the first
century CE divinity was ascribed to Jesus. In most cases. however. the development
leading to divine status has been postbiblical. It tells more about the WirkuIIgsgescllich-
Ie than about the perception of such exceptional humans by their contemporaries. Yet
the borderlines between human and divine are not always crystal clear; neither is the
precise point at which the divinization began. \Vhat is found in its full-blown form in
postbiblical writings is often contained ill 1IliCe in the Bible.
The aims of DDD, in short, cannot be reduced to a single object. It is meant primari-
ly as an up-to-date source-book on the deities and demons found in the Bible. Its
various attendant aims are hardly less important. though. It is meant as a scholarly
introduction to the religious universe which the Israelites and the Early Christians were
part of; it is meant as a tool to enable readers to assess the distinctiveness of Israelite,
Jewish and Early Christian religions: it is meant as a survey of biblical scholarship with
respect to the mythological background of various biblical notions and concepts: and it
is meant. finally, as a means to discover that the Bible has not only dethroned many
deities, but h<ls also produced new ones.

Most articles of DDD consist of four sections, each marked by a Roman numeral. Sec-
tion I discusses the name of the god. including its etymology, as well as its occurrence
in the various .mdent civilisations surrounding Israel and Judah. The biblical evidence
is briefly surveyed, and a general indication as to the capacity in which the name
occurs is given. Section II deals with the identity. character and role of the deity or
demon in the culture of origin. When an originally non-Israelite deity is discussed.
such as Amun. Marduk or Zeus, the section focuses on the cult of the god outside the
Bible. If the god is primarily attested in the Bible, section II is devoted to a discussion
of the extra-biblical references and parallels. Section III deals with the role and nature
of the deity in the books of the Bible. Section IV consists of the relevant bibliography.
An asterisk prefixed to the name of the *author marks a publication as particularly
important for the subject. Studies containing further bibliographical infommtion are
followed by the observation '& lit' between brackets after the title. A supplementary
section is sometimes <Idded to discuss the post-Biblical attestations and developments.

Many people have collaborated over the past four years to carry DDD to completion. It
is a pleasure to mention some of those who have been involved with the project. The
initial impetus came from Michael Stone (Jerusalem). His idea of creating a dictionary
XVIII INTRODUCTION

of ancient Near Eastern religions found favour with Brill; one of its publishers.
Elisabeth Erdman. began to look for an editor. The three editors she eventually found
decided to curtail Stone's ambitious project to far more modest dimensions; and even
as modest a project as DDD has proved more time-consuming than any of us expected.
During the first year a list of entries was prepared. sample articles were written, and
over a hundred authors were solicited. Several of the latter suggested entries previously
overlooked by the editors. The major part of the job began at the end of the second year
when articles started coming in. Though the scholarly work on the manuscripts (or
rather hard copy) was done by the editorial team. if need be after consulting with the
advisors. the bulk of the articles were processed and made ready for publication by
various assistants. Mrs Gerda Bergsma. Ms Kim de Berg, Mr Joost van Meggelen, Mr
Hans Baart. and Mr Theo Bakker have assisted us with the preparation of the manu-
script. for different amounts of time. We owe a special debt of gratitude to Ms
Meta Baauw who saw most of the articles through the final stage of preparation. Mr
Hans van de Berg (Utrecht University) wali invaluable for his assistance with all mat-
ters pertaining to computers and software. Dr Peter Staples (Utrecht University) and
Mrs Helen Richardson have polished the language of the articles. often written by
scholars for whom English is not their primary-nor. for many. their secondary-
tongue. Dr Gerard Mussies (Utrecht University) joined us in reading the proofs. The
collaboration with all of them. and-though less immediately-with the international
group of respected colleagues who have written the various contributions, has been one
of the rewards of editing DDD.

K. VAN DER TOORN


B. BECKING
P. \V. VAN DER HORST

November. 1994
PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION

The first edition of DDD, published in the summer of 1995, had to go through two
printings in order to meet the demands of the market. The success of the book, also in
tenns of its academic standing, is a source of pride and gratitude for the editors and the
many contributors. The ongoing demand for DDD provided its editorial team also with
an excellent opportunity to take a fresh look at the first edition in view of the prepar-
ation of a second, revised, edition. Many of the lacunae and occasional errors in DDD I,
signalled to us by friends and colleagues, could thus be repaired. The present thorough-
ly revised edition of DDD contains some thirty new entries. a host of additions and
corrections to articles from the first edition, and important bibliographical updates.
The fonnula of the book has remained unaltered, but it has become richer and more
rigorous in its contents.
The editors gratefully acknowledge the help of Frans van Koppen (Leiden) in the
preparatory stages of the new manuscript. Ab de long (Lciden), Frans van Koppen
(Leiden), Koos van Leeuwen (Utrecht), Mirjam Muis (Utrecht), Gerard Mussies
(Utrecht), and Sil Timmennan (Utrecht) assisted the editors in reading the proofs.
Aemold van Gosliga (Lciden) was instrumental in the type-setting of the manuscript.
Barsaum Can (Leiden) prepared new indices. Their joint efforts have resulted in the
present book, which the editors hope and trust will meet with as favourable a reception
as the first edition.

K. VAN DER TOORN


B. BEeKING
P. \V. VAN DER HORST

August, 1998
GENERAL ABBREVIATIONS

Akk Akkadian MB Middle Babylonian


Ar Arabic ms(s) manuscript(s)
Aram Aramaic MT Masoretic Text
bk. book n(n). note(s)
c. century no(s). number(s)
ca. circa NT New Testament
chap(s). chapter(s) obv. obverse
col(s). column(s) OG Old Greek
Copt Coptic OL Old Latin
o Dculcronomist OSA Old South Arabic
DN divine name OT Old Testament
Dtr Dcuteronomistic redactor(s) P Priestly Document
E Elohist p(p). page(s)
Eg Egyptian Pers Persian
Eng English Phoen Phoenician
Eth Ethiopic pJ(s). pJate(s)
fig(s). figure(s) PN personal name
FS Festschrift QL Qumran Literature
G Greek (versions) r. reverse
Gk Greek sec. section
Heb Hebrew Sum Sumerian
Hit Hittite Syr Syriac
HUff Human Ug Ugaritic
IE Indo-European v(v) verse(s)
J Yahwist Vg Vulgate
Lat Latin VL Vetus Latina
LXX Septuagint

ABBREVIATIONS OF BIBLICAL BOOKS (INCLUDING THE APOCRYPHA)

Gen Nah 1-2-3-4 Kgdms


Exod Hab Add Esth
Lev Zeph Bar
Num Hag Bel
Deut Zech 1-2 Esdr
Josh Mal 4 Ezra
Judg Ps (pl.: Pss) Jdt
1-2 Sam Job EpJer
1-2 Kgs Prov 1-2-3-4 Macc
lsa Ruth Pr Alar
Jer Cant PrMan
Ezek Eccl (or Qoh) Sir
Hos Lam Sus
Joel Esth Tob
Obad Dan \Vis
Amos Ezra Matt
Jonah Neh Mark
Mic 1-2 Chr Luke
XXII ABBREVIATIONS

John Phil Heb


Acts Col Jas
Rom 1-2 Thess 1-2 Pet
1-2 Cor 1-2 Tim 1-2-3 John
Gal Titus Jude
Eph Phlm Rev

ABBREVIATIONS OF PSEUDEPIGRAPHICAL AND EARLY PATRISTIC WORKS

Adam and £\'e Books of Adam and Eve


2-3 Apoc. Bar Syriac. Greek Apocalypse of Baruch
Apoc. Mos. Apocalypse of Moses
Ass. Mos. Assumption of Moses
/-2-3 Enoch Ethiopic. Slavonic. Hebrew Enoch
Ep. Arist. Epistle of Aristeas
lub. Jubilees
Man.lsa. Martyrdom of Isaiah
Odes Sol. Odes of Solomon
Or.lo. Prayer of Joseph
Pss. Sol. Psalms of Solomon
Sib. Or. Sibylline Oracles
T. /2 Parr. Testaments of the Tweh'c Patriarchs
T. Levi Testament of Levi
T. Bellj. Testament of Benjamin. etc.
ACIS Pi!. Acts of Pilate
Apoc. Pet. Apocalypse of Peter
Gos. Eb. Gospel of the Ebionites
Gos. Eg. Gospel of the Egyptians
Gos. Heb. Gospel of the Hebrews
Gos. Naas. Gospel of the Naassenes
Gos. Pel. Gospel of Peter
Gos. Thorn. Gospel of Thomas
Prot. las. Protevangelium of James
Bam. Barnabas
/-2 Clem. 1-2 Clement
Did. Didache .
Diogn. Diognetus
Herm.Man. Hermas. Mandate
Sim. Similitude
Vis. Vision
Ign. Eph. Ignatius. Letter to the Ephesians
Magll. Letter to the Magnesians
PJzld. Letter to the Philadelphians
Pol. Letter to Po)ycarp
Rom. Letter to the Romans
Smym. Letter to the Smyrnaeans
Trail. Letter to the Trallians
LAB Ubu Anriquitatllrn Biblicanl/11
Man. Pol. Martyrdom of Polycarp
Pol. Phil. Po)ycarp to the Philippians
ABBREVIATIONS XXIII

ABBREVIATIONS OF DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND RELATED TEXTS


CD Cairo (Geniza text of) Damascus (Document)
l:Iev Na~all:lever texts
Mas Masada texts
Mird Khirbet Mird texts
Mur Wadi MurabbaCat
p Pesher (commentary)
Q Qumran
IQ. 2Q. 3Q. etc. Numbered caves of Qumran. yielding written material: followed by
abbreviation of biblical or apocryphal book
IQapGen Genesis ApocrypllOn of Qummn Cave 1
IQH HOdti)'ot (Thanksgiving Hymns) from Qumran Cave I
IQlsaa.b First or second copy of Isaiah from Qumran Cave I
IQpHab Pesher 011 Habakkuk from Qumran Cave I
IQM Mi/btinuj (\Var scroll)
IQS Sert'k Ha)'ya~IGd (Rule ofthe Community. Mallual of Discipline)
IQSa Appendix A (Rule ofthe COllgregation) to IQS
IQSb Appendix B (Blessings) to IQS
3QJ5 Copper Scroll from Qumran Cave 3
4QF1or FloriIegill1n (or EscJIGtological Midrashim) from Qummn Cave 4
4Q Mess ar Aramaic "Messianic" text from Qumran Cave 4
4QPrNab Prayer of Nabonidus from Qumran Cave 4
4QTestim Tutimonia text from Qumran Cave 4
4QTLevi Testament ofU\'i from Qumran Cave 4
4QPhyl Phylacteries from Qumran Cave 4
IIQMelch Melchil.edek text from Qumran Cave 4
IIQTgJob Targum ofJob from Qumran Cave II

ABBREVIATIONS OF TARGUMIC MATERIAL


Frg. Tg. Fragmentary Targum
Pal. Tgs. Palestinian Targums
Sam. Tg. Samaritan Targum
Tg. Esth J 'and' JJ First 'and' Second Targum of Esthu
Tg.lsa. Targum ofIsaiah
Tg. Ket. Targum of the \Vritillgs
Tg. Neb. Targum ofthe Prophets
Tg. Neof. Targum Neofiti J
Tg.Onq. Targllm Ollqelos
Tg. Ps.-J. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan
Tg. Yer.1 Targum Yuushalmi I
Tg. Yer./l Targum Yenuhalmi JJ
Yem. Tg. Yemenite Targum
ABBREVIATIONS OF PERIODICALS, REFERENCE WORKS, AND SERIES

AM Annals ofArchaeology and AKT Ankara Killtepe Tabletlui (1990)


Allthropology ALASP Abhandlungen zur Literatur Alt-
MAS Annales archeologiqlles arabes Syriens-PaHistinas
syriennes ALBO Analecta Lovaniensa Biblica et
AASF Annalcs Academiae Scientiarum Orientalia
Fennicae ALGHJ Arbeiten zur Literatur und
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Geschichte des Hellenistischen
Oriental Research ludentums
AB Anchor Bible ALGRM Aus/iihrliches Lexikon der griechi-
AbB Altba~lonische Briefe in Umschrift schell und romischen Mythologie,
und bcrsetzung ed. W. H. Roscher (= LGRM)
ABD Anchor Bible Dictionary AIT D. J. WISEMAN, Alalab Texts
ABL R. F. HARPER. Assyrian (lnd ALUOS Annual ofthe ueds Uni"usity
Babylonian utters Oriental Society
ABRT J. A. CRAIG. Assyrian and AMI Archnologische Mitteilungen aus
Babylonian Religious Texts Iran
AC Antiqllite c1assiqlle AnBib Analecta Biblica
AcOr Acta Orientalia AncSoc Ancient Society
ADAJ Annual ofthe Departmellt of ANEP nle Ancient Near East in Pictures,
Antiquities ofJordan ed. J. B. Pritchard
ADD C. H. W. JOHNS. A.fsyrian Deeds ANET Ancient Near Eastern Tats. ed.
and Docll1nentJ 1. B. Pritchard
ADPV Abhandlungen des Deutschen AnOr Analecta Orientalia
Pallistinavcrcins ANQ Andover Newton Quarterly
AA AgyplOlogischc Abhandlungen ANRW Alifstieg und Niedergang du
AAT Agypten und Altes Testament Romischen Welt
AF Agyptologische Forschungen AnSt Anatolian Studies
AEO A. H. GARDINER. Ancient Eg>ptian AntAfr Antiquitb Africaines
Onomastica ANTF Arbeiten zur Neutestarnentliche
Aeg Aegyptus Textforschung
AfO Archi,'/iir Orientforscllllng Allton AlItonianum
AfO Beih. A/O Beiheft AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
E. EBELING. Die akkndische
AGH
Gebetsserie ..Handerhebung
. AoF
APAW
A1rorientalische Forschungen
Abhandlungen der Preussischen
AGJU Arbeiten zur Geschichte des anti ken Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Judcntums und des Urchristentums Berlin
AHAW Abhandlungen der Heidelberger APOT ApocT)'pha and Pseudepigrapha of
Akadcmie der Wissenschaften the Old Testament, ed. R. H.
AHW W. VON SODEN. Akkadisches Charles
Handwiinerbuch ARAB D. D. LUCKENBILL, Ancient Records
AlON Annali delf'lstitllto orientale di ofAssyria and Babylonia
Napoli Arch Archaeology
AlPHOS A1I1111airc de I'lnsti1llt de philologie ARE Ancient Records of Egypt. ed. J. H.
et d'histoire orientales et slaves Breasted
AJA American JOIlnUlI ofArch(leology ARES Archivi reali di Ebla, studi
AJBA Australian Journal of Biblical ARET Archivi reali di Ebla, testi
Archaeology ARI A. K. GRAYSON. As.syrian Royal
AJP American Journal ofPhilology Inscriptions
AJSI. Amaican Journal ofSemitic ARM Archives royales de Marl
Languages and Literature ARMT Archives royales de Marl. Textes
AkkGE K. TALLQVIST. Akkadische Golter- ArOr Archiv Orientalnl
epitheta (= StOr 7) ARTU J. C. DE MOOR. An Anthology of
AKM Abhandlungen fUr die Kunde des Religious Tats from Ugarit
Morgenlandes ARW Archiv fir Religionswissenschaft
ABBREVIATIO:'llS XXV

AS Assyriological Studies (Chicago) BDR F. BLAss. A. DEDRUNNER &


ASAE Annales du sen'ia des antiq/litts de F. REHKOPF. Grammatik des Ilell-
l'Egypte restamentlichen Griechisch
ASAW Abhandlungen der Sachsischcn BE Babylonian Expedition of the
Akademie der Wissenschaften. University of Pennsylvania. Series
Phil.-hist. KI., Berlin A: Cuneifonn Texts
ASNU Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici BEATAJ Beitriige zur Erforschung des Allen
Upsaliensis Testaments und des alten
ASOR American Schools of Oriental Judentums
Research BeO Bibbi" e oriente
ASSR Archives des SciCIlCCS sociales des BETL Bibliotheca Ephemcridum
religions Theologicarum Lovaniensium
ASTI Anllual ofthe Swedish Theological BG Berolinensis Gnosticus
Institllte BHH Biblisch-Historisches
ATANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Handworrerbllch. ed. B. Reicke &
Allen und Neuen Testaments L. Rost
Atr. W. G. LAMBERT & A. R. MILLARD. BHK Biblia Hebraica. ed. R. Kittel
Atra-basis: The Babylonian Story BHS Biblia Hebraica Sturrgarremia
ofthe Flood Bib Biblica
AuA Alllike und Abendland BibOr Biblica et Orientalia
Allg A ugustiniClnlll1l BibTS Biblisch-theologische Schwerpunkte
AulOr AlIla OrientaJis BICS BII/Jetin ofthe Illstitllle of ClassiCClI
AulOrSup Aula Orientalis-Supplementa Stlldies
AUSS Andrews Unh'ersity Seminary BIES BII/Jetill of the Ismel Explomtion
SlIIdies Society (= Yediot)
BA Biblical Archaeologist BIFAO BII/Jetin de I'Illstitut frall(clis
Bab. Babyloniaca d'archtologie orientale
BAc Bibliotheca Aegyptica BiMes Bibliotheca Mesopotamica
BAGB Bu/Jetin de l'Associatioll Glli//allme BIN Babylonian Inscriptions in the
Budt Collection of J. B. Nics
BAGD W. BAUER. W. F. ARNDT. F. W. BiOr BibJiorheca OrientaJis
GINGRICH & F. W. DANKER. BlOSCS BII/Jetin of the Intenwtional
Greek-English Lexicon ofthe New Orgallisatiollfor Seplllagillt alld
Testament Cogllate SlIldies
BagM Baghdader Mirreilllngen BJR(U)L BII/Jrtill ofthe John Rylands
BAM F. KOCHER. Die babylonisch-assyri- (U"iverJity) library
sehe Medizin in Texte" lind BJS Brown Judaic Studies
Untersllchllllgen BKAT Biblischer Kommentar: Alles
BAR Biblical ArchaeologiJt Reader Testament
BARev Biblical Archaeology Rel'iew BM tablets in the collections of the
BASOR BII/Jetin ofthe American Schools of British Museum
Oriental Research BMC British Museum Coin Catalogues
BASP BlIlletin ofthe American Society of BMS L. W. KING. Babylonian Magic and
Papyrologists Sorcery
BBB Bonner Biblische Beitrlige BN Biblische Noti:.ell
BBR H. ZI~fMERN. BeitrOge :'lIr Kenntnis Bo. field numbers of tablets excavated at
der babylonisehen Religion Bogha1.kl:>y
BBVO Berliner Beitrlige zum vorderen BoSt Boghazk6i-Studien
Orient BR Biblical Research
BeH BII/Jerin de corresp<Jndance he/Jtni- BRA Beitriige zur Religionsgeschichte
que des Allertums
BD Book of the Dead BRL'1 Biblisches Rea/Jexikon. ed.
BDB F. BROWN. S. R. DRIVER & C. A. K. Galling
BRIGGS. Ht"brew and English BRM Babylonian Records in the Library
Lexicon ofthe Old Testamelll of J. Pierpont Morgan
BdE Bibliotheque d'~tude. Institut BSFE BII/Jt"till de la Sociert fran(aise
fran~ais d'arch~ologie orientale d'!gyptologie
XXVI ABBREVIATIONS

BSOAS BIlII~tin of th~ School of Oriental CJH E. LAROCHE, Cataloglle des textt's
and African Studies hillites
BullEpigr BIlII~tin Ipigraphiqlle CTM Calwer Theologische Monographien
BWANT Beilrage zur Wisscnschaft vom DAGR Dictionnaire des antiquitfs gru-
Alten und Neuen Testament qlles et romailles, cd. C. V.
BWL W. G. LAMBERT, Babylonian Darembcrg & E. Saglio
Wisdom literature DBAT Dielheimu Blilller :Ilm Alten
BZ Bibli.rche Zeitschrift T~stament
BZAW Bcihefte zur ZA W DBATBeih Dielheimer Blatter zum Alten
BZNW Beihefte zur ZN\V Testament, Beiheft
BZRGG Beihefte zur ZRGG DBSllp Dictionaire d~ la Bib/~, Sllpplement
CAD 11,e A.rs)'rian Dictionary of th~ D~ndara E. CHASSINAT & F. DAUMAS, U
Ori~ntallnstitut~ ofthe Uni\'usity temple de Dendara
of Chicago DISO C.-F. JEAN & J. HOrnJZER,
CAH Cambridge Ancient History Dictionnaire des inscriptions simi-
CANE CMliwtions ofthe Ancient Near tiqlles de /'OIl~St
Etlst, ed. J. M. Sasson DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
CBET Contributions to Biblical Exegesis DLU G. DEL OLMO LETE & J.
and Theology SANMARTIN, Diccionaria de la
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly I~ngua Ugarltica
CBQMS CBQ Monograph Series DMVSI J. HornJZER & K. JOSGElING.
CCDS Corpus Cultus Deae Syriae Dictionaf)' of the North- West
CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina Semitic Inscriptions
ccr Cuncifonn Texts from Cappadocian DOTT Docllm~ntsfrom Old Testament
Tablets Times, cd. D. W. Thomas
CdE Chroniqlle d'Eg>pte EA J. A. KNUDTZON, Di~ EI-Amama-
CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecorum Tafelll (= VAB 2); EA 359-379:
CIJ Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicclrum A. RAINEY, EI Amama Tablets
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum LAtinomm 359-379 (= AOAT 8)
CIMRM Corpus Inscriptionum et EdF Enrage der Forschung
Monumentorum Religionis Edfoll M. DE ROCHEMOl'-'TEIX &
Mithriacae E. CIIASSINAT, U temple d'Edfou
CIS Corpus bucriptionum Semiticarum & Enllma Elish
CJ Classical JOllrnal EKK Evangelisch-Kalholischer
CM Cuneifonn Monographs Kommentar
CML J. C. L. GmsoN, Canaanite MytJu Emar D. ARNAUD, Recherches au pays
andugends d'Astata. Emar Vl./-4
ConB Coniectanea Biblica EncBibl Encyclopt'dia Biblica, London
CP Classical Philology Ene/sl Encyclopedia of Islam
CPJ Corpus Papyrorum JudaiC'Orum EncJlld Encyclopedia Judaica
CPSI Corpus of ProlO-Sinaitic EncMiqr Entsiqlopidia Miqra'it, Jerusalem
Inscriptions, ed. J. Biggs & EPRO Etudes preliminaires aux religions
M. Dijkstra orientales dans I'empire romain
CQ Classical Quartuly ER Encyclopedia of Religion
CRAIBL Compt~s rendu~s d~ /'Acadbnie des ERE Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics
illscriptions ~t bell~s lellres Erlsr Eretz Israel
CRB Cahiers de la Revue biblique ErJb Eranos Jahrbuch
CRINT Compendia Rerum ludaicarum ad ESE Ephemeris fUr Semitische
Novum Testamentum Epigraphik
CRRA Compte rendu, Rencontre assyriolo- Esna S. SAUr-:ERON, U temple d'Esna
giquc intemationaJe ETL Ephemerides Theologicae
cr Cuneifonn Text.; from Babylonian Lo\'Onienses
Tablets ElVNT Exegetisches Wiirterbllch zum
er Coffin Texts Neuen T~stament
erA A. HERDNER, Corpus des tablettes ExpTim Expository Times
alpJwberiqu~s FAOS Freiburger Altorientalische Studien
ABBREVIATIONS XXVII

FAT Forschungen zum Alten Testament IBHS B. K. WAlTKE & M. O·CONNOR.


FF Forscll/lngen lind Fonschritre An Introdllction to Biblical
FGH Fragmente du griuhischen Hebrew Syntax
Historiker. ed. F. Jacoby IBS Irish Biblical Studies
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und ICC International Critical Commentnry
Literatur des Allen und Neuen IDB n,l' 11Iterpreter's Dictionary ofthe
Testaments Bible
FS Festschrift IDBS n,l' Interpreter's Dictionary ofthe
FzB Forschungen zur Bibcl Bible. SlIpplementary Voillme
GAG W. VON SODEN. Gntm/riss der IDelos Inscriptions de ~Ios
akkadischen Grammatik IEJ Israel Exploration JOllmal
Ges. t7 W. GESE:--;IUS. Hebriiisc:hes lind IFAO Institut fran,¥ais d'arch~ologie orien-
aramiiisches Handwonerbllch. tale
(17th. cd.) IG Inscriptiones Graccae
Ges. IS W. GESEI"IUS. Hebriiisches lind IGLS Inscriptions grecqlles er latines de
aramiiisches Handwonerbllch. la Syrie
(18th. cd.) IGR Inscriptiones Graecae ad res
GGA Giittingische Gelelme Anzt'igen Romanas pertinentes
Gilg. Gilgamesh epic IJT Indian JOllmal ofn,eology
GK Gesenills' lIebraische Grammatik. IKyme Inschriften )'On Kyme
28th ed.• edt E. Kaut7_c;ch 1M tablets in the collections of the Iraq
GUlJ M. STERN. Greek and Latin Allthors Museum. Baghdad
on Jews and Judaism Int Interpretation
GM Gorringer Miszellen lOS Israel Oriental Society
GNT Grundrisse lum Neuen Teslament IPN M. Nom. Die israelitischen
GOF Gt:\ttinger Orientforschungen Personennamen
GRBS Greek. Roman aJld By:alltine IrAnt lranica Antiqua
Studies ISBE Intemational Standard Bible
GTA Gottinger Theologische Arbeitcn Encyclopedia. 2nd cd.• edt G. W.
HAB Hamburger Agyptologische Bromiley
Beitrage JA JOllrnal asiatiqlle
HALAT W. BAUMGARTNER et al.. JAAR JOllrnal of the American Academy of
lIehriiisches lind Aramiiisches Religion
l..exikon ZIlITI Alten Testamellt JAC Jahrbllch fUr Antike und
HAR Hebrew Annllell Rel'iew Christentum
HAT Handbuch zum Allen Testament JANES Joumal of the Ancient Near Enstem
HAW Handbllch der Aitenlllns-wissen- Society of Columbia Uni\'ersity
schaften JAOS JOllmal ofthe American Oriental
HdO Handbuch der Orientnlislik Sociery
Hey Heythrop JOllrnal JARCE JOllmal ofthe American Research
HIROTP R. ALBERTZ. A llisrory of Israelite Center in Egypt
Religion in the Old Testament JAS Joumal ofAsian Studies
Period (2 vols.) 18 Jerusalem Bible
Hisl lIandworterbllch der Islam (Leiden JBL Journal ofBiblical Literalllre
1941) JCS Journal of Cuneifonn StIldies
HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament JOS Judaean Desert Studies
HR History of Religion JEA JOllrnal of Egyptian Archeleology
HSCP Harmrd Stlldies in Classical JEN Joint Expedition with the Iraq
Philology Museum at NUli
HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs JEOL Jaarbericht ... Ex Oriente LlLl:
HSS Harvard Semilic Studies JESHO Journal ofthe Economic and Social
HTKNT Herders Theologischer Kommentar History ofthe Orient
zum Neuen Tesl.lment JETS Journal ofthe El'Ongelical
HTR Harmrd Theological Re\'iew nleological Society
HTS Harvard Theological Studies JHNES Johns Hopkins Near Eastern Studies
HUCA Hebrew Union College Anllual JHS Journal ofHellenic Studies
XXVIII ABBREVIATIONS

JJS JOl/rnal ofJeK'ish Studies KIF Kleinasiatische Forschungcn


JNES Journal ofNear Eastern Studies KP Kleine Paul)'
JNSL Journal ofNorthwest Semitic KS Kleine Schriftell
Langl/ages KTU M. DIETRICII, O. LORETZ &
JPOS Journal ofthe Palestine Oriental J. SANMARTIN, Die keil-alphaheti-
Society sche Tate aus Ugarit (AOAT 24)
JPSV Jewish PI/blication Societ)' KTU2 M. DIETRICH, O. LoRETZ &. J.
Translation ofthe Bible SANMARTIN. Die keil-alphabeti-
JQR Jewish Quarterl)' Re\.'iew sche Texte ails Ugarit; second
JR JOllrnal of Religioll enlarged edition: Tile Czmeifonn
JRAS Journal ofthe Royal Asiatic Society Alphabetic Textsfrom Ugarit, Ras
JRelS JOllrnal ofReligious Studies Ibn Hani alld Other Places.
JRH Journal of Religious History KUB Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazk<>i
JRS Journal of Ranum Stlldies LAS Leipziger Agyptologische Studien
JSHRZ JUdische Schriften aus LAPO Lill~ratures anciennes du Proche-
Hellenistisch-Romischer Zeit Orient
JSJ Journal for the Stud)' ofJlldaism in LAS S. PARPOLA, Ullu:r ofAssyrian
the Persian, Hellenistic and Scholars (AOAT 5)
Roman Periods LAW Lexikon du Altm Welt
JSJS Supplements to the Journal for the LCL Loeb Classical Library
Study of Judaism in the Persian, LdA Lexikon der AgyplOlogie
Hellenistic and Roman Periods Legends L. GINZBERG, The Legends ofthe
JSNT Journal for the Study ofthe New Jews
Testamellt Lei Leionenll
JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New l/grE Lexikon des friihgriecllischen Epos
Testament, Supplement Series UMC Lexicon Iconographicllm
JSOT JOllrnalfor the Study ofthe Old M)'thologiae Classicae
Testament LKA E. EItELlNG. Utaarisc"e
JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Kei/schrifneJ.1e ails Assur
Testament. Supplement Series LKU A. FALKENSTEIN, Uterarische
JSP Journalfor the Stud)' ofthe KeilscJmfttrxte t1lIS Untk
Pseudepigrapha LSAM Lois sacrees de /'Asie Minellrc, ed.
JSS JOImwl ofSemitic Studies F. Sokolowski
JSSEA JOl/rnal ofthe Societyfor the Study LSCG Lois sacrfes des cites grecqllt's, ed.
of Egyptian Antiquities F. Sokolowski
JSSR Journal for the Scientific Stud)' of LSJ LIDDELL-SCOTT-JONES, Greek-
Religion English Lexicon
JTS JOllrnal of 17leological Studies LSS Leipziger semitische Studien
K. tablets in the Kouyunjik collections LTK Lexikonfiir Theologie und Kirche
of the British Museum LuA Lunds Uni\'crsitets Arsskrift
KAI H. DONNER & W. ROLLlG, MAD Materials for the Assyrian
Kallaanliische und aramliische Dictionary
Inschriften MAS Milnchener Agyptologische Studien
KAR E. EBELING. Keilschrifttexte ails MAIS Missione arche%gica italialla ill
Assllr religilJsen Inhalts Siria
KAT Kommentar zum Alten Testament MAMA Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua
KAV E. EBELING, KeilschrijiteXle ails Maqlu G. MEIER. Maqlll (= AfO Beiheft 2)
Assur l'erschiedellen Inhalts MARl MARl AlIlIales de recherches illler-
KB L. KOEHLER & W. BAUMGARTNER. disciplinaires
Lexicoll in Veteris Testamellli MDAIK Milleilllngen des Delltschell
libros Archiiologischell Illstituts,
KBo Keilschrifllextc aus Boghazk<>i Abteilllllg Kairo
KEK Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar MDOG Mitteilllngen der Delllschell Orielll-
KHAT Kurzer Handkommentar zum Alten Gesellschaft
Testament MOP M~moires dc la d~l~gation en Persc
KJV King James Version MEE Matcriali cpigrafici di Ebla
ABBREVIATIONS XXIX

MEFR(A) Melanges d'arcMologie et d'histoi- OLP Orientalia Lovnmensia Periodica


re de rEcolefranfaise (antiquite) Ou. Orientalistische UteratuT4eitung
MGWJ Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und OMRO Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit
Wissensclwft des Judentums het Rijbmuseum \'an Oudheden te
MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Leidell
Orientforschwlg Or Orientalia
MM J.H. MOULTON & G. MILLIGAN, The OrAnt Oriens Antiquus
Vocabulary ofthe Greek OrChr Oriens Christianus
Testament OrSu Orientalia Suecalla
Mnem Mnemos)'ne OrSyr rOrient syrien
MRS Mission de Ras Shamra OTL Old Testament Library
MSL Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon OTP 77,e Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,
Mus LeMuseon edt J. H. Charleswonh
MusHelv Museum Helveticum OTS Oudtestamentische Studien
MUSJ Melanges de rUniversite Saint- PAAJR Proceedings ofthe American
Joseph Academy ofJewish Research
MVAAG Mitteilungen der Vorder-Asiatisch- PAPS Proceedings of the American
Agyptischen Gesellschaft Philosophical Society
NABU Nouvelles assyriologiques breves et PBS Publications of the Babylonian
urilitaires Section. University Museum,
NAWG Nachrichtcn von der Akademie der University of Pennsylvania
Wissenschaftcn zu G~ttingen PEFQS Palestine Exploration Fund,
NBL Neues Bibel-Lexikon, edt M. Gorg & Quarterly Statement
B. Lang PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
NCB New Century Bible PG Patrologia Graeca, cd. J. Migne
NEB New English Bible PGM Papyri Graecae Magical', edt
Ned77's Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrijr K. Preisendanz
Neot Neotestamentica Philol Philologus
NESE Neue Ephemeris fUr Semitische PhilQuart Philosophical Quarterly
Epigraphik PIFAO Publications de I'Institut fran~ais
NeK'Docs New Documents II/ustrating Early d'arch60logie orientale du Caire
Christianity, edt G. H. R. Horsley PJ Paltistina-Jahrbuch
NHC Nag Hammadi Codex PL Patrologia Latina, edt J. Migne
NHS Nag Hammadi Studies PLRE Prosopography ofthe Later Roman
NorTT Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift Empire
NovT NovlI1n Testamentum PMG Poetae Melici Graeci
NovTSup Novum Testamentum Supplements P~S Pretoria Oriental Series
NRSV New Revised Standard Version POxy Oxyrhynchus Papyri
NTOA Novum Testamentum et Orbis PRU Palais royal d'Ugarit
Antiquus PSBA Proceedings ofthe Society of
NTS New Testament Studies Biblical Archaeology
NTStud Nieuwe Theologische Studien PVTG Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti
NITS New Testament Tools and Studies Graeca
Numen Numl!1l: lntemational Review for the PW PAULV-WISSOWA. Realenc)'c1oplidie
History of Religions der klassischen Altertums-
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis wissenschaft
OBTR S. DALLEY, C. B. F. WALKER & PWSup Supplement to PW
J. D. HAWKINS, Old Babylonian Pyr. K. SETHE., Die alttigyptischen
Textsfrom Tell Rimah Pyramidentexte
OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary Qad Qadmoniot
OECT Oxford Editions of Cuneifonn Texts QD Questiones Disputatac
OG1S Orientis Graeci lnscripriones QDAP Quarterly ofthe Department of
Selectae, edt W. Dittenberger Antiquities in Palestine
OIP Oriental Institute Publications R H. C. RAWLlNSO:'oJ, The Cll1leifoml
OLA Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Inscriptions oflVestern Asia
OLD Oxford Latin Dictionary RA Revue d'Assyriologie et d'archeolo-
gie orientale
XXX ABBREVIATIONS

RAAM H. Gr.sE, M. HOrNER & RSP Ras Shamra Parallds, ed.


K. RUDOLPH, Di~ R~ligiolll'1l S. Rummel (AnOr 51: Rome 1981)
Alrsyriens. Alrarabims und der RSR Recherches de sciel/ce religieuse
Mand(Ja RSV Revised Standard Version
RAC Realle.tikon fiir Anrike IIl/d RT Reclleil de rra\'QILt relarifs a la phi-
CIIrisrenllll1l lologie er a l'arcMologie eg)'pri~ll-
RAcc F. TIlUREAU-DANGtN. Rilllels acca- nes er a.uyriennes
diel/s RTL Reme rhfologiqlle de Lollmil/
RARG H. BO:-.lNET, Reallexikol/ da agypri- SAA State Archives of Assyria
sch~n Rdigionsgeschichre SAAB Srale Archi\'es ofAssyria Blillerill
RANE Records of the Ancient Near East SAK Studien zur Ahagyptischen Kultur
RArch Revu~ Archlologiqlle SANE Sources from the Ancient Near East
RB Revile Biblique S8 SammdbuclJ griechischer Urkunden
RdM Die ReIigionen der Menschheit ails Aegyprell
RE Realencyclopadie fiir prort'srallri- SBAW Sit7.ungsberichte der ba)'erischen
sche Theologie lind Kirche Akademic der Wissenschaften
REA Re\'llt' d~s illldes anciennt's SBB Stuttgarter Biblische Beitrage
REB Re\ised English Bible SBH G. A. REISNER, Sumerisch-babylo-
RECAM Regiollal Epigraphic Coralogue of lI;scht'1I Hymnel/ I/acll 17lOnrafeln
Asia Minor griechiJcher ZLil
REg R~vue d'igYP1010g;e SBLDS Society of Biblical Litemture
REG Rt'\'lIe dt's itlld~s grecques Dissenation Series
REi Reme des irlld~s jll;ves SBLEJL SBL, Early Judaism and Its
REL Reme des etudes lal;l/es Literature
RES Reperto;rt' d'epigraph;~ semiriqut' SBL\tS SBL Monograph Series
Re\'Q ReVile de Qllmran SBLSBS SBL Sources for Biblical Studies
Re\'ScRel Revue dt's sciences religi~uses SBLTI SBL Texts and Tr,mslations
RevSem Rem~ sllll;r;qlle SBLWAW SBL Writings of the Ancient World
RGG Die R~ligiol/ ;11 Gesch;chre IIl/d SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
Gegenwart (31957-1965) SBT Studies in Biblical Theology
RGRW Religions in the Graeco-Roman SBTU Sp(irbabylol/ische Te.tre aus Uruk
World SCHNT Studia ad Corpus Hellenisticum
RGTC Rc!penoire gc!ographique des textes Novi Testamenti
cunl!iformes SCR Sllulies in COInparari\'t! Religion
RGVV Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche ScrHier Scripta Hierosolymitana
und Vorarbeiten SDAW Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen
RHA Revue hillile er asianique Akadcmie der Wissenschaften
RhMIIs Rheinisches Mlluumfiir Philologie SEA S\'emk Exegerisk Arsbok
RHPR Rt'\'lIe d'hisroirt' el de philosophie Sef Sefarad
religiellSl's SEG Supplemenrll1n Epigraphicum
RIIR Revue de l'hisroire des religiol/s Graeculll
RIH field numbers of tablets excavated at SEL SllIdi epigrafici e lillguisrici
Ras Ibn-Hani Sem Sem;rica
RIMA The Royal Inscriptions of SGDI H. COLLITZ er tIl., SammlulIg der
Mesopotamia Assyrian Periods griechischell Dialekr-Inschriften, 4
Ri\'Bib Ril'isra Biblka Iralialla vols. (1884-1915)
Ri\'SrorAnr Ri"'isra di sroria antica SGL A. FALKENSTEIN & J. VAN DIJK,
RLA Reallexikoll du Assyriologie SU11lerische GOllerliedu
RQ Rom;sches Quarralschrift fiir chrisr- SH(C)ANE Studies in the History (and Culture)
liche AlrerrunukllluJe und of the Ancient Near East
Kirchengeschichre SHT Studies in Historical Theology
RR Redew of Religion SIG SJllog~ Inscripriolll111l Graecanwl,
RS field numbers of tablets excavated at ed. W. Diuenberger
Ras Shamra SIRIS SJllog~ illscriprionum religionis
RSF RMsra di stud; fen;ci !siacoe el Sarap;acae, ed.
RSO RMsra degli srudi orimrali L. Vidman
RSOu Ras ShamrJ - Ougarit SJLA Studies in Judaism in ulte Anliquity
ABBREVIATIONS XXXI

SJOT Scandinal'ian Journal ofthe Old G. Friedrich


Testament TOOT Theological Dictionary ofthe Old
5L A. Dm.tEl, 5umerisches uxikon Testamell1
SMS S)'ro-Mesopotamian Studit's TOP R. LAnAT. Traitl akkadien de dia-
SMSR SlIIdi e Materiali di Storia delle gllostics et pronostics mtdicalLt"
Religioni TGF Tragicorum Grnecorum Fragmenta
SNTSMS Society for New Testament Studies THAT Theologisc"es Handl\'onerbuch zum
Monograph Series AltcII Testament, cd. E. Jenni &
SO Sources orientales C. W. Westennann
SOTS~'IS Society for Old Testament Studies ThStud Theologische Studien
Monogrnph Series T"Z Theologische Zeitschrift
SPAW Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen TIM Texts in the Iraq !'.luseum
Akademie der Wissenschaften. TLZ Theologische Literarur Zeilllllg
Phil.-hist. KI., Berlin TM Tell Mardikh, tablets from Ebla
SPhA SlIIt!ill Philollica Annual TRE Theologische Realenzyklopllclie
SR Studies in Religion TRe~' T"eolol:ische Reme
SRT E. eBlERA. Sumerian Religious TRu Theologisc"e Rundsc"au
Texts TSAJ Texte und Studien zum antiken
SSEAJ Society for t"e Srudy of Egyptian Judentum
AlI1iquitics Journal TSK Theologisc"e Srudiell und Kritikell
SSS Semitic Studies Series TSSI J. C. L. GIBSO:-l, Textbook ofSyritlll
ST SlIIdia Theologica Semitic Inscriptions
StAeg Studia Aegyptiaca TUAT Te:ete aus der Umwelt des Alten
STBoT Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Te'lten Testamell1s, edt O. Kaiser
STDJ Studies in the Texts of the Dcsen of n\'AT T"eologisc"es Wonerbuc" zum
Judah Alu" Testamell1, edt G. J.
StEb Studi Eblaiti Botterweck & H. Ringgren
StOr Studia Orientalia nVNT T"eologisches Wonerb/lch :'11111
StPsm Studia Pohl Series Maior Neuell Testamell1, cd. R. Kittel &
SIT O. R. GURNEY, J. J. FINKELSTEIN & G. Friedrich
P. HULIN. The Sulrall1epe Tablets TZ T"eologisc"es Zeitsc"rift
Str-B [H. STRACK &] P. BILLERBECK. UBL Ugaritisch-Biblischc Literatur
Kommentar ;:lIm Neue" Testament UCOP University of Cambridge Oriental
aus Talmud und Midrasc" Publications
StSem Studi Semitici UET Ur Excavation Texts
StudNeot Studia Neotestamentica UF Ul:arit·Forsch,llll:rn
SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen UFBG W. MAYER, UllIers/lchungcII:.ur
Testaments Fonn('1/sprache der babylonischen
5urpu E. REINER. 5urpu (= AfO Beihcft "Gebetsbeschwlinmge" " (= StPsm
11) 5)
SVF Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta Ug Ugaritica
SVTP Studia in Veteris Testamenti UM C.H. GORDON. Ugaritic Manual
Pseudepigrapha UNT Untersuchungen zum Neuen
S)'II. Syllogc Inscriptionum Graecamm. Testament
edt W. Dittenberger UPZ Urkunden der Prolemiier:.eit, ed.
Tcik/llru R. FRANKENA. Tiikultu. Dc sacraIe U. Wilcken
maaltijd ill "et assyrische rirueel Urk. II K. SETIIE, flierogl>1J"isc"e
TAM Tituli Asiat' Minoris Urkundl'll der griechisch.romi-
TANZ Texte und Arbeiten lum Neutest.l- schell Zeit
mentlichen Zeitalter Urk.IV K. SETIIE. UrkuntJen der 18.
TCGNT B. M. METZGER, A Textual Oynastie
Commentary on the Gruk New Urk. V H. GRAPOW. Religiose Urk/lnden
Testament USQR Union Seminary Quarterly Re\'iew
TCL Textes cuneifonnes du Louvre UT C. H. GORDON, Ugaritic Textbook
TCS Texts from Cuneifonn Sources UVB Vorlaufiger Bencht tiber die ...
TDNT Theological Dictionary ofthe New Ausgmbungen in Uruk-Warka
Testament. cd. R. Kittel & (Berlin. 1930)
XXXII ABBREVIATIONS

VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek WVDOG Wissenschaftl iche


VAS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler Veroffentlichungen der Deutc;chen
VAT tablets in the collections of the OrientgescIIschaft
Staatlichc Musccn. Berlin WZ Wis.wl.{c"aftlic"~ ZeitscJm}r
VC Vigiliae C"ristiClna~ WZKM Wi~ller ZLitschrift fUr die KlIlld~ des
VO Vicino Orieme Morgelllandes
VP Vi\'re ~t Pmser(= RB 1941-1944) YBC tablets in the Babylonian Collection.
IT Vetus Testamentllm Yale Univcrsity Library
VTSup Vetus Testamentum. Supplements y~S Yale Oriental Series. Babylonian
W. field numbers of tablets excavated at Texts
Warka ZA Zeitschrift fUr Ass)'riologie
Wb. Wortubuch du Aeg)ptischm lAS ZRitschrift fiir iigyptische Sprach~
Sprachc ZAH Zeiuchrift fUr Althebraistik
WBC Word Biblical Commentary ZAW ZcitscJm}r fiir di~ Altt~stammtlich~
WbMyth Wortubllch du MytllOlogie. ed. Wissenscllllft
H. W. Haussig ZDMG Zdtschrift der Delltschm
WHJP World History of the Jewish People Morgenliilldischen Geullschaft
WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien ZDPV Zcitschrift des Delltschcn
lum Alten und Neuen Testament Paliistinm'er~ins
WO Welt des Ori~nt ZNW Zcitschrift fUr die N~lltesta1l/entliche
WS Wiener Swdien Wissenschaft
l'ITJ Wcsrminstu nU'ological JOllrnal ZPE Zeirschriftfiir Papyrologie IIl1d
WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen Epigraphik
zum Neuen Testament ZRGG Zcitschrift fiir Religions- lind
WUS J. AtSTLEITNER. Worterbuch der Geistesgeschichte
IIgaritischen Sprache ITK Zcitschrift fUr n,eologie lind Kirche
ENTRIES

Ab --Father Apollyon -Abaddon; Apollo


Abaddon Apsu --Ends of the earth
Abba - Father Aqan --Ya(Oq
Abel Archai
Abomination Archangel
Abraham Archon
Adam Ares
Adat Ariel
Addirim -Noble Ones Ann
Adon -Lord Arta
Adonay -Lord: Ynhweh Artcmis
Adonis Arvad
Adrammelech Asham
Aeneas Asherah
Agreement Ashbur --Ishbara
Ah -Brother Ashima
Aion Ashtoreth --Astarte
AI Asmodeus
Alay -AI Assur
Aldebaran Astarte
Aliyan Atargatis
Allon -Oak Athena
Almnh -.Virgin Atum
Almighty Augustus --Ruler cult
Altar Authorities
Ala -AI Avenger
Aluqqah -Vampire Aya
Am Ayish -Aldebaran
Amalck Azabbim
Amaltheia Al.azel
Amazons
Amun Baal
Amurru Baalat
Anakim -Rephaim Baal toponyms
Anammelech Baal-bcrith
Ananke Baal-gad
Anat Baal-hamon
Ancient of days Baal-hazor
Angel (I) Baal-hermon
Angcl (II) Baal-judah
Angel of death -·Angel Baal-meon
Angel of Yahweh BaalofPeor
Anthropos Baal-perazim
Antichrist Baal-shalisha
Anu -Heaven Baal-shamem
Aphrodite Baal-tamar
Apis Baal-zaphon
Apkallu Baal-zebub
Apollo Bacchus
XXXIV ENTRIES

Baetyl Dike
Baga Dionysus
Barad Dioskouroi
Baraq - Lightning Divine beings -Sons of (the) God(s)
Bashan Dod
Bashtu Dominion
Bastet Dove
Beelzebul -·Baal-zebub Doxa -·Glory
Behemoth Dragon
Bel -Marduk Dynamis
Belial
Beliar -Belial Ea -Aya
Beltu Eagle
Bes Earth
Bethel Eben -Stone
Blood Ed -Witness
Boaz Edom
Boshet - Bashtu Ehad -One
Breasts-and-womb El
Brother EI-berith -Baal-herith
Bull -Calf EI-creator-of-the-earth
Elders
Cain Elemental spirits of the universe -·Stoicheia
Calf Elijah
Cannel Eloah
Castor - Dioskouroi Elohim -God (I)
Chaos EI-olam
Chcmosh EI-roi
Cherubim EI-rophe
Christ Elyon
Claudius -Ruler cult Emim -Rephaim
Clay Emmanuel
Constellations Ends of the eanh
Council Enoch
Creator of All Equity -Misharu
Curse Eros
Cyhele E.~u
Esh -Fire
Dagon Eshmun
Daniel Efemmu
Daphne Eternity
Datan - Dedan Euphrates
Day Eve
Day Star -·Helel Everlasting God -El-olam
Dead Evil Inclination
Death -Mot: Thanatos Evil spirit of God
Deher Exalted ones
Dedan Exousiai -Authorities
Demeter
Demon Face
Derek -Way Falsehood
Destroyer Familiar spirit - WiZ4lJ'd
Destruction -Qeteb Father
Devil Father of the lights
Dew Fear of Isaac
Diabolos - Devil Fire
ENTRIES xxxv

First-born of death Holy Spirit


Flame Horeph
Flood -Id Horon
Fortuna Horus
Hosios kai dikaios
Gabnunnim Host of heaven
Gabriel Hubal
Gad Hubur
Gaius -Ruler cult Humbaba
Gepen Humban
Gether Hunger -Meriri
Ghost -Spirit of the dead Hyacinthus
Giants Hyle
Gibborim Hymenaios
Gillulim Hypnos
Girl Hypsistos
Glory
God (I) Ibis
God (II) Id
God of fortresses Idols -.Azabbim; Gillulim
God of heaven I1ib
God of seeing -EI-roi Image
Goddess -Terebinth Inanna -+ Ishtar
Go'el Ishbara
Gog Ishmael
Gush Ishtar
Isis
Haby
Hadad Jackals
Hades Jacob
Hail - Barnd Jael
Ham Jaghut
Hamartia -Sin Jalam
Haoma Japheth
Haran Jason
Hathor Jephthah's daughter
Hayin Jeremiel
He-of-the-Sinai Jesus
Healing God -EI-rophe Jeush - Jaghut
Heaven Jezebel
Heaven-and-Earth Jordan
Heavenly beings -Sons of (the) God(s) Joseph
Hebat Judah - Yehud
Hebel -·Abel
Helel Kabod -Glory
Helios Kaiwan
Hera Kelti
Heracles Kenan
Herem -Taboo Kese'
Hennes Kesil -Orion
Hennon Khonsu
Heros Khvarenah
Hobab -Humbaba Kimah -Pleiades
Hokmah -Wisdom King
Holy and Righteous -·Hosios kai dikaios King of terrors
Holy One King ofTyre -Melqan
XXXVI ENTRIES

Kinnaru Melchizedek
Kiriri~a Melqart
Kokabim -Stars Menelaos
Koshar Meni
Kosharoth Meriri
Kubaba -Cybele Mesiles -.Medialor (II)
Kyrios Messenger -Angel (I)
Messiah -·Chrisl
Laban Michael
Lady -Adal: Bellu Midday demon
Lagamal -. Lagamar Mighly One of Jacob
Lagamar Mighly ones -·Gibborim
Lab Milcom
Lahab - Flame Min
Lahai-roi Mire -Clay
Lahmu Misharu
Lamb Mistress -Ad'll: Bellu
Lamia -Lilith Milhras
Lamp Molech
Law -Nomos: Torah Moon
Leah Moses
Lebanon Mosl High -Elyon: Hypsislos
Legion MOl
leI Mother
Levialhan Mountains-nnd-valleys
Libra Moulh
Liers-in-wail Mulissu
Lies
Lighl NabQ
Lighlning Nahar -River
Lililh Nahash -Serpent
Lim Nahhunte -Lagarnar
Linos Nahor
Lioness Name
Logos Nanea
Lord Narcissus
Lordship -Dominion Naru -River
Lyre -Kinnaru Necessity - Ananke
Nehushtan
Ma -Cybele Neith
MaCat Nephilim
Magog Nereus
Makedon Nergal
Mal 1 ak meli~ -Medialor (I) Nibhaz
Mal'ak Yahweh -·Angel of Yahweh Night
Malik Nike
Mammon Nile
Man - Anlhropos Nimrod
Marduk Ninurta -Nimrod: Nisroch
Mary Nisroch
MashIJit -·Destroyer Noah
Mastemah Noble ones
Matter -Hyle Nomos
Mazzaloth -Constellations Nymph
Mediator (I)
Medialor (II)
ENTRIES XXXVII

Oak Riding Horseman


Ob -Spirit of the dead Righteousness -'Zedeq
Oberim -Travellers River
Og Rock
Oil Roma
Olden Gods Ruler cult
Olympus
One Sabbath
Ophannim -angels Saints
Orion Saints of the Most High
Osiris Sakkuth
Ouranos -Heaven; Varnna Samson -- Heracles
Sanctuary
Pahad uylah -Terror of the Night Sar -'Prince
Pantokrntor -Almighty Sarah
Paraclete Sa..am
Patroklos Satan
People -Am Saturn - Kaiwan
Perseus Satyrs
Phoebus -Apollo Saviour
Phoenix Sea
Pleiades Seirim -SalYrs
Pollux -'Oioskouroi Sela --Rock
Poseidon ~elem -Image
Power -'Oynamis Scneh -Thornbush
Presbyteroi -Elders Semphim
Prince Serpent
Prince (NT) - Archon Serng
Prince of the army of Yahweh -Prince Seth
Principalities - Archai Seven -. Apkallu
Pronoia Sha
Protectors Shadday
Ptah Shahan
Python Shahar
Shalem
Qatar Shalman
Qedar -Qatar Shaushka
Qcdoshim -'Saints Shean --Shahan
Qeteb Shebcn
QOs Shechcm --Thukamuna
Queen of Heaven Sheger
Quirinus Shelah
Shem
Rahi~u Shcmcsh
Rachel Shool
Rahab Shepherd
Rakib-EI Sheqer -Falsehood
Ram Shield of Abrdham
Rapha Shimige
Raphael Shining one(s)
Raven Shiqmah -Sycomore
Re Shiqqu~ --Abomination
Rephaim Shulman
Rephan - Kaiwan Shulmanitu
Resheph Shunama
Rider-upon-the-clouds Shunem -'Shunama
XXXVIII ENTRIES

Sid -Sidon Timsh


Sidon Titans
Silvanus Torah
Simon Magus Travellers
Sin Trees -Oak. Sycomore. Terebinth. Thombush
Sin Tyche
Sirion Typhon
Sisera
Skythes Unclean spirits
Soil Unknown God
Son of God Uriel
Sons of (the) God(s}
Son of Man Vampire
Soothsaying spirit --Spirit of the dead Vanities
Sophia -'Wisdom Varuna
Soter -·Saviour Vashti
Source Vine -Gepen
Spirit -.Holy Spirit Viper
Spirit of the dead Virgin
Stars Vohu Manah
Stoicheia
Stone Watcher
Strong Drink Way
Sukkoth-bcnoth Wild Beasts
Sun -'Helios; Re Shemcsh Wind-Gods
S)'comore Wine -Tirash
Wisdom
Taboo Witne~s
Tabor Wi7.aro
Tal -·Ocw World rulers
Tammuz Wrath
Tannin
Tanak Yaaqan -Ya'uq
Tehom -.Tiamat Yahweh
Ten Sephirot Yahweh zebaoth
Terah Yam -Sea
Ternphim Ya'Oq
Terebinth Yarikh -Moon
Terror of the Night Yehud
Thanatos Yidde'oni -.Wil.•1rd
Themis Yizhar -.Oil
Theos --God (II) Yom -Day
Thessalos
ThiUakhuha Zamzummim
Thombush Zaphon
Thoth Zcdcq
Thrones Zeh-Sinai --He-of-the-Sinai
Thukarnuna Zeus
Tiamat Zion
Tibcrius --Ruler cult Zur -Rock
Tigris
A
AB--FATHER background of the use of 'A!3aoorov in Rev
9: II as a proper name. After the fifth angel
ABADDON has blown his trumpet, the depth of the
I. The noun 'abat/don is derived from underworld is opened and smoke and huge
the Heb root i:J~, which is common Semitic locusts come up from it; their king is called
(cf. Ug and Aram 'bd, Akk abatll) and "in Hebrew Abaddon, and in Greek he is
means 'to destroy'. The Hebrew noun has called -"Apollyon". This Greek expression
the meaning 'place of destruction' which is not onlv derived from the verb ci7t6MUllt,
basically fits all occurrences in the Bible; but there' is also an allusion to the Greek
only in the NT is 'A!3aOOrov (Rev 9: 11) god -..Apollo who is a god of pestilence and
construed as a proper name. destruction; Aeschylus already (Agam. 1028.
II. Though the religions of the ancient 1081; cf. Plato. Krat. 404e.405e) connects
Near East know a considerable number of the god's name with this verb. Thus
deities and demons relating to the nether- 'A!3aOOrov or 'A1tOMurov can be seen as a
world, there occurs no divine name of such demon who brings destruction and whose
a being which can be derived from the root realm is the underworld.
)80. In the OT 'iibaddon occurs six times in The explicit use of 'abaddon for a de-
Wisdom literature mostly meaning 'place of monic being is rare, as it is used mainly 3.<;
destruction'. Thus in Prov 15: II; 27:20 and the name of a place. Maybe two occurrences
Job 26:6 we find it in parallelism to se'(j/ of the word are secondarily open to personi-
('underworld'; -"Sheol), while in Ps 88: 12 fication: Prov 27:20 tells us that Abaddon
'iibaddoll occurs in parallelism with qeber cannot be satiated; this anthropomorphous
('grave'). When 'abaddon occurs without a diction may be a slight hint of Abaddon's
parallel noun, as in Job 31: 12, its reference demonic chamcter. Also Job 26:5-6 is to be
is topographical. It is this locative aspect mentioned once more: In Job's speech, the
which can also be seen in the writings from shades in the underworld tremble before
Qumran (e.g. IQH 3:16.I9.32):partly again God and there is no shelter to cover Abad-
in parallel with s~'Ol. In the Babylonian Tal- don. Thus it is perhaps not too speculative
mud (Er 19a) it is given as the second of the to 3.o;sume that Abaddon is not only a place
seven names of Gehenna. of destruction but also a demon of destruc-
The mythological implications of Abad- tion. But on the whole Abaddon's role as a
don come to the fore in Job 28:22: 'iibaddoll demon certainly does not figure prominently
and mower ('death', --Mot) are both re- in the Bible-though the OT is aware of
ferred to as personified beings who can such underworldly beings.
speak and hear. This is the biblical starting III. Bibliography
point for speculations lIbout 'libadd(j" as a J. JEREMIAS. 'A~aoowv, nVNT 1 (1933) 4;
separate entity, as the realm of an --angel of A. OEPKE, 'A1tOMUrov, nVNT I (1933)
death and the netherworld. We can mention, 396; B. OTZEN, i:JK 'iibad. nVAT I (1970-
from Apoc. Zeph. 10:3, the --angel Eremiel 1973) 20-24.
who resides in the underworld where all the
M. HUlTER
souls are locked in; also J Enoch 20:2 is
comparable to this idea of a personified
angel of the 'abaddbn. This is also the ABBA -- FATHER

1
ABEL - ABOMINATION

ABEL ?~i1 of the Testamem of Abraham, Abel is


I. Abel is a novelistic figure in Gen 4. depicted as the "sun-like angel, who holds
His name is etymologically related to hebel thc balancc" (0 iiYYEAo; 0 tiAl6~op¢l0~ 6 tOY
'breath; nullity; vapor' (-'Vanities). He has ~Vyov K'ottXc.ov). As son of thc fIrst born in
been related to the personal name e-bil II history, Abel is sitting as judge in heaven
'd-bi/ in texts from Ebla. Within the para- and he will judge the entire creation (T. Abr.
digm that the antediluvian patriarchs were B XnI:I-3; cf. FOSSUM 1985:276-277;
demigods or at least heroes, GORDON seems MACH 1992: I98, who wrongly quotes the
to suggest that Abel was a deity in Ebla pa.~sage as T.Abr. B 10.8f). In the shorter
(1988: I54). In a later Jewish Hellenistic rccension of the Testament of Abraham,
speculation Abel is seen as a judging Abel is seen only a.~ an angel (T. Abr. A.
-angel. XI:2). A relation with the angel Hibil known
II. The texts referred to by Gordon point as a demiurgc in Mandaic sources cannot be
to a person called *Ebil and not to a deity. excluded (FOSSUM 1985:262-263).
The name e-bil (MEE I 338 s.v. e-bil; MEE IV. Bibliography
II 12 r. ii:6; II 7 r. i:6) is not preceded by J. E. FOSSUM, The Name of God alld the
the detenninative for a deity. The name Allgel of the Lord. Samaritan and Jewish
belongs to a human being, as the addition Concepts of Imen"ediatioll alld the Origill
LV dra-sa-ap shows (MEE I 12 r. ii:6). So of Gnosticism (WUNT 36; TUbingen 1985);
the antediluvian Abel cannot be interpretcd C. H. GORDON, Notcs on Proper Namcs in
as a deity. the Ebla Tablets, in: Eblaite Personal
fiI. In the OT Abel occurs only in Gen Names and Semitic Name-giving (A. Archi
4:2.4.8-9.25. His name is dcrived from the ed.; ARES I; Roma 1988) 153- I58; R. S.
noun heber 'breath' (SEYBOLD 1974:337; HESS, Sllldies in the Personal Names of
HESS 1993) indicating that he is a person Genesis I-II (AOAT 234; Neukirchen-
with a transient charncter. A connection with Vluyn 1993) 27-28.223-225; M. MACH, Em-
Akk ibilll and Arab ~ibil 'camel' (HALAT wickillngsstadien des jiidischen Engel-
227) is less probable. g/allbens ill \'orrabbinischer Zeit (TSAJ 34;
In the Epistle to the Hebrews, Abel is TGbingen 1992); K. SEYBOLD. ";;:J htrbcel,
seen as one of the 'heroes of faith' (Heb nVAT2 (1974) 334-343.
11:4): "By faith Abel offered unto God a
B. BECKING
more excellent sacrifice than -'Cain". The
author of this letter refers to the question
why Cain's sacrifice was rejected and ABo~nNA TION rIpe
Abel's accepted. This problem is discussed I. The singular noun Jiqqti~ 'abomin-
in some Hcllenistic-Jewish and Rabbinic ation' as a dysphemism meaning 'god, god-
sources too: Josephus, Am. I, 53-54 (God dcss' appears seven times in the Masoretic
had more pleasure in animals linkcd with text of Hebrew Scripture. This tcnn rcfers
nature than in fruits as the product of cultu- respectively to (a) -·Milcom, the chief god
re); Philo, De sacrijiciis Abelis et Caini; Tg. of the Ammonites (I Kgs 11:5, 7); (b)
Ps.-J. Gen 4:8; T. Sota 4, I9 (here Cain is -'Chemosh, the chief god of Moab (I Kgs
listed among the ungodly). Thc Greck trans- 11:5; 23:18); (c) Ashtoreth (-·Astartc), thc
lation of Theodotion offers an independent chief goddess of the Sidonians (2 Kgs 11:5,
interpretation according to which fire came 7); and (d) thc abomination of desolation
down from heaven to consume Abel's (Jiqqu$ mesomem, Gk potA\J)'~O £PTlJ.l<OOE~.
sacrifice but not Cain's. Another passage Dan I 1:3 I; 12: I), which most modern inter-
from the Epistle to the Hebrews interprets preters idcntify with the statue of -.Zcus
the blood of Abel in christological tcnns Olympios which Antiochus IV Epiphanes
(Heb 12:24). set up in the Temple of the LORD
In a throne vision in the longer reccnsion (-·Yahweh) at Jerusalem on Dccember 6th

2
ABRAHAM

in the year 167 nCE. It is genernlly agreed DILELL\, Daniel (AB 23; Garden City
that the reading siqqu$/m me.Mmbn is the 1978); 1. MILGROM. Two Priestly Terms:
result of dittogrnphy and that the original seqe~ and tame', Tarbi:; 60 (1991) 423-428.
and correct reading should be here also
siqqu$ mesomem, Le., 'abomination (singu- M. I. GRUBER
lar) of desolation'.
It is likewise genernlly agreed that the ABRAHAM Ojij:::l~
latter designation of Zeus Olympios is a I. The 'original' name of the patriarch
play upon -. Baal shamem, 'Lord of 'abram belongs to the common stock of
heaven" which is the Phoenician title of West Semitic names known since the begin-
both Canaanite -·Hadad and Greek Zeus, ning of the second millennium BCE. It is a
who were perceived to be the same deity contrncted fornl of 'iibiram (HALAT 9; DE
under different names just as, mlllatis VAUX 1968:11; I Kgs 16:32; Num 16:1;
mutandis, modem Muslims, Christians and 26:9; Ps 106:17), written abnn in Ugarit
Jews perceive Allah, Jehovah, and Adonai (KTU 4.352:2,4 = IA-bi-ra-mul;; PRU 3,20;
as different names for the same deity. 5,85:10: 107:8, cf. also Mari, H. B. HUFF-
The plural siqqii\~/m, 'abominations', MO:-.1, Amorite Personal Names in the Mari
refers to unspecified deities other than the TeXIs [Baltimore 1965] 5), 'bnn in Elephan-
LORD and their respective cult statues in tine (E. SAClfAU, Aramiiische Papyms lind
Deut 29:16; Jer 7:30;16:18; 32:34; Ezek Ostraka aus einer Afilitlir-Kolonie ,u Ele-
5: 11; 7:20; 11 :21; 20:7, 8, 30; 37:23. Only phantine [Leipzig 1911] no. 75/1 11.8). It
in Zcch 9:7 and Isa 66:3 is the plural occurs perhaps also in the toponym pI ~/qr
Jiqqi4im employed in the sense of seqa$im, Jbrm 'the fortress of Abrnm' mentioned in
'non-kosher foods'. In Hos 9: 10 the term the Sheshonq-Iist (J. SIMONS, Handbook of
means 'disgusting people'. and it refers to Egyptian Topographical Lists [Leiden 1973]
the Israelites who through licentious beha- XXXIV:71-72; MEYER 1906:266; Y. AHA-
viour with the Midianite women were enti- RONI, The Land of the Bible (London 19792]
ced into worship of -Baal of Peor (ef. Num 328; pace M. NOTH, Die Schoschenkliste,
25:3-5). In Nah 3:6 the noun siqqii$im refers ZDPV 61 [1938] 291-292 = Aufslitze ;'lIr
to disgusting objects (possibly excrements) biblischen Landes- IIl1d AltertulI1skullde 2
which God promises to throw at personified led. H. W. Wolff: Neukirchen Vluyn 1971]
Nineveh in order to bespatter the city which 83-84), but identification with biblical Abrn-
had until now attracted the admirntion of all ham remains extremely uncertain. 'AbraJuim
the world with her charms. is an extended form of 'abram. The exten-
Unquestionably. referring to deities and sion is rather due to reverence and distinc-
their cult objects as Jiqq('$'m. whose pri- tion than dialectic variance. In historical
mary meaning is 'disgusting object~·. was times, tradition-eonfirmed by folkloristic
meant to repel Isrnelites, who might other- etymology (Gen 17:5; Neh 9:7)-knew the
wise be tempted to worship prohibited de- patriach only by his name 'abraJuim (Mic
ities. In the same way, Lev 18 assens that 7:20; Ps 47:10 etc.).
various types of sexual relations, which II. At one time the patriarchs were inter-
some persons might perceive to be alterna- preted as local Canaanite deities (LUTHER
tive lifestyles. are so repulsive that they 1901; MEYER 1906, cf. WEIDMANN 1968:
make even the personified land of Israel 89·94) or in terms of a~tral myth (GoLD-
vomit. ZIHER 1876:109-110, 122, 182-183: JERE-
II. Bibliograph)' MIAS 1906), panicularly Abrnham. since he
R. GALATZER-LEVY & M. I. GRUBER, What wac; associated with centres of the Meso-
an Affect Means: A Quasi-Experiment about potamian -moon cult (Ur and -Haran).
Disgust, The A1Inual of Psychoanalysis 20 -Sarah was equated with the moon-goddess
(1992) 69-92; L. F. HARTMAN & A. A. and Abraham's father -Terah with the

3
ABRAHAM

moon (= Yerah). Though in biblical tradi- around Hebron (ALT, KS I, 54-55: JEPSEN
tion, there are allusions to the ancient cults 1953-54: 144, 149).
of Abraham's place of origin (Josh 24:2), III. Pre-Judaean ·traditions about Abra-
mythological interpretation of the Abraham- ham were kept and fostered by the clan of
cycle plays no role in recent discussion. Caleb, the Kenizite, who settled and lived at
Still, the religio-historical role of father Hebron (Josh 14:6.13-15; 15:13-19 = Judg
Abraham as the most venerated ancestor and I: I0-15.20) before they merged with the
saint of Judaism, Christianity and Islam Judaean confederation. At the sanctuary in
(Man 3:9; 8:6, Luke 16:22-23; John 8:39 Mamre-Hebron, Abraham was 'a father of
etc.; Str-B I 116-121; III 186-201; JEREMIAS many nations' as early as the emergence of
1958; BUSSE 1988:81-92) and his mythic the monarchy. At the end of the second mil-
image as -Rock, i.e. begetter, (Isa 51:1) is lennium BCE at least two tribal federations,
of interest. This latter veneration of 'Father the Judaean Israelites and the Ishmaelites
Abraham' may derive from an early claimed Abraham a~ one of their ancestors.
Israelite, viz. Canaanite ancestral cult of It is not until the end of the monarchic
Abraham at Machpelah (~Cybcle) (WEID- period, however, that in Judaean-Israelite
MANN 1968: 27-30; LoRETZ 1978:192). tradition 'our father' Abraham emerges out
Recent scholarship has become increas- of the shadow of Jacob (Isa 29:23: Mic
ingly sceptical about the historicity of 7:20), probably because of his more 'ecu-
Abraham and the patriarchal era (fHOMPS- menical' chamcter Oer 33:26: Ezek 33:24;
ON 1974; VAN SETERS 1975; BLUM Isa 41:8: 51:2: 63:16: VAN DER MERWE
1984:491-506; K~CKERT 1988:300-323). 1956:90-101, 121-124). Pleas based on the
Tracing the origins of Abraham within the election of Abraham as friend and servant of
complicated traditions of the Pentateuch is God (resp. Isa 41 :8; 2 Chr 20:7; Jas 2:23; cf.
extremely difficult. Pentateuchal traditions Gen 26:24: Exod 32:13; Ps 105:42; also
picture him as the founder of a number of Koranic a/-bam, Surah 4: 125) and his
cult-places (Shechem -Thukamuna, Gen fathership of Israel may reflect a growing
12:6-7: -·Bethel, Oen 12:8: 13:3-4: Mamre, reverence for him as an ancestral saint and
Gen 13: 18; Beersheba, Gen 21 :23: Moriah I intercessor (Gcn 18:22-33: 20: 17; 23:6 [?]:
Jerusalem?, Gen 22:2; I Chron 3:1): he cf. Isa 63:15-16: Str-B I 116-121). Abra-
came either from Ur or from Haran in Mes- ham's image as a rock-begetter parallel to
opotamia (Gen II :27-32; 15:7): his pastoral Sarah as a childbearing rock-cleft (Isa 51: I)
and sedentary life is mainly concentrated in may even refer to the ancient cult-legend of
the environment of the· Negev (Beersheba, Machpelah (VAN UCHELEN 1968; pace
E) and/or Hebron (Mamre, JP) and he was FABRY, nVAT 4 1982-84:982). If so, it
buried in the cave of Machpelah (Gen 23: 1- would be the oldest reference to Machpelah
20, JP; 25:1-7, Pl. Traditio-historical oUL~ide the Pentateuch. From Gen 23: 1-20:
research basically agrees that his connec- 25:7-11 (P) it might be inferred that at the
tions with Haran, Shechem and Bethel arc least in early post-exilic times the motif of
of a secondary character and originated the patriarchal tomb had become established
when trndition identified Abraham as the in Israelite-Ishmaelite tradition. In this
father of Isaac and ancestor of the Northern period Hebron was no Judaean territory
tribes (-Jacob: NOTH 1948: 112-127). The (Neh II :25), but part of the hyparchy
trnditions of Mamre and the ancestral tomb Idumea (I Macc 6:65: ALT, KS 2, 327-329:
of Machpelah near Hebron possess, how- AHARONI 1979:416). Already at this stage
ever, a certain credibility. The tmditions the existence of Jewish and Idumaean
about Abraham. the Hebrew, who lived near pilgrimages seems to be implied and Jltb.
the -+Terebinths of the Amorite Mamre 22:3-4 and Josephus (Bell. IV 532) may
(Gen 14:13 with parallel accounts in Gen confirm this. The present edifice which
13:18; 14:18: 18:1; 23:1.19) suggest that the houses the epitaphs of the patriarchs and
cult of Abraham was originally at home their wives, the Haram cl-Khalil, is a work

4
ADAM

of Herodian architec(ure (JEREMIAS 1956; Patriarchen- und Elternehrung, Jahrbuc!J fiir


\VEIPPEKT, BRL2, 145 [& lit». It was Alllhropologie Imd Religiollsgeschiclrte 3
presumably built over a more modest shrine, (1978) 149-203; B. LunIER, Die israeli-
called byt 'brhm (Heb JlIb. 22:24; 23:6; DJD tischen Stmllme, ZAW 21 (1901) 1-76; Y.
III 269; lat baris Abraham) also known as MAG EN, Elonei Mamre. A Herodian Cult
byt hbrk 'house of the Blessed One' (3Q15 Site, QlIdmoniot 24 (1991) 46-55 [Hebr]; E.
Xli,S; Mur 43:2; LIPINSKI 1974:50-51). This MEYER, Die Israeliten ulld ihre Nach-
'house of Abraham/the Blessed One' is most barstiimmme (Halle 1906); B. J. VAN DER
probably not identical with the cult-place of MERWE, Pentateuchtradisies in die Pre-
Mamre, which at present is located at Ramat diking mn Delllerojesaja (Groningen 1956);
aI-Khalil, 3 km. nonh of Hebron (Bell. IV T. L. THmoIPSON, Tire Historicity of the
533; IQapGen XXI,19). Though Mamre is Patriarchal Narrati,'es (Berlin 1974); N. A.
nowhere mentioned explicitly outside Gen- VAN UCHELEN, Abraham als Felsen (Jes
esis, it was an ancient sanctuary and a centre 51,1), ZAW 80 (1968) 183-191; J. VAN
of pilgrimage (2 Sam 2:4; 5:3). According SETERS, Abraham in History and Tradition
to Josephus the ancient tercbinth, called (New Haven and London 1975); R. DE
Ogygcs was still shown there (Bel/. IV 533; V AUX, Die PatriarchenziiJrlll1Jgen Imd die
Ant. I 186). The place was destroyed by Geschichte (Stuttgart 1968); DE V AUX, His-
Hadrian after the Bar Kochba revolt and toire emdenne d'lsrael. Des origines ei
turned into a marketplace. Constantine built I'instal/ation en Canaan (Paris 1971); H.
a basilica inside the Herodian wall (So- \VEIDMANN, Die Patriarchen lind ihre Re-
zomenus, Hist. Eccl. II 4; JEREMIAS 1958; ligion im Licht der Forschll1rg seit Julills
WEIPPERT, BRL2, 145; MAG EN 1991). The Wel/hallse" (FRLANT 94; Goltingen 1968);
still impressive remains of both places and M. \VEIPPERT, Abraham der Hebraer?
the unbroken trndition testify (0 Abraham's Bemerkungen zu W. F. Albrights Deutung
religious significance as the father of all der Vater Israels, Bib 52 (1971) 407-432; C.
who are of the faith of Abraham (Rom WESTERMANN, Genesis 12-36 (BKAT 112;
4: 16), and to his ancestral cult, in the Haram Neukirchen 1981).
el-Khalil, still observed by Jews, Christians
M. DIJKSTRA
and Muslims (JEREMIAS 1958).
IV. Bibliography
E. BLUM, Die Komposition der Wiler- ADAM
Keschicllle (WMANT 57; Stuttgart 1984); I. In the Bible itself there are no traces
H. BUSSE, Die theologischell Bezit'hll1Jgell of trnditions that Adam was ever regarded as
des I.dams ZII Jlldelllum Imd Christelllum a divine or angelic being. For non-biblical
(Gnmdziige 72; Darmstadt 1988); I. GOLD- ANE material possibly relevant to Adam
ZillER, Der Mytlws bei den Hebraem Imd veneration the reader is referred to the
seine gescllichtliche £nrwickiling (Leipzig lemma -·Soil. Here only post-biblical mate-
1876: repro 1987); A. JEPSEN, Zur Oher- rial peninent to the motif of Adam's divine
lieferungsgeschichte der Vlitergestalten, WZ- or angelic status is dealt with.
Leipzig 2/3 (1953-54) 267-281 = FS ALT II. Some passages in early rnbbinic lite-
(Leipzig 1953-54) 139-155; A. JEREMIAS, rature testify to the existence of 'heretics'
Das A/te Testamellt 1m Lichte des a/tell (mi"im) that held that Adam had acted as
Orients (Leipzig 1906); J. JEREMIAS, Hei- God's associate in creation or as his pleni-
Iigengriiber in Jesll Umwelt (Gottingen potentiary (e.g., b.Sanlr. 38a: "Our rnbbis
1958) 90-100; M. KOCKERT, Viitagoll Imd taught: Adam was created [last of all beings]
Viilerverheissllngell (FRLANT 142; Got- on the eve of Sabbath. Why so? Lest the
tingen 1988); E. LIPINSKI, CAnaq-Kiryal minim should say: The Holy One, blessed be
)Arbac-Hcbron et ses sanctuaires tribaux, He, had a panner [sc. Adam] in His work of
vr 24 (1974) 41-55; O. LoRETZ, Vom creation"). Gnostic sources seem to con finn
kanaanaischen Totenkult zur jiidischen this when they speak of Adamas through

5
ADAT

whom everything came into being (FOSSUM LEM, Kabbalah (Jerusalem 1974); M. E.
1985:267). In other early Christian sources STONE, A History of the literature of Adam
the idea of Adam having been God's vicere- alld Eve (SBLEJL 3; Atlanta 1992).
gent crops up occasionally, especially in the
P. W. VAN DER HORST
so-called Adam Iiternture (sec, e.g., the
Cave of the Treasure; further STONE 1992).
Philo's distinction between the heavenly ADAT ili~
Man of Gen I:27 and the earthly man of I. The Ugaritic male title adn (-'Lord)
Gen 2:7 may have been one of the tributa- for god and men has a female counterpart:
ries to the development of this motif (Opij. adt « *adatttl < *adiintll ). EISSFELDT
mllndi 134 ct al.). In 2 Enoch 30: 11-12 (1939) proposed to read in the lament Jer
(long recension) God says: "On the earth I 22: 18 we/roy ~iidiit, 'oh, Mistress', implying
assigned him [Adam] to be a second angel, that a female deity is invoked.
honoured and great and glorious. I assigned II. At Ugarit, adt occurs as the female
him to be a king, to reign on the earth and counterpart to adn. adt is not only used to
to have my wisdom. There was nothing indicate the Ugaritic queen-mother, but also
comparable to him on the earth, not even the mother-goddess as can be inferred from
among my creatures that exist [the angels]." names like bll adt)' = DUMU a-da-ta-ya
But the Testamellt ofAbraham ch. 8 (rec. B) (PRU VI, 83 iv: II); fA-da-ti-ya (PRU III,
goes a step further when identifying Adam p.114:29); tbdadt = l'}R-a-da-te (F. GRl)N-
with a Kavod-Iike (-·Glory) Man in heaven, DAHL, Die Personennamen der Texte ails
"sitting upon a throne of great glory" at the Ugarit [StP 1; Roma 1967] 45.90; KTU
gates of Parndise, encircled by a multitude 3.3:12; PRU VI, 79:19,185:2'); hyadt (PRU
of angels and looking at the many souls II, 47:22); fS,1m-a-da-te (PRU VI, 107:6);
being led to destruction and the few souls [f]Um-mi-a-da-te (PRU V. 107:7). The title
being led to life. "Adam is enthroned in 'dt, 'mistress', is attested in Phoenicia for
heaven as the Glory at the end of time" BaCalat of Byblos (KAI 6:2; 7:4) and for
(FOSSUM 1985:276). The description of -Astarte (KAI 29:2). In a protD-sinaitic
Adam as a "wondrous man," "adorned in inscription from Sernbit el-Khadim -'Baalat
such glory," with a "terrifying appemnce, (= -·Hathor) is given this epitheton (CPSI
like that of the Lord" (Test. Abr. II, rec. A) No. 37). It also occurs in Palmyra (J.
clearly recalls Ezekiel's vision in ch. I. It CANTINEAU, S\'ria 17 [1936] 334-335;
would seem that in certain circles with mys- NOTH 1937:345). Finally, the Egyptian-
tical inclinations God's Glory, the Heavenly Asiatic female personal name 'dwrw (Papy-
Man, and Adam merged into one angelic rus Brooklyn 35.1446 vs 15a; SCHNEIDER
figure. On the development of this idea in 1987:264) must be noted. In Aramaic
later Kabbalistic circles see SCIIOLEM 1974 inscriptions the title mr(~)tlmiiri1t (= -. Atar-
(Reg., s.v.). The implication that all this gatis?) is used next to miirii~, 'lord', more
may have for the study of New Testament than once (DISO 166-167: KA/242).
christology is a matter of debate. III. It is not settled whether or not the
III. Bibliography female title 'mistress' for the divine occurs
J. E. FOSSUM, The Name of God and the in the Old Testament. EJSSFELDT (1938:489;
Angel of the Lord. Samaritan and Jewish cf. HALA T 12. 231) proposed to read in the
Concepts of Intenllediation and the Origin lament Jer 22: 18 weho)' 'adat, 'oh, Mis-
of Gnosticism (WUNT 36; TUbingen 1985) tress', (parnllel to 'a~lot in the preceding
266-291; *Pu. B. MUNOA, FOllr Powers ill colon), though the masoretic text, wehay
Heaven: The IlIlcrpretation of Dalliel 7 in hodo, 'oh, his majesty', is rnther clear (but
the Testament of Abraham (Sheffield 1998), see W. L. HOLLADAY, Jeremiah I [Phil-
esp. 82-112; A. F. SEGAL, Two Powers in adelphia 1986] 592, 597). The only indica-
Heaven (SJLA 25; Leiden 1977); G. SCHO- tion that the title was known in an Isrnelite

6
ADDIRIM - ADONIS

context is found in a Judaean seal belonging Cyprus (or of Assyria/Syria). He divides his
to a woman: 'df '~r pJ~r (TIGAY 1986:65). time between the realm of the living and the
Ugaritic and Palmyrene parallels suggest her underworld. Central themes in the myths
name (and perhaps the woman) to be of about Adonis are Aphrodite's love for him,
foreign origin. If she was Israelite, her name and his premature and shameful death; he
reflects either the existence of the cult of a was killed by a wild boar while hunting. His
female deity like -Asherah in Judah or it love and death are the subject of the Adonia
was used despite its original non-Israelite festivals celebrated in classical Athens, in
character like e.g. Aramaic Martha who is Ptolemaic Alexandria and in the Roman
attested in Jewish contexts (D/SO 166; world. In addition to a ritual mourning, there
TIGAY 1986:71). were other rites varying with each locality
IV. Bibliography and period. The Athenian celebrations (5th-
O. EISSFELDT, Neue Belege fUr niK "Her- 4th century BCE) were a private festival;
rin". OU 40 (1947) 345-346; M. NOTH, they were characterized by the high numbers
Zum phonizischen niK, OU 31 (1938) 553- of women participating, their atmosphere of
558; T. SCHNEIDER, Die semitischen und frolic and licentiousness. and their ritual
agyptischen Namen der syrischen Sklaven mourning. One of the chief items on the
des Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446 Verso, UF agenda was the preparation of the 'Adonis
19 (1987) 255-282; J. H. TIGAY, You Shall gardens', i.e. small earthenware pots in
Have No Other Gods (HSS 31; Atlanta which seeds of cereals and vegetables had
1986). been planted; these began to sprout within a
week. and were then left on the roofs under
M. DUKSTRA the summer sun. The miniature 'gardens',
with seeds blooming in the dog-days and
ADDIRIM -. NOBLE ONES wilting as soon as they sprouted, were
regarded a.~ a symbol of an unfruitful agri-
ADON - LORD culture; they were thought to represent the
opposite of the nonnal cycle of seasons
ADONAY-·LORD;YAHWEH (e.g., Plato, Phaedms 276 B; Simplicius, ;n
Phys. VII 4). Likewise Adonis, beautiful and
ADONIS -AOooVlC; young but inefficient as a hunter, was
I. Adonis (originally 'Lord', sec deemed a paragon of anti-heroic behaviour.
Hesychius s.v.) is a hero of classical mythol- A young lover of deities who reigned over
ogy, beloved by -Aphrodite and Persepho- opposite realms, Aphrodite over the earth
ne. He has been identified with a Phoenician and Persephone over the underworld, Ado-
god in Byblos who is referred to as d DA. MU nis was in many ways the opposite of the
in the Amarna letters. The divine name positive sides of matrimony and manliness.
Adon;s occurs in Vulg Version of Ezek 8:14 The private Athenian worship of Adonis by
instead of VL and LXX TlIammuz.. As concubines and prostitutes contrasts with the
~emdar mUi'm, 'Darling of women'. Adonis public worship of -Demeter by wives and
occurs possibly in Dan 11:37. References to mothers. On account of the intrusion of such
his cult are perhaps also to be found in some idiosyncratic values, the cult of the Greek
chapters of Isaiah. Adonis marks a crisis in the city ideology. It
II. According to classical tradition (e.g. is to be viewed as such rather than as a cos-
Anton. Liber. 34; Apollod. m 14,3-4; Ovid, mic drama involving the death of a god
Meram. X 298-739; Hygin., Fab. 58), (DETIENNE 1989).
Adonis was born from an incestuous union A 4th century BCE inscription from
between the heroine Myrrha, who had in- Athens (lG 11 2 1261) allows Cypriots in the
curred the displeasure of Aphrodite, and her city to celebrate the Adonis festival 'accord-
own father Kinyras (or Thcias), king of ing to the customs of their homeland'-

7
ADONIS

which shows that the rites varied locally. Adonis in Byblos continued the worship of a
According to the account of Cyril of Phoenician -'Baal', conceived as a dying
Alexandria (in Isa. 18: 1-2; 4th-5th century and rising god. This god was not merely a
CE), the Adonis festival was a show per- spring deity or a vegetation spirit, as Frazer
fonned in the sanctuaries by a chorus and believed, but an important city god compar-
by singers commemorating Aphrodite's able to -Melqart in Tyre and -Eshmun in
journey to the nether world in search of her Sidon. Honoured as king of his city, and
lover. According to Theocritus, however heir of the ancient Syrian cult of royal an-
(Idyll. 15; 4th-3rd century BCE), the Alexan- cestors, he was worshipped by the periodical
drinian Adonis festival was celebrated in the celebration of his death and access to divine
royal palace. The first day the participants life. In fact, the classical tradition about the
celebrated the union between the two lovers, hero Adonis may well go back, ultimately,
represented in the course of a banquet under to a Syro-Palestinian model. The latter was
a kiosk of dill stems and surrounded by often designated by a title (Baal, Adon)
fruits, delightful gardens, pots of perfumes instead of a proper name. Finally, we must
and a big variety of cakes. On the second remember that in the 2nd century CE a
day the epithalamium gave way to a lament temple was built for Adonis in Dura Euro-
as the worshippers gathered for a funeral pos, on the - Euphrates, where he was wor-
procession to cany the image of Adonis to shipped, perhaps together with the goddess
the seashore. The Adonis celebrations at - Atargatis (RIBICIIINI 1981: 166-167).
Byblos, on the Phoenician coast, described III. In the Vulgate version of Ezek 8: 14
in pseudo-Lucian's De Syria Dea 6-9 (2nd the name of Adonis is used to render Heb
century CE) were perfonned in the great Tammfiz and Gk ea~~ou~ (-·Tammuz), for
temple of Aphrodite (-Astarte). Legend has whom women were weeping in the temple
it that the beginning of the rites was sig- of Jerusalem. It is possible that the reference
nalled by the arrival of a message sent by is indeed to the Mesopotamian Tammuz
the women of Alexandria and carried by the whose cult was accepted by exiled Judaeans
waves to the harbour of the Poenician town, (EISSFELDT 1970:21; DELCOR 1978:378).
to the effect that Aphrodite had found The Alexandrian translators of LXX did not
Adonis. Occurring at about the same time of bother to identify the god with Adonis,
year, the reddening of the Adonis river whose name and cult must have been known
which sprung from Mt. -Lebanon, was in Egypt, but arc satisfied to transcribe Tam-
interpreted as a token of Adonis' death (De muz's name from Hebrew to Greek. Only in
Syria Dea 6-7; cf. Cyril, in Isa. 18: 1-2.). the 3rd century CE is the identification of
The festival consisted of a period of general Greek Adonis with the Hebrew and Syriac
mourning, followed by the joyful proclama- Tammuz explicitly made (see Origen, Sel. in
tion that 'Adonis continues to live' beyond Ezek 8:13-14). The cult of the Mesopotam-
death. There is no reference to 'Adonis gar- ian god was considered to resemble that of
dens'. The hero received sacrifices 'as if he Canaanaite BaaUAdon (RIDICHINI 1981: 181-
were dead', women offered up some of their 192; loREn, in Adonis. Relazioni ..., 32).
hair or engaged in sacral prostitution, and The similarity was also noted by other exe-
the celebrations ended on a note of cheerful- getes (Jerome, in Ezek. 8: 14 and Ep. 58:3
ness. [about mourning rites for Tammu7JAdonis
According to local exegesis (quoted by in Bethlehem]; Cyril of Alex., i1l Isa. 18: 1-2
the author of De Syria Dea, cit.), the Adonis and in Hos. 4:15; Theodoret, i1l Ezek. 8:14;
of Byblos was a model of the Egyptian Procopius Gaz., in Isa 18: 1-7; Chronico1l
-Osiris, Le. a great dying god of cosmic Paschale 130 [PO 92, 329]; see also W.
significance. Moreover, since Strabo (XVI BAUDISSIN, Adonis lind Eshmlln [Leipzig
2,18) aUests that Byblos was dedicated to 1911],94-97,352-54). There was some con-
Adonis he must indeed have been a god of fusion between the Greek Adonis and the
high rank. It is probable that the cult of oriental Tammuz, also in later Syriac

8
ADRAMMELECH

sources (see esp. Isaac Antioch.• XXV 125- year; first. they weep for him as if he had
126; Theodore Bar Koni, Lib. sehol. I [ed. ceased to live; then they rejoice for him as if
Scher; Paris 191O} 204-205, 312-31; Melit., he had risen from the dead. But those who
Or. ad AnIon. Caes., 5 ; Ishodad of Merv, claim to be specialists in the interpretation
Bar Bahlul. Bar Hebraeus, etc.). of Greek mythology and so-called mythical
Some commentators have taken the theology affirm that Adonis symbolizes the
mention of the "one desired by women" in fruits of the earth: men weep when they sow
Dan II :37 (combated by Antiochus Epi- the seeds. but the seeds grow and. by their
phanes) ao; an allusion to the cult of Adonis. growth. give joy to those who work the
·thrice-beloved'. according to Theocritus land". In fact, a 'resurrection' of Adonis. in
(XV 86) and Hippolytus (Ref haer. 5:9). the CUllo; celebrated in the Near East. is clear-
Yet there is not the slightest evidence in the ly testified to not only by Origen. but also
historical records that Antiochus ever op- by Procopius. Cyril and Jerome. In several
posed the cult of Adonis. The expression other literary sources. moreover. Adonis is
~Iemdal mUim could mean simply 'the love said to be a symbol of the ripe and cut grain
of women' or. better. 'the desire of women'; and contrasts with Attis as a symbol of
then perhaps it merely points to the cruelty spring flowers (Porphyry. Imag. 7 in Eus.,
Antiochus showed toward all women he wao; P. E. III 11.12;13.14; Ammianus Marc. XIX
sexually involved with. 1.11; XXII 9.15). Note. finally. that the syn-
Echoes of an Adonis ritual have also cretism with other heroic or divine figures.
been found in the oracle against Moab in Isa by Greek and Latin authors. includes the
15 (BONNET 1987): some scholars believe identification of Adonis with Attis. Osiris.
that Isa 17: 10-11 denounces the tending of Pygmaion. -+Dionysos. etc.; he is also
miniature gardens for Adonis; the Hebrew termed Gingras. Aoios. Gauas, Kirris. Itaios,
expression nire natamtillim ('pleasant Pherekles. and lends his name to a river
plants') could be understood as 'plants for (Nahr Ibrahim). a kind of flower (anemone).
the Pleasant One'. the 'Pleasant One' being fish. bird. song. and a metric verse.
Adonis. In a similar way Isa 1:29-30; 65:3 V. Bibliography
and 66: 17 have been said to contain *Adonis. Relaziolli del Colloquio in Roma
references to sacrifices and other rites 'in the (22-23 maggio /98/) (ed. S. Ribichini;
gardens' for Adonis (EtSSFELDT 1970: 19- Roma 1984); W. ATALLAH. AdOli is dans la
20; DELCOR 1978). These interpretations are lilleralllre el I'an grees (Paris 1966); G. J.
based on the hypothesis that the Adonis gar- BAUDY. Adonisgiinen. Studiell zur antiken
dens. well-known in the Graceo-Roman Samellsymbolik (Beitriige zur klassischen
world. continued an oriental (esp. Syro- Philologie 176; Frankfurt 1986); P.L. VAN
Palestinian) tradition (cf. the Egyptian 'beds BERG. Corpus elllllls Deae S)'riae. 2 vols.
of Osiris', or the Syro-Palestinian cultic (Leiden 1972): C. BONNET. Echos d'un ri-
practices in the gardens). This would mean tuel de type adonidien dans l' oracle contre
that gardens were regarded as suitable Moab d'lsai'e (Isai'e, 15). SEL 4 (1987) 101-
places for ritual mournings for Baal. sym- 119; J. N. BREMMER. Onder de parfum. in
bolizing fertility and revival (see XELLA. in de sla. tussen de vrouwen: Adonis en de
Adonis. Relazioni.... 110-111, for the anal- Adonia. Hennenells 59 (1987) 181-187; M.
ogies between the Greek and biblical pol- DELcoR. Le probleme des jardins d'Adonis
emics about this cult). dans Isa'ie 17.9-11 a la lumi~re de la civili-
IV. In the 3rd century CEo Origen (Sel. ill sation syro-ph~nicienne. Syria 55 ( 1978)
Ezek. 8: 14) sums up the exegesis of Adonis 371-394; *M. DETIENNE. us jardins d'Ado-
that was current in his days (see DE VAUX nis. 2nd ed. (Paris 1989); R. DE VAUX. The
1971): "The god whom the Greeks called Bible and the Ancient Near East (Garden
Adonis is called Tammuz by the Jews and City. NY. 1971) 210-237: ·0. EISSFELDT.
the Syrians. as they say. It seems that cer- Adonis und Adonaj (Berlin 1970): O.
tain sacred ceremonies are practised each LoRETZ. Vom Baal-Epitheton adn zu Ado-

9
ADRAMMELECH

nis und Adonaj, UF 12 (1980) 287-292; G. be read Dada or Dadda, caritative forms of
PICCALUGA, Adonis, i cacciatori falliti e Adad (OrSu 33-35 [1984-1986] 313-316).
I'avvento dell'agricoltura, 1/ mito greeo (ed. Moreover, the divine name would appear in
B. Gentili & G. Paione; Roma 1977) 33-48; West Semitic as Hadad, hdd. If the Sephar-
S. RIBICHlNI, Adonis. Aspelli 'orientali' di vites were of Aramean or Phoenician origin,
,m mito greeo (StSem 55; Roma 1981); N. it is very unlikely that the name of their god
ROBERTSON, The Ritual Background of the would have lost its initial h. unless the
Dying God in Cyprus and Syro-Palestine, Hebrew authors of Kings copied the infor-
HTR 75 (1982) 313-359; B. SOYEZ, Byblos mation from a cuneiform text in Babylonian,
et /a fere des Adollies (Leiden 1977); B. which would not express it.
SOYEZ, Adonis, liMe I. 222-229; R. TUR- The Hebrew Text's reading is a perfectly
CAN, uS eu/tes orlentGlee dalls /e monde acceptable West Semitic fonn, best recon-
romaill (Paris 1989) 142-146; P. WELTEN, structed as ~addir-me/ek 'the glorious one is
Bethlehem und die Klage urn Adonis, ZDPV king'. The adjective occurs in Ugaritic and
99 (1983) 189-203; E. WILL. Adonis chez in Phoenician. It is a title of -·Baal in a 6th
les Grecs avant Alexandre. Transeuphratene century BCE inscription from Byblos (KAI 9
12 (1996) 65-72. B5). On founh century coins of Byblos a
local king is named ~dnll/k (PECKHAM
S. RIBICHINI 1968:47-50). However. the root is absent
from Aramaic. indicating a Canaanite or
ADRAMMELECH l',oiiK Phoenician origin for this deity. The move-
I. Adrammelech IS a god worshipped ment of peoples and their cults by natural
by the people of Sepharvaim whom the processes of migration and trade, as well as
Assyrians settled in Samaria, coupled with Assyrian deponations. could have brought a
-+Anammelech, 2 Kgs 17:31. group of worshippers to Babylonia, only for
II. No attempt to identify Sepharvaim or their descendants to be transplanted to
its deities has yet commanded general Samaria (see in general B. ODED, Mass
acceptance. An interesting proposal has been Deponatiolls and Deportees in the Neo-
produced by ZADOK (1976). Building on a Assyriall Empire [Wiesbaden 1979]).
study by DRIVER (1958) he argued that the III. The Sepharvites honoured Adram-
place was Assyrian Saparre. Babylonian melech and his companion Anarnmelech by
Sipirani. from a putative Siprayn, situated in burning their children (2 Kgs 17:31). The
Chaldaea, south of Nippur. Its inhabitant'i expression siirap (bii'es), 'to bum (in/with
could have revered gods with West Semitic fire)'. has been interpreted as reflecting the
names. Yet a location in Syria also deserves deuteronomistic polemics against foreign
serious consideration, in view of the fact deities (e.g. WEINFELD 1972). This view.
that Sepharvaim is mentioned after Hamath however, has been seriously challenged (e.g.
and Arpad in both 2 Kgs 18:34 and 19: 13 by KAISER 1976). Both Adrammelech and
(DAY 1989:46). Anammelech may be seen as aspects of
Since P. JENSEN proposed the minor -·Molech whose worship involved similar
emendation from ~dr to ~dd (ZA 13 [1898] action. So long as no infonnation about
333 n.I). many scholars have accepted these gods or their home is available from
Adadmelech as a form of Hadad-melcch, other ancient Near Eastern sources, it is
-+'Hadad is king'. encouraged by the read- impossible to clarify the biblical references
ing of Adad-milki in cuneiform sources (so funher.
J. A. MONTGOMERY & H. S. GEHMAN. The deity Adrammelech should not be
Killgs [Edinburgh 1951] 476; DRIVER 1958; confused with the character Adrammelech,
M. COGAN & H. TAm.tOR, /I Kings [New the murderer of Sennacherib (2 Kgs 19:37;
York 1988] 212). Now the suppon has Isa 37:38; -'Mulissu).
disappeared since O. PEDERStN has shown IV. Bibliography
that the signs read Adad-milki are simply to B. BECKING, The Fall of Samaria. An His-

10
AENEAS

torical alld Archaeological Sllldy (SHANE tory is played by the development of the
2; Leiden 1992) 99-102; J. DAY. Moleeh: A myth that Aeneas' arrival in Italy led to the
God of Hllmall Saeifiee in the Old Testamellt foundation of Rome. Though clements may
(Cambridge 1989) 41-46; G. R. DRIVER, go back to Stesichoros in the 6th century
Geographical Problems. ErJ.'ir 5 (1958) 16- BCE (GALINSKY 1969:106-13; OGILVIE 1965:
20; O. KAISER. Dcr Erstgeborene deiner 33, but cf. PERRET 1942:849), by the 5th
Sohne sollst du mir geben. DClIkellder century it was accepted (GAUNS....' " 1969:
Glallbe (FS C. H. RaL<>chow; cd. O. Kaiser; 77.103) that Trojans had reached Sicily
BerlinINew York 1976) 24-48; B. PECK- (Thucydides 6, 2, 3) and that Aeneas had
IIA~I. 77,e Developmellt of the ulte PllOeni- founded Rome (Hellanikos, FGH 4F84).
ciall Scripts (HSS 20; Cambridge. Mass. This migration of the myth may be traceable
1968); M. WEINFELD. The Worship of to the western interests and westward move-
Molech and the Queen of Heaven and its ments of Phokaians in the 7th and 6th cen-
Background. UF 4 (1972) 133-154; R. turies BCE and, in panicular, their associ-
ZADOK, Geographical and Onomastic Notes. ation with the Etruscans (B~~IER 1951:
JANES 8 (1976) 114-126. 36-9). The theme was cenainly securely
established in Roman literary tradition long
A. R. MILLARD before Virgil's definitive presentation in his
Aelleid. His epic depicts Aeneas as a man of
AENEAS AhiagAlvEia; exemplary piety towards the gods (as in his
I. Aeneas. already a prominent Trojan emblematic rescue of the holies from Troy).
hero in Homer's lIiad. is best known to us towards his family (as in his emblematic
as the central figure of Virgil's Aelleid. rescue of Anchises from Troy, carried on his
whose task it is to create the Roman identity shoulders) and towards his people. The char-
and destiny. His name occurs as that of the acter of Aeneas is instrumental in Virgil's
paralysed man cured by Peter at Acts 9:33- presentation of a Roman mission to rule the
34. The name appears to be Greek, based on world with civilised imperialism, reflecting
the root for 'praisc' (aiv-). The form Ainea... the regime of Augustus and its claim to
(as at Acts 9:33), as opposed to Aineia.'i, is moral authority after the collapse of the
originally the Doric dialect form according Roman state into civil war (49-31 BCE).
to PAJ>E-BENSELER 1884 s.v.; the Latin is in III. It may seem curious that so elevated
either case Aeneas. a name should be assigned to the cripple in
II. Aeneas, the son of lame Anchises Acts 9:33-34, but Greek culture-to which
and the Goddess -'Aphrodite (Venus), is the author of Acts belonged-was unlikely
presented as a member of a cadet branch of to have taken cognisance of a Latin text
the Trojan royal family and the most distin- such as Virgil's. It is best regarded as a
guished Trojan warrior other than Hektor. solid, traditional name dignified by its
He is specially favoured and protected in the bearer in Homeric epic (-Jason). Examples
lIiad, by -'Apollo, -·Poseidon and of course occur, if not overly frequently, throughout
Aphrodite. Poseidon is made to base this Greek history-for instance, a Corinthian
protection (Iliad 20:306-8) on a prophecy representative in Thucydides (4:119; 423
that Aeneas and his descendants will mle BCE), or an Arcadian general (367 nCE)
the Trojuns after the destruction of the line mentioned by Xcnophon who is the prob-
of Priam. This leads to a legend of his able author of an extant work on military
travels to account for the existence of Aineia strategy ('Aeneas Tacticus'). FRASER-
in the Chalkidike. whose coins depicted him MATTIIEWS list 35 instances (but 183 for
as early as the late 6th century nCE Jason), several in the last century nCE, but
(MAlTEN 1931:35; GAUNKSY 1969:111- very few after Christ, probably a sampling
112) and several other places and peoples in error. One Aeneas is an emissary sent by the
Greece (MALTEN 1931:56-57). high priest (late 2nd century BCE Pergamene
A special role in European cultural his- decree in Jos. Alit. 14, 10, 22), the son of

11
AGREEMENT

'Antipatros·. perhaps grandson of 'Jason' II. The Akkadian word ada. plur. ade, is
son of Eleazar, and the whole embassy is well attested in first millennium political
stocked with Jews bearing good Greek and juridical texts from Assyria and Babylo-
names. nia. The exact understanding of the word
IV. Bibliography has been disputed. In the Assyrian political
A. ALFOLDI. Die trojanischen Urallllen der organi7~tion, adz; was the tenn used to indi-
Romer (Basel 1957): F. BOMER. Rom und cate sworn agreements. both between indep-
Troja: Untersuchungen ZlIr Fnlhgeschichte endent rulers and between subordinates or
Roms (Baden-Baden 1951): P. M. FRASER vassals and the superior party. According to
& E. MAmlEWS (eds.). A Lexicon of Greek WATANABE (1987:24), the tenn ade has first
Personal Names. vol. I, 'The Aegean of all a religious connotation. indicating the
Islands. Cyprus. Cyrenaica' (Oxford 1987): relationship between the gods witnessing the
G. K. GALINSKY. Aeneas. Sicily. and Rome agreement and the party swearing the oath.
(Princeton 1969): W. HOFFMANN. Rom und The sworn agreement was an old institution,
die griechische Welt im 4. Jahrhunden. well documented in Old Babylonian Mari
Phi/ol. Supp\. 27.1 (1935) 1-144 esp. 107- (see DURAND 199 I and other studies in the
28; N. M. HORSFALL. The Aeneas-Legend same volume). for which ada/ade was intro-
from Homer to Virgil. ROil/an Myth and duced as a special tenn in the Nco-Assyrian
MytllOgraph)' (ed. J. N. Bremmer & N. M. period. The etymology is disputed; most
Horsfall; BICS 52: London. 1987) 12-24: scholars consider it an Assyrian loan from
L. MALTEN. Aeneas. ARlV 29 (1931) 33-59; Aramaic Cd(y). but the etymology of the
R. M. OGILVIE. A COII/memary on Liv)' Semitic root remains uncertain (LEMAIRE &
Books }-5 (Oxford 1965) 33-34; W. PAPE. DURAND 1984:91-106; SmIAN-YoFRE
revised by G. E. BENSElER. Worterb/lch 1986: 1108-1110). The institution of sworn
der griechisclzen Eigelllwmen (Braun- agreements seems authentically Mesopota-
schweig 1884); J. PERRET. US Origines de mian and older than the Arameans (PARPO-
la Jegende tro)'enne de Rome (28} -31) (Paris LA 1987:180-83; DURAND 1991). DURAND
1942) (but cf. A. Momigliano's review in 1991 :70 opts for a Mesopotamian etymolo-
JRS 35 (1945) 99-104J. gy by assuming a relationship with Sume-
rian a.du, also attested as Akkadian adz;m
K. DOWDEN
'work assignment' (CAD All ada C). This
would imply an Akkadian loan word in
AGREEMENT i:iil' Aramaic, but the initial cayin remains pro-
I. The Hebrew word cedilt. fonnally an blematic (LEMAIRE & DURAND 1984:103).
abstract noun (GK § 86 k) but perhaps ori- There is evidence for the hypostatized
ginally a pluml (cf. cedut). occurs about fifty 'ade of the king' which bec3me an object of
times in the Hebrew Bible. It primarily religious emotion and worship. Firstly. there
designates a written document containing an is a broken passage in Esarh3ddon's succes-
agreement between two parties. Because in sion treaty. in which vassal rulers and subor-
most Bible passages Yahweh is one of these dinates are required to guard the treaty tablet
parties. cedz;t developped the connotation of 'like your god' (ki i1ikllnll: SAA 2 no.
'covenant' and 'covenantal stipulations' 6:409; cf. K. WATANABE. Die Sieglung der
(SI:'UAN-YOFRE 1986: I 125- I 128). Its Semi- )Nasal1envertr,ige Asarhaddons« durch den
tic cognates. Cd)' in Aramaic and adz; in Gott A~~ur. BagM 16 [1985] 388: SAA 2
Akkadian. refer to a sworn agreement 45). More significant is the occurence of an
between two political panies. In first millen- oath sworn "by deities and the adu of the
nium Mesopotamian texts the sworn agree- king" in Baylonian texts (ina ON ... II ade
ment (or its material token) could be hypos- fa farri tama). In other passages this royal
tatized and thus occur as thcophoric element adz, can be described as an avenging force
in personal names. threatening anyone who breaks the agree-

12
AH - AION

ment. "May Anu and gtar and the adli of imagine a collection of loyalty oaths or
Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, order prophecies, testifying to the divine election
the destruction of whoever changes this con- of the new king. Others prefer to consider
tract" (AnOr 8 [1933] 14:30-33; see CAD cid,lt in 2 Kgs 11: 12 as a material object.
NI 134-135 for other examples). Other pas- COGAN & TADMOR connect m,.l1 in this
sages mention the possibility of the royal passage with the root cOH, 'to deck (one-
ada turning into a divine opponent (bil selO" and take it as a plural of Cadi,
dim). The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary 'jewels', or the like (M. COGAN & H. TAD-
separates the references to the hypostatized MOR, /I Kings [AB 11; New York 1988]
ad,;, 'majesty (?). power (?)', from ada, 'a 128). The suggestion of YEIVIN (1974), fol-
type of fornml agreement' (CAD Nl s.v. lowed by DALLEY (1986:92), to translate
ada A and adii B), but it has been shown m,.l1 in 2 Kgs 11:12 as 'winged solar disk'
that this classification is to be abandoned: seems too bold to be accepted. Their argu-
all references can be attributed to a single ment is based on the reading of the damaged
noun ada (all references and literature col- passage KAI 10:5 and remains therefore
lected by WATANABE 1987:6-25). Thirdly hypothetical. Unlike the related concept of
there are personal names of the Seleucid -curse ('alii), Heb cidat has been neither
period with the theophoric element dAdeJu, hypostasized nor dei fied.
'his ada', the personal suffix undoubtedly IV. Bibliography
referring to the king (SCHOLZ 1981/82; S. DALLEY, The god Salmu and the winged
DALLEY 1986:91; WATANABE 1987:23 and disk, Iraq 48 (1986) 85-101: J .-M.
25). DURAND, Pr~curseurs syriens aux protoco-
It is certain that the ad,i-agreement, being les neo-assyriens, Marchands, diplomates et
a highly important instrument in the Assy- empereurs: etudes sur la civilisation meso-
rian internal and imperial administration, potamienne offerres a Paul Gare//i (ed. D.
could be hypostatized and obtain divine Charpin & F. Joannes; Paris 1991) 13-71:
characteristics. The indications adduced to A. LEMAIRE & J .-M. DURAND, US inscrip-
connect ada with $almu / $alam sarri, the tions arameennes de Sfire et /'Ass)'rie de
deified statue (of the king) known mainly ShamsJzi-i/u (GenevalParis 1984); S. PARPO-
from Late Assyrian texts (DALLEY 1986:91- LA, Neo-Assyrian Treaties from the Royal
93; -image), are insufficient to warrant an Archives of Ninive, JCS 39 (1987) 161-183;
identification. It seems methodologically B. SCHOLZ, ade~u, AfO 28 (1981/82) 142:
preferable to separate the names. H. SIMIAN-YOFRE. '.l1, nVAT 5 (1986)
III. In the Hebrew Bible, cidlit is used as 1107-1128; K. WATANABE. Die ade-Vcreidi-
a tenn for a treaty or covenant and, by gung all/iisslich der Thronfolgeregelllllg
extension. for the moral and religious requi- Asarhaddons (BagM Beih. 3; Berlin 1987);
rements contained therein. In 2 Kgs 11: 12 S. YEIVIN, cEduth, 1£1 24 (1974) 17-20.
cidat occurs as a concrete object which,
together with the diadem (nizer), is given
F. VAN KOPPEN & K. VAN DER TOORN
by the high priest to the newly crowned
king. Commentators have proposed to inter- AH- BROTHER
pret also this occurrence of cidat as '(divi-
ne) command. testimony', interpreting it as AION Qiwv
a written document, possibly containing I, Aion docs not occur as a divine
some divine justification for the new reign name or concept in the Bible, although
(G. VON RAD, Das judaische Konigsritual, REITZENSTEIN (1921) followed by others
ru. 72 [1947] 211-16, esp. 213; K. VAN (BAGD, s.v.) considered Aion in Eph 2:2. 7;
DER TOORN, Sin and Sallctioll ill Israel and 3:9 and Col 1:26 a deity, the evil ruler of
Mesopotamia [Assen 1986] 181-82 note 131 the cosmos. Aion in Greek has a wide range
& lit: SIMIAN-YOFRE 1986: 1126); one could of meanings, 'lifetime, life, age, generation,

13
AL

period, eternity' (LSJ. S.v.; nVNT I. 197- nity' or 'world' (cf. Heb '61(111). It never
204), and can even be identical with cos- occurs as a divine concept or a deity pace
mos. Reitzenstein and his followers.
II. REITZENSTEIN (1921) identified Aion IV. Bibliography
with Persian zerl'an akarana, 'the endless A. I. BAUMGARTEN, The Phoenician History
timc', and believed it a deity with a real of Philo of Byblos (EPRO 89; Lciden 1981)
cult. He based his opinion on a passage in 146-148; R. VAN DEN BROEK. TI,e M)'th of
Epiphanius, Pan. 52.22.8-10, describing a the Phoenix according 10 Classical and
feast of Kore in Alexandria in celebrntion of Early Christian Traditions (EPRO 80; Lei-
her giving birth to Aion on the night of den 1972) 128,429-430; A. J. FESTUGl~RE,
January 5-6. Aion is represented by a naked La rctemtion d'Hen1Jes Trismegiste IV. Le
figure of wood on a bier which is carried diell inCOllllll et la gIJose (Paris 1954) 141-
seven times round the inner part of the 199; P. M. FRASER, Ptolemaic Alexandria II
temple. The same Ptolemaic Aion would be (Oxford 1972) 336-338; M. LE GLAY, UMC
reflected in an Eleusinian dedication of a 1.1 (1981) 399-411; H. LE\VY, Chaldaean
statue of Aion (IG 11.4705) and in Ps.Cal/. Oracles and TI,ellrg)' (sec. edt M. Tardieu;
1.33, 2 (cf. Lydus, De mens. iv.I). Later Paris 1978) 99-105; M. P. NILSSON,
research makes it highly unlikely that Aion GeschicJue der griechischeIJ Religion II
in these contexts reflects either a Ptolemaic (MUnchen 1950) 478-484; A. D. Noel', A
divine concept or deity or Persian zen'an Vision of Mandulis Aion, HTR 27 (1934)
(NOCK 1934:79-99; FRASER 1972:336-338). 53-104 = Es.my.'1 on Religion and the
Thc attribution of a festival to Aion was a Ancient World I (Oxford 1972) 357-400: R.
late innovation, perhaps originating in PElTAZONI, Aion-(Kronos) Chronos in
Alexandrian coins of Antoninus Pius of Egypt, Essays 011 the History of Religions
138/139 with the legend Aion and a repre- (Leiden 1954) 171-207; R. REITZENSTEIN,
sentation of a -+phoenix celebrnting the Das irnnische Erlosungsmysterium, Reli·
beginning of a new era (VAN DEN BROEK g;ollSgesclJichtliche Umersllclumgen (Bonn
1972:417, 429-430). Aion often is an at- 1921) 171-207; H. SASSE, ai<.i>v, nVNT I,
tribute of the sun god -+Helios. who repre- 197-208: O. \VElNRICH, Aion in Eleusis,
sents the course of time. and as such Aion ARW 19 (1918/19) 174-190.
occurs in the magical papyri (e.g. PGM I,
200; IV, 1169; FESTUGltRE 1954:176-199).
H. J. W. DRIJVERS
Aion as a philosopical concept is frequently
found in the Chaldaean oracles, where it AL
represents the second god, a middle figure I. Heb Ali or Eli « 'Iy) and Alu or Elu
between the highest deity and the world « 'Iw) have been identified as the shorter
(LEWY 1978:99-105). The philosophical and more ancient forms of the term -+Elyon
sense going back to Plato. Ti11L 37d, also ('I)'u-n), 'Most High', mentioned in the
appears in Corpus Hermeticllm XI (FEs- Hebrew Bible. Elyon is a well documented
ruGltRE 1954:152-175) and in Philo of divine name or epithet in biblical traditions
Byblos. Phoenician History, in Eusebius, and poetic passages like 2 Sam 22: 14 (= Ps
Praep. Ev. I 10,7 (BAUMGARTEN 1981:146- 18: 14) and Ps 21:8 unequivocally associate
148). Elyon with the divine name YHWH
In particular during the second century of (-+ Yahweh). Nevertheless, modem scholar-
the common ern, when nearly all these texts ship has identified Elyon as originally the
were written, there was a certain fascination name of an ancient Canaanite deity or as a
with Aion and with all aspects linked with divine epithet, that only with the passage of
it. but Aion never was a well-defined divine time made its way into early Yahwistic
concept, and certainly not a personal deity. religious traditions. In support of this recon-
III. In the Bible aion is a very common struction, interpreters have cited the Ugaritic
word which usually has the meaning 'eter- texts, the Hebrew onomastica, Philo of

14
AL

Byblos' lre~ltl11ent of the history of Kronos serve the divine name or epithet 'I)' in pre-
where Elyon is ~Ipparcntly mentioned, as exilic and exilic Israelite society. Hebrew
well as the biblical fonn 'Iy. inscriptional personal names preserved on
II, A passage from one of the Ugaritic bullae dating from the 6th cent. BCE attest to
texts describes the deity --Baal as 'the Most the function of the 'Iy element as an epithet
High' and in lhis instance the short fonn 'I)', of YHWH or )'In...(II): )'hw'I)'. "Yahu is Most
not (1)'11, is cmployed: b'l 'Iy (KTV I.I6 High". yw'I)', "Yaw is Most High". 'Iyhw,
iii:5-9). Another Ugaritic text written in syl- "Most High is Yahu" and 'Iyw, "Most High
labic transcription mentions "the fields of is Yaw" (N. AVIGAD, Bullae and Seals from
'a Iiyu', A.SA~I.a dill_;.y; (RS 18.22:3' -4 = a Post £ti/ic JudaelllJ Archi\'(! [Qedem
PRV 6 (1970) 55,11.3'-4'). It has been sug- Monographs 4; Jerusalem 1976]). Moreo't'er.
gested that on the analogy of the phrase the 'Iy element in the personal name y~nv'ly
A.SA~i.a dISTAR. "the fields of --Ishtar", inscribed on an 8th cent. BCE ostracon from
which appears elsewhere in the same text Samaria might function as a divine name
(1.6'-11'), Aliyu in 11.3'-4' might likewise "May the Most High give life" (no. 55:2).
function as the name of a god or as a divine III. Scholars have cited several biblical
epithet: "the fields of the Ascendant". Al- texts where they conjecture that the short
though thc god --EI at Ugarit is closely fonn of the epithet 'Most High'. 'I)' occurs.
associated with the epithet 'Most High' in While most of lhe proposed passages have
J...7V 1.111: 17-18: 'Iylll/ini. "Elyon... 1/ been rejected by scholars owing to the lack
EI... ", the proposed reading and relation- of textual or contextual support. there arc a
ship of the two fonns remains a matter of handful of biblical passages that might
debate (d. KTV, pace DE MOOR 1979:652- document the possible use of'ly as a divine
653 and note Old South Arabic 'I t 'Iy. "EI epithet or name associated with YHWH.
the Most High". in RES 3882:4-5, 3962: Such passages include Deut 33: 12; I Sam
5-6. 3965:4. 4335:2-3 following U. OLDEN- 2: I0; 2 Sam 23: I and Hos 11:7 and provide
BURG, ZA \V 82 [1970) 189-190. 195 n.42). some ancient testimony or contextual indi-
In support of the existence of an ancient cators that lends support to the reading and
divine name or epithet 'IY[I/J it should be interpretation of 'Iy as 'Most High" (for a
mentioned for the sake of completeness thal lengthy list of additional but less likely pas-
a deity or divine epithet lllll- (= 'ill_?) appar- sages from Hosea. Isaiah, Jeremiah. the
ently shows up at Ebla and later at Mari. Psalms and Job. see VIGANO 1976).
Whether or not this form is to be related to Such criteria as the assumed antiquity of
Heb (1)'[\\'1/), 'Most High', however, is diffi- the poem preserved in Deut 33. exclusive
cult to assess (it might be related to Semitic reliance on its consonantal text (with the
lllli. 'maternal unclc'). In any case, Elyon's goal to reconstruct an original) and the
Canaanite origins as well as the distinct assumed pervasiveness of the poem's syn-
identities of Elyon and EI appear again a onymous parallelism have led to the identi-
millennium and a half later in Philo of fication of 'Iy in v 12 (in its first ocurrence)
Byblos' PllOelliciilll History. In the frag- as the divine name or epithet 'Most High'
ments that have come down to us via (cf. also NRSV). While on the one hand the
Eusebius' Pmep. E\'. (1.10: 15-30), Philo de- text reflected in the medieval Hebrew co-
picts Kronos as the offspring of one Elioun dices of Dcut 33: 12a reads "may the be-
(= Elyon). Moreover, Eusebius' Philo at- loved of YHWH rest securely beside Him"
tributes to Elioun the status of Most High or (cf. also JPSV) in which a Hebrew fonn cor-
hypsistos (-- Hypsistos) and describes him as responding to the 'Most High' is lacking.
the object of ancient Phoenician worship the ancient Greek manuscripts read on the
following his death at the hands of wild other hand "the beloyed of the LoRD shall
beasts. Kronos on the other hand is equated dwell in confidence. God (110 theos) over-
with Elos (= El). shadows him always ...". In other words,
Ancient Hebrew onomastics might pre- the 'Iyw of v 12a was apparently read by the

15
AL

Greek translators as some form of a divine Hos 11:7 is based on the assumption that 'I
name or epithet (perhaps 'Iy 'Most High'). in the book of Hosea denotes the divine
Ahhough this could plausibly explain the name or epithet associated with Baal that we
Greek reading ho rheos and the versc's earlier noted appears at Ugarit (cr. also Hos
restructured syntax, one would have ex- 7: 16 and 10:5). According to this view, the
pected the Greek equivalent Izypsisros here. prevalence of Baal polemic throughout the
In any case, several of the versions omit the book justifies such a conjecture "to the Most
first 'Iyw of the medieval Hebrew manu- High ('a!) they call, but He does not raise
scripts (Samaritan, Syriac, Vulgate) suggest- them up at all". The reading of the ancient
ing that synonymous parallelism was not medieval Hebrew manuscripts is "when it
inherent to the context. Thus the presence of (the people) is summoned upward ('a!), it
the divine name or epithet 'Iy here is doubt- docs not rise at all" while the Greek manu-
ful. scripts preserve an independent reading
The assumed antiquity of a given verse as "God shall be angry with his precious
well as the presence of synonymous things". In the final analysis, the unlike-
parallelism has similarly infomed the recon- lihood of the occurrence of the short form
struction 'Iy as 'Most High' in I Sam 2: 10: 'Iy 'Most High' in the previously treated
"YHWH, his enemies will be shattered, the passages and the ancicnt versional witnesses
Most High will thunder in heaven, YHWH in favour of the reading of 'al as anything
will judge the ends of the earth" (cf. other than the divine name or epithet lessens
NRSV). The medieval Hebrew manuscripts the plausibility of reading 'al as 'Most High'
read however, "YHWH, his enemies will be in Hos 11:7 (cr. the LXX on Hos 7: 16 ei,~
shattered, He will thunder against them in Oll1henloudell "as nothing" = Heb 'al; LXX
heaven, YHWH will judge the ends of the Hos 10:5 epi = the third occurrence of Heb
earth" (cr. JPSV; -Ends of the earth) and 'ai, 'over, for').
there appears some ancient versional support The name of the priest at Shiloh, Eli, ha.c;
for the reading of 'I(y)w here as the preposi- been cited as further evidence for the pres-
tion 'al- with pronominal suffix. (cf. the ence of the divine name or epithet 'Iy 'Most
Syriac w'lyhwlI, Targum 'Iyhwn, Vulgate el High' in biblical tradition. Whether the
super ipsos). In any case, the scribes of the name indicates that the priest so designated
ancient Greek manuscripts read 'I(y)w not as once served a Canaanite deity 'I)' (like Baal,
the divine epithet or name 'Most High', but cf. Ugarit) other than and prior to the ap-
as a fonn of the verb "LH, 'to ascend', "the pearance of YHWH, or that the hypo-
loRD has ascended to the heavens and has coristicon alludes to a titlc already appro-
thundered". priated by YHWH is impossible to decide
In a passage from still another supposed on historical grounds. Ahhough 1 Sam 3: I
ancient poem, 2 Sam 23:1, the form 'al has statcs that "the word of YHWH was rare in
been rendered as the divine name or epithet, those days", this might be taken to refer to
"the man whom the Most High raised up". the non-cxistcnce of the YHWH cult rather
But in this instance the fonn could be the than to the neglect of YHWH's command-
occasionally attested noun 'til 'height' (cf. ments.
also JPSV and Gen 27:39, 49:25, 50:4; Exod In conclusion, while the epithet 'Most
20:4; Hos 7: 16, 11 :7). In any case, the Qum- High' is attested in ancient Levantine
ran manuscript of 2 Sam readc; >il at 23: I, cultures both in the fonn (/)'1\'11 of biblical
that is 'EI' or -'God' for 'iii (4QSam 3 ) "the traditions and in the fonn 'Iy of extra-bibli-
oracle of the man (whom) EIIGod exalted" cal sources, the short fonn of the divine
which is in essential agreement with the name or epithet 'Iy does not appear in the
ancient Greek manuscripts "... the man Hebrew Bible.
whom God (ho Iheos) raised up". IV, Bibliography
The identification of (/)','Most High', in G. \V, AHLSTR<hl, The Hisl01)' of Allcielll

]6
ALAY - ALDEBARAN

Palestine from the Paleolithic Period to 1956:2: HORST 1974 3: 146).


Alexander's Conquest (Sheffield 1993) 368- II. It is difficult to identify the star
369, 390: M. DAHOOD, The Divine Name named 'a)'iS. Valid reasons have been given
'Eli in the Psalms, Theological Stltdies 14 for refuting the suggestion, abovc all based
(1953) 452-457: G. R. DRIVER, Hebrew 'al on an unsound etymology, of identifying it
('high onc') as a Divine Title, £tpTim 50 as the constellation of Leo. Indeed it is not
(1938-39) 92-93: J. HUEHNERGARD, Ugar- easy to explain the entire expression in Job
itic VOCClbulary in S)'llabic Transcription 38:32 'avis 'al-bimeJui, 'above' or 'with her
(Atlanta 1987) 160; R. LACII:, us origines children:. It has been supposed (KB, 702)
de Elyon, Ic Tres-Haut, dans la tmdition cul- that it may be the large constellation of Leo
turclle d'lsrael, CBQ 24 (1962) 44-64: J. C. according to the ancient Arabic conception
DE MOOR, Contributions to the Ugaritic that does not recognize Cancer and includes
Lexicon, UF I I (1979) 652-653; H. the stars of the latter in Leo: furthennore thc
NYBERG, Stltdien ..11m Hoseabllch (Uppsala 'children' are the stars ~, "t, 0, 11 of Virgo,
1935) 57-60, 74, 89; NYBERG, Studien 7.um that the Arabs call 'the dogs barking after
Religionskarnpf im Alten Testament, ARW the Lion'.
35 (1938) 329-387; L. VIGANO, Nomi e ti- The most widely accepted opinion goes
toli di YHWH alia lucc del semitico del back to Ibn Ezra (SCIIJAPARELLJ 1903:
Nord-ovcst, BeO 31 (1976) 34-62 [& lit, 70-71; MOWINCII:EL 1928:55) according to
esp. p. 34 n. 4). whom it is the constellation of the Great
B. SCHMIDT Bear (Ursa Major): db, 'gUI, sb'h J..·wkhym.
Most of the dictionaries preceding KB, and
translations of the book of Job offer this
ALAY -. AL interpretation. Some ancient authors (W.
GESENIUS. Tit e.mllnL<t II [Leipzig 1839J
ALDEBARAN d'~ 894-896) associate this tenn with the Ambic
I. The noun O"li occurs in the Bible in root N(~. from which derives the noun 'bier'
Job 38:32, vocalized 'ayiS. The tenn 'as, or 'litter', which the Ambs use to denotc the
which appears in Job 9:9, is generally con- Great Bear. They call the stars E, ~, 11 that
sidered a variant reading or a less correct fonn the tail of the Great Bear or the shaft
fonn of 'a)'is: it has also been considered a of the Plough ballot Ila's, daughters of na'J
dittography of 'sit, which immediately pre- ('the mourning ,vomen'), an expression that
cedes it (8. DUIHoI, Das Bllch Hiob erkliirt is reminiscent of the one in Job 38:32.
[KHAT; TUbingen 1897J ad lac.). The con- The Biblical context does not seem to
text of both occurrcnces in Job clearly confirm this interpretation. The verbs 'lead'
shows that 'aviS is the name of a -·star or and 'come out' (at a definite time), do not fit
-.constellation. Its ctymological parallels in well with the Bears, which are entirely
Jewish Aramaic )'12to' and Syr 'yuto' and circumpolar constellations for the latitude of
'i)'12to' always denote a star or constellation. Ismel, and do not have periodical appear-
Some scholars have deduced from these late ances but are present at night throughout the
occurrences that the correct Hebrcw vocal- year. Supposing that the identification of the
isation should be 'ay/H or 'iyiiS (DRIVER & heavenly bodies mentioned in Job 38:31
GRAY 1977:335). The Hebrew fonn is morc /....y11l1l and byl with the -·Pleiades and
likely to be of the type qa{I, then extended ~Orion is comct, the identification of 'ys
in Aramaic to the qa!til type, reinterpreting 'I bnyIJ of v 32 with Aldebaran and the
the noun. Among the most noteworthy Hyades emerges as the most plausible
derivations are Ar 'ay(y)/i{, 'lion', 'mvager' answer (SCHIAPARELLI 1903:72-76; Mo-
(KB, 702 and HAUT, 778) and Ar gai!lI(n). WINCII:EL 1928:62-64; DRIVER 1956: 1-2:
'rain'. The latter derivation is widely ac- HORST 19743:146; A. DE WILDE 1981:366-
cepted (MOWINCII:EI. 1928:62-63: DRIVER 368), also in view of the many references to

17
ALlYAN

winter found throughout the text. In Job 9:9 gether. There is an enlightening passage in
's is named along with ksyl and kymh too: the Talmud. b.Berakot 58b-59a: it debates
the Pleiades, the Hyades and Orion are whether this constellation is the tail of Aries
winter constellations grouped in the same (the Pleiades) or the head of the Bull (the
portion of the sl-y, while the Great Bear is Hyades), and it narrates a cosmic legend
distant from them. Aldebaran, the giant red according to which in order to stop a flood
star which represents the eye of the Bull, on the earth the Lord God took two stars
seems to guide and overlook the Hyades from 'ayiJ. But one day He will return them
arrnnged in n V fonnation behind it (the to her; reinterpreting tll~/lll as deriving from
Assyrians called them is Je. 'jaw of the the verb NJ.iM, 'to comfort', the Talmud quo-
Bull'). The heliacal rising of Aldebaran and tes Job thus: "and 'ayi! will be comforted
the Hyades in autumn coincides with the for her children".
anival of bad weather and rain. These stars IV. Bibliography
arc therefore believed to bring rain, and this G. R. DRIVER, Two Astronomical Passages
would justify a derivation of the tenn '«)'i1 in the Old Testament. JTS 7 (1956) I-II; S.
from the Ar ga;!u(II). R. DRIVER & G. B. GRAY. The Book of Job
III. In the book of Job there arc un- (Edinburgh 1977) 86, 335; F. HORST. Hiob
doubtedly traces of an ancient divine con- (Neukirchen-Vluyn 19743) 137, 146; A.
ception of the stars: see Job 15:15; 25:5 and KOHUT, Anteh Completllm .. , altctore Na-
particularly 38:7 where the expression thane filio Jecllielis (Vienna 1878, New
koUb2 b6qer, morning stars, appears in per- York 1892) I 332: IV 121: VI 277: S.
fect parallelism with belle 'liohim -sons of MOWINCKEL, Die Stemllamell im Alten Tes-
God. However in the passage under exam- tament (Oslo 1928) 52-64: G. SCHlA-
ination the constellations are mentioned to PARELLI, L 'O$trollol1lia lIeU'Antico Testa-
show the creative power and the organizing mellto (Milano 1903) 69-76; G. SHARPE,
wisdom of the God of Israel. Syntagl1la Dissertatiollum qltas olim auctor
Some scholars see in the expression 'ayi1 doctiss;l1lus 77101110$ Hyde S.T.P. separat;m
'al-biinehii lan~lem, "can you guide Ayis edid;! (Oxford 1767) I 27-29, 90-91; A. DE
with her children?" (Job 38:32) a veiled WILDE, Das Bllch Hiob lOTS 22; Leiden
reference to a myth (MOWINCKEL 1928:52- 1981] 366-368.
54) refening to a divine portent (for
example bringing the lost children back to
I. ZAn:LLI
their mother). However, MOWINCKEL him-
self (1928:63-64) is sceptical about the ALIYAN
existence of n saga relating to 'a)'is, and I. The negation IfY revocalized as Ie'
thinks that the image of a mother with her has been interpreted as a divine epithet
children is an immediate reflexion of the 'Victor' (e.g. M. DAUOOD, Psalms I I-50
particular heavenly configuration of the con- lAB 16; New York 1966] 46: VIGANb 1976;
stellation, and 'leading' in his opinion refers COOPER 1981) derived from the root L)Y.
to its periodical and punctual appearances in The same root is nt the basis of the -Baal
autumn-winter season. epithets ali)'11 and aliy qrdm and the element
The LXX and the Vg evidently have 1')'I1't in a number of West Semitic names,
great difficulty in understanding 'uyiViii. ancient titles of Baal and his consort
The LXX renders the occurrence in Job 9:9 (SZNYCER 1963). The name of -+Jacob's
with 'Pleiades', and that in Job 38:32 with wife -.Leah (ii~" Gen 29: 16; Ruth 4: 11)
'Vesper'; on one occasion the Vg translates has been connected with the same root
it 'Arcturus' (and renders the Pleiades in the (HALAT 487).
same verse with 'Hyades'), and on the other II. Aliyan. usually translated as 'al-
'Vesper'. For the ancients they were all very mighty, victorious, puissant'. is a frequently
important stars and were often named to- used epithet in the mythology of the Ugar-

18
ALlYAN

itic Baal. It is often seconded by other epi- ongmate as the name of an older god of
thets like rkb 'rpl "--Rider-upon-the-Cloud~", vegetation.
also twice in KTU 1.92, zbl btl ar$ "the The epithet ali)' qrdm appears only in the
Prince, the Lord of the Earth, Baal" and ali)' fixed fonnula that introduces Baal's mess-
qrdm "the mightiest of heroes". Whenever ages: I~"" ali)'11 btl bWI ali)' qrdm (A.7U 1.3
used, ali)'n always precedes the name of iii: 13-14 passim): the parallelism with ali)'"
Baal, a~ is usual in epithets of gods: com- suggests that the latter was the shortened
pare e.g. [r il ab (--EI), rbl a[rt )'111 (--Ashe- fonn of this epithet. ali)' is usually under-
rah), btlt '111 (--Anal) and -'adona)' Yahweh stood as an adjective on the pattern of
(-Yahweh). Aliyan never occurs as an *aq!alu. perhaps \\lith superlative force. A
independent divine name. From a stylistic translation of both aliyn and ali)' 'most
point of view the epithet ali)'n describes an vigorous', indicating Baal's vigour and
aspect of Baal which distinguishes him from youthfulness as distinctive aspects of his
other gods. Outside Ugarit the epithet is divinity, is more appropriate than 'victor-
possibly attested on the so-called Job-stela ious'. qrd11l is most probably a pluml noun
from Sheikh Saed dating from the reign of to be connected with Akk qarrtidu or
Ramses II (R. STADELMANN, Syrisch-PaUis- qllrtidll. also an epithet of the wenther-god
line"sische Gottheile" i" Ag)'pten [Leiden Adad (-Hadad). For a similar expression cf.
1967J 45-46, but see also J. C. DE MOOR, li-'-1I11l qar-du 'heroic warrior' (BWL 86:
Rise of Yaltwism [Louvain 1990J 126). 263). DIETRICH & LOR1:.TL. (1980), however,
In KTU 1.5 ii:17-I8 one finds the singular mention the possibility of a chthonic aspect,
phrase ali)'n bn btl, but this is most probably relating qrdm to r-.fandaic qardum 'spirit,
a scribal error (see CJA, p. 33 n. I: GESE demon'. This would tally with Baal's con-
1970: 122, different ARTU 73). On the basis nection to the rp1l11l in KTU 1.6 vi and A.7U
of this and other-scanty--cvidence 1.22 i (--Rephaim).
Dussaud assumed the existence of an orig- III. The verbal root L)Y ('to be strong,
inally independent Canaanite god Aliyan, a vigorous') is attested in Ugarit (A.7U 1.14
god of -sources and perennial --rivers i:33; 1.16 vi:2.14: 1.100:68) together with a
whose realms are the depths of the --earth. number of derivations other than aliy" or
This lord of the earth (b'l ar$) was first ali)' like 11i)'1 'victory' or 'power' (KTU 1.19
adopted as Baal's son and finally identified ii:35-36 IIn\f~IY), lall 'strength' (KTU
with the Northern Baal in the double name 1.108:24-25) and perhaps also in the female
Aliyan-Baal (DussAuD 1941). Neither the divine epithet or name aliI (KrU 1.90:19; J.
religio-historical evidence, nor the literary C. DE MOOR, The Semitic Pantheon of
patterns of the Baal-myth are in favour of Ugarit, UF 2 [1970] 187-228 no. 27).
this hypothesis (SZNYCER 1963:26-27: GESE Nevertheless, the root L)Y with the opposite
1970:123-124: VAN ZUL 1972:341-345). R. meaning 'to be weak' also occurs (KTU 1.3
DussAuD (La mythologie phcnicienne v: 18 and pamllels). The same semantic pola-
d'apres les tablettes de Ras Schamra, RHR rity was probably developed in Akkadian,
104 [1931] 387), H. BAUER (Die Gottheiten followed by a phonetic distinction la',;(m)
von Ras Schamra, ZA W 51 [1933] 97) and 'weak, infant' and le'(; 'to be strong, able'
EISSFELDT (1939) may be right in their (AHW 540: CAD L 151-156: 160-161). It
assumption that the Greek word a'iA\ vo~. exists in Aramaic, in which language also a
either understood as a wailing cry or as a phonetic variant Ley/L() occurs (DISO 133
noun meaning 'dirge', goes back to the S.v. "~~, 138 S.v. "lh; JASTROW, Dictiollary,
phrase iy ali)'" btl i),.zbl.b'l.ar$ as in A.7U 714 s.v. ".!h), and most probably in Hebrew
1.6 iv:15-16 (cf. -Jezebel). Whether this too (RINGGREN' 1982-84:409: SZNYCER
implies a connection between Aliyan and 1963). In Hebrew, however, contrary to
the Greek hero - Linos is less certain. In all Ugaritic, the meaning 'to be weak, ex-
probability the Ugaritic epithet ali)'" did not hausted' prevails. Comp_lre, for instance,

19
ALLON - ALMIGHlY

t8ii'{z, 'hardship. trouble' versus Ugaritic eign', 'controlling all things'. as a divine
tfi)'t 'victory' or 'power'. In Hebrew the designation, occurs both as an adjective and
verb sometimes implies strong efforts and as a noun. Found relatively rarely in pagan
exertion, usually in vain (Gen 19: II: Isa literature, it is used frequently for God in
47: 13: Jer 20:9). There is no proof whatso- the LXX and in early Jewish writings. In the
ever that it should still have the meaning 'to NT this is continued in the Revelation of
be victorious. vanquish' in Ps 68: 10 (pace John, which cal1s God palllOkrator 9 times.
e.g. M. DAIIOOD. Hebrew-Ugaritic Lexi- Otherwise. the word can be found once
cography IV, Bib 47 [1966] 403-419. esp. more in Paul (2 Cor 6: 18), and there it is a
408 S.v. i1~~; E. LIPINSKI, Lcs conceptions quotation from the OT.
et couches merveilleuses de CAnath, Syria 42 II. In the pagan sphere. palllokrator
[1965] 45-73. esp. 68 n. 3: DE MOOR, Rise occurs from time to time as an attribute of
of Yahwism, 120 n. 93). In the light of the deities such as -·Hennes (Epigr. Graeca
inner-Hebrew semantic development of the 815, I I; PGM 7,668), Eriunios Hennes
root L'y, the existence of a divine epithet It? (CIG 2569,12), Isis (IG V 2,472) and the
or Ie" 'victor' in Hebrew is most improb- Egyptian sun-god Mandulis (SB 4127,19). In
able (cf. M. Pope apud COOPER 1981:428- addition there are paraphrases of the tenn,
431). as for example in this (Egyptian) inscription:
IV, Bibliography Dii toi panton kralOllmi kai Metri megalei
A. COOPER. Divine names and Epithets in tei pamon krarollsei (SIG 3,1138,2-4). This
Ihe Ugaritic lexlc;, RSP III (Rome 1981) could be at least partially due to Jewish
333-469: M. DIETRICH & O. LORETZ, Die influence (see KRUSE 1949).
BaCal-Titel b(1 ar$ und ali)' qrdm, UF 12 III. Bearing in mind the sparseness of the
(1980) 391-392: R. DUSSAUD, us deeo,,- pagan references, there is a remarkable fre-
l'cnes de Ras Shamra (Ugarit) et /'anden quency in the LXX's use of pantokralljr as
Testamem (Paris 1941) 101-102; O. Elss- a divine designation (ca. 180 times). For the
FELDT, Linos und Alijan, Melanges Syriens most part (ca. 120 times) it is a rendering of
offens (/ Monsieur Relle Dllssalld (F. ~fb{j'ut (-Yahweh zebaoth), a feminine
Cumont ct al.; Paris 1939) Vol. 1:161-170 = plural of ~iibli' = annies. This is usually
KS 3 150-159: H. GF.5E. RAAM (Stuttgart interpreted as an intensive abstract-plural,
1970) 121-122: O. LORETZ, Die Titelsucht i.e. as an expression of divine might. There
Jahwes im Panugaritischen Aberglauben, arc an additional 60 or so uses of the lenn
UF 10 (1978) 350-352: H. RINGGREN, iiK~ panlOkrator in the LXX, 16 of them in the
lii'iih, nVAT 4 (1982-84) 409-411: M. Book of Job, as a translation of sadday
SZNYCER, A propos du nom propre punique (-Shadday). If the rendering of \'ieb(/'ot as
(hdl')', Sem 13 (1963) 21-30: L. VIGANO, pantokrator is not necessarily conclusive,
Nomi e titofi di YHlVH alia Illce del semiti- then this translation of fadday, whose ety-
co del Nord-ovest (Rome 1976) 34-118: P. mology can no longer be definitely clarified,
VAN ZUL, Baal. A Study of Texts ill Canaan is at least dubious. What is more. the LXX
with Baal in the Ugaritic Epics (AOAT 10; has some dozen of occurrences of
Neukirchen-Vluyn 1972) 341-345. pantokrator which do not appear in the
Hebrew text. This shows that the concept of
M.DuKSTRA God's power was reinforced by the transla-
tors of the LXX, and sometimes even intro-
ALLON - OAK duced (as is the case, by the way, with
J..)·rios a.. the translation of the letmgram).
ALMAH -. VIRGIN This should probably be understood as a
Jewish reaction to the idea of a comprehen-
ALMIGHTY novtmCpcltwp sive global power, introduced by Alexander
I, palllokrator, 'almighty'. 'all-sover- the Greal and adopted by Ihe Hellenistic

20
ALMIGH1Y

monarchies and, finally, by the Roman of Ptolemy IV Philopator's intention to enter


Empire, an idea \\lhich, after all, is also the temple (3 Macc I), the high priest
given a religious basis (cf. the religious epi- Simon appeals to God against this arrogant
thets of the rulers. such as soter, epiphal/es, ruler: "LORD, LORD (kyn'os), king (basi/ellS)
deus et domil/lIs, ctc. -ruler cult). The Hel- of heavcn, rulcr (despotes) of all creation,
lenistic and Roman sense of mission and holy among holy ones. sole ruler (monar-
superiority thus expressed. resulted not only cllOS), all-sovereign (pantokrat6r), pay heed
in the continued political and increasing to us who are sorely vexed by a wicked and
economic dependence of Palestine. but also corrupt man, reckless in his effrontery and
in greater pressure on Jewish belief. and on might. For you who created all things and
the way of life it conditioned in Israel and govern (epikrat(m) the whole world are a
the diaspora, to assimilate to Hellenistic cul- just ruler (dynastes) ..." (3 Macc 2:2-3).
ture (cf. I Macc 1:11-15). In what was prob- With unique intensity, this il/mcatio heaps
ably a conscious move to keep at a distance upon God almost all the available titles for
from this concept, the translators of the rulers in order to identify him as the true
LXX emphasised the (already current) con- ruler of this world in the face of strong poli-
cept of the power of their God over the tical pressure. Correspondingly, the first part
whole of his created reality. of the ensuing pars epica recapitulates the
The ~rly Jewish apocryphal and pseud- salvation history in the context of God's
epigraphical literature confirms this inter- resistance to the arrogant ruler. It closes
pretation. Presumably written between 150 with the praising of God as ruler
and 100 DCE, the Book of Judith mentions (dYl/astellon) of all creation and as all-sover-
J..)'rios pall/okrator five times. always in the eign (panrokrator). The ensuing reminder to
context of inimical threat either still existing God of his promises (vv 9-12) is in tum
or having been repelled (Jdt 4: 13; 8: 13; introduccd with the invocation to God as
15:10: 16:5.17). Significantly, the final song king (basi/ellS), an address that then finally
of Judith ends \\lith the prospect of the also introduces the prex ipsa (vv 13-20)
ultimate victory of kyrios palltokrator (hagios basi/ellS). A similar structure can be
against all the enemies of God's People: found in the prayer of Eleazar in 3 Macc 6.
"Woe to the nations that rise up against my Like the threatened people (3 Macc 5:7), he
people. The Lord Almighty will punish too invokes God as palltokrator, and the
them on the Day of Judgement" (Jdt 16:17). God who then comes to the aid of the Jews
Similarly. also in the context of inimical against their persecutors is thus named (3
threat and inimical repulsion, 2 Mace speaks Macc 6: 18) and recognised (3 Macc 6:28).
of God as the Almighty (cf. 2 Macc 1:25: Philo-presumably due to the Stoic doc-
3:22.30: 8:24: 15:8). A characteristic exam- trine of the hegemollikoll-prefers the
ple of the polemical edge to this divine designation pallhegemoll for God; he uses
designation is the speech of Juda.'i Macca- the term pall/okrator only twice, more or
beus, who rouses his people to attack with less as a formula (Sacr. AC 63: Gig. 64).
the words: "They ... trust both in weapons Palltokrator is used in a similarly formulaic
and audacity, but we rely on the God way in a few pseudepigraphical writings, as
Almighty, who is able to overthrow our a form of divine address by mortals (3 Bar
assailants and the whole world with a nod of 1:3: 4 Bar 1:5: 9:5: Pr Man I) or angels (T.
His head" (2 Macc 8: 18). It is therefore Abr. 8:3; 15: 12), and in a blessing (£1'.
appropriate that this 'Almighty' is presented An'st. 185). But what is noticeable here is
in 2 ~itacc as the judge of human deeds and that the address is almost always linked with
misdeeds (6:26: 7:35.38: 8: II cf 15:32). God's creation, often with his day of judge-
Also significant is the use of this divine ment, and sometimes also explicitly with his
name in 3 Macc, the work of an Alexand- sovereignty and his kingdom (cf. Philo, Gig.
rian Jew of the Ist century BCE. In the face 64: T. Abr. 8:3; 15:12). Furthermore, 3 Bar

21
ALMIGHTY

1:3; 4 Bar 1:5; 9:5 and probably also Pr satanic attempt to extenninate the Chris-
Man 1 (cf. 2 Chr 33: 1-20) are in the context tians, opposes the Roman Empire and its
of enemy repulsion and the request for claim to power with a harshness that is
God's help and power. Perhaps it is because unique in the NT. In opposition to this
of these political implications that world power. which, as the 'whore of Baby-
panrokrator does not occur in Josephus. The Ion'. is -Satan's henchman, John the seer
all-sovereignty of God in Ant 10,263 is announces God's new world, which will
paraphrased (by the Persian Great King reverse all prescnt injustices and bring about
Darius) as ro panton kratos echon. final salvation. The prerequisite of this hope,
Surveying all this, it is noticeable that in however, is the cenainty that God is already
early Judaism the addressing or designation the lord of the whole world and has checked
of God as palltokraror can be found with the apparently triumphant forces of evil. has
amazing frequency in the context of enemy indeed even defeated them (cf. Rev 12:7-
threat. The emphasis on 'all-sovereignty' 12). The shonened expression 110 tht'oJ 110
seems mainly directed against the claim for pantokrator occurs twice in connection with
po\ver (also religiously based) by the Hel- God's, or his Messiah's, battle against the
lenistic and Roman rulers. The Jews counter godless people and their kings (16: 14;
this claim for power with the declaration of 19: IS). The more detailed expression /...)'r;os
belief in the global sovereignty of their God ho tlzeoJ 110 palltokrator is used seven times.
as Creator and Judge. Finally, the divine This is the case five times in hymnic pas-
designation pantokraror must presumably be sages; in the initial vision of the throne it is
understood as a Hellenistic-Jewish equiv- the four beasts who sing his pmises night
alent to the concept of the Kingdom of God and day with the Trishagion (Rev 4:8. with
(basi/cia rOll rheoll), also very imponant for the sabaorh from Isa 6:3 LXX being trans-
the preaching of Jesus. fonned into pantokrator). Another three
IV. A look at the NT reveals two con- times God is praised for the judgement he
trasting tendencies. Outside the Revelation has carried out-by the 24 elders (II: 17).
of 5t John the word occurs only once in 2 by those who had been rescued (15:3), and
Cor 6: 18 at the end of a combination of Old by the altar (16:7). And finally a great multi-
Tesmment quotations. The Pauline origin of tude acclaims him because he has begun
the whole section 2 Cor 6:14-7:1 is dis- reigning his kingdom (19:6). The expression
puted. However that may be, it is remark- occurs again at the beginning and the end of
able that the divine predicate occurs in a the book. At the beginning God presenl~
passage where the community is urged to himself as he who is, who was, and who is
make a rndical break away from the 'unbe- to come (I :8). The core of this statement is
lievers' with a harshness of tone that is 'to come', i.e. that God as the lord of his-
without parallel in the whole of the Corpus tory also has the future of this world in his
Paulinum. hands (cf. also 4:8 and II: 17). God is called
For most of early Christianity, then, the Almighty for the last time in 21 :22. in the
divine name pantokraror does not seem to description of the celestial city that needs no
have been of major imponance although, as temple since God himself has his throne in
the example of 2 Cor 6:18 shows, it was not it (cf. 22:3). This latter point again suggests
consciously avoided. The Revelation of St the motif of God's reign over his kingdom.
John offers a picture that deviates complete- a motif which occurs astonishingly often in
ly from this, with pantokraror occurring the Revelation of St John in connection with
nine times as God's epithet (I :8; 4:8; II: 17; the designation of God as pantokrator. It is
15:3; 16:7.14; 19:6.15; 21:22). This is no directly mentioned in II: 17 (ehasi/ellsas),
accident and confinns again the 'political' 15:3 (110 basi/elts t01/ etll1loll), 19:6
character of this divine attribute. The Revel- (ebasi/ellsell) and 19: 16 (basi/ellS basi/eon).
ation of John, written in a desperate situ- The divine attribute pallrokraror therefore
ation regarded by the seer as a prelude to a stresses. in opposition to the Roman Em-

22
ATAR

pire's claim for world power, God's royal puissant. RTL 8 (1977) 401-422; D. L. HOL-
power. which embraces the whole cosmos. LAND. navtoKpinOlp in NT and Creed, Sru-
However, this power is-typically apocalyp- dia E\'Ungelica VI (1973) 265-266; H. Hmot-
tic-stili hidden; God must first bring it to MEL. Pantokrator, Theologia Viaromm 5
light in the battle against the anti-divine (1953/1954) 322-378; H. HOMMEL. Schopfer
forces. WId Erhalrer (Berlin 1956); G. KRUSE, nav-
In thl.: early Christian literature, toKpCnOlp. PW 18,3 (1949) 829-830; H.
panrokrallJr is occasionally used for God LANGKAMMER. navtoKpinOlp, EWNT 3
(cf. Did 10,3; J Clem. 2,3; 32.4; 60,4; 62.2). (1982) 25-27: W. MICHAELIS, Kparero KtA.,
sometimes explicitly setting off God the nVNT 3 (1938) 913-914: R. ZOBEL, iii~~~
Father against the Son (cf. Pol., 2 Phi/. ~Cba)ot. nVAT 6 (1989) 876-892. ' .
prol.; Justin, dial. 16,4). But even Clement
of Alexandria calls Christ, the Father's R. FELDMEIER
-4Logos, panrokraror (Paed. 1,9: cf. also
Irenaeus. Ad\'.Haer. 5,18.2), and Origen ALTAR r;~to
makes pamllel use of the predicate for both I. TIle word 'altar' (mizbeaM occurs
Father and Son (Sel. in Ps. 23: 10). Under more than 400 times in the text of the Old
the pressure of the anti-Arian controversy, Testament. It derives from the root ZBI;i 'to
Athanasius then emphatically called Christ slaughter': the most important offering con-
panrokraror (cf. Or. 2 c. Arian 23). sisted of sacrificial animals. Although offe-
In summary, the following points can be rings could be made on natural elevations,
emphasized: panrokraror as a divine desig- constructed altars seem to be have been
nation intends to express something similar customary. A main characteristic of the
to the more dynamic concept of the king- ancient Israelite altar was the presence of
dom of God, namely that God is the Lord of 'horns' (qeranor). For the OT altar in gener-
his Creation and that in it he has realised or al see HAAK 1992. In the Bible there arc
shall realise his will. Seen in this way. this hardly any traces of deification of the altar.
divine designation is a declaration of faith but other sources from the ancient Ne:u E.1St
by means of which the believers adhere to reflect occasional instances of deified altars.
their God against a reality in which this God The numinous character ascribed to the altar
is painfully hidden and in which completely is still perceptible in the Bible in proper
different beings conduct themselves a'\ lords names given to altars (Exod 17:15; Judg
and saviours of the world. It is sensible to 6:24) and in the practice of the oath 'by the
recall this original 'Sirl. im Leben' because altar' (Matt 23:20).
the common idea of the Pantocrator as the II. Deification of cultic objects is a
inapproachable celestial ruler is too strongly common phenomenon in ancient Nc.1r Eas-
influenced by the Byzantine image of tern religions. Objects in close contact with
-4Christ, used by a now Christian empire to the divine presence were believed to con-
create a divine ideal in order to legitimise its tract numinous qualities themselves and
own claim to world power. could, under circumstances. become objects
V. Bibliography of worship (-4God I; MEYER 1931:10-]3.
P. BIARD, La puissance de Dieu (Paris Extensive relevant evidence from third mil-
1960); T. BLATTER, Machr und Herrschafr lennium Mesopotamia is collected in SELZ
Gorres (Fribourg 1962): R. FELDMEIER, 1997). In some sources from Roman Syria
Nichr ObemUlchr noel, Impore,,:.. 2um bibli- the process of deification of cult objects
schell Urspnmg des Allmachrsbckenll1nisses focuses on the altar. Greek inscriptions from
(BibTS 13: eds. W. Ritter & R. Feldmeier: the mountain peak Jebel Sheikh Bamkat
Gt5ttingen 21997) 13-42: A. GRILLMEIER. (ancient KopU¢l1) from ca. 80-120 CE con-
Jeslls der ChrislIIs im Glauben der KircJre. tain dedications to aix; MaoPaXo~ and his
Vol. I (Freiburg, Basel. Vienna 1979) 94- consort !eAa~aVEC; (-·Shalman; L. JALA-
95: A. DE HALLEUX. Dieu Ie Perc tout- BERT & R. MOUTERDE, IGLS 2 [Paris 1939J

23
ALO - AM

nos. 465-469 and 471-473). The same deity Spear, and the Harp': Towards an understan-
could apparently be referred to as Ze~ ding of the problems of deification in third
BeOs.llo,; 'Zeus of the altar', mentioned in millennium Mesopot~lInia, Sumerian Gods
another inscription that was found nearby and their RepreSelZlalions (CM 7; ed. 1. L.
(IGLS 2 no. 569). The divine narne Mcio!3a- Finkel & M. J. Geller; Groningen 1997)
x~ has been identified by Ch. Clennont- 167-209.
Ganneau as Aramaic madbab 'altar' (PlY
14.1 [1928] 202-203 s.v. Madbachos; JALA-
F. VAN KOPPEN &. K. VAN DER TOORN
BERT &. MotrTERDE, IGLS 2, p. 259). That
deification of the altar is a phenomenon ALU - AL
older than the Roman Period is proven by
the 3ppearnnce of madbab as a theophoric ALUQQAH -. VAMPIRE
element in the Aramaic personal name O~
n::J'o (E. BRESCIANI, Nuovi Documenti AM ell'
Aramaici dall'Egitto, ASAE 55 [1958] 277 I. 'Am(m) occurs widely as a theo-
recto 5, and Tav. II). phoric element in Semitic proper names. al-
m. The deity Madbal) I Maofkxxos has though in the cuneifonn texts it is not or-
been linked with the mysterious deity dinarily marked by the detenninative
Nibbaz venerated by the deportees from indicating divinity. Among the names that
Awwnh who were forced by the Assyrians are commonly classified as "Amorite". there
to settle in Samaria. This explanation is now are over two hundred with <Amm a.c; an el-
generally abandoned (-Nibhaz). MEYER ement. This represents by far the largest
(1931:12) adduces several Old Testament group; but 'Am(m)-names are also attested in
passages referring to altars that bear proper epigraphic Arabic (Qatabanian. Safaitic. and
names in support of his theory that the Is- Thamudic). Hebrew, Ugaritic. Old Aramaic,
raelites considered altars to have numinous Phoenician, Punic. Ammonite, Moabite, and,
qualities. Although his idea seems convin- perhaps, Eblaite. Occurrences of the deity
cing, not all the passages he cites are perti- CAm(m) in the Hebrew Bible nre limited to
nent. Thus in Gen 33:20 the word mizbeal) personal names and place names.
(altar) must be emendatcd into mauebti II. On the one hand, 'Am(m) occurs fre-
(standing stone, see K. VAN DER TOORN, quently in the position nonnally taken by a
Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and =
divine name, as in Amorite )-U-lla-mll 'Iii-
Israel [SHCANE 7; Leiden 1996] 258 n. lanu1Zu "My God is lAm"," (RA 57 [1963]
94). Exod 17:15 and Judg 6:24, on the other 178), Heb 'Iy<", "My God is 'Am(m)" (2
hand, lend support to Meyer's thesis. An- Sam II :3; cf. Ammonite '/v<", [HERR
other allusion to the deification of the altar 1978:35], Phoen '1<", [CIS 147:6]; Safaitic
in Israel is to be found in a passage from the <m'l [see RYCKMANS 1934:244]) and 'dll ' m
Gospel of Matthew, according to which the "My Lord is 'Am(m)" attested in a Samaria
Jews in Palestine took oaths by the sanctu- Ostracon (LAwrON 1984). This suggests that
ary, the .,gold of the sanctuary, the altar 'Am(m) was perceived to be a divine name
(9ucnaCJ'tTlplov), the victim and heaven or a substitute for one. On the other hand,
(23: 16-31). The inclusion of the altar in this 'Am(m) also appears as an appellation in
enumeration implies its numinous associa- some cases. This is suggested by the occur-
tions (cf. VAN DER TOORN 1986:285). rence of the element with the pronominal
IV. Bibliography suffix (e.g. Amorite A-a-lza-mll-,i= 'a))'a-
R. D. HAAK, Altar, ABD (1992) 2.162-167; 'ammll-h,i, BASOR 95 [1945] 23) and/or
E. MEYER, Untersuchungen zur phtsniki- with obvious divine names. as in the Akka-
schen Religion, ZAW 49 (1931) 1-15; K. dian names Amma-SIl'en (A-ma-dEN.ZU in
VAN DER TOORN, ~erem-Bethel and Elep- MDP II, A 5:3), Amorite names analyzed as
hantine Oath Procedure, ZA W 98 (1986) lAmmi-'ll, lAmmi-Hadad, lAmmi-Dagan. and
282-285; G. J. SELZ, The Holy Drum, the lAmmi-lAnai (sec GELD 1980), Hehrew 'my'l

24
AM

(Num 13: 12), or Moabitc kms(m (HERR Islamic period (FAUD 1968).
1974: 156). In each case, thc meaning of thc Since the Qatabanians were called "child-
personal namc is "(thc god) so-and-so is ren of (Amm", it has been suggested that the
(my) (Am(m)". In a few instances, (m ap- name of the eponymous ancestor of the
pears to be hypocoristic, as in Phoenician Ammonites in Gen 19:38, b" <my, may indi-
(m, (my. (m' (sec BENZ 1972). Sevcral cate that the Ammonites also venerated that
Eblaitc namcs, too, may be so analyzed lunar deity (HOMMEL 1900). But whereas
(KREBERNIK 1988). The names in such cases (Amm wa~ the national deity of the Qataban-
probably stood for ful1cr, presumably theo- ians, there is no evidencc that he played
phoric, names. such a prominent role in the Ammonitc cult.
The clement (Am(m) is most commonly Apan from the name (m"db and the single
connected with Arabic (aml1l "paternal occurrence of the name 'I)'(m (HERR
unclc", a term contrasted with biil "maternal 1978:35), thcre arc no (Am(m)-names among
uncle". Thus, Amorite ljal1unllrapi has cor- thc Ammonites (HOBNER 1992:256-258).
rectly been compared with {Iiilllrapi (HUFF- The namc b" (my is unique as an allusion to
MO:-: 1964). Levy's explanation of the thco- thc Ammonites; the most common desig-
phoric clement in names like ijammurapi as nation for them in the Bible is b,,(y) (m(w)".
coming from I.tMM "to be hot" (hence desig- And that is, indeed, their own designation
nating a solar deity) is belied by the spelling for themselves, as is attested in the Tell
of the namc at Ugarit as Am-mll-ra-pi (PRU Siran Bottle (II. 2-3; RASOR 212 [1973] 5-
IV, PI. LVII, 17 .355, 12, 16) and (mrpi I I). The etymology of Ammon remains
(KTU 2.39:2; LEVY 1944). The theophoric ullcenain. It appears, then, that apan from
clement is (Amm, which was understood as thc Qatabanian moon-god, there arc no re-
"Paternal Uncle" in old South Arabic (so ferences to (Am(m) a" the name of a panicu-
RES 2775.1-2). On the other hand, in a Kas- lar deity. It is more likely that (Am(l1l) in
site king-list, Amorite bammll is interpreted most Semitic proper names was originally
as kimtum "family, kin". Thus, ijal1lmurapi an appellation, which may havc been under-
is interpreted as Kimlllm-Rapaslllm "Ex- stood as referring to various deities. In the
tensive Family" (Le. (Ammll-rabi; cf. Heb casc of the Qatabanians, (Amm was the stan-
r~,b(m?), and the namc ijaml1li$adllqa is dard designation for their national god.
interpreted as Kimtum-Kiullm "Legitimate III, It has been suggested that (Am(m)
Family" (5 R 44 i 21-22). It is possible, appears in the Bible in Hos 4:4 and Isa 2:6
then, that (Am(m) had a wider range of (NYBERG 1935). In both cases, however, (m
meaning than "paternal uncle". The word appears with a pronominal suffix. Indeed,
originally probably meant "kin". Hence thc apart from the personal names and a few
name (Ammi-AlUlI means "(the goddess) toponymns (notably )'qn(m), therc is no
Anat is my Kin". reference in the Bible to the deity known as
(Am(l1l) is the patron deity of the ancient (Am(m).
Qatabanians of South Arabia, who were IV. Bibliography
known as b""" (m "the children of (Amm". It A. F. L. BEESTON, On Old South Arabian
is clear from the inscriptions that (Amm was Lexicography III. Museo" 64 (1951) 130-
a lunar deity in Qataban. Among his epithets 131; F. L. BENZ, Personal Names i" the
are ry( n w-slrnn "He who waxes and re- Phoenician and Pu"ic I"scriptions (StPsm
volves", cj-sqr 'The bright shining one", and 8; Rome 1972) 172.379; *T. FAIID. l..e
g-ysnn 'Thc little one", the latter two refer- pantheon de /'Arabie Cl'llIrale a la \'eille de
ring respectively to the ->moon in full phase /'Hegire (Paris 1968) 44-46; I. J. GElD.
and the new moon (BEESTON 1951). The CompllIer-Aided Analysis of Amorite (AS
worship of (Amm in South Arabia is corrob- 21; Chicago 1980) 260-264; *R. M. GOOD,
orated by an Arabic tradition about an idol The Sheep of HiJ Pasture (HSM 29; Chico
callcd (Amm-'anas ("the Paternal Uncle of 1983) 10-12.30-31; L. HERR. The Scripts of
Humanity") that was worshipped in the pre- Ancient Northwest Semitic Seals (HSM 18:

25
AMALEK - AMALTHEIA

Missoula, Montana 1978); *M. HOFNER, ian ~mtrq and Hebrew 'mlq. Egyptian Irl~can
'Amm ('M, 'AMM, 'MN), \VbMyrlz VI easily be equated with Hebrew IV. Egyptian
(Stuttgart 1965) 494-495; F. HOMMEL, It}/ is more problematical. It generally stands
AIIJslir:.e IIl1d Abhandillngell (Mlinchen for Hebrew It}/, while Hebrew rI is rendered
1900) 149-165; U. HOBNER, Die Ammoniter in Egyptian with /'I (as in 'YIIW jl"U Ijjon);
(ADPV 16; Wiesbaden 1992) 256-258; H. Iql (as in qcjr iiiU Gaza) or IgI (as in gljr iirU
B. HUffMON, Amorire Personal Names in Gaza). Therefore, Gorg's sunnise is not con-
rhe Mari Texrs (Baltimore 1964) 196-198; vincing.
A. JAMME, Lc pantheon sud-ambe pre- In the OT there are otherwise no traces of
islamique, u Mllseon60 (1967) 57-147; M. a divine background of the topographic
KREBERNIK, Die Persollellnamen der Ebla- designation or the tribal name.
Texte (Berlin 1988) 72.125-126; R. B. LAw- III. Bibliography
TON, Israelite Personal Names on Pre-exilic ·M. GORG, Ein Gott Amalek?, BN 40
Hebrew Inscriptions, Bib 65 (1984) 333; J. (1987) 14- I 5; A. MASSART, The Leiden
LEWY, The Old Wcst Semitic Sun-God Magical PapYnls J 343 + J 345 (Lciden
Hammu, HUCA 19 (1944) 429-488; H. S. 1954); M. WEIPPERT, Semitische Nomaden
NYBERG, Srlldiell :'lIm Hoseabllch (Uppsala des zweiten Jahnausends. Ober die SJSW der
1935) 27; G. RYCK~IANS, us noms propres agyptischen QueIIen, Bib 55 (1974) 265-
sud-semiriqlles (Louvain 1934) I, 26-27; II, 280, 427-433.
107.
B. BECKING
C. L. SEOW
AMALTHEIA 'A~<iAe€lO
AMALEK P?C.lJ I, Amaltheia is the name of the goat
I. In the Old Testament, the tribe of that suckled baby -·Zcus right after his birth
Amalek is one of Israel's enemies of old (so CaIIimachus, Apollodorus, Diodorus
(Exod 17:8-16; Num 13:29 etc.). Their Siculus), or of the nymph who nursed and
ancestor is seen as a grandson of -. Esau fed him on goat's milk (so Ovid and Hyg-
(Gen 36:12-16). Amalek cnn also designate inus). The 'Hom of Amaltheia' ('A~aAee:ia;
a topographical area as in the expression har Kepa~) was one of the horns of this goat or,
hli'iimiileqi 'thc mountain of the Amalekites' according to others. a hom possessed by the
(Judg 12: 15). An etymological explanation nymph, which provided in abundance what-
of the name Amalek has been impossible ever one wished, and became the well-
until now (\VElPPERT 1974:252). The known image of the 'hom of plenty' or
suggestion has been made to relate the name cornucopia. This occurs in the LXX of Job
Amalek to a mountain deity I;mrq known 42: 14 and in T. Job I, 3 as the name of one
from an Egyptian source (G~RG 1987:14- of Job's second set of three daughters. Ety-
15). mological1y, <i-~<iAe€-la is probably a sub-
II, The Egyptian Leiden Magical Papy- stantive formed from a privative adjective
rus I 343 + I 345· (ed. MASSART 1954) *a-~aA9Ti;, -ec; meaning 'not softening',
mentions in the context of deities venerated said of the goat's udder, that is, always
in the Canaanite area a mountain deity ~l1nrq tightly full of milk (cf. ~aAeQlc6C; etc., and
(Ill 9; XXIIl 3). This deity seems to be re- for the fonnation: a-ATte€-lO from <i-~.T\01iC;
lated to a mountainous area probably in the 'not escaping notice, not hiding; true').
&stern Sinai. The identity of the deity is II, After Zeus had been born in Crete,
further unknown. GORG (1987) suggested or in Arcadia according to Callimachus,
the identity of bmrq with Amalek and the Hymn on Zeus 244, he had to be hidden
interchangeability of the tribal name with there in a cavc, either in Mt Dicte or in Mt
the divine name. His sunnisc is based on an Ida, in which Amaltheia nursed or sucklcd
assumed phonetic similarity between Egypt- him, because his father Kronos devoured al1

26
AMAZONS

his children. He did so in order lO lhwart lhe possible in handwriting of the 3rd and 2nd
oracle which had predicled lhal a child of centuries BCE. In this case the rendering
his would delhrone him as lhe ruler of lhe 'Alla),9eia; KEpa:; would be quite under-
universe. One of lhe horns of the goat, says standable.
Ovid (Fasti 5, 111-128), broke off, was IV. According to Lactantius, Amaltheia
filled wilh fruils by the nymph Amaltheia, was also the name of the Sibyl of Cumae
and offered lo Zeus. Much earlier, however, who sold a collection of Sibylline Oracles to
Pherecydes ifrg. 42) told the Slory lhat the Tarquinius Priscus, the fifth king of Rome
nymph was in possession of a bull's hom, (Dil'. Illst. 1,6,10-11).
which, according to desire, supplied any V. Bibliography
food or drink in abundance. H. vo:-.: GEtSAU, Amaltheia. KP I (1975)
A third version has been preserved by 287: P. GRI~IAL (A. R. Maxwell-Hyslop
Zenobius, who assigned lO the 'Hom of trans!.), Amaltheia, The Dictionaf)' of Clas-
Amaltheia' a place in his colleclion of prov- sical Mythology (Oxford [UK] - New York
erbial expressions. and staled thal il wa" 1986) 35-36; J. NAVEII, Early History of the
equivalent with anolher saying, namely Alphabet. All Introductioll to West Semitic
'Heavenly Goat'. The explanalion he gives Epigmp1Jymrd Palaeography (Leiden 1982),
is that Zeus, when fully grown, lUrned lhe see fig. lOOp. 113, line 3 for kaphl~adc and
goal, in gr..Ilitude, inlo a ->constellalion, bUl line 5 for hMa\\'; J. B. BAUER, H. BRAK-
gave one of ilS horns to lhe lWO nymphs MA:-':N. D. KOROL. G. SCIIWARZ, Hom (I).
Adrastcia and Ida, who had been his nurses RAe 16 (1992) 524-574 (especially 'Filll-
(cf. Apollodorus I, t. 6). On that occasion. horn' 539-547. and 'Horn der Amaltheia'
he endO\vcd lhe hom with ilS famous mir- 560-561 ).
aculous power (2,48; cf. 1,26).
III. According lO lhe MT of Job 42:14 G. MUSStES
the later lhree daughlers bore lhe names
respeclively of Yemimii 'dovelet' cn, Q~sj<a AMAZONS ·Alla~6\'E:;. 'Alla~ovioEC;
'cassia' (an aromatic), and Qeren-happuk I. The Amazons were a mythical mcc
'hom of anlimony' or 'stibium' (used as an of brave female warriors that lived, accor-
eye-liner). In the LXX lhese names arc ding to the oldest Greek versions of the
represenled by ·HI.H~pa -. 'day' (evidenlly saga. on the southern and western coast of
deriving Y~mimfl from yom), Kaaia and the Black Sea and were evenlUally defeated
'AllaAgeia:; Ktpa:;. We haw lhe explicit by men in an Ama:.onomacJria. They do not
slalemenl of Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. pref- occur in the Bible except possibly in an
ace 24) lhat lhe Lalin equivalenl of lhe lasl addition to the biblical text by the Septuag-
name was 'copiae cornu'. It is interesting, int translator of 2 Chron 14: 14, where they
lherefore, to see that the Vulgate version has seem to be said to have been part of the
relained the former two as 'Dies' and booty destroyed or captured by the Judaean
'Cassia'. but lhat lhe lhird name is now lhe king Asa in his victory over the Cushite
more correct counlerpart of lhe Hebrew king Zcra.
name a.; in lhe MT: 'Cornu Slibii'. This cer- II. The etymology of the name Amazons
lainly indicates lhal Jerome was nOl conlent is unclear. Ancient popular etymology deri-
here with the LXX, and also that the ves it from an alpha primus and maw
Hebrew original underlying it must have ('hrca..C) on the assumption that "they cau-
been different from the Hebre\',,' text which terized the right breast so as not to impede
he could use when revising the Vetus their javelin throwing" (DOWDEN 1996:69).
L1tina. What the LXX-translator read was in In figurative art, however, Amazons with
all probability qeren uiptl$ ('a horn will only their left breast do not occur. In
overflow'). the graphical confusion of he modem etymological studies a host of differ-
and taw. and of kaph and ljade being quite ent derivations have been proposed (WITEK

27
AMUN

1985:289-290). They are traditionally called 19: Edinburgh 1994] 177) and as is also
anlimleirai ('a match for men') and they done in several modem translations, but the
could not stand the presence of men. Occa- problem is that the Amazons were not
sionally they engaged in sex with strangers known as flockkeepers either. It is. therefo-
to preserve their race, but they kept only the re. not improbable that (as RUDOLPH
girls. Early mythical traditions relate about 1955:242 has suggested; see also Al.LEN
wars between the Amazons and Heracles 1974: 167) 'A~a~ov£l<; is here a transcrip-
(his ninth labour was to get the girdle of the tional error for 'AAl~a~ovEl<; (AI being mis-
Amazon queen, Hippolyte), Theseus (who read as M yields 'A~~a~oVEi<;), which in 2
had to fight off an Amazon invasion of Atti- Chr 22: 1 is the faulty rendering of
ca), and many other heroes. They also play- lamma!riJlJ~h and made into an apposition
ed a variety of other belligerent roles in the of 'the Arabs': 'the band of robbers that had
Trojan cycle (HAMMES 1981; BLOK 1995). attacked them. the Arabs (and) the Alimazo-
As courageous women they are prominent in nians, ...' (the Lucianic recension has here
various forms of figurative art, many of 'A~a~ovlEl~ as well!). In early Jewish lite-
them as named individuals (DEVAMBEZ & rature Amazons do not play any further role.
KAUFMANN-SAMARAS 1981 catalogue 819 In Christian literature from the beginning of
items). Their location at the coasts of the the third century and later, however, they
Black Sea (esp. in Pontic Asia Minor) chan- are mentioned either as a historical reality or
ged in the course of time as the Greeks got as a symbol for an unnatural way of life or
to know this area better. As a result it was aggression (WITEK 1985:293-3(0).
moved to further marginal areas at the edges IV. Bibliography
of the known world (BLOK 1996:575). In L. C. ALLEN, 17le Greek Chrollicles, vol. 1
central Greece there were many tombs of (Leiden 1974); J. H. BLOK, 17,e Early Ama-
the Amazons which served as cultic sites zons (Leiden 1995); J. H. BLOK &. A. LEV.
and there were also annual sacrifices to Amazones, Der Nelle Pallly I (Stuttgart
them at Athens. Several cities in Asia Minor 1996) 575-576; P. DEVAMBEZ &. A. KAUF-
(esp. Ephesus) celebrated their having been MANN-SAMARAS, Amazones, LIMC I (Stutt-
founded by the Amazons (DOWDEN gart 1981) 586-653; K. DOWDEN. Amazons.
1996:7(0). OCD (3rd ed., Oxford 1996) 69-70: M.
III. It is unclear why the Septuagint HAMMES, Die Amawllen (FrankfurtlM.
translator inserted the Amazons in 2 Chron 1981); W. RUDOLPH, Die Chrollikbiicher
14: 14, if the text is about Amazons at all. (TUbingen 1955); W. B. TVRRELL, Ama-
Apart from the fact that the list of booty ZOIlS. A Swdy in Athenian M)'thmaking (Bal-
enumerated there contains mainly items of timore 1984); F. WITEK. Amazonen, RAC
cattle, which might suggest that Amazons Suppl. I Lief. 2 (Stuttgart 1985) 289-30 I.
are regarded here as a kind of animals, the
P. W. VAN DER HORST
problem is that the text has -rou<;
'A~a~ovci<;, an elsewhere completely unat-
tested masculine form (the fourth cent. BCE AMUN i'il:~
rationalistic mythographer Palnephatus' I. Amun. Jmll, from JMN 'to hide': the
interpretation of Amazons as male warriors "Hidden one". The Greeks identified Amun
found no adherents). MT's 'the tents of cat- with -Zeus because of his function as chief
tle' (LXX: <JKT\va<; Kn;CJ£ffiV), to which 'toU<; of the Egyptian pantheon. Amun occurs as
'A~a~oVE1<; has apparently been added as an divine name in Jer 46:25 ('omoll m;lIIlo'
epexegetical apposition, may also have been Amon of No: Amon of Thebes) and Nah 3:8
taken to mean '(the tents ot) those who pos- (110' 'omon No-Amon: the city of Amon).
sessed cattle' or 'herdsmen,' as the Targum II. The original nature of Amun is deter-
seems to have done (see J. S. McIVOR, The mined by two factors: 1. the close relation-
Targllnl of Chronicles [The Aramaic Bible ship with -·Min of Koptos, the god of

28
AMUN

kingship, fertility and virility; 2. the role of saviour (ethical authority, the god of the
Amun as one of the personifications of individual). The second stage reacts to the
preexistence (cf. Pyr. 466: Amun and monotheistic revolt of Akhenaten and must
Amaunet as feminine counterpart, alongside be interpreted as an attempt to combine both
Njw and Naunet [water], -Atum and Ruti the monotheistic idea of the uniqueness or
[creator] and Shu and Tefnut [air], see 'oneness' of god and the polytheistic wor-
SETHE 1929:§61). Two further aspects dev- ship of the different deities whose ongoing
elop since the II th dynasty with the cooperation and antagonism forms cosmic
equation of Amun with the sun god -oRe reality (ASSMANN 1983: 189-286). The result
and his establishment as the city god of is the pantheistic idea of a god who is both
Thebes and the state god of a reunified hidden and cosmic, both transcendent and
Egypt, which implies his status as chief of immanent, the "One-and-AlI", eg. "the One
the pantheon ('king of the gods', Eg. Jmn- who made himself into millions" (ASSMANN
Rrw-nsw-nfnv, Gk Ammonrasonrher, and 1983:208-218; ZANDEE 1992: 168-176). Amun
other titles of royal character, see SETHE is the god both of preexistence and of cre-
1929:§ 11). In this function of state god, ation. This means that he did not create the
Amun is venemted in the temple of Karnak. world out of chaos, but that he transformed
The most important theriomorphic aspect himself into the world. The world in its tri-
and sacred animal of Amun is the ram (ovis partite form as heaven-earth-underworld de-
platyum aeg.) whose characteristic horns velops as the realm for the god in his tri-
appear in the iconography of Alexander the partite existence as 'Ba' (sun), 'image' (cult
Great after his ritual 'divinization' (initiation statue at Thebes) and 'corpse' (ASSMANN
as Egyptian king) in the temple of Luxor. 1983:241-246). But in his function as life-
This latter temple (built by Amenophis III) god, Amun is immanent in a triad of Iife-
is specifically devoted to the god-king giving elements viz. light, air and water
relationship and the Luxor festival cel- (ASSMANN 1983:250-263). The most im-
ebrates the annual renewal of divine king- portant concept in this theology is 'Ba', a
ship (L. BEll, JNES 44 [1985] 251-294). A kind of soul, which leaves the body at the
third Theban temple of Amun, built by moment of death and is able to pass into a
Hatshepsut and Thutmosis III on the west celestial or underworld abode and to come
bank at Medinet Habu, is devoted to his pri- back to visit the mummy in the tomb. This
mordial aspect as Kematef, Gk Kneph "who anthropological concept has been extended
has accomplished his time" (SETHE 1929: already in the Coffin Texts to the divine
§§ 103-110). In Ptolemaic times, the three world in order to explain the relationship of
Theban fomls of Amun are organized as a deity and hislher cosmic manifestation: the
three generations: Kematef (grandfather), wind as "the ba of Shu", the light as "the ba
Amun-Re (father) and Amun-of-Luxor (son) of Re" etc. In the Ramesside theology of
(SETHE 1929:§ 115 goes a little too far in Amun, the Ba concept is used to work in
distinguishing even four generations). two different directions: to designate the
The theology of Amun as formulated in a many gods as the Ba-'manifestation' of the
multitude of hymns (see ASSMANN 1975; hidden 'One', but also the hidden 'One' as
1983) develops in two stages: I. from the the 'soul' whose body is the cosmos
Middle Kingdom until Amama; 2. from (ASSMANN 1983: 189-218). In this aspect,
post-Amarna until the Gracco-Roman the name 'Amun' is avoided in the hymns
period. In the first stage (see ASSMANN and the god is called "the mysterious Ba"
1983: 145-188; 1984:221-232), the nature of (ASSMANN 1983:203-207). The cosmic
Arnun is unfolded in 5 aspects: (I) primor- body of god comprises -heaven and --earth
dial god, (2) creator god, (3) ruler (city god, as head and feet, sun and -omoon as the two
state god and king of the gods), (4) pre- eyes, the air as the breath and the water as
server, "life god", sun god and (5) judge and the sweat of the god, but there are many

29
AMUN

other elaborations of the idea of the "cosmic sion the god. who is usual1y hidden in his
god". (ASSMANN 1979; H. STERNBERG-EL temple and is strictly unapproachable to
HOTABI, Der Propylon des Month-Tempels everybody except the priests on service,
in Karnak-Nord [Wiesbaden 1993] 23-26). appears to his people and can be approached
The most elaborated conception of this by everyone who wants to appeal to the god
Sa-theology appears in temples of the Late for healing from a sickness or protection
Period (7th and 6th centuries BCE) and dis- against a danger or persecution etc. Some of
tinguishes ten 'Sas' of Amun as modes of the prayers to the god from the time of
his intramundane manifestion (1. C. GOVaN, Amenophis II have been preserved on os-
The Edifice of Taharqa (cds. R. A. Parker, traca; they seem to have been presented to
J. Leclant & J. C. Goyon; Providence 1979] the god in this form during his procession
69-79, 40-41, pI.27.): the first two Sas are (G. POSENER, REg 27 [1975] 195-210).
sun and moon. the eyes of the cosmic gods, These texts seem to be first instances of
they stand for 'time' as one of the Ii fe- "Personal Piety", a movement which was
giving elements; the next two are the Sas of suppressed during the Amarna period and
Shu and Osiris for 'air' and 'water', 'Light', which after the failure of this monotheistic
in this theology, is represented by the Sa of revolution expanded al1 over Egypt. Amun
Tefnut. Then come five 'Sas' standing for remained the exponent of this new religios-
five classes of living beings: mankind. ity. His aspect as judge and saviour of the
quadrupeds (living on earth), birds (living in poor became central and a model for the
the sky). fishes (living in the water) and theology of other deities as well. The tradi-
snakes, scarabs and the dead (living in the tional 'theology of maintenance' concentrat-
earth). Most important is the Sa responsible ing on cosmic life and its cyclical renewal
for mankind: he is identified with the now changed into a 'theology of will' con-
"king's ka", i.e. the divine institution of centrating on historical and biographical fate
pharaonic kingship. and significance. Catastrophical events, as
Among the Theban festivals. four are wel1 as miraculous salvations, are now inter-
most important: the festivals of Luxor. of preted as divine interventions, a traditional
the val1ey. of Min and of Sokar. The first conception in the Near East (B. ALnREKT-
two are closely linked with the Egyptian SON, History and the Gods [Lund 1967]) but
concept of kingship. During the Luxor festi- quite new in the Egyptian context (see
val (LdA 4:574-579; L. BELL, JNES 44 ASSMANN 1989).
[ 1985 J 251-294), the barks of the Karnak Around the festival of Luxor originated a
triad (Amun. Mut and -Khonsu) and the new form of oracular intervention. which
bark of the king visit the temple of Luxor. during the 18th dynasty is restricted to
The king, during this visit, undergoes a Amun and to questions of the royal suc-
spiritual rebirth as son of Amun. The festi- cession but which after Amama expanded to
val thus performs an annual renewal of other deities and to al1 kinds of human prob-
kingship. During the valley festival (LdA lems (LdA 4:600-606). This development
6:187-189), the divine barks cross the -·Nile culminated in the establishment of a regular
and visit the mortuary temples of the kings. theocracy during the 21 st dynasty (end of
Whereas the Luxor festival confirms the 11 th century), when Amun assumed the role
divine descent of the king, the festival of the of supreme ruler and exerted this rule by
val1ey confirms his genealogical legit- means of oracular decisions (LdA 2:822-
imation; it performs an annual renewal of 823). Even after this rather revolutionary
the community with the -dead. Around the period the Theban region and its neighbour-
festival of the valley originates a new form ing nomes continued to form a "divine
of god-man-relationship which later comes state" within the state, ruled by Amun, his
to be known as "Personal Piety" (ASS!>tANN clergy and above all by the "god's wife of
1989:68-82 [& lit]). In the fornl of a proces- Amun", a royal princess (LdA 2:792-812).

30
AM UN

The temple and the festival of Luxor are god. If there are correspondences between
devoted to Amun as the god of divine king- Amun and --Yahweh (SETHE 1929:§§255-
ship. This aspect of Amun finds its most 260), they have to be seen in the political,
explicit expression in the "myth of the royal ethical and social character of Amun, acting
birth.., a cycle of pictures and accompanying both as god of the Mate and as judge and
texts represented in the funerary temple of saviour of the poor (see also J. DE MOOR.
Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahan, the temple of The Rise of JahwisIII [Leuven 1990».
Luxor and the Ramesseum (BRU:-J:-:ER 1964: Another typical trait of Amun that might
ASSMANN 1982). It tells and shows how bring him into a certain proximity to
Amun decides to create a new king, falls in Yahweh is his comparatively non-mythical
love with a beautiful woman who turns out and 'non-constellative' character. There are
to be the queen of the reigning king. visiL" no myths which have Amun for a prot-
her in the shape of her husband. begets the agonist. Amun has a female counterpart
future king. orders --Thoth to announce to (Amaunet, also Mut), but is otherwise un-
her the approaching events and Khnum to related. The association of Khonsu as his
fonn the child in the mother's womb, son is a local construction.
vivifies the child and supports the pregnant III. The deity Amun is referred to in an
woman by his breath. The birth and suckling oracle against Egypt (Jer 46:25). Within this
of the child are shown, then follow scenes context, Amun is the only Egyptian deity
where Amun recognizes the new-born child mentioned by name. Therefore, it can be in-
as his son and presents him as the future ferred that he was seen as a or the major
king to the Ennead. The cycle ends with deity of Egypt by the sixth century BeE
scenes of circumcision and purification. In Judahites. (n Nah 3:8 the city No-Amon is
all extant versions. this cycle of birth scenes mentioned in comparison. The fate of the
is complemented by a cycle of coronation city should be an indication to the Assyrians
scenes. Both cycles belong together. The that their rule will not remain unchallenged.
meaning of the birth cycle is the adoption of The identity of name of the Egyptian deity
the king by Amun as the first step of the Amun with the Judahite king Amon (2 Kgs
coronation ceremony. Together with king- 21:19-26: 2 Chron 33:21-25) rests on homo-
ship the king enters a new filiation and nymy.
acquires a new biography. In Graeco-Roman IV. Bibliography
times this cycle was transposed entirely into J. ASSMAN:-:, Agyptische Hy",nell ,mel
the divine sphere and the role of the king Gebetc (ZUrich 1975); ASSMANN, Primat
was now played by the child-god of the und Transzendenz, Struktur und Genese der
divine triad. The festival called mswt nlr :igyptischen VorstelJung eines 'H&hsten
"divine birth" was perfonned in a special Wesens', Aspekte der spiitiigyptischen Reli-
building calJed (in Coptic) "mammisi" gio/l (ed. \Y. Westendorf: GOF IV.9: Wies-
(birth-place). The myth shows close paral- baden 1979) 7-40: ASSMAN:-J, Die Zeugung
lels not only to the Greek myth of Amphi- des Sohnes. Bild, Spiel, Erzahlung und das
tryon but also to the birth of -·Christ as told Problem des agyptischen Mythos, Fli/lk-
by Luke. tiollClI lind LeislUngl'1l des Mythos (J.
The much debated character of Amun as Assman, W. Burkert & F. Stolz: aBO 48:
'pneuma' (SrrnlE 1929:§§231-235), how- Fribourg 1982) 13-61; ASSMANN, SOllnell-
ever, seems to be based on a misunderstand- hymnen ill thelxlllischcn Griibenz (71zeben J)
ing. The aspect of Amun as a god of 'wind' (Mainz 1983); ASSMANN, Agypten • Theo-
(SETHE 1929:§§ 187-230) has to be seen in logie wzd Frommigkeit ciner friihcll Hoc/z-
context of his other cosmic manifestations: kllltlir (Stuttgart 1984); ASS~IANN, State and
light and water. The air is just one of his Religion in the New Kingdom, Religion and
fonns of live-giving intramundane manifes- Philosophy in A/lcie1l1 Egypt (ed. W. K.
tations, but not the original nature of the Simpson; Yale Egyptological Studies 3;

31
AMURRU

New Haven 1989) 55-88; J. F. BORGlfoUTs. writing d MAR-TU would also pemlit the pro-
Divine Intervention in Ancient Egypt and its nunciation 'Mardu' or 'Cardu'. It is evident
Manifestation. Gleallings from Deir el- from Old Assyrian theophoric personal
Medina, (R. J. Demaree & J. J. Janssen; Lei- names that Sum Martu is equated at an early
den 1982) 1-70; H. BRUNNER. Ocr frcie stage with Akk Amurru (H. HIRSCH. Unter-
Wille Gottes in der tigyptischen Weisheit, sliclulllgen zur alrass)'rischen Religion lAfO
Sagesses du Proche Orient aneil'lI (Paris Beih. 13/14; Vienna 1961] 5). Though there
1963) 103-117; BRUNNER, Die Gebllrt des is no proof of a phonetic correspondence
Gottkiinigs (AA 10; Wiesbaden 1964); between the two. some such correspondence
BRUNNER, Personliche Frommigkeit, LdA 4 must be assumed as the basis for the
(1982) 951-963; E. OlTO. Osiris lind Anum equation (cf. the unclarified relationship
(MUnchen 1966); Ono, Amun, LdA I (1975) between Kiengir and Sumeru, the Sumerian
237-248; S. SAUNERON & J. YOYOITE, La resp. Akkadian designation for 'Sumer').
naissance dll mOllde sl'loII l'Egypte ancienne Sum 'Martu' and Akk 'Amurru' were pre-
(SO I; Paris 1959) 17-91; K. Sf:."THE, Anum sumably both attempts to render the un-
lind die acht Urgotrer von Henllopolis known vocable by which the Amorite
(APAW; Berlin 1929); J. ZANOEE, De lI)'m- peoples designated themselves. Alongside
lien aan Amoll van Papynts !..Liden I 350 the writing d MAR-TU there is an alternative
(OMRO 28; Leiden, 1947); ZANDEE, Der orthography AN-AN-MAR-ru, perhaps to be
AmlinhynullIs des Pap)'nts !..Liden I 344, read as dn-Amurrim. 'god of Amurrum' (sec
Verso, 3 Vols. (Lciden 1992). EOZARO 1989:437 for a full discussion).
J. ASSMANN The name underscores the fact that the god
must be seen as the personification of the
Amorites.
AMURRU Amurru was introduced into the Mesopot-
I. Amurru is the eponymous god of the amian pantheon at a rather late stage. since
nomadic peoples of the western desert that he was not included in the family of Enlil;
began to manifest themselves in Mesopota- as a 'novice' he is presented as a son of An
mia from the late third millennium BeE and Ura.~ (KLEIN 1997:1(4). Martu has
onward. These peoples are known in cunei- many traits of a West-Semitic stonn god
fonn sources as 'Amorites' (Amllrru. Sum such as Hadad. According to a Sumerian
MAR-TU). Their god. known as Amurru hymn. Amurru is a warrior god. strong as a
(Akkadian) or Martu (Sumerian), is best lion, equipped with bow and arrows, and
characterized as a stonn god, comparable in using stonn and thunder as his weapons (A.
type with -'Hadad or -'Yahweh. References FALKENSTEIN, Swnerische Gotterlieder, Vol.
to Amurru in the Hebrew Bible are either I [Heidelberg 1959] 120-140). His role as a
indirect or debated. As the god is ep- stonn god explains why one of the younger
onymous, his name can be heard in the god lists identifies Amurru as 'Adad of the
ethnic designation J bnori, •Amorite'. The inundation' (dIS KUR .M a-bu-be, CT 24 pI.
name Amraphel (Gen 14:1.9) may contain 40:48). In addition, Amurru is known as the
Amurru as a theophoric clement, assuming 'exorcist' (mllssipu) of the gods; his curved
it should be interpreted as 'Amurru-has- staff (gamlu) frees from punishment (pa!ar
answered' (Amuml-ipu/). A number of ennetri, 511rpll VIII 41-47, cf. W. G. LAM-
scholars believe the name -'Shadday, usual- BERT, Gam sen not a weapon of war. NABU
ly found as EI-shadday, reflects the epithet 1987/3 no. 92). A similar combination is
bCl ~ade, 'Lord of the Mountain'. currently extant in the theology of -'Marduk. Accord-
carried by Amurru. ing to the Myth of Martu (also known as the
II. The Sumerian name of the god Marriage of Martu). Amurru acquired
Amurru is still a matter of debate. The pro- Adgarudu (others read Adnigkidu) as his
nunciation 'Martu' is conventional. since the wife (for the Marriage of Martu see J. BOT-

32
AMURRU

TERO & S. N. KRAMER, Lorsque les diclL" prominence in the popular religion of the
faisaienr I'hofflme [Pars 1989J 430-437: J. Old and Middle Babylonian periods, as wit-
KLEIN, Additional Notes to 'the Marriage of nessed by his frequent mention (often
Martu', Memorial Volume KlI1sclrer led. A. alongside Ashratu) in legends of cylinder
F. Rainey: Tel Aviv 19931 93-106). Both seals (KUPPER 1961 :57-60). In his capacity
goddesses arc little known. More common, as family god ('god of the father'), Amurru
however, is the pairing of Amurru with the did on occasion receive letter prayers (AbB
West Semitic goddess Ashratu (-+Ashemh: 12 no. 99). The cult of Amurru was not
cf. KLEIN 1997:105: KUPPER 1961:59). limited to Mesopotamia proper. Also in such
According to his mythology, Amurru 'peripheral' places as Emar and Alalakh, the
inhabits the I'A.DUN = ~ur-sag, literally "the god Amurru was known (note the lwrranll
mountain", actually a designation of the fa dfAlmurri, Emar no. 169:6', cf. J.-M.
steppe (CAVIGNEAUX 1987); Amurru is in- DURAND, RA 84 [1990] 66 for the correct
deed the bel fade, 'Lord of the mountain' reading: a cylinder seal from Alalakh
(AkkGE 54), as well as the bel #ri, 'Lord of depicts Amurru as a naked yong man, D.
the steppe' (C. B. F. WALKER, apud D. COL- COLLON, Tire Seal Impressions from Tell
LON, Catalogue of tire Westenr Asiatic Seals Atclwnah/AlalakJr [AOAT 27: Neukirchen-
in tire British Museum, Cylinder Seals Ill, Vluyn 1975173 no. 135).
Isin/Larsa and tire Old Babylonian Periods III. Though the Amorites arc known in
[London 1986J 96: 140). He bears the epithet the Hebrew Bible (as lrii J bllori), the god
"the -~Shepherd who treads on the moun- Amurru as such is not unambiguously at-
tains (i.e. the steppe)" (L. LEGRAIN, Tire tested. The personal name Amraphel
Culture of tire Babylonians from their Seals t~iC~, Gen 14:1.9) might possibly be ana-
in tire Collections of the Museum [PBS 14; lyzed ali • Amurru-ipul, but other etymol-
Philadelphia 1925] no. 342). The correspon- ogies have been proposed as well (note
dence between the god Amurru and the especially Amar-pi-EI, see Ges.!8 78: cf.
Amorites is evident: since the latter have the also the suggestion by M. C. ASTOUR,
steppe as their original habitat, their god is Amraphel, ABD I (1992) 217-218).
believed to dwell there as well. His behav- In spite of the absence of the theonym
iour typically reflects the characteristics of Amurru in the Bible, the god nevertheless
Amorite nomads as perceived by civilized plays a significant role in OT scholarship.
Mesopotamians. According to a passage in The reason for this is the interpretation of
the Marriage of Martu, the god "dresses in Shadday (often occurring in the combination
sheepskins [... J, lives in a tent, at the mercy EI-shadday) as 'Mountaineer' or 'the Moun-
of wind and rain, [... J docs not offer tain One' (first proposed by W. F. AL-
sacrifice [... J. He digs up truffles in the BRIGHT, The Names Slraddai and Abmm,
steppe, but docs not know how to bow his JBL 54 [19351 173-204, esp. 184). Various
knee [i.e. he is not accustomed to sit down authors consider this the Canaanite equiv-
for a meal (1)]. He eats raw meat. In life he alent of Amurru's epithet bel Jade, 'Lord of
has no house, in death he lies not buried in a the Mountain': they draw the conclusion
grave" (E. CmERA, Sumerian Epics and that Shadday (or EI-shadday) is to be ident-
Mytlrs [OIP 15: Chicago 1934] no. 58 iv 23- ified with Amurru (e.g. E. BURROWS, The
29). Meaning of El Saddai, JTS 41 [1940] 152-
The earliest attestation to the cult of 161: L. R. BAILEY, Israelite 'EI sadda)' and
Amurru dates from the late Sargonic Period. Amorite Bel sade, JBL 87 [1968] 434-438;
His name is a frequent theophoric element J. OUELLETTE, More on )EI sadday and Bcl
in personal names under the Third Dynasty sade, JBL 88 [1969J 470-471: R. DE VAUX,
of Ur (H. LIMET, L'anrhropOlrymie sunrer- Histoire allciemre d'israel des origines a
ienne dans les documell1s de la 3e dynastie !'installatioll ell Canaan [Paris 1971 J 264:
d'Ur [Paris 1968] 158). The god gained CROSS 1973:57: T. N. D. METI1NGER, In

33
ANAKIM - ANAMMELECH

Search of God [philadelphia 1988] 71). II. Many explain the divine name as a
CROSS explains the combination EI-shadday combination of Babylonian Anu with West
by assuming that Arnurru is the Amorite Semitic melek, 'Anu is king' (GRAY 1977:
name (or fonn) of EI. He argues that EI ali 596: cf. J. A. MONTGO~fERY & H. S. GEH-
the divine warrior of important western MAN. Kings [ICC: Edinburgh 1951] 476; M.
tribes or leagues was reintroduced into COGAN & H. TADMOR, II Kings [AB 11;
Mesopotamia under the name Amurru New York 1988] 212). However, the ancient
(1973:59). This theory, though speculative, Sumerian sky-god's name is never written in
is not entirely without merit. The cuneifonn cuneifonn with any hint of an initial gut-
orthogrnphy AN-AN-MAR-TU could be read as tural, and where it occurs in Semitic trnn-
dEI-Amurrum, 'the Amorite EI' (K. VAN scription it is written 'n (J. A. FrrZMYER &
DER TOORN, Family Religion in Babylonia, S. A. KAUFMAN, An Aramaic Bibliography,
Syria and Israel [Lciden 1996] 90). The pai- Pan I: Old. Official and Biblical Aramaic
ring of Amurru with Ashrntu, moreover, [Baltimore 1992] 170 seal no. 24, 52 Uruk
also suggests an underlying identification Bricks), so it is mistaken to seek it here (so
with El (who is customarily associated with already A. SA:--JDA, Die Biicher der Konige
Ashernh in Ugaritic text<;). The interpreta- [MUnster 1912] 231-232). Thus there is no
tion of Jadday as 'the Mountain One', evidence for syncretism of Babylonian Anu
however, is far from certain. On the basis of with West Semitic Melek (= Athtar) here, as
Ug Jd(y) and Heb Jiideh, a meaning 'of the GRAY (I977) argued. Rather, the initial cl-
field' is much more plausible. The equation ement of the name is the male counterpart
of (El-)Shadday with Arnurru must therefore of the well-known West Semitic goddess
be regarded as unproven. -.Anat ('nt), written 'n (so DRIVER 1958: 19:
IV. Bibliography ZADOK 1976: 117). Personal names from the
A. CAVIGNEAUX, PA.DUN = bursag et Ie early second miHennium BCE onwards incor-
dieu Amurru, NABU 1987/2 no. 26; F. M. pornte the fonn (H. B. HUFFMON, Amorire
CROSS, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic Personal NameJ in the Mari Texts
[Cambridge, Mass. 1973] 56-59; ·0. O. [Baltimore 1965J 199: R. ZADOK, On West
EDZARD, Martu, RLA 7/5-6 (1989) 433-438; SemiteJ ill Babylonia during the CllOldean
J. KLEIN, The God Martu in Sumerian Lite- and Achaemt'lliall Periods [Jerusalem 1977]
rnture, Sumerian Gods and 71leir Represen- 39), yet the deity remains "an obscure
tations (CM 7: eds. 1. L. Finkel & M. J. figure, known only from personal names"
Geller; Groningen 1997) 99-116; J.-R. Kup- (5. RIBICfflNI & P. XELLA, SEL 8 (1991)
PER, Les nomades en Mesopotamie all temps 149-170, esp. 166). Alternatively. it is poss-
des rois de Mar; (Paris 1957) 245-247: ible that Anammelech is an assimilation of
KUPPER, L'iconographie dll diell Amllrrll • Anat-Melech. a fonn comparable to Anat-
dans la glyptique de la Ire dynasrie babylo- Yahu known from the Elephantine papyri.
nienne (paris 1961). III. No light can be shed on the cult of
this god and his fellow apart from the bibli-
K. VAN DER TOORN
cal narrntor's remark that the people
"burned their children in fire" to them. The
ANAKIM - REPHAIM expression siirap (bii'es), 'to bum (in/with
fire)'. has been interpreted as reflecting the
ANAMMELECH l'oW deuteronomistic polemics against foreign
I. Anammelech is a god whom the deities (e.g. WEINFEI.D 1972). This view,
people of Sepharvaim, settled in Samaria by however, has been seriously challenged (e.g.
the Assyrians, worshipped beside -.Adram- by KAISER 1976). The action then suggests
melech, 2 Kgs 17:31. On Sepharvaim as a a relationship with the god -·Molech.
West Semitic settlement in Babylonia, see IV. Bibliography
Adrnmmelech. B. BECKum, The Fall of Samaria. An His-

34
ANANKE

torical and Archaeological SllIdy (SHANE theory of her Orphic origin); and Proclus
2: Leiden 1992) 99-102; G. R. DRIVER. indicates that she played an important role
Geographical Problems. £rlsr 5 (1958) 16- in the beliefs of several mystery religions in
20; J. GRAY. I and 1/ Kings (OTL; London late antiquity (Comm. in Remp. II 344-5
1977 3): O. KAISER. Der Erstgeborene deiner KROLL). In two Hennetic excerpts in Stoba-
Sohne sollst du mir gebcn. Denkender Glall- eus the author discusses the mutual demar-
be (FS C. H. Ratschow; ed. O. Kaiser; cation of the roles of -·Pronoia, Hcimanne-
Berlin & New York 1976) 24-48; M. WEIN- ne and Ananke (fr. XII in Am". I 5, 20. and
fELD. The Worship of Molech and the fro XIV in Am", I 5. 16, with the comments
Queen of Heaven and its Background. UF 4 of A.-J. FESTUGIERE & A. D. NOCK. Corpus
(1972) 133-154; R. ZADOK. Geographical Hermeticwn III [Paris 1954] Ixxix-Ixxx).
and Onomastic Notes. JANES 8 (1976) 114- Her role in the magical papyri as a 'buber-
126. gottheit' (SCHRECKENBERG 1964: 139-145)
still needs further investigation; cf. also her
A. R. MILLARD
function in the Dracula Chaldaica and in
Gnostic sources (F. SIEGERT, Nag-Ham11ladi-
ANANKE 'AvaYKfl Register [TUbingen 1982) 211). The growing
I. Anankc. ·necessity. constraint'. pres- 'popularity' of Anankc in late antiquity is
ented as the personification of the inevitable certainly connected with the increasing
and inesc~lpable. hence of the inexorable influence of astrology and its accompanying
Fate, plays an important role in Greek relig- fatalism. People often felt themselves
ious and philosophical Iitemture (SCHRECK- "dominated and crushed by blind forces that
ENBERG 1964). The word occurs 43 times in dragged them on as irrcsistably as they kept
the LXX and 18 times in the NT with the the celestial spheres in motion" (F.
meanings 'necessity. compulsion. obligation: CUMONT. Oriental Religions in Roman
distress, suffering. calamity: inevitability' Paganism [New York 1911] 181; for the
(STRODEL 1980) but never as a personi- astrological setting also NILSSON 1961:
fication of Fate. 506). Pausania.'i mentions a sanctuary of
II. Anankc is mentioned by Plato in the Ananke and Bia (Force) in Corinth. "into
myth of Er (Resp. 616c·617c) as the en- which it is not customary to enter" (Descrip-
throned governor of the cosmos and as the tio Graeciae II 4.6; note the same combina-
mother of the Moirai. the goddesses of Fate. tion of deities in the Gnostic NHC VII 61).
and he presents her as more powerful even III. Although the personified Anankc
than the gods (Leg. 818e; SCHRECKENBERG occurs neither in the Greek Bible nor in the
1964:81-10 I). The great tmgedians. too. Jewish pseudepigrapha, there is an interest-
testify to her unrivalled power over all other ing Jewish prayer in a Berlin magical papy-
beings and her inexorable character rus (PGM I 197-222. with a parallel in PGM
(Aeschylus, Prom. 515-520: Euripides. Or. IV 1167-1226) in which Adam prays to be
1330. Ale. 965. Hel. 514: cf. Sophocles. Ant. saved from the wpa av<iy",,,~ (221). As
944-954 and the scholion ad loc.), as did PETERSON (1959: 124) has demonstrated. this
already the Presocratic philosophers. es- must be interpreted in the light of an earlier
pecially Parmenides. in whose writings she petition in the same prayer in which Adam
plays a role of paramount importance asks to be protected from the power of the
together with -·Dike and Moira (-·Fortuna). OaillOOV aEplo~ and of ElllapllEVT\ (for the
In Stoic fatalism Ananke became indistin- connection of aitp and Anankc see Proelus.
guishable from Heimannene. She figures in Comm. in Remp. II 109 KROLL). This rather
(late?) Orphic mythology, e.g. as the mother syncretistic prayer depicts the situation of
of Heimarmene and of the triad Aither. Adam (= Man?) a.'i one who is helplessly at
-'Chaos and Erebos (FAUTH 1975; but sec the mercy of Fate. over which only the God
SCHRECKENBERG 1964: 131-134 against the of Israel can exercise power. a motif also

35
ANAT

adumbrated in other magical papyri. cally are based on scholars' perceptions of


IV. Bibliography Anat's character. see GRAY (1979:321 and n.
P. DRAGER, Ananke, Der Nelle Pallly I 42), DEEM (1978:25-27 and notes), PARDEE
(Stuttgan 1996) 653-654; W. FAUTH, (1990:464-466) and SMITU (1995). Of these,
Ananke, KP I (MUnchen 1975) 332; ·W. Kapelrud's proposal to understand Anal's
GUNDEL, Beitrlige zur Entwickillngsge- name in connection with the verb 'anti "to
schichle der Begriffe Ananki lind Heimar- sing" (1969:28: KB's 'nh IV) can be dismis-
mene (Giessen 1914); M. P. NILSSON, sed on the grounds that the first radical of
Geschichle der griechischen Religion II the Arabic cognate is g, and DEEM'S sugge-
(MUnchen 1961 2); E. PETERSON, Die Befrei-
ung Adams aus der Qvayl(T), Fn'ihkirche,
stion of a hypothetical root ·'n" "to make
love" lacks evidence. The most attractive
Jildentlim lind Gnosis (Rome 1959) 107- proposal is GRAY'S suggestion to compare
128; *H. SCHRECk'ENBERG, Anonke. Ulller- Anat's name with Arabic 'anwat "force. vio-
sucllllngen ,Ilr Geschichle des Wort- lence" (KB' s 'nh II, .'mv). This accords
gebrallchs (MOnchen 1964); E. SIMON, well with a primary feature of Anat's char-
UMC I.l (1981) 757-758; A. STROnEL, acter, and dovetails with W. G. LAMBERT'S
QvaYKl1 etc., EWNT I (Stuttgan 1980) 185- (VTSup 40 [1986] 132) proposal to see an
190. etymological connection between Anal's
name and the Hanaeans (tla-nll-,i: see Kup-
P. W. VAN DER HORST
PER 1957: I n. I). The Hanaeans were an
Amorite/north-west Semitic group who are
ANAT raW referred to numerous times in the eighteenth
I. The MT makes no direct reference to century nCE Mari archives. Also mentioned
the goddess Anat, though several scholars numerous times in the archives is d/m-na-at,
have proposed interpretations and conjec- and a place called dba.na.at ki or hi; d[Ja.na.
tural emendations that would create refer- alki , which was located about 125 kilome-
ences or allusions to her in the biblical text ters downstream from Mari. While no text
As the MT stands, however, her name ap- explicitly calls the goddess Hanat goddess
pears unequivocally only as a component of of the Hanaeans. Lambert's proposal seems
one personal and one place name, Shamgar nevertheless attractive. However, it should
ben Anat (Judg 3:31) and Beth Anat (Josh be noted that the city of Hanat was not loca-
19:38 and Judg I :33) respectively. Her ted in primarily Hanaean territory (M.
name might also be evidenced in the place ANnAR. I.es triblls amllrriles de Mar; [OBO
names Anathoth and Beth Anot and the per- 108; Gottingen 1991]).
sonal name Anathoth. II. The available evidence indicates that
In Ugaritic Anal's name is written 'nl, Anat was originally a north-west Semitic
and in Akkadian (which cannot represent C) goddess. The main source of information
it is written /janal, Anal, and (once) Kanat. about her in this context is the Ugaritic cor-
Given the Hebrew spelling with 'a)';n, and pus of texts. The predominant view among
given that the Ugaritic alphabet included the scholars is that the Ugaritic texts present
consonants g and b, it seems clear that the Anat as a "fertility goddess" who is the
first rndical of her name goes back to proto- consort of the god -.Baal. It is also often
Semitic *C. In texts from Emar the name of stated that she is the mother of Baal's
the goddess may be hidden behind the offspring. Some scholars funher allege that
Sumerogram dNIN.URTA (NA'AMAN 1990: the texts present her as acting like a prosti-
254). tute, either to entice Baal specifically, or in
There has been a great deal of specu- her general conduct. Even when she is
lation concerning the etymology of the name described in what seems to be more respect-
Anat, with no conclusive results. For collec- ful terms as Baal's sacred bride, this carries
tions of the various suggestions, which typi- overtones of illegitimate sexuality because it

36
ANAT

implies cultic enactments of the so-called and Ar~ay (N. WALLS 1992: 116-122). The
sacred marriage. which is also referred to by description of Anat as a wetnurse (KTU 1.15
many scholars as ritual prostitution. For a ii:26-28) denotes her special associations
critique of the widely held scholarly with warriors and with royalty (WALLS
assumption that all ancient Near Eastern 1992:152-154; cf. Isa 49:23; 60:16) and
goddesses are sexually active "fertility" god- docs not necessitate viewing her as procre-
desses. see HACKETf (1989:65-76) and ative (DAY 1992:190 n. 63). Arguments for
W AU.5 (1992: 13-75; for Anat in particular. Anal's alleged procreativity that are based
cf. AMICO 1989:457-492). For a review and on theophoric personal names evidenced at
evaluation oftheevidence for the alleged prac- Ugarit and elsewhere (e.g. EATON 1964:14).
tice of ritual prostitution in north-west Se- such as a-na-ti-lIm-mi ("Anat is my mo-
mitic religion. see ODEN (The Bible Wit/Will ther") and bill-anat ("son of Anat" [both
77leology [San Fmncisco 1987] 131-153). names cited by GRONDAHL 1967:321]) can
The view that Anat is depicted in the be challenged by interpreting such kinship
Ugaritic texts as a sexually active and poss- names as metaphorically denoting status
ibly reproductive deity hali been recently relationships. and by viewing these names
challenged by DAY (1991 and 1992) and alongside other names such as adalZll-ul1Il1IU
WALLS (1992). who argue that there is no ("the Lord is mother"), '[tr-um ("Ashtar is
clear reference in the Ugaritic texts to Anat mother" [both names cited by GRONDAHL
engaging in sexual intercourse. Rather, 1967:46]) and ba-mi-dt/a-na-at ("Anat is
Anal's alleged sexual activity has, in some my paternal uncle [?]" [H. HUFFMON, Al1Io-
cases. been entirely reconstmcted in avail- rite Perso1lal Names ill the Mari Texts (Bal-
able lacunae. and hapax legomena and other timore 1965) 201] cf. -·Am). Finally. recent
cryptic words and episodes have been advances in epigraphic analysis have confir-
invcsted with appropriately supportive med that KTU 1.96 does not mention Anat
meanings. The argument based on ident- (LEWIS 1996: 116-118) and hence the tablet
ifying Anat with cO\VS that Baal has sex can no longer be used as evidence for
with is demonstrably erroneous. In KTU Anat's alleged sexual activity.
1.10 ii:26-29 Anat is clearly distinguishable Anat is depicted in the Ugaritic mythol-
from a cow that Baal presumably matcs ogical texts as a volatile, independent, ado-
with. as 1.10 iii:33-36 clearly announces the lescent warrior and hunter. Her epithet btlt
birth of his bovinc children. The heifer that indicates that she is (as defined by her cul-
Baal mates with in KTU 1.5 v: 18-22 is also ture) a marriageable adolescent female, but
clearly not Anat, for Anal subsequently does it is precisely because she "refuses to grow
not know where Baal is, and her search up" and take her place in the adult, female
leads her to the place where he and the sphere of marriage and reproductivity that
heifer mated (1.5 vi:26-31). The fact that she can remain active in the male spheres of
Anat is both described and depicted as combat and hunting. As a warrior she van-
homed is surely not a feature to be literally quishes both human (KTU 1.3 ii) and super-
understood and physically attributed to natural (KTU 1.3 iii:38-46) foes, employing
female bovines. but rather is a symbol of typical weapons of combat such as thc bow
royal or divine authority. Anat's frequent (KTU 1.3 ii:16) and sword (KTU 1.6 ii:31).
designation as the siSler (a~ll) of Ba~ll is nol Her bloodthirsty nature is shockingly ex-
conclusive evidence of a sexual Iiason. Her plicit in one well-known text (KTU 1.3 ii:3-
epithet ybmt lim", has thus far defied 30) in which she is described as joyously
confident translation and hence cannot be wading lhigh-deep in the blood of slain war-
used as a basis for arguing that she is pro- riors. She claims (KTU 1.3 iii:38-42; cf.
creative. KTU 1.3 iii:4-8 is most plausibly 1.83 8-10) to have defeated Yarnmlthe twist-
interpreted as Anat singing about the mutual ing --serpent (-·Sea. -·Leviathan), a con-
atlrJction between Baal and Pidray. Tallay quest elsewhere attributed to Baal (KTU 1.2

37
ANAT

iv; 1.5 i: 1-3) and a necessary step towards records from Egypt mention a Lcvantine
Ba3l's aquisition of kingship. Though sup- Beth Anat (BOWMAN 1978:210-212) and a
portive of Baal's quest for a palace and place named qrr-'nl also might be Levantine
kingship in the Baal Cycle (KTU 1.3 v), her (EATON 1964:31). A 13th c. nCE Egyptian
interests and actions run contrary to Baal's ostracon mentions a festival of Anat at Gaza
in the Aqhat Epic. In the Aqhat Epic, (B. GRDSELOFF, us Debllls dll Cllite de
Aqhat's existence is attributed to Baal's Rechef ell Egypte [Cairo 1942] 35-39), and a
petitioning -.EI on Danel's behalf for a stele depicting Anat was found in a temple
royal heir. Yet Anat resolves to murder built by Ramesses III at Beth Shan. Both
Aqhat in order to obtain his hunting bow, Gaza and Beth Shan were important Egypt-
which he has denied her panially on the ian military posts of the time. The Beth
grounds that bows and hunting belong in the Shan stele refers to Anat (spelled 'nrr, but
male domain (KTU 1.17 vi:39-40; 1.18 iv: the final I is simply a graphic marker of
DAY 1992:181-182). Vowing revenge for feminine gender [personal communications,
Aqhat's refusal to give her his bow, Anat T. O. LAMBDIN and J. F. BORGHOUTS» as
storms off and threatens EI with violence in "the -'queen of heaven, the mistress of all
order to secure his support for her retali- the gods" (A. ROWE, The Four Canaanite
ation. She then feigns reconciliation with Temples of Beth-Shan [Philadelphia 1940]
Aqhat, and possibly offers to teach him how 33) which echoes KTU 1.108 6-7, where she
to hunt (KTU 1.18 i:24, 29; DAY 1992: 181- is called "the mistress of kingship, the
182). When it becomes clear that Anat mistress of dominion, the mistress of the
intends to murder Aqhat in order to obtain high heavens" (b<lt mlk Illt drkt b<lt smm
his bow and arrows, the method she is nnm) and which is also consistent with 19th
described as employing to achieve her pur- Dynasty evidence from Egypt (see below).
pose clearly befits a huntress: she uses her An arrowhead that F. M. CROSS (1980:4 and
accomplice Yatpan like an eagle (nsr), a 6-7) thinks belonged to the EI-KhaC;lr hoard
bird of prey used by hunters in the ancient and dates ca. 1100 BCE is inscribed with the
Near East, to allack and kill Aqhat, her personal name <bdlb't btl <nl. Commenting
quarry (1.18 iv; cf. BARNE"IT 1978:29* on this arrowhen.d in light of other onomas-
n.l0). Two other texts also portray Anat as a tic evidence. including the Biqa< Dan. which
huntress. In KTU 1.22 i: II birds are her he reconstructs as containing the reading 1m
prey, and in KTU 1.114 22-23 she leaves bn <1I[t}. Cross notes that the surname Bin
Ers banquet to go hunting. In addition to 'Alliit is associated with military families,
being a huntress, KTU 1.10 and 1.13 poss- and that in this context "names bearing-as
ibly portray Anat as a benefactress of ani- an element-the epithet or proper name of
mals (DAY 1992: 183-188). the war goddess were no doubt deemed
Extrabiblically. and in addition to the fitting if not phylactic" (CROSS 1980:7). The
Ugaritic texts, the following evidence for surname bll <111 is also found on a Hebrew
Anat on Syro-Palestinian soil has been ad- seal of unknown provenance that N. AVIGAD
duced. In a document from Hazor that W. (fwo Seals of Women and Other Hebrew
Hallo and H. Tadmor date to the 18th-16th Seals, Erlsr 20 [1989] 95 [Hebrew], 197*)
centuries BCE, the personal names mDUMU- dates to the 8th-7th centuries BCE. Two 7th
va-nll-ta and mS II - III11 -ba-nll-1a are explained c. nCE Esarhaddon treaties can be confident-
by HALLO & TAm-fOR as Anat names (A ly reconstructed in light of each other to
Lawsuit From Hazor, IEJ 27 [1977] I-II). refer to a West Semitic deity dA-na-ti-Ba-a-
EA 170:43 mentions a person from Byblos a-ti-DINGIR.MES, though scholars are di-
named Anati, and a Syrian ship captain vided over whether the component A-lIa-ti
named bn <nt is mentioned in the time of should be understood as the name Anat or
Ramesses II (compare EATON 1964:28 with as a common noun (e.g. compare VAN DER
BOWMAN 1978:225). Several campaign TOORN 1992:80-85 and nn. with OLYAN

38
ANAT

1987: 170). BOWMAN (1978:247-248) at- the spearhead late fifth/early founh c. BCE.
tributes to Gaza an inscribed situla of Prince Both publications interpret these items as
Psammetichus upon which there is a repre- votive. RES 453, found in the church of Sl.
sentation of a goddess identified by the George. reads 1(/11 in a broken context and
inscription as Anat. "Lady of Heaven". her name is written on a piece of bronze'(M.
HVIDBERG-HANSEN (1979:86) assens that OIlNEFALSCH-RICIITER, K)pros, the Bible
the situla dates from the time of Psammeti- ami Homer (1893) pI. CXLI, no. 4). Also on
chus I, following GRDSELOFF (op. cit., 28). Cyprus. Anat is named in the Phoenician
who originally published the situla. Yet ponion of a bilingual text from Larnaka that
there seems to be no evidence linking this names -. Athena in the corresponding place
situla to Gaza. nor any confirmation that the in the Greek ponion of the inscription (CIS
Psammetichus in question is Psammetichus 95). Given Athena's well-known manial
I. Indeed. J. LECI..ANT (1973:257 n. 37) associations a<; well as her characteri7.ation
expresses doubts about the authenticity of as a non-sexually active. non-reproductive
this situla (as well as about the uninscribed goddess. once again the Cypriot evidence is
frontispiece of U. Cassuto's The Goddess consistent with the Ugaritic and other main-
Anarh which. some scholars have argued, land evidence. For Anat as a component of
depicts Anat as pregnant), based upon re- Punic personal names. see F. L. BENZ (Per-
peated documentational irregularities regard- .'mnal Names in the Phoenician and PlInic
ing pieces in the Michaelides collection Inscriptio1/J [Rome 1972] 382) and
(personal communication). Finally, numer- HVIDBERG-HANSEN (1979: ]43 n. 328).
ous scholars still follow W. F. ALBRIGHT Contra OLYAN (1987:]69) and ACKERMAN
(1925:88-90) in understanding the divine (1992: 19). the relative paucity of Phoenicio-
name Atta as the Aramaean equivalent of Punic Anat names should not be considered
Anat, and in understanding the divine name an accurate indicator of Anat's waned popu-
-.Atargatis as evidence that Anat and larity or lack of imponancc in mythology in
-.Astane merged to become this single the Phoenicio-Punic world. At Ugarit, where
deity. However, due to the general tendency she clearly plays a central role in the myth-
among many scholars of the Hebrew Bible ology, her name seldom appears as a com-
and the ancient Ncar East to presume that ponent of personal names (GRONDAHL
goddesses arc not clearly distinguishable . 1967:83). Note also that Olyan and Acker-
from one another in tenns of their roles and man neglect to cite the evidence from
functions (HACKETT 1989:65-76), the valid- Idalion mentioned above as weJI as much of
ity of proposals to equate goddesses or to the first millennium Egyptian evidence cited
see in a single divine name the blending of by Leclant and Bowman (see below) in their
goddesses needs critical reassessment on a discussions of first millennium data relevant
case by case basis. For Atta personal names to Anal.
in Syria, see BOWMAN 1978:218-219. As stated in section one. HanatlAnat is
Four Phoenician inscriptions from Ida- mentioned numerous times in the 18th c.
lion. Cyprus, three of which were found in BCE Mari archives. as is a place caJIed dll a-
the vicinity of the Athena/Anat temple, lIa-at ki or Bit d{fa-na-at ki , an imponant ~ity
mention Anal. Her name is written on an in the extreme south-cast of the territory
equestrian blinder and on a spearhead (RES controlled by Mari. For example, ARM 26
]209a and 1210). thus attesting to her con- III no. 196 makes reference to an oracle of
tinued maniaI associations. O. MASSON & dijanar concerning troops from Eshnunna
M. SZNYCER (Recherches sllr les Pheniciens advancing towards her city (J.-M. DURAND,
a Chypre [Paris 1972] 110) date t~e blinder ARM 26 Ill, 423 note e) and ARM 26 In
to the 7th century BCE, and E. PUECH no. 507 mentions her temp]e, presumably in
(Remarques sur quelques inscriptions phcni- the city of Hanat. ARM 21 no. 110 lists
ciennes de Chypre, Sem 29 [1979] 29) dates offerings that Zimri-Lim took to Hanat for

39
ANAT

the goddess. The city is mentioned several an Egyptian etymology rather than "soldier"
times in Assyrian and Babylonian campaign on the basis of an Ugaritic etymology. He
annals (B. K. ISMRIL [sic, Ismail] et aL, had a hunting dog named "Anat is Protec-
(Ana in the Cunefonn [sic] Sources, Sumer tion" and a sword inscribed "Anat is Vic-
39 [1983] 191-194). A recently published torious". In short. the picture that emerges is
text (CAVIGNEAUX & ISMAIL 1990, text no. remarkably consistent with what we know
17) indicates that HanatlAnat continued to of Anat from the Ugaritic texts. With regard
be an important deity in this city into the 8th to Anat's alleged sexual activity and procre-
c. BCE. Indeed, in this eighth century text ativity. papyrus Chester Beany VII can no
she is called "the most exalted of the god- longer be rallied as evidence. Prior to its
desses, the strongest of the goddesses, the collation with an unnumbered Turin papyrus
greatest of the Igigi...whose valour among (A. ROCCATI. Une legende egyptienne
the goddesses has no counterpart" (Jd-qa-a- d'Anat. REg 24 [1972] 154-159) Anal's
at i-Ia-a-ti ga~-rat dES4.DARme~ GAL-at di- name was read into the lacuna that named
gi4 -gi4 -e ... sa i-na dES 4 .DARrl'lcl la is-sa- -Seth's sexual partner. The Turin papyrus
all-na-lUl qur-di-su). For Anat and Atta demonstrates that it is The Seed. not Anal.
personal names in Mesopotamia, see EATON who copulates with Seth. Two other texts
(1964:20) and BOWMAN (1978:205-208). D. =
(Chester Beany I The COlllendings of Horus
ARNAUD (Emar VI.3 no. 216) finds the PN and Seth and Harris Magical Papyrus 111)
A-nat-um-mi at Emar. which are typically cited as evidence of
Evidence for Anat in Egypt has been col- Anal's sexual activity and procreativity are
lected by J. LECLANT (1973:253-258; add amenable to other interpretations (\VALLS
the Memphite bowl published by D. B. 1992:145-146. 149-152). Even if it should
REDFORD in the same year [1973:36-49]), be undoubtedly established. however. that
whose article is a necessary corrective to Anat is portrayed as sexually active/repro-
BOWMAN'S (1978:223-259) generally well- ductive in Egyptian mythology. the Egyptian
infonned discussion. The available evidence evidence should not automatically be used
indicates that Anat made her debut in Egypt as a basis for reconstructing Anal's persona
in conjunction with the Hyksos (for Sinai. in northwest Semitic mythology (WALLS
see M. DUKSTRA & I. BRIGGS, Proto-Sinaitic 1992: 144-145). With regard to the conten-
Sinai 527- A Rejoinder, BN 40 [1987] 7-10). tion that Anat and Astarte are not always
and she continued to be worshipped in distinguished from one another. Anat and
Egypt into the Greek and Roman eras. Astarte arc indeed sometimes paired in
What follows is a selective rather than Egyptian sources but perhaps this is because
comprehensive presentation of the Egyptian both were originally foreign goddesses from
evidence. The inscriptions. stelae and statu- an Egyptian point of view. and so they
ary of Ramesses II provide the earliest could both. under certain circumstances, sig-
sustained body of evidence for Anat in nify similar things. For example. in magical
Egypt (LECLANT 1973:253-254 and nn. 5- texts both arc invoked as protection against
15; BOWMAN 1978:225-234). Ramesses wild animals and to ward off demons. 'logi-
regularly calls her the Mistress or Lady of cal' functions for goddesses who are at the
(the) Heaven(s) in the context of claiming same time both familiar/assimilated into
Anal's support in battle and legitimation of Egyptian mythology and strange/of foreign
his right to 'universal' rule. It is in this con- origin. This is not to say, however. that their
text that he claims a mother/son relationship identities had been completely merged. To
with her (cf. the royal ideology of Pss 2:7-9; my knowledge. for pre-Hellenistic times.
89:10-11.21-28; 110:3). Also in the context only the Winchester relief. which depicts a
of an assertion of Ramesses' prowess in single goddess but names three (Qudshu,
battle he is called mhr of Anat, most likely Astarte and Anat) provides possible evi-
to be translated "suckling" on the basis of dence for the actual merging of northwest

40
ANAT

Semitic goddesses in Egypt. According to I. scholarly attention, two additional texts have
E. S. EDWARDS (A Relief of Qudshu- been interpreted as referring to her by epi-
Astarte-Anath in the Winchester College thet, and two more texts have been under-
Collection, JNES 14 [1955] 49-51 and stood to allude to her. In addition, one text
pUll), who originally published the relief, it may make a veiled reference to the Anat
is of unknown provenance and peculiar in a temple at Beth Shan.
number of ways. His overall evaluation is Sever-JI scholars have maintained that
that the piece departs from strict convention MTs (annot in Exod 32: 18 either should be
both representationally and textually, which conjecturally emended to read Anat or
he interprets as an indication that "the piece makes an allusion to Anal. When explana-
was the work of an artist who did not tions for the appropriateness of such propo-
belong to the orthodox school and who was sals are offered, one is that the golden -+calf
not completely familiar with the Egyptian constructed by the Israelites was a represen-
script" (ibid., 51). The present whereabouts tation of Anat in bovine fonn, and another
of the relief is, according to collection's (not necessarily separate) explanation is that
curator, apparently unknown (5. WIGGINS, the licentious behaviour that the Israelites
The Myth of Asherah: Lion Lady and Ser- were allegedly engaging in as part of their
pent Goddess, UF 23 [1991] 387). Finally, celebration is consistent with Anat's 'na-
mention should be made of evidence from ture'. In response to the former, it has been
Aramaic texts in Egypt. The DN Anat may demonstrated above that there is no text that
be a component in two DNs at Elephantine, portrays Anat in bovine fonn, and in any
<lItyhw and <lIIbyr/. Again, scholars are di- event the calf in Exod 32 is <gl, Ua young
vided over whether to understand the com- bull", and not a heifer «glh). In response to
ponent tnt as Anat or as a common noun. If the latter, while there is ample evidence in
it is indeed correct to read Anat as the initial the Hebrew Bible of both the metaphorical
component of these names, it does not inevi- equation of non-Yahwistic worship and il-
tably follow that the names should be inter- licit sexual behaviour as well as the charac-
preted to mean UAnat (consort of) -·Bethel" terization of non-Yahwistic worship as
and UAnat (consort of) Yahu". Indeed, it including extraconjugal intercourse, there is
would be most odd to find a single goddess no evidence that licentious behaviour should
sexually paired with two gods on a standard be associated with celebrations in honour of
basis at the same time in the same location. Anal. Hence the plausibility of understand-
Dupont-Sommer's decision to read "Baal, ing <annot to mean "revelling" or the like
spouse of Anat" in the last line of a stele of docs not entail positing an allusion to Anal.
unknown provenance (Une stele arameenne A number of scholars have recently put
d'un pretre de Bacal trouvee en Egypte, forward arguments in support of emending
Syria 33 [1956 J 79-87) is largely based on Hos 14:9b (English 14:8b) to refer to Anat
his understanding that Anat is represented as and -+Asherah (or an 'asera ). The plausibil-
Baal's wife at Ugarit and thus proceeds ity of the emendation is seen to be enhanced
from a debatable reading of the Ugaritic evi- by the discovery at Kuntillet Ajrud of an
dence with which I do not agree. S. ACKER- inscription referring to Yahweh of Samaria
MAN (1992: 17-18) raises doubts about the and his Jlifedi IAsherah. (For discussion of
authenticity of an Aramaic inscription that the interpretation of the inscription, sec S.
names a certain mfh'l as a priest of Anal. OLVAN, Asherah and the Cult of Yah,,'eh ;n
The piece was in the Michaelides collection Israel [Atlanta 1988] 23-34.) While this
(see above). inscription certainly advances our un-
Ill. The MT makes no direct reference to derstanding of biblical references to Ashe-
the goddess Anal. However, proposals to rah's!her cult symbol's relationship to
conjecturally emend two texts to include Yahweh, it docs not shed light on the al-
mention of Anat have attracted serious leged pairing of Anat and Asherah in Hos

41
ANAT

14, nor docs it clarify in what sense Yahweh Deborah. The features elicited arc uncon-
allegedly affirms that he is Ephraim's Anat vincing. A similarly unconvincing argument
and Asherah. It is not a sufficient explana- to see an allusion to Anat in Cant 7 has
tion to say. as M. WEINFElD (1984:122) been made by M. POPE (Song of Songs
does, that Anat and Asherah are similar in [Garden City 1977] 606). In light of the dis-
chamcter and that both are responsible for covery of an Anat temple at Beth Shan (see
'fertility', hence Hosea's alleged point is section two, above) A. ROWE (Tire Four
that Yahweh is claiming the goddesses' Canaanite Temples of Beth-Shall [Philadel-
powers of fertility. In short. no convincing phia 1940] 31) suggested that the Beth Shan
argument has been made to support the pro- temple mentioned in I Sam 31: 10 as the
posed emendation, and MT as it stands place where the Philistines took the slain
makes good sense. Saul's armour was the Anat temple. Though
In his detailed discussion of Job 31: I, A. Rowe arrived at this conclusion based in
CERESIW (1980: 105-108) proposed under- part on the erroneous presupposition that
standing MT's betfilli as a reference to Anat Anat and Ashtoreth were names of a single
by the Hebrew equivalent of btlt, the epithet goddess, the proposition differently argued
frequently applied to Anat in the U~aritic is a plausible one. The MT refers to the
texts (cf. M. POPE, Job [Garden City 1973] place where Saul's armour wa'\ deposited as
229). The form-critical and other issues the bet, "temple", of the rlistarol, and other
involved in determining the plausibility of references to rc;starot in the Deuteronomistic
Ceresko's suggestion within the broader history (Judg 2: 13; 10:6; I Sam 7:3; 12: 10)
context of Job 29-31 arc too complex to make it clear that this plural form had the
present here: the interested reader should generic meaning "goddesses" (cf. the con-
consult the standard commentaries for dis- temporaneous Akkadian plural istaralll.
cussion and bibliography. Broader issues "goddesses"). Thus MT does not identify
aside, the more conventional interpretation, the temple as belonging to Ashtorethl
which draws attention to Sir 9:5, makes Astarte, but rather altogether avoids naming
plausible sense, while following Ceresko's any particular goddess by using the vague,
line of reasoning it is unclear why Job's dismissive, and possibly inaccurate plural.
author would choose a veiled reference to Given Anal's clear portrayal as a warrior
Anat to make the general point that Job has and a patron or guardian of warriors and
not worshipped other gods. royalty in extrabiblical sources, and given
Largely on the basis of Ugaritic and that we know she had a temple in Beth
Egyptian evidence that Anat was referred to Shan. it makes good sense to suggest that
as the Mistress of the Heavens and like titles the armour of a vanquished warrior-king
(see above), seveml scholars have suggested would be brought to her temple by the
that the -Queen of Heaven referred to in grateful victors.
Jer 7: 18 and 44: 17 is Anal. The issue of the Aside from the possibility that Anat is
Queen of Heaven' s identity has been treated mentioned or alluded to in one or more of
recently and in depth by S. OlYAN the above texts. her name appears in the
(1988: 161-174) and S. ACKERMAN (1992:5- Hebrew Bible as a component of the name
35). Although they do not reach the same Shamgar ben Anat, a warrior reputed to
conclusion, their arguments militate against have slain with a mere oxgoad six hundred
seeing Anat as Jeremiah's Queen of Heaven. Philistines (Judg 3:31; cf. SHUPAK 1989 and
Two proposals to see allusions to Anat in see also the EI Khadr arrowhead and
the biblical text can be mentioned briefly. P. Hebrew seal discussed in section two) and
G. CRAIGIE (Deborah and Anat: A Study of in the place name Beth Anat (Josh 19:38;
Poetic Imagery (J udges 5), ZA \V 90 [1978] Judg I:33). It has also been argued that a
374-381) argued that five specific features dialect variant of her name is found in the
are shared by Anat and the biblical judge place name vocalized in the MT 3.'\ bel

42
ANAT

'(mol. A. G. AULD 1977:85-86 can be con- Shamra Texts. UF I I (1979) 315-324; F.


sulted for references and a counter argu- GROND,\IIL. Die Persollennamen der Texle
ment. For a discussion of whether the place ails Ugaril (Rome 1967); .1. HACJo:E1T, Can
name Anathoth (e.g. Jer I: I) and the per- a Sexist Model Liberate Us? Ancient Near
sonal name Anathoth (Neh 10:20; I Chr 7:8) E4lstern 'Fertility' Goddesses, Jotll7lal of
should he derived from the name Anat. see Femini.'ll SllIdies ill Religioll 5 (1989) 65-76;
BOWMAN 1978:209-210 and EATON 1964: J.-G. HElNTZ. Une tradition occultee? L1
33. deesse canancenne 'Anat et son 'aserah [sic]
IV. Bihliography dans Ie livre du proph~te Osee (chap. 14, v.
S. ACJo:ERM/\N. Ullder £\'ery Greell Tree. 9b). Klema II (1986) 3-13; F. O. HVlDBERG-
Popular Religion ill Sixlh·Celllllry JlIdah HANSE:". La deesse TNT (Copenhagen
(Atlanta 1992) esp. 5-35: E. B.A~tlco, The 1979); A. S. KAPELRUD. Tile Violenl God-
SWillS of Women al Ugaril (unpublished dess: AIlOI ill Ihe Ras SllOl1Ira TeXiS (Oslo
Ph.D. dissert;ltion University of Wisconsin 1969); J.-R. KUPPER. us 1I0mades ell Meso-
1989) esp. 457-492: A. G. AULD. A Judean pOlamie all temps de.r; rois de Mari (Paris
Sancluary of (Anal (Josh. 15:59)? Tel A\'i\' 1957); J. LECLANT, Anat. LdA I (1973) 253-
4 (1977) 85-86; R. D. BARNETr. The 258 1& lit]: T. J. LEWIS. The Disappearance
E4lrliest Representation of 'Anath. £r/sr 14 of the Goddess Anat: The 1995 West Semi-
(1978) 28*-31 *: C. H. BowMA:". The God- tic Project on Ugaritic Epigraphy. BA 59
dess 'AIlCllIl ill Ihe Allcient Near Easl (un- (1996) 115-121; O. LoRETZ, CAnat-Aschera
published Ph.D. dissertation: Berkeley 1978) (Hos 14:9) und die Inschriften von Kuntillet
[& lit}: A. CAVIGNE,\UX & B. K. ISMAIL. 'Ajrud. SEL 6 (1989) 57-65; N. NA'AMAN.
Die Statthaltcr von SulJu und Mari im 8. Jh. On Gods and Scribal Traditions in the
v. Chr.• BagM 21 (1990) 321-456: A. R. Amarna Letters. UF 22 (1990) 247-255; W.
CERESJo:O. Job 29-3/ ill Ihe Ligltl of Norllt- L. MlCIlEL. "BnVLH, "Virgin" or "Virgin
wesl Semilic (Rome 1980); J. COR:"ELIUS. (Anat)" in Job 31: IT. Hebrew SllIdies 23
Anat and Qudshu as the ••Mistress of Ani- (1982) 59-66: S. M. OlYA:". Some Observa-
mals». Aspects of the Iconography of the tions Concerning the Identity of the Queen
Canaanite Goddesses. SEL 10 (1993) 21-45: of Heaven. UF 19 (1987) 161-174: D. PAR-
F. M. CROSS. Newly Found Inscriptions in DEE. Ugaritic Proper Names. AfO 37 (1990)
Old Canaanite and E4lrly Phoenician Scripts. 390-513 (esp. 464-466) [& lit]: D. B. RED-
BASOR 238 (1980) 1-20: J. CROWLEY. n,e FORD. New Light on the Asiatic Campaign-
Aegeall alld Ihe um (Copenhagen 1989): P. ing of J:loremheb. BASOR 2I I (1973) 36-49;
L. 0,\ Y. Why is Anat a Warrior and Bun- N. SUUPAK, New Light on Shamgar ben
ter'!. The Bible alld Ihe Polilics of £ugesis 'Anath. Bib! 70 (1989) 517-525; M. S.
(cds. D. Jobling el al.: Cleveland 1991) [& SMITII. Anat's Warfare Cannibalism and the
lit.]: DAY. Anat: Ugarit's "Mistress of Ani- West Semitic Ban. n,e Pitcher is Broken:
mals", JNES 51 (1992) 181·190 [& lit]; A. Mcmorial Essays for G. W. AIzIstrlJI1I (JSOT
DEEM, The Goddess Anath and Some Bibli- Sup 190: eds. S. W. Holladay & L. K.
cal Hebrew Cruces, JSS 23 (1978) 25-30; Handy: Sheffield 1995) 368-386; K. VAN
M. DELCOR. Une allusion a CAnath, deesse DER TOORN. Anat-Yahu. Some Other Dei-
guerrierc cn Ex 32: 18? JJS 33 (1982) 145- ties. and the Jews of Elephantine, Ntll1Iell 39
160; A. W. E;\loN. Tile Godden Allelf: Tile (1992) 80-101: A. VAN SEl.MS. Judge Sham-
Hislory' of Her ClIll. Her Mythology alld gar, vr 14 (1964) 294-309; *N. H. WALLS,
Her Icollography (unpublished Ph.D. disser- The Goddess Allat ill Ugaritic Mytil (Atlama
tation; Yale 19M): R. M. GOOD. Exodus 1992) [& lit}; M. WEINFELD, Kuntillet 'Aj-
32: 18. uJ\'e ami Death ill tile Ancielll Near rud Inscriptions and their Significance, SEL
East (eds. 1. H. Marks & R. M. Good; Guil- I (1984) 121-130.
ford 1987) 137-142 1& lit}; J. GRAY. The P. L. DAY
Blood Bath of the Goddess Anat in the Ras

43
ANCIENT OF DAYS

ANCIE!'i OF DA YS plural of the Ugaritic noun for 'years' is


I. In a throne vision with mythological normally construed in the feminine sill and
tmits, God is depicted as the 'arriq not the masculine film. Therefore. scholars
)'omilllyo11W)}'d', traditionally rendered as have been arguing for different interpreta-
'the Ancient of Days' (Dan 7:9.13.22). The tions of the noun snm. J. REIDER (Etymol-
expression is to be interpreted as a construct ogical Studies in Biblical Hebrew. vr 4
chain expressing a genetivus partitivus. The [1954] 283-284) and A. A. WIEDER (Three
basic meaning of the common Semitic root Philological Notes, Bulletill of the lnstilllte
'TQ is 'to be advanced'. The expression then of Jewish Studies 2 [1974] 108-109) pro-
can be rendered as 'ndvanced in days' im- posed a translation '-Exalted Ones'. M.
plying that the deity was seen as one 'far POPE (EJ ill the Ugaritic Texts [VTSup 2;
gone in years' or 'ancient of days'. The Leiden 1955] 34-36) suggested 'Father of
background of the imagery in Dan 7 has the Eldest' which would indicate both the
been looked for in Canaanite mythology high age and the consequent weakness of EI.
(EMERTON 1958; COLLINS 1977; 1993); in a 2) film occurs as the second element in the
Mesopotamian text (KVANVIG 1988); and in binomial deity !kmn-w-Snm, -·Thukamuna-
contemporary HellenisticlEgyptian mytho- wa--Shunama. H. GESE (RAAM 97-98.
logical patterns (VAN HENTEN 1993). The 193-1(4), A. JIRKU (S1UlI (Schunama), der
imagery of the Ancient of Days has influ- Sohn des Gottes >11. ZA W 82 [1970] 278-
enced the throne visions in J Elloeh. 279) and C. H. GORDON (EI. Father of
II. The struggle between Antiochus IV Snm, JNES 35 [1976] 261-262; FERCH
Epiphanesltthe -Sea' and the 'one like a 1980:82-83) read the expression ab fnm as
-·Son of Man' in Dan 7 has been inter- an epithet for E1: 'the father of Shunama'.
preted as a late rewriting of the mythic Besides, J. AISTLEITNER (WUS Nr. 312)
themes in the Ugaritic Baal-cyc1e in which interprets fnm as "Die Bezeichnung der
the younger god - Baal enpowered by the hochgelegenen himmlischen Wohnung Els".
older -EI defents the inimical Yammu (Sea; These alternative interpretations, however,
e.g. E~fERTON 1958; COLLINS 1993). Al- are not convincing: I) The epithet ab film
though this view does not go unchallenged occurs only in a formulaic sentence: "She!
(FERCH 1980) and although it provokes Hclfhey appeared in the encampment of EI
problems on the level of interpretation, it and entered the camp of the King, the Father
must be conceded that in the Ugaritic texts of Years" (Baal-epic: A.7U 1.1 iii:23-34; 1.2
EI ha.li some traits in common with the im- v:6; 1.3 v:7-8; 1.4 iv:23-24; 1.5 vi:I-2; 1.6
agery of the 'Ancient of Days'. EI is de- i:35-36; Aqhat: KTU 1.17 vi:48-49). 2) Al-
picted as venerably aged; the grey hair of though snm is the regular plural for the
his beard (fbt dqn) is referred to (KTU 1.3 feminine noun 'year', it should be noted that
v:2. 25; 1.4 v:4; 1.18 i: 12 [restored]). More- other nouns have variant plural-forms; e.g.
over, he receives the epithet ab film. 'father riI, 'head' is attested in the plural as rift as
of the years'. by which he is portrayed as well as rifm (COLLINS 1993: 127n. 25). 3)
the oldest among the gods. A proto-sinaitic The deity Shunama occurs in Ugaritic text..;
inscription has d [b, to be read as *zu only together with Thukamuna (D. PARDEE,
Jiba(ll), 'the grey(-haired) one', as an epi- !llkamllna wa Sllllama, UF 20 [1988] 195-
thet of EI, which is here probably a designa- 199). Although Shunama, together with
tion of -Ptah (M. DIJKSTRA, Semitic Wor- Thukamuna, is presented as a son of EI in
ship at Serabit el-Khadim (Sinai). ZAH 10 the Ugaritic texts (KTU 1.65:1-4; 1.114) and
[1997] 92-93). the deity Thukamuna-wa-Shanuma holds a
However, the rendition 'father of the relatively prominent position in the Ugaritic
years' for ab fnm read as "'abll fanima has pantheon-lists (J. C. DE MOOR, The Semitic
not remained unchallenged. This challenge Pantheon of Ugarit, UF 2 [1970] 215-216) it
is provoked by two different features. I) The is not quite clear why the formulaic epithet

44
ANGEL 1

ab snm should refer to a deity not attested Days' (1 Enocll 46: 1. 2: 47:3: 55: I: 60:2;
on its own in the mythological texts. 71: 10-14) who likewise will empower the
KVANVIG (1988) has tried to relate el- forthcoming Son of Man with everlasting
emcnts of the throne vision in Dan 7 with a rule.
seventh century DCE Assyrian text: 'The IV. Bibliography
Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince' J. J. CoLLINS, The Apocalyptic Vision of tile
(SAA III, No. 32) in which 15 deities are Book of Daniel (HSM 16; Missoula 1977);
portrayed in hybrid forms. Although this COLLINS, Stirring up the Sea. The rcligio-
might give some religio-historical back- historical Background of Daniel 7, The Book
ground to the vision of the four beasts, the of Daniel in the Light of New Findings (A.
depiction of God as 'ancient of days' is not S. van der Woude, cd.; BETL 106; Leuven
elucidated by it. since in the Assyrian text 1993) 121-136; J. A. EMERTON, The Origin
an expression or epithet parallel to calliq of the Son of Man Imagery, JTS 9 (1958)
yominlyomayya' cannot be found (CoLLINS 225-242; A. J. FERCH, Daniel 7 and Ugarit:
1993: 128-131). a Reconsideration, JBL 99 (1980) 75-86; L.
VAN HENTEN (1993) has related the im- F. HARTMAN & A. A. DI LELI.A, The Book
agery of Dan 7 with contemporary Hel- of Daniel (AB 23; Garden City 1978); J. W.
lenistic-Egyptian material. He interprets the VAN HENTEN, Antiochus IV as a Typhonic
'eleventh horn' as referring to Antiochus IV Figure in Daniel 7, The Book of Daniel ill
Epiphanes and as a character framed on the the Light of New Findings (A. S. van der
model of -Seth--Typhon. As regards the Woude, ed.; BETL 106; Leuven 1993) 223-
designation 'Ancient of Days', VAN HENTEN 243; H. KVANVIG, Roots of Apocalyptic
(1993:227-228) refers to the fact that -Zeus (WMANT 61; Neukirchen-Vluyn 1988); H.
has been regarded as the "author of days SCHMOLDT, Ctq, 11VAT 6 (1987) 487-489.
and years" and Ihat -Thot was venerated as
"lord of time" and "lord of old age". B. SECKING
III. In the designation 'Ancient of Days'
two traits of Gods are interwoven. The con- ANGEL I l~?o
cept of God's eternal existence (e.g. Ps 9:8; I. The consonants L)K in the Semitic
29: 10; 90:2; sec also -EI-olam) expressed languages signify 'send', with a more fo-
in epithets as 'iibi 'ad, 'cverlasting father' cused nuance in certain languages of
(lsa 9:5) and melek coliim, 'eternal king' (Jer specifically 'send with a commission/mess-
10: I 0). The notion of God as an old man age' (CUNCHILLOS 1982). The mem- prefix
popular in Hellenistic times (HARTMAN & and a-vowels of Heb mal'iik conform gen-
or LELLA 1978:217-218) may have traces in erally to what is expected for an instrumen-
the OT (e.g. Job 36:26). tal noun (maqtal) identifying the vehicle or
In the throne vision of Dan 7 the Ancient tool by which the action of the verb is
of Days appears sitting at the head of the accomplished (in this case, the means by
divine -'Council. From the continuation of which a message is sent, hence 'me..c;sen-
the vision it becomes clear that the Ancient ger'). Because the verb is not attested in
of Days is identical with Yahweh, the God Hebrew, some suspect that this noun is a
of Israel. He takes away the power from the loan word from another language. However,
fourth beast and empowers the one like n since the root is widely attested in the Sem-
-Son of Man with 'dominion, glory and itic languages, and since even the verb is
kingdom' in order to rule righteously over attested in north-west Semitic (Ugaritic), it
the -Saints of the Most High. is best to see the Hebrew noun as a relic of
The designation 'Ancient of Days' has a once more generative root that otherwise
influenced thc imagery in the Similitudes of disappeared in Hebrew because of a seman-
J Enoch. In various throne visions, God is tic overlap with a preferred and less specific
depicted as re'sa mawacel, 'Head/Sum of term SLI;f 'send'.

45
ANGELI

The Bible characteristically uses mal'iik high official, often the sukknl in Mesopot-
to designate a human messenger (e.g. I Sam amia (a Sumerian term that early on could
II :4; I Kgs 19:2). A smaller number of the designate a position of intimacy and author-
over 200 occurrences of the word in the OT ity second only to onc's lord or mistress).
refer to God's supernatural emissaries. As Just as human messengers nornlally travelled
God's envoys, they represent extensions of alone unless there were special circum-
God's authority and activity, beings "mighty stances, so in the Mesopotamian god lists,
in strength, who perform His word" (Ps there is a tendency to identify one specific
103:20). messenger (mar siprO in the employ of a
Supernatural messengers in other ancient god who needs such a figure. This reflects
Near Eastern cultures typically are identified the general pattern found in mythological
by the lexical item in that language also texts as well, whcre a god typically sends a
used to identify human messengers or subor- single, specific, lower-ranking messcnger
dinates sent on missions (Sum kin-~i4-n, god. Nuska and Kakka are messenger gods
sukknl; Akk mar sipri; Eg "pwly; Ug glm, who appear frequently in Mesopotamian
ml'ak; Eth mal'ak). There is therefore no sources, scrving different masters. One does
specially reserved term to distinguish a class find exceptions where larger numbers of
of such gods from other gods on the one messenger gods are in the employ of high
hand or from human messengers on the ranking gods (e.g. seven and even eighteen
other. This is in contrast to the English messenger deities are attested for a single
'angel', which is just such a specialized god rCf XXIV 33.24-31 D. The war or
term qualitntively distinguishing God from storm god is unusual in typically dispatching
his assistants, and a term which cannot be more than one messenger god on errands
used of humans apart from metaphor (cf. the (cf. GINZBERG 1944), perhaps safety or
Vulgate's consistent use of angelus for di- strength in numbers being a concomitant of
vine messengers in contrast to human mess- his more belligerent profile.
engers identified by the noun nuntius). It is The story of -·Nergal and Ereshkigal
possible that the proper name of one Meso- suggests that a messenger deity might have
potamian messenger deity (Malak, Cf abilities or privileges unparalleled among
XXIV 33.24-31) preserves the West Semitic the other gods. In that account, the boundary
noun as a loan word in Akkadian. between the underworld and the upper realm
II, The gods of the ancient Near East, of the gods could be described as safely
like humans, communicated with each other bridged only by a messenger deity, as the
over great distances by means of mess- gods articulate: "We cannot descend to you
engers. They were neither omniscient nor nor can you ascend to us" (Amarna version
capable of immediately transporting them- lines 4-5; in the Sultantepe version, the
selves from one location to another. Al- messengers bridge the distance by employ-
though the gods were privy to knowledge ing a stairway connecting the two realms;
largcly unavailable to humans (cf. 2 Sam cr. the rainbow as the path along which the
14:20), they communicated and learned Greek divine female messenger Iris travels).
infonnation about events and the cosmos in The perception of the privileged status of a
the same way humans did. Although many messenger god in bridging the gap is com-
aspecL.. of human communication find their parable to that of the Greek divine herald,
counterpart in the divine realm, thcre are -Hermes, who as the god of communica-
ncvcrtheless scveral discontinuities (for data tion across boundaries is specifically asso-
on genemlizations below with respect to ciated with the boundary between the living
human messenger activity see MEIER 1988). and the -dead.
Those gods who cluster near the upper Some features of human messenger activ-
echelons of the pantheon typically dispatch ity are not duplicated in the divine realm.
as their envoys a single messenger who is a The provision of escorts for human mess-

46
ANGEL I

engers \vas a common courtesy, if not a comfortably with humans, while in other
necessity, for safe or trouble-free communi- later passages God prefers to send subordi-
cation. Passports and the circumvention of nate emissaries to deal with humankind.
bureaucratic hurdles were persistent features When God's messengers are portrayed in
of human communication. Provision for narratives as primary actors interacting with
lodging and meals along an extended route other characters, they typically are presented
was a necessity. None of thesc aspects of as individuals who work alone. The most
human communication re'lppcars in depic- obvious example of this is the --angel of
tions of divine messenger activity. Yahweh. Only occasionally are supernatural
III. The translation of maJ'tik by 'angel' messengers (maJ'akim) identified in groups
in English Bibles obscures the ancient of two or more in the OT. God is assumed
Israelite perception of the divine realm. to have a numerous pool-at one place
Where English 'angel' is the undifferentiat- described as a "camp" (Gen 32:2-3[ 1-2]~
ing ternl for all of God's supernatural assist- of these figures at his behest who bless and
ant.;, ma/'tik originally could be applied only praise him (Pss 103:20; 148:2), employ a
to those assistants whom God dispatched on ladder to travel between heaven and earth
missions as mcssengers. Thus, an early (Gen 28: 12), protect from physical hann the
Israelite from the period of the monarchy traveller who trusts in God (Ps 91: 11-12),
would probably not have identified the and are as swift and inscrutable in the per-
theriomorphic --cherubim and --seraphim as fOmlance of their task as the wind (Ps
maJ'(ikim 'messengers', for the frightful 104:4; both the masculine m'~I)' and femi-
appearance of these creatures made them nine m'~I"'1 plural construct of this word for
unlikely candidates to serve as --mediators 'wind, spirit' become very common designa-
of God's message to humans (and indeed, tions for angels at Qumran). More than one
there is no record of their ever having done messenger may appear where Yahweh's
so in the Old Testament). Even the Greek envoys enter hostile territory or confront ini-
word angeJos meant at first simply 'mess- mical humans (Gen 19: 1-22; Ps 78:49).
enger' (--Angel II). It is only in later texts A frequent role played by a messenger in
in the Old Testament, and everywhere in thc ancient Near East was to act as an escort
Apocryphal and NT texts, that thc words to individuals who were travelling under the
maJ'ak and angelos become generic temlS protection of the sender. Similarly, a divine
for any of God's supernatural assistants, messenger despatched by God accompanies
whether they functioned as messengers or humans on their travels to protect them en
not. When English borrowed the teml route in order to bring them safely to jour-
"angel" from Greek, it was not in its earlier ney's end and the accomplishment of their
sense 'messenger' but in its later tasks (Gen 24:7.40; Exod 14: 19; 23:20-23;
significance of any supernatural being under 32:34; 33:2; Tob 5:21), even providing food
God's authority. and drink for the traveller (I Kgs 19:5-6).
Not all sections of the Bible describe di- The later angelic protection of God's people
vine messengers. In the D and P sections of in any context can be perceived as an exten-
the Pentateuch they are never mentioned, sion of this original messenger task (Dan
nor do they appear in most of the pre-exilic 3:28: 6:23[22J; Bar 6:6 [= Ep Jer 6]).
prophetic literature where prophets receive It is important to distinguish this protec-
their messages directly from God. In texts tion en mille from the custom of dispatching
where God speaks frequently and directly to messengers in advance of distinguished
humans, there is of course less need for a travellers in order to infoml their future
messenger to mediate God's message to hosts of their soon arrival. The Mari ar-
humans. A tension is evident in the Bible chives in particular point to an elaborate
between an earlier worldview evident in system of advance notification of arrivals
some texts where God speaks freely and and departures of significant travellers with-

47
ANGEL I

in a kingdom's territory. This aspect of apparent and not real (Pal. Tgs. Gen 18:8,
messenger activity is not reproduced fre- "It seemed to him as if they were eating"),
quently in the divine realm, but it is found for divine messengers do not eat or drink
in a highly charged eschatological context terrestrial fare ("I did not eat or drink, but
that becomes the object of frequent attention you saw a vision", Tob 12:19; cf. Judg
in Judaism and Christianity: God sends his 13:16; b. Yoma 75b). It is unconscionable
messenger in advance "to prepare a way for a messenger to refuse a friendly host's
before me" (Mal 3: 1: cr. David b. Kimchi). offer of food among humans, but the seem-
The primary burden of the messenger in ingly brusk behaviour of God's messengers
the ancient Near East was not the verbatim in this regard may be tolerated in consider-
delivery of a memorized message but the ation of the fact that the food they arc
diplomatically nuanced explication of the accustomed to is of a higher quality, more
sender's intent. It is appropriate, then, for a like manna (Ps 78:25; Wis 16:20; 4 Ezra
supernatural messenger from God not only 1:19 see F. SIEGERT, Konnen Engel essen?,
to give messages from God to humans (1 in his Drei hcllenisrisch-jiidische Predigren
Kgs"13:18; Zech 1:14), and even to other II [TObingen 1992] 253-255).
divine messengers (Zech 2:7-8[1:3-4]), but A divine messenger dispatched by God
also to entertain questions from humans and has considerable authority and is to be
explain perplexing features of messages obeyed as the representative of God that he
from God (Zech 1:9; 2:2[1:19]; 4:1-6: 5:5- is (Exod 23:20-22). This should not be
11; 6:4-5). This interpretative and her- taken, however, to imply that God's mess-
meneutical role (the latter adjective derived engers were cast of the same moral rectitude
from Hermes, the Greek divine herald who and deserved the same trust as God himself.
played a similar role) also accounts for the As humans invariably had problems with the
mediatorial function that divine messengers veracity of their messengers, so divine mess-
fulfilled in representing humans before God engers could not always be trusted to tell the
(Job 33:23-24, Tob 12: 15): in the same way truth or to reveal the entire purpose of their
that human messengers completed their task errands. God does not trust his own mess-
by bringing the response of the addressee engers (Job 4:18), and there are accounts of
back to the sender, so God's messengers prevaricating and misleading messengers
were responsible for bringing back and sent by God (1 Kgs 22: 19-23; 2 Kgs 19:7;
explicating the response of the humans to cf. I Kgs 13: 18). Even Paul anticipates this
whom they were dispatched. possibility (Gal 1:8).
Human messengers were often respon- Divine messengers are usually depicted
sible for the collection of debts and fines, as indistinguishable from human beings
and in general the satisfaction of outstanding (Heb 13:2: Gen 19: 1-22; 32:25-31 [24-30]:
obligations owed to their senders. When an Dan 8:15; Tob 5:8.16; Luke 24:4; cf. Judg
obligation was not satisfied, appropriate 13:3-23), while it is in the later books of the
measures were taken to enforee payment OT that they are depicted in overwhelming-
and punish the offender. God's supernatural ly supernatural terms (Dan 10:6). Therefore,
messengers can function in a similar capac- since humans could also be perceived as
ity, appearing in a combative and bellicose messengers sent from God-notably
role "is-d-vis those who resist or rebel prophets (Hag 1: 13), priests (Mal 2:7), and
against God (Gen 32:25-29[24-28]; Hos kings (I Sam 29:9; 2 Sam 14: 17.20; 19:
12:4; Ps 78:49: see -+ Destroyer). 28[27])-the use of the same term malJtik to
Messengers were typically given provi- identify both human and supernatural mess-
sions by the hosts to whom they were sent, engers results in some passages where it is
and indeed Genesis 18 depicts God's mess- unclear which of the two is intended if no
engers e<1ting nnd drinking with humans. further details are provided (Judg 2: 1-5;
But other traditions insist that this is only 5:23; Mal 3: I; Eccl. 5:5).

48
ANGEL I

It is frequently asserted that messengers, present, the narrative itself omits the indis-
when delivering their messages, often did pensable features of messenger activity and
not distinguish between themselves and the presents instead the activities which one
one who sent them. It is true that mess- associates with Yahweh or the other gods of
engers do speak in the first person as if they the ancient Near East. "We can, omitting the
were the sender of the message. but it is word ma/Jak. find in the J and E messenger
crucial to notc that such speech, in un- stories exactly the same motifs and the same
equivocal messenger contexts, is always pre- Iitcrary patterns as arc common in all
ceded by a prefatory comment along the ancient Near Eastern literature" pertaining to
lines of "PN [the sender] said to you" after the gods themselves, not their messengers
which thc message is provided: thus. a (I RVIN 1978: 103).
messenger always clearly identifies the Some features of divine messenger activ-
words of the one who sent the message. A ity elscwhere in the ancient Near East are
messenger would subvert the communica- not duplicatcd in Israel's religion by the
tion proccss were he or she to fail to ident- very nature of Israel's monotheism. En iii,
ify the one who sent the messenger on his or for example, sends his envoy Nuska to
her mission. In texts that arc sufficiently negotiate a marriage for Enlil in the story of
well preserved. thcre is never a question as Enlil and Sud. a task in which human mess-
to who is speaking. whether it be the mess- engers are frequently attested (cf. Genesis
enger or the one who sent the messenger 24). Since God has no spouse (apart from
(MEIER 1992). his metaphorical bride Israel), he needs no
There is therefore no evidence for the fre- messengers to arrange his nuptials. The
quently made assertion that messengers need angel who assists Tobit in overcoming the
not make any distinction between them- dangers of his marriage is a completely dif-
selves and the ones who sent them. In its ferent matter, a function of the envoy who
extreme form, this argument will even claim assists God's people in their endeavours
that messengers could be called by the (Tob 6: 15-17).
names of the ones who sent them (ef. David IV. In literature written after the Old
b. Kimchi on Zech 3:2). The only contexts Testament. including the Apocrypha and
in biblical and ancient Near Eastern litera- New Testament. the functions typical of
ture where no distinction seems to be made messengers continue to apply to what are
between sender and messenger occur in the now better tenned in English as "angels".
case of the -·"angel (literally "messenger") Thus, angels continue to serve as protectors
of Yahweh" (",al'ak YHWH). It is precisely to those who travel (T. Jud. 3: 10), to relay
the lack of differentiation that occurs with and interpret God's messages to humans (2
this figure. and this figure alone among Bar 55:3-56:56), or to requite disobedience
messengers, that rnises the question as to to God (Acts 12:23). However, in this later
whether this is even a messenger of God at literature, which continues to use the same
all. Some see it as originally Yahweh him- messenger vocabulary (mal'ak, allge/os), the
self, modified through the insertion of the role of messenger per se becomes less
word mal'cik into the text in order to distan- significant than the exalted, supernatural
ce God from interacting with humans (possi- status of the marvelous being who now
ble motivations including a reticence to communicates God's message to humans.
associate God with certain activities, or a As a result, there is usually no problem in
developing tendency toward God's transcen- the later literature in distinguishing an angel
dence). It must be underscored that the from a human being, for the fonner's ap-
angel of YHWH in these perplexing biblical pearance is often quite awe-inspiring and
narratives does not behave like any other frightening (e.g. Matt 28:3), and these later
messenger known in the divine or human angels are carefully categorized according to
realm. Although the tenn 'messenger' is an intricately complex hierarchy hardly

49
ANGEL II

dctcctable in the Old Testament. The reti- ANGEL II iiyyd.oC;


cence in the Old Testament to provide di- I. Angelos ("messenger"; Vg and VL
vine messengers with personal names is also angelus) is in Greek. Early Jewish and
abandoned in post-biblical literature. which Christian literature the most common
even returns to the laconic biblical texts and designation of an otherworldly being who
supplies them with the namcs they originally mediates between -God and humans. In
Incked (e.g. Z1gnugael in Tg. Ps.-J. Exod LXX the word is usually the translation of
3:2: see OLYAN 1993). mal'ak. It occurs 175 times in NT (accord-
In Semitic texts. the word marak. there- ing to the editions of Nestle-Alnnd 26 and the
fore. broadens its original significance of Greek New Testament 3, including Luke
"messenger" and tends to become the word 22:43, which is often considered as a later
of choice to designate all supernatural addition). It is used sometimes of human
beings who do God's work. If it applies to messengers (e.g. Jdt I: I I; in the NT Luke
supernatural creatures opposed to God. it 7:24; 9:52; Jas 2:25. and the OT quotation
usually is qualified by an adjective such as referring to John the Baptist in Mark 1:2-3
··evil". Mandaean gnostic tcxts arc a note- and parallels). The most detailed 'angel-
worthy exception. employing the word ology' in the NT is found in Rev (67 occur-
mal'ak not to describe good angelic-type rences of angclos).
beings (for which they instead employ the II. Angels are self-evident figures in
tenn Cll1hra) but instead the genii of sorcery Early Jewish and Christian literature. al-
or -·cvil spirits. though not all Jewish groups accepted their
V. Bibliography existence (see Acts 23:8 concerning the Sad-
H. BIETENIIARD. Die Hinunlische Welt i'" ducees). OT conceptions of the Mal'ak
Urchrisrcnlllm lind Sparjlldelllll1ll (Tubingen Yhwh (-Angel of Yahweh) and the divine
1951): P. BON ESCIII, Is ",alak an Ambic -·council underlie the early Jewish and
Word? JAOS 65 (1945) 107-111: J.-L. CUN- Christian ideas (MACH 1992), but pagan
CHlllOS, La'ika. maPak et MCHi'kah en influences should be taken into account too.
semilique nord-occidenlal. RSF JO (1982) The elymology of Qllgclos is not clear. The
153-160; H. L. GINZBERG. Baal's Two word originated somehow from the East (cf.
Messengers. BASOR 95 (1944) 25-30: D. ayyapoc; "mounted courier" in Persia). The
IRVIN, Myrharion. 77,e Comparison of Tales connection with Sanskrit angiras is based on
from rhe Old Tesramelll and rhe Ancielll the assumption that this name refers to
Near East (Neukirchen-Vluyn 1978); S. -+mediators between gods and men and is
MEIER. 77le MeSJcnger in the Ancient Semi- not certain (H. FRISK. Griechisches Etymo-
tic World (HSM 45; Atlanta 1988); MEIER, logisches Wijrterbuch I [Heidelberg 1960]
Speaking of Speaking. Marking Direct Dis- 7-8). To a certain extcnt angels could corre-
cOllrse in the Hebrew Bible (Leiden 1992) spond to the demons in Greek religion (cf.
277-291; S. M. OlYAN, A Thousand Tholl- Philo, Giga1ll. 6; 16; -·Oemon). The Greeks
sands Sen'ed Him. Eugesis and the Naming were familiar with messengers from the
of Angels in AnciClII Judaism (Ttibingen gods since the archaic period. as appears
1993): A. ROF1~. The Belief in Angels in from the Iliad and Odyssey where birds
AnciclII Israel (Jerusalem 1979); P. SCHAF- bring divine messages to humans (II.
ER. Rimlitiit zwischen Engel" lind Men- 24:292, 315) and -Hennes acts as the
schen. UlIIersllcJumge" Zlir rabbinischen angelos of the gods (Od. 5:29). For most of
Engell'orstelllmg (Studia Judaica 8; Berlin the appearances and functions of angels
1975). pagan parallels can be found. and in some
cases the absorption of pagan conceptions is
S. A. MEIER
quite probable. This does apply already to
older ideas like the heavenly anny of
YHWH (Josh 5:14. -Yahweh zcbaoth) and

50
ANGEL II

the -sons of the gods (Bene 'elim/il6him), ferently): LXX Dan 4: 13.23 for OOiPi ,01]
which have parallels in North West Semitic Dan 4: 10.20 MT (--Watcher). According to
mythology (MULLEN 1980): it is certainly MACH (1992:65-113) the translators tried to
also true for the Hellenistic period with its avoid references to n (polytheistic) concep-
intensive cultural exchange. The traditions tion of several figures acting as gods/sons of
concerning (mounted) angels in 2 Macca- God and to relate certain actions which were
bees are connected with the common motif ascribed to God in MT rather to angels,
of the epiphaneia of the patron god of the because it was not appropriate for God to do
temple (2 Macc 2:21: 3:24). who protects these things (esp. LXX Job).
his temple by causing natural phenomena or III. In Early Jewish and Christian litera-
by sending his messengers. In the descrip- ture the angelic messenger of the Lord is
tion of the rescue of the sanctuary of Delphi very common (ange/os I.;yriollirheoll). He
from the Gauls in 279 BCE by Pausanias the appears on earth (e.g. -Gabriel in Luke 1-2)
heroes Hyperochus. Laodocus. Pyrrhus and or manifests himself in a dream (Matt 1:20;
Phylacus appear in this role (10.23.1-2). The 2: 13.19) to bring a message from God or to
angels who assist the Jews on the batllefield help people (e.g. Acts 5: 19). --Raphael
(e.g. 2 Macc 10:29-31) correspond to pagan accompanies Tobias (Tob 5:4-12:22) and
supernatural helpers like the -Dioskollroi. helps him to get rid of the demon who
Compare also the guardian angels with cer· caused the death of the earlier husbands of
tain Mesopotamian gods (A. FINET 1989:37- his bride Sarah (8:2-3). As a consequence of
52). the fiery appearance of angels and di- the fusion of the conceptions of the mess-
vine messengers in North West Semitic texts enger of the Lord and the divine council.
(M. S. SMITH. Biblical and Canaanite Notes angels usually reside in heaven. i.e. ncar the
to the Songs of rhe Sabbarh Sacrifice From throne of God (Rev 5:2.11), where they
Qumran. RQ 12 [1985-1987] 585-588). and worship and praise him. The saying of
angels as companions of the soul (psycho- --Jesus that the risen will live like angels in
pompos) after death (e.g. T. lob 52: cf. Luke heaven (Mark 12:25 and parallels) can be
16:22: see -Demon. and --Hermes). connected to sources which refer to a
From the third century BCE onward the coming community of humans and angels or
appearances of angels increase. their mani- a transfonnation to angels or -stars (e.g. J
festations are described more extensively Enoch 39:4-5: 71: II; 104:6: 4 Ezra 7:85.
and their functions diverge more and more 95: in Qumran texts a common worship by
(see for instance J Enoch. Tob. Dan. lub.• 2 humans and angels can be realized also in
Mace). This development should not be the present). Angels move forward in the
explained by the coming into being of air. but are rarely represented with wings (J
apocalyptic literature only (cr. MICHL 1962: Enoch 61: I according to some manuscripts).
64: "Dabei ist es die mit dem Buche Daniel The angel of the Lord transports Habald:uk
aufkommende Apokalyptik. die den frucht- in one day from Judah to Babylon and back
barsten Boden fUr diese Entwicklung bie- by carrying him by his hair to bring Daniel
tet": also MACH 1992: 115). but also by the a meal in the lion-pit (Bel 33-39: cf. Ezek
assimilation of popular ideas (see e.g. Tob) 8:3). Angels often resemble humans (Dan
and the absorption of pagan conceptions, 8:15: 10:18: los. As. 14:3) and can have a
(e.g. Jos. and As. and 2 Macc. MACH 1992: shining or fiery appearance (Dan 10:5-6).
242-249 and 265-278). In LXX frrtEAO::J-Ol Angels engage in a variety of activities.
can be an interpretative translation of They act as intermediaries for the revelation
Hebrew or Aramaic expressions concerning of the --Torah (Acts 7:53: Gal 3: 19). reveal
sons of God or members of the divine coun- divine knowledge and explain revelations
cil (e.g. LXX Job 2: I for Bene 'ilOhim: (Zech 1:9: 4:5-6: Dan 8: 16; 4QSerekh Shiror
LXX Dan 3:92 OIlOlOOlJO irrffJ...ou OEO\) for COlar ha-Shabbar [NEWSOM 1985]; -- Uriel
3:25 MT r;,,(';~-'::J? i1Ci: Theodotion dif- in 4 Ezra). The angel of the Lord gives the

51
ANGEL II

spirit of understanding to -+Daniel (LXX -+Cherubim. Ophannim. Zcbaoth. B~nc


Sus 44-45). The angel of Jesus reveals to )~Iohim. -Saints and -Watchers. Further
John's he3rcrs his testimony for the groups of four. six or seven higher angels
churches (Rev 22: 16). The heavenly visitor (-+Archangel) occur. The angels of the
(-+Michael) mentions the angel Metlllwia as nations appear e.g. in 4QDeut 32:8-9 and
his sister to Aseneth after her confession LXX Deut 32:8-9. lub. 15:31-32. I Elloeh
(los. As. 15:7-8). Metanoia is a daughter of 89:59; 90:22.25 and Dan 10:20-21; 12: I
the Most High (STROTMANN 1991) and will (Michael). Other groups of angels perform-
intercede for Aseneth and all who repent in ing the same duty are the angels of death
the n3me of the Most High (cf. Phanuel as and those who accompany the Son of Man
angel of repentance in I Enoch 40:9. and the at his second coming (e.g. Matt 13:41:
anonymous angel of repentance in Hermas. 16:27: 24:31 and 25:31 (cf. 2 Thess 1:7:
Vis. 5:8; Clemens Alexandrinus. Quis di\'es -·Son of Man). -·Satan has his own angels
42:18; Test. Gad 5:7-8 and the personi- (cf. 2 Cor 12:7) waging war with Michael
fication of metanoia in pagan texts. e.g. and his angels (Rcv 12:7). The faIl from
Tabula Cebetis 10-11). Angels bring death heaven of Satan (-Dragon) and his angels
to the enemy and godless people (-+Angel in Rev 12:7-9 (cf. John 12:31). which causes
of Yahweh) according to 2 Kgdms 19:35 the suffering of the people of God in the
(parallels Isa 37:36 and 2 Chr 32:21; remi- final period of history might be an adapta-
niscences in 1 Macc 7:41; 2 Macc 15:22-23; tion of the idea of the fall of certain angels
Sir 48:21; Josephus, Bell. 5:388; ef. Exod (-+Giants) in primaeval time (Gcn 6; I
12:23; 2 Sam 24:16; 1 Chr 21:12.15; Sus Elloch 6-11).
55; 59 and LXX Sus 62; Acts 12:23 and IV. Bibliography
LXX Job 33:23 aggeloi thanatephoroi J. H. CIIARLESWORTII. The Portrayal of the
(GA!tL\flE 1985]). Similar functions are men- Righteous as an Angel. Ideal Figures ill
tioned in an eschatological context: angels Allcient ludai.'inl. Profiles alld Paradigms
are witnesses of the eventc; on earth and (SBLSCS 12: eds. J. J. Collins & G. W. E.
write down the acts of men in the heavenl)' Nickelsburg: Chico 1980) 135-151; F.
books (l Enoch 89:62-64). They takc part in CUltfONT. Les anges du paganisme. RHR 72
the final judgcment. intercede on behalf of (1915) 159-182; M. J. DAVIDSON. Allgeis at
the faithful. bring charges against the god- Qumrall. A Comparatil'e Study of I Elloch
less and execute the sentence (cf. the seven 1-36, 72-108 alld Sectarian Writillgs from
angels with the final plagues in Rev 15-17; QllmrUlI (jSP SS II; Sheffield 1992) [& Jit]:
21:9 and the angel of the abyss -+Apo/lyon J. DILLON & D. WI~STO~. Philo's Doctrine
or -+Abaddon in Rev 9: II: 20: I). of Angels. Two Treatises of Philo of Alexall-
As far ac; names of angels are concerned dria. A Commentary on De Gigallliblls and
in biblical literature only. the names of Qilod DeliS Sit Immurabilis (8JS 25: Chico
Gabriel (Dan 8:16: 9:21; Luke 1:26). 1983) 197-205: A. F,NET. Anges et demolls.
Michael (Dan 10: 13. 21; 12: I: Rev 12:7), Actes du CoIloquc de Liegc ct de Louvain-
Abadd6n/ Apoll)'oll and BeHar (2 Cor 6: 15: La-Ncuvc 25-26 novcmbre 1987 (cd. J.
-+Belial) occur. In Tob 5-12 RaphaeV Ries: Louvain-La-Neuve 1989) 37-52: J. G.
Azarias already appears. Several Jewish and GAMMIE. The Angelology and Demonology
Christian extrn-canonical writings contain in the Septuagint of the Book of Job. HUCA
numerous names of angels (e.g. I Elloch 56 (1985) 1-19; *M. MACH. EnlWieklllngs-
and lub.; see further -+Enoch for Metatron. sradien des jiidischen Engelglllllbells ill \'or-
-+Me1chizedek and the overview by MICHL rabbinischer Zeit (TSAJ 34: Tiibingen 1992)
1962:200-254; OLYAN 1993). Several cat- [& lit]: *J. MICHL, Engel (I-IX), RAC 5
egories of angels are (later) connected with (Stuttgart 1962) 53·258: E. T. MULLEN. The
the heavenly court: some of them guard the Divine Council in Canaallite and Early
he3venly throne of God: -·Seraphim. Hebrew literalllre (HSM 24: Chico 1980):

52
ANGEL OF DEATH - ANGEL OF YAHWEH

C. NEWSOM, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: the common noun "messenger" with a
A Critical Edition (HSS 27; Atlanta 1985), following divine name in a genitive con-
esp. 23-38 and 77-78; NEwsml, He Has struction signifying a relationship of subor-
Established for Himself Priests:, Human and dination is attested elsewhere in the ancient
Angelic Priesthood in the Qumran Sabbath Near East (e.g. mlak )'m, J...7U 1.2; mar sipri
Shirot, Archaeology and History ill the sa DN, cf. CAD MIl 265). However, most
Dead Sea Scrolls (JSP SS 8; ed. L. H. of the appearances in the Bible of the phrase
Schiffman; Sheffield 1990) 101-120; S. M. mal'ak YHWH are not easily explicable by
OlYAN, A nlOusand Thousands Served Him. recourse to Near Eastern paradigms, for the
Exegesis and the Naming of Angels in mal'ak YHWH in the Bible presents a num-
Allciem Judaism (Tiibingen 1993); A. RoFt, ber of unique problems.
The Belief ill Angels in Israel in the First II. It is typical for gods in the ancient
Temple Period in the light of the Biblical Near East to have at their disposal specific,
Traditions (Jerusalem 1969) [Hebrew]; C. lower-ranking deities who do their bidding
ROWL\ND, The Open Heaven. A SWdy of in running errands and relaying messages.
Apocalyptic in Judaism and Early Christian- These messenger deities function primarily
ity (London 1982) 78-123; C. ROWL\ND, A as links between gods and not between gods
Man Clothed in Linen. Daniel 10.6ff. and and humans; when a major god wishes to
Jewish Angelology, JSNT 24 (1985) 99-1 10; communicate with a human. he or she can
P. SCHAFER, RivalitOt zwischen Engeln lmd be expected to make a personal appearance.
MellSchen. Umersuchungen lIlr rabbini- When supernaturJl messengers are named at
schen Engelvorstellung (SJLA 8; Berlin! Ugarit, those of -·Baal are characteristically
New York 1975); E. SCIIICK. Die Botse/laft Gapnu (-'Vine) and Ugaru. while Qadish
del' Engel im Neuen Testament (Stuttgart and Amrar serve Athirat (-'Asherah).
1940; Basel 3 1946); A. R. R. SHEPPARD, Papsukkal is a typical envoy of the high
Pagan Cults of Angels in Roman Asia gods in Sumerian texts, and in Akkadian
Minor, Talallta 12-13 (1980-1981) 77-101; texts Kakka or Nuska is the messenger of
A. SIIINAN, The Angelology of the "Pales- their choice. In Greece. -Hermes is the
tinian" Targums on the Pentateuch, Sefarad messenger and herald par excellence, with a
43 (1983) 181-198; A. STROTMANN, "Mein female counterpart in Iris. These deities all
Vater bis! Du!" (Sir 51,10). 2ur Bedelllung behave in a fashion similar to their human
del' Vaterschaft Goues in kanonischen und counterparts who function as messengers on
nie/ukanonischen frliJrjiidisclten Schriften earth for all humans, from royalty to com-
(Frankfurt 1991) 271-276; G. A. G. moners.
STROUMSA, Another Seed: Studies ;11 It is precisely these features of ancient
Gllostic Mythology (NHS 24; Leiden 1984); Near Eastern messenger gods that make
D. W. SUTER, Fallen Angel, Fallen Priest: analysis of the mal'ak YHWH so vexing, for
The Problem of Family Purity in I Enoch 6- these features do not always characterize the
16, HUCA 50 (1979) 115-135; M. ZIEGLER, latter. In contrast to the messenger deities of
Engel 'l1ld DOmon im Lichte del' Bibel mit the ancient Near East. the mal'ak YHWH is
Eillschlufl des ausserkanonise/len Se/lrift- never given a name in the OT, and he does
WinS (ZUrich 1957). not always behave like a human messenger.
Because the OT is reluctant to provide
J. \V. VAN HENTEN
names for God's angels (angels are given
proper names only in Daniel 8-12; cf. Gen
ANGEL OF DEATH -t ANGEL 32:29; Judg 13: 17-18), there is no onomastic
evidence from within the Bible to determine
ANGEL OF YAH\VEH iii" i~'O if -Yahweh, like other deities in the ancient
I. The word -"angel' in this phrase is Near East, prefers dispatching a particular
literally 'messenger'. The juxtaposition of supernatural being on missions. Further-

53
ANGEL OF YAHWEH

more, although in many early narratives of an office held by different creatures, or is


Yahweh himself appears to humans Gust the phrase a title borne by only one unique
like other ancient Near Eastern deities), in figure?
later texts there is a marked preference for Because Greek, like English, usually
Yahweh to send a messenger in his place. must distinguish definite from indefinite in
III. The phrase ma/'ak YHWH (where genitive constructions (unlike Hebrew and
maNik is singular) is not uniformly distrib- Latin), early evidence from Greek is invalu-
uted in the Bible. It can refer to a human able in discerning how the Bible's earliest
messenger sent by -God (priest and prophet accessible interpreters understood the
respectively in Mal 2:7 and Hag I: 13; cf. phrase. The NT knows of no single 'The
what may be a personal name "Malachi" angel of the Lord/God", for the definite ar-
meaning "my messenger" in Mal I: I: cf. ticle never appears when a figure identified
however, LXX MaAaxia~ 'Messenger of by this phrase makes ilc; first appearance-it
Yahweh'). Elsewhere, the phrase is either is always "an angel of the Lord" (Matt 1:20:
unclear or certainly supernatural in its orien- 2: 13.19: 28:2; Luke I: II; 2:9: John 5:4;
tation. The single book with the most ap- Acts 5:19: 8:26; 10:3 '''of God"]: 12:7.23;
pearances of the phrase is Judges (2: 1.4: Gal 4: 14). The Septuagint generally follows
5:23; 6:11-22; 13:3-21). It appears in only suit in translating ma/'ak YHWH in the OT,
two psalms which are contiguous (34:8; although there are a few exceptional cases
35:5.6), four contexts in the Pentateuch where the definite article appears when the
(Gen 16:7-11; 22:11.15; Exod 3:2; Num figure first appears in a narrative (Num
22:22-35), one passage in the books of 22:23: Jud 5:23 [LXX cod. A]; 2 Sam
Samuel and Chronicles (2 Sam 24: 16 /I I 24: 16; contra.c;t the far more numerous cases
Chr 21:12-30), and three contexts in the where LXX presents the figure as indefinite:
books of Kings (I Kgs 19:7: 2 Kgs 1:3.15; Gen 16:7: 22:11.15: Exod 3:2: 4:24 [LXX]:
19:35). In the prophets the single occurrence Judg 2: I; 5:23 [LXX cod. B]: 6: 11.12 [LXX
in Isaiah (37:36) is a passage parallel to one Cod. A].22a.22b [LXX Cod. B]: 13:3.6.I6b.
already mentioned in 2 Kings (19:35), and 21b: 2 Kgs 1:3.15; 19:35 [II Isa 37:36J; 1
apart from a single reference in Hosea Chr 21: 12; Zech 3: I; 12:8).
(12:5) it is confined to Zechariah (Zech I: II Parallel passages within the MT support
his,' 3:1-6; 12:8). the early perception of a figure which was
Since the Hebrew definite article cannot not definite: 2 Chr 32:21 rephrases the
be employed in the construct when the "angel of Yahweh" of 2 Kgs 19:35 to read
nomm rectum is a proper name, and since simply "an angel". Even within a single pas-
not all construct phrases with a proper name sage, "an angel" (indefinite) will first be
are to be construed as definite (lBHS 13.4c; introduced only later to be reidentified as
HIRTIt 1975:25-26), a problem of specificity maf1ak YHlVH (I Kgs 19:5-7: I Chr 21:15-
arises that can be seen by contrasting two 16); this sequence confirms that the latter
recent Bible translations: the New Jewish phrase in these contexts means no more than
Publication Society typically translates simply an angel of no particular significance
maf1ak YHlVH when it first appears in a nar- sent from Yahweh. ExtrJ-biblical Jewish
rative as "an angel of the Lord" where the literature presenlc; the "angel of Yahweh" as
New Revised Standard Version translates a designation applicable to any number of
"the angel of the Lord". If the latter transla- different angels (STIER 1934:42-48). Other
tion is more accurate, then another problem early witnesses who arc forced to make a
arises: is this figure a unique envoy who is choice in this regard will be noted below,
always sent by God, or can a number of dif- and their overwhelming consensus is that
ferent supernatural beings be dispatched as the phrase is to be translated as indefinite.
"the angel of Yahweh"? In other words, is When one scrutinizes the OT itself, a
the phrase "angel of Yahweh" a description major obstacle for analysis lies in the many

54
ANGEL OF YAHWEH

passages that are textually problematic. Few (v 6) sent by YHWH (v 8), and who actual-
generalizations can be made about all the ly was a ma/'iik of God (v 9). In the second
passages, and each must be discussed on il~ part of the story (as well as the very first
own terms. If one can trust the evidence of reference in the story) he is identified as
early translations such as the LXX, Vulgate, ma/'ak YHWH (vv 13.15.16bis.17.18.20.
and Syriac, these translations presume a 21 bis), until the final allusion where he is
Vorlage that is often at variance with the called '~/Ohim (v 22). The LXX once inserts
Hebrew text in its description of this figure. an additional reference to simply "the mess-
This obstacle seems to be related to a fur- enger" (v II). Josephus' summary of this
ther problem that resists an easy solution, account (Ant. V.277-84) speaks of "a spectre
namely, the figure of the ma/'ak YHWH is (plzalllasma), an angel of God in the like-
often perplexingly and inconsistently ident- ness of a comely and tall youth". Pseudo-
ified with Yahweh himself. One or both of Philo 42:3-10 unambiguously portrays an
these difficulties can be found in the follow- "angel of Yahweh" with the name Fadahel.
ing ten passages: the phrase "messenger of The ma/'tik refuses an hospitable offer of
Yahweh" appears six times in Judg 6:11-23 food. recommending instead that an offering
to identify a figure who is also described as be made to Yahweh (v 16). This ma/'cik
a "messenger of God" (v 20) and as talks about God as someone distinct from
Yahweh (vv 14.16). The LXX and Pseudo- himself (v 5), but never refers to the fact
Philo (35: 1-7) level all descriptions so that that he has been sent from God, nor that the
everywhere he is called "messenger/angel of words he speaks come from God. Indeed, it
Yahwch" (evcn in vv 14.16. 20). Josephus is not God's word that is to be hceded, but
recounts this event about "a spectre (phan- "Let her take heed to all that I said" (v 13).
tasmatos) in the form of a young man" (Ant. and "Take heed to all that I commanded
V.213-14). The figure speaks but never her" (v 14). He is reluctant to identify him-
claims to have been sent from Yahweh nor self by name, describing his name a.~ "full of
to be speaking words that another gave him. wonder" (v 18). It is not clear if it is Yah-
At only one point does he possibly refer to weh or the ma/'tik who performed wonders
Yahweh as distinct from himself. but as a in v 19 while Manoah and his wife looked
greeting the statement may be purely con- on. The ma/'iik ascends to heaven with the
ventional ("Yahweh is with you", v 12). He name from the sacrifice (v 20).
seems to have sufficient authority in his own In Numbers 22:22-35, Yahweh himself is
right, never claiming it is grounded in an- active (opening a donkey's mouth and
other: "Have not I sent your' (v 14) and "I Balaam's eyes) in the midst of an extended
will be with you" (v 16) are most comfort- description of the ma/'ak YHWH's activity.
able as statements coming from God's The versions are not in agreement as to how
mouth, but the ma/'tik speaks these himself. to identify this figure: the Hebrew text pre-
He works wonders in touching meat with his sents the ma/'ak YHWH at work everywhere
staff, causing it to be consumed with fire, (except of course for Yahweh's activity in
after which he vanishes (v 21). The final vv 28.3Ia); the LXX generally identifies this
reference to Yahweh who verbally comforts figure as the messenger of "God" and not
Gideon after the disappearance of the ma/'tik Yahweh (with some exceptions and even
is disorienting, for it raises the question why variations within the manuscript tradition);
the nUl/'iik was ever sent at all if Yahweh the Vulgate mentions the "angel of the
can speak this easily to Gideon (v 23). Lord" only in v 22 and everywhere else
In Judg 13:3-23. the figure in question is simply calls the figure an angelus or omits
identified in the MT by a number of differ- reference to it entirely (vv 25.34). Josephus'
ent designations in the first part of the story summary of the account (Alii. IV.I 08-111)
where he is "the man" (vv 10-11), "the man refers to it as "an angel of God" and a "di-
of God" who seemed to be a ",a/'tik of God vine spirit" (theiou pnellmatos) in contrast to

55
ANGEL OF YAHWEH

the LXX ''the messenger of God" (v 23). which appears as "his aggelos" in Greek).
The narrntive describes this mal'ak YHWH God's revclation to --Moscs at the burn-
as an adversary (Jii{iin, vv 22.32), standing ing bush (Exod 3:2-4: 17) encompasses 38
in roads and vineyards (vv 22.23.24.26.31) verses in which Yahwch is explicitly and
with dra\\n sword in hand (vv 23.31), repeatedly described as speaking with
receiving homage from a human (v 31). Moses. But thc entire account is madc prob-
Balaam treats this mal'iik-and not God-as lematic when it is prefaced with the phrasc,
the ultimate court of appeal ("If it is dis- "mal'ak YHWH appeared to him in a blazing
pleasing in your eyes", v 34). The mal'iik fire" (Exod 3:2). which is quotcd in thc NT
docs not indicate that he has been sent by as an indefinitc "an angel" with no reference
God. for he speaks of himself as an indepen- to "the Lord" (Acts 7:30; cf. vv 35.38). On
dent authority ("I came out as an adversary the other hand. thc Vulgatc simply reads,
because your way was contrary to me", v "Yahweh appeared ...... preserving no refer-
32: "I would have killed you", v 33; "Only ence to a mal'iik (Josephus refers only to a
the word I speak to you shall you speak", v "voice" that speaks from the bush bcfore
35). God is identified in Ant. II.264-2).
In Gen 16:7-13, all texts agree that a Although most vcrsions present Yahweh
figure identified as "messenger of Yahweh" as the one who intends to kill Moses in
(vv 7.9.10.11) speaks (LXX adds a further Exod 4:24 over thc issuc of circumcision,
reference to this figure in v 8, while Vg the LXX identifies "an angcl of thc Lord" as
deletes its mention in vv 10-11). When it the aggressor (the Targums also inscrt the
first appears in Josephus (Ant. 1.189), it is word mal'iik. cr. b. Ned. 32a; Jllb. 48:24
simply called "a messenger of Yahweh" (cf. sees it as the wicked angel --M~lstemah; sec
Jllb. 17: 11, "an angel of the Lord, one of the -Destroyer).
holy onesj. Only once does the mal'iik Although God himself had earlier com-
seem to speak of Yahweh as someone dis- manded -.Abraham to sacrificc Isaac (Gcn
tinct from himself (v 11), but he never inti- 22:1-2), in Gen 22:11-18 it is only a mal'ak
mates that Yahweh sent him or that the YHWH that speaks "from hcaven" with
words he speaks come from Yahweh. In- Abraham whcn thc sacrificc is in progress
stead, the mal'iik speaks as if he were God: (vv ILlS). Jllbilees calls it the "angel of thc
"I will greatly multiply your descendants" (v presencc" (mal'ak happiininr; 18:9-11; cf.
10). Even the narrator closes by noting that 2: I) and Dcmetrius thc Chronographcr spe-
it was Yahweh who spoke to Hagar, aks simply of "an angcr' (OTP 2.848). hut
prompting her to be surprised that she still Josephus depicts only God speaking (Am.
remained alive (v 13). 1.233-236) and Pseudo-Philo 32:4 talks of
In Judg 2:1-4, where MT clearly has a God who "sent his voice". With the excep-
lacuna in the introduction, the phrase mal'ak tion of a reference to God in the third pers-
YHWH appears twice (vv 1.4). The words on (v 12). thc speech of the mal'iik sounds
spoken by the mal'iik in the MT are entirely like God talking: "You havc not withheld
in the first person as if God were speaking your son from mc" (v 12). "I will grcatly
("the land which I swore to your fathers"). bless you" (v 17). "you obeyed my voicc"
But LXX Cod. B prefaces these words with (v 17). Nowhcre does this mal'eik indicate
a citation fonnula ("Thus says the Lord, that he was sent from God or that hc speaks
' ...the land which I swore.. :"), while these words at God's command. Although
LXXA modifies the person in the first half the phrase "says (ne'i;m) the Lord" is inser-
of the speech without the citation fonnula ted in the mid'it of the mal'ak's speech at
(''the land which he [i.e., Yahweh] swore.....). one point (v 16). this phrasc is found only
The Targum interpreted this mcssenger as a here in Genesis, and no other biblical mal'{ik
human prophet (for a similar interchange, cf. YHWH cver cmploys it.
apocryphal Ps 151:4 "his prophet" in 1IQPSD As --Elijah flecs from --Jczcbel in I

56
ANGEL OF YAHWEH

Kings 19, he is twice provided in the MT by (Judg 5:23). The sudden, unmotivated, and
a mn/'iik with food and drink for his long unclear significance of a reference to mll/'ak
journey (vv 5.7). This mn/'iik is called a YHWH at this point prompts many to be
ma/'nk YHWH only v..·hen it is mentioned on uncomfonable with the originality of the
the second occasion (some Vulgate MSS phrase "said the angel of the Lord."
also call the first appearnnce a mnl'nk The following four paSs,1ges pose no
YHWH). In the LXX the first mention of the problems in analysing the mll/'nk YHWH,
ma/'iik docs not identify it as such, simply for there is nothing inconsistent with this
saying "someone", while the second appear- being's function as a supernatural envoy
ance appears with the definite anicle. sent by Yahweh, and any textual variants
Josephus never mentions a mal'iik in his are not problematic. 2 Kgs 19:35 (= Isa 37:
account (Ant. VIlI.349), simply saying 36: cf. 2 Chr 32:21) narmtes tersely how a
"someone". ma/'ak YHWH (LXX indefinite) "went out"
The phrase ma/'ak YHWH appears three and destroyed Sennacherib's army a.e; it
times in Zechariah's vision of the High besieged Jerusalem (-Destroyer). When 2
Priest Joshua in Zechariah 3. Joshua stands Macc 15:22-23 records a later request by
before this angel (\'v 1.5; cf. v 3) who second century neE Jews to re-enact this
admonishes him with words prefaced by, mir.lcle for them, it is simply "an angel"
"Thus says Yahweh" (v 6), and who orders (indefinite) that they anticipate from God.
bystanders to remove Joshua's filthy gar- An "angel of Yahweh", clearly distinct
ments (vv 5-6). Because Yahweh speaks from Yahweh, docs not speak but docs act
awkwardly in v 2, one should take seriously in accord with Yahweh's commands regard-
the Syriac rendition of v 2 which includes ing the devast'ltion of David's kingdom (2
instead another reference to the figure: "and Sam 24:16: cf. I Chr 21:12.15.16.18.30).
the angel of the Lord said... :' This creature is also described as "the
In contrast to the ten preceding passages, destroying angel", the "smiting angel" 3nd a
the following two passages present neither "destroying angel of Yahweh".
textual problems nor internal conflicts in In the only two psalms to mention ma/'ak
identifying who is speaking: the words and YHWH, one of the benefits accruing to God-
actions of the mal'ak YHWH present no con- fearers is that a mlll'nk YHWH camps (I,tNH
ceptual difficulties. Nevertheless, the texts paniciple) around them and delivers them
evince certain peculiarities that require (Ps 34:8[7]). The phrnse appears twice in
attention. imprecations in Ps 35:5-6 summoning a
In 2 Kings I, a mal'nk YHWH (vv 3.15) mal'nk YHWH to pursue relentlessly (OI.1H.
appears and twice gives orders to Elijah as RDP) the enemies of the psalmist. LXX
to what he is to say and do. Thus, Elijah treats all three as indefinite.
himself is to function as God's mlll'iik The last group of texlc; confirms that
"messenger" in relaying a message from Yahweh C3n, indeed, send out a supernatural
God ("Thus says the Lord", vv 4.6), but envoy to do his bidding, much like the
Elijah docs not receive the commission messengers sent out by other gods of the
directly from God. This fact is striking since ancient Near East. Unlike the other cultures,
God elsewhere in the Elijah stories typically however, there is no firm evidence that
speaks directly to this prophet (or the phrase Yahweh had a particular subordinate who
appears "the word of Yahweh came to fulfi lied this role.
Elijah"). Josephus summarizes this account The first group of ten texts, however, pre-
' ....ithout mentioning a n/ll/'iik: it is God who sents a different picture with their textual
speaks (Am. IX.20-21.26). variants and vacillating identifications of the
In the Song of Debornh, the sentence "angel of Yahweh" (distinct from Yahweh?
appears, '''Curse, Meroz,' said the angel of identical to Yahweh?). Among proposals
the Lord, 'utterly curse its inhabitants'" offered to explain the evidence, one finds

57
ANGEL OF YAHWEH

the angel of Yahweh in these passages inter- (Numbers 22). or in visible foml or with the
preted as Yahweh in a theophany, the prein- actions of a man (Gen 16: 13: Judges 6: 13:
camate --Christ, a means of crystallizing cf. Gen 22: 14). or in contexts where the
into one figure the many revelatory fonns of actual presence of God was otherwise theol-
an early polytheism. a hypostati7.ation, a ogically troublesome (Exod 4:24). In many
supernatural envoy of Yahweh where the passages. inadequate data hinder confidence
confusion in identity results from messenger in detennining if the mal'iik YHWH is in
activity that merges the personality or fact an envoy or an interpolation.
speech of the messenger with the sender, or In the Apocrypha. Susanna provides fur-
an interpolation of the word mal'ak into the ther evidence that there wa.o; a time when a
text where originally it was simply Yahweh choice between either the activity of God or
speaking and at work. an "angel of Yahweh" was a live option for
The notion that the identity of messenger writers. The Theodotian text indicates that
and sender could be merged in the ancient "an angel of the Lonl" gave a spirit of
Near East is incorrect: any messenger who -'wisdom to -Daniel in contmst to the
failed to identify the one who sent him sub- LXX that specifies God as the source (v 45).
verted the entire communication process LXX texts picture Daniel twice referring to
(see -.Angel). On the other hand. those who "the angel of the Lord" who with his sword
posit an identity (whether by theophany or will slay the wicked (vv 55.59); Theodotian
hypostatization) between Yahweh and the texts here preserve instead "an angel of
mlll'ak YHWH apan from this theory do not God" and "the angel of God" res(X.'Ctively.
do justice to the full significance of the teml Finally, LXX (not Theodotion) describes
mal'ak which must mean a subordinate (in "the angel of the Lord" casting fire upon the
contrast to other later temlS such as two wicked men (v 62).
-'Logos, Memra, Shekinah. Kabod. see Elsewhere in the Apocrypha. there is
--Glory). The biblical poetic parallelism never any question of identifying the "angel
Yahweh 1/ mal'ak (lsa 63:9: Hos 12:4-5[3- of Yahweh" with God. for the figure con-
4]; Mal 3: I) does not justify the necessary sistently confonns to the pattern of a mess-
equation of the two tenns any more than the enger despatched by God (usually without
parallelism of Saul/! David (I Sam 18:7) or the definite anicle). Each time the figure is
--heaven /I -earth (Deut 32: I) identifies the mentioned in Bel and the Dragon (LXX and
respective clements. The identification of the Theodotion vv 34.36.39[LXX "of God"]).
mal'ak YHWH with the preincamate Christ he is transporting Habakkuk by his hair to
violates the original intent of the text'" and from Babylon (no definite article when
authors. Instead, the remarkable textual first mentioned). and when the angel speaks
instability in identifying the figure is best to Habakkuk. Theod prefaces its wonls with
resolved by the interpolation theory. es- 'Thus says the Lord", omitted by the LXX.
pecially since there are passages where the In a prose interlude in the Song of the Three
interpolation is undeniable when it is not Children, "an angel of the Lord" (LXX:
found in all witnesses (e.g. Exod 4:24). Theod "the angel of the Lord") descends to
According to this theory, the figure is ident- join the youths in the furnace and to dissi-
ified with Yahweh in some texts because it pate the flames.
was, in fact, Yahweh before the interpola- In the book of Tobit, no reference ap-
tion of the wonl mal'ak. The behaviour of pears (0 an "angel of the Lord" until the
the mal'ak YHWH in many of these disputed close of the book. In 12:22 - -Raphael. who
passages is precisely that of a deity and not has been active throughout the book and
a deity's messenger (IRVIN 1978). The word referred to elsewhere by the narrator simply
mal'ak was inserted in certain contexts a.c; "an anger' (5:4) and by other characters
because of theological discomfort with as merely a "man" (5:8.16). ascends to God.
Yahweh appearing as a siirall adversary at which time the onlookers in 12:22 refer to

58
ANTHROPOS

him ali "the angel of the Lord" (LXXBA: J. E. FOSSUM, The Name of God and the
LXXs "an angel of God"). Before he does AnKel of the Lord - Samaritan allli Jewish
so, he identifies himself as one of the seven Concepts of Intennedieuion and the Origin
holy angels who bring the prayers of God's of Gnosticism (WUNT 36; TGbingen 1985);
people into God's presence (12: IS). F. GUGGISBERG, Die Gestalt des Mal'ak
In conclusion, there is in the Bible no Jahl\'f! im Alten Testament (Oach 1979); V.
single "The angel of Yahweh". The phrase HIRlll. Gottes Hoten im Alten Testame1l1
mal'ak YHWH is better translated as "an (Theologische Arbeiten 32; Berlin 1975); D.
angel (or messenger) of Yahweh" when it IRVIN, Mytharion. Tile Comparison of Tales
first appears in a narrative, for it represents from the Old Testamellt and the Ande1l1
the appearance of an unspecified supernat- Near East (Neukirchen-Vluyn 1978); H.
ural envoy sent from Yahweh. In cases Rl>ITGER. Mal'ak Ja/m'e - Bote \'on Gott.
where a simultaneous identity and discontin- Die Vorstell,mg von Gottes Boten im hebrii-
uity is uncomfortably present between ischen Alten Testame1l1 (Frankfurt 1978); C.
Yahweh and his messenger, the ternl mal'iik ROWLA1':o. The Open Hem'ell - A Study of
is probably a secondary addition to the text Apoclll)ptic in Judaism and Early Christian-
in response to changing theological perspec- ity (London 1982); A. F. SEGAL., Two
tives. POl\'ers in Heaven - Early Rabbinic Reports
IV. The phrase mlll'ak YHlVH is not yet About Christianity and Gnosticism (Leiden
attcsted in published. non-biblical materials 1977): F. STIER, Gott und sein Engel im
from Qumran. despite a sophisticated and Alten Testamellt (Alttestamentliche Abhand-
extensive angelology in these texts. This lungen 12,2: MUnster 1934).
omission correlales with the non-specificity
of the figure in early witnesses. for in spite S. A. MEIER
of thc proliferation of details about angels in
extra- and post-biblical texts, the "angel of ANTHROPOS -Av9p(J)1tO~
Yahweh" receives in geneml no special I. One designation, with or without
attention in Judaism. It is true that one may qualification. of the highest being in many
trace in Jewish apocalyptic the developmcnt gnostic systems: quae est sl/per omnia
of a single exalted angel that some have drtllS, et c01l1illet 011lnia, A1I1hropos vocatur
tried to derive from the earlier mal'ak (lrenaeus. Ad\'. /!aer. 1.12.4). The name
YHlVH (ROWLAND 1982:94-113), but the draws attention to the direct or indirect link
conncction between the two remains un- between supreme divinity and humanity.
demonstrated and the ternlinology is differ- esp. the 'unwavering race', thanks to which
ent. Quite the contrary. a vigorous clement redemption from the world created by the
in early Judaism resisted sectarians who be- -Archons is possible. The name Anthropos
lieved that a certain principal angel was a signifies that ->God is the prototype of Man
special -mediator between God and man (all1lJropos), because man is made, directly
(SEGAL 1977:70). Developing descriptions or indirectly, in his image. The ReJigiolls-
about the highest-ranking angels tend to geschichtJiche Scllllle and others claimed
avoid the phrasc "angel of the Lord" in that an oriental Umlensch-myth lay behind
favour of more elaborate titles. Extensive the gnostic doctrine. This account has been
gnostic speculations about dcmiurges and invoked to explain the Pauline passages (I
the cosmic hierarchy likewise tend to by- Cor 15:21-2,45-49; Rom 5: 12-21) in which
pass the nomenclature of the "angcl of the ->Christ is compared and contrasted with the
Lord". although the "Messenger" is a first man, ->Adam. Neither of these views
significant divine emanation in some gnostic has worn well.
traditions such as Manichaeism (cf. Samarit- II. There are two related types of
an gnosticism [FOSSUM 1985 J). gnostic anthropological myth, both of which
V. Bibliogral'h)' draw upon a motif. an image reflected in

59
,\NTHROPOS

water, that goes back to Satomil and thus proto-history of gnosticism. Older accounts
'Samaritan' gnosis (lrenaeus, Ad". haer. may be briefly summarized. W. BOUSSET
1.24.1) (SCHENKE 1962:64-68). They share claimed that an ancient oriental myth, the
the basic premise that (human) man is at creation of the world from the parts of a
least potentially a higher being than the sacrificial victim, the prototypical man, must
demiurge of the world, who enviously with- underlie the narrati ves of Poima1ldres 12-15
held this knowledge (the forbidden fruit of and several Christian accounts of gnostic
Gen 2: 16-17) from Adam. The simpler is systems (Hauptprobleme der Gliosis [Gl>t-
best exemplified by the long recension of tingen 1907, repro 1973] 160-223). The best-
the ApocrypllOlI of John (NHC IU, 14:13- known of these myths, that of the Iranian
21:16). This envisages Adam's 'choic' or Gtlyomart, stimulated R. REITZENSTEIN in
material body as modelled by the Archons turn to propose the existence of an Iranian
of the demiurge directly upon a glimpsed popular cult of a redeemed redeemer, which
reflection of the image of the Perfect Man ultimately inspired the gnostic myth as a
(the highest god) (14:24-15: 12). His psyclre whole (e.g. Das ircmisclre £rloslI1Igsmysteri-
is likewise created by the Archons: but his 11m, Bonn 1921). C. H. KRAELING attempted
divine pneuma derives from Sophia. Coming to link Bousset's view to Jewish Messianism
directly from the world of light, it in fact (Allthropos and tire SOli of Man, New York
pre-exists choic and psychic bodies. The 1927), G. WIDENGREN to find the redeemed
second type, exemplified by the Naassene redeemer in early Iranian texts (771e great
exegesis (in the distorted and lacunate Volru Mallalr. Uppsala 1945). None of these
account of Hippolytus Ref. haer. 5.7.3-9.9), views survived the criticisms of COLPE
protects the transcendence of the highest (1961:140-70: cf. 1969:411) and SCHENKE
divinity by interpolating a hypostasis (1962:69-114), though it was still possible
between Anthropos and Man: the hypostasis for RUDOLPH in 1964 to stress the supposed
or -·image (eikoll) supplies both the model Iranian antecedents of gnosticism. The deci-
for physical man and the divine particle of sive considerations, as SCHENKE showed,
light. The Perfect Man, the Father of All, were the new texts from Nag Hammadi.
Adam, produces a son 'of the same sub- which provided far more reliable accounts
stance'. The physical body of human Adam of gnostic Anthropos than had been avail-
made by the Archons of the demiurge Esal- able, and an appreciation of the character of
daios is (indirectly) modelled upon this son. post-Biblical Jewish techniques of exegesis
When the son, probably in the fonn of di- (ef. TROGER 1980:155-168). There is simply
vine light, descends to vivify the creature, no evidence for the redeemed redeemer in
he is trapped: over the generations descend- gnosis until Manicheism. The key texts that
ing from Adam, the light is split up into inspire all gnostic anthropology are Gen
innumerable fragments, each of which may 1:26-27: 2:7 & 2:21-24, together with the
return to the Light World (FRICKEL 1984: post-Biblical Jewish exegeses of these pas-
263). This principle could be indefinitely sages (cf. QUISPEL 1953:215-217. 226;
extended: any emanation from the Perfect PEARSON 1973:51-81; 1990). Certainly,
Man may be named Anthropos. even the gnostic 'systems' are syncretic, but no pre-
female Barbelo in ApocrypllOlI of Jolm, cise antecedent of the basic macro-/micro-
because she is 'the image of the Father' (14: cosmic scheme is required; and syncretism
23: cf. 5:7: 6:4). In £Ugllostos, a series of is only one of the processes involved in the
emanations from the First-Father, also called elaboration of the complex gnostic scen-
Anthropos (NHC III.3, 77:14), is named in arios. TARDIEU (1974) has provided a con-
turn First Man, Immortal Man, -·Son of vincing account of the varied sources of
Man, -Saviour (78:3: 85:10-14). inspiration. and the narrative logic, of one
As a key gnostic motif, Anthropos has such anthropology, in the Origill of the
figured in all accounts of the genesis or World (NHC 11.5). Iran, to say nothing of

60
ANTHROPOS

ancient oriental myths, has disappeared brought about by Adam. The origin of the
totally from RUDOLPH'S most recent sum- typology in Alexandrian wisdom speculation
mary (1990:99-130). was pointed out by SANDElIN (1976:91-
III. Within NT studies, the authority of 113), thus undermining Reitzenstein's view
R. BUlTMANN, who tended to accept the of Philo Leg. AI/eg. 1.31; the same scheme
'oriental' origins of gnosis as a fact (e.g. lies behind Phil 2:6-9. BARREn (1985) like-
1964; 1984), caused it to be widely can- wise analysed the role of exegesis of Gen 1-
vassed, and not only among his pupils (see 2 in 1 Cor 15, but stressed the probable allu-
e.g. J. JEREMIAS, s.v. Adam, nVNT I [1933] sion to the representative Man of Dan 7: 13
142-143; H. SCHlIER, RAC 3 [1956] 437- and the implied rejection of Philo's Plato-
53), that the Christology of Pauline Chris- nism in Leg AI/eg. 1:31 (cf. LIETZMANN ad
tianity was significantly influenced by I Cor 15:45-49). FISCHER has urged that I
"Urmensch und Erl6ser", however they Cor 15:45-49 is a unique melding of strands
came to be combined into an eschatological of belief derived both from Jewish Apoca-
Adam (cf. SINN 1991). But the objections to lyptic (4 Ezra, 2 Apoc. Bar.) and from gnos-
any direct relation between gnostic myth tic myth (1980:294-298), but that no coher-
and Pauline Christology are decisive ent gnostic doctrine inspired Paul negatively
(SCHENKE 1973). Thus COlPE argued that or positively. The most recent discussions of
'Son of Man' has no genetic link with I Cor 15 draw on both COlPE and BARRET
Gnostic ideas (1969:414-418). The basic (WmJERINGTON 1992: 184-193; 1994:308f.)
premises of W. SCIIMITHALS' Die Gnosis ill - the analogies Paul uses are merely partial
Korinth 3 (1969) were undennined by ones and not to be pressed. Attention has
SCHENKE & FISCHER. Einleitung ill die switched to the construction of the rhetorical
Schriften des NT (Berlin 1978-1979) I: 103- argument as a whole in favour of the resur-
5. The contrast between pneumatikos and rection of the dead.
ps)'chikos in I Cor 14:44-46 derives from IV. Bibliography
Hellenistic-Jewish wisdom speculation, and F. AlTERMATH, Du corps psychiqlle au
was thus freely available both to Gnostics corps spirituel (Beitr. Gesch. bibl. Excg. 18;
and to early Christians (PEARSON 1973). TUbingcn 1977); C. K. BARRETT, The
The differences in the structure and meaning Significance of the Adam-Christ Typology
of gnostic anthropology by contrast with the for the Resurrection of the Dead, Risurrcc-
Pauline scheme have been noted by FISCHER tion du Christ et des chreriens (ed. L. de
1980:289-294. Lorenzi; S~r. monogr. B~n~dict., sect. bibl.-
Although the inverse assumption viz., oec. 8; Rome 1985) 99-122; E. BRANDEN-
that the Pauline Adam-Christ inverted nURGER, Adam und Christus (WMANT 7;
parallelism has Judaic sources, can also not Neukirchen 1962); R. BUlTMANN, Adam
be conclusively demonstrated, there have und Christus nach R6mer 5, Der alte und
been adequate treatments of the Pauline der neue Mensch in der Theologie des
Adam-Christ typology which do not con- Paillus (Darmstadt 1964) 41-66, repro from
cede even the limited gnostic influence ZNW 50 (1959) 145-65; BUlTMANN, Theo-
allowed by BRANDENBURGER (1962) or logie des NT (TObingen 19849 ) 166-186; C.
SCHOTIROFF (1970). COlPE (1969:475-477) COlPE, Die religionsgeschichtliche Schule
showed that I Cor 15:45-49 is an elabor- (G6ttingen 1961); COlPE, 0 vioq rou
ation through reduplicated antithesis of av8proJrov, nVNT 8 (1969) 403-481; K. M.
15:21, and that no prior schema underlies FISCHER, Adam und Christus, Altes
the passage. In Rom 5: 12-21, which is de- Testament - FrlJhjudentum - Gllosis (ed. K.
rivative from the Cor passage, an apoca- Tr6ger; Berlin 1980) 283-98; 1. FRICKEl,
lyptic notion, -Jesus as the -Son of Man, Hellenistische Erlosung in christlicher Deu-
has been recast into the prototype Man of tung: der gnostische Naassenerschrift (NHS
the resurrection, contrasted with the death 19; Leiden 1984) 259-269; B. A. PEARSON,

61
ANTICHRIST

The PIleumatikos-Psychikos Tennillolog)' in In the Epistles of John alllie/rristos is


J Corilllhians (SBLDS 12: Missoula 1973); used as a designation for the ultimate escha-
PEARSON, GIlosticism, Judaism and Egypt- tological opponent of -Jesus Christ. The
ian Christianit)' (Minneapolis 1990) 29-38; appearance of the antic/rristos is expected to
G. QUISPEl, Der gnostische Anthropos und precede the parousia of Christ. The author
die jOdische Tradition, ErJb 22 (1953) 195- of I and 2 John refers to this expectation as
234; K. RUDOLPH, Stand und Aufgabe in an existing tradition (I John 2: 18: 'as you
der Erforschung des Gnostizismus (1964), have heard ,.. '), although the tradition of
repro in GIlosi.f und GIlostitismus (ed. K. Antichrist is not attested in its full form
Rudolph; Dannstadt 1975) 510-553: before lrenaeus (Adv. Haer. 5:25-30). After
RUDOLPH, Die GIlosis (Gottingen I 99()3); having referred to the tradition the author
K-G. SANDELlN, Die AuseinandersetZllng uses the word alllichristos to characterize
mit der Weisheit ill J Kor. J5 (Abo 1976); his opponents who as alllichristoi deny
H-M. SCHENKE, Der Gou 'Mensch' ill der Christ (l John 2:18-plural; I John 2:22; 2
Gnosis (Gottingen 1962); M. SCHENKE, Die John 7-singular). Their teaching is inspired
neutestamentliche Christologie und der by the spirit of Antichrist, and presented by
gnostische Erloser, GIlosis und Neues Testa- the author as proof that Antichrist has al-
melll (cd. K. Troger; Berlin 1973) 205-229; ready come (I John 4:3). By interpreting the
L. SCHOTIRon', Der Glaubel/de und die conflict with those who deny Christ (I John
feindliche Welt (WMANT 37; Neukirchen 2:22) by means of the expectation of Anti-
1970); G. SINN. Christologie lilld Existenz: christ, the author of the Epistles of John
Rudolf Bultmann 's Interpretation des pauli- argues the nearness of the end (l John
nischell Chrislllszeugl/isses (T ANZ 4; 2: 18!).
TObingen 1991); M. TARDIEU. Trois m)'thes II. Neither the word alllichn'stos nor a
gnostiques (Paris 1974) 86-139: B. WrofE- Hebrew or other equivalent is used in any of
RINGTON III. Jesus, Paul and the End of the the versions of the OT or in extra-biblical
World (Downer's Grove, III. 1992); WIllIE- literature of the period. But although the
RINGTON, Conflict and Community in worn is not used before the Epistles of John,
Corimh (Grand Rapid"'Carlisle 1994). the concept of eschatological opposition
reaching its climax in the appearance and
R. L. GORDON activity of a single person is already found
in some OT pa<;sages: Ezek 38-39 mentions
ANTICHRIST <ivnXPlatO; -·Gog of -·Magog as Israel's final enemy
I. The word alllic/rristos is found only (cf. Rev 20:8); Dan 7-8.11 describes the
in I John 2: 18.22; 4:3~ 2 John 7, and in appearance of an evil tyrant who will act as
post-biblical Christian literature. Morpho- the final enemy of God and Israel. The tradi-
logically the closest analogy is alllitlreos tion of an evil tyrant as the climax of escha-
which was in usc since Homer (Od. 11:117; tological evil should be understood as a
13:378; 14: 18). In Homer alllitlreos means specification of the tradition of the escha-
'godlike'. In later times it comes to mean tological enmity of the pagan peoples and
'contrary to God' (for instance Philo, Israel (cf. Isa 5:25-30; 8:18-20; 10:5-7;
Poster. 37:3; 123:4; COl/gr. 118:1; Fug. 37:16-20; Nah 3:1-7; Joel 4; Zech 14). This
140:3). The term alllichristos is ambiguous expectation of eschatological hostility
('opponent of -Christ' or 'false Christ') between Israel and the peoples is also
owing to the twofold meaning of ami in expressed in extra-biblical sources. Some-
composita: it can mean 'against' (allli- times the hostility is thought to reach a cli-
strategos: 'the enemy's general', Thucy- max in the rise of an eschatological tyrant (I
dides 7:86) or 'instead of (anrips)'e/lOs: En. 90:9-16; Ass. Mos. 8; 2 Apoc. Bar. 36-
'something offered instead of one's life', 40; 70; 4 Ezra 5: 1-13; 12:29-33; 13:25-38).
Dio Cassius 59:8; neuter in 4 Macc 6:29; Among the various passages of the Qumran
17:21). literature containing forms of eschatological

62
ANTICHRIST

dualism, the account of Melchizedek and Beast (I I:7: chap. 17). This adversary is
Melchiresha in 4Q280-282 and 4QAmram often wmngly spoken of a.c; Antichrist. With
takes a special place as an analogy: as in the the images of the Beasts the author of Rev-
case of Christ and Antichrist the typology of elation is referring to the dangers of his own
agent (= prototype) and opponent (= anti- time.
type) appears to have been constitutive. At least three different traditions form the
There are a number of passages in the NT background of the tradition of Antichrist.
that predict or record the appearance of which is attested in its full form from
eschatological opponents without using the Irenaeus onward: that of Satan I -~Belial.
word al/tichristos. In Mark 13:22 falsc that of the coming of eschatological false
Christs (PSflldochristoi) and false prophets prophets (cf. MEEKS 1967), and that of the
(pselldoprophetai) arc described as appear- final eschatological tyrant as described in
ing before the end (cf. v 6). They will de- Daniel. Possibly, also the myth of Nero-
ceive people by doing signs and wonders redivivus played a part. The old view of an
(cf. Matt 7:15; 24:11.23-24). Obviously, the esoteric, pre-Christian tradition of Antichrist
evangelist is referring here to people of his (GUNKEL 1895; Bouss!:., 1895; CHARLES
own time. Some interpreters wrongly regard 1920) was successfully refuted by ERNST
the 'desolating sacrilege' of Mark 13:14 as 1967. JENKS 1991 and LIETAERT PEERBOLTE
referring to Antichrist (see for instance J. 1996. They rightly nrgued that the concept
GNII.KA. Das Eval/gelill11l I/aeh Ma rk Wi of Antichrist is a Christian idea and that it
[EKK 1112: Neukirehen 1979] 195-196). As was not fully dcveloped until the late 2nd
there is no hint whatc;oever in this direction. century CEo As a result. the various passages
the masculine participle hestekota should be before Irenaeus that describe eschatological
explained in a different way (for instance as opponents should be regarded as witnesses
a reference to 'the Roman'). of separate traditions, not of one continuous
In 2 Thess 2:3- I2 the coming of the tradition. The agreement between these pas-
'Lawless One' is described as preceding the sages lies in the fact that they all reflect
parollsia of Christ. This Lawless One will upon events that were thought to precede the
act haughtily. and proclaim himself as a parollsia of Christ. Yet the ways in which
god. He will act with the power of -~Satan, these events are described differ widely: in
and deceive people by doing signs and won- the Epistles of john the tradition of Anti-
ders. Ultimately. he will be vanquished by christ is used for the interpretation of the
Christ (v 8). Although the word alltichristos conflict with the deniers of Christ. Thus the
is not used, the Lawless One is often re- nearness of the end is argued. In 2 Thess the
garded as the earliest description of Anti- coming of the Lawless One is predicted in
christ. This interpretation is attested at least order to justify that the end will I/ot come
since Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. 111:8.7). Still it shortly. The images of the Beastc; in Rev
should be noted that the Lawless One is describe the contemporary situation of per-
rather a future, eschatological 'anti-God' secution and argue that Christ will overcome
than an Antichrist (v 4). this situation of distress. And Mark 13:22
In Revelation there are a number of (and par.) speaks about false prophets and
eschatological opponents. The most promi- false Christs as a standard feature of the last
nent of these arc the -~Dragon and the two days, but assuming that those last days had
Beasts mentioned in chaps. 12-13: 16: 13; already begun.
20: 10. The Dragon is presented as "the Old III. Of post- and extra-biblical literature
-·Serpent''. "Satan" (20:2). The second Did. 16 and Ase. Isa. 4 contain the earliest
Beast, the Bea.c;t from the Land (13: I 1- 18). and most extensive descriptions of an escha-
is identified as "the false prophet" (16: I3: tological opponent of Christ. The word
20: 10). The first Bea.c;t is only spoken of as 'Antichrist' is used in neither of these
"the Beast" (to theriol/), and is also de- descriptions, however. It is mentioned for
scribed without the Dragon and the second the first time in post-biblical literature in

63
ANU - APHRODITE

Polycarpus' Phil. 7: 1. a reference to 1 John (HTKNT XIIV3; Freiburg 1979) 145-149.


4:2-3. Extensive speculations on the rise.
L. J. LIETAERT PEERBOLTE
character. outlooks. etc.. of Antichrist are
found in Christian literature from the laner
part of the second century onward: one ANU -. HEAVEN
could mention Tertullian. Res. Car. XXIV:
60.24; XXVII: 64.26; 65.10; Adv. Marcionem APHRODITE 'A¢poSiTIl
1:22, I; 111:8.2; v: 16,4; Hippolytus, De Anti- I. Aphrodite was the Greek goddess of
christo, passim; Comm. Dall. 1V:24,7-8 and love whose sacred animal is the -+dove
numerous other passages (sce JENKS (PIRENNE-DELFORGE 1994). The Greeks
1991:27-116). derived her name from O¢POt; "foam". and
IV. Bibliography explained it from her birth myth (Hesiod
O. B6cIIER. Antichrist II, TRE 3 (Berlin, 77leog. 191). Modern etymologies found no
New York 1978) 21-24; *W. BoussET, Dcr general consent, be it the rare Indo-Euro-
Antichrist ill der Oberliefenmg des ludell- paean ones or those deriving her name from
tums, des Neuell Tesramems und der frohell a Semitic language (BURKERT 1977:240
Kirchc (Gl>ningen 1895); R. E. BROWN. n.18). The goddess was identified with
77,e Epistlcs of 1011/1 (AB 30; Garden City, several Oriental goddesses, from Egyptian
New York 1982); *R. H. CHARLES, The Nephthys to Phoenician -.Astarte. Assyrian
Revelatioll of St. 1011/1 (Edinburgh 1920) II, -+Ishtar and Arabian Aliiat (Herodot. 3,8.
76-87; *J. ERNST, Die eschatologisc/len 131; M. H6FNER. WbM)'th VI, 423; MORA
Gegenspieler ill den Schriften des Neuell 1985:86-90). The Romans identified her
Testaments (Regensburg 1967); M. FRIED- with the Italian Venus (from *VC/lus.
LANDER, Der Antichrist in den vorchrist- "beauty, grace"; SCHILLING 1954), the
lichen jildisc/lcn QueUen (Gottingen 1901); Etruscans with Turan (PFIFFIG 1975:260-
K. GRAYSTON, The 10hannille Epistles, 263). In the Bible, Aphrodite occurs only as
(NCB; Grand Rapids I Basingstoke 1984) a theophoric element in the anthroponym
76-82; H. GUNKEL, SChopfimg WId Chaos Epaphroditus (and its shortened fonn
in Uneit und End:.eit (Gottingen 1895); *G. Epaphras), e.g. Phil 2:25; Col 1:7.
C. JENKS, The Origins and Early Develop- II, Already in Homer, Aphrodite is the
ment of the Antichrist-Myth (BZNW 59; goddess of sexual pleasure. In Iliad 5,429
Berlin & New York 1991); L. J. LIETAERT Zeus assigns her the erga gamoio; while
PEERBOLTE, The Anteccdems of Antichrist. gamos stresses her social functions as the
A Traditio-Historical Study on the Earliest divinity responsible for the sexual function-
Christiall Views of Eschatological Oppo- ing of marriage, this does not exclude extra-
nents (JSJS 49; Lciden, New York, K61n, marital relationships, exemplified in her
1996); E. LOHMEYER, Antichrist. RAC I patronship over Helen (Iliad 3, 383-388) or
(1941),450-457; \V. A. MEEKS, The Proph- her relationship to Hephaestos her husband
et-King. Moses Traditions and the 10halllli- and -+Ares her lover (Od. 8. 266-269); in
ne Christolog)' (Leiden 1967) 47-55; B. archaic poetry, she protects Sappho and her
RIGAUX, L 'Alltlc/lrist et l'opposition au girls (e.g. Sappho frg.1 L.-P.) and the love-
ro)'aume messianique dans J'Ancien et Ie making of youth in general. This differen-
Nou\.'cau Testament (Gcmbloux 1932); G. tiates her from -Hera, who protects mar-
STRECKER. Die 10hallnesbriefe (KEK 14; riage as a social institution but who, though
Goningen 1989) 337-343; STRECKER, Oer the legitimate wife of -·Zeus. needs the
Antichrist. Zum religionsgeschichtlichen assistance of Aphrodite in order to seduce
Hintergrund von 1 Joh 2: 18.22; 4:3 und 2 him (Homer Iliad 14, 187-196). Several
Joh 7, Text and Testimony (cds. T. Baarda, divinities who symbolize her powers consort
A. Hilhorst, G. P. Lunikhuizen & A. S. van with her. Eros, "Love" as sexual passion,
der Woude; Kampen 1988) 247-254; R. and Himeros "Longing" accompany her
SCHNACKENBURG, Die lohan/lesbriefe after her birth. when she enters the assembly

64
APHRODITE

of the gods (Hesiod Theog. 20 I): later, Eros -+Hennes which has been analyzed es-
and Himeros - or his equivalent Pothos, pecially for Locri in Southern Italy (SOUR-
"Desire", Aeschylus, Slippl. 1040 - are her VINOU-INWOOD 1991: 177-178) and the well-
children (SHAPIRO 1993: 11O-124). The documented sanctuary of Hennes and
Charites ("Graces") accompany her (Hom. Aphrodite in Cretan Kato Syme (LEBESSI
Od.8, 364, see 18, 194 Charites himero- 1985).
eltles), or the Horai, "Seasons, Youths, As early as Sappho (frg. 140. 168 Lobel-
Beauties" (Hom. hymn. 6, 5): other fol- Page, see also Hes. frg. 139), the Adonia
lowers arc HamlOnia (SHAPIRO 1993:95- attest another fonn of women's festival con-
109) and Peitho, "Persuasion" (BUXTON nected with Aphrodite and her sphere. The
1983: SHAPIRO 1993: I86-207), who is also Athenian festival (DEUBNER I932:220-222)
said to be her daughter (Aeschylus Suppl. included the exposition of -·Adonis' body
1040). Together, these personifications add and his burial (Plutarch Aldb.18.5), but also
up to a picture of erotic seduction around drinking and dancing (Aristophanes Lys.
the goddess of love: the negative conse- 392-398): to the classical vase painters, its
quences are expressed in a fragment from an most conspicuous ritual was the "Gardens of
Orphic poem, where she is escorted by Adonis", sherds planted with seeds which
Zelos, "Rivalry" and Apate, "Deceit" (Orph. were exposed on the roof-tops in order to
frg. 127 Kern: hellenistic?). grow and wither rapidly (see also Plato
Since her main field of influence and Phaedr. 276 B; BURKERT 1979: 105-111):
action is private rather than public, Aphro- the cult in Alexandria (well attested in
dite lacks important public festivals. The Theocritus, /d. 15), began with a !zieros
Aphrodisia were mostly festivals of hetairai, gamo.'i and banquet of Aphrodite and
as in Athens (DEUBNER 1932:216) or in Adonis, followed by the laments for Adonis
Corinth, where hetairai and free women and his burial in the sea. The Semitic origin
celebrated the festival separately (Alexis ap. of Adonis is evident already from his name
Athenaeus 13,33, who attests to the drinking which probably derives from 'cidoll, "(My)
and reveling [kc)mos] of the hetairai). Lord". Frazerian interpretations had concen-
Besides, Aphrodite is involved in the pre- trated on Adonis the Dying God; social and
nuptial and nuptial rituals of the young girls. structural analysis rather underlines the re-
Plutarch (QlIaest. Rom. 2) lists her among lease from intensive every-day pressure
the divinities necessary for the marrying which the festival with its blend of exotism,
couple, Zeus Teleios and Hera Telcia, sensual seduction and high emotions offered
-+Artemis, Aphrodite and Peitho. In some to Greek women (DETIENNE 1972, who
places, she receives sacrifices from marrying emphasizes the structural opposition to
girls or remarrying widows (Hennione -·Demeter, the other main goddess of
Pausanias 2.34,12; Sparta ibid.3,12,8-9, see women). The ritual exposure of short-lived
also Naupactus ibid. 10.38,12); in the Hel- gardens is not necessarily an original part of
lenistic age, Aphrodite Laodikeia, the divine the festival: it has parallels in many parts of
fonn of queen Laodike, received the the Ancient and Modem East. Rather than
sacrifices from marrying couples (AIIJluario stressing the short life of the plants, recent
della Scuola Archeologica di Atene 45/46 analysis focuses on the quick growth and
[1969] 445 no. 2). Sometimes, the ritual proposes to see in it a ritual testing of seeds
background of girls' initiation rites is still (BAUDY 1986:9-13) which leads away from
visible, as in Athens. where the Arrhephoroi Aphrodite's central concerns.
descend to the sanctuary of Aphrodite in the From the 4th cent. BCE onwards, Aphro-
Gardens, at the end of their year of service dite's sexual aspects appear as two polar
on the Acropolis and before returning to a oppositions, Aphrodite Urania and Aphro-
life closer to adulthood (BRULt 1987:83- dite Pandemos. Plato. Symp.180 E (see also
98). The same background lies behind the Xenophon S.'I,'mp.8.9) contrasts them as ideal,
cultic association of Aphrodite and spiritual love among males versus ordinary

65
APHRODITE

heterosexual love and prostitution. He con- makes it likely that she came to Greece only
nects this dichotomy with her double gen- after the fall of the Mycenaean civilization.
ealogy, the Hesiodean one which makes Her Near Eastern associations point to an
Aphrodite the motherless result of Uranus' Oriental origin (BURKERT 1977:238-240),
castration (Theog. 188-195), and the Homer- even when etymologies (e.g. from -·Astarte)
ic one where she is the offspring of Zeus may seem dubious. Sumerian Innana, Akkad-
and Dione (Iliad 5,370). Though very popu- ian Ishtar, Phoenician Astarte (already Hero-
lar afterwards, this dichotomy radically dotus I, 105) all share significant characteris-
modifies the significance of the epithets tics with Aphrodite: bisexuality (Aphroditos
involved. Urania, an epithet already at the on Cyprus Paion FGH 757 F I; Macrobius,
root of the Hesiodic genealogy, continues a Sat. 3,8), temple prostitution (in Corinth,
Near Eastern epithet (see below), whereas Pindar frg. 122; not in Locri, SOURVINOU
Pandemos, "She of the Entire Demos", 1991: 179), the epithet Urania (Assyrian
declares Aphrodite as responsible for politi· according to Pausanias 1,14,7), the associa-
c~1 harnlOny. She had an ancient sanctuary tion with the sea and with the garden (Aph-
in Athens and a state festival celebrated with rodite in the Gardens in Athens), the icono-
a procession (LSCG no. 39, from 287/286 graphy of a frontally naked goddess (B5HM
BCE; it prescribes also a cathartic sacrifice of 1990, AMMERMAN 1991) and of an anned
a dove). Several epigraphical documents goddess (COLBOW 1991), the symbol of the
attest also sacrifices by magistrates to ladder (SERVAIS-SOYEZ 1983).
Aphrodite (SOKOLOWSKI 1964; CROISSANT One of Aphrodite's main cult centres was
& SALVIAT 1966). In some instances, they Cyprus. Already in Homer (Od. 8,363),
are the officials responsible for the women Hesiod (TIleog. 193) and the Homeric
(gynaikono11loi), and Aphrodite receives cult Hymn. Ven. 58, Cyprus houses her main
as their helper. In other cases, the sacrifice sanctuary; Kypria (Cypria) is her standard
is offered at the end of service, to mark the epithet throughout antiquity. In 333/332
return from duty to the pleasures of private BCE, the Athenians gmnted a leao;e of land
life. for the building of a sanctuary to Aphrodite
A special problem is presented by the in Piraeus "on the same tenns as for -. Isis
statues of an anned Aphrodite which are at- to the Egyptians" (SOKOLOWSKI 1969, no.
tested for Laconia (Aphrodite Areia, Paus- 37) to the merchants from Kition living in
anias 3,17,5; Enoplios IG 5: I no. 602, Ky- Piraeus: Aphrodite was their national divin-
thera Paus. 3,23,1) and Corinth (Paus. 2,5,1) ity. Her main Cypriot sanctuaries were at
(FLEMBERG 1991). Like the anned -.Athena, Amathous and at Paphos. Both antedate the
the iconography must derive from the Near advent of the Phoenicians in the 9th cent.;
East (see below). In a more functionalist Paphos goes back to the 12th cent. and pre-
view, such statues are equivalent to stories serves a typically Mycenaean tripartite fa-
about fighting women; both point to an un- \ade until late antiquity, according to local
usual ritual in the cult of Aphrodite (GRAF coins. Paphos also included an oracle still
1984). consulted by the young Titus in 79 CE (Taci-
Besides sexuality (especially female sex- tus, Hist. 2,1; Suetonius, Tit. 5,1). Perhaps,
uality) and the state, Aphrodite is associated the goddess even had the Mycenaean royal
with the -sea. As patron goddess of sea- title Vanassa, "Queen". These clear signs of
faring, she bears the epithets Euploia ("Giv- a Mycenaean past complicate the history of
ing good sailing"), Pontia and Limenia; as Greek Aphrodite (there still is no solution)
such, she receives sacrifices and votive gifts without. however. radically jeopardizing the
from sailors and fishennen (Amb. Pal. 9, theory of an Oriental origin.
143). Apart from this mainstream Oriental
Aphrodite is among the few Greek divin- model, Greek Aphrodite was associated with
ities not attested in the Linear B texts; this the Anatolian Great Goddess, Cybele (-Ma-

66
APHRODITE

Cybele). Charon of Lampsacus, a local affairs with gods and men (Ares. Kinyrns.
writer of the 5th cent. BCE. identifies Aphro- Adonis. Anchises) to the Pygmalion myth.
dite and Kubebe (FGH 262 F 5); the de- III. The Bible docs not mention Aphro-
scription of the goddess' appearance in the dite, not even Acts. although Paul visited
Homeric Hymn. Ven. 68-72 as a mistress of Paphus (Acts 13:6) and Corinth (Acts 18:1-
wild animals follows a pattern belonging to 17), two of her main cult places. Adonia are
the Great Goddess. The main myth of the attested for Antiochia in Syria. Byblus and
same hymn. howev~r. the seduction of Alexandria. though without the gardens
Anchises which resulted both in the birth of (B."UDY 1986:20); the expansion of his cult
-'Aeneas and the lameness of Anchises. fol- in the ancient Near East might have in-
lows a mythical theme attested both for cluded Jerusalem and its womenfolk.
Cybele and for Innana-Ishtar. the lovc of thc IV. Bibliography
goddess which destroys her mortal lover R. M. AMMERMAN. The Naked Standing
(PrcCALUGA 1974): the Anatolian Aphrodite Goddess. A Group of Archaic Temtcotta
seems to combine features of different ori- Figurines from Paestum. AlA 95 (1991)
gin. The same holds true for the main polis 203-230; G. J. BAUDY. Adonisgiirten. Stu-
cult of Aphrodite in Asia Minor. the cult of dien zur lllltiken Samensymbolik (Frankfurt
Aphrodisias in Caria (LAUMONIER 1958: 1986); S. Bl>IIM. Die "Nllckte Gotrin ". Zur
478-504. esp. 480-481). Ikonographie und Deutung llllbekieidt·ter
Other cult centres were Cnidus on the weiblieher Figuren in del' jriihgriechischt'll
Anatolian west coast. th~ island of Kythern Kunst (Maim~ 1990); P. BRUI.E. La fille
off the south coast of the Peleponessus. and d'Athe,les. La religion des filles a Athenes a
Corinth. Cythern came second in importance I'epoque classique. Mythes, ellites et .weiere
after Cyprus. Cytherea became a common (Paris 1987); W. BURKERT. Griechische
epithet. The sanctuary and its cult must have Religion del' arehaischen und klllssisehen
retained oriental features. since Herodotus Epoehe (RdM 15; Stuttgart 1977); BURKERT.
called it a Phoenician foundation (1.105); Stntcture and HislOry in Greek Mythology
the statue was that of an armed goddess and Ritual (Sather Classical Lectures 47:
(Pausanias 3.23.1). Cnidus had three sanctu- Berkeley 1979); R. G. A. BUXTON. Persua-
aries. of Aphrodite Doritis. Akrnia, and sion ill Greek Tragedy. A Stlldy of PeitJIO
Euploia. according to Pausanias (1.1.3); the (Cambridge 1983): G. COlBOW. Die kriege-
main sanctuary. of Aphrodite Euploia, risehe /Jrar. Zu dell Erseheillllllgsformell
housed the famous statue by Praxiteles. The bewaffneter Gorrheitell zWischell del' Mirre
sanctuary at Corinth ("Aphrodite's town". des 3. lIIul del' Mitre des 2. laJzrtausellds
Euripides, frg. 1084 Nauck) contained an- (MOnchener Vorderasiatische Studien 12;
other statue of an anned Aphrodite (Paus- Munich 1991); F. CROISSANT & F. SALVIAT.
ania.<; 2.5.1); it was famous for its sacred Aphrodite gardicnne des magistrats. BCH 90
prostitution (Pindar frg. 122). The sanctuary (1966) 460-471; M. DETIENNE, US jardins
on Mt. Eryx in Sicily. finally. ~tarted as a d'Adollis. La lIIytJlOlogie des aromates en
purely Phoenician one, until its Roman- Grece (Paris 1972): L. DEUBl"ER. Arrisehe
iZ<ltion after the First Punic War. Th~ Feste (Berlin 1932): L. R. FARNELL. Tile
Platonic transformation of Aphrodite Pan- CullS of the Greek Slates. vol. 2 (Oxford
demos and Urania into opposing principles 1896) 618-761: J. FLEMBERG, Venlls Antlll-
of love was continued by the Neoplatonist ta. Sllidiell Zllr bewafflletell Aphrodite ill del'
philosophers and enthusiastically received in grieehiseh-romisehell KUllst (Stockholm-
Florentine Nco-Platonism (WIl"D 1967:141- Gotcborg 1991); F. GRAF. Women. War.
151). The overtly sexual mythology of and Warlike Divinities. ZPE 55 (1984) 245-
Aphrodite on the other hand lent itself to 254; A. LAUMONIER. us eilites illdigtnes ell
heavy Christian polemics. from her birth Carie (Paris 1958); A. LEBESSI. To iero 1011
from Uranus' genitals over her different Ermi kai tis Aphroditis sti Symi ViallllOll.

67
APIS

vol. I (Athens 1985): F. MORA. Religione e found in the LXX version of I Kgs 4:3 (R.
religioni nelle storie di Erodoto (Milan DE VAUX, Melange, RB 48 [1939] 399).
1985): V. PIRENNE-DELFORGE. L 'Aphrodite Spelled bap or ~lQpi, Apis appears as a
a
grecqlle. Contribution I'efllde de ses cultes theophoric element in names found in Aram-
et de sa personnalire dans Ie pantheon aic, Phoenician and Neobabylonian texts
archarqlle et c1assique (Li~ge 1994); A. J. (KAI 269, 272; cf. 268; MUSSIES 1978:831;
PFIFFIG. R£'1igio Etrusca (Graz 1975): G. E. LIPINSKI, La st~le cgypto-ammcenne de
PICCALUGA. La ventura di amarc una Tumma', CdE 50 [1975] 93-104; H. RANKE,
divinita. Minutal (Rome 1974) 9-35; R. Die agyptischen PersonennamclJ I: Ver-
SCHILLING. La religion romaine de VenllS zeiclmis der Namen [GlUckstadt 1935]). The
(Paris 1954. repro 1982); B. SERVAIS-SOYEZ. Greek spelling .. Am~. instead of the ex-
Aphrodite Ouranie et Ie symbolisme de pected ., A7n~. has been understood as a case
I'cchelle. Un message venu d'Orient, Le of psilosis. characteristic of the Ionian dia-
l/Iythe, son langage et son message. Actes dll lect (MUSSIES I978:83()"83 I). Semitic and
col/oque de liege et Loll\'Qin-la-Nelll'e 1981 Greek spellings reflect Eg ~IP, Copt hape.
(cd. H. Limet & J. Ries; Louvain-Ia-Neuve hapi 'Apis', which has been tentatively
1983) 191-208; H. A. SHAPIRO. Personi- explained as bp. 'the Runner', referring to
fications in Greek Art. 17,e Represe1l1ation Apis's cultic running to fenilize the fields
of Abstract Concepts 600-400 B.C. (Kilch- (DITO 1964: II: cf. MARTIN 1984:786).
berg 1993); F. SOKOLOWSKI. Aphrodite as II. Apis is the most famous of the sacred
Guardian of Greek Magistrates. HTR 57 bulls of the Egyptians. kept at Memphis in a
(1964) 1-8; C. SOURVINOU-INWOOO, 'Read- stall and worshipped there from the time of
ing' Greek ClllllIre (Oxford 1991): M. L. king Aha at the beginning of the First Dyn-
WEST, The Orphic Poems (Oxford 1983); E. asty (K. SIMPSON. A Running of the Apis in
WIND, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance the Reign of (A~a and Pa..sages in Manetho
(Hannondswonh 1967). and Aelian, Or 26 [1957] 139-142) until the
late 4th century CEo Throughout its history,
F. GRAF the Apis cull has been a royal cult
(MALAISE 1972:212, with references). As far
APIS ='Iii back as the Old Kingdom queens were linked
I. Apis. the sacred bull of Memphis. to the cult of Apis (V ANDlER 1949:234).
occurs in the LXX version of Jer 46: 15 as The popularity of Apis during the Late
the most prominent of Egypt's gods whose Period is a secondary development.
flight is mocked by the prophet as a signal The divine nature of Apis is closely linked
of the destruction about to befall Egypt by to fenility and regeneration. Since the pro-
the hand of God. Most commentators and cesses of renewed life can be observed in
translators reconstruct Apis in the Hebrew numerous phenomena in the cosmos a'\ well
text by a redivision and tevocalisation of the as on earth, Apis is associated with gods of
MT nis~ap 'is prostrated' as luis ~IaP 'Apis rebinh and resurrection whose hidden cre-
has fled'. The LXX version would then be ative forces arc revealed on eanh by Apis as
the correct rendering of a corrupt MT rather their visible manifestation. This relationship
than Jewish polemics (cf. the -Ibis in the between Apis and these gods is expressed
LXX versions of Lev 11:17 and Deut 14:16) by the Egyptian tenn Ba (L. V. ZABKAR,
against the cull of Apis (S. MORENZ, Agyp- Ba. LdA I [1975] 588-590).
tische Spuren in den Septuaginta, Mill/liS Apis represents -Ptah. creator god of
[FS Theodor Klauser; eds. A. Stuiber & A. Memphis. who as a god of vegetation is
Hennann =JAC Ergtinzungsband I; MUnster sometimes called 'Bull of the Earth' and
1964] 250-258; MUSSIES 1978:831-832). A 'Great -Nile'. Apis's title w'.un Ptb, 'who
dubious instance is the name Eliaph repeats Ptah', 'Herald of Ptah'. has been
(-Horeph) (Gk E/iaph), 'my-god-is-Apis', explained by DITO (1964:24-26) and others

68
APIS

ali referring to the bull's well-known role as uncertain whether the relationship between
an oracle god. The title, however, seems to Apis and -Thoth, god of the moon, can be
point to the fact that Apis reveals the power traced back to the beginning of Egyptian
of Ptah's creative word (Eg ~nv) by bringing history as has been stated by HERMANN
food (Eg ~nv) and life into this world (1. (1960:39 n. 46: cf. MARTIN 1984:786, with
ZAN DEE, Das Schopferwort im alten Agyp- n. 52; W. HELCK, Zu den ''Talbezirken'' in
ten, Verbum. Essays 011 Some Aspects of the Abydos, MDAIK 28 [1972] 95-99). In fact,
Religiolls Function of lVords Dedicated to Apis's lunar ac;pects became especially
Dr. H. lV. Obbink [Utrecht 1964] 33-66). prominent in the Roman period. From the
Indeed Apis is addressed as the noble Ba of 18th Dynasty onwards the moon was vener-
Ptah. It should be noted that Apis's stall is ated in the Memphite necropolis (ZIEGLER
situated to the south of the temple of Ptah 1988:441-449) and a famous temple of
and that the embalming place of the bull is Thoth is adjacent to that of Apis (M. GUIL-
in the south-west comer of that vast temple MOT, Lc Sarapieion de Memphis - Etude
complex. The obsequies of Apis are carried topogmphique, CdE 37 [1962] 359-381,
out by the priests of Ptah, not by the bull's 370-371, 379, 381). The so-called Apis-
own priests. period of 25 years, which is said to be the
Since the 18th Dynasty (from 1550 BCE), lifespan of Apis, is of an obvious lunar natu-
the period in which the sun doctrine was re, since at the end of that period the
elaborated by Egyptian theologians, Apis moonphases return on the same day (VER-
had been associated with -Atum, the even- COtJITER 1975:346). In Roman times Apis is
ing appearance of the sun god, who rises depicted with the moon between the horns
from the earth in the fonn of a scarab beetle and a mark in the shape of the waxing moon
(= khepri), image of the rejuvenated sun on his right or, in rare cases, his left side
god, to create light, life and vegetation in a (GRI~IM 1968:20-24; KATER-SIBBES & VER-
cyclic process. Up to Roman times, Apis is MASEREN 1975: II nos. 272, 283, 290, 350).
depicted (KATER-SmuES & VERMASEREN The waxing moon was considered to bring
1975: I nos. 78, 82-84) with a sun disc and the inundation and fertility to the land (P.
uraeus between the horns and on his back a DERCIIAIN, Mythes et dieux lunaires en
hawk and a winged scarab beetle ali symbols Egypte, La June, m)'tlJes et riles [SO 5; Paris
of the sun. The white triangle on Apis's 1962] 34). Apis' s cultic running to fertilize
brow is perhaps a solar symbol (M. J. VER- the fields seems to be related to the phases
MASEREN & C. C. VAN ESSEN, Tire Excava- of the moon and the annual flooding of the
tiolls ill tire Milhraellnl of the Chllrch of Nile (MARllN 1984:784). Shortly after his
Santa Prisca [Lciden 1965J 344-346). The birth, when the moon was waxing, Apis
fact that Apis is called many-coloured (Gk visited the House of the Inundation of the
poiki/os: Lucian, DeOnl/ll COllci/. 10: cf. Nile (Nilopolis: OTTO 1964: 16), and at his
Macrobius, Salllrtl. 1.21) also points to the death priests of that same House were in-
god's solar nature (J. ASSMANN, LilllrgiscJze volved in the obsequies as a sign of the
Lieder all de" SOllllengott [MAS 19: Berlin god's rejuvenation (Vas 1993:164). Apis
1969] 171). According to Classical writers was enthroned at full moon and he played a
Apis has a wart (= scarab beetle) under his part in the king's accession rites which took
tongue (Herodotus, Hist. 3.28: Pliny, Nat. place at full moon (M.-T. DERCIfAIN-
!list. 8.184). During the funeral of Apis solar U RTEl., Thronbesteigung, LdA 6 [1986] 529-
rites playa major role (Vas 1993:40). 532).
Apis is also dedicated to the -moon Because of his lunar nature and his rela-
which was conceived of as a large bull (CT tion to the inundation, Apis was easily ac;so-
VII.25h.35a and P. DERCHAIN, Mythes et dated with -Osiris Lunatus (ZIEGLER
dieux lunaires en Egypte, La Jllne, nl)'lhes et 1988:447-449), who is called kJ mp)', 'Bull
riles [SO 5: Paris 1962] 17-68, 50). It is rejuvenating (in the sk-yf (QUAEGEDEUR

69
APIS

1983:31). Osiris played an important role in Osiris in a 70-day process. He is buried in


Memphis (VANDIER 1961:112-113). As a an underground vault of the Serapeum, the
god of vegetation Osiris was identified with burial place of the Apis bulls west of
the Nile and the life-giving inundation Memphis. The Vienna Apis Embalming
(VANDlER 1949:59). Apis is sometimes Ritual (2nd century nCE) describes burial
associated with the Canopic jars containing rites in which. according to theological con-
the holy water of the Nile emanating from ceptions of the Late Period. solar and Osir-
Osiris (KATER-SIDDES & VERMASEREN 1975: ian rites of resurrection are interwoven. This
II nos. 296-297. 536). fits in with Apis's complex nature which is
Best known is Apis's association with closely connected with vegetative and cos-
Osiris in his capacity of the funeral god. mic phenomena of renewed life. The Egypt-
Apis is basically black in colour and Osiris ians express Apis's comprehensive being by
is sometimes called 'Bull of the West' or assimilating him in a syncretistic way to
'Big black Bull'. Apis is identified with composite divinities like Osiris-Atum-Horus,
-·Horus, son of Osiris (VANDIER 1949:235). Ptah-Rec-Horsiesis and Ptah-Osiris-Sokaris.
A few bronzes show Apis with a bird In the Late Period Apis worship took on
behind the horns, which could point to the the form of a national cult. It ha.'\ been sug-
falcon -·Horus (KATER-SIDDES & VERMASE- gested that during this period of foreign rule
REN 1975: 11 nos. 303. 568; cf. 489, 535, the Egyptians tried to maintain their cultural
562). The bull is sometimes represented as identity by turning to their animal gods, the
the young Horus, fed by -·Isis to obtain worship of which was repugnant to foreign-
eternal youth (QUAEGEBEUR 1983:31; ers (S~fELIK & HEMELRUK 1984:1863-1864).
KATER-SIBBES & VERMASEREN 1975: I nos. For political reasons the Ptolemaic Kings
101, 112. I 17). In the Memphite Serapeum favoured the popular cult of Apis. Ptolemy I
Isis is often the Mother of Apis (H. S. Soter tried to reconcile Egyptian and Greek
SMITH & D. G. JEFFREYS, The Sacred Ani- religions by introducing the god Sarapis
mal Necropolis. North Saqqara: 1975n6. (Osiris-Apis) but the cult was so heavily
lEA 63 (1977J 20-2R. 23). 11tis relation~hip Hellenized that up to the Roman period it
between Isis and Apis became a prominent failed to arouse much interest among native
feature of the Helleni7.ed Isis cult and was Egyptians. A few rare examples show Apis
often depicted on coins. As a manifestation with the sun disc between the horns and
of Horus (or Anubis) Apis assists Isis in col- instead of the uraeus a modius, emblem of
lecting and transporting the limbs of the fertility of Sarapis (KATER-SIDDES & VER-
deceased (= Osiris) from the West to the MASEREN 1975: I nos. 43. 120).
East. the place of resurrection, in a ritual Generally speaking. Roman religious
running which can be paralleled with the policy was less favourably inclined towards
life-giving running of Apis to fertilize the Apis, although a number of Alexandrian
fields (M. SAMI GABRA. Un sarcophage de coins, from Nero to Commodus, bear a
Touna. ASA£ 28 [1928J 77; VANDIER 1961: figure of Apis represented as a bull (HER-
117-120). During this ritual running the bull MANN 1960:38). From Delos, Apis was
is sometimes depicted wearing the mellar, a imported in -Rome. not as a separate deity
beaded necklace sacred to -·Hathor. which but as part of the rapidly growing cults of
brings new life and wards off any evil that Isis and Sarapis (GRIMM 1968: 25-26;
might endanger it (QUAEGEDEUR 1983: 17- SMELIK & HEMELRUK 1984:1920, n. 424).
39). Apis is associated with -. Bes, dwarf- Numerous statuettes of Apis, including a
god of fertility. who protects women and few rare ones representing Apis in human
babies (KATER-SmnEs & VER~fASEREN 1975: form, but with a bull's head and clothed as a
I nos. 65. 91. 99-1(0). Roman emperor (Apis imperaror). have been
Upon his death Apis becomes Osiris-Apis found all over Europe. The Apis imperator
and he is embalmed after the example of was perhaps a symbol of divine power

70
APIS

rather than a defender of Osiris against the de Saint Augustin. REL 29 [1951] 295-307).
crimes of -Seth (S. MORENZ, Die Begeg- The Church-father (Civ. Dei 18.5). however,
nlmg Europas mit Agyptell [Zurich/Stuttgart fancifully explained the name of Sarapis as
1969] 200-201, n. 81 and 82). In Greek texts meaning 'coffin of Apis', thus following a
from Brahlia in Syria (I st-2nd centuries CE) tradition according to which Apis was a
Apis was associated with -·Zeus-EI-Kronos king of the Argives (cf. Bibliotheqlle A"g,,-
and perhaps incorporated in the cults of the stillienlle 36 [196OJ 747-748, with many
Dea Roma and the Emperor (Y. HAJJAR. references).
Dieux et cultes non Heliopolitains de la The physical features of Apis are
Beqa(, ANRW 11 18,4 [1990) 2554-2555, mentioned by several authors: his black
2579). colour, the inverted white triangle on his
III. Apis frequently appears in the works forehead and the white markings on his skin
of Christian writers. In their polemics (Augustine, Civ. Dei 18.3.5; Cyrillus
against the most popular representative of Alexandrinus. ill Oseam 3.56; Eudocia,
Egyptian animal worship these writers Violar. 8.15: Rufinus. lUst. eccles. 2.23; cf.
reflect the OT rejection of animal cult (Exod the numerous passages in Classical writers
8:26: cr. Exod Rabbah 16.3). It is not sur- cited by HOPFNER 1913:78).
prising then that the Christian writers asso- The lunar aspects of Apis are often re-
ciate Apis with the Golden -Calf (SMElIK ferred to. Apis was mimculously generated
& HEMELRIJK 1984:1918 n. 412; 1995 n. by the light of the moon (Cosmas Hierosol.,
929) whose cull is called the Egyptian dis- COII/mellt. ad Greg. Na..icmz. 270; Theo-
ease (Basilius Seleucensis, Orat. 6.3). Je- doretus, Curatio 3.46; Eudocia. Violar 8.15;
rome, ill Oseam 10.4 (cf. Cyrillus Alexan- cf. Plutarch. de Isic/. 43. 368C; Suda s.\'.
drinus, ill Ouam 5.8.9 and F. M. ABEL, La •A7tl~). There seems to be no genuine
geographic sacree chez S. Cyrille d' Alexan- Egyptian evidence for the procreation of
drie, RB 31 [1922J 408-409), identifies the Apis by the moon (BONNET 1952:50), al-
two golden calves of I Kgs 12:25, one of though FAULKNER strongly believed to have
which Jeroboam placed in Bethel and the found it in cr 1I.209a (R. O. FAULKNER,
other in Dan, with Apis, the bull of Ptah in The pregnancy of Isis. JEA 54 [1968) 40-44;
Memphis. and Mnevis, the bull of -·Re in FAULKNER, "The pregnancy of Isis". a
Heliopolis (P. GALPAZ, The Reign of Jero- Rejoinder, JEA 59 [1973} 218-219). Accord-
beam and the Extent of Egyptian Influences. ing to Cyrillus Alexandrinus, ill Oseam
BN 60 [1991] 13-19, 18). Also according to 3.56; 10.3 (cr. Eusebius, Praep. E\'CllIg.
Egyptian sources of the Ptolemaic period. 3.13: Ammianus Marcellinus 22.14). the
these bull-gods were closely connected and cosmic parents of Apis are the sun and the
they regularly visited each other. Although moon.
the equation of Apis and the Golden Calf The birth of an Apis occurs at intervals
cannot be accepted, the Christian writers and is attended by great public joy (Eudocia.
often gave important factual infonnation Violar. 8.15: cf. Herodotus 3.27: J. VER-
concerning Apis for which they drew heavi- COUlTER. Une Epitaphe Royale Inedite du
lyon what they had learned from Graeco- Serapeum. MDAIK 16 [1958) 333-345, 344).
Roman literature. The role of Apis as a god The obsequies entailed lavish expense
of fertility h:lS not bC'en forgotten (Rufinus, (Gregory of Nazian7.us. Oratio 39: cf. Dio-
Hist. mOll. 7; cf. Diodorus Siculus 1.85; dorus Siculus 1.84) and led to the diligent
Ammianus Marcellinus 22.14). Augustine. searching up and down the country for his
Civ. Dei 18.4 rightly differentiates between successor (Augustine, Ci\'. Dei 18.5).
Apis and Sarapis and he knows of the rela- Some Christian writers seemingly make
tionship between Isis and Apis, her godly an exception to the rule that Apis is not
companion (Collfess. 8.2; cf. P. COURCELLE, positively assessed (SMElIK & HEMELRIJK
Sur un passage enigmatique des Confessions 1984: 1982). Clemens Alexandrinus (CoIl.

71
APKALLU

2.34; Protrept. 2.39) is of the opinion that menat, BSFE 98 (1983) 17-39; K. A. D.
Apis is to be preferred to the adulterous SMELIK & E. A. HEMELRUK, "Who Knows
gods of the Greeks, and Tertullian (Monog. Not What Monsters Demented Egypt Wor-
18; E.thort. cast. 13; leillnio 9.2) makes the ships?", Opinions on Egyptian Animal
priests of Apis an example of chastity (P. Worship in Antiquity as Part of the Ancient
COURCELLE, L'oracle d'Apis et I'oracle du Conception of Egypt, ANRW II 17,4 (Berlin!
jardin de Milan (Augustin, "Conf.", VIII, New York 1984) 1852-2000: J. VANDlER,
11,29), RHR 139 [1951] 216-231,227). It Memphis et Ie taureau Apis dans Ie papyrus
is also remarkable that Christian writers Jumilhac, Melallges Mariette (IFAO 32;
often sharply disapprove of the murder of Cairo 1961) 105-123: VANDlER, La religioll
Apis by Cambyses (SMELIK & HEMELRlJK egyptiellne (Paris 1949) 233-237: J. VER-
1984: 1865, 1868). The story is contrary to COUTTER, Apis, LdA I (1975) 338-350; R.
Egyptian evidence, although the king did L. Vos. The Apis Embalmillg Ritual. P.
make drastic reductions in the state contri- Villdob. 3873 (OLA 50; Leuven 1993): C.
butions to the temples. ZIEGLER. Les Osiris-Iunes du ScrapCum de
In 391 CE the pious emperor Theodosius Memphis, Aktell des Viertell Imematiollalen
abruptly closed all pagan temples and or- Ag)plOlogell-KolIgresses Miitlcllell 1985, III:
dered the destruction of the Alexandrian Lillgllistik - Philologie - Religioll (cd. S.
Serapeum, which must have deeply affected Schoske: SAK Bcih. 3: Hamburg 1989)
Christians and pagans alike (Augustine, De 441-451.
Divin. Daemon. 1.1; cf. A. D. NocK, Augus-
R. L. Vas
tine and the prophecy of the destruction of
the Serapeum, VC 3 (1949] 56). Theodosius'
actions almost certainly put an end to the APKALLU
cult of Apis as well. Perhaps the last bull of I. In Mesopotamian religion. the tenn
this kind is mentioned by Ammianus Mar- apka/lu (Sum abgal) is used for the legend-
cellinus 22.14 and praised by Claudian, ary creatures endowed with extraordinary
pagan poet at the Christian court of Ravenna -wisdom. Seven in number, they are the
(HERMANN 1960:44-46). culture -·hcroes from before the Flood.
IV. Bibliography Some of the mythological speculations in
H. BONNET, Apis, RARG (BerlinlNew York which they figure have exerted influence on
1971 2) 46-51; G. GRIMM, Eine verschollene certain biblical and post-biblical traditions.
Apissmtuette aus Mainz. zAS 95 (1968) 17- Examples are the figure of -+ Enoch and the
36; J. HANI, La religion egyptiellne dans la tale of the -·Nephilim (Gen 6:1-4).
pensce de PlllIarque (Paris 1976) 622-632, II. Akk apka/lu is derived from Sum
837-838; A. HERMANN, Der letzte Apisstier, abgal, a tenn used in the 3rd millennium for
JAC 3 (1960) 34-50: T. HOPFNER. Der Tier- a high official. In the Sumerian incantations
kul! der altell Agypter (Vienna 1913); G. J. of the Old Babylonian period abgal refers to
F. KATER-SIOBES & M. J. VERMASEREN, a sage at the court of Enki. Based on a tradi-
Apis I-III (EPRO 48/1-III; Leiden 1975- tion that goes back to the 3rd millennium,
1977); K. MARTIN, Sedfest, LdA 5 (1984) the tenn apkal/II is used for legendary crea-
782-790; M. MALAISE, us conditions de tures endowed with wisdom, seven in num-
penetratioll et de diffusioll des cultes eg)P- ber. who existed before the flood. In the
tiens en Italie (EPRO 22; Leiden 1972); G. myth of the 'Twenty-one Poultices' the
MUSSIEs, Some Notes on the Name of Sara- 'seven apkallJi of Eridu', who are also
pis, Hommage a Maartell J. Vennaserell called the 'seven apkallti of the Apsu', are
(OOs. M. den Boer et al.; EPRO 68111; Lei- at the service of Ea (Enki). Ea is called the
den 1978) 831-832; E. Ono, Beitrlige ,-ur 'sage among the gods' (apkal/II iii) and the
Gesc!zichte der Stierkulte ill Agyptell (Hil- title was also used of his son -.Marduk. A
desheim 1964); J. QUAEGEBEUR, Apis et la variety of wisdom traditions from the ante-

72
APKALLU

diluvian period were supposedly passed on Not only were highly qualified diviners
by the apkallii. We learn from the 'Etio- given the title apkallll. but it was also popu-
logical Myth of the Seven Sages' that the lar among the late Assyrian kings. Sen-
apkallii were "of human descent, whom the nacherib brags of having been given knowl-
lord Ea has endowed with wisdom". The edge equal to that of the apkallll Adapa (D.
tradition of the apkallii is preserved in the D. LUCKENBILL. TIle Annals of Sennacherib
bit-meseri ritual series and also by Berossus. [OIP 2: Chicago 1924] 117:4). Ashurbani-
The seven sages were created in the river pal, proud of his mastery of the skills of the
and served as "those who ensured the cor- scribe, boasted of having grasped "the craft
rect functioning of the plans of heaven and of the apkallu Adapa, the esoteric secret of
eanh" (mllJtesini 1I$lIrat same II er$eti). Fol- the entire scribal tradition" (M. STRECK.
lowing the example of Ea, they taught man- ASSIIrbanipal und die letven Assyrischen
kind wisdom, social forms and craftsman- Konige [VAB 7; Leipzig 1916] 254: 13; 367:
ship. The authorship of text" dealing with 13). He is called the offspring of both an
omens, magic and other categories of 'wis- apkallll (Sennacherib) and Adapa (Esarhad-
dom' such as medicine is attributed to the don) by one of his haruspices (ABL 923;
seven apkallii. Gilgamesh, "who saw every- LAS 117). It was probably in the nco-Assyr-
thing" (sa lIaqba imllru), is credited with ian period that the title apkallu spread to the
having brought back knowledge whose ori- Arameans and also to the Arabian tribes. In
gin was before the flood (sa lam abiibi) and the Nabatean, Palmyrean and Hatrene in-
on a cylinder seal he is called "master of the scriptions it is a son of priest. Apkallatu
apkallli". In the course of the development occurs as the personal name of a queen of
of the traditions concerning them, the seven the Arabs in an inscription of Esarhaddon.
apkalhi became associated with laying the In the Early South Arabian inscriptions '}kl
foundations of the seven ancient cities: is also a priest (cf. J. TEIXIDOR, Notes
Eridu, Ur, Nippur, Kullab, Kesh, Lagash hatrecnnes 3: Le titre d' "aphkala", Syria 43
and Shuruppak. In the epic of Gilgamesh [1966] 91-93, and J. RVCKMANS, iSS 25
they are called 'counsellors' (mllntalki) and [1980] 199 n. 3).
all of the seven sages were considered The postdiluvian sages were called
responsible for laying the foundations of IImmanll, a term which indicates mastery of
Uruk (Gilg. I 9: XI 305). According to the a difficult subject. or being highly trained in
Erra epic. the apkallli returned to the Apsu, a craft. Various literary works are attributed
the great abyss which was the home of Ea. to specific ummallli and in the late period
and were never again within reach. the ummallli functioned as the counsellors of
Uanna of Eridu, the first of the seven the realm. The apkallii were also the keepers
apkalhi who served the early kings, was of esoteric lore which then became the
considered the master of a great store of prized possession of the wlInuinzi. In a tablet
knowledge. In some texts Adapa, a human from the Seleucid period found during the
sage who lived at that time and who bears excavations at Uruk the antediluvian apkallu
the epithet apkallu, is assimilated to him. and the postdiluvian IImmc2mi are listed in
Adapa is at times called the son of Ea, but conjunction with the kings whom they
this refers to his being wise, rather than to served. Thus Uanna (Oannes) is the apkallu
his parentage. In tum the name Adapa be- of Aialu (elsewhere Alulu) the first king,
came synonymous with wisdom. Oannes, in and the list ends with Aba'enlildari, whom
the late tradition transmitted by Berossus, the Arameans call Ahiqar, the IImmc2nu of
"emerged daily from the Erythrean Sea in king Esarhaddon.
the time of the first king of history to teach In a variety of rituals, clay figurines of
mankind the ans of civilization". He is the seven apkalhi were used with an apo-
credited with giving man knowledge of tropaic function. There were three types of
letters and science and all types of crafts. apkallu. the seven anthropomorphic umu-

73
APOLLO

apkallii, placed at the head of the bed of the IV. Bibliography


sick "person, the seven bird-apkallli buried J. BLACK & A. GREEr-:. Gods, Demons a1ld
against the wall, but in an adjoining room. Symhols of Ancie1l1 Mesoporamia (London
and the seven fish-apkallli, who guard the 1992) 82-83: 100-101. 163-164: R. BORGER.
threshold of the bedroom. with two further Die Beschworungsserie hit meseri und die
groups of fish-apkailli, buried in front and Himmelfahrt Henochs. lNES 33 (1974) 183-
behind the chair kept in the room. The limu- 196: S. M. BURSTEIN. The Babylolliaca of
apkallli were made of wood, but the bird- Berm"sus (Malibu 1978) 13-14: J. J. A. VAN
and fish-apkalll; were made of -clay. The DIJK. La sagesse sumero-accadie1l1le (Lei-
fish-apkailli arc the best known since the den 1953) 20 n. 56: A. GREEN. Neo-Assyr-
fish-garbed men have been found in excava- ian Apotropaic Figures. Iraq 45 (1983) 87-
tions in groups of seven (e.g. Nimrud). 96: J. C. GREENFIELD, The Seven Pillars of
Their use is detailed in a variety of rituals. Wisdom (Prov 9: I)-a Mistranslation. lQR
The fish-apkailli must be distinguished from 86 (1985) 13-20: A. D, KILMER, The Mes-
the btlllllfi, a centaur-like fish-man. These opotamian Counterparts of the Biblical
apkollti arc also found on waH-panels in Nepilim, Perspecti\'es on Lallguage alld
Assyrian palaces or with apotropaic function Text, Essays alld Poems i1/ Honor of F. I.
flanking the doorways of temples and Andersen (Winona Lake 1987) 39-43: W. G.
palaces. Berossus described Oannes a." having LA~IDERT, The Twenty-One "Poultices",
the body of a fish, a human head below the AnSt 30 (1980) 77-83; S. PARPOLA. Leller~'
fish head and human feet below the tail. from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars
III. The tradition of the seven sages (SAA 10; Helsinki 1993) xvii-xxiv: S. A.
spre3d during the 2nd and 1st millennium to PICCI1IONI. II poemello t/i Adapa (Budapest
the West, reaching as far as Greece. It has 1981); E. REINER. TI1C Etiological Myth of
been proposed that the tale of the the 'Seven Sages'. OrNS 30 (1961) 1-11: F.
-Ncphilim, alluded to in Gen 6: 1-4, is A. M. \VIGGERMANN. Me.'iOpotamiall Pro-
based on some of the negative aspects of the tecti\'e Spirits, The Ritual Texts (Groningen
apkallli trndition. An echo of the role of the 1992) 73-79.
seven apkiJllli may be found in Prov 9: 1
J. C. GREENFIELD
which should in all likelihood be rcndered
"-Wisdom built her house, the Seven set its
pillars" instead of the trnditional translation APOLLO 'A7tOAAroV
"Wisdom built her house. she set out its I. Apollo is a Greek god whose name
seven pillars". -Enoch, who was the "first occurs as a theophoric element in the names
among the children of men who had learned 'A7toUto; (Acts 18:24. var. lect.: ·A7t£Mil~.
writing. science and wisdom" (lub. 4: 17). 'A7toU<i>v\O~ [of which Apollos is a diminu-
and taught knowledge to mankind \Va." the live]: 19:1. var. Icet.: ·A7tcUil~. 1 Cor 1:12:
seventh starting with Adam (lub. 7:39). His 3:4, 5. 6. 22: 4:6: 16: 12 and Tilus 3: 13).
ascension to -"heaven is in aH likelihood 'A7t£Uil~ (Rom 16: 10). 'A7toUrovia (Acts
b:lSed on the tale of the seventh antediluvian 17: 1. var. lect. ·A7toUo)\'i~). and ·A7to)J.Urov
apkol/ll Utuabzu who ascended to he.lven (Rev 9: 11 ).
according to the third tablet of the bit meseri II. Apollo is the mosl typical divine
series. The later trndition. prcserved by representative of c1a."sical Greek culture. Ihe
pseudo-Philo, of Enoch building scven Greek god par excellellce. though there is
cities, may hark back to the seven ante- no doubt that he was of non-Greek origin.
diluvian cities noted above. The images of The two cult centres of Apollo, Delos and
the seven patriarchs found on the throne of Delphi, date from Ihe eighth century BeE.
Solomon, the embodiment of Wisdom, may The Delos sanctuary was primarily devoted
also have its origin in the myth of the seven 10 -Artemis. Apollo's twin sister according
sages. to the mylh (BURKERT 1977:226). AI Delphi

74
APOLLO

Apollo was considered an intruder by the of prophecy (c). These three aspects deserve
Greeks themselves: it was there that he a brief discussion.
kil1ed the snake ->Python, the son of (a) The beginning of the Iliad introduces
->'Eanh' and the Lord of that place (Hom. Apol1o as the frightening god who sends a
Hymn 3: 182-387: see FONTENROSE 1950: 13- deadly pestilence into the cattle and the
27 for five different versions of this myth) army of the Achaeans. One of the oldest
and had to leave Delphi again in search of etymologies of Apol1o's name is its deriv-
purification (i1l1. al. Pausanias 2:7.7). The ation from apol/ymilapol/yo (Aeschylus,
attempts to locate his origin in a specific Agam. 1081; Euripides, frg. 781. II: sec
region, especial1y the North-East of Europe WERNICKE 1896:2). But the author of the
or Asia Minor (GUTHRIE 1950:73-87), disease is also the one who can stop it; to
proved unsuccessful because of the lack of that end one has to propitiate Apol1o by
conclusive evidence: (the once promising means of sacrifices, hymns and prayers
al1eged Hittite god Apulunas disappeared (NIl.5so:-,: 1955:538-544), as was in fact
thanks to a better decipherment of the Hittite done by the Achaeans (Iliad 1:48-52. 450-
hieroglyphs (BURKERT 1975:2-4]). Of the 456). In the second and third centuries CE,
many etymological explanations which have this way of propitiating the god to avert a
been proposed for the name Apol1o plague was still advised by Apol1o himself
(WERNICKE 1896:2-3: NILSSON 1955:555- in scveral oracles given at Clarus and Didy-
559; FAUTH 1975:441-442) none has found rna (R. LANE Fox, Paga"s a"d CilristiallS
general acceptance. However, following a [New York 1987] 231-235). Similarly ambiva-
suggestion by HARRISO:-; (1927), BURKERT lent gods, said to be both the cause of evil
has again pointed out that there is a close and of its disappearance, arc found all over
connection with the name of the month the world; in India, it is the god Rudra who
Apel/llios and the institution of the llpel/lli shows a remarkable similarity to Apol1o
(BURKERT 1975). In epic literature and at (loRENZ 1988:4,8).
Delos and Delphi the god's name is always (b) Apol1o was general1y held to be the
spel1ed Apol/{m. In the Doric dialect we find giver and interpreter of laws and city consti-
Ap£,I/{m and on Cyprus ApeHon, in Thessaly tutions (GlHHRIE 1950: 182-204: NILSSON
ApIOlIll. At the beginning of the present era 1955:625-653). In cities like Athens and
the form Apol/{m had almost completely Sparta there were official interpreters of
superseded the Doric form ApeI/o", but the civil and religious law who were closely
latter was certainly the older one: the spel- related to the Delphic oracle. which enabled
ling with 0 has to be taken as a secondary Apollo (and Delphi) to exercise a consider-
vocal assimilation to the ending -0". The able influence on the internal affairs of the
month Apel/aios and the apeI/ai are also Greek city states. A special duty of the
found in the whole Doric region. In Delphi exegera i concerned advise on the rules of
Apel/aios was the first month of the year, in purification in cases of homicide (e.g. Plato,
which the apel/ai were held. The apel/ai Laws II. 916c; (Demosthenes], Oral. 47,
were annual meetings in which tribal asso- 68). Murder inevitably brings pollution
ciations or communities purified themselves (miasma) on the killer, even if the latter has
from ritual and spiritual contaminations, and acted in self-defence, and therefore he is in
in which the new members of the commu- need of purification (knrllllrsis). Apollo, who
nity, the Ephebi. were initiated. The god according to the myth had to be purified
Apel/lm/Apol/o" may have derived his name himself after the killing of Python, remained
from the llpel/ai. He was 'the areh-cphebos' the Greek god of purification (R. PARKER,
(HARRISO:-': 1927:441), the tme kouros. Miasma [Oxford 1983] 275-276, 378, 393),
Apollo was considered the author of evil although in the course of the centuries he
and ito; averter as wel1 (a), the god of changed his views from prescribing a ven-
purification, law and order (b) and the god detta to regulating legal jurisdiction over

75
APOLLO

homicide (Orestes on the Areopagus under- 260). Porphyry. Vita Plot;n; 22; PARKE &
went '"the first trial for bloodshed," accord- \VORMELL 1956:11 92-193 [nr. 473]; FON-
ing to Aeschylus, Eumen. 683). It was prob- TENROSE 1978:264-265 [H. 69). who conjec-
ably his character as god of law and order tures that Amelius only sought Apollo's
which caused Apollo's identification with approval of his own poem on his beloved
the sun. that "sees and hears all things" master).
(Homer. Iliad:3. 277). His name Pho;bos. In Asia Minor, there were two other great
from which the name Phoebe derives (Rom oracular sanctuaries of Apollo. at Didyma
16:3), has often been interpreted as 'Shi- and Clarus (see R. LANE Fox. Pagans and
ning': its precise meaning. however, is un- Christians [New York 1987] 168-261,711-
known (FAUTH 1975:442; BURKERT 1975: 14 727). The method of consultation at both
n. 56). The legal aspect of Helios Apollo is sanctuaries is for the greater pan unknown
clearly brought out in a number of inscrip- (Iamblichus' repon on the mantic pro-
tions concerning 'manumissions' of children cedures at both sites, De mysl. 3.11, reflects
and confessions of guilt from the temple of the final stage of Apollo's oracular practice,
Apollo at Lotirbenos in Phrygia. near Helio- and possibly also the author's own inter-
polis, dating from the 2nd and 3rd centuries ests). C1arus had a prophet and Didyma a
CE (MAMA IV, 275-278: MILLER 1985). prophetess who uttered Apollo's responses
(c) Apollo was an oracle-speaking god after drinking from an underground spring
from the beginning. His sanctuary at Delphi (C1arus) or inhaling the vapors which came
became the most influential political and from a surface spring in the sanctuary
religious centre of the Greek world (NILS- (Didyma) The oracles were put into neat
SON 1955:1. 544-547, 625-653: for il.. his- metrical verse by the thespode, the 'singer
tory PARKE & WORMElL 1956:1). Apollo of oracles' (C1arus) or a prophet (Didyma).
responded to questions on regulations of The consultations of Apollo, by cities and
communal life, of which religion was an individuals alike, did not substantially differ
integral part. on wars and their outcome, the from those at Delphi or those of -Zeus at
founding of colonies, etc. Also individuals Dodona (VAN DEN BROEK 1981:4-7). Of the
came to Delphi with personal and some- known oracular responses, 39 have been
times rather trivial questions, though the ascribed to Clarus and 93 to Didyma
evidence for this kind of oracle is quite (ROBINSON 1981: see also FONTENROSE
scarce (614 responses in PARKE & \VOR- 1978:417-429 [50 responses from Didyma»,
MELL 1956:11; a critical classification in but in many cases the place of origin
FONTENROSE 1978:240-416). The oracles remains uncenain. An interesting group of
were given by a woman. the Pythia, who the oracles from Clarus and Didyma in the
was seated on the tripod. What exactly hap- 2nd and 3rd centuries is formed by the so-
pened during the mantic sessions is almost called 'theological oracles'. which express
completely unknown. The traditional picture the view that there is only one highest god
holds that the tripod was placed above a whose servants or manifestations arc the
chasm from which vapours ascended which gods of the traditional religions. Of these
brought the Pythia into a state of frenzy or oracles the one found at Oenoanda has
trance, in which she uttered wild shouts received most attention (ROBERT 1971; VAN
which had to be interpreted by the DEN BROEK 1981:9-17; LANE Fox
prophetes. But the evidence to suppon this 1987: 168-171), but a thorough study of the
view is too scanty (FO:-rrENROSE 1978: 196- theology of all of them remains a desidera-
232). After a shon period of revived oracu- tum. In the 3rd century Apollo fell silent.
lar activity in the second century CE Apollo Julian the Apostate (359-361) tried to revive
almost completely relapsed into silence (see, the Delphic oracle but the attempt failed
however, the response to Arnelius' question (PARKE & \VORMELL 1956:1 289-290: II
as to where Plotinus' soul had gone [ca. 194-195, no. 476).

76
APOLLYON - ARCHAI

111. The popularity of Apollo is reflected flilences (Tucson 1994); K. WERNICKE.


in the frequency of theophoric personal Apollon, PW 2 (1896) I-Ill.
names and toponyms: Apollodorus, Apollo-
nia, Apollonius, Apollonides, Apollophanes, R. VAN DEN BROEK
Apollos, etc. Apart from the NT passages
mentioned above (sub I), we find such APOLLYON -. ABADDON; APOLLO
names also in the books of the Maccabees
and in early Christian literature (see e.g. the APSU -. ENDS OF THE EARTH
Christian presbyter Apollonius in Ignatius,
Magn. 2: I). Christian polemic against AQAN -. YAcOQ
Apollo directed itself especially at his oracu-
lar sites (D. DETSCHEW, RAC 1 [1950] 528- AReHAI 'APXai
529), but nonetheless in some places his cult I. The Gk tenn arche, and its equiv-
survived as late as the sixth century CEo alent Lal translation principiutn, carries the
IV. Bibliography basic meaning of primacy in time or rank. It
J. BREMMER. Greek Religion (Oxford 1994) is an abstract tenn for power often used
15-17: R. VAN DEN BROEK, Apollo in Asia. with the meaning 'sphere of authority', Le.
De Orakels \'an Clarus en Did)'lIIa in de power which is wielded by someone in a
tweede en derde eellw na Chr. (Leiden position of political, social or economic
1981): W. BURKERT, Griechische Religion authority, such as a public official (Luke
der archaischen Illld klassischen Epoche 20:20; Sib. Or. 5,20, 153). In the singular or
(Stuttgart 1977) 225-233: BURKERT, Apellai plural arche is sometimes paired with
und Apollon, RhMlls 118 (1975) 1-21; \V. exollsia with the meaning 'office and auth-
FAUTH, Apollon, KP I (MUnchen 1975) ority' (Plato Alcibiades 135a; Philo Leg. 71;
441-448; J. FO:-"'TENROSE, Python. A Stlldy Luke 12: 11; Titus 3: I; Mart. Pol. 10:2). It is
of Delphic Myth and its origins (Berkeley, also paired with basi/eis, 'kings' (Pss. Sol.
Los Angeles, London 1950); FONTENROSE. 2:30; Philo Somn. 1.290), and also linked
17,e Delphic Oracle: Its Responses alld Op- with 'kings and rulers', hegollmenoi (l Clem
erations, with a Cataloglle of Responses 32:2). It also is used in a more concrete
(Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1978); W. sense referring to those who rule or govern,
K. C. GlJI'HRIE, TI,e Greeks and their Gods Le. 'magistrate', 'ruler', 'governor' (Luke
(London 1950: reprinted, with corrections, 12: 11). When used with the latter meaning,
Boston 1954); J. E. HARRISON, Them is. A arche belongs to the same semantic sub-
Stlldy of the Social Origins of Greek Reli- domain as archon; in the Greek version of I
gion (Cambridge 1927, 2nd ed.) 439-444; Enoch 6:7-8, e.g. arehe and archon are used
G. LORENZ, Apollon-Asklepios-Hygieia. interchangeably. By extension, arche can be
Drei Typen von Heilgottern in der Sicht der used as a title for a supernatural force or
Vergleichende Religionsgeschichte, Saecll- power, whether good or evil, which has
lum 39 (1988) 1- I I; K. M. MILLER, Apollo some control over the activities and destiny
Lairbenos, Numen 32 (1985) 47-70; M. P. of human beings (Eph 6: 12). Since the
NILSSON, Geschichte der griechischen Re- phrase archai kai exousiai is a stock ex-
ligion, I (Munchen 1955); H. W. PARKE & pression used of 'magistrates and -·author-
D. E. W. WORMELL, The Delphic Oracle, I: ities' (Luke 12:11; Titus 3:1; Marr. Pol.
The History, II: The Oraclllar Responses 10:2), it is likely that this political tenninol-
(Oxford 1956); L. ROBERT, Un oracle grav~ ogy was simply applied by figurative exten-
~ Oinoanda, CRAIBL 197 I (Paris 1972) sion to supernatural beings who were
597-619; T. L. ROBINSON, Theological thought to occupy vague positions of auth-
Oracles and the Sallctuaries of Claros alld ority over other supernatural beings or over
DidYllla (Thesis Harvard University 1981); human beings.
J. SOLm.fON (cd.), Apollo: Origins and In- II, The tenn arehai (and its Lat equiv-

77
ARCHAI

alent principia), when used of supernatural level of military organization, which was
beings, appears to have been used exclusive- also common in the Hellenistic world
ly in early Christianity, and perhaps anteced- (Xenophon Cyr. 8.1.14; Polybius 6.25.2;
ently in early Judaism and early Christianity Josephus War 2.578; ATrian Anab. 7.23.3).
until it was eventually adopted by Christian There arc several other places in 1 Enoch,
Gnostics and appropriated by Neoplatonic where the tenn arc/lUi or archontes very
philosophers. Though it is generally pre- probably lies behind the Ethiopic. J Enoch
sumed that early Christianity borrowed the 71:5 speaks of "the leaders of the heads of
language for various classes of angelic thousands who are in charge of the whole
beings (-·Angels) including arc/rai from creation" and 1 Enoch 80:6 mentions that
Judaism. the evidence is problematic. One "many heads of the -'stars in command will
supposed Jewish apocalyptic antecedent to go astray" (sec also J Enoch 82: 11-20). In
Paul's use of the tenn 'principalities' JlIb. 10:8, -Mastemah is called "the chief
(archat) in Rom 8:38-39 (where it is linked of the spirits". In 4Q Shir Shab the tenn
with 'angels' in one of the earliest occur- nes;';m, 'princes', is used of angels several
rences of the tenn as an angelic category) is times (4Q403 I i I, 10, 21; 40400 3 ii 2;
found in 1 Enoch 61:10: "And he will call 40405 13 2-3, 7; NEWSOM 1985:26-27), as
all the host of the heavens. and all the holy is the tenn rii's;m, 'chiefs' (40403 I ii II;
ones above, and the host of the LORD, and 40405 23 ii 10; NEWSOM 1985:27), and
the -Cherubim, and the -Seraphim and the these arc combined in the title 'chief
Ophannim, and all the angels of power, and princes' (40403 I ii 20, 21; 4Q405 8-9 5-6).
all the angels of the principalities (presum- In the LXX, the tenn ro's, is occasionally
ably archaz)." Yet the dating of 1 Enoch 37- translated with arc/lon (Deut 33:5; Job
71 (the so-called Similitudes of Enoch in 29:25; Ezek 38:2-3) or arche, meaning
which this statement is found), is problem- 'chief, 'master', 'sovereign', 'prince', Le. a
atic; there is no persuasive evidence requir- tenn for leadership in the military, political
ing a date prior to the middle of the first and priestly ranks. Another use of the tenn
century CEo Further, it is possible that the arehai for a category of angelic beings in
Ethiopic phrase for 'angels of principalities' Judaism occurs in the Theod. Dan 7:27
may be translating the Greek phrase angeloi (Theodotion, the reviser of an earlier 'Ur-
kllrioteton (-Dominions) rather than angeloi Theodotianic' version of the Gk OT, was
archon (BLACK 1982). Similarly, the Theo- active toward the end of the second century
dotianic version of Dan 10:20 speaks of the CE): "Then kingship and authority and the
'prince of Persia' and the 'prince of Greece', greatness of the kingdoms under the entire
certainly angelic beings in charge of particu- heaven were given to the holy ones (hagiOl)
lar nations (- Prince). In 1 Enoch 6:8 (pre- of the Most High, and his kingship is an
served in Gk and Aram in addition to Eth), eternal kingship and all rulers (hai arehat)
archai is used of twenty named angels or shall serve and obey him," Here archai,
-·watchers, each of whom commands ten 'rulers' (the LXX has exollsiai, 'authorities')
angels of lesser status. This angelic organiz- is parallel to hagioi ('the holy ones'), a Gk
ation appears to have a military origin. for translation of the Heb tenn qedos;m, a
the Israelite arnlY was arranged under designation often used of angels (-saints,
leaders of thousands, hundreds, fifties and Ps 89:6; Job 5:1; 15:15; Zech 14:5; Dan 4:
tens (Exod 18:21, 25; Deut 1:15; I Macc 14; 8:13; see also Tob 12:15; T. Levi 12:15;
3:55; IQM 3.16-17; 4.1-5, 15-17). Josephus Pss. Sol. 17:49). The Aram phrase under-
refers to the organization of the Maccabean lying hagioi in Theod. Dan 7:27 is actually
anny in I Macc 3:55 as "the old traditional (am qadd;s;m, 'the people of the saints', Le.
manner" (Ant. 12.301). In the LXX Exod Israel is the people of the holy ones [angels]
18:21. 25 and I Macc 3:55 the tenn dekad- (COLLINS 1977).
arc/wi is used for commanders of the lowest III. There are several problems in inter-

78
ARCHAI

preting the term arc/wi in the NT. One exollsiai and dynameis are used together
problem is that of detennining whether or (almost always in that order). supernatural
not the arc/wi refer to human rulers or beings are usually in view (I Cor 15:24:
supernatural rulers. Another is that of deter- Justin Dial. 120.6; T. Sol. 20.15: Act. John
mining whether, when supernatural beings 98 [here the order is dyllameis, exollsiai, and
arc in view, they are good or evil. A third arc/wi, the reverse of the nonnal order. and
problem is that of detennining whether the list goes on to include 'demons', activ-
supernatural categories of beings such as ities {energeiai} , threatcnings {apeilai}.
archai are distinct from other categories, passions {thymoi} , calumnies, -·Satan and
such as exolls;ai and dyllameis, or whether the inferior root». Short lists of angelic
such designations are largely interchange- beings occur in early Christian magical pro-
able. Paul includes angels, principalities cedures such as PGM 13.15: arc/wi kai
(archa;) and powers in in a list of obstacles exo/ls;ai kai kosmokratores, 'rulers and
which might separate the believer from the authorities and cosmic rulers' (the same
love of God in Rom 8:38. Clement of brief list found in Origen De principiis
Alexandria interprets these as evil super- 1.6.3), and PGM 21.2-3: pases arches kai
natural powers (Strom. 4.14). He may be exo/lsias I;oi kllriotetos, 'every ruler and
correct, for since angels and arc/wi appear authority and ruling power'. These lists
to be antithetical in Rom 8:38, it is possible seem to imply that arc/wi arc one among
that the fonner are good while the latter are several classes of angelic beings, though the
evil. In I Cor 15:24 it is clear that the hierarchization of such beings appears to be
arc/wi, along with every authority and a later step.
power, arc considered hostile, since they are Angelic Classes and Hierarchies. In
subject to destruction and are parallel to the Judaism, Christianity and Gnosticism, there
term 'enemies' in I Cor 15:25, though here were numerous attempts to classify or
these categories may (but probably do not) systematize the various traditional tenns for
refer to human rulers. There can be little angelic beings. Despite frequent claims to
doubt that the powers mentioned in Eph the contrary. these speculations are not at-
I :21 and 6: 12, and specifically the arc/wi tested earlier than the first century CEo In T.
must be understood as evil supernatural Le"i 3: 1-8 (part of a more extensive Jewish
powers. interpolation in 2:3-6:2). a variety of angelic
In general it must be concluded that the beings are correlated with some of the seven
lists of supernatural beings including the heavens. though arc/wi are not mentioned.
arc/wi in Pauline and Deutero-Pauline lit- The third heaven (3:3) contains the 'powers
erature are hostile supernatural beings. Fur- of the hosts' (hai dYllameis tOil par-
ther. it appears that the various categories emb%n). in the fourth heaven (3:8) are
are largely interchangeable, though it is '->thrones and authorities' (throlloi. ex-
possible that both authors and readers shared o/lsiai), in the fifth heaven (3:7) arc angels,
cenain understandings about such beings and in the sixth heaven (3:5) are the 'angels
which they did not find necessary to make of the presence of the Lord'. While the
more explicit. Grundschrift of the T. J2 Patr may be a'i
Lists of Angelic Beings. The tenns carly as 200 BCE. this Jewish interpolation is
arc/wi and exo/lsiai, or their Lut equivalents probably much later. Le. the first century CEo
principia and potcstcltes. were frequently Arc/wi are apparently mentioned in a clas-
paired in a fonnulaic way to refer to super- sification of ten angelic orders in Slavonic 2
natural beings (Eph 3: 10; CoIl: 16: 2: 10. Enoch 20: 1 found in the longer recension
15; Justin J Apo/. 41.1: Irenaeus Ad,'. /zaer. which cannot with any assurance be dated
1.21.5; Act. Phil. 132. 144; Methodius earlier than the second century CE: (1) arch-
Symp. 6; Epiphanius Pan. 31.5.2 [a Valentin- angels, (2) incorporeal forces (dyllameis?).
ian source)). When the three tenns arc/wi, (3) dominions (kuriotetl's). (4) origins

79
ARCHANGEL

(archan), (5) authorities (exollsiai?), (6) paulinische Allgelologie lind Diimonologie


cherubim, (7) seraphim, (8) many-eyed (Gl>ttingen 1888); W. GRUNDMANN, Der
thrones (thronoi?), (9) regiments and (10) Begrijf der Kraft in der neUlestamentlichen
shining 'otanim'(?) stations. In one of the Gedankenwelt (Stuttgart 1932) 39-55: J. Y.
eight Syriac manuscripts of the T. Adam, LEE, Interpreting the Demonic Powers in
there is a list of heavenly powers placing Pauline Thought, NovT 12 (1970) 54-69; G.
them in a hierarchical arrangement begin- H. C. MACGREGOR, Principalities and
ning from the lowest and proceeding to the Powers: The Cosmic Background of Paul's
highest order: angels, archangels, archons Thought, NTS I (1954-55) 17-28; C. MOR-
(archQl1, authorities, powers, dominions, and RISON, The Pmvers That Be: Eanlrl)' Rulers
finally at the highest level, thrones, seraphim and Demonic Powers in Romans 13:/-7
and cherubim arc grouped together (4:1-8). (London 1960); C. NEWSOM, Songs of tire
In De cadesti hierarchia, Ps.-Dionysius Sabbath Sacrifice (HSS 27; Atlanta 1985);
Areopagita, strongly influenced by Neo- M. PESCE, Paolo e gli Arclronti a CorilltO
platonic angelology, presents a hierarchy of (Brescia 1977) 261-336; S. E. ROBINSON,
angelic beings in three orders consisting of The Testament of Adam (Chico 1982) 142-
three types of angels in each order: (I) the 44, 146-48; S. SAHJN, Inschriften des Mu-
highest order consists of seraphim, cherubim seums von Iznik (Nikaia) (Bonn 1979-82);
and thrones, 7.1 -4, (2) the middle order con- H. SCHLlER, Principalities and Powers in
sists of Dominions (kuriotites), Authorities, the New Testament (Freiburg 1961); W.
(aol/sial), and Powers, (dynameis), 8.1, and WINK, Naming the Powers (Philadelphia
(3) the lowest order consists of principalities 1984) 13-15, 151-156.
(arc/rai), archangels (archangeloi), and
angels, (angeloO, 9.1-2. This author also D. E. AUNE
uses the tenns angels and heavenly powers,
dynameis ouranias, as generic terms for ARCHANGEL apxayycl.o~
heavenly beings (4.1: 11.1-2). Iamblichus I. The figure of the archangel already
lists supernatural beings which reveal a god, appears in the Hebrew Bible, but the Greek
such as an angel, archangel, demon, archon term archangelos (Latin archangelus) docs
or a soul (De myst. 2.3). In an inscription not occur in the Greek versions of the OT.
written over the heads of angels in a Mosaic The word appears in (early) Greek passages
in the Koimesis Church, the terms archili, in the OT Pseudepigrapha (e.g. Greek text
dynameis, kuriotetes, and exousiai appear of 1 Enoch) and there are two occurrences
(SAHlN, 1:497). in the NT (I Thess 4:16; Jude 9).
IV. Bibliography II. In Jewish literature from the Second
C. E. ARNOLD, Ephesians: Power and Temple period a tendency can be observed
Magic (Cambridge 1989): H. BIETENHARD, to differentiate between groups and cat-
Die himmlische Welt im Urchristentllln rmd egories of angels (cr. 1 Enoch 61:10; 2
Splltjudentum (Tilbingen 1951) 104-108; M. Enoch 19: 1-5; -+ Angel) and to bring a hier-
BLACK, Pasai exousiai autOi hypotagesontai, archy in the angelic world. Some scholars
Paul and Paulinism: Essays in Honour of C. assume influence here from pagan concep-
K. Barrett (London 1982) 73-82; G. B. tions. FmmNOY (1989: 124). for instance,
CAIRO, Principalities and Powers (Oxford thinks of Persian influence and notes the
1956); F. CUMONT, Les anges du pagan- similarity between the seven angels of the
isme, RHR 72 (1915) 159-182; W. CARR, face (cr. Tob. 12: 15) with Persian angel-
Angels and Principalities (Cambridge 1983); ology. BOUSSET & GRESSMANN 1926:325-
J. J. CoLLINS, The Apocalyptic Vision of the 326 assume Babylonian influence. In any
Book of Daniel (Missoula 1977) 141-144; case, several angels act in Jewish and Early
M. DIBEUUS, Geistem'elt im Glauben des Christian texts as individuals with n specific
Paulus (Gl>ttingen 1909); O. EVERLING, Die function and were assigned the status of the

80
ARCHANGEL

highest angels in the hierarchy (especially and enter the glorious presence of the Lord
-·Michael and -·Gabriel). In magical texts. (see also T. Le,'; 8:2: J Enoch 20). J Enoch
which are often influenced by Jewish and 20 gives a list of seven angels. In the Gizeh
Christian ideas, archangels also appear (e.g. Papyrus only six names are mentioned, but
PGM IV 3051; MICHL 1962:56). in both of the extant Greek papyri the list
III. A forerunner of the archangel ap- ends with a reference to the names of seven
pears already in Josh 5: I3- I5. Joshua sees a arcllll1lgeloi (20:7). The nanles of these
man who reve'lls himself as the captain of angels "who keep watch" (so Eth; Greek:
the heavenly amlY (-·Angel). LXX reads "angels of the powers") arc: -Uriel,
arch;strategos, which word is sometimes Raphael, RagueJ. Michael, Sariel, Gabriel
used as a synonym for archangelos (e.g. 7: and Remiel.
Abr. rec. long. 1:4 and 14: 10; 3 Apoc. Bar. J Enoch 9 has a list of four archangels:
I 1:8; cf. Dan 8: I I; ROWLAND 1985: 10 I). In Michael, Sariel (uncertain; Greek: Uriel:
Daniel and the Qumran writings the -·Prin- many Eth mss Suryal), Raphael and Gabriel.
ce of the heavenly host might still be an Usually Uriel (in the Book of Parahles in J
independant figure. who came to be ident- Enoch 37-7 I Phanuel) figures in the lists of
ified with Michael or another archangel only four archangels instead of Sariel (e.g. Sib.
from the first century C.E. onwards (G. Or. 2:2 I 5: Apoc. Mos. 40:2; Pirke de-Rabbi
BAMPFYLDE. The Prince of the Host in the Eliezer 4). but Sariel belongs to the oldest
Book of Daniel and the Dead Sea Scrolls, tradition of the four archangels according to
iSi 14 [1983] 129-134). BLACK 1985:129. 162-163, referring to the
In Daniel there are already two exalted Aramaic fragments and to IQM 9:14-16 (cf.
angels: Michael as one of the chief princes DAVIDSON 1992:50, 325-326). The name of
and protector of Israel in the context of the Uriel is replaced by that of Phanuel in J
battle of the angels of the nations (10: 13. Enoch 40:9: 54:6 and 71 :8-9. The group of
21; 12: I) and Gabriel. the angelus ;IIterpres four archangels probably developed from
for the seer (8:15-26). Also in Jude 9 and the four living creatures from Ezek I. They
Rev 12:7 Michael acts as contestant are standing on the four sides of the divine
(-toDragon; -·Satan) and in Jude arc/lUnge/os throne (cf. the 'Angels of Presence', e.g.
is used in this connection. Gabriel too is IQH 6: 12-13; IQSb 4:25-26; 4Q400 col. I
superior to other angels. According to J lines 4 and 8) and say praises beforc the
Enoch 40:9 he is set over all the powers and Lord of Glory (I Enoch 40). prJy on behalf
given the function of divine annunciator (cf. of the righteous on earth (I Enoch 40:6; Tob
Luke I). According to I Thess 4: 16 an 12: 15) and act as intercessors for the souls
anonymous archangel heralds the descent of of righteous ones who havc died (I Enoch
the Lord and the resurrection of the -·dead. 9: T. Abr. 14). They play an important part
In Apoc. Mos. 22 Michael appears in a simi- at the final judgement. Thus they lead
lar role before God's punishment of Adam among other things the souls of men to the
and -·Eve. tribunal of the Lord (Sib. Or. 2:214-219)
Besides the elevation of individual angels and will cast kings and potentates in the
appear groups of (usually four or seven) burning furnace on the great day of judge-
special angels. to which Michael, -toRaphael ment (I Enoch 54:6; on the groups of
nnd Gabriel usually belong if the angels are archangels and their functions see further
given names. Seven angels appear as execu- MICHL 1962:77-78. 89-91, 169-174, 182-
ters of divine punishment in Ezek 9. The 186).
same number is mentioned in Tob 12: 15. Sometimes. archangels arc mentioned
where Raphael presents himself as one of who do not belong to one of the lists of four
the seven angels who transmit the prayers of or seven of the principal angels (e.g.
the holy ones (see mss B and A; ms S: -.Jeremiel, 4 Ezra 4:36; Dokiel, T. Abr.
"who stand in attendance [on the Lord r) 13: 10 rec. long.). Phanael acts as angelic

81
ARCHON

messenger during Baruch's heavenly jour- Iy used for a variety of high public officials.
ney and is described as archangel and inter- OriginaIly it was primarily limited as a
pretor of revelations (3 Apoc. Bar. 10: I; designation for the highest officials (Thu-
II :7). In 1 Enoch 87-88 three archangels put cydides 1.126; Aristotle Ath. Pol. 13, 10-
-Enoch in positions to observe carcfuIly 12). A typical Greek polis had two or more
what is being revealed to him. Philo ident- magistrates (archontes), a council (boule)
ifies the archangelos with the divine and an assembly of the people (demos); see
-·Logos (DECHARNEUX 1989). Josephus Ant. 14.190; 16.172. Public and
IV. Bibliography private leadership terols formulated with the
M. BLACK. The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch. prefix arch- were extremely common in the
A New English Edition with Commentary HeIlenistic period. During the late Hellenist-
and TexllIal Notes (SVTP 7; Leiden 1985); ic and early Roman period the terol archon,
W. BOUSSET & H. GRESSMANN. Die Reli- in both singular and plural fo rolS, began to
gion des Judell111mS im spathe//enistischen be used in early Judaism and early Christi-
Zeitalter (HNT 27: Tiibingen 1926) 325- anity and then in Neoplatonism and Gnost-
329; I. BROER. iiyy£Ao~. EWJVf I (Stuttgart icism as designation for supernatural beings
1980) 36-37; *M. J. DAVIDSON, Angels at such as -angels, -·demons and -Satan and
Qumran. A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch planetary deities who were thought to oc-
1-36. 72-108 and Sectarian Writings from cupy a particular rank in a hierarchy of
QlImran (JSP Supplement Series 11; supernatural beings analogous to a political
Sheffield 1992) 49-53, 75-78, 97-98, 104- or military structure.
105, 157, 194-196, 228, 301, 325-326 [& II. There was a widespread notion in the
lit]; B. DECHARNEUX, Anges, demons et ancient world that the planets either were
Logos dans )'ocuvre de Philon d'Alexandrie, deities or were presided over by deities, a
Anges et demons. Actes dll Co//oqlle de view which probably originated in Babylo-
Liege et de Lollmin-La-Nem'e 25-26 no- nia and involved astral fatalism. Philo refers
vembre 1987 (ed. J. Ries; Louvain-La- to the popular conception that the -sun,
Neuvc 1989) 147-175; C. FONTINOY, Lcs -moon and -·stars were gods, but he argues
anges et Ies Mmons de )' Ancien Testament, that -Moses regarded the heavenly bodies
Anges et demons (see above) 117-134; W. as archontes, governing those beings which
LUEKEN, Michael. Eine Darste//ung und exist below the moon. in the air or on the
Vergleic/lIl11g der jiidischen lind der mor- -earth (De spec. leg. 1.13-14). The terol
gen/lilldiscir-c/lristlic/lell Tradition vom kosmokratores was also used of the planets.
El7.engel Michael (Gt>ttingen 1898); *M. personified as rulers of the heavenly spheres
MACH, Ell1wicklllllg.'isradien des jiJdischen (a terol used with some frequency later in
Ellgeigiaubells in vorrabbinischer Zeit the Greek magical papyri). While these
(TSAJ 34; TUbingen 1992) [& lit]; J. supernatural beings were not unambiguously
MICHL, Engel (I-IX), RAC 5 (Stuttgart regarded as either good or evil, there was a
1962) 53-258. strong tendency to regard them as hostile if
not evil.
J. W. VAN HENTEN The Ncoplatonist lamblichus (ca. 250-325
CE), dependent on Babylonian-Chaldaean
ARCHON "APXO>v astrology, perhaps as mediated by a lost
I. The teml archoll, a participial forol work called Hyphegetica by Julian the
of the verb arc/lein used as a substantive, Theurgist, posited a hierarchy of supernatu-
carries the root meaning of primacy in time ral beings between God and the soul:
or rank. After the overthrow of the mon- -archangels, angels, demons, two kinds of
archies in the Greek city-states (ca. 650 archons. heroes and souls. The two types of
BCE), the terol archon, meaning 'high archons, which function only in the sublunar
official' or 'chief magistrate', became wide- region, included cosmic archons, kosmo-

82
ARCHON

kralores, and hylic archons, les hyles carly Judaism or early Christianity. Some-
pareslekoles (Iamblichus, De mysl. 2.3.71). what surprisingly, the tenn archon is not
It is significant that the archontes of lam- applied to supernatural beings, whether good
blichus are much lower on the hierarchy of or evil, in the non-Christian Greek magical
being than archangels and angels. papyri, though the related tenn kos11Iokralor
III. In the LXX, the tenn archon is used is. Another use of the tenn archon for Satan
to translate thirty-six different Hebrew tenns focuses on his domination of the present
with such meanings as 'chief, 'head', world or age (the Heb word cMom can mean
'lender' or 'ruler'. Two of the more either). In John 12:31, for example, he is
significant of these Hebrew words include called ho archon 1011 kOS11IOll 10111011, 'the
ro'J, which is occasionally translated with prince of this world', but (in accordance
archon (Deut 33:5; Job 29:25; Ezek 38:2.3), with Johannine theology) his imminent
and nasi', meaning 'chief, 'master', 'sover- expulsion is emphasized. In John 14:30, the
eign', 'prince', i.e. a tenn for leadership in Johannine - Jesus says that though the
the military, political and priestly ranks. prince of this world is coming. he has no
Judaism used the tenn archon of synagogue power over Jesus, and in John 16: II Jesus is
leaders, and archon was sometimes inter- made to say that the prince of this world has
changeable with archisynogogos (both are been judged. The same title occurs in a
used of Jairus in Luke 8:41.49), but at other number of other texts where there is no indi-
times they were apparently distinguished cation that Satan's sovereignty is in immi-
(Acts 14:2 var.Iect.). nent jeopardy (T. Sol. 2:9: 3:5-6: 6: I: Ase.
In early Judaism and early Christianity, Isa. 1:3: 2:4: 10:29). In Bam. 18:2 (part of
archon was one of the designations used to the Two-Ways tradition also found in Did.
refer to the evil spiritual ruler of human 1-6 and lQS 3.13-4.26), he is called "the
beings and the cosmos, known by a variety prince of the prescnt time of iniquity" who
of aliases including Satan, -Devil, -Belial, controls the way of darkness. a title which
and -Mastemah. The synoptic gospels has a clear precedent in Judaism in the title
occasionally refer to Satan as the archon Ion sr mmill dCh, 'prince of the -·dominion of
daimonion, 'prince of demons' (Matt 9:34: ungodliness' (1 QM 17.5-6). The context for
12:24: Mark 3:22: Luke 11: 15), because the conception of Satan as ruler of this
demons (like angels), were thought to be world or age is the apocalyptic world view
organized like an anny or a political hier- which consisted in a temporal or eschatol-
archy. The notion that a large host of celes- ogical dualism in which the present age
tial beings was commanded by -Yahweh is (hiicolam haz;:eh, 'this world or age') is
an ancient conception in Israel (1 Sam dominated by wickedness through the
1:3.11; 1 Kgs 22:19: 2 Chr 18: 18). This is influence of Satan, while the imminent fu-
reflected in the divine name yh~"'h #ba'OI, ture age (hfloliim habba', literaIly 'the com-
-'Yahweh Zebaoth', a title which occurs ing world or age') will be inaugurated by
some 267 times in the OT (e.g., 1 Sam 4:4: the victory of -God over all evil (Malt
2 Sam 6:2; Isa 31:4). However, the mirror 12:32; Luke 16:8: Gal 1:4). The introduction
conception of Satan leading a host of evil of the future era will be accomplished by
angels or demons does not appear to be the climactic intervention of God (either
older than the second century BeE. Similarly. dircctly or through a human agent. Le. a
in Jilb., Mastemah (a designation of Satan) Messiah), and will be preceded by the
is called the "chief of spirits" (10:8). Por- destruction of the wicked and the final de-
phyry claimed that Sarapis and Hekate were liverance of the righteous. In Eph 2:2, Satan
the archonles of evil demons (Eusebius is called "the prince of the power of the
Praep. emng. 4.22.174a), but this use of the air", Le. the prince whose domain is the air.
term in a pagan context is so rare that it ~r­ This title is clearly a designation for Satan,
haps can be explained as a borrowing from for he is also described as "the -·spirit

83
ARCHON

(plleuma) now at work in the sons of dis- did not send an angel or a prince [arc/lOll]
obedience" (Eph 2:2). The air was regarded into the world, but Christ the agent of all
as the dwelling place of -·evil spirits in the creation. In rabbinic and merkavah texts, the
ancient world (Philo. De gig. 6: 2 Elloch Jar hilolam, 'prince of the world' is men-
29:4; Asc. Isa. 7:9). Ignatius. who uses the tioned, but (unlike John 12:31 and parallels)
name •Satan' once (Eph. 13: I), and the term is never an evil figure (b. Yeb. 16b; b.ffu//.
'Devil' four times (Eph. 10:3; Trail. 8: I; 60a; b.San". 94a: bod. Rabbah 17:4: 3
Rom. 5:3; Smym. 9: I), tends to prefer the Elloch 30:2: 38:3).
more descriptive designation 'prince of this In I Cor 2:6.8. a much disputed passage
age', archon lou aiOllos 10urou. emphasizing (see PESCE 1977), Paul speaks of 'the rulers
the temporal rule of Satan (Eph. 17: I; 19: I: (arc/WlI1es) of this world'. Here the archontes
Magll. I:2; Trail. 4:2; Rom. 7: I; Phi/ad. can refer to political authorities (SCHNlE-
6:2). Satan is called "the wicked prince" in WIND 1952), but more probably to demons
Bani. 4: 13, a title which corresponds to "the (Origen. De prillc. 3.2; Tertullian, Ad".
prince of error" in T. Simcoll 2:7 and T. Marc. 5.6; SCHLIER 1961 :45-46). Justin
Judah 19:4. (Dial. 36.6) spenks of the 'princes in
The term arc/willes used as a designation heaven' (hoi ell Olml1loi arc/wntes) who did
for angelic beings first occurs in the LXX not recognize -·Christ when he descended
Dan 10: 13, and seven times in Theod. Dan into the world (though he docs not specify
10: 13. 20-21; 12: J. where the LXX has whether these were good or evil), and it was
stratcgos, 'commander', ·magistrate·. a1l these same princes who were commanded to
translations of the Aram sar. 'prince'. Dan open the gates of heaven when Christ ascen-
10: 10-21 contains the first references to the ded (36.5; here Justin is interpreting the
conception of angelic beings who are the term hoi arc/Willes found in the LXX ver-
patrons of specific nations on eanh. The late sion of Ps 23:7.9, a possible but unlikely
merkavah work entitled 3 Enoch refers to translation of the Hebrew). A similar view is
the seventy or seventy-two Jare malku)'yot. reflected in Asc. Isa. II :23-29, and it is
'princes of kingdoms' continuing the similar specifically claimed in Asc. Iso. 11:6 that the
conception found in Dan 10:20-21 (3 Enoch birth of Jesus was hidden from all the
17:8; 18:2; 30:2): the angelic princes of heavens, all the princes nnd every god of
Rome and Persia are mentioned specifically this world. Ignatius similarly claims that the
in 3 Enoch 26: 12, an allusion to Dan 10:33. virginity of Mary as well as the binh and
In the Greek version of I Elloch 6 by Syn- death of Jesus were hidden from the "prince
cellus. the term archoll is used of Semyaza, of this world" (Eph. 19: I).
the leader of the fallen angels or -·watchers. IV. The archOllles play an important
but also for various angelic leaders subordi- mythological role in some Gnostic cosmol-
nate to Semyaza, reflecting traditional Near ogies. The seven spheres (the sun, moon.
Eastern military models. After Daniel, the and the five planets Mercury, Venus, Mars,
earliest reference to archolltes as angelic Jupiter and Saturn. bounded by the region of
beings is found in Ignatius of Antioch. In the fixed stars) are controlled by supernatu-
Sm)'nI. 6: I, Ignatius mentions "the glory of ral beings designated by various terms in-
angels and princes (arc/willes) visible and cluding arc/Willes. Seven arc/willes are
invisible". referring to two categories of usually presided over by a chief archon,
angels, as the parallel in Trail. 5: I suggests. who is also the demiurge who created the
where he refers to ..the places of angels and world, and resides in the Ogdoad, the eighth
the gatherings of rulers (Clrchontikas)". region above the seven planetary spheres.
Since these lists arc so short. it is unclear Since the attainment of salvation is linked
whether the angels are superior to archons with attaining to the sphere of the -·un-
or the reverse. Similarly in the Epistle to known God. passage through the concentric
Diogllelus 7:2. the author argues that God ranks of hostile archons is necessary. One

84
ARES

specific form of this myth is presented in the alld Powers in the New Testament (New
Coptic Gnostic treatise The Hypostasis of York 1961); J. SCHNIEWIND, Die Archonten
the Archons, where the archontes arc said to dieses Aons, 1. Kor. 2,6-8; Nachgelassene
guard the gates of the seven planetary Reden lmd Alifsiit:.e (Berlin 1952) 104-109.
spheres, impeding the upward movement of
souls. Irenaeus is the earliest author to men- D. E. AUNE
tion the names of the seven archons, which
are so strikingly Hebraic that their Jewish ARES "ApT)~
origin appears highly likely (Adv. haer. I. Ares is the god of war of the Greek
1.30): laldabaoth (the chief archon), lao, pantheon, who also represents the warrior
Sabaoth, Adoneus, Eloeus, Oreus and side of other gods, such as -·Zeus Areios,
Astanphaeus. Origen later provided a list of -. Athena Areia, -Aphrodite Areia and,
the seven archons in Ophite mythology apparently already in Mycenean times,
(Contra Celsum 6.31): laldabaoth, lao, -Hennaas Areias (BURKERT 1985:169). In
Sabaoth, Adonaios, Astaphaios, Eloaios and the Bible he perhaps appears as a theophoric
Horaios, together with the specific fonnulas element in the name Areopagus in Acts 17.
which must be used in order to get past each The name already occurs in Linear-B as
archon. A Gnostic sect named the Archont- Are (KN Fp 14), but itc; etymology is de-
ici took its name from the archons of the bated. Perhaps it was an ancient abstract
seven planetary spheres (the Gk teoo noun meaning 'throng of battle, war' (BUR-
archontikoi, transliterated as archontici or KERT 1985:169, but see also PETERS 1986:
archomiaci in Lat, is an adjective used as a 371-375). Ares' name in Greek literature
substantive fonned from archon: see Epi- often indiscriminately alternates with that of
phanius Pan. 40.2). In the Apocryphon of Enyalios, another old war god, but in cult
John 48.10-17, the words of Gen 1:26, "Let both gods are clearly separated, as was al-
us make man in our image and likeness" are ready the case in Mycenean times (GRAF
attributed to the seven archons who created 1985:266-267). Ares was identified in
-Adam. This reflects the Jewish tradition Scythia (Herodotus 4.59-62), Asia Minor
that man was made by the angels (Irenaeus, (ROBERT, Hellenica VI1.69-70; X.72-78, 214
Adv. haer. 1.24.1-2). note 5; XIII.44: 1966, 91-1(0), Arabia and
V. Bibliography Syria (SEYRIG 1970; AUGE 1984) with in-
W. CARR. Angels and Principalities (Cam- digenous war gods and the Romans ident-
bridge 1981); CARR, The Rulers of This ified him with Mars.
Age-l Corinthians 2.6-8, NTS 23 (1976- II. Ares is the warrior par excellence.
77) 20-35; F. W. CREMER, Die chaldliischen especially in his more fierce and destructive
Orakel lind Jamblich de mysteriis (Meisen- shape and the only god to fight like a human
heim am Glan 1969) 86-91; G. DELLING, on the Trojan battlefield. Homer depicts him
archon, TDNT I, 488-489; M. DIBELlUS, as young, strong, big and fast; in short, he
Die Geistenrelt im Glauben des Paulus possesses all the desirable qualities of the
(Gottingen 1909), 88-99; S. EITREM, Some archaic warriors, who arc characterised as
Notes on the Demonology in the New Testa- 'members of his retinue' (theraponteJ. ow;:
ment, (Oslo 19662 ); W. GRUNDMANN, Der MAADER 1979:1254-1255). But he is also
Begriff der Kraft in der Neutestamentlichen 'ruinous to men' (//. 5.31) and the embodi-
Gedanken welt (Stuttgart 1932) 39-55; G. ment of the 'Unvcrnunft des Nur-Kriegcrs'
MILLER, ARCHONTON TOU AIONOS (MAADER 1979: 1251). As Zeus puts it:
TOUTOU-A New Look at 1 Corinthians 2: "You are the most hateful to me of all the
6-8, JBL 91 (1972) 522-528; M. PESCE, Paolo gods who hold -Olympus. since forever
e gli Arconti a Corinto: SlOria della ricerca strife is dear to you and wars and battles"
(/888-/975) ed esegesi di 1 Cor. 2,6.8 (II. 5.890-1). Typically, when Sisyphus has
(Brescia 1977); H. SCIILlER, Principalities managed to fetter -·Thanatos and thus
stopped people dying. it is Ares who Iibcr-

85
ARES

ates the god of death. as Aeschylus narrated and on the vases the two gods often battle
in his Sisyphus Draperes (see S. RADT. Tra- together. in archaic imagery Ares is even
gieorllm Graeeorum jragmell/a [vol. 3 sometimes represented as helping with the
Aeschylus: Gottingen 1985] 337). It is this birth of Athena (BRUNEAU 1984: 491).
role as raging. ravaging warrior which may In the mad we can observe various strat-
explain why magic-healers ascribed pos- egies of dealing with the negative sides of
session to Ares (Hippocrates. Sacred Dis- Ares. First. when Ares confronts Athena in
ease 4) and Sophocles (Oedipus Rex 190) battle, he is ah"'ays the loser, as when the
could identify Ares with the plague. Ares is goddess helped Diomedes against Ares
an indispensable god but at the same time (5.824). disarmed him in order to prevent
his murderous character makes him undesir- him avenging his son Askalaphos (15.121-
able. It is especialIy the latter quality which 141) and knocked him down with a stone
comes to the fore in myth and ritual. (21.391-415). Similarly, when in Ps-
Myth located the birth of Ares in Thrace Hesiods's Shield -~Heracles battles against
(1/. 13.301: Od. 8.361), the country which Ares' son Cycnus. who wanted to build a
was considered. if wrongly. as wild and temple from human skulls, he wins due to
barbarous; here was also his grave (Ps- the help of Athena despite Ares' support of
Clement, Reeogn. 10.24). The parallel with his son: it is always the goddess of clever-
- Dionysos, who was also born in Thrace. ness and responsibility who wins. It fil~ in
shows that the Greeks liked to situate nega- with Ares being a 'loser' that on the frieze
tive figures outside their own culture. not of the treasure house of Siphnos and on
that these gods were originalIy aliens. His archaic vases he is mostly positioned at the
father was Zeus and his mother -Hera (//. very margin of the representation (BRUNEAU
5.892-893), who in various Greek cities was 1984:491).
worshipped with a martial aspect (M. L. The complicated relationship between
WESf, Hesiod: Theogony [Oxford 1966] ad Ares and Athena is also well brought out in
922). His sister and companion was Eris, or the foundation myth of Thebes as related by
'Strife' (11.4.440-1) and his daughters were 'Apollodorus' (3.4.1-2). When Cadmus had
the fierce -Amazons (Pherecydes, FGH 3 F reached Thebes. he killed a dragon, an
15a): in the Cyclic Aethiopis (fr. I) he is offspring of Arcs. who guarded a fountain.
already the father of Penthesileia. Among On the advice of Athena he sowed the teeth
his sons he counted Phobos 'Rout' and of the monster which grew into armed men.
Deimos, 'Terror' (WESf. Hesiod: Theogo1ly. the Spartoi. These. in tum. started to fight
comm. ad 934; add Artemidorus 2.34), the with one another and only five survived this
brutal Lapith Phlegyas (R. JANKO, The Iliad: fratricidal strife. Subsequently. Cadmus had
A commemary IV [Cambridge 1992], comm. to serve Ares for a whole year in order to
on //. 13.301-303), Askalaphos, or the night- atone for his share in their death. After his
ly, predatory 'owl' (JANKO, comm. on I/. servitude he became king of Thebes through
13.478-480). and the great hunter Meleagros Athena and married the daughter of Ares
(Hesiod fro 25)-genealogy being a typical and -Aphrodite. Harmonia: 'murderous war
Greek way of connecting related figures. ends in harmonious order' (BURKERT
As the god of war. who represents the 1985: 170). Here as well. it is in the end
brutal aspects of war not matters of defence. Athena who helps Cadmus to defeat the
Ares is indispensable but he is often coupled influence of Ares.
with -Athena. the embodiment of responsi- A more drastic approach is mentioned in
bility and cleverness in battle. Thus on the Iliad 5:385-391 (see also Nonnus. DiOlI.
shield of Achilles Homer (//. 18.516) repre- 302-3(4), one of the very few real Arcs
sents Ares and Athena as leading the war- myths. Here Homer tells how the sons of
riors: Odysseus pretends that Ares and Aloeus. Otos and Ephialtes. tied the god
Athena had given him courage (Od. 14.216), down and locked him up in a bronze barrel

86
ARES

for thirteen months. He only survived be- was erected in the Tegean agora. Apparent-
cause the stepmother of his captors passed ly, our source, Pausanias (8.48.4-5), no
word to -Hermes, who managed to liberate longer found a ritual, but the myth strongly
him; variants of the story are also recorded suggests that at one time the Tegean women
in much later sources (FARAONE 1992:86- performed sacrifices in the Tegean agora
87). The myth seems to be the reflection of from which the men were excluded. This
a cult in which the statue of Ares was nor- uncommon female cult of the masculine god
mally fettered but untied only once a year points to a ritual in which the nonnal social
(so already FARNELL 1909:407). Similar order was temporarily subverted (GRAF
cults all point to gods which are perceived 1984).
as dangerous for the social order (GRAF Ares was regularly connected with
1985:81-96). The dangerous nature of these Aphrodite in literature, as witnessed by the
gods is sometimes stressed by the small size delightful story of their liaison (Od. 8.266-
and uncanny appearance of their statues and 369); in art, where he seems to be represent-
the tradition that the statue of Ares which ed as even assisting with the birth of the
Pausanias (3.19.7) saw on the road from goddess, as he did with Athena (BRUNEAU
Sparta to Therapnai was fetched from far- 1984:491), and in cult, as their communal
away Colchi by the Dioscures (-Dios- temples and altars show (GRAF 1985:264).
kouroi) points in the same direction. The connection rests on a twofold associ-
Cults of Ares were few and far between; ation. On the one hand, there is the warrior
not even Thebes seems to have known a aspect of Aphrodite. On the other, there is
temple dedicated to Ares, unlike Athens and the strong contrast between the two gods as
various cities on the Peloponnesus and Crete expressed in the Homeric Hymn to Aphro-
(GRAF 1985:265). The marginality of Ares dite, which says of Athena that she took no
is underscored by the fact that he received a pleasure 'in the works of the golden Aphro-
dog for sacrifice, just like spooky Hecate dite but liked wars and the work of Ares'
and messy Eileithyia: Ares' cult did not lead (9-10). The contrast also appears clearly in
to eating peacefully together as would have Thebes where the polemarchs celebrated the
been the case with edible sacrifice (GRAF Aphrodisia at the end of their tenn of office.
1985:422). It fits in with this asocial charac- Here the cult of Aphrodite eases the transi-
ter of Ares' cult that some, untrustworthy, tion from warlike activities to peaceful pri-
traditions mention a human sacrifice to Ares vate life by a festival of dissolution (GRAF
among the Spanans (Apollodorus FGH 244 1984:253-254), just as on Aegina an uncan-
F 125) and on Lemnos (Fulgentius, Ant. ny festival to masculine -Poseidon was ter-
semI. 5, cf. Jacoby on Sosicrates FGR 461 minated with the Aphrodisia (Plutarch, JHor.
F I). 301). Despite the opposition, the gods do
In some cities the macho nature of Ares belong together: as the foundation myth of
was stressed by excluding women from his Thebes shows, it is only the pairing of Ares
worship (Pausanias 2.22.4-5, 3.22.6), just as and Aphrodite which produces Harmonia
women were forbidden entry into the (BREMMER 1994:45-46).
temples of Enyalios (Teles 24.11). This is At the end of the fifth century the import-
the more natural ritual, yet the reverse also ance of Ares seems to diminish. Admittedly,
took place. It was told in Tegea that the comedy could still nick-name the tough
women had once rescued the town by at- Athenian general Phormio (d. cn. 429/8)
tacking the Spartans. After their victory the 'Ares' (Eupolis fro 268.15) and a bold man a
women perfonned the victory rites for Ares 'young of Ares' (Plato fro 112), but on the
and the males did not even receive part of Athenian vases the god is becoming only
the sacrificial meat. In memory to this feat a rarely recogniznble. In the Hellenistic period
stele to Ares Gynaikothoinas, 'Feaster of Ares is only little mentioned (ROBERT, Hel-
Woman' or 'One whom the women feast', lenica X 77), but in the second century CE

87
ARIEL

one could still dream of being sexually Moabite Mesha-inscription (KAI 181: 12, the
taken by Ares (Artemidorus 5.87). suggested second occurrence in line 17 is
III. In the Bible the name of Arcs is doubtful). The meaning of the word is dis-
commonly taken as occurring in the names puted among scholars. Regarding its etymo-
of the Areopagus and Dionysius Areopagites logy, several propositions have been made
(Acts 17). And indeed, folk etymology con- (cf. HALAT 84-85; Ges.18 98-99; NBL 167;
nected the 'hill of Ares' with the god by ABD I 377-378 & lit). but only two of the
way of various myths. Yet there was no cult suggested derivations seem to be applicable:
of the god on the hill and the most recent 1. < ~r)'h 'lion' with the theophoric clement
explanations tend to connect the first el- ~l 'God'. 2. < Ar ~ir)'llt with affonnativc
ement of the name with a homonym areios, lamed 'fire-pit' or more freely 'altar-hearth'
'solid', and explain the name as 'solid rock' (for the Moabite occurrence scc J. HOFTIJ-
(WALLACE 1989:213-214). ZER & K. JONGELING, Dictionary of the
IV. Bibliography North- West Semitic Inscriptions, I [Lcidcn
C. AUG~, Ares (in peripheria orientali), 1995] 100-101 & lit: K. P. JACKSON
UMC IIJ (1984) 493-495; I. BECK, Ares in 1989:112-113).
Vasenmalerei, Relief und RWldplastik II. In Gen 46: 16 and Num 26: 17 (spel-
(Mainz 1983); J. N. BREMMER, Greek Relig- led ~r~ly) Ariel serves as an eponym of the
ions (Oxford 1994); P. BRUNEAU, Ares, tribe of Gad. In Ezra 8: 16 (with the spelling
UMC 11.1 (1984) 478-492; W. BURKERT, ~ry~/; par I Esdr loo\JT)M>s) it is the PN of a
Greek Religion (Oxford 1985); C. A. FARA- leader of the exiled community. It is gene-
ONE. Talismans and Trojan Horses. Guar- rally accepted that in the visionary text Ezek
dian Statues in Ancient Greek Myth and 43: 15.16 Ariel (~r~)'1 paralleled by Jzr~l,
Ritual (New York & Oxford 1992); L. R. 'mountain of God') stands for the uppermost
FARNELL, The Cults of the Greek States V part of the -·altar in the future temple (\V.
(Oxford 1909) 396-414; F. GRAF, Women, ZIMMERLI, Ezechiel [BKAT XJJU2: Neukir-
War, and Warlike Divinities, ZPE 55 (1984) chen-Vluyn 1969] 1089-1096, esp. 1093-
245-254; GRAF, Nordionische Kulte (Rome 1094). The reference in Isa 29: 1.2.7 is more
1985); A. HEUBECK, Amphiaraos, Die difficult to explain. Hcre Ariel (spelled
Sprache 17 (1971) 8-22; F. JOUAN, Le dieu ~ry~/, IQIsa8 29: I ~m'~1) refers definitely to
Ares: figure rituelle et image Ii tteraire. Le the city of Jerusalem (J. WERLITZ [BZAW
point thlologique 52 (1989) 125-140; B. 204: BerlinlNew York 1992] 310), but
MAADER, Ares, qgrE I (GBttingen 1979) again, without any clear meaning. One
1246-1265; M. PETERS, Probleme mit an- should therefore leave it untranslated in this
lautenden Laryngalen, Die Sprache 32 passage.
(1986) 365-383; L. ROBERT, Hellenica 1- Little easier is the translation of Ariel in
XIII (paris 1940-1965); ROBERT, Documents 2 Sam 23:20 (par. I Chr I I :22 ~T)'~/). In the
de l'Asie Mineure meridionale (Paris & description of Benayah's heroic deeds, the
Geneva 1966); H. SEYRIG, Les dieux annes reader is told that Benayah stroke (lIkh) two
et les Arabes en Syrie, Syria 47 (1970) 77- ~r~1 mw~b (MT; the passage is grammatical-
112; R. \V. \VALLACE. The Areopagos ly difficult, cf. the commentaries). LXX
Council to 307 B.e. (Baltimore & London reads that Benayah killed 'to~ 000 \JioU;
1989); P. WATIlELET, Ares Ie mal aime, Les Apl"'" 'tou Mcoo~. 'the two sons of Ariel the
Etudes Classiques 60 (1992) 113-128. Moabite'. Although the LXX interferes
seriously in the text, presupposing a double
J. N. BREMMER
haplogrnphy in the Hebrew text. this reading
points into the right direction. As a matter of
ARIEL ?~''"'1~~~~ fact NKH HiphciI in the historical books
I. The term Ariel occurs 16 times in never means to strike upon an object (cf.
different spellings in the OT and once in the also E. JENNI, Erls 24 [1993] 114-118), but

88
ARM

to strike down, i.e. to kill somebody, so the text (cf. R. D. WEIS in Tradition of the Text
translation with 'altar-hearth' is not applica- [FS Barthelemy: cd. G. J. Norton & S.
ble. Consequently, Ariel here designates Pisano: OBO 109; GottingenlFribourg 1991]
some kind of person, best translated a.<; 'lion 285-292) are paralleled by 'the messengers
of God' by the first of the possible etymolo- of peace' (cf. also Isa 52:7). Probably on the
gies, be it a warrior or a mythical figure of basis of this parallelism and the angelopha-
yet unknown religious background (but cf. nic context, the later tradition understood
P. BECK, The CUll'itands from Taanach, the :Jr:J/m , to be pronounced :Jer:Jellim, as a
From Nomadism to Monarchy (ed. I. Finkel- class of --angels, an evolution which may
stein & N. Na'aman; Jerusalem 1994) 352- well have been stimulated by the difficult
381 passim, for the iconography of lions on etymology of Ariel (OlYA~ 1993: 53-54.1 01
cult stands in Palestine). This interpretation with references). In the 3rd/4th century text
could be supported by a recently found 'On the Origins of the World' from Nag
bronze-silver figurine from Tell Abu el- Hamadi (NHC II, 5: 100, 25) Ariel, spelled
Khar..lz in Transjordan representing, accor- Ariael, is the epithet of the lion-faced Yald-
ding to the excavator's opinion (P. M. abaoth. In other gnostic writings Ariel beco-
FtSCHER, ADAJ 40 [1996] 101-110, esp. mes the ruler over the wind and over the
103-104 with figs. 3a-b), a male lion-faced furnaces of hell (1. MICHL, 1962:204).
warrior(-god?), which can be viewed. becau- IV, Bibliography
se of its appearance and its attributes, as a K. P. JACKSO:-:, The Language of the Mesha
male pendant to the Egyptian goddess Sekh- Inscription, Stlldies in the Mesha Inscription
met (-+lioness). In addition to this one might and Moab (ed. A. Dearman: Atlanta 1989)
point to a stele found in Qac;lbun (Syria) 96-130: 1. MICHL, Engel V (Katalog der
depicting -+Baal standing on a lion (cf. A. Engelnamen), RAC 5 (Stuttgart 1962) 200-
BOUNNI, COlllributi e materiali di arche%- 239 (& lit): S. M. OlVAN, A Thousand
gia oriellla/e 3 [1992] 141-150 with paral- Thousands Sen'ed Him. Exegesis and the
lels). Thus Ihe same mot iv, i.e. the lion a.Ii Naming of Ange/s in Ancient Judaism (TSAJ
riding-animal or as an attribute-animal to a 36; TUbingen 1993).
male god, can also be found on seals (cf. the
cone-shaped seal found in Megiddo publis-
S. MONGER
hed in: O. KEEL Studie1l zu den Stempelsie-
ge/n ails Pa/iistina/Israe/, IV [OBO 135: ARM lIiij
GottingenlFribourg 1994] 22-23, pI. 7,5 with I. Within the framework of anthropo-
parallels). morphic depictions of the divine, the arm
This connection could also fit well to the (z~roa') of God is metaphorically used to
translation of the term :Jr:J/ with 'lion figure' denote divine military, creative and caring
in the Mesha-inscription suggested by J. C. power in the Old Testament. At Isa 63: 12
L. GIBSON (TSSI I, 76 and 80). In this the 'arm of God' functions as a hypostasis.
inscription :Jr:J/ is connected to dwdh In an Aramaic inscription from Taima, about
(-+Dod), the epithet of a locally worshipped 400 Bcr. dr", 'Arm', seems to be an indica-
god in Atarot. The passage in line 12 then tion for a deity.
should be translated with 'the lion figure of II, In Ugaritic texts, mention is made of
their beloved (god)' which was dragged the gr', 'arm', of deities like -. Baal and
before --Chemosh after the fall of the Israe- --El without any specific significance olhcr
lite city. than the anthropomorphic depiction of the
III, It is mainly due to Isa 33:7, the last divine (KORPEl 1990: I09).
occurrence in the OT to be cited, that Ariel An Aramaic inscription from Taima,
entered heavenly spheres. In this lament the about 400 BCE, mentions a dedication by
:Jr:J/m (most probably the plural form of :Jr:J/: Taymu, the son of Elahu, for the life of his
for the impressive history of the term in this soul and the souls of some other persons to

89
ARTA

dr", 'Ann' (BEYER &. LIVl~GSTONE 1990). Mazdaism)", as lOMMEl wrote (1930:48).
That a deity is indicated can be inferred The written form aria in the name of the
from the parallel sentence construction in a Achaemenid king represents both the
contemporary Aramaic inscription from spccifically Old-Persian fonn of the word
Ismaila: 'This is, what Qayma. the son of and the undifferentiated pan-Iranian fonn
Geshem, the king of Qedar, has dedicated which was probably still in use at the time.
Ihn'lt, 'to (the deity) /1(11I-'£lar" (TSSl 25). In the Avesta, the sacred book of Mazdaism,
A full identification is premature, however, the word became 0$0 as a result of phonetic
in view of the fact that a deity 'Ann' is changes due to oral transmission. i probably
nowhere attested. representing a dorsal spirant that could be
III. In the aT zeroa c is not known as a noted phonetically as [hi].
deity as such. The arnl of God is rcferrcd to a$a corresponds to Vedic Sanskrit rta and
in scveral instances as a metaphorical indi- represents thercfore a notion inherited from
cation of his power (HElFMEYER 1975:652- a common Indo-Iranian tradition. Its mean-
660; KORPEl 1990:111-112). God's ann ing has been interpreted in three different
stands for military power e.g. at Exod 15: 16; ways:
Deut 4:34: Isa 30:30. This imagery is in I. Thc meaning of 'truth'-the ancient
most cases related to thc liberation out of meaning according to Plutarch (De lsit!t' et
Egypt. God's ann stands for creative power Osiride 47), who trnnslates a$a as aA1\OElO-
in texts like Isa 51:9 and Ps 89: 11.14. where has been strongly championed by LOOERS
thc imagery is linked to thc battle with thc (1959 passim), who believes it can cover
monstruous -·Rahab. God's aml is related every instance of the word. See also, more
to the dcpiction of -+ YHWH as a judge at Isa recently. SCHlERATH 1987:694-696.
51:5; 59:16 and Ezek 20:33. 34. A connec- 2. Since the very beginning of Indo-
tion with caring power is present at e.g. Iranian philology, a large number of special-
Hos II :3. YIIWH is seen as a loving father ists have shared thc opinion that such a fun-
who taught Ephraim to walk and who took damental notion as a$a/rta "cannot be
him on the ann like a little boy. 'Arm' is precisely rcndered by some singlc word in
used as a hypostasis in Isa 63: 12. Here the another tonguc" (~ee BOYCE 1975:27) and
zcroa C stands for an indepcndent power that thc word often occurs with what may be
going side by side with -.Moses and stres- the original meaning of 'order', understood
sing the function of YIIWII as -+shepherd as cosmic, social, liturgical and moral ordcr.
and Icader of his people (HELFMEYER 3. More recently, the prescnt author has
1975:656·657). defended the hypothesis that. at least in the
IV. Bibliography oldest texts, a\falrui had kept the etymologi-
K. BEYER &. A. llVI~GSTONE, Eine neue cal scnse of 'organization' or 'lay-out'
reichsaramaische Inschrift aus Taima. (Indo-European *H2rt6 -) and expressed,
ZDMG 140 (1990) 1-2: F. J. HELFMEYER. first and foremost, the principle of cohesion
zeroa c, nVAT 5 (1975), 650-660: M. C. A. of the universe. the creator of which is the
KORPEl, A Rift ill the Clouds: Ugaritic alld great god Ahura Mazda, metaphorically
Hebrew Descriptiolls of the Divine (VBl 8: reprcsentcd in thc cosmogonic pattern
MUnster 1990). showing the organization of the universe as
the putting up of a tent (KElLENs 1991 :41-
B. BECKING 47).
II. The conccpt represented by a~fa was
ARTA personified. In the ancient Avesta, A~a is the
I. The word aria, as thcophoric clement most frequently mentioncd among an undc-
in thc first pan of the name Anaxerxes (e.g. tennined number of entities composing a
Ezra 4:7), translates "the decisive confes- kind of secondary pantheon around Ahura
sional concept of Zoroastrianism (or Mazda, so that the allegory of truth or of the

90
ARTEMIS

cosmic organization is second in rank originally of hunting and animal fertility. It


among the ancient Mazdaean deities. In the occurs a" a divine name in Acts 19 (in
recent Avesta and in the Pahlavi book.'i, A~a Jewish literature only Sib. Or. 5,293-295):
ranks second in the canonical group of the moreover one of Paul's companions had the
six amesa spell1a, or "Beneficent Immortals" theophoric name 'AptE~a~, a hypocoristic
co-cxisting with the traditional Indo-Iranian derived from 'AptE~ioropo~ 'gift of Artemis'
pantheon. Its patronage of the element (Titus 3: 12). Being the divine huntress. her
-·fire, which appears clearly in Sassanid name, especially iL'i Doric-Aeolian form
Mazdaism, probably derives from the older ..Apta~l~, has been connected etymological-
conception that fire and light, pervading as ly with Attic aptapo~ 'butcher; slaughterer',
they do the world of day, enable man to see or else with ap1\(t)o~ 'bear', because the
the organization of the universe, while at the bear was one of the animals sacrificed to
same time being its essential components her. and her young priestesses were some-
(Lommel, in SCHLERATII 1976: 266-269; times called ·she-bears'. Both explanations
NARTEN 1982:121-(23). fail, however, to account for the phonetic
The concept of a!a concentrates all the difference in Attic between her name and
elements of Ma7.daean dualism. Il'i system- the adduced appellatives from that same dia-
atic opposition to the concept of dmj, or lect. unless one supposes that .,APtE~l~
'deceit' (and not simply to its negative anrta itself is not originally Attic but stems from
as in Vedic Sanskrit) creates a fundamental yet another dialect. It ha'i even been sug-
split among deities and among men, who arc gested, therefore. that the form "Apta~l~.
defined as a$aullan, 'followers of A~a', or as the other way round. owes its existence to
dreglllumt, 'deceivers'. according to whether popular etymology on the ba...is of apta~o~.
they support the one or the other principle. In the Linear-B tablets from Pylos her name
The enthronement name artadara, occurs twice. as A-te-mi-to (gen. sg). and as
'Artaxerxes'. may well be a 'Zitatname', re- A-ti-mi-te (dat. sg.). The alternative expla-
producing a common c1ausula in the ancient nation. now generally adopted. is that her
Avesta by associating, without any necess- name is not Indo-European at all, but of pre-
ary logical link, the names of the two en- Greek origin, like those of so many other
tities a!a and :c..mf}ra ('power') (KELLENS & Greek gods and heroes. In Lydian she was
PIRART 1988:40). called Artimus. in Etruscan Artumes (nom.
III. BibliogmplIy sg.), Aritimi (dat. sg.). in Imperial Aramaic
M. BOYCE, A History of Zoroastrianism. she appears a'i 'iO.ii~ (KAI 26OB7) or
Vol I (Leiden 1975) 27; J. KELLENS, Zoro- OiCiii~ (Follilles de Xall1llOs VI. p. 137 line
mitre et I'A"esta ancien (Paris 1991) 41-47: 24). Unlike that of her brother -·Apollo, the
J. KELLENS & E. PIRART. us textes "iei!- Romans and Latins did not take over her
avestiques. Vol I (Wiesbaden (988) 40: H. Greek name, but identified her, instead, with
LOMMEL. Die Religion Znratllllstras (TO- the indigenous Diana.
bingen 1930) 48; H. LOOERS, Vam~1a /I II. General Survey. In Greece Artemis is
(Gottingen (959): J. NARTEN, Die Ame$a attcstcd since 1200 BCE, and in Greek litera-
Spe~l1as im Avesta (Wiesbaden 1982) 121- ture from Homer onward. According to the
123; B. SCIlLERATH (ed.), ZnmtlIllstra most current vcrsion of her myth she was
(Darmstadt 1976) 266-269; SCIILERATII. the elder twin-sister of Apollo, the two of
A~a. Encyclopaedia lranica, Vol 2 (Lon- them being the offspring of -·Zcus and his
don/New York 1987) 694-696. first cousin Leto, a daughter of lhe -.Titans
Cocus and -. Phoebe. As the pregnant Leto
J. KELLENS had to roam in flight from -·Hem, the
jealous spouse of Zeus, she gave birth to
ARTEMIS ..APtE~l~ Artemis in Ortygia or 'quails' land', which
I. Artemis is the Greek virgin goddess some located near Ephesus. Subsequently

91
ARTEMIS

she bore Apollo in the island of Delos, at he had tried to rape her; together with her
this second birth being assisted according to brother she shot down six of the seven
some authors by her new-born daughter daughters and six of the seven sons of
Artemis. Originally the realm of Artemis Niobe, who had insulted her mother Leto for
was the world of wild animals and natural having only two children.
vegetation. Homer summarizes her character Only seldom in myth does she help a
as "Mistress of the Animals (notvla Ot1pwv), human, one of the rare instances being little
Artemis the Huntress" who uses "to kill the Atalanta who had been exposed on Mt.
animals in the mountains" (Iliad 21,470- Parthenion by her father, because he only
471;485). wanted sons. Her life was saved by a she-
Positively, therefore, she is the one who bear who suckled her. After that she grew
rules over fertility in general, in particular up to be a swift-footed virgin huntress, who
the fertility of women, over animals hunted would only marry the man that could beat
by man such as the deer and the boar. and her in running. The bear, being one of Arte-
wild trees. She is also the one who keeps mis' sacred animals, had. of course. been
under control animals that are dangerous to sent by the goddess (Apollodorus, Ubr.
mankind, such as the bear and the wolf. To 3.9.2). For the rest her myths are concerned
a lesser extent cultivated trees. cereals and with killing, and. unlike the mythology of
domesticated animals seem to have fallen other goddesses. not at all with love.
under her sway ac; well. With the other gods Being a huntress. she is often depicted
she was entitled to the first fruits of the carrying bow and arrows. So is her brother
annual crops. At Patrae. in arehaic times. the Apollo, but in his case because his original
human sacrifices made to her wore on their function probably was to protect the herds
heads garlands of corn ears (Pausanias from the attacks of wolves, hence in all
7,20.1). In Thasos she was venerated under likelihood his epithet AUKE'iO~. This is ex-
the epithet of nWA.o) or 'Protectress of plained as 'wolf-killing' by Sophocles
Foals', in other places as 6a¢v(a)ia or (Electra 6-7). but secondarily interpreted as
'Goddess of the Laurel'. Nonnally, how- 'Lycian' because his mother Leto wac; in
ever. it wali -Demeter who made the corn reality a Lycian goddess. His Homeric epi-
grow. -Poseidon who was the horse-god, thet A\lKllY£Vti~ would then be the equiv-
and Apollo to whom the laurel was especial- alent of ATltoy£VtiC;. In Troezen, to match
ly sacred. Moreover, she never competed her brother in this respect. Artemis wac;
with -Dionysus or -Athena as far as the venerated as A\lK£ia. while Apollo in his
vine or the olive tree were concerned. turn was sometimes invoked as 'the Hunter'
Negatively, she could show her power by CAype\x;, 'Aypaio~).
killing women in childbirth, by sending As Artemis had a special relation to
monsters by way of punishment. such as the women, presiding over their fertility and
'Calydonian' Boar to Calydon in order to being called upon during the hours of labour
devastate the arable land and kill the cattle, (epithets: AeXro and Aoxeia, 'protectress of
because its inhabitants had forgotten to the child-bed', IoxOOiva, 'who saves from
include her name in the invocations at the travail'), she was naturally in course of time
annual sacrifice. She changed her hunting also connected via the menstrual cycle with
companion Callisto into a she-bear, because the -moon. As a counterpart to this devel-
she was found to be pregnant. When her opment, but for other reasons, her brother
temple at Patrae had been desecrated she became the god of the sun. Here a third ety-
caused the earth to yield no harvest and sent mology of A\lKEi~ has played its part. the
diseases as well (Pausanias 7,19,3). Being one which derived it from AUKTl 'morning
generally of a rather vindictive character, twilight' (cf. Macrobius. Sat. 1,17,36-41). In
she had the hunter Actaeon killed by his both cases the connections with the celestial
own hounds for having seen her naked when bodies arc clearly secondary; they are still
bathing, and -·Orion by a scorpion because unknown to Homer. For Hesiod, too, Selene

92
ARTEMIS

and her brother -Helios are still the child- only geographical, such as 'Ephesia'. In this
ren of the Titans Hypcrion and Theia respect she was only marginally surpassed
(Theog. 371). but in Inter times Philo of by Zeus (67 epithets); but she herself sur-
Alexandria could simply say that some of passed Athena (59), Apollo (58), -Aphro-
mankind (i. e. the Greeks) "call the moon dite and Dionysus (both 27), and Demeter
Artemis" (De decal. 54). A further paral- (26). Her great popularity was undoubtedly
lelism between Artemis and Apollo is the due to the fact that she was one of the rare
unmarried status of both. Artemis being goddesses who presided over the exclusively
emphatically venerated as a virgin. This lat- female aspects of life like pregnancy, child-
ter characteristic may be in accordance with birth and the rearing of infants. When boys
the fact that the wild animals with whom and girls came of age they sacrificed a hair-
she is often associated. the deer. the boar lock to the goddess on the third and last day
and the bear. do not live in pairs. the bear of the Apatouria or clan festival. A boy did
nonnally living solitary outside the mating so when his epheby ended and he was
season. The sacrifices made to her were the enlisted in his father's phratry or clan. and
wild animals mentioned. also wolves, even a became a full-fledged citizen himself; girls
fox at Ephesus, goats, edible birds and the made this sacrifice before their marriage was
fruits of trees. There are several testimonies solemnized, probably in the phratry of the
to earlier human sacrifices having been future husband.
replaced by other rites. The most widely In various places the local calendar
known reminiscence of the former practice included a month named after Artemis: e.g.
is, of course, the story of king Agamem- Artamitios at Sparta, Artemisiaon at
non's daughter Iphigeneia, who wac; Erythrae, and Artemisios in the Macedonian
sacrificed but in the last moment replaced by calendar used in the Hellenistic kingdoms.
a hind or a she-bear. In spite of the OT In Athens the month was called Elaphe-
instances of Isaac and -~Jephtha' s daughter, bolion after her epithet Elaphebolos ('deer
pagan gods were readily criticized by Chris- huntress'); her festival, the Elaphebolia. was
tian church fathers on the point of human celebrated in this month.
sacrifices; Artemis, e.g., by Tatian (Or. In Greece Artemis was at times conflated
29,2). with other goddesses, mainly with Hecate,
Artemis wac; depicted ac; wearing a short to whom she owed her association with
hunting tunic or a long robe CApt£~t<; magical practices. Abroad she was often
lW 't£<J'tOAJU:Vl1). In iconography she is often identified with others, with several mother
accompanied by a hind and carries bow and goddesses in Asia Minor. with the Near
quiver, sometimes a torch. The latter at- Eastern -Nanea (so 2 Macc 1,13, but
tribute she assumed from the goddess Josephus' version in AnI. 12,354 has
Hecate. with whom she was often identified "Artemis"), with the Persian Anaitis, one of
because the two shared a number of charac- the three imperial deities of the later Achae-
teristics (such as her lunar associations). Her menids, with the Thracian Bendis, with the
appearance in dreams of hunters or pregnant Italian Diana, and in Egypt with (Bu)bastis,
women was considered a propitious sign, i. e. -~Bastet, the cat-goddess.
but when she appeared naked it was an ill III. As there is no way of knowing which
omen (Artemidorus, Oniroa. 2,35). Artemis the parents of Artemas (Titus 3,12)
She was widely venerated in Greece and had in mind when they gave a name to their
more particularly in Asia Minor, sometimes son, the further NT references to the god-
together with Apollo (so e. g. at Mantinea. dess are only to the Artemis of Ephesus. All
Daphne near Antioch. Syracuse). Pausanias, the same it wac; this man who unwittingly
who describes many local varieties of the retained the name of the goddess in Chris-
different deities, each with a distinctive sur- tian times, for in later tradition he was con-
name, lists no less than 64 of such epithets sidered to have belonged to the seventy
for Artemis, many of which are. of course. apostles, and to have become bishop of

93
ARTEMIS

Lystra. As a consequence a festive day was u:JkxcrtO~ opo~ 'Apt£lll0l 07tOKat£crt11CJ£v"


devoted to him in the calendar on the 21 st (IGLS 3239). The goddess, however. was
of June. also the owner of estates in the neighbour-
Artemis Ephesia was an early hood. marked by similar stones.
identification with one of the various Ana- The regular cult as well as the festivals
tolian fertility and mother goddesses. an attracted many visitors from abroad for
identification which may well go back to the whom lodging and nutrition had to be
very first Greek immigrants in the II th cen- provided. In addition to this there was a
tury BCE. The name of the indigenous god- whole industry of miniature Artemis
des~ was probably Upis (Callimachus. Hymn temples. which may have been both dedica-
10 Artemis 240) or 6pis (Macrobius, Sat. tory gifts and souvenirs. and although they
5.22,4-6). It was this particular cult of Arte- are known only from the 7th century, the
mis, which in the course of the ages. be- silver pins carrying a bee. the sacred animal
came more important than all her other local of Artemis Ephesia. were in all likelihood
cults and was world famous by the time of still fabricated in the Roman period a~ well.
Paul. Her temple, built by Chersiphron and Altogether this means that the temple of 'the
his son Metagenes, was so imposing that it Goddess' was one of the major sources of
was the only one. so Solinus, that was wealth and prosperity for Ephesus, of which
spared by king Xerxes when he was setting the economical importance can hardly be
fire to all the other Greek sanctuaries in overestimated.
Asia (Solinus 40.2-4). In 356 BCE it never- Although 'Ephesia' may have been in ori-
theless succumbed to the torch in the hand gin an Anatolian mother goddess. like the
of Herostratus, whose sole purpose it was to Phrygian Malar Kubileya (-~Cybele), the
become in this way as famous as the build- identification with Artemis was carried
ing itself; as a result his name is now better through to the very point of virginity. so that
known than those of the architects. After it the poet Antipater of Sidon around 125 nCE
had been rebuilt by Dinocrates it was tradi- could call her temple a 'Parthenon', like that
tionally reckoned among the Seven Wonders of her virgin half-sister Athena. She was
of the World. and functioned not only as a also a huntress. for hunting weapons were
sanctuary. but also as a place of asylum and carried by those who fonned her festive pro-
as a bank of deposit. In the last mentioned cession, in which horses and hounds par-
capacity it had already been used by Xeno- aded as well. The Ephesians maintained.
phon in the period between his military however. that both Artemis and Apollo had
expedition to Persia and the Spartan war been born on Asian soil. Another difference
against Boeotia. in which he also took part. was that she always wore a long robe and a
Paul's younger contemporary. Dio Chryso- kind of apron covered with what were and
stom of Prusa, describes it as a place where are usually considered to be female breasts.
people from all over the Roman empire, pri- a token of fertility. This interpretation as
vate persons. allied kings and townships. 7tOAwacrto~ goes back to Antiquity (e. g.
had deposited large sums of money (Or. Minucius Felix. OCI. 22,S). but is certainly
31,54). Although Dio denies it. there are secondary. for a similar apron is worn by
others who say that this money was also lent the male Zeus Labraundenus of Tegea. And
out (Nicolaus of Damascus Irg 65). The area as it is stated in so many words of yet an-
of the asylum had had different extents in other goddess. Berccynthia. that she was
the course of time. but was finally reduced covered with testicles, what Ephesia was
by Augustus. because it attracted too many wearing were in all likelihood the testicles
criminals (Strabo 14,1,23). The new area of the bulls sacrificed to her. The bee was
was probably marked by boundary stones her sacred animal, and as it does not itself
like the one which carries this bilingual procreate. it may have been a symbol of her
inscription: "Imp. Caesar Augustus fines chastity. It appears on the coins of Ephesus
Dianae restituit. AUtOKpatrop Ka'icrap from the 7th to the 3rd centuries BCE, after

94
ARTEMIS

that the image of the goddess herself begins dess communicated with her adherenL" and
to replace her emblem. The virgins, who worked through oracles and epiphanies, and
served in her cult as priestesses, were also is reported to have effected healings. It is
called IlEAloam 'bees', and because the often stated by modern scholars that she was
queen-bee, whose function was not under- panicularly connected with magic. This was
stood in Antiquity, was mostly thought to be indeed the case, but not particularly so, and
male and called 'the king', one of the titles she owed this connection mostly to her
of her priests was Eam;V, an indigenous being identified with Hecate, the goddess of
word for 'ruler'. According to Strabo those magic par excellence. That may explain why
priests had to be eunuchs (14,1.23), but the Christian Tatian can say rJther curtly:
Pausanias states that they only had to "Artemis is a magos" (Or. ad. Gr. 8,2). The
abstain from sexual intercourse for a period emphasis, therefore, which is laid on this
of one year (8,1.3). The change may be due aspect is hardly justified, and has probably
to the intervening edict of Hadrian, who for- been brought about by the simple fact that
bade castr.ltion even if consent was given in Acts 19 the story of the burning of magic
(Digesrae 48,8.4,2). Both priests and priest- books at Ephesus is immediately followed
esses had to sacrifice their fcrtility to the by one about the riot of the silversmiths in
goddess in their own way. favour of Artemis, but such a burning could
Without the slightest doubt it was easily have happened elsewhere, too. A
Artemis who was the most important deity second factor has undoubtedly been the fact
of the city. An inscription calls her "the that magical words and fonnulae were often
goddess who rules (7tpOEa't<ooa) our city" called 'ephesia grammata' in Antiquity. Yet
(SIG 867,29). Other epithets, like MEyiatTl, it is not at all certain that this means 'Ephes-
as well a'i MEyOAll (ACL'i 19:26; cr. Achilles ian' and a derivation from E¢eOl~ (from
Tatius 8,9,13) and npCJ>t09povia, emphasize E¢illlll 'send against; put on') is quite poss-
that she was first in rank, but certainly not ible. That such wonis were inscribed on the
the only deity venerated. No less than about statue of Artemis Ephesia is stated only by
twenty-five other gods were worshipped in Pausania" the Lexicographer (2nd cent. CE),
Ephesus, among whom there were sevCr.ll but is not corroborated by others or by
Egyptian deities. This latter point is of some iconographical data. It is also true that the
importance for the interpretation of Acts 19, name of Artemis, or characteristic epithets
because it underlines that the opposition of hers like 'Ioxcmpa or A\)K'oo arc found in
described wa'i hardly against the introduc- the magical papyri, in the hymns and
tion of a foreign god a" such. prayers that fonn pan of them, but here
As the bilingual boundary stone of again, nearly always together with the name
Augustus shows, the Romans also referred of Hecate or epithets of hers like Tpl-
to Artemis Ephesia as 'Diana'. In fact the K'c.ipavo~, TPlOOi'tl~, Kvvro, etc. Only once
cult statue in her temple on the Aventine does she occur here with her epithet
Hill in Rome was supposed to be the copy AUK'mva, and without Hecate, in a spell for
of the statue in Marseille, which, in turn, procuring knowledge of future events in
was a replica of the Ephesian statue (Strabo which now also -·Isis, -·Osiris, -·Amun.
4,1,5). Consequently, the Vulgate version -·Moses. lao. and -·Helios -·Mithras playa
also has 'Diana' in Acts 19, and this was part (PGM 111 434). Finally, the collection
then taken over by Luther's version, the of magical papyri contains a love chann
King James Version, etc. which does not mention Artcmis. but only
The Ephesian goddess had filial sanctu- her or Selene's epithet Phosphoros. The
aries all over the world. not only in nearby verso of this papyrus makes it clear, how-
Grecce (Alea; Scillus, founded by Xeno- ever. who this particular Phosphoros is, as it
phon), but also in Ma"salia (Marseille), and carries a drawing which unmistakably
even as far away as Hemeroscopion in Spain depicL'i the 'many-breasted' Artemis Ephesia.
(Denia). Acconiing to inscriptions the god- Moreover, it makes mention of Phnun, here

95
ARTEMIS

rother "the Abyss" than the Egyptian god for them to collect their own temple-tax and
Nun, and ends with a triple invocation of send it to Jerusalem. Both questions reveal
laO (PGM LXXVIII). The latter two in- that the Jewish practice wali considered
stances may show how syncretistic magic detrimental to the local economy, all citizens
could be: a situation in which the distinctive having to contribute to Artemis. for in-
charocter of each individual deity is hardly stance, instead of tronsferring large sums
highlighted. abroad. The Jews on their part objected
In Ephesus the whole month Artemisian against having to appear in law-courts on
was sacred to her and all its days were holy the -.sabbath, and also against military ser-
days, which implied ;111. al. that all juridical vice. The Roman officials. however. re-
activity had ceased. The main festival was peatedly reinforced the principle of iso-
the Artemisia during which sacrifices, ban- nomy, so that the Jews could not be forced
quets, processions and games took place. to transgress their own laws. It should be
There were also mysteries and mystic noted in this connection that, in general.
sacrifices. but no further details are known Jews were not averse to bearing pagan
about their char-Icter, except that they were theophoric names. As far as Artemis is con-
performed by the college of six or more cerned. this is confirmed by an Egyptian
'curctes', in the sacred grove 'Ortygia', or papyrus from the 2nd cent. BCE which men-
on Mt. Solmissos above it (Strabo 14,1,20). tions a "Dositheos, son of Artemidoros,
They were named after those ancient curctes Jew" (CPJ 30,18); Dio Cassius, too, makes
or nnned dancers who, at the birth of mention of an Artemion, who wa.; the leader
Artemis, had made such a terrible noise that of the Jewish revolt in Cyprus around 117
they frightened away the jealous -'Hera. CE (Roman Hist. 68,32).
This motif has undoubtedly been taken over This unstable equilibrium was en-
from the story of the birth of Zeus in Crete, dangered when Paul, oUl'iide the synagogue.
in which the curetes playa comparable role. started to preach that man-made idols were
The original function of these priests may not gods at all (Acts 19.9-10; 26; cf. 17,29).
have been to represent the Artemis temple Apparently, this idea had thusfar never been
and its estates in the city council of Ephesus. propagated by Jews except within their own
IV. The presence of Jews in Asia goes congregation. Earlier, persons who had
back at least to about 345 nCE when the insulted and violated the filial cult of the
philosopher Aristotle met there with a Jew goddess in Sardis had even been sentenced
who had come from Coele-Syria and who to death (/. Eph. la.2; IV BCE). Quite under-
could converse with him in Greek (Josephus, standably, since Paul was naturally to be
Apion 1,176-182). King Seleucus 1 started to considered as one of its members, the other
grant to the Jews who lived there civic Jews wanted to put things right by distanc-
rights in specific places, and so probably did ing themselves from him or even declaring
his grandson Antiochus II (Josephus Alii. him to be an apostate (Acts 19:33-34). This,
12,119; 125). These rights amounted at least however, did not help much. The motley
to isonomia (ibid. 16.160), which implied crowd that flocked together in the theatre
that Jews were allowed to live there in apparently knew quite well that the Jews,
accordance with their own laws and although they did not directly endanger the
customs, so that Jewish and Greek legis- manufacture and sale of the silver Artemis
lation were both treated as equally valid by temples, were not venerotors of the goddess
the king. Such a construction harbours, of either. The core of Paul's preaching against
course, the seeds of conflicts, and these her, viz. that her statue wa.; man-made and
arose on several occasions during the first not divine, was dismissed by the 'secretary'
century BCE. The pagans asked whether of the city as incorrect by the use of one
Jews were not obliged to venerate their single word only. He simply reminded his
gods, too, and whether it was permissible audience of the fact that the statue was 010-

96
ARVAD

JtCtEC;, "fallen down from Zeus" or "from the Goths in 263 CE and ended up as a
heaven" (Acts 19,35), and therefore of di- Christian church; it was rather the retreating
vine origin. In some cases this could imply sea, which, through the silting up of the
that an image had been made out of a me- estuary of the river Cayster, ultimately
teorite, but it is known for a fact that the caused Ephesus to become desolate with
statue of Artemis Ephesia was a rather dark temple and all.
wooden image (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 16.213- V. Bibliography
214). Centuries earlier the Athenian audi- F. GRAF, Nordionische Kllite (Rome 1985)
ence of Euripides found nothing contradic- 227-249, 410-417; K. HOENN, Artemis.
tory in the assenion that a wooden image of GestairwandeJ einer GOllin (ZOrich 1946);
Anemis had as such fallen down from M. P. NILSSON, Geschichte der griechischen
heaven (lph. Tallr. 87-88; 977; 1044-1045). Religioll. vol. I (Munich 1955) 483-500; vol.
In the 2nd century, Athenagoras wrote an II (Munich 1961) 368-369 (= Anemis Ephe-
apology for the Christian religion to Marcus sia); H. J. ROSE. A Halldbook of Greek
Aurelius and his son Commodus. It devotes Mythology (London [6th ed. 1958] 1965)
a whole chapter to famous cult statues of the 112-119; E. SIMON et al., liMe 11.1 (1984)
time and mentions the various sculptors who 618-855; H. WALTER, Griechische GOller.
had carved them so as to show that they Ihre Gestaltwandel ails dell BewlIsstseinsslll-
were man-made and not divine. It is certain- fen des Menschen dargestelJt an den Bi/d-
ly no coincidence that the statue of Anemis werke/l (Munich 1971) 203-216; R. FLEI-
of Ephesus opens the enumeration because SCIIER. Artemis \'on Ephesos lind \'enm/ldte
of its role in the NT. Athenagoras ascribes it Kllitstalllen ails Allatolien IIl1d Syrien
to Endocus, a pupil of the well-known (EPRO 35; Leiden 1973); NewDocs 4
Daedalus who was the architect of the (1987) nrs 19 and 28; 5 (1989) nr 5 (pp.
Cretan labyrinth (SlIpp. 17,4). 104-107); 6 (1992) nrs 29 and 30 (Anemis
In the Letter to the Church of Ephesus in Ephesia).
the Book of Revelation, the congregation is
praised for not having yielded to the doc-
G. MusslEs
trine of the Nicolaitans (2:6), which held
that Christians were allowed to eat meat ARVAD ,,~~
sacrificed to idols (2: 14-15). At Ephesus this I. The city of Arvad (modem Ruad) is
would cenainly have involved the Anemis- the most nonhem of Phoenician cities, situ-
cult. Some fony years earlier Paul, likewise, ated on an island two miles off-shore. Less
had forbidden this practice as long as it illustrious than Tyre and Sidon, Arvad and
more or less implied one's panaking of a its inhabitants are mentioned only a few
sacred pagan meal (1 Cor 8; 10:28). But if times in the Bible (Gen 10:18//1 Chr 1:16;
such meat had found its way from a temple Ezek 27:8.11). It has been said that the city
to a market it was, according to Paul. is homonymous with an Assyrian deity
sufficiently secularized for Christians to eat (LEWY 1934).
it (1 Cor 10:25-27). II. In Neo-Assyrian annals, the city of
The Jewish attitude towards the Anemis- Arvad is sometimes referred to as Ar-ma-da
cult can hardly ever have been much more (5. PARPOLA, Neo-Assyriall Topollyms (AOAT
positive than that of the Christians. and must 6; Neukirchen-Vluyn 1970] 37). This spel-
have been comparable to some kind of ling corresponds exactly to that of the god
armistice. The 5th book of the Sibylline Armada whose name ha.<; been read in a
Oracles, written under Marcus Aurelius. dedicatory brick inscription of Shalmaneser
openly predicts her downfall, saying that her III (858-824 DCE). The text in question (0.
temple "by yawnings and quakes of the SCHROEDER, Kei/schrifttexte ails Assllr his-
earth" will fall into the sea (293-297). Ironi- torischen III/wIts, Vol. 2 [WVDOG 37;
cally, the temple survived vandalization by Leipzig 1922J no. 103) quotes the king as

97
ASHAM

saying "a golden (statue 00 Armada of the courtesy D. Arnaud) the entry corresponding
temple of Assur my lord, which did not to sgr w i{m is dbar Ii dgir3' indicating that
exist before, I made upon my own intuition" i!m is the Ugaritic equivalent of the Mesop-
(lines 4-6: dAr-ma-da sa E As+slIr EN-ia, sa otamian deity Bum (on this deity see
ina pa-na la ib-SII, ina bi-sa-at sA-ia sa EDZARD 1965; ROBERTS 1972: cf. -Fire).
KU.GI e-p,,-slI: for a translation of the text The identification of Shaggar with a
sec also ARAB I, no. 709 and E. MICHEL, -moon deity is explicit in Hieroglyphic
Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III. (858- Hittite correspondences to syllabically
824), WO 1/4 [1949] 25-271, esp. 268-269 written personal names (d30 = sa-ga+rali:
no. 23). SCHROEDER concluded that -'(jAr- E. LAROCHE. Akkadica 22 [1981] 11; H.
ma-da was presumably the principal god of GONNET, apud D. ARNAUD, Textes s)'riens
the homonymous city and territory of Arvad" de /'age du Bronze Recem [AulOr Suppl I;
(1922: 168): LEWY adopted the same conclu- Barcelona 1991] 199, 207). while in an
sion (1934). Except for this one text, howe- Emar ritual the fifteenth day of the month is
ver, a deity Armada is never mentioned in ascribed to Shaggar (D. ARNAUD, AIl1ma;re
the cuneiform sources. There is the distinct de I' Ecole Pratiqlle des Halites Etudes.
possibility that the reading is based on an Section des Sciences Religiellses 92 [1983-
error (of either the ancient scribe or the 84] 234: idem. Emar VU3 [1986] 350-66,
modem copyist). Even if there ever was a =
text 373 Msk 74292a + 74290d + 74304a
god Armada, we cannot be sure of the con- + 7429Oc). It appears thus that this deity not
nection with the city of Arvad, as the topo- only had a connection with small cattle (cf.
nym is spelled in quite different ways: the COOPER 1981:415-416: cf. -~Sheger) but
writing A-m-ad-da for instance is far more also with the moon, and the pair sgr w i{m
frequent (PARPOLA, AOAT 6, 37). thereby shows a certain similarity to the ad
III. In the few instances in which Arvad =
hoc pair )"rb w rfp (/\7U I.l07: 15 line 40'
is mentioned in the Bible, there is no hint of in the re-edition of PARDEE 1988). Given
a divine nature of the city or a god by that the fact that Yarihu is the primary lunar
name. deity at Ugarit and Rashap the primary
IV. Bibliography underworld deity (-~Resheph), Shaggar and
J. LEWY. Les textes paleo-assyriens et Yarihu would bear a functional resemblance
I' Ancien Testament. RHR 110 (1934) 49: O. to each other (Shaggar being perhaps the
SCHROEDER, Zur Rezipierung des dAr-ma-da deity of the full moon). while 'I!um would
unter Salmanassar III., ZA 34 (1922) 168- be related to Rashap as gum is related to
169: E. UNGER, Arwad, RIA I (1932) 160- -~Nergal in Mesopotamian religion (cf.
16I. EDZARD 1965; ROBERTS 1972).
Finally. the connection between the cer-
K. VAN DER TOORN tain divine name ipll and the form i!mh in
KTU 1.108: 14 cannot be elucidated because
ASHAM l::j~ i!mh occurs in a badly broken context (cf.
I. The divine name i!m is attested as the PARDEE 1988 chap. II).
second clement of the divine binomial sgr w III. In the absence of a Ugaritic example,
i!m in the sacrificial list recorded on RS there is no evidence for the existence of a
24.643 \'erso (KTU 1.148:31) and has been Semitic or biblical deity whose name is
interpreted as related to the Hebrew word based on the root denoting 'guilt'. ASTOUR's
'lisa"" 'guilt' and 'guilt-offering' (ASTOUR tentative identification (1966) must therefore
1966:281-282). be rejected (see also COOPER 1981 :344-345:
II. A new syllabically written 'pantheon' W ANSBROUGH 1987).
text from Ras Shamrn now lays to rest the IV. Bibliography
identification of i!m with Hebrew 'lisam. In M. C. ASTouR. Some New Divine Names
1992.2004: 14 (reading and interpretation from Ugarit, lAOS 86 (1966) 277-284; A.

98
ASflERAfI

COOPER, Divine Names and Epithets in the denominative, 'wife', 'consort', is allrnctive.
Ugaritic Texts, RSP III (1981) 333-469; D. A new proposal by WATSON (1993) is sug-
O. EDZARD, WhAt)"rh I (1965) 90-91: D. gested by the title 'Mistress of fates' (be-Ie-
PARDEE, US textes para-mythologiqlles de elt] si-ma-tim) which occurs in a hymn to
la 24e campaglle (196/) (RSO IV: Paris -·AmulTIl in parallel with daJ-ra-tlllm Ji?]-
1988) 227-256; PARDEE, US textes ritllels ma-tim. On the basis of this he suggests that
(RSO; Paris, f.c.) chap. 66; J. J. M. a!rt ym may be construed ac; 'She who or-
ROBERTS, n,e Earliest Semitic Pamheon. A ganises the day'. In any event a West Se-
Study {If the Semitic Deities Attested ill mitic origin for the goddess is most likely
Mesopotamia before Ur III [Baltimore 1972J (DAY 1986:386; WIGGINS 1993:278)-cvcn
40-41: J. W ANSBROUGH, Antonomasia: the though the earliest evidence is in Akkad-
Case for Semitic TM, Figurati\'e ulIIguage ian-so that a West Semitic etymology
ill the A"ciem Near East (eds. M. Mindlin, should be sought. We may be sure that all
et al.; London 1987) 103-116. possible wordplays were entertained by the
ancients, however, in exploring her theol-
D. PARDEE ogy, so that ruling an etymology out of
account on philological grounds does not
ASHERAH i1-,j~ rule out possible mythological and theologi-
I, The Hebrew term )iHenl, ){Hen;, cal developments, or cult-tiLles ac; suggested
seems to be used in two senses in the Bible, above. This 'symbolic extension' of divine
as a cultic object (asherah) and as a divine names is often not sufficiently recognised by
name (Ashemh). scholars.
It is the presence of possibly cognate II, Ugarit. Ugaritic literature provides
words in other Semitic languages, where our primary source concerning the goddess.
goddesses arc frequently understood to be The name is spelt a!rt, usually vocalised as
denoted, that has raised interesting questions 'Athirat(u)', or, following Hebrew conven-
for the interpretation of the OT references, tion, 'Asherah'. She appears in the follow-
and the linguistic problems are now com- ing contexts. In the 'Baal cycle' of myths,
pounded by the inscriptions of Khirbet el KTU 1.1-6, she is a great goddess, mother of
Qom and Kuntillet Ajrud. The etymological the minor gods of the pantheon, referred to
possibilities are considerable. Thus South as 'the seventy sons of Athirat' (sb'm bn
Arabic a!r means 'shining'; Hebrew )aser afrt, KTU 1.4 vi:46), who intercedes for
means 'happy' (cf. the tribal name Asher, ·Baal and -·Anat before -+EI (KTU 1.4 iv),
which may be a divine name in origin), or and who supplies a son to reign following
'upright' (which is consonant with the prob- the descent of Baal into the netherworld
able pole-structure of the cultic object, the (A'TU 1.6 i:45-55). In one obscure episode
asherah); Hebrew )(Har, Ugaritic )a!r, may (cf. A7U 1.4 ii:I-11 with 4 iii:15-22) it is
mean 'to advance, walk' (exploited in expla- possible that she attempts to seduce Baal, or
nations of the goddess as 'walker', or is thought by him to have done so (HOFF-
'trampler', but denied in this sense by NER 1990:69). It may also be that Baal kills
MARGAl1T 1990:268); the common noun atr large numbers of her children (KTU 1.4
Cafr), meaning '(sacred) place' is mo~t ii:23-26 with 1.6 v: 1-4; HOFFNER 1990:69).
widely attested in the Semitic languages She appears to be the consort of EI (if),
(ALBRIGHT, A1SL 41 [1925] 99-100: DAY though this is nowhere stated. In the Keret
1986:388), and perhaps offers the least story, KTU 1.14-16, the king, while travel-
difficulties, as being able to stand on its ling to claim his bride, makes a vow to
own, and may represent the original sense, "Athirat of the Tyrians, and the goddess of
though MARGALlT'S suggestion (1990, pas- the Sidonians" (KTU 1.14:38-39), indicating
sim), of a wife 'following' her husb~md that the poet regards her as a goddess of
(Ugaritic afr = 'after'), and therefore as a Tyre and -·Sidon (but cf. B. MARGALIT, UF

99
ASHERAH

28 [1996] 453-455). When the vow is bro- possible assocIatIOns with Tema (cf. Hab
ken, her vengeance entails the complete 3:3 - LXX renders both lema' and lemon of
undoing of all El's plans to redeem Keret. MT by Thaiman). The reading is however
Further, the heir to Keret's throne is descri- questioned by CROSS (CBQ 48 [1986] 387-
bed as one "who will drink the milk of Athi· 394) and DAY (1992:485).
rat, draining the breast of the Virgin [ ]" Philistine. Excavations in Tel
(KTU 1.15 ii:27 -the completion of the MiqneJEkron have brought to light a few
lacuna by -'Anat' is gratuitous: WYAlT, dedicatory inscriptions mentioning the god-
UF 15 [1983] 273-274 and n. 13). This has dess 'srh. The inscriptions were engraved
an important bearing on the goddess' ideolo- on jars whose content.. probably were desti-
gical role, suggesting that kings are made ned for the cult of the deity or her symbol
qua...i-divine by divine suckling. Apart from (DOTHAN 1990; GmN 1990; GmN
mention in sacrificial and pantheon lists, the 1993:250; DonlAN & GmN 1994). A royal
goddess also appears in two theogonic texts, dedicatory inscription from Ekron mentions
/\7U 1.12 i and 1.23, the former describing in line 3 a goddess PIg)'''. who as yet has
the birth of 'the Devourers' to the hand- not been identified. Her epithet 'dl", 'his
maids of Athirat and Yarihu, the latter lady' (-·Adat), might indicate that she was
describing two wives of EI (seemingly Athi- identified with the local semitic deity Ashe-
rat and perhaps Shapsh) who consummate rah (GmN, DOTHAN & NAVEH 1997, esp.
their marriage with him, and give birth to 11-12).
-Shahar and -·Shalem, the -Dioskouroi. Egypt. Athirat has been identified as
These texts have a bearing on several bibli- 'Qudshu' ('the -·Holy One') appearing in
cal traditions, such a.'i Gen 16, 19:30-38, Ps KTU 1.2 i:21 etc. (the phrase bn qds being
8 etc. (WYAlT 1993). The goddess' name misconstrued as 'the sons of Qudshu'), and
appears in the longer title rbl afrt ym, mean- thus a link is made between her and the so-
ing perhaps 'the Great Lady who walks on called Qudshu stelae from Thebes (so most
the Sea' (the name therefore apparently recently DAY 1986:388-389, 399). However,
understood as 'Walker'), but this should not on the stelae the name reads qdsl (feminine),
be understood to point to the true etymology and there is in any case no justification for
(above), and is not falsified by an appeal to identifying the goddess of the stelae with
etymology, being perhaps an example of Athirat. Furthermore, the qds of the Ugaritic
'popular' (rather 'hieratic') etymologising. texts should be construed as denoting EI, or
Likewise, WATSON'S proposal (1993) has at less probably as the abstract 'holiness'. If
least this status, and would also be conso- this term referred to Athirat, it would re-
nant with occa....ional hints that she has solar quire a final I to denote the feminine. Reiter-
connections (such as the pairing with ation of elementary errors of this sort by
Shapsh in KTU 1.23). subsequent generations of scholars only
Under West Semitic evidence we should compounds the error! (See WIGGINS 1991
also note the personal name Abdi-Afirta, for a sober view on these matters; see also
occurring in various transcriptions as a ruler -Holy One)
of Amurru, Ugarit's neighbour to the south, Mesopotamia. The forms Asralll(m),
mentioned some 92 times in the Amarna let- AJiralll, Afirrll (here 'Ashratu') appear in-
ters (EA). In the hymn cited by WATSON frequently in Akkadian and Hittite docu-
(1993), Ashratum is the consort of the god ments, and give only the sketchiest informa-
Amurru. In addition, she appears in a letter tion concerning the goddess. The fact that
from Taanach dating to the 15th century she appears as the consort of Amurru
(AL8RIGHT, RASOR 94 [1944] 18, Taanach (above) is evidence of Ashratu(m)'s Amor-
letter I, I. 21) and in one Aramaic inscrip- ite (thus, West Semitic) origin. The earliest
tion (KAI 228) as a goddess of Tema. This reference is in a votive inscription in Sumer-
last is of interest in view of -·Yahweh's ian from Hammurabi's time (18th century),

100
ASHERAH

BM 22454. In this her epithets include South Arabia. cannot be decided on the
'daughter-in-law of An', 'Lady of volup- basis of the evidence available.
tuousness and happiness' and 'Lady with III. The term (ltd-'iBera, var. ',isera),
patient mercy'. She also appears in a num- appears some 40 times in MT, usually with
ber of god-lists. the list K. 3089 indicating the article. When the plural is used. the
that she had a temple in Babylon. and on a forms 'aserim and ',Herat both occur. A
number of cylinder-seals and impressions. cultic object appears most commonly to be
Ashratum also appears in one personal name denoted, which can be 'made' eSII), 'cut
from the time of Hammurabi: Asratllm- down' (KRT) and 'burnt' (SRP). Probably a
Ummi. Finally, she is mentioned in three stylised tree, or a lopped trunk, is in-
ritual texts from the Seleucid period. The tended-sec Deut 16:2 I. which prohibits the
Sumero-Akkadian evidence has been recent- 'planting' of any tree (or: wood) as an
ly summarised and evaluated by WIGGINS asherah. .md Judg 6:25-26, where it can
(1993: 190-217). become sacrificial fuel-and is frequently
A Hittite text contains the myth of singled out for opprobrium by the Deutero-
Elkunirsha (->EI-creator-of-the-earth) and nomist. However, not only is the attitude of
Ashertu, which appears to be derived by the biblical writers not entirely consistent.
Human mediation from a Canaanite proto- but neither is the usage, the article being
type. Elkllmirfa is generalIy accepted as a absent. or not presupposed by suffixes, in 8
transcription of *U qll)' ar$ (cf. Gen 14: 19). ca~es. The ternl also appears in both singu-
and Afertll a'\ one of a!rt. This narrates how lar and plural. and in the latter can apparent-
the goddess tries to seduce the storm-god ly be ma'\culine or feminine (the latter is
(Tesub = Baal ->Hadad). When he reports however dubious-sec below). Furthermore.
this to Elkunirsha, he is told to humiliate the the matter of the reference of a given pas-
goddess. But he does this, both sexually, sage, to cuJtic object or goddess, is indepen-
apparently (see HOFFNER'S translation: cf. dent of the usc of the article. This is clear
ANET 519), and by telling her how he killed from the fact that in every instance where
her children. She and Elkunirsha then plot 'Baal' is mentioned in the Hebrew Bible,
against the storm-god, but Anat-Ashtart the article is used (allowed for in this in-
reveals their plotting to him. The storm-god stance by GK § 126d, on the ground that it is
is then apparently injured (through witch- specifying a generic term), as it is with a
craft?), but is subsequently exoreised. number of the 'Ashtoreth' (->Astarte) ref-
(HOFFNER 1990:69-70) erences. Since in both these cases there is no
Arabia. A goddess Athirat has been dis- question of it not being a deity of some kind
cerned in the epigraphic South Arabian that is referred to, whether specific or gen-
inscriptions. dating from the mid-first mil- eric. it follows that the same rule may at
lennium BCE. The term a!n occurs in least in principle apply in the case of 'the
various inscriptions in the dialects of the asherah·. The presence or absence of the
region, and can mean 'sanctuary', in addi- article is therefore not, in the present writer's
tion to being a divine name in some in- view, a determinant in our analysis; what it
stances. Unfortunately. very little informa- probably does is to remove the proper name
tion can be gleaned for our purposes from status of the noun, making it into a general
the texts. RES 35348 and 3550 mention a term for a deity. though the use of the ar-
temple of Wadd and Athirat, while RES ticle with 'e/iihim in its designation of the
3689 alludes to offerings to <Amm and god of Israel suggests that the mechanical
Athirat. Wadd is the Qatabanian moon-god, application of grammatical rules may be
and <Amm the national god. who may be premature (see above: GK § I26d). The first
lunar, and thus another name for Wadd. problem with the biblical allusions is there-
Whether or not Athirat is the consort of the fore where a goddess is to be discerned
god in each case. and is therefore solar in behind the references and where the cult

101
ASHERAH

object. It is general contextual consider- that Maacah made an "obscene thing for
ations which are to be taken into account. (the) asherah" (mjple~el /ci'iHera) and that
Thus references to constructing, erecting, Asa cut it (sc. the 'obscene thing', not the
removing or burning the asherah arc in prin- asherah) down. The Kgs text has the article,
ciple to be understood as referring to the the Chr text omits it. The principle of the
cult object. LXX apparently understood its article with divine names noted above
arboreal nature by its commonest translation applies, and there is no need to see a shift in
as a/S05. 'grove'. The Mishnah ('Abodah understanding between the two versions.
Zarah 3:7) regards the Asherah as a tree. The Kgs passage undoubtedly has the god-
We shall consider below the relationship dess in mind (and apparently has her left
between object and deity. standing!), though the article reduces her
The most important single source is the name to a generality. I Kgs 18: 19 mentions
Deuteronomistic History. which contains 24 400 prophets of Asherah: the article is used,
of the 40 references. One of its chief con- but the deity must be intended, unless the
cerns is cultic purity, a strictly monolatrous text be rejected as a gloss, as by some com-
Yahwism, and it therefore regards the pres- mentators. LXX repeaL-; the phrase at v 22,
ence of the asherah as evidence of apostasy. and there is no objective reason for omitting
The Deuteronomistic historians have done it here. In the accompanying reference to the
their work so well that scholars arc prone to 450 prophets of Baal, the article is of course
talk of the asherah and other cultic elements used, so both divine names must, on reten-
as evidence of syncretism, or of (extraneous) tion of the text, be interpreted consistently. 2
'Canaanite' elements in the Israelite and Kgs 13:6 appears to be an attempt to incor-
Judahite cults. In view of the epigraphic evi- porate the asherah among the sins of Jero-
dence to be discussed below, it is safer to boam (though this is originally singular, as
begin from the supposition that the religion in I Kgs 16: 19, and refers to the calf-images
of both kingdoms only gradually moved of I Kgs 12:28-29). REB translates h(j'lHera
towards monolatry and then monotheism, here as the divine name, but the sacred pole
through prophetic and Dcuteronom(ist)ic is probably intended. 2 Kgs 21:7 states that
influence, and was otherwise, at both popu- Manassch 'sct up an image of the asherah',
lar and official levels, basically polytheistic which again appears to refer to the goddess
in nature. Furthennore, there is no justi- (so REB). But the verse should perhaps be
fication for ideas of 'foreignness' about the harmonised with v 3, which simply alludes
Canaanite elements in religion in Palestine. to the sacred pole. Finally within the
Israel and Judah are to be seen as wholly Deuteronomistic History, 2 Kgs 23:4-7, in
within that cultural tradition. Historically the account of Josiah's reform, v 4 refers to
speaking, it is their emergence from it which items made labbacal we/Q'ii.f(ra, 'for (the)
is striking (though often overstated) rather Baal and for (the) Ashemh', while v 7
than its inherently alien nature. If we set speaks of the 'clothes' (bOl/lm: perhaps
aside those passages which treat the asherah 'shrines'?, WIGGll'iS 1993:165) the women
specifically as an object to which certain wove for the ashemh. The first of these
things could be done, we are left with the verses can only refer to the goddess, while
following passages which may reasonably the second is ambiguous, since it may be a
be understood to denote the goddess. matter of hangings for the sacred pole.
Judg 3:7 is a general statement on apos- Among the other 16 references to the
tasy, and states that the Israelites served the asherah, 15 are in the plural, and thus clear-
Baals and the •Asheroth'. This would be a ly do not denote the goddess. They mnge
generic use of the term, but should be cor- from Exod 34: 13 (thoroughly Dcutero-
rected in accordance with Judg 2: 13, where nomistic in style), through II references in
the goddess(es) are called Ashtaroth 2 Chr (of which only 15:16 [I Kgs 15:13] is
('Allarol). 1 Kgs 15:13 (= 2 Chr 15:16) says singular), most of which parallel the same

102
ASHERAH

data in Kgs. t\\·o references in Isaiah (17:8 objects can. through cultic use. become the
and 27:9) and one each in Jeremiah (17:2) media for hierophanies, and yet turns this
and Micah (5: 13). The paucity of prophetic argument in on itself as a parody of true
references is striking. and raises the possibil- religion. The real significance of Isa 17:8,
ity that the violent objection to goddess and with its reference to 'the work of his hands,
cult object belongs to one particular theol- and what his fingers have made', is however
ogical school (viz. the Deuteronomistic) in to be determined by Isa 2:8, where the
Judah. Above all, the absence of any ref- identical formula, with singular suffixes in a
erence in Hosea is cause for surprise. context of plural verbs. can only indicate
(WELLIIAUSEN'S proposal for 14:9 [Die that it is Yahweh's hands and fingers that
k/eine Proplletell (Berlin 18983) 20] remains have made the objects. And this is no simple
conjectural.) The few prophetic allusions statement of creatureliness, but a metnphor
noted arc all best explained as later addi- of theogony. The ashemh is indeed the work
tions to the text. All the plural forms are in of Yahweh's hands and fingers. but in a
the masculine. with the exception of 2 Chr mythological sense (see WYATT 1994). The
33:3. which has the feminine plural. Since Isaianic reference to the asherah is thus fully
the parallel in 2 Kgs 21:3 has the singular. aware of the dangerous power of the god-
there is a case for emendation here. All the dess. Her reality is not in question, and the
plural occurrences in the Deuteronomistic distinction between deity and cult object is
History are also masculine. and since we ultimately not an ancient, but a modern one.
have already discounted Judg 3:7, it means This brings us to the intriguing question
that the only genuine pluml form is mascu- of the supposed 'Yahweh's Asherah', turn-
line. (There may be a case for a further ing up as the only extm-biblical evidence for
instance of the masculine plural use: I Sam the goddess, if to be so construed. in two
7:3 has in MT w~h{lastcirot. but LXX reads sites, Khirbet el Qom and Kuntillet Ajrud.
...kai ta a/set presupposing llci'iiser;m. On walls at the former. and on pithoi at the
Why is the masculine form used in the latter, inscriptions have been found. giving
plural usage? WIGGINS (1993: 169-170, 186) rise to a lively debate. For a thorough sur-
suggests that in the Deuteronomistic History vey see HADLEY (1989). Space precludes
the usage is in accordance with the double lengthy discussion here. The inscriptions
redaction principle: the feminine singular refer to yllwll ulsnll, yllwll smm w',frtll and
references are by and large preexilic. the y/nrll 111111 w'srrlr. "Yahweh (Yahweh of
masculine pluml ones exilic. This then be- Samaria, Yahweh of Ternan [probably = K.
comes normative. among later editors and Ajmd]) and his 'aseref'. In all cases the
writers who may have only the vaguest idea. deity and his 'lHera are invoked for blessing
if any, what the singular term actually and protection. The status of the 'iUera is
denoted. The plural term is a code-word for problematic. It cannot be the divine name
something cultically deviant. according to the grammatical rule which
The usage of 'asera. in the singular precludes a proper noun taking a suffix; but
denoting the goddess or the cult object, and we have seen that the use of the article in
in the plural meaning the latter. and MT is not detemlinative in the debate. If it
developing the vaguer sense just noted, is an is the cult object. it may nevertheless have
excellent basis for discussion of the whole been viewed as notcd abovc. that is with no
Israelite and Judahite attitude to image- practical distinction drawn between object
worship ('idolatry' is a pejorative tenn). The and the deity symbolised. Some kind of
first principle in the understanding of this is divine reference is supported by two icono-
the deliberate perversity of the biblical view graphical features found in context. Inscrip-
(e.g. at Isa 17:8: 44:9-20: Jer 2:27-28) which tion 3 at Khirbet el Qom is written above an
recognises the inherently 'incarnational' engraved hand. This has a widely attested
thought of image-worship. that man-made apotropaic significance (SCHROER 1983), but

103
ASHERAH

may also be tentatively linked with the hand in the Baal cycle. pointc; to her role in king-
symbol of Tllnit of Carthage, the prototype ship rituals. as 'incarnate' in the chief
of which appeared on a stela at Hazor. A queen, who in Ugarit appears to have borne
link between Tanit and Asherah is possible, the title rabilll. 'Great Lady', (GORDON
though unproven (see discussion in HVID- 1988) which is used of Asher.ili herself as
BERG-HANSON 1979: 115-119). One of the well as of Shapsh, and which would corre-
K. Ajrud pithoi has three figures drawn spond to the office of gebira, also something
below the inscription. To the right a seated like 'Great Lady' in Israelite and Judahite
figure plays a stringed instrument. To the royal ideology. Maacah, a gebira, is noted
left two figures are flanked by a diminutive for her particular devotion to Ashernh in 1
bull. Attempts to identify these figures with Kgs 15: 13, and Bathsheba is undoubtedly to
Bes are quite unwarranted. MARGALIT'S be seen fulfilling the role in 1 Kgs 2: 13-19
explanation of them as "Yahweh and his (WYATT, ST 39 [1985J 46; UF 19 [1987J
consort" (1990:277, see above etymology) is 399-404). AHLSTRCht very appositely calls
cogent, and consistent with details of the the Judahite queen "the ideological replica
drawings. But perhaps judgment should be of the mother of the gods ..... (1976:76; cf.
reserved. ACKERMANN 1993). It is this inseparable tie
The conclusion many scholars have with the royal cultus which may explain the
drawn that Asherah was the consort of goddess' apparently complete disappearance
Yahweh may be approached from another from the post-exilic world. though echoes of
angle. If Yahweh developed out of local her are discernible in the figure of -.Wis-
Palestinian fonns of EI, then we might dom (LANG 1986:60-81).
expect a simple continuity of the old El- IV. Bibliography
Asherah (IIu-Athirat) relationship which S. ACKERMAN, The Queen Mother and the
appears to obtain at Ugarit. But it has been Cult in Ancient Ismel, JBL 112 (1993) 385-
increasingly argued in recent years that 401; G. W. AHLSTR()M. Aspects of Syn-
Yahweh has 'baalistic' characteristics, or is cretism in Israelite Religioll (Horae Soeder-
even a fonn of Baal himself. It has been blomianae V; Lund 1963); K-H.
argued that Baal effectively usurps El's role BERNHARDT, Aschera in Ugarit und im
at Ugarit. and takes El's consort at the same Alten Testament, MID 13 (1967) 163-174;
time. There is no evidence from Ugarit to T. BINGER. Aslterah: Goddesses in Ugarit,
support this, and the hypothesis is based on Israel and tlte Old Testament (JSOTSup
a reading back of the Hurro-Hinite Elkunirsha 212; Sheffield 1994); J. DAY, Asherah in the
myth to its putative Canaanite prototype Hebrew Bible and Northwest Semitic Litem-
(which need not have been the pattern at ture, JBL 105 (1986) 385-408; DAY, Ashe-
Ugarit). Within the biblical context, it has rah, ABD I (1992) 483-487; M. DIETRICH &
been supposed that Yahweh-Baal is thus the O. LoRETZ. Yahwe und sei"e Aschera (UBL
consort of Asherah, since Baal and Asherah 9; MOnster 1992); T. DOTHAN. Ekron of the
were the local 'Canaanite' deities evidenced Philistines. Part I: Where They Came From.
at Judg 3:7 MT. But we have seen that How They Settled Down and the Place They
MT's reading here is to be rejected. The Worshipped In. BAR 1611 (1990) 26-35: T.
hypothesis has nothing to commend it. DOTHAN & S. GmN, Tel MiqnelEkron: The
The theology of the goddess remains Rise and Fall of a Philistine City. Qadmoni-
obscure in spite of the complex evidence oth 105-106 (1994) 2-28; S. GmN. Cultic
noted above. We cannot be certain that Inscriptions Found in Ekron. BA 53 (1990)
every Ugaritic trait wac; preserved in the 232; GmN, Seventh Century BCE Cultie
later environment, and even there much Elements at Ekron. Biblical Archaeology
remains unknown. The finnest evidence, Le. Today 1990 (Jerusalem 1993) 248-258; S.
that cited from the Keret story above. and GmN, T. DOTHAN & J. NAVEII, A Royal
the goddess' role in choosing Athtar as king Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron. IEJ 47

104
ASHIjUR - ASHIMA

(1997) 1-16: C. H. GORDON. Ugaritic According to the Textual Sources of the


rbtlrabilll. Ascribe to the Lord (cd. F. S. First Two Millennia B.C.E. (AOAT 235;
Craigie. JSOTSup 67; Sheffield 1988) 127- KevelaerfNeukirchen-Vluyn 1993); N.
132: J. M. HADLEY. YCI/"veh's Ashernh in WYATT, The Theogony Motif in Ugarit and
the Light of Recellt Discm·eries (diss. the Bible, Ugarit and the Bible (UBL 11;
Oxford 1989); HADLEY. Yahweh and "His eds. G. J. Brooke et al; MiJnster 1994) 395-
Asherah": Archaeological and Textual Evi- 419.
dence for the Cult of the Goddess. Ein Gort
N. \VYATT
Allein (eds. W. Dietrich & M. A. Klopfen-
stein: FribourglGottingen 1994) 235-268: H.
A. HOFFNER. Hittite Myths (Atlanta 1990) ASHijUR -. ISHIJARA
69-70: F. O. HVIDBERG-HANSON. La deesse
TNT (Copenhagen 1979) i 71-81, 115-119, ii ASHIMA ~iY~~
69-100; A. JAMME, Lc pantheon sud-arabe I. Ashima was the god worshipped by
preislamique d'apres les sources epigraphi- the people of Hamath, who after their depor-
quest Mils 60 (1947) 57-147; O. KEEL & C. tation to Samaria by the Assyrian king, con-
UEIILtNGER. Gottinnen, Gotter lind Gottes- tinued to serve him in their new home (2
sylllbole (Freiburg 1992) 199-321; R. K LET- Kgs 17:30).
TER, Judaean Pillar-Figurines and the II. The name of the god, in its Biblical
Archaeology of Asherah (BAR International fonn, has been recovered only from the con-
Series 636; Oxford 1996); B. LANG. Wisdolll text of Arab tribes at Teima; in a dedicatory
and the Book of Prm'erbs (New York 1986) inscription from Teima. JsymJ is invoked,
60-81; E. LIPINSKI. The goddess Alirat in along with the gods $1m and Ingl' (See
ancient Arabia, in Babylon and in Ugarit, LtVINGSTONE 1983; BEYER & LIVINGSTONE
OLP 3 (1972) 101-119; W. A. MAIER. 1987). This attestation is somewhat surpris-
JAserah: Extrabib/ical 6'idence (HSM 37: ing if the primary ac;sociation of Ashima is
Atlanta 1986); B. MARGALIT, The meaning with the north Syrian Hamath (but cf.
and significance of Asherah. vr 40 (1990) BECKING 1992:99, 102-104); trade contacts
264-297; S. M. OlYAN, Ashernh and the between the caravanning Arabs and the
cllit of Yahweh in Israel (SBLMS 34; Atlan- important centre of Hamath may explain the
ta 1988); R. PATA'. The goddess Asherah, adoption of Ashima into the pantheon at
JNES 24 (1965) 37-52; R. J. PETTEY, Teima.
A.'iherah, Goddess of Israel (AUS VII 74; Prior to the discovery of the Teima
New York 1990); M. H. POPE, Atirat. inscription, Ashima was sought within the
Wiirterbuch der Mythologie i (ed. H. W. CanaanitelPhoenician cultural sphere. and
Haussig; Stuttgart 1965) 246-249; J. B. was taken to be related to the god -. Esh-
PRITCHARD, Palestinian Figurines in Rela- mun. But the name of this deity. attested in
tion to Cenain Goddesses Known Through Phoenician and Punic inscriptions. as well
Literalllre (AOS 24; Ne\\I Haven 1943) 59- as cuneifonn textc;. is always written with
65. 89-90; W. L. REED. The Asherah in the the final consonant IIllll. and so the identifi-
Old Testamellt (Fort Worth 1949); S. cation with Ashima is questionable. See
SCHROER. Zur Deutung der Hand unter der further s.v. Eshmun.
Grabinschrift von Chirbct eI QUill. UF 15 Some have claimed to have found the
(1983) 191-199; l\.1. S. S~lITII. The Early name Ashima at Elephantine in the com-
History of God (San Francisco 1990): W. G. pound divine name Eshem-Bethel (PORTEN
E. WATSON. A!n Jill.' Yet Another Proposal, & YARDENI 1993:234. 127) and as a thco-
UF 25 (1993) 431-434; S. WIGGINS. The phoric element in over a half-dozen Aramaic
Myth of Asherah: Lion Lady and Serpent personal names (GRELoT, LAPO 5 [1972]
Goddess, UF 23 (1991) 384-394; \VIGGINS. 464). The god's name may also be seen in a
A Reasse.'iSllIellt of 'Asherah '. A SlIIdy Greek transcription from Kafr Nebo, in the

105
ASHTORETII - ASMODEUS

compound form Sumbetulos, i.e. Eshem- ASHTORETH -+ ASTARTE


Bethel (LmzBARsKI, ESE 2. 1908, 323-324).
Therefore. a Nonh Syrian Aramaean locale ASMODEUS 'A~ooalo;
as the home of the deity seems assured. The I. The etymology of the name Asmo-
name Eshcm may be the Ar.lmaic form of deus is not beyond any doubt but it is most
the common Semitic noun for "name", and, plausibly derived from the Avestan words
according to ALBRIGHT (1969: 168), its use aesma- and c/ac/IIw or their Middle Persian
is evidence for hypostatization. "the ten- (Pahlavi) compound cognate xesm·dew, both
dency to avoid the personal name of the meaning 'demon of wrath'. As Talmudic
deity and to replace it with more discrete texts sometimes give the form '~iOj~ or
expressions." "i~ for Asmodeus, his name has been
III. Many commentators find the name connected with Hebrew joj (to destroy,
of the god Ashima in the threatening words exterminate), but this seems to be folk ety-
of Amos 8: 14 against those "who swear by mology. Asmodeus does not occur as a
the guilt ('aJmat) of Samaria". While it is demonic name in the Hebrew Bible. but the
not impossible that this is an example of a apocrypha twice give the Greek 'A~oOalo~
prophetic play on words. 'asmat = )Asima) (Tob 3:8.17).
(cf. Hosea 4: 15. where the name Beth-aven II. The earliest occurrences of the
"House of transgression" rather than Beth- Avestan demon anllla- are the Gathic texts
el, alludes to the sin of idolatry at the site. Yasna 29:2 and 30:6: those who choose the
cf. 13: I). the primary issue raised by Amos way of evil go the way of Aeshma and thus
"is not an apostate invocation of some bring harm to the world. while otherwise the
foreign deity ... , but rather the emphatic followers of Ahura Mazda's teachings be-
insistence on the deity's localization at a come expellers of him (Yasna 48:12). With
panicular sanctuary ... Yahweh (had been) the help of Acshma the evil powers of
fragmented into several gods. conceived of Zarathustra's dualistic cosmos can bring
as patron deities of territorial regions" sickness and evil to mankind so that men
(WOLFF 1975:332: contrast V AN DER behave like Angra Mainyu's creatures. It is
TOORN 1992:91). also wonh mentioning that Acshma is the
IV. Bibliography only demon who occurs in the Gathas. Out-
W. F. ALBRIGHT, Archaeology and the Re- side the Old-A vcstan corpus we find
ligion of Israel (5th cd.; Garden City 1969); Aeshma in Yasna 57: 10.25 (ef. Yasht
B. BECKING, The Fall of Samaria: all His- 11: 15), a hymn to Shraosha. who will smite
torical alld Archaeological Stlldy (Lciden and crush Acshma and protect people from
1992); K. BEYER & A. LIVINGSTONE, Die his deceptions. Yasht 10:97 tells us about
neuesten aramtiischen Inschriften aus Taima. Acshma's fright of Mithra's mace which is
ZDMG 137 (1987) 285-296 esp. 286-288: the most victorious of all weapons (ef.
A. LtVINGSTOXE, B. SPAIE. M. IBRAIII~t, M. -·Mithras). As his standard epithet we find
KAMEL & S. TAIMANI. Taima: Recent "of bloody club", so we can imagine him
Sounding and New Inscribed Material. Atlal pictured as a savage ruffian. Of funher inter-
7 (Riyadh 1983), 102-116 + pis. 87-97 (esp. est is also Yasna 10:8 where we read that
108-111, pI. 96); B. PaRTEN & A. YARDE!'a. Acshma brings drunkenness to men. The
Textbook of Aramaic Documellts from funher development of Zoroastrianism
Ancient Egypt 3: literature, ACCOIiIltS, lists brings a revival of the older Iranian gods
(Jerusalem 1993): K. VAN DER TOORN, and also the growth of the number of
Anat-Yahu, Some Other Deities. and the demons. Thus Acshma occurs as a separate
Jews of Elephantine. Nllmen 39 (1992), 80- demonic being in the Pahlavi scriptures:
101: H. W. WOLFF. Joel (l1J(1 Amos Acshma (xe.f11l-dew) has now become one of
(Henneneia: Philadelphia 1975). the chief evil powers. He is C<J..ual to
Ahreman and is the companion of Az: the
M. COGAN

106
ASMODEUS

deities of Ohrmazd's (Ahum Mazda's) good duced into Jewish literature, he made his
creation arc his antagonists, mostly Wahman way into folklore. He is depicted a.~ a mal-
and Shrosh. According to the Bundahishn efactor bringing discord to husband and wife
(I :3), he is one of the seven dews who were or hiding a wife's beauty from her husband
created by Ahreman; the Pahlavi Rivayat (T. Sol. 2:3). Aggadic texts also say that
(56: 13-15) gives the account of a com'cr- Asmodeus is connected with drunkenness,
sation between Acshma and Ahreman in mischief and licentiousness. In the Talmud
which the former is enjoined to corrupt the there is a famous account (Git. 68a-b; cr.
good and efficient things of the creation. Nltnt. R. II :3) of Solomon's dealing with
Aeshma is now the embodiment of -·Wrath this demon: Asmodeus, the king of demons,
who in legends can bring all kind of (puta- was made drunk and led to King Solomon
tively) historical disturbance and uproar into whom he has to help build the temple in
the world. Thus Aeshma and the usurper Jerusalem. Then, hO\vever, the demon took
Dahaka fight king Yima and kill him. In the the king's seal and scated himself on the
2adspnnn (9: I), Acshma is one of the royal throne so that Solomon must wander
ancestors of five brothers who are the en- around as a beggar until God shows mercy
emies of Zamthustm himself, while an on him and restores his kingship. The whole
account in the Dcnkard (Book 8) states that legend does not depict Asmodeus as an evil-
he incites Arjasp to wage war against doer: his actions should open the king's eyes
Vistaspa, the protector of Zarathustra, and to the emptiness and vanity of wordly pos-
thus oppose the Iranian prophet. sessions. Such legends gave rise to the pop-
These texts lead to the following con- ular belief of Asmodeus as a beneficent
clusion: Aeshma (the personfied Wrath) has demon and a friend of men-though he still
a separate existence and he is one of the remained king of the demons.
powers of the evil sphere within Zoroastrian Another tradition remains closer to the
dualism. There he plays an important part in malificent Asmodeus of the book of Tobit
the struggle between good and evil and thus and to the Iranian concept of Aeshma as a
has a considerable influence upon history. In demon of wrath. The Qumranic and Pauline
view of the spread of Zoroastrianism in the scriptures (cf. BOYCE & GRENET 1991 :446;
last centuries DCE from the Imnian areas to PI~ES 1982:81) know a conception of Wmth
Mesopotamia and Anatolia it is possible to as a nearly autonomous entity: so it is poss-
find traces of his influence in both Jewish ible to see in that also the Iranian concep-
and Christian literature. tion of aesma daeltt/a, though there is no
III. TIle apocryphal book of Tobit prob- linguistic link. But we also have to take into
ably shows some Iranian (Zoroastrian) account that this Qumrnnic and Pauline con-
influence (cf. BOYCE & GRENET 1991:414), cept ha.~ one root in the OT's references of
namely the importance of generously -. Yahweh's wmth and is thus part of the
dispensing alms (Tob 4:9-10: 14:2), the divine sphere. This difference should not be
account of the little dog (Tob 6: I; II :4) and ignored because Acshma is the main auxili-
the mentioning of the demon Asmodeus. In ary of the Imnian evil sphere. But neverthe-
Tob 3:8 we read that in his jealousy he has less it cannot be ruled out that the apoery-
already killed the seven successive husbands phal demon Asmodeus stemming from Iran
of Sara during their wedding-nights. There- is the other root of the hypostati1.ed wrath as
fore -·Raphael was sent to free Sara from a destructive entity and for the creatures of
this demon (Tob 3: 17). The angel can tell wrath.
Tobias a way to expel him by performing a IV, Bibliography
purifying (?) ritual and banishing him to the M. BOYCE, A History of Zoroastrianism.
Egyptian desert (Tob 6:8: 8: 1-3). On the Vol. I (Lciden 1975) 87.201: M. BOYCE &
whole, Asmodeus does not figure promi- F. GRENET, A Histor)' of Zoroastrianism.
nently in the book of Tobit; but, once intro- Vol. 3 (Leiden 1991) 41, 425-426, 446: P.

107
ASSUR

DESELAERS, Das BlIeI, Tobit. Studieu Zli sei- sentiments can be found in the Neo-Assyr-
ner Emstehllng. Komposition 'l1Id Theologie ian coronation hymn of Assurbanipal:
(OBO 43: Fribourg 1982) 87.98.147-148: S. "Assur is king-indeed Assur is king!
PINES, Wmth and Creatures of Wrath in Assurbanipal is the [... ] of Assur, the cre-
Pahlavi, Jewish and New Testament Sources, ation of his hands. May the great gods es-
IrmlO-Jlldaica. Studies Relating to Jewish tablish his reign. may they protect the life
Contacts with Persian Clliture Throllghollt [of Assurba]nipal, king of Assyria! May
the Ages (ed. S. Shaked: Jerusalem 1982) they give him a just sceptre to extend the
76-82: S. SUAKED, The Zoroastrian Demon land and his peoples! May his reign be re-
of Wrath, Tradition 'l1Id Translation, Fest- newed and may they consolidate his royal
se/lrift fllr Carsten Colpe ,,11m 65. Gebllrt- throne for ever!" (SAA 3 no. II).
stag (ed. C. Eslas et al.; Berlin 1994) 285- The coincidence of the name Assur as
291. city and also as god appears from Old
Assyrian documents from the trading col-
M. HUTfER
onies in Cappadocia to have been felt by
ancient scribes: there is occasionally a lack
ASSUR i~ I i:~ of distinction between the two. Additionally.
I. Assur occurs in the OT as a person, the tenn cilllm, 'the city', is used in oaths
the second son of -·Shem in the table of along with the ruler in contexts where one
nations (Gen 10:22), as a people or world would anticipate mention of the city god and
power. and as the land of Assyria. While the the ruler. As noticed by LAMBERT (1983),
concept of the power may have been some- the evidence shows that the god Assur is the
times subsumed in the concept of the deity, deified city. While parallels from the orig-
the only certain attestation of the name of inal heartland of Mesopotamian civilization
the deity can be found within the name of arc rare, the deification or numinous charac-
the king Esarhaddon (lsa 37:38 = 2 Kgs ter of geographical features is quite com-
19:37, Ezra 4:2). monly attested in Northern Mesopotamia.
II. Assur is the god of Assyria par especially in personal names. Analysis of
excellence. His name is identical with that the combined evidence led LAMBERT (1983)
of the city of Assur. which with its temple. to the hypothesis that the site of the town
the bit Assllr. later Ekur. was the main Assur, which is an impressive natuml hill.
centre of his cult. The significance of the was a holy spot in prehistoric times. Having
god in Assyrian royal ideology can be seen been settled as a place of strategic signifi-
clearly in prayers associated with the coron- cance, its 'holiness' was exploited both
ation of the Assyrian king. It is worth quot- practically-the growth of the town-and
ing from these texts. because they epitomize ideologically, leading to the dual character
from an Assyrian point of view the character of city and god.
of the national god, which is seen from the In the course of the history of Assyria.
opposite point of view in the OT. A Middle the god Assur, who was not originally a
Assyrian prayer belonging to the ritual deus persona and thus did not originally
includes the following lines: "Assur is king, ha\'e a family, was made to confonn to the
Assur is king!" and, further on in the text, theology of southern Mesopotamia. Begin-
"May your (the king's) foot in Ekur and ning in the second millennium Assur was
your hands (stretched) toward Assur, your given a theological personality by regarding
god. be at ease! May your priesthood him as the Assyrian Enlil. Enlil being the
(Sang,itu) and the priesthood of your sons be god of Nippur and one of the most import-
at ease in the service of Assur, your god! ant figures in the pantheon of Babylonia.
With your straight sceptre enlarge your This opened the way for the gradual adop-
land! May Assur grant you a commanding tion by Assur of everything originally
voice, obedience, agreement, justice and pertaining to Enlil. from his wife Ninlil
peace!" (MVAAG 41 [1937] 9-13). Similar becoming the Assyrian -+Mullisu, and later

108
ASTARTE

his sons Ninurta and ababa. through 2:4), the country (e.g. Gen 9: Hos 7: II: Isa
various epithcts down to items of furniture. 7:8) or the people (e.g. Isa 10:5.12; Mic 5:4)
This process of assimilation began in the of Ashur. The name of the deity occurs as
time of Tukulti-Ninurta I (thirteenth century theophoric element in the name of king
BCE) and continucd into thc Sargonid period ~esar-hadd6n, Esarhaddon (Isa 37:38 = 2
(eighth to sevcnth centurics BCE). Thc only Kgs 19:37, Ezra 4:2; cr. the spelling ~sr~,)d/l,
'family member' of Assur's, not ccrtainly of Ahiqar:5). The lsi reflects the Nco-Assyrian
southern origin, is SenVa, and her exact pronounciation of the alveolar (MILLARD
standing is ambiguous. 1976:9).
In the Sargonid period it became a com- IV, Bibliography
mon scribal practicc in Assyria to write the B. AGGOULA, Inscriptions et graffites
name of thc god Assur with the signs arameens d'Assur (Napels 1985); M.
AN.SAR, originally used to dcsignate a pri- CoGAN, Imperialism and Religio/l: Assyria,
meval deity in Babylonian theogonies. It Judah and Israel in the Eighth alld Seventh
seems that an ideological coup lies behind Cenllln'es B.C.E. (Missoula 1974); G. VAN
this innovation. In one Babylonian thea- ORIEL, The Cult of Assur (Assen 1969); H.
gonic system, An~ar and KBar-literally HIRSCH. Untersuchungen :.ur altass)'rischcn
'whole heavcn' and 'whole earth'-precede Religio/l (AfO Beiheft 13/14; Graz 1961);
the scnior Babylonian gods Enlil and Ninlil, \V. G. LAMBERT. The God A~~ur. Iraq 45
separated from them by Enurulla and Ninu- (1983) 82-86; M. T. LARSEN, The Old
rulla ('Lord' and 'Lady' of the 'primcval A.fsyrian State alld its Colonies (Copen-
city'). By this means the Assyrian Assur, hagen 1976): B. MENZEL, Ass)'rische
who did not figurc in the Babylonian pan- Tempel (StPsm lOll, II; Rome 1981); J. \V.
theon at all, was madc to appear at the head McKAY, Religion ;n Judah under the Assyr-
of it. This is cxplicitly stated in a learned ians. 732-609 B.C. (London 1973); A. R.
Assyrian explanatory work: "It is said in MILLARD, Assyrian Royal Names in Bibli-
Enlima e1is: Whcn heaven and earth were cal Hebrew, JSS 21 (1976) 1-14; K. F.
not yet creatcd, Assur (AN .SAR) camc into MOLLER, Das assyrische Ritual, Texre wm
being" (SAA 3 no. 34:54). ass)'riscJle1J KOlligsrilllal, I (Leipzig 1937);
After his sack of Babylon in 689 nCE, K. TALLQVlST, Der assyrische GOII (StOr
Sennacherib attempted to institute a number 4/3; Helsinki 1932).
of religious reforms. These included an
A. LIVINGSTONE
endeavour to replace the cult of -Marduk in
Babylon by an analogous cult in Assyria
with Assur playing the part of Marduk. It ASTARTE r.-;~S)
appears that, while Assyrian outposts out- I. The divine name Astarte is found in
side Assyria would automatically represent the following fonns: Ug '[Irt ('Athtart[u]');
areas where Assur was worshipped, worship Phoen 'fm ('Ashtart'); Heb 'Astoret (singu-
of Assur replacing local cullS was not re- lar); 'Astarot (generally construed as plural);
quired of conquered peoples. Rather, the Eg variously 's[rt, 'S[,!, ;S[rt; Ok Astarte. It
opposite was the case in the sense that is the feminine form of the masculine '[tr
Assyrians ostensibly rcspected local deitics, ('Athtar'. 'Ashlar') and this in tum occurs,
using them for propaganda purposes by though as the name of a goddess. as Akka-
declaring that thcy had abandoncd their dian -Ishtar. The Akkadian Ai-tar-[wlII?) is
worshippers as the Assyrians victoriously used of her (AGE 330). The etymology
advanced. In post-imperial Assyria Assur remains obscure. It is probably, in the mas-
continues to be attested in personal names culine form, the name of the planet Venus,
and in Aramaic votive inscriptions from the then extended to the feminine as well (cf. A.
city itself. S. YAHUDA, JRAS 8 [1946] 174-178). It is
III. In the OT ~aJf(ir, 'Ashur; Assyria', unlikely that ROBERTSON SMITH'S sugge-
occurs as a designation of the city (Gen stion (Religion of the Semites [Edinburgh

109
ASTARTE

19273] 99 n. 2, esp. 310,469-479). referring The relation of Ashtart and Anat sug-
to Arabic 'ti[lir, 'irrigated land', is of help; gested by these occurrences is evidently
because it still leaves the t, which cannot be close. It may represent an early stage in a
infixed, unexplained. Both god and goddess process of syncretism of the two goddesses.
are probably, but not certainly, to be seen as It may be noted that their iconography is
the deified Venus (HEIMPEL 1982: 13-14). similar; because both appear armed and
This is indeed the case, since if the morning wearing the Egyptian Atef crown. This close
star is the male deity (cf. Isa 14: 12), then relationship is also reflected in the Egyptian
the goddess would be the evening star: ali evidence. They are commonly understood to
she is in Greek tradition. (The two appe- be consorts of Baal; but there is no direct
arances of Venus are also probably to be evidence for this at Ugarit. The interpreta-
seen as deified.cr. -Shahar and -·Shalem.) tion of various texts as describing sexual
n. Ugarit. The goddess Ashtart is men- intereourse between Anat and Baal has
tioned 46 times in the Ugaritic texts, but recently been questioned (P. L. DAY, The
appears relatively rarely in the mythological Bible and the Politics of Exegesis [ed. D.
texts. These appearances are as follows: in Jobling; Cleveland 1991] 141-146. 329-333;
the Baal cycle (KTU 1.2 i 7-8) -Baal curses id, IN£S 51 [1992] 181-190), and no such
Yam (-sea), inviting -·Horon (cf. relationship between Ashtart and Baal is
-Horus!) and 'Ashtan-Im-Baal' (see below) mentioned. (The evidence cited could equal-
to smash his skull-Keret uses the same ly well be used to define her ao;; Horon's
curse on his son Y~ib in KTU 1.16 vi 54- consort.) The nearest the tradition comes
57, showing it to be formulaic language. even to associating them is in the title t ltrt
When Baal loses control in the divine coun- Im btl. This has been interpreted in two
cil at the appearance of Yam's ambassadors, ways: as 'Ashlart-name-of-Baal', sc. as the
-Anat and Ashtart restrain him foreibly reputation. honour, or even 'Shakti' of Baal
(KTU 1.2 i 40). When Baal is about to kill (e.g. GINSBERG. ANET 130a), or as 'Ashtart-
Yam, Ashtart intervenes: either to taunt heavens-of-Baal' (DUSSAUD 1947:220-221.
Baal(1), or more probably to urge him to who cites Astarte's epithets Asteria. Astroar-
deliver the coup de grc1ce (KTU 1.2 iv 28- che, Astronoe and Ourania). The latter sense
30). In the Keret story, in addition to the is to be preferred. This title also appears on
curse noted above, Hurriya is compared in Eshmunazar's sarcophagus (below). In addi-
her beauty with Anat and Ashtart (KTU 1.14 tion to various mentions in minor texts,
iii 41-44 = vi:26-30). The fragmentary KTU Ashtart appears in the pantheon lists (KTU
1.92 seems to have contained a myth con- 1.47.25 = KTU 1.118.24) as the equivalent
cerning Ashtart (PRU 5, 3-5: § I; HERR- of Ishtar in RS 20. 24. 24.
MANN 1969:6-16). In KTU I. 100, a series Egypt. Astarte is mentioned a number of
of spells against snake-bites, she is paired times in texts from Egypt. In one instance,
with Anat (in the order Anat and Ashtart) in her name is written tntrt. Even if this is
II. 19-24, in addition to further mentions simply a misspelling, as LECLANT (1960:6 n.
alone, twice as a toponym (cf. KTU 1.108. 2) suggests. it is still 'revealing' (but cf.
2). In the fragmentary KTU 1.107. another ANET 20141 n. 16). In the Contendings of
such text, Anat and Ashtart are invoked. The Horus and Seth (iii 4), -Seth is given Anat
latter appears again as a toponym. In KTU and Astarte. the daughters of -Re, as wives.
1.114 (the MarziQu text), Ashtart and Anat This is a mythologisation of the importing
(in that oroer) summon the dog-like Yarihu of Semitic deities into Egypt under the
in order to throw him meat (II. 9-11); and, Hyksos and later, and the New Kingdom
when - EI becomes drunk, Anat and Ashtart fashion for the goddesses in particular. Seth
go off to find purgatives, returning as and Baal were identified. But this does not
Ashtart and Anat (a chiastic arrangement, II. justify retrojecting Egyptian mythological
22-26). relationships into the Ugaritic context. Anat

110
ASTARTE

and Astarte are described in a New King- in the city: if not its patroness. This is in
dom text (Harris magical papyrus iii 5 in: interesting tension with Athirat's apparently
PRITCHARD (1943:79]) as "the two great similar status in the Keret story (KTU 1.14
goddesses who were pregnant but did not iv:34-36). The curse of the goddess is in-
bear", on which basis ALBRtGiIT (1956:75) voked against grave-robbers. The sarcopha-
concludes that they are "perennially fruitful gus of his son Eshmunazar (KAI 14, ANET
without ever losing virginity". He also 662ab), from the beginning of the following
asserts that "sex was their primary func- century, states that his mother was priestess
tion". Both assumptions are questionable, of Ashtart: and that the royal family spon-
not to say mutually incompatible! As wives sored (rebuilt?) a temple for Ashlart (in the
of Seth, who rapes rather than makes love to fonn Ashtart-sm-Baal) in -'Sidon, thus
them, their fruitless conceptions are an benefitting her cult in Byblos. A votive
extension of his symbolism as the god of throne from south of Tyre. dating to the
disorder, rather than qualities of their own. second century BCE (KAI 17), addresses the
In the fragmentary 'Astarte papyrus' (AN!:.I goddess as 'my Great Lady' (rbly); but per-
17-18; see HELCK 1983) the goddess is the haps without the old ideological overtones.
daughter of -. Ptah and is demanded by the The same expression is used of Ashtart and
--Sea in marriage. This myth may be related 'Tanit of the Lebanon' (this may denote a
to a recension of the Ugaritic Baal myth: as local feature at Carthage) on an inscribed
well as to that of --Perseus and Andromeda. slab, of uncertain date, from Carthage (KAI
Astarte's primary characteristic in Egypt is 81 ).
as a war-goddess. An inscription at Medinet It will be apparent from the lack of bibli-
Habu (ARE iii 62, 105), for instance, says of cal references to a living cult of Anal that
Rameses III that Mont and Seth are with the goddess must have undergone some
him in every fray. and Anat and Astarte are transfonnation by about the beginning of the
his shield. She frequently appears in New first millennium BCE. The constant juxtapo-
Kingdom art anned, wearing the Atef crown sition of the goddesses in the Ugaritic and
and riding a horse (LECLANT 1960). A Egyptian records indicates what must have
Ptolemaic text (ANET 250 n. 16) calls her happened. They appear to have fused into
"Astarte, Mistress of Horses, Lady of the lhe goddess -·Atargatis: although we have
Chariot". The first part may echo KTU 1.86. jusl seen that Ashtart also retained her inde-
6, which appears to link Ashtart (and Anat?) pendence for centuries. The name Atargatis
with a horse (PRU 5, 189 [§158), WYATf, (Greek, Aramaic 'Irl') is generally agreed to
UF 16 (1984) 333-335). In the now lost be made up from the Aramaic development
Winchester stela (EDWARDS, JNES 14 of Ashtart ('Slrl) into Atar ('Ir' note the
[1955J 49) the goddess appears on a lion (a weakening of the guttural) together with
trait normally associated with Ishtar) and Anat ('nl) weakened by assimilation of the
was apparently identified with Qadeshet and medial n into '1(1)'. Some sec Asherah as-
Anal. similated to Anat (sec ASTOUR, Helle1Jose-
Phoenicia. Though she was undoubtedly milica (1967 2) 206); but this is less likely.
an important deity in Phoenicia throughout Occasional inscriptions to the goddess are
the first millennium, there is surprisingly found in Aramaic (KAI 239, 247, 248).
little direct written evidence. KAI lists only Atargatis, in her fonn al Hierapolis in the
11 Phoenician examples: ranging from Ur second century CE, is the subject of Lucian's
and Egypt to Malta and Carthage. The most work De Dea Syria. Lucian writes of Astarte
important items are the following. The sar- of Sidon, §4, whom he identifies as the
cophagus of Tabnit from Sidon dates from -·Moon. He also claims that the local priest-
the sixth century BCE (KAI 13, ANET 662a). hood identified her with Europa. He
Since the king is also priest of Ashtart, we identifies the goddess of Byblos (probably
may suppose she was an important goddess another local Astarte) with --Aphrodite. The

III
ASTARTE

common identiate in the Cypriot cult (§6), RSV, REB. read respectively 'the Baals and
the Astarte of a temple on the Lebanon the Ashtaroth' and 'the baalim and the
mountain (sc. at Afqa), he says was founded ashtaroth'. Note, however, that beealim does
by Kinyras (sc. Kinnor) (§9). The goddess occur in the plural in 2: 11. (Clearly there is
(Atargatis) of Hierapolis, founded by Deuca- some redundancy in vv 11-13.) RSV recog-
lion or Semiramis, he identifies with -Hera nises the names, though plural. REB gen-
or Derceto (§§12, 14). Given the character ericises them. JB, on the other hand reads
of Atargatis, it is perhaps significant that 'Baal and Astarte'. The 'Baalim' are often
Anat is called both 'mistress of dominion' referred to in the plural ('emphatic plural':
and 'mistress of the high heavens' (belt drkt BDB 127) and arc so construed by many
belt !mm mrm: the Ugaritic equivalents of commentators. The Ashtaroth arc, thus,
Derceto and Semiramis) among other titles understood as a class of goddesses. Whether
in KTU 1.108. 6-7. Much of Lucian's infor- or not 'aserot should be corrected at Judg
mation seems to be a loose mixture of 3:7, it is the same principle. But. given the
Greek and Syrian traditions, but still has phonology of the divine name, we should
some.genuine echoes from the past. Another perhaps question the plural interpretation:
important source reflecting a Graeco-Semitic even if it be allowed that it came to be
rationalising of tradition is Eusebius' Praep. understood in this way. The only vocalised
Ev., which has Astarte as a daughter of forms of the name are, of course, the
Ouranos (-Heaven) and sister to Rhea and Hebrew and Greek. The other West Semitic
Dione: all three become wives of Kronos. forms are conventionally vocalised 'Ashtan'
Astarte has seven daughters by Kronos. The or 'Athtart'; but it is quite possible that the
latter appears to be the equivalent of -EI. A original vocalisation was ~a!1aral("),
direct quotation from Philo Byblius states which. with the southern shift of ii to {j (as
that "Astarte. the great goddess, and Zeus in Dagan> Dagon) would become caStarot
Demarous, and Adodos king of gods, reigned in Hebrew. Conversely. the expected singu-
over the country (sc. Phoenicia) with the lar-if the form found were the plurnl-
consent of Krenos. And Astarte set the head would be *easttira. with the final -at
of a bull upon her own head as a mark of weakening to a. The toponyms mentioned
royalty, and in traveling round the world she below support this alternative explanation.
found a -star fallen from the sky, which Further. the three-vowel formation is sup-
she took up and consecrated in the holy ported by the other form occurring. viz.
island Tyre. And the Phoenicians say that CaStoret. To argue that this formation is due
Astarte is Aphrodite." (1.10:17-18, 21) The to the adoption of the vowels of bofet begs
Greek goddess -.Artemis may also preserve the question. There would have needed to be
traits of Phoenician Ashtart (WEST, UF 23 at least the vocal skeleton (that is, a word or
[1991] 379-381). in this case part of a word carrying two
III. The divine name Ashtart occurs nine vowels) for the boset vowels to fit. The
times in MT, from which one should per- adoption of this vowel pattern (boset) is per-
haps be subtracted (I Sam 7:3) and to which haps not in dispute, though the reason com-
a funher instance should perhaps be added. monly given is arguably misconstrued.
Le. Judg 3:7. This alteration, widely ac- JASTROW'S suggestion (1894) makes better
cepted, is based on the wording of Judg sense, in offering a closer parallel to the
2: 13. It summarises the popular devotions of revocalising of the tetragrnmmaton to carry
the pre-monarchical period as apostasy. This the vowels of 'lJdona)'. It is suggested. there-
verse raises some interesting questions. MT fore, that 'Ashtaroth' is in fact a singular
reads labbaeal welrl'aItarot, using the singu- form, though it might well come to be inter-
lar of hacal, (supponed by LXX) but, on preted in the plural, as an indication of the
most scholars' assessment, the plural form scribal tradition's view of the enormity of
for the goddess (supponed by LXX!). Thus worshipping other deities, and thus repre-

112
ASTARTE

senting all such cults as polytheistic. As for $o'n in Deut 7: 13; 28:4.18.51. It means
'Ashtoreth' ('altoret), this may well be something like 'Iamb-bearing flocks' or
explained as the singular carrying the 'ewes of the flock'. This appears to be an
vowels of biHet; albeit on JASTROW'S under- application of the name of the goddess as a
standing of the usage (1894). It is, however, term for the reproductive capacity of ewes.
possible that another explanation of this It also appears in a toponym, which goes
form is the assumption of an early fonn back to the pre-settlement era. It denotes a
*'asuirit, in which ca."e the conventional city named after the goddess. Gen 14:5
shift of ii-i to o-e (as in Jiipi! > fOpe{) would mentions Ashtaroth Qamaim, which
occur. If this is so. we should look for dia- ASTOUR (ABD 1 [1992J 491: contrast DAY,
lectal variantc; of the name. ABD I [1992] 492) takes to be Ashtaroth
Judg 10:6, I Sam 7:4 and 12:10 all refer nellr Qarnaim, and identifies with the Ashta-
to 'the Baals and the Ashtaroth'. In the roth associatcd with -Og king of -·Bashan
second instance, LXX has the curious read- (Josh 9: 10). In Josh 21 :27, this appears ac;
ing tas Baalim wi ta alse Astaroth. "and the be'e.litera, (LXX Bosoran = Bosra!) which
(f.!) Baals and the (n. pI.!) groves-Ashtaroth", should, however, be harmonised with
an impossible combination of Ashlart and 'asUirot (LXX Aseri1th) in 1 Chr 6:56 (71).
Asherah elements, while in the third, LXX In Josh 12:4; 13: 12.31, this is linked with
reads lOis lJaalim kai tois alsesin. In 1 Sam Edrei (the latter added to Josh 9: 10 in
7:3 the allusion looks like a secondary addi- LXX), and the two cities appear together as
tion at the end of the sentence (luisini Jet_ the seat of the chthonian god 'Rapiu' in
e
Je/olz Izallllckiir mirrokekem weJ,iiCastiirvt). KTU 1.108. 2-3 (most recently PARDEE,
LXX, however. reads . .. kai ta alse. thus RSOu IV [Textes paramythologiques: Paris
presupposing hiiJiiserim. In 1 Sam 31: 10, thc 1988] 81, 94-97). It is probably also the city
annour of Saul is hung on the walls of 'the Astanu mentioned in the Amama letters (EA
temple of Ashtart ('astiirot)' (LXX 10 ASlar- 197: 10. 256:21). This pronunciation and
teion, /I 1 Chr 10: 10: bet JiWlzelzem). Com- obvious sense (as the name of a singular
mentators usually change the pointing to goddess) may be taken to confirm the singu-
'astoret (thus SMITII. The books of Samuel lar interpretation of the biblical toponym
[ICC; Edinburgh 1899] 253) or regard the and divine name. It is supported by the refe-
temple as dedicated to 'the Ashtaroth' (pI.: rence to the Beth-Shean temple of the god-
thus HERZBERG, I and 1/ Samuel [London dess in I Sam 31:10.1 Chr 11:44 is the gen-
1964 J 233). On the basis of the argument tilic of the city.
that the fonn is singular, no change to MT The problem of pointing may be resolved
is required. thus: 'Ashtaroth' is the Hebrew and 'Ash-
The other three occurrences all point the toreth' a Phoenician (Sidonian) form of the
name 'astoret and do not use the article. same name. The goddess is well-established
These passages overtly refer, however, not as a war-goddess (by the Egyptian epi-
to an Israelite or Judahite goddess, but to graphic and iconographic evidence, as well
'Ashtoreth, goddess eNollt?!) of the Sidon- as the trophies offered at Beth Shean), while
ians' in 1 Kgs 11 :5.33 as importations by her 'sexual' role. conceived as primary by
Solomon to please his wives; while in 2 Kgs ALBRIGHT (1956), is scarcely hinted at by
23: 13, in the account of Josi<lh's destruction the evidence ndduced. It appears, rather, to
of Ashtart's shrine, she is referred to as belong to a blanket judgment on Canaanite
siqqit$, - 'abomination'. It is probably Ash- goddesses made by biblical scholars on the
tart who was denoted by the title - 'Queen basis of meagre evidence such as Hosea's
of heaven', referred to in cults of the end of sexual allusions. It is better explained as a
the monarchy (Jer 7: 18; 44: 17-19.25). metaphor for apostasy (cf. B. MARGALIT, VI'
As well as serving as the divine name, 40 [1990J 278-284). The Hebrew singular
the word appears in the expression Casterot form Castiirot has subsequently been read as

113
ATARGATIS

a plural and incorporated into the reference Queen of Heaven and Its Background, UF 4
to b~a/im weluj 'asttirot. In doing so, it bas (1972) 133-154.
simply become. like be'ti/im, a generic tenn.
N. \VVATT
It is comparable to the Akkadian expression
Utinll u iJrartitu. 'gods and goddesses'.
IV. Bibliography ATARGATIS 'Atapyat'i~
W. F. ALBRIGHT, Archeology and the Relig- I. The goddess Atargatis does not occur
ion of Israel (Baltimore ]9564) 73-78; P. in the Bible, but her sanctuary. an Atar-
BORDREUIL, Ashtart de Mari et les dieux gateion. is mentioned in 2 Macc 12:26. It
d'Ougarit. MARl 4 (1989) 545-547; D. J. A. was situated near Qamaim. present day
CUNES, Mordecai, ABD 4 (] 992) 902-904, Sheich Salad 4 km nonh of Ashtarot-
esp. 902; A. COOPER, Divine names and Qamaim in the Hauran (cf. 1 Macc 5:42-44;
epithets in the Ugaritic texts, RSP III §23, 2 Macc 12:21-23; M. C. ASTOUR, Ashte-
403-406; J. DAY. Ashtoreth, ABD I (]992) roth-Kamaim, ABD 1 [1992] 49). Her name
49]-494; M. DELCOR, Le culte de la 'Reine is a compound of Ashtarte (-·Astarte) and
du Ciet' seton Jer 7. ]8; 44. ]7-]9.25 et ses (Anat (-Anat) nnd is spelled in various
survivanccs, Von Kanaan bis Kerala (FS. ways: in Aramaic 'trth. 'trt" 'trth, 'trt',
Van dcr P]oeg, eds. W. L. De]sman et al., trt, in Greek 'Atapyot'i~. 'Atopyotl~,
AOAT 2]]; Neukirchen-V]uyn 1982) 101- 'Auayo9l), 'AtapotTl, 'AtopyotTl; the apo-
122; .DELCOR, UMC 111.1 (1986) 1077- cope fonn gave Derketo. Her main sanctu-
1085; R. DUSSAUD, Astarte. Pontos et Baal, ary was in HierapolislMabbug in nonhern
CRAIBL (1947) 201-224; \Y. HELCK, Zur Syria, where she was venerated together
Herk"lmft der Erztihlung des sog. "Astarte with -Hadad (-Zeus), the Syrian god of
Papyrus", Fontes atque Pontes. FS. H. -heaven, rain and fertility. From there her
Bnmner (ed. M. G6rg; Wiesbaden 1983) cult spread throughout Syria, nonhern Mes-
215-223; W. HEMPEL, A Catalog of Ncar opotamia and into the West, where she is
E.'1stern Venus Deities, SMS 4 (1982) 9-22; known as the Dca Syria.
W. HERRMANN, A~tart. MIO 15 (1969) 6- II. The cult of Atargatis in Syria and
52; F. O. HVIDBERG-HANSON, La dcessc Mesopotamia is known from a wide variety
TNT (Copenhagen 1979) i 106-112. ii 147- of literary sources, inscriptions, coins, sculp-
155; HVIDBERG-HANSON, Uni-Ashtan and tures and terrncottas. which display a range
Tanit-Iuno Caelestis, Archaeology and Fer- of local variants as well as a general pattern.
tility Cult ill the Ancient Mediterrallean (cd. The earliest phase is represented by a bewil-
A. Bonanno; Valetta 1986) 170-195; M. dering variety of late 4th and early 3rd cent.
JASTROW, The element bo~et in Hebrew nCE coins from Hierapolis. Her name occurs
proper names, JBL 13 (1894) 19-30; *J. on them as 'th and as 'trth. The original
LECU.....'T, Astarte a cheval d' apr~s les repre- name of the goddess is certainly 'th, where-
sentntions cgyptiennes. Syria 37 (1960) 1- as the element 'tr, derived from 'Jtr, has the
67; R. du MESNIL du BUISSOS, (A~tart et meaning of goddess, so that the full name
(A~tar h Ras-Shamra, JEOL 3 (1946) 406; 'trth means "the goddess (Ateh", (Ateh
C. A. MOORE, Esther, Book of, ABD 2 being the goddess par excellence. The name
(1992) 633-643. esp. 633; S. M. OlYAN. 'til is the Aramaic fonn of Anat and fre-
Some Observations Concerning the Identity quently occurs as a theophoric element in
of the Queen of Heaven, UF 19 (1987) 161- proper names in Syria and nonhern Mes-
174; M. H. POPE, (Altart. (A~tart, Astarte. opotamia (DRUVERS 1980:88). The goddess
lYbM)'th Ill. 250-252; *J. B. PRITCHARD. is represented on these coins with a turreted
PalestInian Figurines ill Relation to Certaill tiara, with a lion or riding on a lion,
Goddesses KnowlI through Uteralllre (AOS between two sphinxes or enthroned. with a
24; New Haven 1943) 65-76, 90-95; M. variety of objects in her right hand, a branch
WEINFELD, The Worship of Molech and the or a cup, and sometimes leaning on a

114
ATARGATIS

sceptre. This iconographical repertoire tion was practised in her cult, a custom later
represents a mother goddess, a protecting widely observed in Christian Syri~l. A large
potnia theron, with life-giving and protec- pond with fish, usual1y carps, was p"rt of
tive aspects. It is partly related to the icono- her sanctuary at Hierapolis and at other
graphy of -Cybele, the Magna Mater. places. e.g. at Edessa and on the island of
Coins from Hierapolis from the 2nd and 3rd Delos, and symbolised Atargatis' life-giving
cent. CE usually picture an enthroned Atar- and fertility aspects. Purification rites were
gatis between two lions with different at- certainly part of her cult as well as a taboo
tributes in her hand. tympanum. cars of on certain food.
com, staff or spindle, mirror, sceptre, III. The sanctuary of Atargatis near
semeion, or a leaf, and with different jewel- Qamaim (2 Macc 12:26) has not been found
lery and headdress, sometimes with fishes or by archaeologists. An altar from Tell el-
-doves. Another type is Atargatis with a Ashrari near ancient Qamaim is dedicated to
mural crown. As such she functions as the Anemidi tei kuriH, the mistress Artemis
-Tyche of Hierapolis and other Syrian and (lGR III, 1163; see D. SOURDEL, Les ellites
Mesopotamian towns like Edessa. Harran, du HClIlrall a /'epoque romaine [Paris 1952]
Nisibis, Resh Aina and Palmyra. Other icon- 42). Since Artemis is equivalent to Atargatis
ographical types are an enthroned Atargatis in various inscriptions from Syria, Artemis
accompanied by one lion, without lions, or is here just another name of Atargatis,
in a standing position. This variety is partly which highlights her character of protectress
caused by the spread of the dominant cult of of animal and human life in the semi-nomad
Hierapolis throughout the Syrian and Mes- culture of the mainly Nabatean and Arab
opotamian area and the subsequent adapta- population of hellenistic Hauran. In such a
tion of local cults of mother goddesses society a sanctuary of Atargatis functioned
modelled on that of Hierapolis. The wide as an asylum. The text of 2 Macc 12:21-26
range of variants in the iconography as well suggestc; that Judas Maccabaeus' enemies
as in the epigraphic repertoire of Atargatis took refuge inside the temenos of Atargatis.
demonstrates this process of religious assi- where Judas killed them (see E. KAUTZSCH,
milation which made Atargatis of Hierapolis Apokryphell Illld Puudepigraphen des Alten
into the Dea Syria venerated throughout the Testaments I [Tiibingen 1900] III, note c.).
Roman empire. Lucian of Samosata wrote F. BAETHGEN (Beitriige zur semitisehen
his De Syria Dea in the second century CE Religionsgesehiehte [Berlin 1988] 68; cf.
on the goddess of Hierapolis, her sanctuary e.g. J. A. MO:-rTGmfERY & H. S. GEHMAN,
and her cult in which he relates her to a Kings [lCC; Edinburgh 1951] 474; J. GRAY,
range of other goddesses such as -Hera, I & /I Kings [London 31977] 654) equated
-Athena, -Aphrodite, -Artemis, Nemesis the enigmatic deity -Tartak. venerated by
and the Moirai, in order to explain her real the settlers coming from Avv"h (2 Kgs
character. She displays therefore aspects 17:31) with Atargatis. Since this
which are represented by other goddesses in identification is very unlikely from an ety-
hellenistic culture. This process often makes mological point of view, this interpretation
it difficult to decide whether the cult of is now abandoned (cf. L. K. HANDY. Tar-
Atargatis at a certain place is actually a tak, ABD 6 [1992] 334-335).
branch of the sanctuary of Hierapolis or a IV. Bibliography
local cult of a mother goddess adapted to H. J. W. DRI1VERS, Cults alld Beliefs lit
the practice of HierapolislMabbug. Edessa (EPRO 72; Lciden 1980) 76-121;
At Hierapolis Atargatis' sanctuary func- DRl1vERs, Sanctuaries and Social Safety.
tioned as an asylum, where it was strictly Visible Religion. Allnual for Religious Icon-
forbidden to kill an animal or a human ography 1 (1982) 65-75; DRl1vERs. Dca
being, in accordance with the goddess' life- Syria. UMC III. 355-358; N. GLUECK, Dei-
giving and protective character. Emascula- ties and Dolphins. The Story' of the Nabatae-

115
ATHENA

ails (London 1965) 359-392; M. HllRIG, epithet Polias or Poliouchos. This function
Dea Syria. StIldien ZlIr religiOsen Tradition is already present in Homer. In time of cri-
der Fruclzrbarkeirsgorrill ill Vorderasien sis, the women of Troy offer a p~p/os to her
(AOAT 208: Neukirchen-Vluyn 1979); enthroned image and prny for her protection
Hl>RIG, Dea Syria-Arargaris, ANRW II, (Iliad 6,302-303). Athens especially is
17,3 (1983) 1536-1581: R. MOUTERDE, Dea defined through her cult and mythology
Syria en Syrie, MUS} 23 (1942-43) 137- (Iliad 2,549-550). In later texts, one of her
142: R. A. ODEN, Studies in Lucian's De main epithets is Polias or Poliouchos, and
Syria Dea (HSM 15: Missoula 1977): H. her temple is attested on many acropoleis
SEYRIG, Les dieux de Hiernpolis, Syria 37 throughout the Greek world: only Apollo is
(1960) 233-252; SEYRIG, Le monnayage de as often attested as owner of a main polis
Hicrnpolis de Syrie a I'epoque d' Alexandre, sanctuary.
ReVile IIl1mismariqlle (1971) 11-12: P.-L. After the Minoan and Mycenaean Bronze
VAN BERG, Corpus Cll/rliS Deae Syriae I. Age culture had been discovered as the
Les SOllrces lirreraires, 2 'lois. (EPRO 28: possible precursors of Greek culture,
Leiden 1972); F. R. WALTON, Atargatis, scholars tried to derive Athena's parnmount
RAC I (1950) 854-860. function and charncter from the role of a
Mycenaean palace goddess which in tum
H. J. \V. DRUVERS
would go back to a Minoan house goddess
(NIl.5S0N 1950:488-50 I). The main argu-
ATHENA 'ABT\vaia, 'AEh;VT1 ment for the first thesis was that in Mycenae
I. Athena is the main polis divinity in and presumably in Athens a temple of Athe-
Greek religion. The Romans identified her na in the first millennium preserved the
with Minerva (etrusc. Menrva); the Greeks location of a Mycenaean palace; other argu-
themselves found numerous homologues in ments-her relationship to the snake which
the ancient Near East, e.g. the Egyptian had been understood as the guardian of the
Neith of SaYs (MORA 1985:95) and the Ug- house, with the so-called Shield Goddess of
aritic-Syrian -·Anat (CIS 1.95). The affili- Mycenae, known from iconographical
ation between the anned Greek goddess and sources--seemed to point in the same direc-
Near Eastern anned goddesses like Anat or tion: the Minoan roots were seen in her
-+ Ishtar (COLBOW 1991) is controversial, but association with snake and bird. The deriv-
Oriental influence is plausible. In the Bible, ation remains hypothetical at best; especially
Athena occurs only as the root element in the thesis of a Minoan origin seems to read
the toponym Athens (Acts 17:15) and in the diachronically what could also be viewed
anthroponym Athenobius (I Macc 15:28). functionally.
II. An early fonn of her name, Arana Her protection takes two fonns, that of a
porinija, is attested in a Bronze Age Linear talismanic statuette of an anned goddess
B tablet from Knossos (GERARD-RouSSEAU whose possession guarnmees the safety of a
1968:44-45). The meaning is disputed; pre- lown (the palladium, which Herodotus 4,189
sumably, it is "Mistress of (a place called) defines as a "statue of (Pallas) Athena"), and
At(h)ana". The debate about the priority of that of her being the goddess of war or
Athenai (Alhens) or Athena now favours the rather of warriors. According to myth, Troy
place name: the Homeric and later fonns of would survive as long as the palladium was
her name, 'ABT\voia - 'A8T\voiT\, are most inside; the town fell, after Odysseus and
easily understood as adjectives, "She from Diomedes had stolen it. Other towns
Athana(i)", "The Lady of Athens"; the claimed to possess it afterwards, chiefly
Homeric epithet A/a/kemelleis connects her Athens (Pausanias 1.28,9) and Romc (Livy
with another town, the small Boeotian 5,52,7 etc,): in all cn-c;es, the story fits a pat-
Alalakomenai. tcm of myth and rilUal which nced not be
A fundamental function of Athena is the connected with Athena.
protection of cities; as such, she bears the Like the Palladion, Athena usually bears

116
ATHENA

weapons. helmet. lance. and shield. As a ogical function, Athena's domain is the cor-
warrior goddess. Athena is differentiated rect social behaviour of women; from this
from -.Ares. the god of war. though the two stems her function as Ergane. in which she
are often paired together as divinities of war presides over the female work. But the role
and battle (e.g. Homer. Iliad 5,430). Ares of Athena Ergane was more global: together
represents the fierce forces of fighting and with Hephaestos, she protected also the arti-
killing without relationship to polis life sans over whose skills she watched; she had
where he has no important festivals; as a found out how to harness a horse. had
foreigner to the polis. myth makes him taught how to build ships (her first construc-
come from Thrace (Homer, Iliad 13,301). tion was Jason's Argo) and had cultivated
Athena, on the other hand, is the warlike the olive tree. The common denominator of
protectress of the polis against enemy these functions, as DE11ENNE & VERNANT
attacks; as such, she protects the warriors. (1974) pointed out, is Athena's role as pur-
This role is reflected in the protection of veyor of practical intelligence and clever-
mythical heroes, especially young ones like ness as a fundamental ingredient of civili7.a-
Achilles (lliall) and Jason, but also Odys- tion; the myth of her contest with
seus (Odyssey). This has been taken to mir- -> Poseidon over the possession of Athens
ror her role in initiation rituals of young which was decided by the respective gifts. a
warriors (B REMMER 1978); in fact, her con- salty spring from Poseidon, the cultivated
nection with rituals which derive from this olive tree from Athena. confront and evalu-
fundamental institution is somewhat ate miraculous nature which is socially use-
tenuous: in the Athenian Aglaurion. she less as opposed to socially \'ery useful
received the ephebic oath as Athena Arcia, nature. which has been trnnsfonned and
together with Ares. Enyo. Enyalios and civilized.
other local divinities (M. N. TODD, A selec- Athena's main Athenian festivals give
tion of Greek Historical Inscriptions 11 ritual expression to these themes; they clus-
[Oxford 1948J no. 204). and she was the ter around the beginning of Athenian year in
main divinity in the Attic-Ionian festival of the month Hekatombaion (July-August)
the Apatouria (besides -+Zeus) whose func- (DEUBNER 1932:9-39; BURKERT 1977:347-
tion-the integration of young members into 354). The cycle begins towards the end of
the phratry-reflects similar concerns. the last month but one, Thargelion (May-
She is more prominent as a divinity pre- June): on its 25th day, the Plynteria
siding over the ritual passage of young girls ("Cleansing Festival"), the old ,,,'ooden
into society. especially but not exclusively image of Athena on the acropolis was ritual-
in Athens. The Athenian Arrhephoroi, two ly cleansed: itc; ganllents and ornaments
girls from noble families, had to serve a were taken off, the image was carried to the
year on the acropolis. Their ritual obliga- sea. bathed, and brought back towards night
tions associate them with female adult life, onto the acropolis. where it was clad with a
their main duty being to start weaving the new peplos. The ritual depiclc;. in an easily
peplos for the goddess. their cultic roles understandable and widely diffused symbol-
bringing them together also with the cult of ism. the periodical renewal of the city's
->Aphrodite; their aetiological myth, the religious centre. Early in the following
story of Erichthonios and the daughters of month (MIKALSON 1975: 167), during the
Cecrops. focuses rather on the themes of Arrhephoria, the Arrhephoroi ended lhcir
sexuality and its dangers (BURKERT 1966). year of service on the acropolis by a secret
Similar rituals lie behind. e.g. the ritual of ritual which brought them from the realm of
the Locrian Maidens who were annually Athena to the one of Aphrodite (Pausanias
sent to Athena llias (GRAF 1978). 1,27,3). thus designating the passage to
Compared to -.Artemis, who is more female adulthood; city and demes celebrated
prominent as a protectress of young women the day with sacrifices, i.e. to the polis pro-
but whose main concern is with their biol- tectors Athena Polias and Zeus Polieus. and

117
ATHENA

to Kourotrophos, the protectress of human the aegis; it contains the Gorgon's head sur-
offspring. rounded by snakes whose looks turned all
The first month of the year saw two state on-lookers to stone. Besides, she shares this
festivals of Athena which both dramatized ambivalence with the young warriors them-
the polis itself. On Hecatombaion 16. the selves who are positioned outside polis
Synoikia recalled the (mythical) constitution society. Her practical intelligence also is
of the polis from independent villages by ambivalent because it is open to abuse; her
Theseus; the goddess received a sacrifice on mother Metis. "Crafty Intelligence", could
the acropolis. After the ritual refounding of have offspring which threatened Zeus'
Athens, the Panathenaia of Hecatombaion powers, therefore, the god swallowed the
28 presented the polis in all its splendour. pregnant goddess and gave binh to Athena
Its main event was an impressive proces- from his head (Hesiod. Tlreo}:.886-900. 924-
sion, idealized in Pheidias' frieze of the 926). The myth is comparable to the one of
Panhenon; it moved from the margin of the the ambivalent -·Dionysos; similar to poss-
city to its heart, the acropolis. and exhibited ible Near Eastern narrative models (KIRK
all constituent pans of the polis. from its 1970:215-217), the story evaluates civilizing
officials at the head to its young warriors at intelligence as having a Zeus-like power, but
the end; in the centre, it carried the new lying out"ide the norms of nature; Hephae-
p~plos for the goddess, which had been stos, the divine blacksmith and anisan,
begun by the Arrhephoroi and was finished shares some of these ambivalences.
by representatives of all Athenian women. III. The Bible never mentions Athena,
The presentation of this new garment links although Athens and the Athenians occur
this final festival to the beginning of the several times in NT (Acts 17:15-16; 17:21-
cycle, the Plynteria It also connects the 22; 18: I; I Thess 3: I). Paul's discourse on
Panathenaia with a funher Athenian festival the Areopagus (Acts 17:22) stresses the
outside the New Year cycle, the Chalkeia of religious zeal of the Athenians without
Pyanopsion 30 (October-November), in giving any details except the altar of the
which the artisans, especially the metal- -Unknown God.
workers, led a sacrificial procession to Athe- IV. Bibliography
na Etganc and Hephaistos. J. BREMMER, Heroes, Rituals and the Trojan
Though her main festivals seem to War, Smdi srorico-religiosi 2 (1978) 5-38;
express an understandable and easy symbol- W. BURKERT, KckropidenS<lge und Arrhe-
ism, her mythology is not without para- phoria. Vom Initiationsritus zum Pan-
doxes-she is not only a virgin and a female athenaenfest, Hennes 94 (1966) 1-25;
wnrrior, but also the mother of Erichthonios, BURKERT, Griee/lise/le Religion der archa·
sprung from the head of her father, fully ischen lind k/assisclren Epoclre (RdM 15;
armed; she is closely connected with the Stuttgart 1977); G. COlBOW, Die kriege-
snake' and the owl, animals of eanh and rische /Star. Zit den Ersclleillll1lgsfonnell
night Evolutionary models dissolved the bewaffneter Gotlheiten zwischen der Mitre
tensions into a historical fusion of hetero- des 3. IIl1d der Mitre des 2. Jahrtallsends
geneous elements (synthesis NILSSON 1963: (MOnchener Vorderasiatische Studien 12;
433-444); KERrtNYI (1952) tried to dissolve Munich 1991); M. DETIE~NE & J. P. VER-
some·-()f the paradoxes with the help of nna- NANT, uS ruses de J'ime//igellce. La meris
lyticai psychology; contemporary scholar- des grecs (Paris 1974); L. DEUBNER,
ship seems reluctant to follow and prefers Atrische Feste (Berlin 1932); M. GERARD-
functional analyses. ROUSSEAU, us memions religieltses dans
Athena's powers are ambivalent. Her /es tab/ettes myccniennes (Incunabula Grae-
• warlike qualities protect the town but also ca 29; Rome 1968); F. GRAF, Die lokrischen
make use of the horrors of war. her main Mlidchen, Studi storico-religiosi 2 (1978)
symbol, often used as a deadly weapon, is 61-79; C. J. HERINGTON, Athena Parthenos

118
ATUM

and Athena Polias (Manchester 1955); K. which can mean 'not to be' as well as 'to
KERENYI. Die lung/rau und Muller der grie- be complete' (BERGMAN 1970:51-54: MYs-
chiscJlen Religion. £ine SllIdie iiber Pallas LIWIEC 1979:78-83). In religious language,
Athene (Albae Vigiliae. N.S. 12: ZUrich the different aspects of a god are often
1952): G. S. KIRK. Myth. Its Meaning and reflected in his name. Using theological
Function in Ancient and Other ClIllllre (Sat- puns, the Egyptians associated the name
her Classical Lectures 40. Berkeley 1970): J. Atum with the complicated divine nature of
D. MIKALSoN. 77,c Sacred and Ci\'il Calen- the god who created the world by devel-
dar of the Athenian Year (Princeton 1975): oping the potencies of his primordial unity
F. MORA. Religione e religioni Ilclle storie into the plurality of the well-ordered cos-
di £rodoto (Milan 1985): M. P. NILSSOr-:. mos. Though in the Hebrew Bihle the god
Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its SlIr- Atum occurs only as an element in topo-
vival in Greek Religion. 2nd edition (Lund nyms. his role as a creator god bears some
1950): NILSSOr-:, Geschichte der griech- remarkable similarities to that of -·Yahweh
iscllen Religion. £rster Band: Die Religion in biblical thought.
Griecllenlands his auf die griecllische Welt- II. Atum was a highly speculative god
herrschaJi, 3rd edition (HAW V/2.1: Munich (BARTA 1973:80-81), whose divine being
1965). was elaborated by the theologians in a cos-
mogonical doctrine. According to this doc-
F. GRAF
trine. in the beginning there was the Nun. an
abyss with neither light nor limits. The Nun
ATUM represented the undifferentiated unity of the
J. Atum. sun god and eldest of the precreation state which the Egyptians con-
Ennead of Heliopolis. occurs in the Bible in ceived of as non-being. The Nun was the
the place-name Pithom (Exod I: II ), Gk primary substance. the sum of vinualities,
natou~o<;, Eg Pr-Itm 'House of Atum'. from which all life emerged. Nun is tenned
Recently, it has been suggested to explain the Eldest One and the father of the gods
the place-name Etam (Exod 13:20; Num (Cf VI 343.j-344.g). Still Atum was not a
33:6-8), the etymology of which H. CAZEL- younger and thus secondary god. He was
LES was unable to detennine with cenainty coexistent and consubstantial with the
(CAZELLES, Les localisations de l'Exode et -'Chaos (1. ASSMANN, Zeit lind £wigkeit i11l
la critique litteraire, RB 62 [1955] 321-364, alten Agypten. £in Beitrag Zlir Gesclliclllt'
357-359) as an abbreviated spelling of (Pr)- der £wigkeit [AHAW I; Heidelberg 1975]
Itm '(House) of Atum' (M. G<>RG, Etam und 21). Atum was a god who had no father and
Pitom, BN 51 [1990] 9-10). K. MY~LlWIEC no mother. He was mysterious as to his
(Zur Ikonographie des GOlles -HPf2N binh. because he was unbegotten and came
[StAeg 3: 1977] 89-97) connects the Greek into being by spontaneous self-generation
name with "Hprov (Heron), a god who is (DE BUCK 1947: cr. the self-produced
related to Atum (Heron-Aturn). It is highly (autoyovoC;] and unbegotten (QYEvvlltOC;J
probable that PithomlHeroopolis can be god of the Corpus Henllcticll11l: F. DAmlAs,
identified with Tell el-Maskhutah at the east Lc fonds cgyptien de I'hcnnctisme, GnoJti-
end of the Wadi Tumilat, where a temple of cisme et monde hellenistiqlle. Actes dll Col-
Atum has been found (A. B. LLOYD, Hero- loqlle de uJllvain-la·Nelll'e 11-/4 mai 1980
dotus Book II. Commentary 99-182 [EPRO [Louvain-Ia-Ncuvc 1982] 3-25, esp. 19-20).
43; Leiden 1988] 154-155). According to The god owed his powerful creative force to
BLEIBERG (1983) the evidence for ident- nothing outside himself. He was the causa
ifying Pithom with Heroopolis is incon- slli. Paradoxically, Atum and Nun were both
clusive. absolute gods and they both could claim the
The name Atum is generally interpreted priority which is a characteristic of a creator
as a derivation from the Egyptian stem tm god (1. ZANDEE, De Hymnen aan Amon van

119
AruM

papyrus Lciden I 350, OMRO 28 [1947] 66- by spitting him out and to his daughter
75, 112-120). Tefnut by vomiting her forth (Pyr. 1248.a-<1;
Before creation, Atum was entirely alone CT1345.c,1I 18.a-b; cf. NHCV 81.17-18;
in the Nun. According to Egyptian concep- Philo of Alexandria, Ebr. 30: the creation of
tions, the solitude of a god points to his pri- the visible world is the result of an act of
macy as a creator god (ASSMANN 1979:23- begetting). In the Books of the Underworld
24). Atum was the primordial god who was (HORNUNG 1984:372, 438), ithyphallic crea-
regarded as already existing when nothing tures are often depicted as creative forces.
as yet existed (GRAPOW 1931 :34-38). The - Apis, bull-god of fertility, is associated
urge, however, to create was inherent to with Atum. Atum was the great masturbator
Atum's nature. Being a creator god, Atum (Eg iw.s cl•S ) of Heliopolis who begot by
was in fact the creative will, the causa using his fist and brought forth by his mouth
efficiens, which performed the transition which functioned as a womb (1. ZANDEE,
from pre-existence to existence. In the older Sargtexte, Spruch 77 (CT II, 18), zAS 100
Heliopolitan version (S. SAUNERON & J. [1973) 71-72). In texlli dating to the
YOYOTTE, La naissance du monde selon Ptolemaic period, the goddess -. Hathor had
I'Egypte ancienne, La naissance du monde been introduced as the hypostaliis of the
[SO I: Paris 1959] 17-91, esp. 46), the ac- god's sexual desire, whereas Jusaas (Eg iw.s
tual creative act is explained in terms of c].S, 'as she comes she grows (7)', a pun)
sexual appetite as the inclination towards had become the hypostasis of the acting
Being (ASSMANN 1969:203-204, with ref- hand (DERCIIAIN 1972). It has been sug-
erences: cf. the Orphic cosmogonical Eros gested that the Heliopolitan conception of
and -Zeus, who tumed into Eros when creation resulting from masturbation found
about to create). Being alone in the Nun, the expression in the ithyphallic demiurge -Bes
god had no female partner with whom to Pantheos and in the name Adoil ydw'l, 'His-
produce offspring. In a manner characteristic hand-is-god', in 2 Enoch (Religions en
of a creator god, Atum was a unity embra- Egypte helUllistique et roma;lIe. Colloque
cing both masculine and feminine elemente; de Slrasbollrg 16·18 ma; 1967 [Paris 1969]
(S. SAUNERON, Remarques de philologie et 31-34). It has also been supposed to be
d'ctymologie (en marge des textes d'Esna), reflected in the rays of Aton ending in small
Melallges Mariette [IFAO 32: Cairo 1961] hands reaching out to the King and the
229-249 § "Le Createur androgyne"). Plural- Queen in their role of Shu and Tefnut (K.
ity is immanent in the primordial nature of MYSLIWIEC, Amon, Atum and Aton: The
Atum. In the same manner, creator god- Evolution of Heliopolitan Influences in
desses like -Isis and -Neith were mascu- Thebes. L'Egypro!og;e en /979. Axes pr;or;-
line for 2J3 in their nature and feminine for ta;res de recherches [Colloques intematio-
1/3 (ibid. 244). Atum was man-woman, 'He- naux du C.N.R.S. 595: Paris 1982] 285-
She' (Eg pn Ill: CT II 161.a; ef. the dichot- 289). Tefnut was regarded as the hand of
omic creator god in Gnosticism and the god (H. BRUNNER, LdA 3 [1980] 217-218).
Neo-Platonic Corpus Hemlelicum: P. LADlB, Atum performed the creation on the Pri-
Egyptian Survivals in the Nag Hammadi mordial Hill, a cosmic place. which was
Library, Nag Hammadi alld Gnosis. Papers identified with the god (BARTA 1973:82) and
read at the First Ifltemational Congress of later to be surmounted by the temple of
Coprology, Cairo, December /976 [NHS 14; Heliopolis. The god alighted at dawn on the
Lciden 1978] 149-151; \V. SCOTT, Hermeti- Hill in the shape of the Bennu. a bird whose
ca III [Boston 1985] 135: Gen 1: I: Elohim name could be a play upon the name 1mb"
created the world without a consort). The of the Primordial Hill, on wJm 'to rise (of
actus P/lrllS then is described as an act of the sun)' and perhaps on bnll 'to beget'
masturbation. The god masturbated, swal- (ASSMANN 1969:203). It has been pointed
lowed his seed and gave birth to his son Shu out that the Bennu is often depicted on a

120
ATUM

standard (V. NOTTER, BiblisclJcr SclJop- deceased (= Osiris) is cquated with Atum
fimgsbericht [SBS 68; Stuttgart 1974] 47) (BERGMAN 1970:53-54). A bronze statuette
which was symbolic of victory over Chaos of Atum shows the god with the attributes
(ASSMANN 1969: 195-196). The hierophany of Osiris (J. BAINES, A bronze statuette of
of the god drove off Chaos and called the Atum, lEA 56 [1970] 135-140). In BD 87,
well-ordered Cosmos into being. Atum was the deceased wishes to tum into the shupe of
also said to have ascended from the chaos- the snake Sato (Eg Sl 11, 'son of the
waters with the appearance of a snake, the -·earth'), the embodiment of Atum (M.-T.
animal renewing itself e\'ery morning (BD DERCffAIN-URTEL, Die Sclrlallge des "Sclriff-
87). Chaos, however, was considered to be brilclrigen" [SAK I: 1974] 83-104,90-92).
still immanent in the Cosmos (DERCHAIN Atum represents life after death (Cf
1962: 177-178: H. HORNUNG, Chaotische V.29I.k). Atum and Osiris are often paired
Bereiche in der geordneten Welt, .z4S 81 on stelae (K. MYSLIWIEC, Beziehungen
[1956] 28-32). At the creation, Atum rc\'ers- zwischen Atum und Osiris nach dem Mitt-
ed his nature of non-being and for this rea- leren Reich, MDAIK 35 [1979] 195-213)
son Chaos and Cosmos differred, not in con- and at the Judgment of the -·Dead Atum
tents, but in their organization. Creation is acts in favour of the deceased (R. GRIES-
organised Chaos (DERCIIAIN 1962: 183). In HAMMER, Das lCIIscitsgericlJt ill clell Sarg-
the famous eschatological text BD 175 (J. texten [AA 20: Wiesbaden 1970] 76-77).
ASSMANN, Zeit lind Ewigkcit [AHAW: Atum did not create from a primary sub-
1975] 24-26, with references to similar stance but the god emanated, thus producing
texts), which was still current in the Graceo- Shu, the air-god and his twin sister Tefnut
Roman period (E. Orro, Zwei Paralleltexte (moisture?). Creation begins with the transi-
zu TB 175, Cd£ 37 [1962] 249-256), Atum tion from unity to duality (B. STRICKER,
tells of his decision to annihilate the world Tijd, OMRO Supplement 64 [1983] 42-82,
he created, restoring it to il'\ original state of 64 n. 222: BERG!rfAN 1970:59-61). Shu and
Chaos (S. SCHOTT, Alttigyptische Vorstel- Tefnut became the parents of Geb, the earth,
lungen vom Weltende, SllIdia biblica et and his sister and wife Nut, the sky. Cre-
orientalia, III: Oriens anriqlllls [AnBib 12: ation was a theogony and a cosmogony at
Roma 1959] 319-330). Atum was the god of the same time. The theologians incorporated
pre-existence and post-cxistence (ASSMANN the gods Isis, Osiris, --Seth and Nephlhys,
1979:23). The demiurge, who cncompassed who reflected the social and political condi-
being and non-being as coincidcntia oppos- tio Irumana, into the cosmogony. The gods
itorum, causes both creation and annihilation constituted the Great Ennead of Heliopolis,
(cf. Deut 32:39: "I destroy and I heal"). i.e. the epiphany or Pleroma of Atum, who
Only -'Osiris was to remain as the Lord of was called the creator of the gods
Eternity together with Atum after the god (MYSLIWIEC 1979:171-172) and the Great
had turned himself into his primordial fonn Bull of the Ennead, referring to his priority
of a snake, symbol of time and eternity (L. as a creator god. Atum is the god of many
KAKOSY, Osiris - Aion, OrAnt 3 [1964] 15- descendants (RYHINER 1977: 132 n. 39). The
25, 20-21, with references). In the Book of Ennead was in fact the genealogical tree of
the Underworld Amduat (5th hour: sec the Pharaoh (BARTA 1973:41-48), headed by
HORNUNG 1984: 102-103, bottom register), Atum and at the bottom --Horus, the god
lhe eschatological snake seems (0 be de- connected with historical times (ASSMAr-:N
picted in the cave of Sokaris containing the 1984: 144-148). Pharaoh was of cosmic
Chaotic powers of the Underworld. In the dimensions and of primeval birth (L. KAKO-
11 th hour of Amduat (HORNUNG 1984: 174- SY, Tire primordial birtlr of tire killg [SlAeg
175, upper register), Atum has taken on his 3: Budapest 1977] 67-73). He was crowned
human shape after the Chaotic powers had by Atum (ARE 2 [1906] 89-90, 92), his
been defeated. To gain immortality, the father (BARTA 1973: 162), who once ruled

121
ATUM

the earth but was said to be weary of his Shu and Tefnut had been with their father
reign (Book of the Diville Cow: E. HOR- in a spiritual state (Cf 80). They were of
NUNG, Der agyptische Mythos \'on der Him- one being (011000010;) with Atum, thus
me/sku". Eine Atiol08ie des UIl\'OlIkomme- making a trinitarian unity (DE BUCK 1947:
Ilell lOBO 46; Freiburg, Gt>ttingen 1982]). S. MORENZ, Agyptisc!ze Religioll [RdM 8:
In his human shape, Atum is depicted Stuttgart 1970J 272-273, with references to
wearing a bull's tail and the double crown, Christian views on Trinity). Conceptually,
symbols of royalty (MY~L1W1EC 1979: 197, the world existed before the actual creation.
213-227). As the god's representative on Creation by means of the divine Spirit and
earth (R. ANTHES, Ocr Kt>nig als Atum in Word is considered to be a genuine Helio-
den Pyrnmidentexten, zAS 110 [1983J 1-9), politan conception by some scholars, but
Pharaoh mediates between gods and men, according to others it has been taken from
thus maintaining the cosmic hannony the Memphite cosmogonical myth (J. ZAN-
(ASSMANN 1979:21, with references). DEE, Hymnical Sayings addressed to the
According to the Shu-spells Cf I 314-II Sun god by the High-priest of Amun
45 (R. FAULKNER, Some notes on the god Nebwenenef, from his tomb in Thebes,
Shu, lEaL 18 [1964J 266-270), Shu was not lEaL 18 [1964] 253-265). D. MOLLER (Die
generated through an act of self-begetting Zeugung durch das Her£. Or 35 [1966J 256-
but Atum created him in his mind and ex- 274) has shown that creation by means of
haled him through his nostrils together with masturbation is inseparably linked to the
his sister Tefnut. The god embraced his god's heart or creative Spirit. At the cre-
children, thus guaranteeing the continuity of ation, Atum mentioned the names of the pri-
divine life and of the cosmic hannony which mordial gods (Cf II 7c-8a). Hu. the creative
resulted from the god's creativc act Word, and Sia, Intelligence, are the first-
(ASSMANN 1969: 103-105: MY~UWIEC 1978: born children of -+Re-Atum (BD 17, Cf IV
17). The name Shu is derived from Eg swj 227b-230b). They assisted at the creation
'to be empty' and Eg SW 'air', 'light' and made life possible (ASS~IANN 1969:
(BERGMAN 1970:54-55, with references). 145). Atum created the world with his heart
The god separated thc sky and the earth and his tongue (= Spirit and Word, ZANDEE
(H. TE VELDE, The theme of the separation 1964): cf. the role of pre-existential -+Wis-
of heaven and earth, StAeg 3 [1977] 161- dom (sop"ia/~lOkJllii) and Word (->Iogos!
170), thus creating the cosmic space to be diibiir) in e.g. Gen I: I, Ps 33:6, 4 Ezra 6:38,
filled with the god's divine paroltsia. In fact, John 1:1, Sir 1:1-4,24:1-9.
Shu was a second creator god, who sus- The unique and single creative act by
tained the world with life-giving air. Shu means of the Divine Word is opposed to the
was created from the breath of Atum (e.g. principle of cyclic creation. In the solar
Cf 1.338b, 345.b-c, 372b-374b). At the cycle, Atum usually represents the aging sun
creation. Atum appeared from the chaos- god, the Old One. to whom the solar Night-
waters as the Bennu, a bird connected with Bark was assigned (M Y~L1WIEC 1979: 163-
air and for this reason often compared with 164). Atum is also regarded as the ->moon.
the breath of Elohim moving over the waters the sun's substitute at night (P. DERCHAIN,
(V. NOTTER, Biblischer Sc"opfimgsbericht Mythes et dieux lunaires en Egypte. La lune,
[SBS 68; Stuttgart 1974] 46-54). Atum ini- l1I)'thes et rites [SO 5; Paris 1962J 17-68). A
tiated the creation but he remained outside bronze statuette shows Atum having the
the created world with which he was con- features of an old man (1. BAINES, A bronze
nected through his son Shu (ASSMANN statuette of Atum, lEA 56 [1970] 135-140:
1979:24-25). His hypostases, Shu and Tef- BAINES, Further remarks on statuettes of
nut, were the cosmic principles of life itself Atum. lEA 58 [1972] 303-306). In trigrams
rather than constellative gods dominating a representing the three phases of the sun god
specific department (ASSMANN 1984:209- (Khepri-Re-Atum), the god is symbolised by
215). the hieroglyph of an old man leaning on a

122
ATUM

staff (RYHINER 1977:125-137). In the binary wives (Pyr. I443a) at the birth of Re-
solar cycle, Atum is opposed to Khepri, the Harakhtc. the sun god (MYSLI\\1EC 1978:69-
young sun god, whose name is derived from 74). Atum, Shu and Tefnut are also repre-
Eg llpr 'to becomc' (J. Ass~fAl'IN, Chepre, sented in the shape of a sphinx (G. FECHT,
LdA 1 [1975] 934-940). Khepri-Atum en- Amama-Probleme, zAS 85 [1960] 83-118,
compas~ed the sunrise and the sunset. thus 117; MYSLIWIEC 1978:12-27).
reflecting the entire solar cycle. In the Book III. Bibliography
of tlte Eonlt (HORNUNG 1984:430. 444), J. ASSMANN. Litllrgische Lieder an den
Khepri and Atum represent the Beginning Sonlletlgol1 (MAS 19: Berlin 1969):
and the End. In the context of PGM VII ASS~tAN:-:, Primat und Transzendcnz. Struk-
515-524, the \lOX magica An 'the First One tur und Genese der agyptischen Vorstellung
and the Last Onc' could be interpreted as eines "H5chsten Wesens", Aspekte der
the composite Khepri-Atum (1. BERGMAN, spiitiigypriscltell Religion (cd. W. Westen-
Ancie1l1 Egyptian TlU!ogolly rNumen dorf; GOF IV,9; Wiesbaden 1979) 7-42;
supplement 43; Leiden 1982] 36; cf. Rev ASSMANN, Agyptell. Theologie lind From-
21 :6: "I am An. the Beginning and the migkeit einer friihen Hocltkllllllr (Stuttgart,
End"). The sun-disc is often depicted con- Berlin, Koln, Mainz 1984) 144-149, 209-
taining Khepri and the ram-headed sun god 215; W. BARTA, U1I1ersllcltllllgell ;'lIIn GIU-
(= Atum: MySI.IWIEC 1978:39-68). At the terkreis der Ne/lnheit (MAS 28; 1973): J.
sunset as well as during the journey through BERmtAN, Mystische AnkHinge in den alt-
the Underworld. Atum is regarded as the agyptischen Vorstellungen von Gott und
Living One (ASS~tANN 1969:142-143). The Welt, M.'r'sticism. Based Oil Papers read at
entrance of the god at night into the body of the Symposium on Mysticism held at Abo Oil
Nut is equated with sexual union. Atum the 7th-9th September 1968 (cds. S. Han-
becomes the Kamlltef 'Bull of his Mother'. man & C.-M. Erdsman; Stockholm 1970)
begetter of his own mother (CT I 237b. II 47-76; E. L. BLEl8ERG, The Location of
6Oc; BARTA 1973: 150), who at dawn gives Pithom and Succoth, Ti,e Allciell1 Worltl,
birth to Atum as the young sun calf Egyptological Miscellallies, vol. VI (1983)
(MYSLIWIEC 1978:38) or as a beautiful lad. 21-27 nos. 1-4; H. BO:--:NET, Atum, RARG
The god is Pller-Sellex. thus showing the 71-74; A. DE BUCK, Plaars en betekcllis mn
features of the pantheistic sun god (RYIIINER Sjoe ill de Eg)'ptische theologie (Amsterdam
1977: 137; cr. E. JUNOD, Polymorphic du 1947); P. DERCHAIN, L'ctre et Ie n~ant
dieu snuveur, Gnosricisme et mOllde he/- scion la philosophie egyptienne, Dialoog.
Jenistiqlle. Actes d/l Colloqlle de Lollmill-Ia- Tijdschrift ~'oor wijsbegeene 2 (1962) 171-
Nell\'e 1/-14 mai 1980 [Louvain-Ia-Neuve 189; DERCHAIN, Hat/lOr Quadrifrons.
1982] 38-46). At night the god received his Recherches sur la s)'1Jtaxe d'un m)'the egyp-
own eye (= sun-disc), vehicle of the young tien (Istanbul 1972); E. HORNUNG, Agyp-
sun god and agent of renewal, and protccted tische UlI1enreltsbiicher, eillgeleitet, iiber-
it during the journey through the Under- set;"t und erliill1ert (ZOrich, Munich 1984):
world (ASSMANN 1969:50-51). The god L. KAKOSY, Atum, LdA 1 (1975) 550-552;
defeated the enemies of the sun. thus restor- K. MYSLIWIEC. Sllldiell :lIm GOl1 Alll//l, I:
ing harmony and entering into the role of Die heiligen Tiere des Atum (Hildesheimer
Horus (HORNUNG 1984:206, with n. 14). As Agyptologische Beitrage 5; Hildesheim
destroyer of enemies Atum can take on the 1978); MySLIWIEC, StudiclI ZlIm Goll Alii",.
shape of an ichneumon (E. BRUNNER- 1/: Name, Epitheta, Ikonographie (Hildes-
TRAlIT, Ichneumon. LdA 3 [1980] 122-123) heimer Agyptologischc Beitr.ige 8; Hildes-
or he is represented as an arrow-shooting heim 1979); M.-L. RYIIINER, A propos de
monkey (E. BRUNNER-T~\lIT, Atum als trigrammes pantheistes, REg 29 (1977) 125-
Bogenschiitze, MDAIK 14 (1956) 20-28). 137; J. ZANDEE, Das Schopferwort im alten
Atum is the father of the two horizontal Agypten, Verbum. Essays on Some Aspects
lions, Shu and Tefnut, who assisted as mid- of the Religious Function of Words Dedi-

123
AUGUSTUS - AUTHORITIES

cated to Dr. H. W. Obbink (Utrecht 1964) 20-21; 2:6; 3:10; 6:12). -Christ's victory
33-66. over them implies that these forces were
regarded as evil prior to their defeat and
R. L. Vos subjugation by Christ, in whose service they
continue henceforth. This change is the rea-
AUGUSTUS -+ RULER CULT son for the hymnic praises in Col I: 16;
2: 15; Eph 1:21; 3: 10; 6: 12. As the lists of
AUTHORITIES E:~OUmOl celestial beings indicate, they are many in
I. The plural 'authorities' (exollsial) number and include -archai, exollsiai (Auth-
functions, strictly speaking, not as a name orities), kosmokratores (-+World Rulers),
but as a cultic epithet denoting celestial pneumatika tes ponerias (Evil Spirits; Eph
forces (see GLAOIGOW 1981:1217-1221, 6: 12). Presumably. they possess their auth-
1226-1231). The tenn is derived from Gk ority from primordial times when the creator
E:~oooia and corresponds to the verb bestowed it upon them; but, since they be-
E~E(JtlV ('have pennission, possibility, auth- came evil and demonic, the redeemer had to
ority'). The designation then refers to those subdue them. This happened after his resur-
who have been given authority, the bearers rection when Christ ascended into -·heaven
of authority. Characteristically, in the NT and took his place at the right side of God
(e.g. Eph 3: I 0, 6: 12; Col I: 16; I Pet 3:22) (I Pet 3:22). Christ's enthronement may
the plural fonn of the tenn always occurs also be the reason why their names
together with similar notions in liturgical (onomata) were withheld. God so exalted
fonnulae. Christ that he 'gave him the -·name that is
II. There are no antecedents for the NT above every name' (Phil 1:9; cf. Eph 1:21:
usage of exollsiai in the LXX or other pre- 'above every name that is named'). This
Christian Hellenistic texts. However, its ori- implies that the demons lost their names as
gin must be sought in apocalyptic (see I well as the power that goes with them. As a
Enoch 61: 10; 2 Enoch 20: I (J); Ass. Isa. result. they are no longer to be invoked and
1:4: T. Levi 3:8: cf. I Enoch 9:5 (Gk): T. worshipped. Rather, they themselves wors-
Levi 18: 12; Apoc. Bar. (Gk) 12:3; T. Abr. hip Christ (Phil 2:10; Rev 5:11-14; etc.).
9:8; 13:11; T. Sol. 1:1; 15:11; 18:3; 22:15. IV, Use of the designation continues in
20; tirulus B I [po *98 cd. McCown]), in later Christian sources, especially in the
magic (see PGM 1.215-216; IV.I 193-1 194; Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (Acts Andr.
XII.I47; XVII.a.5), and perhaps in Gnostic- 6; Acts 10hn 79; 98; 104; Acts Phil. 132;
ism (see Corp. Hem,. 1.13, 14, 15, 28, 32; 144; Acts TllOm. 10:86; 133), and in Gnostic-
XVI.14; Frg. XXIII [Kore Kosmou] 55, 58, ism (see Patristic Greek Lexicon, s. V.
63). Thus, the linguistic evidence is am- E:~oooia. sec. A.8-10; F; G: MICHL 1965:
biguous with regard to any specific origin of 97-98; 112-114; SIEGERT 1982: 243).
the usage. Precise Hebrew or Aramaic V. Bibliography
equivalents or antecedents are missing (cf. C. E. ARNOLD. Ephesians: Power and
StreB 3.581-3.584; MICHL 1965:79-80); in Magic. The Concept of Power in Ephesians
Latin translations the word potestas is used. in Light of Its Historical Setting (SNTSMS
III. In the NT the epithet is always found 63: Cambridge 1989) [& lit]; BAGO. S.l'.
in christological fonnulae of a hymnic na- E:~oooia [& lit]; I. BROER, E:~oooia, EWNT
ture. I Cor 15:24 speaks of the eschatol- II (1981) 23-29 [& lit]; W. CARR, Angels
ogical destruction of all celestial entities and Principalities: The Background, Mean-
(arelle, exollsia, dynamis) as part of the ing and Del'elopment of the Palliine Phrase
completion of the kingdom of God. These hai arellai kai ha; exollsiai (SNTSMS 42;
entities can also be categorized as 'the celes- Cambridge 1974) [& lit]; C. COLPE, J.
tials' (ta epourania) located in the middle MAIER, J. TER VRUGT-LENTZ, E. SCHWEI-
ranges of the cosmos (Phil 2: 10; Eph 1:3. ZER, A. KALLIS, P. G. VAN DER NAT & C.

124
AVENGER - AYA

D. G. MOLLER. Geister (Damonen), RAe 9 parts one might adduce Gemaryah (Isa 29:3)
(1976) 546-796 [& lit]: W. FOERSTER, and Gemaryahu (Jer 36:10-12.25). Such
E~E<mV, E~oooia "fA. especially sec. C.6, names demonstratc that the participle
nVNT 2.557-572: nVNT 10, 1080-1081 [& gcimim (the onc who avengcs, avenger)
lit]; B. GLADIGOW, Gonesnamcn (Gones- could be used as a divinc epithet. It docs not
epitheta) I (allgemein), RAe II (1981) occur as an independent divine name, how-
1202-1238; W. GRUNDMANN, Der Begriff ever. Nor is it "nested in the Ugaritic Iitera-
der Kraft ill der lIell1estumelltlichell Ge- turc in conncction with EI, so that Dahood's
dallkellwelt (BWANT 4:8; Stungart 1932): hypothetical manifestation of the god EI
J. MICHL, Engel I-IX, RAe 5 (1965) 53-258: known under the name *Gamir-EI remains
F. SIEGERT, Nag-lIammadi·Register: Wor- without textual basis.
terbuch z.ur Etfassllllg der BegrijJe ill dell III, The phrase "I call upon Elohim-
koptisch-gnostischen Schriftell '·011 Nag- elyon, upon the god who avenges me"
Hammadi. (WUNT 26; Ttibingen 1982). ('eqrii) Ie>Whim i e lyo1l fij)el gomer Ciilay) in
Ps 57:3 docs not nced to contain an echo of
H. D. BETZ
the hypothetical divine name Gomer-EI in
order to make good sense. Thc principal
AVENGER iO~ reason to posit EI-gomer or Gomer-EI as a
I. In Ps 57:3 the designation Elohim traditional EI manifestation is the parallel
-Elyon occurs in parallelism with "the god with Elohim-elyon (and more particularly so
who avcngcs mc". DAIIOOD took the expres- if the latter wcre to be corrected into El-
sion 'el gomer to be a reminisccnce of a elyon, Elyon). Yet the parallelism of the
divinc name Gomer EI (1953). Hc translated verse is not synonymous but synthetical (W.
the cxpression as 'the Avenger EI' (1968: BOHLMANN & K. SCIIERER, Stilfigurell der
49). Bibel [Fribourg 1973] 38): hence the article
II. The root GMR is well attested in the before )el, serving here as a relmil'llm.
Scmitic languages (Ges 18 223). From the IV. Bibliography
basic denotation 'to come to an end. to bring A. COOPER, Divinc Namcs and Epithcts in
to an cnd', it has developed thc secondary the Ugaritic Texts, RSP III (AnOr 51; Romc
senses 'to dcstroy' (Phoen 11Ig11lr mcans 1981) 444-445; M. DAHOOD, The Root GMR
'destruction') and 'to avcngc' (in Ugaritic in the Psalms, Theological SllIdies 14
and Hebrew). Though the laner meaning is (1953), 595-597; DAHOOD, Psalms 1/: 51-
somctimes related to a separate root (GMR II) 100 (AB 17; Garden City 1968) 49-55.
meaning 'rcnder good. protect' (so M. K. VAN DER TOORN
TSEVAT, A Study of the Lallguage of the
Biblical Psalms [Philadclphia 1955] 80-81),
it is not at oddo; with thc notion of bringing AVA
to an end; compare the verb sal/em (piCel), I. Aya was thc name of a syncretistic
'to pay (back)', from the root ~LM, 'to be deity in Ugarit, equated with thc Mcs-
complctc' . opotamian deities Aya and Ea. The name is
Both in thc Ugaritic and the Hebrew of unknown etymology. ROBERTS (1972: 20-
onomasticon the root GMR occurs in thea- 21) argued for a original spelling 'ay(y)a
phoric names. Ugaritic examples arc the deriving from an original root *I.IYV "to
names Gamiraddu ('Adad is avcnger') and live" and relatcd it to the ndjcctive ~laYY(lIm)
Gimraddu ('Addu is my revenge', for both "alivc" in Hebrew, Syriac and Arabic. In the
namcs and similar ones sec F. GR6NDAIIL, aT Aya occurs several times (c. g. Gen
Die PcrS01lCnllamen der Texte ails Ugarit 36:24; 2 Sam 3:7; I Chr 7:28) as a proper
[StP I; Romc 1967] 128; cf. P. D. ~liIlcr, name. It is regarded by somc authors as a
The Di,'ine Warrior ill Early Israel [Cam- hypocoristic fonn to be connectcd with the
bridge. Mass. 1973] 41). As Hebrew counter- Ugaritic dcity.

125
AYA

II. Aya is mentioned in the trilingual trickster. \\those advice saved gods and
Ugaritic god-list RS 20.123+ (J. NOUGAY- humans alike from seemingly hopeless situ-
ROI.. Ug 5 [1968] 248:32): dA-A: e-ia-an: ations. He was revered for instance, for
ku-Iar-m. The logographic writing dA-A is saving the human race from total destruction
used in Mesopotamia to denote the goddess by the deluge. As a patron deity of erudition
Aya, the spouse of the sun-god Shamash and scholarship on the one hand. and incan-
(-Shemesh). She was worshipped together tations and purification rituals on the other,
with him in Sippar, Larsa and perhaps also Ea became one of the supreme gods in the
in Babylon. Like Shamash she was a deity Mesopotamian pantheon. During the first
of -light sharing several aspects with -·Ish- millennium BCE most of his functions had
tar too. The Babylonians worshipped her as already been transferred to his son
a young girl and called her kallatll "bride" -Marduk. the city god of Babylon, but Ea
and yirtu "spousc". Aya is attested already remained the ultimate source of wisdom and
in Presargonic personal nnmes (BOlTERO deep insight throughout Mesopotamian his-
1953:32) and therefore one of the oldest tory.
Semitic deities known to us from Mesopot- III. In the OT Aya is found scveml times
amia. Her equivalent in the Sumerian pan- as a personal name. In Gen 36:24 and I Chr
theon was named Shenirda or Sudaga (A. I:40 as name of the eldest son of Zibcon
FALKENSTEIN, ZA 52 [1957] 305). An Edom- and in 2 Sam 3:7; 21:8.10 and II as name
ite king by the name of A)'a-ram11l1l is men- of the father of Rizpah. Twice Aya is men-
tioned in Sennacherib's annals (D. LUCKEN- tioned as the name of a place in connection
BILL, The Annals of Sellnacherib [OIP 2; with -Bethel (I Chr 7:28 and Neh II :31).
Chicago 1924] 30: ii 57). Several authors (GINSBERG & MAISLER.
In the Ugaritic god-list Aya is preceeded lPOS 14 [1934J 257; W. FEILER. ZA 45
by the Ugnritic Sun-Goddess Shapshu. This [1939] 219-220; J. BLENKINSOPP, Gibeoll
deity was female, and this change in gender and Israel [Cambridge 19721 126 n. 46)
might have been the reason for connecting connected these names as hypocoristic
the logographic writing of her companion fonns with the Hurrian deity Aya. Other
(dA-A) with the almost homophonic Hurrian scholars regarded Aya as an animal name
name (Eyan) of Ea, the Akkadian god of ("hawk. kite") used as personal name (IPN
sweet waters and wisdom, and with his 230), or as interrogative pronoun "where
Ugaritic equivalent Kushara (k!r, -Koshar). is... ?" (W. F. ALBRIGHT. lAOS 74 [1954)
Ea too is known from Presargonic per- 225-227). Most dictionaries distinguish
sonal names and belongs to the oldest Sem- between the personal names and the place
itic pantheon in Mesopotamia (ROBERTS name.
1972). In all probability he was originally a IV. Bibliography
god of springs and wells. and was soon J. BOrrERO, Les divinites semitiques an-
equ:lted with Enki, the Sumerian god of ciennes en Mesopotamie. Le antiche dil'inita
-wisdom nnd skills, whose domain was the semitiche (StSem I; Rome 1953) 17-63, esp.
Abzu-the subterranean sweet-water ocean- 32-33 and 36-38; E. EBELING, A.A, RIA I
and who was worshipped in the South-Mes- (1928) 1-2; EBELING, Enki. RIA 2 (1933)
opotamian city of Eridu (modem Abu- 374-379; D. O. EOZARO, Aja; Enki. WbM)'th
Shahrain, -Ends of the Earth). He Ill. 39. 56-57; H. D. GALTER, Der Gott
combined knowledge and wisdom with the Ea/Ellki ill der akkadischell Uberlieferullg
cleansing and restorative powers of fresh- (Graz 1983) [& lit.]; S. N. KRAMER & J.
W3ter. In Sumerian mythology. Enki is one MAIER. Myths of Enki. The Crafty God
of the creators and organizers of the uni- (Oxford 1989) [& lit.]; E. LAROCHE, Le
verse. Especially the creation of man is "pantheon" hourrite de Ras Shamr.i, Ug 5
ascribed to him. Within Akkadian epic tradi- (1968) 518-527, esp. 525; J. J. M. RORERTS.
tion he increasingly assumed the role of a The Earliest Semitic Pall1heoll. A Study of

126
AYISH - AZABBIM

the Semitic Deities auested ill Mesopotamia gold: "They have mouths, but they cannot
before Ur III (Baltimore 1972) 19-21. speak. They have eyes, but they cannot sec.
They have ears. but they cannot hear. They
H. D. GAlTER
have noses, but they cannot smell. They
have hands but they cannot touch, feet. but
AVISH -+ ALDEBARAN they cannot walk. They cannot make a
sound with their throats" (Ps 115:5-7; cr. Ps
AZABBIM C·:::J~l} 'Idols' 135:15:17).
I. The plural noun cii$abbim. 'idols', is III. The priesthoods of the ancient Near
derived from the verb cil$ab I. 'form, Ea."t distinguished between the cult statue
fa"hion. shape'. which is attested in Job fashioned by human hands and the divinity,
10:8: "Your hands fashioned and made me" which. it was believed. could be made to
(see also Jer 44: 19). The verb should not be reside within-but not only within-the cult
confused with cil$ab II 'to be sad. sorrow- statue (DIl:.iRICH & LoRETZ 1992:20-37).
ful'. The singular of the noun ce$eb meaning However. many of the common people with
'(clay) vessel, pot' is attested in Jer 22:28: whom Israelites came into contact did not
"Is this man Coniah a wretched broken pot, always distinguish between the divinity and
a vessel (keli) no one want,,? Why are he the cult statue. It should not be surprising.
and his offspring hurled out, and cast away therefore. that especially in the heat of relig-
in a land they knew not?" ious polemic renected in Pss 115 and 135,
II. Attested 17 times in the Hebrew the Israelite polemicist should poke fun at
Bible, the plural noun ctl$abbim 'idols' is this aspect of the popular religion of peoples
especially characteristic of Hosea (4: 17: 8:4; of the ancient Near East. The master pol-
14:9). who uses this noun to refer to the emicist of ancient Israel, the so-called
golden calves at Dan and Bethel (13:2). In Deutero-Isaiah. relates that at the time of the
the view of Hosea as in that of the unnamed capitulation of Babylon to Cyrus in the
author of I Kgs 12:28-30 the veneration of autumn of 539 BCE the images representing
these cuitic appurtenances by the people of Bel (-·Marduk) and Nebo (-Nabu) were
the Northern Kingdom (Samaria) was apos- piled as a burden upon tired beasts, who
tasy no less than the worship of other gods, "cowered, they (like Bel and Nebo) bowed
who were commonly represented by as well. They (i.e.• the beasts) could not res-
anthropomorphic statues. cue the burden (viz., the ci'i$abbim). and they
Micah, speaking in the name of the themselves went into captivity" (lsa 46:2).
loRD, tells us that the cQ$abbim. i.e.. cultic Apparently. Dcutero-Isaiah bears witness
appurtenances of Samaria. will be destroyed; here to the fulfillment of the prophecy in Jer
not because of their inherent inappropriate- 50:2: "Declare among the nations. and pro-
ness to the worship of Yahweh, but rather claim: Raise a standard. proclaim; Hide
because of the moral depravity involved in nothing! Say: Babylon is captured. Bel is
their having been provided by the generous shamed. Marduk is dismayed. Her ci1$abbim
donations of prostitutes from the fees they are shamed. her -gillfllim are dismayed". In
received for services rendered (Mic 1:7; cf. the Jeremian context both terms for idols
Deut 23: I9). refer to the gods of Babylon while in
From Pss 115:4 and 135: 15 and their Deutero-Isaiah the term cQ$abbim retains its
respective contexts we learn of a time. per- primary meaning and designates anthropo-
haps early in the Second Temple period. morphic statues of gods.
when Israel's neighbours taunted her for According to 2 Sam 5:21 the Philistine
worshipping an unseen god while Israel in soldiers abandoned their cQ$abbim, i.e., cult
return taunted her neighbours for wor- statues, when they were defeated in the
shipping anthropomorphic ci'i$abbim. 'idols' battle of Baal-perazim. The MT of I Sam
fashioned by human hands from silver and 31:9 refers to Philistine temples as "temples

127
AZAZEL

of their c14abbim" although the LXX reads 98. cf. the form Cu.'1 in 4Q 180, 1:8;
"among their idols". The parallel passage in IIQTemple 26:13 etc., see TAWIL 1980:58-
1 Chr 10:9, which speaks of "spreading the 59), the meaning of the name cz'z) remains
bad news to their cli$abbim," appears to controversial. In the main the following
reflect the Philistine point of view and uses possibilities are under discussion (cr. also
cli$abbim to refer to the deities represented HALAT 762): I) 'Azazel' is the name or
by or embodied in the statues (SCHROER epithet of a demon. 2) 'Azazel' is a geo-
1987:317-320). graphical designation meaning 'precipitous
According to Ps 106:36.38 the Israelites place' or 'rugged cliff (DRIVER 1956:97-98;
learned from their Canaanite neighbours to cr. Tg. Ps.-J. Lev 16:10.22 etc.). 3) 'Azazel'
worship and offer sacrifices to the Canaanite is n combination of the temlS ch. ('goat') +
cO$abbim. According to 2 Chr 24: 17 the 'ozil ('to go away, disappear', cr. Arabic z/)
death of the virtuous Judean high priest and means 'goat that goes (away)', cf. C17tO-
Jehoiada was followed by many of the 1tolJ1taio~ (Lev 16:8.lOa LXX), ci1to1t0IJ1ttl
Judean nobility's abandoning worship of the (v lOb LXX), 6 olE(J'taAJ.1£\'()~ Ei.~ a¢Ecrtv (v
LORD in favour of the worship of cii~abbim. 26) or caper emissarius (Lev 16:8.1 Oa.26 Vg),
Zech. 13:2, however, looks forward to the English scapegoat, French bouc emissaire.
eschatological time when "the very names In order to define the word as the name
of the cd$abbim" will be erased. or epithet of a demon one could refer pri-
Isaiah son of Amoz, speaking in the name marily to the textual evidence: according to
of the loRD, puts into the mouth of the Lev 16:8.10 a he-goat is chosen by lot 'for
Assyrian king (probably Sargon II) the rhe- Azazel' in order to send it into the desert (v
torical question: "Shall I not do to Jerusalem 10.21) or into a remote region 'for Azazel'.
and her cii$abbim what I did to Samaria and Since laCiiziiJzi/ corresponds to liYHlVH (v
her gods elli/im)T (Isa 10: II). Of course, 8), 'Azazel' could also be understood as a
Isaiah's audience is meant to understand that personal name, behind which could be
Jerusalem does not rely upon cli$abbim but posited something such as a 'supernatural
upon God. being' or a 'demonic personality'. However,
IV. Bibliography one should be cautious of too hasty an
M. DIETRICH & O. LoRETZ, "Jahwe lind ascription.
seine Aschera". Anthropomorphes Kultbild II, Various theses have been proposed in
in Mesopotamien, Ugarit lind Israel (UBL recent scholarly discussion concerning the
9; MUnster 1992); A. GRAUPNER, ·(a~ab, identity of the figure of Azazel, as well as
7WAT 6 (1987) 302-305 (& lit); S. Schroer, concerning the understanding of the Azazel
In Israel gab es Bilder. Nacllrichten \'On rite (Lev 16:10.21-22). These can be clas-
darste/lender KUllSt im Alten Testament sified as the nomadic, the Egyptian and the
(OBO 74; Freiburg & Gottingen 1987). Sowh Anatolian-North Syn'an models.
The underlying assumption of the nomad-
M. 1. GRUBER
ic model is that the 'scapegoat' is not only
chosen by lot 'for Azazel' (Lev 16:8.10, cf.
AZAZEL ?~U] mYom 1II:9-IV:2), but is also sent 'to him'
I. Both the etymology and the meaning into the desert or a remote region (Lev
of the name caw'zil, which appears in the 16: 10.21-22, cf. llQTemple 26: 11-13; mYom
Old Testament only in Lev 16:8.10 VI:2-6). The result of this combination was
[twice].26, are not completely clear. Al- the positing of a 'desert demon' Azazel. In
though the etymological hypothesis cz'Z} < other words, it was assumed that Azazel
.cu'l < Cu ('to be strong') + 'I ('god'), Le. lived in the desert and was a demon. DUHM
the result of a consonantal metathesis, ap- and others spoke of a 'Kakodamon der
pears to be the most likely explanation WUste', who was to be appeased through the
(JANOWSKI & WILHELM 1993: 128 with n. offering of a he-goat (icicir, DUHM 1904:56,

128
AZAZEL

cf. Ges. 17 576; HALAT 762). This thesis is, (G(iRG 1986: 13). namely from the (eastern)
however. to be viewed skeptically, since the desert. This is where the Egyptian model
goat chosen 'for Azazel' (v 8, the second comes into contact with the nomadic one.
goat is chosen 'for YHWH') is not sent 'to' This thesis is, however, inacceptable, since
eel [or something similar]) Azazcl but 'for it neither accords with the perspective of
Azazel into the desert' (facal-a'zel Lev 16 nor is it supported by the adduced
hammidbartJ). The central issue is the expla- Egyptian comparative material (JANOWSKI
nation of the expression 'for (fe) Azazel'; & WILHELM 1993: 123-129).
the solution should lie in the original mean- The third model is the SOlllJz Anatolian-
ing of the ritual. North Syrian one. It appears to be the most
Nevertheless the thesis of a 'desert plausible one. both conceptually and philo-
demon' Azazel has found acceptance and logically. It holds that the Azazel rite is a
has been advocated until the present day. type of elimination rite (spatial removal [eli-
Variations of this thesis have been proposed minario1 of a physically understood pollu-
by L. Rost (Passover ritual in the spring and tion through the agent of a living substitute),
'scapegoat' ritual in the autumn as corre- for which there are parallels both within
sponding early Israelite rituals) and recently (Lev 14:2b-8.48-53: Zech 5:5-11) and outs-
by A. Strobel (the integration of a pre-Israel- ide the OT. The extra-biblical parallels point
ite [El-]ritual into the Palestinian calendar to an origin in the South Anatolian-North
and into the celebration of the Day of Syrian ritual tradition, whence this rite spre-
Atonement). In addition the original de- ad on the one hand into the Palestinian-Isra-
monic character of Azazel was always elite ('scapegoat' ritual, Lev 16) and on the
underlined by positing a connection between other into the Ionian-Greek sphere (Phar-
the goat (saCfr) chosen for Azazel with the makos-rites in Kolophon, Abdera. Athens
*se ciril1l ('demons'; Isa 13:21: 34:14, cf. and MassalialMarseille). Its home is to be
Lev 17:7; 2Chr 11:15), which naturally found most probably in Southern Anatolia-
results in the image of a demon in goat form Northern Syria, as has become increasingly
for the 'scapegoat'. Finally, since the time evident in recent years. In support of this
of Eissfeldt the ivory plaque from Megiddo conjecture the relevant Human material
(LoUD, The Megiddo Ivories [OIP 52; Chi- from Kizzuwatna as well as the Canaanite
cago 1939] P1.5,4.5) has been viewed as an 'scapegoat' ritual ([(TV 1.127:29-31), which
iconographic proof of the demon hypothesis may form a missing link between the South
(for a critique see JANOWSKI & WILHELM Anatolian-North Syrian and the Palestinian-
1993: 119-123). Israelite ritual traditions, can be adduced.
Recently an Egyptian explanation has How this transfer of ritual proceeded has not
been proposed, which bases itself on the yet been worked out in detail. Just as
Egyptian ctj/ 'injustice; evil-doer, culprit' questionable is whether there are analogies
and Egyptian tjr 'to expel' or dr 'to keep at for the name and person of Azazel in Uga-
a distance, remove'. According to this the- rit; LoRETZ (1985) postulates a 'lesser
ory an original ritual of elimination has been divinity' cu'l analogous to Ugaritic e;.bel
enriched through the addition of the concept ([(TV 1.102:27).
of a 'scapegoat'-receiver in the form of a III. The decisive question in the interpre-
demon. who bears traits of the Egyptian god tation of Lev 16: 10.21-22 in the context (!)
-Seth, the classic 'God of Confusion'. This of Lev 16 is whether the figure of Azazel is
relationship is expressed in his name. original to the chapter or has 'developed' in
According to Gorg the name 'z'zl < Eg. connection with the composition/redaction
'tj/tjrll « '4/ + grll) means 'the expelled or of Lev 16. In order to answer this question,
removed culprit' and is an expression of the it is necessary to differentiate between the
interpretative model 'the guilty one belongs religious history of Lev 16: 10.21-22 and the
there whence his guilt ultimately comes' tradition/redaction history of Lev 16.

129
AZAZEL

In its ritual-historical aspect the Azazel religious-magical conceptual world of North


rite belongs to the oldest core of the ritual Syria, as becomes evident in the ritual trndi-
and represents a type of ritual (the elimin- tion borrowed from there (Alalab) and
ation rite), which is at home in South brought to Anatolia (Kiuuwatna). The
Anatolia-Nonh Syria and is also known in Ugaritic religion possibly played the role of
Mesopotamia (WRIGHT 1987:31-74). The mediator in this process (see esp. KTU
'motif of the scapegoat' in its various mani- 1.127:29-31). At an early date the tenn
festations is well attested particularly in the aza:laZllZ, also borrowed in this connection,
Hittite-Human rituals from Kizzuwatna in would have been misunderstood (for a criti-
southeast Anatolia (KOMMEL 1968; JANOW- que see DIETRICH & LORETZ 1993:115-116).
SKI & WILHEl.M 1993:134-158). Various In the attempt to understand the tenn, the
animals, such as cattle, sheep, goats, don- pattern of EI-names used to describe demo-
keys or mice, can be the bearers of the pol- nic beings may have been innuential, and
lution which is magically eliminated by may have detennined the interpretation in
me3ns of a Jiving substitute. The tenn tz':.1 the sense of a 'desert demon'. The adaptive
could be interpreted against the background process took place in the context of the tra-
of these Human ritual traditions. JANOWSKI dition fonnation of Lev 16, when one was
& \VILHELM have proposed tying the tenn able to view 'Azaze\' as the name of a
in with the Human aZJls/zJ.li. The latter is demon according to genuine Israelite inter-
knC?wn in the fonn azas/z1.JII(m) already in pretative presuppositions, i.e. from the per-
the Akkadian language oath ritual from spective of post-exilic monotheism. The
nonh Syrian Alalab (AIT 126: 17.24.28), and integration of the figure named 'Azazel' into
in the fonn aZJis/zbi it appears frequently in the tradition of Lev 16 was occasioned by
the great itkalzi-ritual in connection with the motive of the 'desenlsteppc' or the
sacrificial tenns with negative connotations 'remote region' (v 10.21-22) into which the
(e.g. ami 'sin' [< Akk anJlI] etc.). The root goat is sent to remove the impurity. The
can be assumed to be azaz- or azuz-, for concept of the 'desert demon' Azazel was
which, however, only a Semitic etymology born together with the desen motif.
(root (zz < Akk (elizu 'be angry', Heb Characteristic of the final fonn of Lev 16
tazat. 'be strong', etc.) but no Human one is the symmetry of the two goats, the one
can be posited. Since the 'anger of the for -Yahweh and the one for Azazel (v 8-
divinity' in this ritual tradition can be under- 10). The rituals tied in with them (the atone-
stood as an impurity which is ritually re- ment rites v 11-19 and the elimination rite v
deemable, the expression I'z'zl « *1':;:'1) 10.21-22) are to be understood as comple-
could then be derived from an original mentary acts, which have given the complex
definition of the elimination-rite, whose construction of Lev 16 its unmistakable
meaning one could then transcribe as 'for fonn.
taziitel = for [the elimination of] divine IV. The Jewish and Christian history of
anger' (for a critique see DIETRICH & interpretation of the figure of Azazel stands
LoRETZ 1993: 106-115). in 110 relationship to its laconic treatment in
The question of the integration of the Lev 16. In the latter Aza7£I recei yes no
Anatolian-North Syrian material of the sacrifices (the 'scapegoat' is no sacrificial
second millennium BCE and in particular of animal), nor are any (demonic) actions
the expression *tztl (> (z'z1) into the tradi- ascribed to him. The eli minatory function of
tion of the Day of Atonement in Lev 16 the Azazel-rite stands in the foreground.
cannot be simply resolved. The following The process of the demonization of
development, however, would appear to be Azazcl was intensively pursued in early
possible: Judaism under the influence of dualistic ten-
Azazel belongs to the oldest core of the dencies (J Enoch 8: I; 9:6; 10:4-8; 13: I; cf.
ritual trndition of Lev 16. It is a part of the 54:5-6; 55: 4; 69:2; Apoc. Abr. 13:6-14;

130
AZAZEL

14:4-6 ctc.: sec HANSON 1977:220-223; WILHElM. Ocr Bock. der die Sunden
NICKELSBURG 1977:357-404: GRABBE 1987: hinaustragt. Zur Religionsgeschichte des
153-155: JSHRZ V/6 [1984] 520-521). Azazcl-Ritus Lev 16.10.21 f. Religionsge-
Azazcl taught human beings the an of work- schichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kleina-
ing metal (1 Enoch 8: 1), enticed them to sien, Nordsyrien WId dem Alten Testamem
injustice and revealed to them the primordial (OBO 129: Fribourg & GtSttingen 1993)
divine secrets (1 Enoch 9:6; cf. 69:2). As an 109-169 [& lit.]: H. M. KOMMEL. ErsatzktS-
unclean bird he is the personification of nig und SUndenbock. ZA W 80 (1968) 289-
ungodliness (Apoc. Abr. 13:7: 23:9) and the 318: ·0. LoRETZ. Leberschau, Siindel/bock,
lord of the heathens (Apoc. Abr. 22:6). As a Asasel in Ugaril und Israel. Leberschau und
serpentine creature he tempted Adam and Jahwestatue in Ps 27, Leberschau in Ps 74
Eve in paradise (Apoc. Abr. 23:5.9): the (UBL 3: Altenberge 1985) 35-57; J. MILGR-
Messiah will judge him with his cohons (l OM. Leviticus 1-16 (AB 3; New York etc.
Enoch 55:4; cf. 54:5 and RAC 5 [1962] 1991) 1071-1079: G. W. E. NICKELSBURG.
2061). In rabbinic Judaism the name is only Apocalyptic and Myth in 1 Enoch 6-11, JBL
rarely to be found (RAC 9 [1976] 684). 96 (1977) 383-405: S. M. OLYAN. A 17,ou-
V. Bibliography sand Thousands Served Him. £tegesis and
M. DIETRICH & O. LoRETZ, Der biblische the Naming of Angels in Ancient Judaism
Azazel und AIT ·126. UF 25 (1993) 99-117; (TSAJ 36; TUbingen 1993): A. STROBEL.
G. R. DRIVER. Three Technical Tenns in the Das jerusalemische Sundenbock-Ritual.
Pentateuch. JSS 1 (1956) 97-105. esp. 97- Topographische und landeskundliche Erwa-
100; H. DUHM. Die bOsen Geister im Alten gungen zur Oberlieferungsgeschichte von
Testamem (Tubingen & Leipzig 1904): ·M. Lev 16.1O.21f.• ZDPV 103 (1987) 141-168:
Gl>RG, Beobachtungen zum sogenannten H. TAWIL. Azazel. The Prince of the Steppe:
Azazel-Ritus. BN 33 (1986) 10-16: Gl>RG. A Comparative Study. ZA W 92 (1980)
Asasel. NBL 1 (1991) 181-182: Gl>RG. "Asa- 43-59: D. P. WRIGHT, The Disposal of
selologen" unter sich - eine enge Runde? the Impurity: Elimination Rites in Ihe Bible
BN 80 (1995) 25-31: L. L. GRABBE. The and in Hittite and Mesopotamian
Scapegoat: A Study in Early Jewish Inter- Literature (SBLDS 101: Atlanta 1987) 15-
pretation. JSJ 18 (1987) 152-167: P. D. 74: ·WRIGIIT. Azazel. ABD 1 (1992) 536-
HANSON. Rebellion in Heaven. Azazel. and 537.
Euhemeristic Heroes in I Enoch 6-11. JBL
96 (1977) 195-233: ·B. JANOWSKI & G. B. JANOWSKI

131
B
BAAL '.!O
I. The name batal is a common Semitic
M. SZNYCER, LAPO 7 [1974J 73). Yet the
parallel occurrences of btl and hd (Haddu)
noun meaning 'lord, owner'. Applied to a in, e.g., KTV 1.4 vii:35-37: 1.5 i:22-23; 1.10
god it occurs about 90 times in the OT. The ii:4-5 do not necessarily support this
LXX transcribes BoW., Vulgate Baal, plural assumption. It could also be argued, with
Bow.\~ and Baalim. Though nonnally an KAPELRUD (1952:50-52), that the name of
appellative, the name is used in Ugaritic the Mesopotamian weather god Hadad!
religion as the proper name of a deity. Also Adad, known in the West Semitic world
in the Bible, the noun occurs as the name of through cultural contact. was applied sec-
a specific Canaanite god. ondarily to Baal. If Baal and Hadad refer
II. According to Pettinato the noun batal back to the same deity, however, it must be
was originally used as a divine name. It is admitted that, in the first millennium BCE,
attested as such already in third millennium the two names came to stand for distinct
texts. The mention of dba4-alx in the list of deities: Hadad being a god of the Aramae-
deities from Abu ~alabikh (R. D. BIGGS, ans, and Baal a god of the Phoenicians nnd
Inscription from Abu SalabikJr [OIP 99: the Canaanites (J. C. GREENFIELD, Aspects
=
Chicago 1974] no. 83 v 11 no. 84 obv. iii of Aramean Religion, Allcielll Israelite Re-
8') provides the oldest evidence of Baal's ligion [FS. F. M. Cross; ed. P. D. Miller, Jr.,
worship. Since the Abu ~alabikh god list et aI.; Philadelphia 1987J 67-78, esp. 68).
mentions the god amidst a wealth of other In the texts from Ugarit (Ras Shamra)
deities, each of them referred to by its Baal is frequently characterized as ali)'/I btl,
proper name. it is unlikely that batal should 'victorious Baal' (sec e.g. KTV 1.4 v:59; 1.5
serve here as an adjective. The appellative v:17; 1.6 v: 10: 1.101:17-18): ali)' qrdm,
'lord', moreover, has a different spelling, 'mightiest of the heroes' (KTV 1.3 iii: 14:
viz. be-il, or ba-ah-Iu. In texts from Ebla iv:7-8; 1.4 viii:34-35: 1.5 ii:IQ-II, 18; for a
(en. 2400 BCE) the name Baal occurs only as closer analysis sec DIETRICH & LORETZ 1980:
an element in personal names and top- 392-393); dmnr. 'the powerful, excellent
onyms. one' (KTV 1.4 vii:39: cf. KTV 1.92:30): or
PE'rnNATO (1980) makes a case for Baal btl $pll (KTV 1.16 i:6-7; 1.39:10; 1.46:14:
being an originally Canaanite deity (so also 1.47:5; 1.109:9, 29 -'aphon, -'Baal-a-
DAHOOD 1958:94: POPE & R6LLlG 1965: phon). The latter designation is also found,
253-254; VAN ZUL 1972:325), and argues in syllabic writing and therefore vocalised.
that he should be distinguished from in the Treaty of Esarhaddon of Assyria with
-+Hadad. Their identity is nevertheless often king Baal of Tyre (SAA 2 [1988J no. 5 iv
emphasi7.ed in modem studies. Many 10': dBa-al-$Cl-pU-Il11). It also occurs in a
scholars hold that Hadad was the real name Punic text from Marseilles (KAI 69: I) and a
of the West Semitic weather god; later on he Phoenician text from Saqqara in Egypt (KAI
was simply referred to as 'Lord', just like 50:2-3). The Baal residing upon the divine
Bel ('lord') carne to be used as a designa- mountain of ~apfu1U (the Jebel el-Aqra(,
tion for -Marduk (so e. g. O. EISSFELDT, classical Mons Casius, cf. the name Hazi in
BaalIBaalat. RGG I [1957 3J 805-806; texts from Anatolia) is sometimes .:-eferred
DAHOOD 1958:93; GESE 1970: 120: DE MOOR to in Ugarit as if $Pll (KTV 1.3 iii:29; iv: 19;
& MULDER 1973:710-712: A. CAQUOT & note, however, that the latter designation

132
BAAL

may also be used to refer to the collectivity pI. VIII c (1). IX a-d. X, XII). Such icono-
of gods residing on Mount Zaphon). Appar- graphic representations are known from
ently. in the popular imagination. Baal's other places in the Syro-Palestinian area too.
palace was situated on Mount Zaphon (KTV though their interpretation is fraught with
1.4 v:55; vii:6; cf. ~rrr ~pn. 'summit of the difficulties; an unambiguous identification
~apanu·. KTV 1.3 i:21-22; 1.6 vi:12-13. and with Baal is rarely possible (P. WELTEN.
mrym ~pn. 'heights of the Sapanu·. KTV 1.3 Gotterbild. mannliches, BRL [ 1977 2] 99-
iv:l. 37-38; 1.4 v:23). In a cultic context Ill; cf. R. HACHMANN [ed.] Friihe Pho-
Baal was invoked as the god of the city- niker im Ubanon: 20 Jahre deutsche Aus-
state of Ugarit under the name bel ugrr grabungen ill Kamid 'e/-Wl. [Mainz am
(KTV 1.27:4; 1.46:16 [restored]; 1.65: lO- Rhein 1983] 165).
ll; 1.105:19; 1.109:11. 16.35-36). The worship of Baal demonstrably per-
Such genitival attributions as bel ugrr may vaded the entire area inhabited by the
be compared with those that are known from Canaanites. During the period of the Middle
Phoenician and Aramaic inscriptions: bel Kingdom. if not earlier. the cult was adopted
kmtryJ (KAI 26 A II: 19); bellbnn ('Baal of by the Egyptians. along with the cult of
the -Lebanon'. KAI 31:1-2); bel $dn ('Baal other Canaanite gods (S. MORENZ. Agyp-
of -Sidon', KAI 14:18); bel $lIId (KAI tische Religion [RdM 8; Stuttgart 19772]
24:15); bel smyn ('Baal of the Heavens', 250-255). In the wake of the Phoenician
KAI 202 A 3); bel smm (KAI 4:3, -Baal colonization it eventually spread all over the
shamem); cf. also bel 'dr (KAI 9 B 5); bel Mediterranean region.
I;mll (KAI24: 16; -Hennon); bel mgnm (KAI The domain or property of the god con-
78:3-4). For other special fonns of Baal see SisL<; either of a natural area or one created
the survey by POPE & RljLLIG 1965:253- by human hand; the relationship of the god
264. It is also to be noted. finally. that the to his territory is expressed with a genitival
Ugaritic Baal in his capacity as lord over the conSlnlction: Baal is the lord of a mountain.
fertile land is said to be bn dgll, 'the son of a city. and the like. The place may either
-Dagan' (KTV 1.5 vi:23-24; 1.10 iii: 12, 14; coincide with a sanctuary. or contain one.
1.14 ii:25; iv:7). Yet as a member of the Since the separate population groups within
pantheon, the other gods being his brothers the Syrian-Palestine area each knew their
and sisters. Baal is also the son of -EI- own Baal, as the literary documents show. it
since all gods are 'sons of EI' (KTV 1.3 may be assumed that people had a well cir-
v:38-39; 1.4 iv:47-48; v:28-29; 1.17 vi:28- cumscribed image of the god as a deity of
29; once Baal addresses EI as 'my father', fundamental significance for the human
KTV 1.17 i:23). There is no particular ten- existence (cf. A. CAQUOT & M. SZNYCER.
sion between these two filiations; they LAPO 7 [1974] 77). The conclusion is
should certainly not be taken as an indica- confinned by the frequency of Baal as
tion to the effect that Baal was admitted into thcophoric component in personal names
the Ugaritic pantheon at a later stage. On the (IPN 114, 116. 119-122; KAI III, 45-52; F.
contrary: the appellative bn expresses appur- GRljNDAHL, Die Personennamell der Texte
tenance to a certain sphere. Baal was judged aus Vgarit [Rome 1967) 114-117.131-133).
to be a member of the Ugaritic pantheon. Also in the Amarna letters there occur
and as such he was n son of EI. Inasmuch as proper names compounded with the divine
his activity was concerned with the fertility name Baal (if diM may be read as bae/u, e.g.
of the fields he was a son of the grain god EA 256:2,5; 257:3; 314:3: 330:3).
Dagan. Since the infonnation concerning Baal in
The excavations at Ras Shamra have the Bible is negatively biased. a charncteri-
supplied us with various figurative represen- zation of the god and his attributes must be
tations of the god Baal (A. CAQUOT & M. based in the first place on texts from the
SZNYCER, Vgaritic Religion [Leiden 1980] Syro-Canaanite world. The examination of

133
BAAL

the Iron Age inscriptional material, how- These few testimonies give only a very
ever, be it Phoenician, Punic, or Aramaic, is general idea of Baal. The capacities in
not especialIy productive. Though Baal or which he acts, as kingmaker and protector,
one of his manifestations is frequently men- benefactor and donator of offspring, do not
tioned, he usualIy appears in conjunction distinguish him from other major gods.
with other gods, his particular field of action Far more productive arc the mythological
being seldom defined. Only the Phoenician texts from Ras Shamra ca. 1350 BCE. which
inscription of Karatepe (8th century BCE) contain over 500 references to Baal. They
yields information in this respect (KAI 26). help us to delineate the particular province
It tells about Baal in a way that is reminis- of the god. The myths tell how he obtained
cent of the mythic tradition of Ras Shamra. royal rule and reigns as king (KTU 1.2
King Azitawadda calls himself 'steward' iv:32; 1.4 vii:49-50). He is called sovereign
(brk, cf. Akk abarakkll, Ebla a-ba-ra-gll, see ('judge', !P!, a title more frequently applied
M. KREBERNIK, WO 15 [1984] 89-92) and to the god Yammu) and king (KTU 1.3 v:32:
'servant' «(btl) of Baal (KAI 26 A I: I). He 1.4 iv:43-44). Several times his kingdom,
claims that the god appointed him in order his royal throne and his sovereignty are
that he (Le. the king) might secure for his mentioned (KTU 1.1 iv:24-25: 1.2 iv: 10; 1.3
people prosperous conditions (KAI 26 A 1:3, iv:2-3; 1.4 vii:44: 1.6 v:5-6; vi:34-35; 1.10:
8; 11:6). A possible counterpart may be 13-14). His elevated position shows itself in
found in the Aramaic inscription of Afis (8th his power over clouds, storm and lightning,
century BCE) where King Zakir (or Zakkur) and manifests itself in his thundering voice
of Hamat and Lucash says that Baal-Shamin (KTU 1.4 v:8-9; vii:29, 31; 1.5 v:7; 1.10 1:3-
appointed him king over Hazrak (KAI 202 A 4). As the god of wind and weather Baal
3-4) and promised him aid and rescue in dispenses dew, rain, and snow (KTU 1.3 ii:
distress (lines 12-13). On occasion, Baal is 39-41: 1.4 v:6-7; 1.5 v:8; 1.16 iii:5-7: 1.101:
asked to grant life and welfare (KAI 26 A 7) and the attendant fertility of the soil
11I:11: C 11I:16-20: IV:12: cf. 4:3: 18:1,7: (KTU 1.3 ii:39: 1.6 iii:6-7, 12-13 [note the
266:2). In the Karatepc inscription, as in the metaphor of 'oil and honey', for which see
inscription from Afis (B 23), the heavenly also the Hebrew phrase 'a land flowing with
Baal (Baal-shamem) is mentioned besides milk and honey' in Exod 3:8.17; Lev 20:24;
other gods as guarantor of the inviolability Deut 26:9: cf. Amos 9:13; Ps 65:12]; KTU
of the inscription (A 111:18: cf. KAI 24:15- 1.4 vii:5Q-51). Baal's rule guarantees the
16): it is an open question whether he annual return of the vegetation; as the god
differs from the god Baal or whether he is disappears in the underworld and returns in
really the same deity approached from a dif- the autumn, so the vegetation dies and
ferent angle. Some mndom data may be resuscitates with him. Being the major one
culled from the remaining texts. The Phoen- among the gods. or rather perceived as such,
ician incantation of Arslan Tash (KAI 27), Baal was natumlly a king to his Ugaritic
presumably dating from the 7th century BCE devotees. Yet kingship is not Baal's sole
(unless it is a forgery, as argued by J. characteristic; it is merely the way he is
TEIXtDOR & P. A~f1ET, All/Or I [1983] 105- extolled. His nature is far more rich.
109), has been thought to mention the eight Baal is seen at work not just in the cycli-
wives of Baal (I. 18); it is also possible, if cal pattern of the seasons. He is also called
not more likely, that the epithet b C/ qds upon to drive away the enemy that attacks
refers back to -·Horon, whose 'seven con- the city (KTU 1.119:28-34), which shows
cubines' are mentioned in line 17 (cf. NESE that the god also interferes in the domain of
2 [1974] 24). A Nco-Punic inscription from human history. His involvement in matters
Tunesia refers to Baal-hamon and Baal- of sex and procreation, though often
addir (KAI 162: I), apparently as gods that mentioned in secondary studies, is not very
are able to grant pregnancy and offspring. explicit in the texts. A passage in the Epic

134
BAAL

of Aqhat narrates how Baal intercedes with protects against the forces of destruction.
EI, that the latter might grant a son to More particularly, however, his defeat of
Dan'el (KTU 1.17 i:16-34). Yet this is Yammu symbolizes the protection he can
almost the only testimony concerning Baal's offer sailors and sea-faring merchants. Baal
involvement in the province of human fertil- is a patron of sailors (C. GRAVE, The Ety-
ity. The other texts referred to in older stu- mology of Northwest Semitic $apclnll, UF
dies are either misinterpreted or highly 12 [1980] 221-229 esp. 228; cf. M. BIETAK,
dubious. Thus KTU 1.82 is not an incanta- Zur Herkunft des Seth von Avaris, Agyptell
tion asking Baal to grant fertility, but a text wld Lemllle I [199OJ 9-16): In the Baal
against snake bites (G. DEL OlMO LETE. La temple of Ugarit a number of votive anchors
religion cana/lea segull la /iturgia de Ugarit have been found. Sailors could descry from
lBarcelona 1992) 251-255). A.7U 1.13 may afar the acropolis temple, so they knew
indeed be an incantation against infertility, where to turn to with their supplications for
with Baal in the role of granter of offspring safekeeping and help (cf. M. YON, Ougarit
(1. C. DE MOOR. An Incantation Against In- et ses Dieux, Resurrectillg the Past: A Joint
fertility. UF 12 [1980] 305-310). but other Tribllle to Adllall BOlllllli led. P. Matthiae,
interpretations can also be defended with M. van Loon & H. Weiss; IstanbullLciden
some plausibilty (see, e.g., LAPO 14 [1989J 19901 325-343, esp. 336-337). This observa-
19-27). On the whole it seems mistaken to tion is confirmed by a reference in the treaty
infer from Baal's role as bestower of natural of Esarhaddon with king Baal of Tyre. It
fertility that he fulfilled the same role in the shows that Baal Zaphon had power to rescue
domain of human fertility. Also.•Il Ugarit, al sea, since the curse speaks about the pos-
there are other gods who might equally be sibility of Baal Zaphon sinking the Tyrian
called upon to bless a family with children. ships by means of a sea-storm (SAA 2 no. 5
A further theme in the myths is the antag- iv 10'-13').
onism between Baal and Yammu the god of Finally attention should be paid to a
the -sea (A.7U 1.2). In addition to this rather different aspect of the way believers
tablet from the Baal Cycle. other texts al- thought Baal might intervene in their lives.
lude to the theme; they speak of Baal's It concerns Baal's connection with the
combat against the -·River (Naham) and the netherworld. as it is expressed in the myth
monsters 11111 (Tunnanu, -.Tannin), b!1I tqlm about Baars fight with -·Mot (personified
(the twisted serpent). 1m b!/I brb (Utanu, the death). Mythological fragments not belong-
fugitive serpent; -·Leviathan). and sly! ing to the Baal Cycle have increased our
(Salyatu; KTU 1.3 iii:39-42; 1.5 i: 1-3. 27- knowledge of this side of the god. Baal is
30)-all belonging to the realm of Yammu called with the epithet rpu (Rapi'u). 'healer'
according to KTU 1.3 iii:38-39. It is interest- (cf. Hebrew njpe'). DIETRICH & LoRETZ
ing to compare these data with the account have shown that Baal is called rpli in his
by Philo Byblius: 'Then Ouranos [= EI?] capacity as leader of the rplIm. the -Reph-
again went to baltic, against Pontos l= aim (1980:171-182). They find the epithet in
Yammu]. Yct having turned back he allied KTU 1.108:1-2 and guess KTU 1.113
himself with Demarous [= BaaiJ. And belongs to the same category of texts. The
Demarous advanced against Pontos. but Rapi'Oma (Hebrew repc1'im) arc the ghosts
Pontos routed him. Demarous vowed to of the deceased ancestors. more especially
offer a sacrifice in return for his escape" of the royal family. Baal is their lord in the
(Eusebius, Praep. Ev. 1.10.28; cf. H. W. realm of the dead, as shown by the circum-
A1TRIDGE & R. A. ODEN. Jr., Philo of location :.bl btl ar~ ('prince. lord of the
Byblos: The Phoe"ician History [Washing- underworld'; DU::TRICH & LoRETZ 1980:
ton 1981) 52-53, 190 nn. 119-120). 392). According to KTU 1.17 vi:30 Baal is
These reports might lead to the con- able to vivify, which DIETRICH & LORETZ
clusion that Baal is revered as the god who interpret to mean that he activated the dece-

135
BAAL

ased and thus played a major role in the Baal in the OT are instructive about the kind
ancestor cult. The expression lUIII ib" rblll of relations that the Israelites entertained
(KTU 1.124: 1-2) may also be understood as with the deity. During the early history of
an epithet of Baal, designating him as 'lord Israel the name was hy no means applied to
of the great gods', i.e. of the deified ances- Yahweh. as is sometimes affirmed (pace
tors (1980:289-29O). KAPElRUD I952:43-44). The proper name
III. The biblical references in \\'hich '.lJ:J Bealiah (l Chr 12:6[5]), meaning 'Yahweh
means 'husband' (e.g. Gen 20:3; Exod is BaaIILord·. is insufficient evidence to
21 :3.22) fall outside the scope of this anicle. prove that Ba..11 was a customary epithet of
Only Hos 2: 18 is ambiguous in this respect. Yahweh. The theophoric component 'Baal'
Evide!1t1y the verse did not originate as a in proper names reveals most bearers of
dictum of Hosea; it was written at a later these names to be worshippers of Baal, or to
time (so already W. W. Graf BAUDlsStN. come from a family of Baal worshippers.
K}'rios als GOllesllame im Jlldentlllll lind All kinds of observations in the Bible docu-
seine Stelle in der Religiollsgeschichte led. ment the fact that the IsrJelites addressed a
O. Eissfeldt: Giessen 1929], Vol. 3, 89-90; cult to Baal. From a rc1igio-historical point
recently J. JEREMIAS. Der Prophet Hosea of view this comes hardly as a surprise.
[ATD 2411; G6ttingen 1983], ad locum). In Also among the Ammonites Baal enjoyed a
the eschatological future, according to the certain popularity (see Gen 36:38-39 for
prophet, the Israelites will call -'Yahweh Baal ali theophoric clement in an Ammonite
'my man' and no longer 'my Baal'. Since personal name; the god is possibly men-
otherwise Baal is never used as a designa- tioned in the Amman theatre inscription, see
tion of Yahweh, both 'my man' ('iSi) and K. P. JACKSON. The Ammonite Langllage of
'my Baal' (baca/i) arc to be understood as the Iron Age [HSM 27; Chico 1983] 45 and
'my husband', even though the former is U. HOBNER, Die Ammoniter [ADPV 16;
more common in this sense than the latter Wieshaden 1992J 21-23: b'l occurs as a
(Gen 2:23; 16:3; Lev 21 :7; Num 5:27 and theophoric element in a personal name on a
often). In the background, however. the seal from Tell-el- cUmcri: b'/)'s', HOBNER
verse is a polemic against the cult of Baal 1992:86; B. SECKING, JSS 38 [1993] 15-
(thus also the LXX by the plural BaaAlJl). 24). In addition to the more general refer-
The name Baal is used in the OT for the ences in Judg 6:31-32: I Kgs 18:21.26: 2
most part in the singular, and rarely in the Kgs 10: 19-20.28, there are references to the
plural; it is generally preceded by the article temple of Baal (I Kgs 16:32; 2 Kgs 10:21.
(Num 22:41 is no exception because it char- 23.25-27; II: 18); his altar (Judg 6:25.28.30-
acterizes a cultic place). On the basis of this 32; I Kgs 16:32; 2 Kgs 21:3); his cultic
data, ElSSFELDT has denied that there were a pillar (2 Kgs 3:2; 1O:27); his prophets (I
great number of Baals, distinguished from Kgs 18: 19.22.25.40: 2 Kgs 10: 19): and his
each other by reference to a locality or some priests (2 Kgs II: 18). It cannot be said that
other specification, such as a genitival at- the cult of Baal flourished only in certain
tribute (-·naal-berith) or an apposition (Baal- periods or in a number of restricted areas;
zebul, thus to be read instead of -'Baal- nor was it limited to the Canaanite part of
zebub; see O. EJSSFELDT, Ba(al-~amem und the population (alisuming that Canaanites
Jahwe. ZAW 57 [1939] 1-31, esp. 15-17 = and Israelites were distinguishable entities).
KS II (1963] 171-198, esp. 184-185). The The general impact of his cult is proven, in
many local Baals are rather to be understood the negative so to speak. by the reports
as manifestations of the one Baal wor- about its suppression in Israel and Judah (1
shipped among the Canaanite population Sam 7:4; 12:10; 2 Kgs 10:18-28; 11:18;
(thus DE MOOR & MULDER 1973:709-710, 23:4-5; 2 Chr 23: 17: 34:4), and by the ref-
719-720; but note the critical obser\'3tions erences to the handful of faithful who had
by KOULEWEIN 1971:331). not bowed to Baal (I Kgs 19: 18; 2 Chr
The frequent occurrences of the name 17:3). Similarly the increasingly sharp pol-

136
BAAL

emics which came to dominate the Israelite cerned with the competItion between Baal
literature (cf. KOHLEWEIN 1971:331) attest and Yahweh-or rather the respective
to the fact that during the early Iron Age the groups that claim loyalty to the one or the
god Baal played a large part in the belief of other. The central issue of the battle is the
the Israelite population. F. E. EAKIN, Jr. ability to produce rain, and hence to granl
(Yahwism and Baalism before the Exile, fertility to the fields (cf. I Kgs 17:1.7.14;
JBL 84 [1965J 407-414) correctly empha- 18: 1.2.41-46). It is Yahweh's prophet who
sizes that until Elijah, the worship of announces the withholding of the rain and
Yahweh and the cult of Baal coexisted with- its ultimate return. His message is that rain
out any problem. It should be remembered, and fertility of the soil do not depend on
moreover, that the cult of Baal did not cease Baal but on Yahweh (cf. Hos 2: 10). Appar-
to be practised, notwithstanding the notice ently I Kgs 18:38 ('Then the fire of
in 2 Kgs 10:28 which says that "Jehu wiped Yahweh fell") is to be understood as a refer-
out Baal from Israel". ence to lightning and thunder. It has often
The polemics gained prominence as the been noted that this implies a transference of
worship of Yahweh gained ground. Their certain qualities of Baal onto Yahweh. Else-
typical means of expression is the accusa- where, too, Yahweh has assumed character-
tion that the Israelites turned away from istics of Baal. He is associated with winds,
Yahweh at a very early stage in their his- clouds, rain, flashes, and thunder (Exod
tory; they allegedly preferred to bring 19:9.16; Amos 4:7; Nah 1:3: Ps 18 [= 2
sacrifices to the Baalim or to Baal, and they Sam 22]:14-15; 77: 18-19). It is Yahweh
continued to do so until the end of the exist- who gives the 'dew of heaven' and the 'fat-
ence of the independent states of Israel and ness of the earth' (Gen 27:28)-something
Judah (see e.g. Judg 2:11-13: 1 Kgs 16:31- normally associated with Baal.
32: 2 Kgs 17: 16; Hos II :2: Zeph 1:4: Jer Baal's chthonic aspect should also be
9: 13). In Judaism the substitution of the read- taken into consideration. It, too, has been
ing 'Baal' by biHet, 'ignominy, disgrace, transferred and projected upon Yahweh, thus
dishonour' became customary (-+Bashtu): widening his sphere of action. Yet a distinc-
the Septuagint used the terms aioxuvll (I tive difference remains. Unlike Baal in the
Kgs 18: 19.25; with Aquila and Theodotion Ugari tic tradition, Yahweh is never said to
Jer II: 13) and cioooAov (Jer 9: 13: 2 Chr be descending into the netherworld for a
17:3: 28:2). The few references suggest that definite amount of time, in order to fortify
the Greek pejorative names were seldom the dead. Yet Yahweh was believed to pos-
used. Yet it should be noted that Baal.. is sess the ability to perform acts of power
often preceded by the feminine article, within the realm of the dead inasmuch as he
which fact must be interpreted as a re- was able to resuscitate from the dead, or to
n
flection of a reading aioxuVTJ. The Vul- interfere in matters of the underworld. The
gate throughout renders Baal and Baalim texts that say so (Amos 9:2; Hos 13: 14: Isa
(for the historic development of that usage 7: II) date from the 8th cenlury DeE. They
cf. DE MOOR & MULDER 1973:719). voice a conviction not formerly found: it
The figure of Baal which the Bible pre- was a prophetic innovation with far-reaching
sents as being worshipped by the Israelites consequences. The ground for it had been
must have resembled the Baal known from prepared by the popular belief that Baal, as
Syrian and Phoenician sources, most notably an important deity in human life, must
the Ugaritic tablets. As the biblical data are equally have power over the realm of the
unyielding with information about the nature dead. In the mind of the believer, there are
of Baal, however, the researcher is often no fixed limits to the power of the god.
reduced to guesses based on comparative The tradition of Baal as the slayer of the
evidence. sea and its monsters was also known in
The first source to be dealt with is the Palestine (-+Leviathan). This is shown, for
cycle of Elijah narratives, as they are con- instance, by the fact that in later times

137
BAAL

Baal's victories have been ascribed to mation should be dismissed. Similarly the
Yahweh. In passages which are almost lit- idea of cultic prostitution as an ingredient of
eral echoes of ccnain Ugaritic texts and the Baal cult should not be taken for a fact.
expressions, Yahweh is celebrated as the This too is an unproven assumption for
one who defeated Yammu ;md the sea which only Jer 2:23 and Hos 2: 15 can be
dragons ta////i//, Iiwyiitii//, //o~liif. lxiria(1 quoted in suppon; neither text is unam-
respectively //o(lof 'aqalloto// (I sa 27: I: biguous (cf. DE MOOR & MULDER 1973:
51:9-10; Jer 5:22; Ps 74:13-14; 89:10-11). 717-718).
In addition there is the defeated monster Baal held a unique position among the
-Rahab, so far absent from the mythology inhabitants of Palestine. People experienced
of Ras Shamra. the pattern of the seasons, and the regular
The Canaanite cult of Baal as described return of fenility. as an act of Baal's power.
in the Bible, and practised by the Israelites, Yahweh was initially a god acting mainly in
hae; cenain traits that are not without paral- the realm of history. Owing to his growing
lels outside the Bible. The ecstatic beha- place in Israelite religion, his sphere of
viour of the Baal prophets described in I influence gradually widened to eventuaIly
Kgs 18:26.28, the bowing to the image of include what had once been the domain of
the god (I Kgs 19: 18), and the kissing of his Baal as well. His rise in importance was
statue (Jer 2:8; 23: 13) are hardly typically only possible, in fact, through his incorpora-
Israelite (cf. R. DE VAUX, Les proph~tes de tion of traits that had formerly been charac-
Baal sur Ie Mont Carmel, Bible et Oriellt teristic of Baal only.
[Paris 1967] 485-497). IV. Bibliography
Considering the data about Baal surveyed M. J. DAHOOD. Ancient Semitic Deities in
until now, it cannot be excluded that the Syria and Palestine, Le alltiche divi//itG
Palestinian Canaanites called their god Baal semitiche (cd. S. Moscati; Rome 1958) 65-
with the title 'king' as well-in the same 94; M. DIETRICH & O. LORETZ, Baal RplI
manner as the Ugaritic texts do. EI too m;IY in KTU 1.108; 1.113 und nach 1.17 VI 25-
have received the title. Such practices will 33, UF 12 (1980) 171-182; DIE~"RIECH &
undoubtedly have been an influence in the LORETz,Vom Baal-Epitheton ad// zu Adonis
Israelite use of the epithet in relation to and Adonaj, UF 12 (1980) 287-292; DIET-
Yahweh (cf. SCHMIDT 1966). Yet we are not RIECH & LoRETZ, Die BaCal-Titel bel ar~
in a position to determine exactly when and und ali)' qrdm, UF 12 (1980) 391-393;
how the transfer of the title came about. DIETRIECH & LORETZ, Ugaritisehe Rituale
Because of the similarity between the two und Beschworungen. Texte aus der Umwelt
gods, many of the traits ascribed to Yahweh des Alten Testaments. TUAT 2 (1986-89)
inform us on the character of the Palestinian 328-357; O. EISSFELDT, Baal Zapho//. ZeIlS
Baal. For lack of other data, it is impossible Kasios lind der DllrchZlIg der Israeliten
to say whether the resulting image is com- durchs Meer (Halle 1932); G. FaHRER. Elia
plete. Also, it cannot be excluded that the (ZOrich 19682); H. GESE, RAAM. 119-134;
Palestinian cult of Baal, and its theology, R. HILLMANN, Wasser lind Berg. Kos11lischc
differed at various pointe; from that which is Verbindungsli//iell zwischell dem kanaanii-
found in the Ugaritic texts. The case of ischc// H'ettergott lI/1d la/nrc (Halle/Saale
Rahab. mentioned before, offers a telling 1965); A. S. KAPELRUD. Baal ill the Ras
illustration. Something. however, which can Shamra Texts (Oslo 1952); J. KUHLEWEIN.
hardly be correct about the Palestinian Baal i;l~~. THAT I (1971) 327-333; J. C. DE
is the accusation that child sacrifice was an MOOR & M. J. MULDER, i;l.l}~, nVAT I
element in his cult (Jer 19:5; 32:35). The (1973) 706-727; M. J. MULDER, Ba'al ill het
two textc; that say so are late and evidently Ollde Testament (Kampen 1962); MULDER,
biased in their polemic: without confirma- Kanaiinitische Godell in het Dude Testament
tion from an unsuspected source their infor- (Kampen 1965) 25-36; G. PETTINATO, Pre-

138
BAALAT

Ugaritic Documentation of Sacal. Tile Bible TIle majority of the attestations of hClt as
World. Essays ;11 HOllor of Cyms H. Gordoll a divine name are associated with the god-
(cd. G. Rendsburg et al.; New York 1980) dess Bacalat of Byblos (bClt gbl), 'the
203-209; M. H. POPE & W. Ri)LLlG. Syrien. Mistress/Sovereign of Byblos·. to whom a
Die Mythologie der Ugariter und Phonizier. sanctuary from the early second millennium
WbM)'tll 1/1 217-312; W. H. SCHMIDT. BCE was dedicated. As dbNt/l fa unJG/lbla.
KOII;gtlll1l Go11es ;11 Ugarit /lnd Israel this goddess is regularly referred to in the
(BZAW 80; Berlin 19662); P. XELl.A. Amarna correspondence of Rib-Addi to the
Aspekte religioser Vorstellungen in Syrien Phamoh from the fourteenth century nCE.
nach den Ebla- und Ugarit-Texten. UF 15 The inscriptional evidence from the first
(1983) 279-290 (esp. 284-286); P. J. VAN millennium BCE demonstrates that she was
ZIJL. Baal. A St/ldy of Texts ;11 COllllect;oll the leading dynastic deity of that city. In the
w;tll Baal ;11 tile Ugar;t;c Ep;cs (Neu- tenth century BCE inscription of Ye1)imilk.
kirchen-Vluyn 1972). bClt gbl is invoked alongside -·Baal-shamem
as part of a pair in parallel to 'the assembly
W. HERRMANN
of the holy gods of Byblos' (11lp~m 'I gbl
qdsm; KAI 4:3-4). The entire inscription of
RAALAT ii~l}~ Yehawmilk (KAI 10: fifth century BCE) is
I. BaCalat. ·mistress·. 'lady'. 'sover- dedicated to BaCalat. indicating the import-
eign' (Heb ba?lliit; PhoenlUg bClt; Akk ance of this goddess to the ruling dynasty of
be/Ill). is attested as both a divine name and the city.
an epithet in the ancient Near East from the The relief on the upper register of the
middle third millennium BCE. Though the latter inscription depicts the deity with the
term is attested in the MT as a place name headdress commonly associated with the
(Josh 19:44: I Kgs 9:18: 2 Chr 8:6). it does Egyptian -·Hathor. an identification also
not occur in the biblical text as the desig- made with the Bacalat (hClt) of the Proto-
nation of a divinity. Sinaitic inscriptions (fifteenth century nCE).
II. In Akkadian. the epithet is applied to With which of the major goddesses of Cana-
a number of goddesses. most often asso- an the 'Mistress of Syblos' is to be equated
ciated with fertility and birth. as dbelit iii. In remains debated. Though it is common to
addition to being a common designation of identify bClt gM with -·Astarte. based on the
-·Ishtar. this epithet is also associated with association of Astarte with -+Aphrodite in
specific goddesses. their cities. or their func- later sources. there appears to be good rea-
tions. son to question the equation. While there is
At Ugarit. bClt occurs as both an epithet evidence from Ugarit suggesting that bClt
and a divine name. In several ritual texts. was an epithet of Anat. there are also rea-
offerings are made to bClt bll1m. 'the sons to interpret bClt as a title of -+Asherah,
mistress of the palaces'. whose identification who was known in Egypt as Qudsu. While it
remains questioned. M. C. ASTOUR (iNES is possible that bClt gbl is to be equated with
27 (1968) 26) suggested a relation with Akk the great Canaanite goddess Ashemh. this
bNet ekallim. 'the mistress of the palace' deity could have been a syncretistic deity
(see also PARDEE 1989-90:445). In a myth- that combined some of the aspects of
ological text (KTU 1.108:6-8). however. b It C
Asherah. Ashtarte. "nd Anath.
is a designation for the goddess -+Anat. III. In the QT, bClt does not occur as a
called bCltmlk hClt drkt bClt J11l111 nlll1l l1 rll't divine name or as an epithet of a deity. It is
kp!. 'mistress of kingship. mistress of do- attested. however. in two place names. In
minion. mistress of the high heavens. Anat Josh 19:44, bac,'llcit occurs as the name of a
of the headdress'. It is also attested in the town included in the territorial allotment to
personal name rnahdi-dbNIll. 'sen'ant of Dan. A town by the same name is also listed
Beltu', from Ugarit. among those sites which were fortified by

139
BAAL TOPONYMS

Solomon (I Kgs 9:18; 2 Chr 8:6). lts loca- both in the masculine (Kiriath-baal. Baal-
tion remains uncertain. In Josh 19:8, in thc judah) and feminine (Baalah) fonns. Thc
list of towns allotted to the tribe of Simeon, difference in distribution may be due to the
occurs the name batlJlal be'er. 'Mistress of connection of Baal-toponyms to mountain
the Well', which could well be identified and hilly peaks. the feminine fonns being
with Bir Rakhmeh to thc southwest of reserved for other topographical areas.
Beersheba. Apart from the possible refer- II. Baal is neither attested in pre-Israel-
ences to a divinity 'Bacalat' that may havc ite place names nor does it appear in Syrian
been the basis for the etymology of these second millennium BCE documents. More-
two place names, there exists no evidence over, Syro-Palestinian and Cypriote topo-
for the worship of a goddess 'Bacalat' in the nyms compounded with Baal are attested
biblical materials. only in Nco-Assyrian records of the first
IV. Bibliography millennium BCE, namely Ba'Ii-~apuna (Jebel
W. F. ALBRIGHT, The Prolo-Sinaitic In- Aqra C). Ba'li-ra'si (Mount Cannel), Ba'il-
scriptions and Their Deciphenllelll (Cam- gaL1ra Ba'il-burri and Ba'ii. The hill country
bridge. Mass. 1969) 16-17.27-28,39: R. J. of Canaan is hardly ever mentioned in the
CUFFORD. Phoenician Religion. BASOR 279 Egyptian sources of the second millennium
(1990) 55-64; R. S. HESS, Divine Names in liCE and we still do not know whether any
the Amama Texts, UF 18 (1986) 149-168: of the biblical Baal toponyms antedates the
W. A. MAIER III, 'A serail: exIra biblical Iron Age. Since most of them are located in
Evidence (HSM 37; Atlanta 1986) 81-96; R. the hill country, which was quite empty in
A. ODEN, JR•• Sllldies in Lucian's De Syria the Late Bronze Age and was settled only in
Dea (HSM 15; Missoula Mont. 1977) 77- the Iron Age, most (or even all) of these
78; D. PARDEE, us Tates Para-Mytho- sites must have been founded and named
!ogiqlles de la 24e Campagne (1961) (RSOu only at that time.
IV; Paris 1988); PARDEE, Ugaritic Proper Place names in the fonner areas of
Namcs, AfO 36-37 (1989-90) 390-513: K. Canaan are not called by the names of the
L. TALLQVlST, AkkGE 57-66.272-276. new national gods of the first millennium
BCE (e.g.• -·Yahweh, -·Milcom, -'Chemosh.
E. T. MULLEN, JR.
-OOs, etc.). On the other hand. many places
are called by the names of thc older Canaan-
BAAL TOPONYMS ite deities. like -~Baal, -~EI (Bethel, Elto-
I. Thc nine toponyms -·Baal-gad. lad), -Dagan (Beth-dagon). Shamash (Beth-
-Bnal-hamon, -Baal-hazor. -Baal-hennon, shemesh, see -~Shemesh). -~Horon (Beth-
-·Ba:ll-judah, -·Baal-meon, -·Baal-pcrazim, horon), Ashtoreth (Ashtaroth. sec -~ Astarte)
-·Baal-shalisha, and -·Baal-tamar include and -.Anat (Beth-anath, Anathoth). Some of
various descriptive combinations which are these names may be regarded as survivals of
compounded with the divine name or appel- pre-Israelite names, others were apparently
lative Baal. They arc all located in the new settlements of the Iron Age I-II.
Canaanite hill country, save for Baal-meon III. Names of individual gods can also be
which is located on the plain east of the titles. Baal (like EI) can be both the name of
Dead Sea. the god Baal or a title, 'lord', referring to
Thcre is a difference in the distribution of another deity. Each Baal toponym must be
toponyms which are named by masculine analyzed in order to ascenain which of the
(Baal-X) and feminine (Baalah. Bealoth. two alternative interpretations is preferahle.
Baalath-X) fonns. The fonner are attached IV. Bibliography
to the highlands whereas the latter appear in W. BOREE. Die allen Ortsllamen Paliist;nas
the lowlands (Baalath: Mt Baalah) and the (Hildesheim 1968 2) 95-97; B. S. J. ISSER-
Negeb (Baalah; Baalath-beerlBealoth). An LIN, Israelite and Pre-Israelite Place-Names
exception is Kiriath-jearim which appears in Palestine: A Historical and Geographical

140
BAAL-BERITH

Sketch, PEQ 89 (1957) 133-144; H. TAD- been in the city (9:4). But his cult must also
MOR, Erlsr 25 (1996) 286-289. have been popular among those Israelites
who lived in the neighbourhood of Shechem
(8:33). In 9:46. on the other hand, a erypt-
be it a subterreanean cave or a hidden dark
BAAL·RERITH, r;'~:: '?l'~, ii'~~ ';~ room or vault-of a temple of EI-berith in
I. Baal-berith ('Baal of the Covenant'; Migdal-Shechem ('Tower of Shechem') is
Judg 8:33 and 9:4) and EI-berith ('EI of thc mentioned. Is this a reference to the temple
Covenant; Judg 9:46) occur only in the of Baal-berith as that of EI-berith, 'the cov-
Book of Judges as specifications of the enant god', and is the substitution of 'EI' for
Canaanite fertility gods --Baal and -+EI of 'Baal' due to "scribal orthodoxy" (GRAY
Shechem. an ancient Canaanite city in the 1962)? Or have we to do with two different
hill country between Mount Gerizim and temples? In the opinion of SIMONS (1943;
Mount Ebal. Also in Ugaritic texts brr 1959) and other scholars Migdal-Shechem
('covenant') is found in connection with (Judg 9:46-49) is to be distinguished from
Baal. the city of Shechem. It must have been situ-
II. In the aT Shechem is often ated in the neighbourhood of that city as
mentioned. Already in Gen 12:6-7 we are its advanced defensive bulwark (Mount
told that Abram went as far in Canaan as the Zalmon, Judg 9:48, identical with 'Beth-
sanctuary at Shechem. and the terebinth trce Millo' in Judg 9:6.20). But in Abimelech's
of Moreh, and that he built there an altar "to time this stronghold must have developed
the LORD who had appeared to him". This into a small settlement, depending on the
suggests that already in 'patriarchal' times mother-city of Shechem, symbolized by the
the Shechem area was a religious centre (see surviving original name as wen as by the
e.g. Gen 33: 18-20: 35:4; Josh 24:32). In cult of a common deity Baal-berithlEl-
Josh 24 it is told that Joshua concluded a berith. NIELSEN (1955) identified Migdal-
covenant at Shechem, resulting in a confed- Shechem and Beth-Millo (Judg 9:6.20) with
eracy of twelve Ismelite tribes. Josh 24:25- the main building on the acropolis of Tell
26 infonns us that "Joshua drew up a statute Balatah.
and an ordinance" (cf. Deut II :26-32) for The questions to be dealt with here are
this confedcracy in Shechem, and that he primarily archaeological. The mound (Ten
took "a great stone and set it up under the Balatah) of-presumably-biblical Shechem
terebinth in the sanctuary of the LORD". has been excavated by various expeditions
Many older scholars even suggested that since 1913 (Sellin and Welter between 1913
Shechem was the original home of the and 1934; G. E. Wright led eight campaigns
Hebrew covenant as against Sinai-Horeb or between 1956 and 1969). According to
Kadesh and that the city was the amphi- Wright, a massive structure, with wans
ctyonic sanctuary of the tribal confederacy seventeen feet thick, had replaced the court-
of Israel (ROWLEY 1950: 125). yard temples of Shechem at about 1650 neE.
In this city the dramatic story of Abi- According to CAMPBELL (1962), it is quite
melech, son of Jerubbaal (Gideon) by his likely that all the structures mentioned in
Shechemite concubine (Judg 8:31) took Judg 9:4.6 and 9:46 are part of the complex
place. as told in Judg 9. We are infonned in Shcchcm's sacred precinct.
that in this time the gods of the city were Other buildings which could be inter-
the Canaanite gods Baal-berith and EI- preted as sanctuaries, have been found with-
berith. So Shechcm was a Canaanite enclave in and nearby the city too (WRIGHT 1968).
at the time of Abimelech, and the "citizens The existence of these sanctuaries outside
of Shechem" might not have been Israelites, the sacred precinct, and even outside
but Canaanite inhabitants (FOWLER 1983: Shechem. can throw indirect light on the tra-
52). A shrine of Baal-berith should have ditions of sacred places in the Shechem

141
BAAl-BERITH

pass. But at the same time it complicates the the special character of Baal-berith and of EI-
issue of whether there was only one temple berith in Judg 9. There is in the first place
for one deity called now Baal-berith now EI- the question of the age and the composition
berith. or there were actually two shrines of the traditions in Judg 9. JARO~ (1976:76-
one for Baal-berith and one for El-berith. 77) takes Judg 9:8-15.26-40.46-54 as an old
The latter possibility is accepted on good tradition; Judg 9: 1-7 .I 6a.l9b-21.23-24.41-
grounds by many modem scholars (SOGGIN 45.56-57 as a later one: Judg 16b-19a.22.55
1967: 1988: DE MOOR 1990). There is also were added by a later hand. The fact that
an identification of an excavated building on both deities are mentioned in one and the
Mount Ebal with the EI-berith temple of same area only in this composite story
Judg 9. It was Zcrtal who surveyed Mount (Shechem) could be an indication that there
Ebal during five campaigns (starting in was a close connection between the two dei-
1982). and found there a "temenos wall" ties in the Shechemite pantheon, analogous
enclosing a large central courtyard. An arti- to the connection between Baal and EI in
fact was discovered, which has been sub- the Ugaritic pantheon. It may even be that
jected to different interpretations: a great the passage in which El Berith is mentioned
altar (ZERTAL 1985; 1986), a watchtower is the older tradition. Baal Berith, however,
(SOGGIN 1988). or even an old fannhouse is pictured as a Canaanite god who was
(KEMPINSKI 1986). Zcrtal saw it at first as a worshipped by many Israelites too (Judg
cultic site for the tribal Israelite confederacy 9:33).
which he associated with the biblical tradi- Of the old versions LXX offers two dif-
tion (Deut 27:4; Josh 8:30-35). But Soggin ferent translations of the book of Judges,
is of the opinion that it could be the Migdal- one represented by codex B (Vaticanus), the
Shcchem. a small fortified settlement. with n other by codex A (Alexandrinus). LXX A
holy place and an altar for EI-berith. It tries to translate tenns like Baal-berith
ought to be said that the identification of the (Baw.. ola9rpcl1;). whereas LXX B often
building within Shechem. excavated by simply transcribes the Hebrew expression
Wright. as the temple of EI-berith is also with Greek letters (v 4: BaaAJ}Epl8: v 46:
seriously disputed (FOWLER 1983). Bmel1ApEple: NIELSEN 1955: 142). The
As is known, EI and Baal were important Peshitta and the Targum translate the
deities in the Ugaritic and Canaanite pan- Hebrew text as betal qeyam[a'] (Baal of the
theon, and it is not unlikely that they could covenant). In v 46 the Targum paraphrases
both have had a shrine in Shechem (MUL- the difficulties in this way: .....to the gather-
DER 1962: SOGGIN 1967). In Ugarit too. EI ing place of the house of God to cut a cov-
and Baal both had a temple (J. C. DE MOOR. enant". In the same way the Vulgate para-
The Seasonal Pattem ill the Ugaritic Myth phrases the second part of v 46: .....they
of Batlu [Kevelaer 1971J III). Besides. in went into the shrine of their god Berith,
KTU 1.3 i:28, brt 'covenant' may have been where they had concluded a covenant with
used in connection with Baal. According to him. and therefore that very fortified place
CROSS (1973) the name il brt is also used in had got its name" (... ingressi sum fallum
a Human hymn for El. SCm-UTI (1964) dei sui Berith IIbi foedus cum eo pepigerallt
argued that this god was originally identical et ex eo loclis 1Iomen acceperat qlli erat
with the Indian-Iranian god Mitra ('agree- valde mll1liws). In Judg 8:33 Vulg. translates
ment' in Semitic fonn). for in the second as Baal foedlls. but in 9:4 the Hebrew
millennium BCE the Indo-Iranians were expression is oddly transcribed: Baalberith.
widely scattered throughout the Near East: iI There are scholars who believe that Israel
brr, however, should be interpreted as the drew its belief in a divine covenant with
Old Semitic deity lIabrat (M. DIETRICH & Yahweh from an analogous cult of Baal-
W. MAYER, UF26 [1994] 92 with lit.). berith in Shechem, or even that batal was
III. It is not easy to detennine which was only an epithet for Yahweh in the stories of

142
BAAL-BERITII

Judges (KAUFMANN 1961:138-139). The be either EI or Baal-and most likely the


view that Baal-berith officiated as supervisor latter one. Much of the later Israelite ethos
and guardian of a political trcaty between was opposed to the tradition of the Canaan-
Shechcm and some other city-states or the ite Baal. So it is very unlikely that the cove-
local Israelite population is accepted by nant tmdition is derivcd from the covenant
many scholars. Hence the explanation of his tradition of Baal-berith of Shechem. The
name as Baal-berith. But that there had been name 'Berith'. however, may refer to his
a profound influence from this Baal upon function among the Shechemites "as the wit-
Ismel is unprovable. (smel's tmdition of the ness or guarantor of the covenant between
Sinai covcnant was not moulded upon the two peoples" (LEWIS 1992).
pattern of the Shechem covenant of Baal- IV, Bibliography
berith (CLE~IENTS 1968). On the other hand W. F. ALBRIGHT, Archaeology antI the Re-
the story in Judg 9 pre~upposes some ligion of Israel (Baltimore 1953) 113; T. A.
normal rehltions between Shechemites and BUSINK, Der Tempel 1'011 Jemsalem \'011
Ismelites (NIELSEN 1955: 171). But this does Salomo bis Herodes I (Leiden 1970) 388-
not mean that Yahweh was worshipped in 394.595-597: E. F. CAMPBELL, Shcchem
Shechem with the name Baal-bcrith, as (City), IDBS (1962) 821-822; R. E. CLEM-
GRESS~IANN (1929: 163-164) suggested. ENTS, Baal-Berith of Shechcm, JSS 13
Another view regarding the nature of (1968) 21-32; F. M. CROSS. Callaanite Myth
Baal-berith is that he was one of the parties (llId Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass. 1973):
of a covenant to which his worshippers I. FINKEl~IEIN. The Archaeology of the
fonned the corresponding party. so that a Israelite Seult'melll (Jerusalem 1988). esp.
religious, or cultic, covenant was involved. 81-85; M. D. FOWLER, A Closer Look at the
Clements points out that a pan of the popu- "Temple of EI-Berith" at Shechem, PEQ
lation of Shechem is described as "men of 115 (1983) 49-53; J. GRAY. Baal-Berith,
Hamor" (in Gen 34 the name Hamor means IDB I (1962) 331; H. GRESS~IANN, Die
'ass'), and that the ritual for the aftlnnatioll Allfiillge Israels (Gottingen 1929. 2nd cd.);
of a covenant by the slaughtcring of an ass K. JAROS. Sichem; Eille archliologische IIl1d
is testified in the ancient Near East. Those religiollsgeschichtliche Stlldie (aBO II:
who were bound under covenant having par- Freiburg & Gottingen 1976); Y.
ticipated in this ritual became "sons of KAUFMANN. 71,e Religioll of Israel, tmnsl.
Hamor" ("sons of the ass"). The covenant of and abridged by M. Greenberg (London
Hamor "was almost certainly related to 1961); A. KEMPINSKI. Joshua's Altar-An
Baal-Berith. who was the chief god of the Iron Age I Watch-tower?, BAR 12 (1986)
city" (CLEME:-.-rS 1968:29: see also 44-49: T. J. LEWIS, Baal-Berith, ABD
ALBRIGHT 1953: 113. who was of the opin- 1(1992) 550-551; E. LIPINSKI, EI-Berit,
ion that Baal-berith was an appellation of Syria 50 (1973) 50-51; M. J. MULDER.
the god -. Horon). This suggests a divine Batal ill het Ollde Testamelll Cs-Gmvenhage
covenant between the local Baal and certain 1962), esp. 134-139: J. C. DE MOOR, 71,e
citizens of Shechem rather than a covenant Rise of Yah ",islII. The Roots of Israelite
in which Baal acted as the guardian of a MOIIOth£'islll (BETL 91; Leuven 1990); E.
local politic<ll treaty (CLEME:-'iS 1968:31). NIELSEN, Shechem; A Traditio-Historical
In Judg 9 it is shown. however, that this I",'cstigatiofl (Copenhagen 1955, 2nd ed.):
god was also a god of fertility and vegeta- H. H. ROWLEY, From Joseph 10 Joshua;
tion (v 27)-so was Baal in the Canaanite Biblical Traditiofls in the Light of Archaeol-
pantheon: the men of Shechem went out into ogy (London 1950), esp. 125-129; G.
the field, gathered the grapes from the SCHMITT. EI Berit - Mitra, ZA \V 76 (1964)
vineyards, trod them and held festival, 325-327); J. A. SOGGIN, Bemerkungen 7.ur
coming "into the house of their god". The alttestamentlichen Topographic Sichems mit
identity of this god goes unsaid, but it must besonderem Bezug auf Jdc. 9, ZDPV 83

143
BAAl.-GAD - BAAL-HAZON

(1967) 183-198; SOGGIN, The Migdal foot of Mount Hermon. It is best located at
Temple, Migdal SCkem Judg 9 and the Arti- thc headwaters of the l;I~bani river. near the
fact on Mount Ebal, 'Wiinschet Jerusalem modem town of l;Ia~baya.
Frieden'. IOSOT Congress Jerusalem 1986 Baal-gad appears as the opposite extremity
(cd. M. Augustin & K.-D. Schunck: Frank- of Mount Halak (Josh 11: 17; 12:7), the south-
furt am Main 1988) 115-119; G. R. H. eastern border of the tribal allotment. and
WRIGHT, Temples at Shechem. ZA W 80 marks the northern border of the tribal allot-
(1968) 1-35: A. ZERTAL. Has Joshua's Altar mentc;. It must have been a prominent place.
Been Found on Mt. Ebal? BAR 11 (1985) situated in a fertile watery region, and may
26-43; A. ZERTAL, How Can Kempinski Be well have been a cult place for a local Baal. Its
So Wrong!, BAR 12 (1986) 43,49-53. location is about 17 km north of Dan. the main
cult centre of -Yahweh in the north Israelite
M. J. MULDER
areas. The relationship of the two cult centres
remains unknown (see also - Baal toponyms).
BAAL-GAD j:; ?.l': III. Bibliography
I. A location on the northern border of P. W. SKEHAN. Joab's Census: How far
the allotments of the twelve tribes (Josh North (2 Sm 24,6)?, CBQ 31 (1969) 47-48;
II: 17: 12:7; 13:5). Perhaps Baal should be N. NA'AMAN, Borders and Districts in Bibli-
taken as the name of the god and gad as an cal Historiography (Jerusalem 1986) 41-43.
appellative ('Baal is fortune') rather than the N. NA)AMAN
other way round ('Lord Gad'). Gad is
known both from place names (Migdal-gad)
and personal names (Gaddi, Gaddiel, Gad- BAAL-HAl\ION i~ii ?~:l
diyau) and is best understood as an appel- I. A location of a plantation of Solo-
lath'c, i,e., 'fortune'. -·Gad as a divine mon which he granted to keepers nnd made
name is attested only in the post-exilic highly profitable (Cant 8: II). Its name may
period (lsa 65: II) nnd since that time ap- be homonymous with the place Balamon
pears as a theophoric element in names mentioned in Jdt 8:3, but they are two dif-
(nVAT I [1973] 920-921). ferent sites. The latter is probably located in
II. Baal-gad appears in juxtaposition to the vicinity of Dothan (possibly !bleam,
Lebo-hamath (Josh 13:7), the northern bor- today Kh. BeICameh). The name Baal-hamon
der of the Land of Canaan. It is described as is not attested elsewhere in the OT and its
being situated "in the valley of Lebanon" position remains unknown.
(Josh 12: 17), "below mount -Hennon" II. Literally, Baal-hamon means either
(Josh 13:5), and "in the valley of -·Lebanon '-·Baal of a multitude' or 'possessor of
under mount Hennon" (Josh 11:17). The wealth'. The first interpretation may ostens-
valley of -·Lebanon is identified with the ibly be compared with the well known di-
Beqa( of Lebanon and the Hennon is ident- vine title "loRD of hosts" (-Yahweh Zcb-
ical with Jebel esh-Sheikh, the southern aoth). However, the literary character of the
peak of the Anti-Lebanon. The apparent dis- Song points strongly toward the second
crepancy between the two descriptions ("in interpretation. Baal-hamon may well have
the valley of Lebanon" and "below Mount been an actual site, but it was selected by
Hennon") may be accounted for assuming the author due to its connotation of richness
that the author of the descriptions tre3ted the and abundance (see also -Baal toponyms).
Litani river as part of the valley of Lebanon. III. Bibliography
For him. Lebo-hamath marked the northern A. ROBERT, Lcs appendices du Cantique des
end of the valley and Baal-gad its southern Cantiques (viii 8-14), RB 55 (1948) 171-
end. Baal-gad must be sought north or cast 174; M. H. POPE, Song of Songs (AB 7C;
of the land of Mizpch (the Marj-(Ayyun val- Garden City 1977) 686-688.
ley) (Josh 11 :3), along the south-western

144
BAAL-HAZOR - BAAL-HERMON

BAAL-HAZOR "ji~ii ?,l):J 4 (1924) 124-133; N. AVIGAD & Y. YADIN.


I, A location near the town of A Genesis ApocrypllOn: A Scroll from the
OphrahfEphraim (possibly modem et- lVi/demess of JlIdaea (Jerusalem 1956) 28.
Taibiyeh) where Absalom kept his sheep-
N. NA)AMAN
shearers and where he assassinated his half-
brother Amnon (2 Sam 13:23). It seems that
-Baal should be construed as the name of BAAL-HERMON j"D"iii ?,l):J
god, i.e., 'Baal of Hazor'. It is generally I. A location on the northern border of
identi fied with Jebel el- (A~(jr, the highest the allotments of the twelve tribes (Judg 3:3;
mountain of Mount Ephraim (1016 m. I Chr 5:23). It seems that -Baal should be
above sea level). 7 km. north-east of construed as the name of a god, i.e., 'Baal
-Bethel. The site is not attested elsewhere of -~Hennon'. Hennon is identical with
in the OT and has nothing to do with the Jebel esh-Sheikh, the southern peak of the
Halor mentioned in Neh II :33. Anti-Lebanon (Deut 3:8; 4:48; Josh 12: \, 5;
ABEL (1924) suggested to read I Mace Judg 3:3; I Chr 5:23). The place to which
9: 15 as heos Azoroll oros (in place of heos the toponym refers must be sought some-
A;:6roll orollo"), "as far as mount Hazor". where on its slopes.
identifying it with Baal-hazor. It is prefer- II. In the list of people Yahweh left
able, however. to assume that already in the within the territory of Canaan appear "the
Hebrew original text a mistake occurred, Hivites who dwelt on Mount Lebanon, from
and to read 'St/wt ('mountain-slopes'). Mount Baal-hermon as far as Lebo-hamath"
The place where God appeared to Abra- (Judg 3:3). The same borders are defined in
ham after his separation from Lot (Gen Josh 13:5 ("from -Baal-gad below Mount
13: 14) is called in the Genesis Apocrypl101I Hennon to Lebo-hamath") and Baal-hennon
by the name Ramath-hazor (1 QGenAp is seemingly identical to Baal-gad, a place
XXI:8). This town must have been in the located on the south-western side of
vicinity of Bethel. The identification of Hennon. However, I Chr 5:23 describes the
Ramath-hazor with Baal-hazor is appealing confines of the eastern half of Manasseh's
in the light of the well known tendency to dwelling places thus: "from - Bashan to
replace names of negative connotation by Baal-hermon, Senir and Mount Hermon".
more neutral appellations. Also. according Baal-hennon must accordingly be sought on
to the Genesis narratives. Abraham stayed the eastern side of Hennon and is possibly
near Bethel after his separation from Lot. one of its south-eastern peaks.
II. It is not clear whether Baal-hazor How could we account for the discrep-
was a place of worship for Baal. Defining its ancy? Some scholars suggest that the text of
location by the neighbouring town of Judg 3:3 is corrupted and should not be
OphrahfEphraim may indicate that the place taken into account. Others suggest that I
was of secondary import.1nce. Nor is the ori- Chr 5:23 is a conglomerate of elements bor-
gin of its name clear. Was it called by the rowed from various biblical sources (Deut
name of -~ Hadad or Baal of Hazor, the 3:9; Josh 12:5: Judg 3:3) and is not a reli-
major Canaanite city of the second millen- able source for topographical research. The
nium BCE, by people who migrated thence first seems to be better founded. Baal-her-
after its destruction and settled in the hill mon was probably a cull place for a local
country of Ephraim? In that case, no place by Baal. at least in the time of the Chronicler.
the name Hazor should be sought in the vicin- It was located on one of the peaks on the
ity of the mount (see also -Baal toponyms). eastern slopes of Hennon and was deliber-
III. Bibliography ately selected by the Chronicler to define the
F. M. ABEL. Topographie des campagnes border of Manasseh. the northernmost
MaccabCennes, RB 33 (1924) 385-387; W. Transjordanian tribe, in analogy to Baal-gad
F. ALBRIGHT, Ophrah and Ephraim, AASOR which in the older sources defined the bor-

145
BAAL-JUDAH - BAAL MEON

der of the tribal allotment'i on the western haplography. The ascent of the hill makes
side of Hennon (see also --+Baal toponyms). good literary sense since it plays a central
III. Bibliography role in the episode of the return of the ark
B. MAISLER, UllIersucJlllllgell zur altell and UZl.ah's death (vv 6-7). The text of v 2
GesclJicllte und £thnographie S)'riens und may be reconstructed as follows: "And
Palllstinas (Giessen 1930) 61-62, n. 7: W. David arose and went with all the people
RUDOLPH, Chronikbilcher (TObingen 1955) who were with him from Baal-judah in the
49-50; M. WOST, Untersuchungen Zit dell ascent, to bring up from there the ark of
siedlungsgeograpllischell Texten des Alten --+GOO".
Testaments. J. Ostjordanland (Wiesbaden III. The city of Kiriath-jearim is referred
1975) 30 n. 100; 39. to as Kiriath-baal in Josh 15:60 and 18: 14
and as Baalah in Josh 15:9-10 and 1 Chr
13:6. The narrative about the stay of the ark

BAAL-JUDAH .i"il."
?.lJ::l
I. Baal-judah is an appellation of the
at Kiriath-jearim indicates that a cult place
of --+ Yahweh was located on the hill near
the city (I Sam 7: 1; 2 Sam 6: 1-4). One may
town of Kiriath-jearim, the clement 'Judah' suggest that the theophoric element 'Baal' in
distinguishes it from other localities called the city's name is a honorific title of
by the name Baal (compare byt I~m yhwdh). Yahweh, Lord of the city. Baal-judah is
It was identified at Deir el-cAzhar, a tell probably an appellation meaning 'Lord (of
near modem Abu-ghosh, about 12 km west- the land) of Judah' and Kiriath-baal means
northwest of Jerusalem. 'city of the Lord'. The designation 'Baalah'
II. The place appears only once, in a is either a hypocoristic fonn or a variant
corrupted fonn, in the introduction to the name meaning 'the Lady'. The city was
story of the transfer of the Ark to Jerusalem apparently a pre-monarchial centre of the
(2 Sam 6:2). MT has mb'ly yhwdh ("from cult of Yahweh and lost its importance when
the citizens of Judah"). However, not only David trnnsferred it'i most sacred cult object.
docs the sending of "all the people, who the ark, to Jerusalem.
were with him, from the citizens of Judah" LXX for both 2 Sam 6:2 and I Chr 13:6
mnkes poor sense, but the subsequent has avoided the proper name Baal(ah)
11IilIam ("from there") is without antecedent. (PISANO 1984:103-1(4). This is part of a
Most versions reflect mb'l)' yhwdll thus indi- general tendency and is indicated in other
catin~ that the corruption in MT is very old. toponyms that have the element --+ Baal (see
LXX adds afterwards ell anabasei and also -·Baal toponyms).
LXXL adds en te anabasei tou bounou ("in IV. Bibliography
the ascent [m'III] of the hill"). Syr w'zl 19b' R. A. CARLSON, David, the Chosen King
agrees with the LXXL. (Stockholm 1964) 62-63: J. BLENKINSOPP,
1 Chr 13:6 reads b'ltll '1 qr)'t )"r)'111 'sr Kiriath-jearim and the Ark, JBL 88 (1969)
Iyhwdll (Uto Baalah, that is. to Kiriath-jearim 143-156; S. PISANO, Additions and Omis-
which belongs to Judah"). 4QSam 3 and sions in the Books of Samuel (Freiburg &
Josephus agree. It is clear however that the Gottingen 1984) 101-104; P. K. McCARTER,
shorter unglossed reading of 2 Sam 6:2 in /I Samllel (AB 8: Garden City 1984) 162-
MT and LXX is superior to this version. 163, 168.
The original text must have read mb'l
yhwdh and the versions indicate that the m
is original (PISANO 1984: 102-103). On the
basis of the LXX and Syr one may further BAAL-MEON j'i.lJO ?.lJ::l
suggest that the word bm'lh originally I. A place in the land of Moab listed
followed (note the threefold play of words among the towns of Reuben (Num 32:34;
mb'l, bm'lh, Ih'bvt) and was dropped due to Josh 13:17: 1 Chr 5:8; Mesha's inscription).

146
BAAL OF PEOR

It is also known as Beth-baal-meon (Josh ites panicipated in the Moabitc cult honour-
13:17) and Beth-meon (Jer 48:23). It is ing this god. This incident is recalled in
generally identified with Khirbet Ma'in, Num 31: 16; Deut 4:3: Josh 22: 17; Hos 9: 10;
about 8 km southwest of Madaba. However, and Ps 106:28 (MULDER 1973:720).
no Iron Age remains were found in the II. A connection may be assumed with
course of excavations there. Baal-meon's the Canaanite deity Baal a" known in Ugar-
exact location has yet to be found. itic mythology. In the cycle of Baal (A,7U2
II. B~ul1-meon was an Israelite town 1.1-6) it is told that in the struggle for do-
which was conquered by Mesha, king of minion Baal is temporarily defeated by
Moab, in the third quaner of the ninth cen- -·Mot, the god of death. Baal has to de-
tury BCE. Mesha rebuilt the town and made scend into the netherworld to reside with the
a reservoir there (lines 9, 30 of his inscrip- --dead. In KTcfl 1.5 v:4 this is described as
tion). From that time and until its de- Baal going down into the mouth of Mot
struction Baal-meon was a Moabite tmvn (bph yrd). It was believed that this coincided
Oer 48:23; Ezek 25:9). with the yearly withering of nature in
The name Beth-baal-meon indicates that autumn and winter. In the ritual text KTcfl
the town has a temple dedicated to "the 1.109 we see that this had its repercussions
LordlBaal of Meon". Who was 'the Lord' of on the cultic activities. In the offering list
the town? In the light of the analogy to Baal is mentioned among gods who were
Beth-peor (Deut 3:29; 4:46; 34:6; Josh supposed to be in the netherworld and who
13:20), where the local manifestation of the received their offerings through a hole in the
Baal, -+ Baal of Peor, was worshipped, we ground (1. 19-23) (SPRO~K 1986:147-148:
may assume that Baal-meon was likewise TUAT IU3 316-317: DEL OlMO LETE
the cult place of a local -+Baal, who gave 1992: 183-186).
his name to the town (see also -+ Baal topo- III. Num 25 describes the cult of the
nyms). Baal of Peor as a licentious feast to which
III. Bibliography the men of Israel were seduced by Moabite
M. PICCIRIllO, Le antichita bizantine di women. In Ps 106:28 attachment to the Baal
Macin e dintorni, liber AIl1I11US SlIIdii Biblici of Peor is specified as 'eating sacrifices of
Franciscani 35 (1985) 339-364 (esp. 339- the dead' (LEWIS 1989: 167). In later Jewish
340); A. DEARMAN (ed.), Studies ill the tradition the cult of the Baal of Peor is re-
Mesha Inscription alld Moab (Atlanta 1989) lated to the Marzeah (Sifre Nllm 131 and the
175-176, 225-226; K. A. D. SMELlK, Con- sixth century CE mosaic map of Palestine at
verting the Past (OTS 28; Leiden 1992) 63, Madeba). In the OT Heb l1Ian.e(l~' is attested
66,72. in connection with mourning (Jer 16:5-7)
and excessivc feasting (Amos 6:4-7). So it
unites the different elements of Num 25 and
Ps 106:28. This is even more clear in the
BAAL OF PEOR i'jl'~ ~l]= ancient Ugaritic texts about the Marlcah.
I. This local god, mentioned only in the though its connection with the cult of the
OT, is associated with the mountain Peor in dead remains a matter of dispute (SCHMIDT
the land of Moab (Num 23:28) and the placc 1994:265-266: PARDEE 1996).
Beth-Peor (Deut 3:29: 4:46: 34:6: Josh The sexual rites connected with the cull
13:20). He probably represents there the of the Baal of Peor have to do with the
chthonic aspect of the Canaanite god of fer- aspect of fenility. As this cult is addressed
tility, -Baal (SPRO~K 1986:231-233). The to Baal, who is the god of nature, it is hoped
name Peor is related to Heb P'R, 'open to contribute to his bringing new life out of
wide', which in Isa 5: 14 is said of the death. It can be related to the myth of Baal
'mouth' of the netherworld (XElLA 1982: describing how (the bull) Baal during his
664-666). According to Num 25 the Israel- stay in the netherworld makes lovc to a

147
BAJ\L-PERAZIM

heifer. mounting her up to eighty eight times Israel and in the Ancient Near East (AOAT
(A,7lJ2 1.5 v: 18-21). 219; Neukirchen-Vluyn 1986); P. XELLA, II
The name of Peor in itself already points culto dei morti nell' Antico Testamento: tra
to a relation with the cult of the dead, teologia a storia della rcligione, Religioni e
especially when it is observed that it shares cil'i/ta. Serifti ;n memoria di Angelo Brelieh
this association with other place names in (Bari 1982) 645-666.
this region east of the Dead Sea (SPRONK
1986:228-229): Obot (Num 21: I0-11; 33:
K. SPRONK
43-44), which can be translated as '-·spirits
of the dead', Abarim (Num 21:11: 27:12: BAAL-PERAZII\I C'~"j~-"D::::l
33:44-48: Deut 32:49: Jer 22:20), 'those I. A location south of Jerusalem, on the
who have crossed (the river of death)' (ef. way to Bethlehem, where David won his
-+Trnvellers). and Raphan (1 Macc 5:37), first victory o\'er the Philistines (2 Sam
which can be related to the -·Rephaim. It is 5: 18-20; I ChI' 14:9-11). In the story the
also interesting in this connection to note naming of the place is assigned to David
that, according to Deut 34:6, -·Moses was and explained thus: "Yahweh broke (pora~)
buried in the valley opposite Bet-Peor. It is through my enemies before me, like a burst-
added that no one knows the precise place ing flood (pere$ mil.. . im).. (v 20). Since the
of his grave. This has been interpreted in name Baal-perazim is directly combined
midrashic tradition as a "precaution, lest his with the divine help of -. Yahweh, it is clear
sepulchre became a shrine of idolatrous that the element 'Baal' was understood by
worship" (GoLDIN 1987:223). Indeed. with- the author as a honorific title of Yahweh
in this region this would not have been un- (compare Hos 2: 18). Whether the site had a
likely. cult place for Yahweh is not clear. Its name
In Num 25:18; 31:16; and Josh 22:17 the should best be translated 'Lord of breaches'
Baal of Peor is indicated with the name Peor or even 'Lord of (divine) outburst'.
only. This may suggest reluctance to usc the II, The Philistine onslaught apparently
name of a pagan deity. On the other hand. antedated the conquest of Jerusalem by
the name Peor with ill; clear association to David and was conducted from north to
(the mouth of) the netherworld already indi- south, penetrating via the Valley of Reph-
cates the nature of this cult ali a way to seek aim to Bethlehem, David's ancestral town (2
contact with divine powers residing there. Sam 23: 13-17). Baal-perazim must be
IV. Bibliography sought on the \\lay to Bethlehem. and might
1. GOLDIN, The Death of Moses: An Exer- be identified with the Iron Age I site
cise in Midrashic Transposition, uwe & excavated near modem Giloh. The site is
Death in the Anciellt Near East. (FS Marvin located on the summit of a prominent ridge
H. Pope; edt J. H. Marks & R. M. Good; overlooking the Valley of -+Rephaim and is
Guildford 1987) 219-225; T. J. LEWIS. Cults a reasonable candidate for Baal-pernzim.
of the Dead ;n Anciellt I.'irael and Ugarit III. Baal-perazim is called mount
(HSM 39; Atlanta 1989); M. J. MULDER. Pemzim (har pero$im) in Isa 28:21: "For the
bilal, nVAT I (1973) 706-727; G. DEL LORD will rise up as on Mount Perazim, he
Dum LETE, La religi6n Cananea seg"n la will be wroth as in the valley of Gibeon".
litllrgia de Ugarit (AulOrSup 3; Sabadell The prophet alludes to David's two victor-
1992): D. PARDEE. Mal7.i~lll, Kispu, and the ious battl~s against the Philistines related in
Ugaritic Funerary Cult: A Minimali.'it View, 2 Sam 5:17-25 and I ChI' 14:8-16: the one
Ugarit, Religion alld Cliiture (FS J. C. L. waged at MountIBaal Perazim and the
Gibson; VBL: ed. N. Wyatt et aJ.; MUnster second waged in the valley near Gibeon. By
1996) 273-287; B. B. SCHMIDT, Israel's interchanging the nouns, the author deliber-
Benefieellt Dead (FAT II: TUbingen 1994); ately avoids the combination of Yahweh
K. SPRONK, Beatific Afterlife in Anciell1 with a place whose name has the element

148
BAAL-SHALISHA - BAAL-SHAMEM

Baal (see also -+ Baal toponyms). (see also -+Baal toponyms).


IV. Bibliography IV. Bibliography
G. DALMAN, One und Wege Jesu (GUtersloh W. F. ALBRIGHT, Ramah of Samuel,
1924) 20-21; A. MAZAR, Giloh: An Early AASOR 4 (1924) 115-117: Z. KALLAl, Baal
Israelite Settlement Site near Jerusalem, IEJ Shalisha and Ephraim, Bible and Jewish
31 (1981) 1-36 (esp. 31-32); N. NA)AMAN, History. Jacob Lil'er Memorial Volume (cd.
The 'Conquest of Canaan' in Joshua and in B. Uffenheimer, Tel Aviv 1971) 191-196
History, From Nomadism to Monarch)', (Hebrew); D. EDELMAN, Saul's Journey
Archaeological and Historical Aspects of through Mt. Ephraim and Samuel's Ramah
Early Israel (ed. I. Finkelstein & N. Na'a- (1 Sam. 9:4-5; 10:2-5). ZDPV 104 (1988)
man; Jerusalem 1994) 251-254. 44-58.
N. NA'AMAN N. N,,'AMAN

BAAL-SHALISHA iiO',d '.v::l BAAL-SHAl\IEM ~O-?l'::l, rr~d-'li::l


I. A town from which a man came to I, The title 'Lord of Heavens', used for
Elisha bringing "bread of the first fruits, the various supreme gods in Syro-Palestine.
twenty loaves of barley, and fresh ears of Anatolia and Mesopotamia during the 2nd
grain" (2 Kgs 4:42; compare Lev 2: 11-12. millennium BCE, later became the name of u
14-16). Elisha stayed then at Gilgal, near specific deity venerated throughout the
Jericho. According to Rabbi Meir, there was Semitic world from the Ist millennium nCE
no other Palestinian place where fruits so until the first four centuries of the Christian
easily come to fruition as in Baal-shalisha era. St. Augustin (Quaest. Hept. VII 16) re-
(Tosefta Sanh. 2,9; bSanh. 12a). Thus, Baal- fers to him as dominus codi.
shalisha must be sought either in the Jordan II. The earliest Phoenician attestation of
Valley or on the slopes overlooking Gilgal. Baal-Shamem comes from the building-
II. An important clue for the location of inscription from the lOth century BCE of
Baal-shalisha is the land of Shalisha. one of king Ye~imilk in Byblos (KAI 4). Here
the four lands traversed by Saul while Baal-Shamem is named before the 'Lady of
searching for his father's lost asses (I Sam Byblos' and 'the assembly of the gods of
9:4-5). Unfortunately, the description is Byblos'; by implication he represents the
unclear and no identification has gained summit of the local pantheon. This is also
scholarly acceptance. Since the land of true for the Karatepe-inscription dating from
Shaalim is doubtless located near modem et- the last decades of the 8th century nCE (KAI
Taiyibeh, the land of Shalisha may be I~­ 26 A III 18), where he heads a sequence of
cated to its east, on the eastern slopes of the gods, being named before -+(EI, Creator of
hill country. It is impossible to suggest a the Earth'. In the Luwian version of this
definite location for Baal-shalisha, but its bilingual inscription, the 'Weather-god of
identification with Kh. Marjameh (KALLAl Heaven' corresponds to Baal-Shamem. In
1971: 191-196) is unlikely since it is situated the treaty between Baal I of Tyre and the
too far north. Assyrian king Esamaddon from 675/4 BCE
III. LXX rendered the name Baith- dBa-al-sa-me-me is also in the first position,
sar(e)isa. This is part of the tendency of the before Baal-malage and Baal-~apiinu (SAA
LXX to avoid the clement Baal. Eusebius 2,5 IV: 10). Later, in the Hellenistic period, a
likewise rendered it Baithsarisa and located temple at Umm e1-Amed is dedicated to
it fifteen miles north of Diospolis (Lydda). It Baal-Shamem (KAI 18). In Greek inscrip-
is clear that he was misled by the Greek tions from this region he is called Zeus
rendering. Thus, all suggested identifications hypsistos, 'Highest -·Zeus', Zeus megistos
for Baal-shalisha in the area of Lydda (e.g., keraunios, 'Magnific lightning Zeus' (CIS II
Kh. Sirisya, Kafr Thihh) must be abandoned 3912) or Theos hagios ourallios 'Holy

149
BAAL-SHAMEM

heavenly god' (name of a temple in the '(Lord[?» of the heavens and the earth'. The
Phoenician town QedeYKadasa). In Cyprus boundary-inscription of Gozne (KAI 259),
a Phoenician inscription mentions a priest of dated in the 5lh-4th century BCE, invokes
Baal-Shamem (RES 1519b); in Carthage, the him before the Sun and the -. Moon in the
cult of the god Baal-Shamem existed (CIS I curse-formula.
464; 4874): a votive-inscription (CIS I 3778 In the Aramaic texts from Egypt of the
= KAI 78,2) mentions his name first and Achaemenid period Baal-Shamem is not
foremost, even before the prominent god.~ mentioned in the archives from Elephantine.
Tinnit and Baal-l:Iamon; cf. also CIS I 139 = But Proverb 13 in Ahiqar. transmitted on
KAI 64, I from Sardinia. In one of the minor papyri from this colony, makes an allusion
phrases in Punic speech in Plautus' Poell- to this god as the Holy Lord who estab-
ulus (vers 1027) bal samell is mentioned in lished the -'wisdom for the people (J. M.
an uncenain context (M. SZNYCER, UJ Pas- LtNDENBERGER. The Aramaic Prm'('rbs of
sages pUlliqueJ ell trallscriplioll laline dans Ahiqar [BaltimorelLondon 1983] 68-70;
Ie "Poenulll.'i·· de I'lallle [Paris 1967] 144). LINDENIIERGER, The Gods of Ahiqar. VF 14
The cosmogony and theogony of [1982] 114-116).
Sanchuniaton, transmitted to us by Philo of In inscriptions the Nabalaealls invoked
Byblos (through Eusebius of Caesarea), Baal-Shamem as the 'Lord of the World'
mentions that previous generations in times (mr' tIm'), to deter grave-robbers from
of extreme drought entreated the sun for Madain ~aleQ. The Nabatean-speaking tribes
help. "whom they take for the single god. in Hauran possessed a well-established cult
the lord of the heaven named Beelsamen. of Baal-Shamem, concentrated mainly at the
This is the Lord of the Heaven among the holy complex of SPa, southea.I\t of Kanatha.
Phoinikes, Zeus among the Greeks" (Euseb- a pilgrims' sanctuary consisting of three
ius, Praep. E\'Qng. I 10.7 = FGH III C 790. temples and some other buildings; this cultic
F 2,7). This late source, dating from Hel- centre was erected between 33/32 and 2/1
lenistic times, points to the character of the BCE and, according to the latest inscription,
god Baal-Shamem, showing him to be the was still in use in 41/54 CE. Here Baal-
supreme god with solar features-who. Shamem was worshipped along with the
when invoked because of drought, took on highest Nabataean god Dusares who pos-
aspects of a wcathergod, too. sessed a temple on a lower terrace in the
Baal-Shamem was paniculary venerated same holy precinct (H. C. BUTLER. Pub\.
in the Aramaic kingdom Hamath in Nonh- Princeton Arch. Expedition to Syria, 11 A 6:
ern Syria, and later on in many places sr [Seeia] [1916]).
throughout Aramaic-speaking regions. The In Palmyra, Baal-Shamem is one of the
inscription of Z1kkur. king of Hamath, prominent gods along with Bel. He resided
written around 800 BCE, is the earliest ref- in a temple built in Corinthian style at the
erence and depicts btlJmyn (this being the southern pan of the main sloa of the city,
Aramaic onhography) as the deity of the which was constructed in 131 CE; along with
state of Hamath and the personal god of the Aglibol. the moongod. and Malakbel, the
king (KAI 202 A 3.11.13. B 23). Again, he sungod, he formed a celestial triad and bore
is mentioned at the top of the pantheon, the the epithet of a 'Lord of the world' (mare
gods I1uwer, Sams and Sal)r being listed talmti').
after him, which demonstrates that his char- At Halra, in Nonhern Mesopotamia,
acter is not restricted to a specific function Baal-Shamem (various spellings btl.fmyn.
as weathergod or sungod in this period. btsmyn and btJmn) had his own sanctuary
The next source. in which Baal-Shamem (the little 'Hofhaustempel' III. building in-
is referred to. is the famous Adon-Ietter scription F. VAmONI, U iscri:.ioni di Halra
from ca. 600 BCE (KAI 266). where he is [1981] No. 49) and therefore his own cult in
called upon in the greeting-formula after the the 2ndl3rd century CEo He is sometimes

150
BAAL-TAMAR

named in inscriptions with the title mlk> tively late in the vicinity of Palestine. it is
'king' or ql/h ely rh 'Creator of the Earth' no surprise that there arc no references to
(Hatr.l 23 = KAI 244:3) but is always him in the classical books of the OT. Mere
followed by the local triad Maran, Manan allusions such as Ps 104:1-4 or Hosea 6:3 to
and Biinnaren: cf. the personal name a kind of weather-god cannot prove any
brb'ISm)'1/ Hatra 291.1: 314. In Hatra Baal- argument regarding this god. But in the
Shamem did not playas prominent a role as connict following the Seleucid policy
in the pantheon of Palmyra. According to against Juda. some passages in the book of
Isaak Antiochenus, Baal-Shamem was ven· Daniel may be interpreted as allusions to the
crated as 'chief of the gods' in a cultic pro- Baal-Shamem, e.g. Iwppefa' flimcm (Dan
cession at NisibislNuseybin during the 4th 8: 13): Jiqqfi~im ",nombl/ and fiqqii~ f(imcm
century CE (P. BEDJAN. Homiliae WS. (9:27 cr. II :31: 12: II). In these references
Isaaci Syri AI/I;ochel/i I (1903) 589. 16ff.). the term fomt'im could refer to the god. occa-
Besides this evidence. personal names exist sionally with a maledicant epithet bearing
such as brb'fm(Y)1/ in Syriac inscriptions (F. on the -·Zeus Oura"ios of Antiochos IV:
Vt\1TIONI. Aug 13 (1973) 279ff.. No. 51. but all these allusions are debated and far
2.11.20; 69,8). in Latin Barbaesomel/, from being evident.
Barbaessa",en (Dura Europos VII [1959] IV. Bibliography
100. III-Vf.3: 100. XXXII.32) and in Greek J. BREMMER. Marginalia Manichaica. ZPE
barhe.famel/ (F. CUMONT. Fouilles de 39 (1980) 29-30; H. J. W. DRIJVERS. Baal
Doura-Europos [1926] 48). Shamem, de heer \'all de hemel (Assen
A statue of Baal-Shamem (BarSamin) was 1971): R. Du MESNIL Du BUISSON. MUS}
transported by the king Tigranes of Armenia 38 (1962) 143-160: O. EISSFELDT, Ba)al-
(first half of the Ist century BCE) from samem und Jahwe. ZA W 57 (1939) 1-31 (=
Northern Mesopotamia and carried to the KS 2 [1963] 171-198): G. GARBINI. Gune
temple of T"ordan in Ekeleac in Upper Bel Balsamen. Slm/; magrebini 12 (1980)
Armenia (today Eastern Anatolia: Moses 89-92: K. ISHKOL-KEROVPIAN. Barsamin.
von Chorene II 14) during a military cam- WbM)'lh 4. 104-105; H. NIEIIR, JHWH in
paign. die Rolle des BaalS<imem. Ein Golt Alleil/
Also the Manichaean tradition hac; a rep- (eds. W. Dietrich & M. A. Klopfenstein:
resentation of a sort of sungod named Bal- FreiburglGottingen 1994) 307-326; R. A.
samos (Le.. Baal-Shamem). who bears the ODEN. Ba'al Samem and EI. CBQ 39 (1977)
epithet 110 meg;stos al/gelos toll pholos 'the 457-473; E. OLAVARRI. Altar de Zeus -
greatest angel of light' (Kolner Mani-Kodex Ba)alshamin. procedente de Amman. Memo-
49.3-5. cf. A. HENRICHS & L. KOENEN, rias de Historia AllIigua 4 (Oviedo 1980)
ZPE 19 [1975] 48-49). this being the last 197-210: H. SEYRIG. Le culte de Bel et de
mention of the fonnerly highly esteemed Ba'lshamcm. Syria 14 (1933) 238-282; J.
supreme god. STARCKY. Lc sanctuaire de Baal 3 Palmyre
From this survey of the history of Baal- d'aprcs les inscriptions. RArclr (1974) 83-
Shamem's worship by Semitic peoples it is 90; J. TUBACH. 1m Schalten des SOl/nen-
obvio