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***PERFORMANCE AFF INDEX***
***PERFORMANCE AFF INDEX*** .............................................................................................1 ***1AC*** ..........................................................................................................................................2
Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 3 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 5 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 6 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 7 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 8 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................... 9 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................. 10 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................. 11 Performance 1AC............................................................................................................................................. 12
***2AC ANSWERS*** .................................................................................................................... 13
2AC A/T: FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................................... 14 2AC A/T: CAPITALISM K.............................................................................................................................. 15 2AC A/T: PERFORMANCE CO-OPTED ........................................................................................................ 16
***NEG*** ....................................................................................................................................... 17
Framing of Appropriate Methodology/Limits Link............................................................................................ 18 Realism Link.................................................................................................................................................... 20 Form Key Yo ................................................................................................................................................... 21 Poetry Solvency ............................................................................................................................................... 23 A2: Linguistic Resistance Fails......................................................................................................................... 25 Forgetting Alt................................................................................................................................................... 26 IR Theories Link .............................................................................................................................................. 28 A2: Realism good............................................................................................................................................. 29 A2: Perm/CP No Solve: Mimetic v Aesthetic Reps of IR .................................................................................. 30 Realism Link.................................................................................................................................................... 32 A2: Perm-Mimesis v. Aesthetic Approach=Mut Excl ........................................................................................ 33 Solvency/A2: Cedes political ............................................................................................................................ 35 Framework ....................................................................................................................................................... 36 Debate as newscast/reps K internal ................................................................................................................... 37 security rhetoric bad ......................................................................................................................................... 38 questioning reps = good .................................................................................................................................... 39 security discourse bad....................................................................................................................................... 41 security discourse = bad ................................................................................................................................... 43 AT: s¶quo security discourse............................................................................................................................. 45
***LD*** .......................................................................................................................................... 47
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Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 3
Soon after Liberation, Seoul began to teem with 370 different political parties and civic groups. Every morning when you woke up several more had hung out their signboards. Parties with just five members appeared, lacking even a signboard. The commander of the occupying forces, General Hodge, detested the Koreans, calling them cats or worse. All the Koreans working in Hodge's headquarters and the Koreans in the streets outside his headquarters were liberally doused with DDT. Smothered in that poisonous powder the Koreans would giggle helplessly while they boiled with seething shame. Thanks to the Americans who came for the war in 1950 Korea again became a land of DDT, fleas, bugs, and the plentiful lice and nits about their bodies, even invisible microbes, were uncivilized Koreans so the Americans drenched the Koreans in plentiful quantities of DDT. All the orphans likewise were baptized in Hallelujahs and DDT. Offspring with neither dad nor mom became the offspring of DDT. Ch'oe Johan, a war orphan, his family name was that of the director of his orphanage, Zion Home, his given name the John of St. John's gospel. His original name, Pak Sun-Sik, was completely forgotten. Since his room happened to be next to a stinking cesspool, Ch'oe Johan's blanket always smelt of a mixture of DDT and sewage. Ah, home, sweet home.
Ko Un Five Poems from Maninbo (Ten Thousand Lives)
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 4 .
Military doctrine. the competition was largely a rivalry between these two hegemons. for instance. 2005 (Roland. the events were strikingly similar: North Korea made public its ambition to acquire nuclear weapons and withdrew from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. perceptions of North Korean hostility have a direct effect on the U. in one of the most influential early texts on Korean politics. in 1993-1994 and in 2002-2003. stresses that ³North Korean policies and practices have accounted for most of the volatility within the Northeast Asian region since the end of the Cold War. for nothing about the past and present dilemmas on the peninsula can be addressed or even understood without recourse to the United States. Nicholas Eberstadt. With the Sino-Soviet split in the early 1960s and the reemergence of Japan as an economic power. If this judgment is wrong. The dangers of North Korea¶s actions. Many studies of Korean politics and society. foreign relations. Our identification of threatening rogue nations justifies a continued military presence overseas and solidifies America s hegemo ic positio in the world. Bleiker. Consider. In this chapter I seek to shed light on at least some of them. must be attributed largely to the strategic and symbolic importance of Korea in the emerging Cold War power struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. I bring the earlier discussions of individual and national identity back to the locus classicus of security studies. In the 19th century two major wars were fought for control of the peninsula.´ A solution is. Both the United States and North Korea see each as a threat. one that sees it solely as a rogue and this a source of danger and instability.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 5 Performance 1AC The tumultuous history of the Korean peninsula cannot be isolated from the security-driven policies and practices of global powers. I stand most ready to have it proven so. reiterated the same theme: ³more than anything. This is why China repeatedly stressed that the latest nuclear crisis was primarily an issue between North Korea and the United States. Kim Dae-Jung. pgs. the Soviet Union. far from imminent. In each case. I will give special attention to the two nuclear crises that have haunted the Korean peninsula since the early 1990s. But each is also implicated in the production of this threat. for the West tends to project a very one-sided image of North Korea. but the struggle for influence in Korea did not remain a Soviet-American affair. in his final speech as South Korea¶s president. the United States. Specifically.´The deeply . Initially. argues that ³external factors are for Korea and her internal courses of secondary importance. one between Japan and China (1894-1895) and the other between Japan and Russia (1904-1905). to its object and subject: the state. how Gregory Henderson. States have identities just as individual people do. the Korean peninsula has always been an important factor in the security policy of the surrounding powers. Divided Korea. and Japan. China. Then the situation rapidly deteriorated until the peninsula was literally at the brink of war. I will pay particular attention to the role of the United States.S. Acknowledging the importance of geopolitical factors is not as obvious as it seems at first sight. 35-8) Constituting a natural link between the Asian mainland and Japan. the geopolitical importance of Korea increased. and the subsequent transformation of this supposedly provisional settlement into a permanent division of the peninsula. By scrutinizing the geopolitical context of Korea¶s security dilemmas. paid relatively little attention to geopolitical issues. the situation in Korea became directly linked to the security and economic interests of the four great powers. This is why Elizabeth Kier believes that it is ³counterintuitive to assume that military doctrines respond only to objective conditions in the international arena. especially those conducted under the broad influence of the modernization paradigm. The problem is that these interactive dynamics are hard to see. And each has good reason for doing so.´Now I would like to examine how Korea¶s security dilemmas became intertwined with Cold War international relations and how the ensuing identity constructs continue to shape politics on and toward the peninsula long after the collapse of the Soviet Union. however. They struggle with a variety of internal dilemmas. which are then projected onto the outside world. are evident and much discussed but not so some of the interactive dynamics that have led to the standoff in the first place. often interpreted as nuclear brinkmanship. With the development of military technology and the increased globalization of the confrontation between the great powers in the 20th century. is just as much about the allocation of power within society as it is about warding off an external threat. dialogue between North Korea and the United States is the importance key to a solution. for instance. for instance. The arbitrary partition of Korea in 1945.
The consequences of this posture are particularly fateful in Korea. identity and difference. In the absence of a global power that matches the United States. designed both fortify its authoritarian rule and to win concessions from the international community. in an almost mirror image of North Korea¶s vilified brinkmanship tactic. administration under President George W. for it reinforces half a century of explicit and repeated nuclear threats against the government in Pyongyang. Over fifty years it has committed at least a dozen terrorist acts. As during the Cold War.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 6 entrenched image of North Korea as a rogue state is part of an identity-driven political attitude that severely hinders both an adequate understanding and potential resolution of the crisis. Drawing attention to the interactive dimension of security dynamics. in part because the highly specialized discourse of security analysis has managed to attribute responsibility for the crisis solely to North Korea¶s actions. even if the situation is in reality far more complex and interactive. and the role of the United States in it.S. if anything. Look at Washington¶s recent promulgation of a preemptive strike policy against rogue states. Rogues are among the new threat perceptions that serve to demarcate the line between good and evil. Bush has embarked on a form of crisis diplomacy that explicitly generates threats in order to improve its negotiation position and force its opponent into submission. The effect of these threats has been largely obscured. from bombings of civilian airliners to tunnel and submarine infiltrations across the DMZ.S. Indeed. this militaristic attitude has. intensified. The production of crises has become a hallmark of North Korean politics. not to speak of countless other provocations and verbal aggressions. But this does not mean developments take place in a vacuum.The rhetoric of rogue states is indicative of how U. Pyongyang bears perhaps the lion¶s share for much of the culture of insecurity that still persists on the peninsula. The ³evil empire´ may be gone but not the [Continued«] Performance 1AC [Bleiker Continues«] underlying need to define safety and security with reference to an external threat. building up a strong military arsenal is viewed as the key means through which this line is to be defended. foreign policy continues to be dominated by dualistic and militaristic Cold War thinking patters. the U. is not to absolve North Korea of responsibility. .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 7 Performance 1AC Despite our continued presence and influence. Few policy makers. such as nuclear brinkmanship. although less evident.it only increases tensions to the point where accidents and miscalculations could risk further escalation into all-out war. for it reinforces half a century of American nuclear threats toward North Korea.Dealing with North Korea is perhaps one of the most difficult security challenges in global politics today. Yet North Korea survives. While pursuing this objective I offer neither a comprehensive take on the Korean security situation nor a detailed update on the latest events. Divided Korea. pgs. Totalitarian and reclusive. the United States. security analysts. when Few conflicts are as protracted as the one in Pyongyang admitted to a secret nuclear weapons program and subsequently withdrew from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. two specters haunt the peninsula: a military escalation. To be more precise. I aspire to what Gertrude Stein sought to capture through a poetic already done so. which could easily destabilize the northeast Asian region. From then on. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. in its most militaristic posture in decades. I do so by exploring insights and options broader than those articulated by most security studies specialists. Even Japan. publicly contemplated the possibility of a preemptive strike against North Korea. even outright war. By early 2003 both seek not new facts and data but new perspectives. The status quons emphasis on security does not provide stability . The dangers of North Korea¶s nuclear brinkmanship are evident and much discussed. and a North Korean collapse. This makes security a self-fulfilling prophesy. Particularly problematic is the approach of the most influential external actor on the peninsula.A fundamental rethinking of security is required if the current culture of insecurity is to give way to a more stable and peaceful environment. Particularly significant is the current policy of preemptive strikes against rogue states. ix-xi) Korea. it is the inherent ³other´ in a globalized and neoliberal world order. not least because its leaders periodically rely on threats. Miscalculations or a sudden escalation could precipitate a human disaster at any moment. Washington¶s inability to see North Korea as anything but a threatening ³rogue state´ seriously hinders both an adequate understanding and potential resolution of the conflict. Any attempt to resolve hostilities must first begin with a fundamental rethinking of these paradigms. 2005 (Roland. I . ideologically isolated and economically ruined. East Asia has remained a region of constant war. Contributing to this task is my main objective of this book. I identify broad patters of conflict and embark on a conceptual engagement with some of the ensuing dilemmas. Bleiker. to gain concessions from the international community. Equally dangerous. where deeply hostile and anachronistic Cold War attitudes have posed major security problems for half a century. the United States and North Korea were threatening each other with outright war. even if the situation is in reality far more complex and interactive. and journalists ever try to imagine how North Korean decision makers perceive these threats and how these perceptions are part of an interactive security dilemma in which the West is implicated as much as is the vilified regime in Pyongyang. are the confrontational and militaristic attitudes with which some of the key regional and global players seek to contain the volatile situation. The latest such attempt occurred in the autumn of 2002. Various excellent books have the situation rapidly deteriorated. not least because the highly technical discourse of security analysis has managed to present the strategic situation on the peninsula in a manner that attributes responsibility for the crisis solely to North Korea¶s actions. The problematic role of these threats has been largely obscured.
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metaphor: the political and moral obligation to question the immutability of the status quo; the need to replace old and highly problematic Cold War thinking patterns with new and more sensitive attempts to address the dilemmas of Korean security.
Aesthetic approaches to world politics can reveal new ways of revealing the security dilemmas of the status quo.
¡ ¡ ¡
These insights cannot be
schola ship. Language provides us with the means of carving out thinking space and affecting social change. It embodies the potential of transversal dissent and gives an alternative to the quick-fix solutions that only further the problem instead of understanding its complexity. Bleike , co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin, 2009 (Roland, Aesthetics and World Politics, 171-2) How, indeed is it possible to speak critically in the prevailing scholarly language of international relations? Many commentators are skeptical and correspondingly frustrated. Consider the Indian public intellectual AshisNandy and the
Australian aboriginal scholar and activist Marcia Langton. The former laments that important voices from around the world cannot be heard because they do not speak in the language of the Western academy. The latter stresses that there is a major gap between scholarly discussion and
How, in a more general sense, is it possible to speak critically, in English ± a language that has historically evolved from the centre of the world, first from the British colonial empire, then from the vantage point of American hegemony, and now as the new lingua franca of international political, economic and cultural interactions? How to express those silenced voices, those worlds that lie beyond the linguistic zone of exclusion that the global dominance of English has established? How to decentre the centre through the language of the centre? Poetry can show us ways of dealing with these important and difficult issues, with the µreconstruction of the world through words¶. This is why ± as demonstrated in several case studies through this book ± literature plays a particularly important role in authoritarian contexts, where aesthetic engagements might be able to open up spaces for dissent and promote social change. But the importance of aesthetics goes much further, touching upon the very essence of political life. This is so even though the radically different viewpoints that a poetic image illuminates may not always be directly translatable into clear-cut policy recommendations. The poetic imagination can show us ± in the form of a micro-experiment that reveals much larger implications ± how to bring into view many of the repressed perspectives, voices and emotion that otherwise may never reach the eyes and ears of those who theorize or practice world politics. By focusing my case studies on the
the actual lives of indigenous people. How then, is it possible to speak critically in scholarly language? poetic imagination I have, in some ways, gone against the trend of recent contributions to the aesthetic turn. Many scholars have begun to focus on the role of images and on popular, rather than high culture. My focus on the poetic is not meant to question and counter this trend: visual culture is one of the most important and largely under-studied aspects of international relations. Likewise, popular culture offers a range of important ventures to understand world politics. My decision to engage the links between poetics and politics is in part a result of personal interests and of the need to focus a scholarly inquiry in order to provide meaningful insights and sustain an argument in a systematic manner. But there is a more substantial issue as well: no matter how much our age revolves around visual images, we can never escape words, for language is far more than a means of communication: it is the very basis of how we make sense of the world and, ultimately, of who we are. Our individual and cultural values are
ma ginalized voices that
emain hidden in t aditional IR
directly translatable to policy prescriptions
athe they open space fo
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inevitably intertwined with the manner in which we speak and write about ourselves and our surroundings. There is no escape from the prism of language, from the manner in which words represent the world in culturally specific manners. But what we can do ± both as scholars and as politics beings ± is to engage this process: to be aware of how language frames the world and how a linguistic reframing might also allow us to rethink and reshape the real world. A successful [Continued«]
rethinking of world politics,
a search for a more peaceful and just international order, must deal with representation. It must engage the languages through which we have come to distinguish the safe from the threatening, the rational from the irrational, the possible from the impossible. What is needed is a critique of language that opens up possibility to gaze beyond the giveness of world politics, that can problematize political dilemmas which have been rendered unproblematic, even invisible, through years of normalizing speech and corresponding political practices.
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We believe that a critical approach to world politics is necessary to explore the linkages and complex systems that actually comprise the subject matter of international relations. Problem-solving approaches are doomed not only to fail to recognize the complexity of transversal struggles, but also replicate and sustain modes of domination that exist. Transversal struggles provide the alternative framework for examining agency and dissent that challenges state-centric modes of violence in Tibet. Instead of focusing on large scale forms of resistance, transversal dissent focuses on the more urgent task of resisting at the non-heroic level. We therefore affirm the resolution (the United States Federal Government should substantially reduce its military presence in South Korea) through the use of poetry. Signing the ballot is an affirmation of the potential for dissent contained within poetry.
Discontent! What a powerful thing it is. We all should have more discontents that ought to be than discontents that are. The discontent that I feel for myself when at midnight I inspect myself under direct light from a lamp. Half-written texts books as yet unread a watch gone dead these are surely my strength. Outside the window I see cars rushing down Route 38 by night. Even they are my discontent. What a powerful thing! -----³Discontent,´ in Songs of Tomorrow by Ko Un
whose purview has tended to be confined to the domain of high politics. Only by taking individual stands against dominant readings of linguistic conventions can viable dissent occur. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. nor do I believe that they can actually be solved. does not directly cause particular events. An analysis of poetic dissent provides insight into the processes through which these sites of struggle operate. There are no quick and miraculous forms of resistance to discursive domination. Human Agency.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 11 Performance 1AC Judging the political effects of poetry is impossible. poetic dissent seeks to undermine the linguistic and discursive foundations that have already normalized political practices. of course. underneath the foundations of authority. and Global Governance. But how can something as inaudible as transversal poetic dissent possibly be evaluated? How can a form of resistance that engages linguistic and discursive practices be judged. Rather than attacking direct manifestations of power. Bleiker. In doing so. Even the agent becomes gradually blurred. The potential of such interferences can only be unleashed through a long process. or merely be understood. It unfolds its power through a gradual and largely inaudible transversal transformation of values. At a time when the local and the global become ever-more intertwined. 270-2) Poetry is one of the dissident practices that become visible through this reframing of global politics. I do not claim to have solved them here. but also without being separated from it. Poetic engagements with the linguistic constitution of political practices testify to the transversal and transformative potential that is contained in everyday forms of resistance. poetry draws attention to a multitude of increasingly important transversal spheres that have all too often been ignored by international relations scholars. only one of many linguistic and discursive sites of dissent. A linguistic expression of dissent works by insinuating itself into its target ± the population at large ± without taking it over. for instance. but also reveals how linguistic interferences with these objectifications can exert human agency and engender processes of social change. a great variety of activities. The impact of discursive dissent on transversal social and political dynamics is mediated through tactical and temporal processes. and thus influenced the transversal constitution of societal values. Discursive forms of transversal dissent will always remain elusive. However. This is true of critique of language in general. The poetic imagination not only illustrates why global politics cannot be separated from the manner in which it has been constituted and objectified. poetry does illustrate the potential of dissent. pgs. but that does not mean the effects of voting for a poetic dissent are any less real. by the very nexus of power and knowledge it seeks to distance itself from? These difficult questions beg for complex answers. The effect of a poem cannot be reduced to its author or even to the poem itself. Those who have read it may have passed altered knowledge on to other people. whatever form it takes. slowly. it does not visualize an opponent in space and time. A poem. 2000 (Roland. But poetry is. often of a daily and mundane nature. Dissent works by digging. have the potential to acquire significant transversal dimensions. at least not in an absolute and definitive way. But this does not render their effects any less . Popular Dissent. The world will not be changed immediately.
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 12 potent or real. spatial and linguistic constitution of Cold War international politics. or. particularly its attempt to challenge the political. call for a more sensitive and modest approach to the question of evidence and human agency. rather. It does. however. the Stasi revelations highlight the need to come to terms with the complex and transversal elements that are entailed in breaking out of existing webs of power and discourse. The East German poetry scene at Prenzlauer Berg. precisely because it refuses to be drawn into narrow political debates. It is in this sense that the Prenzlauer Berg poetry scene ± precisely because of its mixed success. But rather than undermining the validity of their activities altogether. While having succeeded in subverting various linguistic aspects of the existing [Continued«] Performance 1AC [Bleiker Continues«] order. precisely because of its controversies and failures ± has contributed a great deal to our understanding of the transversal struggles that make up contemporary global politics. Their works were transgressions. . The fact that the underground poetry scene was penetrated by the State Security Service has challenged both the credibility of the poets and their attempt to carve out an autonomous aesthetic space. In some ways the young writers of the 1980s have shown that poetic dissent can be politically relevant even though. has served to illustrate the complexities that are entailed in transversal struggles. attempts to stretch language such that a more critical view of daily life in East Germany could be expressed. the poetry scene at Prenzlauer Berg also epitomises some of the difficulties that are entailed in discursive forms of transversal dissent. Neither does this recognition invalidate efforts to assess the role of language in interfering with the constitution of global politics.
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 13 ***2AC ANSWERS*** .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 14 2AC A/T: FRAMEWORK .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 15 2AC A/T: CAPITALISM K .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 16 2AC A/T: PERFORMANCE CO-OPTED .
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 17 ***NEG*** .
co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. but also decide what issues are worthwhile to be assessed in the first place. Robert O. Indeed. if the doorkeepers did not inform us that their methodological suggestions emerged from years of teaching a coregraduate course at one of North America¶s foremost research institution. and instruments that are considered proper for the pursuit of knowledge. in a Foucaultian sense. techniques. texts or social practices. organized and diffused by certain procedures. one could easily mistake their claims as parodies of positivism. In every society the production of discourses is controlled. Discourses. Such a positivist position assumes only that which is manifested in experience. as detached observer. authors present their main argument. Although the boundaries of discourses change. why ³all things that live long are gradually so saturated with reason that their origin in unreason thereby becomes improbable. Such procedures not only suggest on what grounds things can be studied legitimately. they are mere value statements. They explain. they fulfill important and powerful doorkeeping functions.´ Alternatives 22:1. the doorkeepers inform us that what distinguishes serious research about the ³facts´ of the ³real world´ from casual observation is the search for ³valid inferences by the systematic use of well-established procedures of inquiry´. at times abruptly. All other utterances have no cognitive and empirical merit. at times gradually. Instead. which emerges from observing µreality¶ deserves the name knowledge. theymaintain a certain unity across time. talked. thereby circumscribing possible solutions to conflicts. a unity that dominates and transgresses individual authors. state-centric discourse. that ³qualitative´ and ³quantitative´ research approaches do not differ in substance for both can (and must be) systematic and scientific. One easily recognizes an (anti)philosophical stance that attempts to separate subject and object. and written of in a normal and rational way. We are told that the goal of research is ³to learn facts about the real world´ and that all hypotheses ³need to be evaluated empirically before they can make a contribution to knowledge´. 1997 (Roland.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 18 Framing of Appropriate Methodology/Limits Link They are the doorkeepers of IR-they strive for ³real world education´ by limiting the spectrum of acceptable IR scholarship to objective. They establish the rules of intellectual exchange and define the methods. works such that a statement has to be ³within the true´ before one can even start to judge whether it is true or false. One does not need to be endowed with the investigating genius of a Sherlock Holmes to detect positivist traits in these pages. Gary King. Hence. to come back to Nietzsche. In other words.Within these margins each discipline recognizes true and false propositions based on the standards of evaluation it established to assess them. selected. Which facts? Whose µreal¶ world? What form of knowledge? The discursive power of academic disciplines. These functions emerge as soon as the and Sidney Verba. that believes the social scientist. a topic has to fulfill a number of preliminary criteria before it can even be evaluated as a . can produce value-free knowledge. make sure that the discipline¶s discursive boundaries remain intact. I want to illustrate the process of disciplining thought by focusing on a recent publication by three well placed academics. ³Forget IR Theory. Bleiker. legitimate or illegitimate. unprovable speculations. Byoutlining the methodological rules about how to conduct good scholarly research. This model depoliticizes issues of perspective and framing. They create systems of exclusion that elevate one group of discourses to a hegemonic status while condemning others to exile. normative claims.´ Academic disciplines are powerful mechanisms to direct and control the production and diffusion of discourses. knowingly or unknowingly. George Canguilhem argues. 57-86) The doorkeepers of IR are those who. are subtle mechanisms that frame our thinking process. It is not my intention here to provide a coherent account or historical survey of the exclusionary academic conventions that have been established by the discipline of IR. Keohane. They determine the limits of what can be thought.
And if you are drawn to the temple of IR after all. They readily admit that ³we seek not dogma. or to those who even have the audacity of questioning what this µreal world¶ really is. to those who intend to redraw the boundaries of µgood¶ and µevil¶ research. At least the doorkeepers of IR have not lost a sense of (unintended) irony. policies of hiring and promoting teaching staff. Or could it be that these allegedly unimportant research topics need to be silenced precisely because they run the risk of turning into politically significant questions? The systems of exclusion that doorkeeping functions uphold is sustained by a whole range of discipline related procedures. then just try to go in despite our veto. Academic disciplines discipline the production of discourses. as soon as one addresses academic disciplines on their own terms. Thus. or publishing criteria determined by the major journals in the field. But take note. A research topic must ³pose a question that is µimportant¶ in the real world´ and it must contribute to the scholarly literature by ³increasing our collective ability to construct verified scientific explanation of some aspect of the world´. we are powerful and we are only the least of the doorkeepers. . linked to such aspects as university admittance standards.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 19 legitimate IR concern. the doorkeepers notify us. The criterion of admittance. the doorkeepers laugh. They force the creation and exchange of knowledge into preconceived spaces. called debates. examination topics. for ultimately all research topics that have no ³real-world importance´ will run ³the risk of descending to politically insignificant questions´. The warning is loud and clear: ³A proposed topic that cannot be refined into a specific research project permitting valid descriptive or causal inference should be modified along the way or abandoned´. teaching curricula. but disciplined thought´. one has to play according to rules of a discursive µpolice¶ which is reactivated each time one speaks. Even if one is to engage the orthodox position in a critical manner. are twofold. the outcome of the discussion is already circumscribed by the parameters that had been established through the initial framing of debates. Admittance cannot be granted at the moment to those who are eager to investigate the process of knowing. The doorkeepers of IR remind the women and men from the country who pray for admittance to the temple of IR that only those who abide by the established rules will gain access.
They represent the relationship between people and their environment. Nietzsche provides an astonishing account of its dynamics: This has given me the greatest trouble and still does: to realize that what things are called is incomparably more important than what they are.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 20 Realism Link Realism is the lingua franca of today¶s securitized IR theory-it distances us from the reality of war and the pursuit of national interests by camouflaging systems of exclusion and violence as inevitable facets of human experience. The concepts used in this sentence not only make perfect sense to any critical social theorist.originally almost always wrong and arbitrary. or simply µpeace¶. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. Without using the actual term reification (Verdinglichung).´ Alternatives 22:1.the objective truth of the discourse lies within and is produced by the discourse itself´. and this despite plenty of readily available evidence in support of such an interpretation. We become accustomed to our distorting metaphors until we ³lie herd-like in a style obligatory for all. George Orwell¶s fictional world provides a perfect illustration for this subjugating power of languages. The objective of this exercise was that ³when Newspeak had been adopted once and for all and Oldspeak forgotten. Carol Cohn demonstrates how the particular language that they employ not only removes them from the µreality¶ of nuclear war.Consider how Robert Gilpin criticizes the post-structuralist language of Richard Ashley by declaring entirely unintelligible his claim that ³. Yet. they simply would be unintelligible and untranslatable. Not surprisingly. The language of realism has rendered any challenge to its own political foundations unthinkable. the usual measure and weight of a thing. Noam Chomsky provides another example of the links between language and politics. Languages are more than just mediums of communication. are fateful because the language of defense intellectuals has been elevated to virtually the only legitimate medium of debating security issues. undesirable ones either eliminated or striped of unorthodox meanings. merely because people believe in it.. until it gradually grows to be part of the thing and turns into its very body. 1997 (Roland. in Nietzsche¶s view. Consider how Oceania introduced Newspeak to accommodate its official ideology. We find similar dynamics at work in the more µreal¶ (but equally Orwellian) IR world of defense intellectuals. the very idea of epistemological critique is a heretic thought and the sentence thus becomes simply untranslatable.that is. an integral element of politics. but also constructs a new world of abstraction that makes it impossible to think or express certain concerns related to feelings. and appearance. morality. The reputation. Gilpin admits that he frequently was unable to follow Ashley¶s argument. Yet. The same linguistic dynamic of exclusion is at work in IR theory. . What at first was appearance becomes in the end.all this grows from generation unto generation. New words were invented and invariably. selectively filtered images of objects and impressions that surround us. where the dominant realist language renders discussions of epistemology virtually impossible. read through the Newspeak of scientific realism. almost Ideas become reified because reality and dominant discursive practices merge to the point that the links between them vanish from our collective memories. name. Bleiker.´ By then history would be rewritten to the point that even if fragments of documents from the past were still to surface. the process of neglecting that we are all conditioned by decades of linguistically entrenched values largely camouflages the system of exclusion that is operative in all speech forms. the essence and is effective as such. what it counts for .´ The following passage illustrates well the extent to which language and social practice are intertwined..should be literally unthinkable. He argues that mainstream discourses linguistically presented the ³involvement´ in Vietnam such that the actual thought of an American ³aggression´ or ³invasion´ was unthinkable. a heretical thought . ³Forget IR Theory. a thought diverging from the principles of Ingsoc . Ingsoc. Cohn rightly stresses. 57-86) Languages. They are part of a larger discursive struggle over meaning and interpretation. are built upon a set of prejudices that are expressed via metaphors. thrown over things like a dress and altogether foreign to their nature and even to their skin . but also are essential for the articulation of an epistemological critique. The consequences.
as ³man¶s control over the minds and actions of other men´. then they must engage in a struggle with conventionally recognized linguistic practices. ³there is nothing more wicked and harmful to freedom than liberal institutions´. Adorno recognizes that even before dealing with specific speech contents. will ever do justice to the object it is trying to capture. µdiplomacy¶. As soon as it is applied empirically it ceases to be what it claims it is. It is more because it imposes a particular interpretation of freedom upon and beyond the conditions of freedom sought after at a particular time and place.´ From this perspective the first step in any process that tries to escape the controlling power of orthodox IR theory entails paying close attention to its linguistic practices. as a result. To talk of IR. In making this assumption.´ Alternatives 22:1. power is the capacity to act. something someone (a man!) has and others don¶t. But diverging opinions pressed for a more broad conceptualization. Some traditional realists view(ed) it . existing concepts Besides appropriating the constituted meaning of one can open up possibilities for more inclusive ways of theorizing and acting by resorting to an all together new way of conceptualizing. and continuously changing phenomena. who transformed the terms µ schwul¶ and µqueer¶ from derogative and discriminatory expressions to positively imbued assertions of identity that create possibilities for more inclusive ways of thinking and acting. to simplify things a bit. who already claimed that liberal institutions cease to be liberal as soon as they are established. 1997 (Roland. There are at least two ways through which one can subvert the delineation of thinking space imposed by orthodox definitions of IR concepts. and µethics¶. Others again view power as a complex structure of actions that permeate every aspect of society. We know of Mikhail Bakhtin¶s dialogism. if challenges to orthodoxy and attempts to open up thinking space are to avoid being absorbed by the dominant discourse. Orthodox IR concepts are then simply left behind. we can observe to functions of consent and legitimacy. one can appropriate and open up the meaning of existing concepts. A concept is always a violation. He shows how the judgment that one is free depends on the concept of freedom. a theory of . for instance. not simply a subjugating force. Acknowledging and dealing with the political dimensions of concepts is essential in the effort to defy the doorkeeping power of orthodox IR. First. critique of language. or at least with the manner in which these practices have been constituted. ³Forget IR Theory. Adorno¶s reading of Nietzsche. an imposition of static subjectivity upon complex. Various authors have suggested methods for this purpose.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 21 Form Key Yo Bleiker. or of anything for that matter. But how do we prevent new concepts from imposing their own subjectivities? No concept will ever be sufficient. Thus. Nietzsche was already aware that ³all concepts in which an entire process is semiotically concentrated elude definition: only strengths and dangers of this approach. But this concept is both less and more than the object or subject it refers to. Adorno follows a well carved out path. Yet.´ Here. µhegemony¶. The linguist Fritz Mauthner already considered Sprachkritik as ³the most important task of thinking humanity´ and the poet Paul Valéry probably captured its objective best when claiming that ³the secret of well founded thinking is based on suspicion towards language. Critique of society cannot be separated from Sprachkritik. Adorno illustrates through a contemporary example. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. we hear the echo of Nietzsche. one that is also linked µreality¶ of IR. again. The form of writing becomes as important as its content. µanarchy¶. Consider. I have chosen Adorno because he epitomized both the languages mold a thought such that it gets drawn into subordination even where it appears to resist this tendency. The usage of concepts is Adorno¶s starting point. 57-86) I focus my attempt to forget IR language on Theodor W. What Nietzsche emphasized in a historical manner. interconnected. that. the concept of µpower¶. In this phallocentric definition. concepts can never entirely capture ththeire objects that they are trying to describe. but at least as much an enabling opportunity. methods that will always remain attempts without ever reaching the ideal state that they aspire to. Hence. This strategy was demonstrated in political practice by German and English speaking gay/lesbian activists. Adorno argues that ³the concept of freedom always lags behind itself. Even closer to the struggles over the meaning of such concepts as µstate¶. µsecurity¶. The objective then becomes to conceptualize thoughts such that they do not silence other voices. It is less because it cannot adequately assess the complexities of the individual¶s expectations and the contexts within which s/he seeks freedom. filed ad actaasrelics of a past way of thinking that is no longer adequate to deal with an increasingly complex and intertwined sphere of contemporary life. but co-exist and interact with them. we need to employ concepts to express our ideas. that which has no history can be defined´.
in relation to each other. The first step towards disenchanting the concept is simply refusing to define it monologically. should be as unrestrained as possible.´ concept in different ways in order to liberate it from the narrow definition that language itself had already imposed on it. validity claims and the like. to resist the distorting power of reification and return the conceptual to the non-conceptual. in this case. Concepts should achieve meaning only gradually. Indeed. through a rationalism and universalism that is violently anti-Bakhtinian and anti-Adornian. to open up with concepts what does not fit into concepts. as we know from Adorno. and searches for possibilities to establish conceptual and linguistic dialogues among competing ideas. speech forms. such that ³claims to truth and rightness can be discursively redeemed´. Adorno even intentionally uses the same heeding when building social theory. Communication. Instead. Closer to the familiar terrain of IR we find Christine Sylvester¶s feminist method of empathetic cooperation. he considers them essential. Jürgen Habermas attempts to theorize the preconditions for ideal speech situations. This disenchantment of the concept is the antidote of critical philosophy. and agendas of those one is unaccustomed to But how does one conceptualize such attempts if concepts can never do justice to the objects they are trying to capture? The daring task is. one should add. he accepts the existence of multiple meanings. which aims at opening up questions of gender by a ³process of positional slippage that occurs when one listens seriously to the concerns. values. albeit. That contradictions could arise out of this practice does not bother Adorno.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 22 knowledge and language that tries to avoid the excluding tendencies of monological thought forms. texts. draws connections between differences. fears. . it impedes the concept from developing its own dynamics and from becoming an absolute in itself.
A poet renders strange that which is familiar and thus forces the reader to confront that which s/he habitually has refused to confront. those who carried my name in their mouth. a language that is not a vine. this or that idea. whose shoots they clip ped. during the 1980s.A poem is a conscious transgression of existing linguistic conventions. different ways of perceiving what we already know. designed to rise from its ashes. except maybe through the refusal to capitalize µI¶ and the first word of the poem. but a free-standing and freely growing tree. 1997 (Roland. Indeed. it vanishes from your memory. but with more subtle and far more powerful aspects of discursive domination: was i caught forever. He separates poetry from prose and stresses that in the latter form is not preserved. the suspense of the initial question even goes beyond the end of the poem for Igel refuses to close it with any sort of punctuation. slips away from the linguistic teeth drilled into one¶s neck. i did not want to miss the personified sound of my name. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. around the substance of form. It disappears as soon as it has fulfilled its purpose. 57-86) Poetry has the potential of subverting and unsettling the encroachment of dominant IR practices. about opening up thinking space and creating possibilities to act in more inclusive ways. Igel is one of thek East German poets who. by contrast. much like Adorno¶sSprachkritik. This sense of suspense is accentuated by the fact that Igel fuses sentences with commas. the form of my speech becomes meaningless. semi-columns or a simple µand¶ where they normally would be terminated with a period. it is about unsettling. pushing its branches up into the open sky. the forgetting that a poem like ³The Pupil´ does. illustrates. ³Forget IR Theory. The poem is not able to escape the constraints of language. expresses aspects of the transition from the Cold War to a new international order. held me by the neck with their teeth Needed.´ a poem written by Jayne-Ann Igel. as i learned their language. Sprachkritik.´ Alternatives 22:1. because that is what poetry is all about. poetic language disturbs. fractures meaning. transgresses rules. an example will have to suffice. Indeed. and grammatical rules of linguistic conventions.´ Illlustrating the power of poetry to rediscribe reality is no easy task. Once you have understood the content of my speech. my voice a bird-squeak. the fingers pierced through the plaster. they held me near the house like a vine. One is inevitably thrown into a continuous questioning mood. but it makes these constraints its raison d¶être. for it arguably is the most radical way of stretching. as i learned their language¶ echoes long after the last word is read. Poetry revolves.Poetry isSprachkritikat its most self-conscious existence. Valéry The form of the poem. it assures a presence beyond death and . a radical critique of language that pierces through the plaster of the ruling philosophy. under the light of drying sheets. but also in form. syntactic. does not vanish after its usage.a subversive act my English translation is unable to convey. then. In this sense poetry sets itself apart from prose because it negates. It is about searching for a language that provides us with different eyes. In a societal context (East Germany of the 1980s) of strong ideological dogmatism and strict behavioral rules. breaks its spell. ³The Pupil. a protest against an established language game and the system of exclusion that are embedded in it. her poem purposely violates a number of existing linguistic conventions. her poem entirely disregards the German linguistic convention of capitalizing nouns . but because it cannot do otherwise. a searching more inclusive ways of looking at the constitution of things present and past. Her poem deals not so much with the obvious forms of repression that existed at the time. for poetry is not about this or that argument. she starts off with a question (µwas I caught forever. Needed. Only an extended lecture of poetry can succeed in stretching the boundaries of our mind. The breaking fee. In doing so it ³breaks up the inertia of language habits´ and ³liberates the subject from a number of linguistic. as I learned their language¶) but refuses to close this question with an appropriate question mark. and social networks. It illustrates how poetry can be a way of coming to terms with history. psychic. which smelled like urine. not by chance or as a side effect. confined to the wall of the house and constantly trimmed. actively engaged in a critique of the dominant language in order to create thinking space in a suffocating society. No isolated citation will ever do justice to this objective. It is an integral part of speech. Or so at least claims the influential voice of Paul Valéry. making strange that which is familiar. Poetry. Igel¶s poem not only captures this objective in content. is a form of remembering. The question µwas i caught forever. Moreover. a permanent state of suspense that lasts until the end of the poem.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 23 Poetry Solvency Bleiker. But for the more limited purpose of this paper. For Kristeva. For example. even violating the stylistic. the attempt to stretch language games isprobablythe single most important definingcharacteristic of poetry. keeping me under their spell. fulfills the task of a critical memory. so that they do not darken the rooms and close to the wall of the house i played.
But such attempts remain rare. We know of some attempts that successfully stretched the boundaries of IR language. then from the vantage point of American hegemony. Derek Walcott: beyond the current. on one lapel a crimson buttonhole for the cold ecstasy of the assassin. historically delineated moment.For(to)get a new angle on IR. and now as the new lingua franca of international political. first from the British Colonial Empire. In the square coffin manacled to my wrist: small countries pleaded through the mesh of graphs. It was in winter. in treble-spaced. A compact man. We need more of them. how to live in language. but simply to be able to speak again. .´ with how ³the mortal ones can learn. Forget.´ The radically different viewpoints that a poetic image illuminates may not always be directly translatable into clear-cut policy recommendations. Feel. Poetry can bring about a slow transformation of discursive and linguistic practices that gradually open up spaces for more inclusive ways of perceiving and practicing IR. to walk through the silence that orthodox IR language has imposed on its community of scholars. those worlds that lie beyond the linguistic zone of exclusion that the global dominance of English has established? How to decenter the center through the language of the center? Poetry can show us ways of dealing with these important and difficult issues. Listen. perspectives and emotions that otherwise may never reach the prose oriented theorists and practitioners of contemporary wor(l)d politics. spires congealed like holy candles. I crossed the canal in a gray overcoat.How to speak in a language that has structurally excluded women. MERCY. anybody and anything that cannot be identified with the speaking (realist/liberal) subject? How to speak in a language that has historically evolved from the center of the world. not to search for beauty or a more perfect representation of reality. The work of Christine Sylvester and James Der Derian comes to mind. with the ³reconstruction of the world through words. Rotting snow flaked from Europe¶s ceiling. Steeples. the Other. Poetry addresses this difficult issue.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 24 Poetry remains the most underrated and unexplored approach to reconceptualizingwor(l)d politics. but they have the potential to contribute immensely by bringing into a dialogical realm many of the repressed voices. once more. economic and cultural interactions? How to express those silenced voices. Xeroxed forms to the World Bank on which I had scrawled the one word.
that the herds will understand him one day.´ One can no longer avoid questions of ethics and responsibility by hiding behind the language of realism and the inevitability of power politics. While acknowledging the continuous problems about words and their meanings. meant to demonstrate the crucial and unavoidable political function that language plays in the theory and practice of wor(l)d(s) politics. It is inour daily practices of speaking.´ Alternatives 22:1. Not around the inventors of new noise. he hails. Conclusions are illusions. and so do potentials to avoid them.´ The inaudible character of these transformative potentials does not make them any less real.why do I speak where nobody has my ears? It is still an hour too early for me here´. Critique must be supplemented with a process that forgets the object of critique. Zarathustra is constantly torn back and forth between engaging with people and withdrawing from them. Zarathustra returns to the mountains.. The masses fail to comprehend his attempts to defy herd instincts and problematize the unproblematic. only be achieved if alternative knowledge can break out of intellectual obscurity.for fire. he claims. or at least should not circumvent.and verily. Taking this dynamic seriously means that one can no longer simply ³sidestep many issues in the philosophy of social science as well as controversies about the role of postmodernism. They are.poor herbs! poor soil! and soon they shall stand there like dry grass and prairie . on the one hand. ³Forget IR Theory. ³But their hour will come! And mine will come too! Hourly they are becoming smaller.One can no longer blow the water . They effect the daily lives of people as much as the so-called ³real-world issues´ of orthodox IR. relativism. great difficulties in doing this. ³are not our loudest but our stillest hours. He repeatedly climbs down from his cave to the depths of life. and related subjects. discursive power has. withdraws in the solitude of his cave. ³They do not understand me. not scientific rigidity. I am not the mouth for these ears´. Hence. Doorkeeping functions emerge everywhere. Nietzsche was well aware of this inevitable dilemma. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. The systems of domination and the possibilities for change that are embedded in language are as real as the practices of Realpolitik. above all.´ importance of genealogical critique. saturated with obstacles and contradictions. ³Must one smash their ears before they learn to listen with their eyes?´ At times he appears without hope: ³what matters a time that ³has not time´ for Zarathustra?. Language is never adequate to express social dynamics. a text that breaks with established practices of communication to escape their to an end. more sterile . without being ³goaded into taking seriously Any scholar who is concerned with the inevitable impact of theorizing on daily practices of wor(l)d politics must take seriously questions about words and their meanings. The great events in history. More inclusive ways of theorizing and living world(s) politics cannot surface over night. articulate alternative thoughts such that they are accessible enough to constitute viable tools to open up dialogical interactions. Succumbing to the power of language. defy the language of the dominant discourse in order not to get drawn into its powerful linguistic vortex and. Zarathustra knows that. Discourses live on and appear reasonable long after their premises have turned into anachronistic relics. of deconstructing IR. by definition. This can. especially if they touch upon the very issue of language. Rhetoric and dialogue is needed. it revolves inaudibly. 1997 (Roland. There is no essence that crystallizes. on the other hand. regains hope that monological discourses will give way to dialogue. for debates about language will never come A critical author must. no new paradigms or miraculous political settlements that one could hope for.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 25 A2: Linguistic Resistance Fails Bleiker. weary of themselves and languish even more than for Dissident scholarship will not immediately incineratethe dry grass of orthodox IRprairies. that can be wrapped up in a few succinct points or classified neatly into existing categories. 57-86) A topic that deals with the struggle over meaning and interpretation does not easily lend itself to a conclusion. Changing the practice of IR is a long process. poorer. if it can reach and change the minds of most people. However. The above presented conceptual and stylistic strategies for undermining dominant and monological discursive practices constitute only illustrative examples. But thoughts of engaging with humanity never leave him.. of forgetting and remembering that slow transformative potentials are hidden. There are no quick solutions. of course. my suggestions should not be read as ready-made solutions or endorsements of particular writing styles and forms of conceptualizing. but around the inventors of new values does the world revolve. trumpet of anti-positivism while advising at the same time to focus only on ³questions of fact´. They will always constitute sites of contestation that an author cannot. the nature and existence of truth. . Language is politics disguised. I suggested that efforts should not stop at this point.´ Fire-fighters are holding off the blaze.
seen from Milan Kundera¶s reversed perspective. ³remembering is a form of forgetting.´ a way of thinking that enables ³a tabula rasa of the consciousness. We merely establish arbitrary links between things that we consider important. offer powerful opportunities to think and act beyond the narrow confines of our present world. From this vantage point forgetting is a process or remembering.My approach to forgetting IR theory will revolve primarily around issues of language. gradually begins to display colors and beauties and enigmas and riches of significance of which earlier mankind had not an inkling. at the same time. forgetting tries to escape the vicious circle by which these social practices serve to legitimize and objectivize the very discourses that have given rise to them. ³How foolish it would be. Instead of perpetuating IR nostalgia. what is around us and in us. There is only the present and nothing to remember. but to employ his work as a stepping stone. when investigators of knowledge sought out the origin of things they always believed they would discover something of incalculable significance for all later action and judgment. or. so-called ³reality. becomes one of turning forgetting from a selective. Nietzsche¶s own words may explain best the importance of forgetting for a critique of orthodox IR: Why is it that this thought comes back to me again and again and in ever more varied colours? . It is one of the reasons why some consider his work as the conceptual turning point from modernity to postmodernity. If that were true. 57-86) To forget orthodox IR theory is not to ignore the IR practices that have framed our realities. but .Forgetting becomes an instrument of dialogue and inclusion. how they constrain and enable. then. that the salvation of man must depend on insight into the origins of things.that formerly. In that sense my paper deals with methodological concerns.´ makes room for new things. Nietzsche ended up with this position by dealing with a set of methodological dilemmas similar to those I am trying to address in this paper. ³to suppose that one only needs to point out this origin and this misty shroud of delusion in order to destroy the world that counts for real. We cannot keep in mind too many things. how could we go on? How could we ever get up and off our knees? How could we ever recover from the wonder of it? By forgetting. conscious forgetting opens up possibilities for a dialogical understanding of our present and past. that they always presupposed. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin..Nietzsche claims. seeking comfort and security in the familiar interpretation of long gone epochs. indeed. By observing why Nietzsche ended up with this position I will explore the µriches of significance¶ that could emerge once we liberate IR theory from the compulsion to link the search for peace with exploring the origins of present dilemmas in world politics. how they are part of a discursive form of domination and. ³Forget IR Theory. is a process of healing: Only now do I believe you healed for healed is who forgot. Forgetting is not only a negative process. new thoughts. I will then retrace Nietzsche¶s next step. This is not to essentialize Nietzsche or render him heroic.´ Nietzsche¶s skepticism towards grounding critique in an investigation of the origins of things is important.. probably never existed. conscious and more inclusive process. a neglecting and overlooking. Jeanette Winterson: They say that every snowflake is different. [t]he more insight we possess into an origin the less significant does the origin appear: while what is nearest to us. for Nietzsche. such as the Holocaust. a source to provoke thought before it too has to be forgotten in order not to turn into a new orthodoxy. The task. it reorients our memories. with what conventionally is considered form rather than .´ I will draw primarily upon the work of Friedrich Nietzsche to explore the process of forgetting orthodox IR theory.Rather than further entrenching current IR security dilemmas by engaging with the orthodox discourse that continuously gives meaning to them. 1997 (Roland. cannot and should not be simply chased out of our collective memory. Such a duality. something we often do without being aware of it.´ Alternatives 22:1. Neither does forgetting amount to turning a blind eye towards the violent nature that characterizes present world politics. even if they are characterized by violence and insecurity. an engagement with what he calls ³active forgetfulness. The need to forget emerges from recognizing the problematic links that are commonly drawn between cause and effect.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 26 Forgetting Alt Bleiker. It refuses to tie future possibilities to established forms of life. becomes active by turning into forge(t) and for(to)get. but also a necessary part of our existence. new possibilities.´ Nietzsche claims. arbitrary and unconscious constitution of things past into an active. isolate a couple of pieces out of a continuum of complex and intertwinedevents. This is why it is futile to search for a causal origin in this web of human life and to think we could somehow ground a better world on this form of flawed insight. Countless events of the past. The process of forgetting.
think. and formulate IR has a significant impact on how is practiced.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 27 substance. the manner in which we approach. conceptualize. . Yet. Form turns into substance. Language frames politics.
Such a quest is futile and dangerous for it attempts to uncover an authentic essence in things. Genealogies will always remain necessary.J. a source to which everything can be traced back. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. 1997 (Roland.what and who was left out on the way. which are also translated as ³origin´ into French (and English). some form of original meaning. the term he uses in the above quoted passages.and for that there is needed a knowledge of the conditions and circumstances in which they grew. reveal a common theme in critical IR scholarship: the quest to find out where the ideas and underlying principles that influence our life emanated from. a method of critique that is associated with Nietzsche. under which they evolved and changed. ³Forget IR Theory. presented here in an oversimplified and selective way.B. These terms do not indicate a search for a telos in history. Jean Elshtain goes back in IR time and observes how patriarchal discourses have assigned women the task of life givers. alternative approaches to IR reread and rewrite the discipline¶s present and past. the value of these values themselves must first be called in question . its contemporary practices cannot be understood without knowledge of its origins. Cynthia Weber. . But did he not throw up his hands and warn of searching for the origin of things? An interpretative essay by Michel Foucault sheds light on this seemingly paradoxical issue. Nietzsche strongly condemns the quest to discover an Ursprung. despite empirical cases that confound these assignments. By doing so. for. Genealogies. Drawing attention to terminological subtleties of the German language. 57-86) In an attempt to open up what Jim George called ³thinking space´. disturb what was taken as immobile. further deconstructs the history of sovereignty and intervention.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 28 IR Theories Link Bleiker. They deconstruct orthodox IR.´ Alternatives 22:1. an authentic starting point. as he argues. trying to demonstrate how they have transformed one particular and subjective view of reality (the realist / positivist one) into reality per se. he argues that we need a critique of moral values. and those many others which were silenced. The task of genealogies is radically different and much better captured by the terms Herkunft and Entstehung. To reach a critical understanding of IR. plays of power. pursuing this theme. Many of these attempts to scrutinize the historical origins of the present take the form of genealogies. a site of truth. James Der Derian rereads the history of diplomacy. These examples. Nietzsche demonstrates this approach when. listen to repressed voices and scrutinize why we have ended up where we are today. reveal a common theme. Jim George surveys the evolution of classical approaches to IR. by contrast. David Campbell scrutinizes how United States foreign policy produced and reproduced a specific form of political identity. the desire to reveal how the dilemmas of contemporary world politics are not immutable. They read multiplicity into history. It is not my task here to summarize these diverse and highly complex attempts. searching for the origin (Herkunft) of moral prejudices. but part of a historically constructed system of exclusion. how one embarks upon and presents this task. Various scholars also drawn attention to aspects of culture. A few examples. we need to known how we have arbitrarily constructed the present . and men the one of life takers. Genealogies focus on revealing subtle systems of subjection. Walker challenges the ways in which centuries of modern political discourses have entrenched a state-centric dichotomy between the domestic and the international spheres. focus on the process by which we construct origins and give meaning to our past. Bradley Klein analyzes how strategic studies have continuously narrowed down discussions of security issues. however. to the ethnocentric dimensions of IR theory. this quest excludes everything that does not fit into the particular interpretation that is imposed upon a complex set of past and present events. R. Christine Sylvester revisits the three discipline-defining IR debates and ruminates about the consequences that are entailed in their failure to take gender issues and feminist theorizing into account. fragment what was considered unified.We need to scrutinize the stories that have been told about the past. Foucault illustrates that the key issue revolves around what sort of origins one searches for.
Rather than ignoring or seeking to narrow this gap. assumes that there is always a gap between a form of representation and what is represented therewith. whichhave dominated ir scholarship. an increasing number of scholars with are confronting the question of representation. it contrasts aesthetic mimetic forms of representation. as mimetic approaches do.We gradually forget that we have become so accustomed to these politically charged and distorting metaphors that we take them for real and begin to µlie herd-like in a style obligatory for all¶. Some of the most significant theoretical and practical insight into world politics emerges not from endeavours that ignore representation.Wars. Many of them are social scientists for whom knowledge about the µfacts¶ of the µreal world¶ emerges from the search for µvalid inferences by the systematic use relatively little practical knowledge has emerged from these efforts.4 This essay of well-established procedures of inquiry¶.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 29 A2: Realism good We control uniqueness-orthodox IR is predominant mode of analysis today²squo isn¶t all that peaceful. 509-533) We have all grown accustomedto familiar representations of the international and its conflicts. Even proponents of scientific research lament that µstudents of international conflict are left wrestling with their data to eke out something they can label a finding¶. even after successive generations of social scientists have refined their models and methods. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. . From Kosovo to Afghanistan violence remains the modus operandi of world politics. aesthetic insight recognises that the inevitable difference between the represented and its representation is the very location of politics. Only a risk that alternative theoretical approaches can yield peace.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.2 Those who make the analysis of these political events their professional purview²the students of international relations (ir)² adhere to representational habits that have become equally objectified and problematic. but from those that explore how representative practices themselves have come to constitute and shape political practices.3 But argues for the need to validate an entirely different approach to the study of world politics: aesthetics. An aesthetic approach. nor have our abilities to prevent deadly conflicts. aiming to capture world politics as-it-reallyis. Bleiker. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. by contrast. seek to represent politics as realistically and authentically as possible. More specifically. The numbing regularity with which these images and sound-bites are communicated soon erases their highly arbitrary nature. Although most approaches to international political theory remain wedded to mimetic principles. The latter. famines and diplomatic summits are shown to us in their usual guise: as short-lived media events that blend information and entertainment.Our insights into the international have not grown substantially. 2001 (Roland.
Rather than constituting this gap as a threat toknowledge and political stability. even its frame. and thus be as useless as µas a facsimile of a text that is handed to us in answer to our question of how to interpret thattext¶. with a certain focus and from a certain angle. by way of illustration. continue to adhere almost exclusively to socialscientific conventions. It too is taken at a certain time of the day. incomplete and bound up withthe values of the perceiver. and in has changed since then. It draws attention to what. But political reality doesnot exist in an a priori way. It cannot capture the essence of its object . by contrast.9 Or. as Elaine Scarry puts it. Note as well that even if the ideal of mimesis²a perfect resemblancebetween signifier and signified²was possible. The most influential contributions to the discipline. Hayden White would say. David Singer proudly announced during the behavioural revolution Before exploring the significance of aesthetic insights that µthere is no longer much doubt that we can make the study of international politics into a scientific discipline worthy of the name¶. of course. They uphold the notion of a neutral observer and acorresponding separation of object and subject. for instance. they are not really theories ofrepresentation. cannot determine from whatperspective and in what context it is seen. undoubtedly. Thefirst seeks to discover a truth or an originthat somehow escapes the necessity ofinterpretation. been conducted in the former. but only an artistic representation thereof²challenges the very notion of mimesis. embark on a direct political encounter. by its very nature. they result from artistic and inevitablysubjective decisions on form taken by the photographer. ideally.14 Consider. even though its seemingly authentic reproduction of external realities may deceive us initially. This is why representation µalways raises the question of what set of true statements we might prefer to other sets of true statements¶. One perhaps could.10 Mimetic approaches do not pay enough attention to the relationship between therepresented and its representation.12 It is a process through which we organise our understanding of reality. 2001 (Roland. 509-533) it is necessary to juxtapose them. at a certain time of the day.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 30 A2: Perm/CP No Solve: Mimetic v Aesthetic Reps of IR -realism aims for neutral knowledge of real world= ³mimetic´ -realism can¶t solve K mpx-no theory of reps/erases study of effects of reps -reps do matter-framing of political event Bleiker. It comes into being only through the process of representation. Indeed. and the fact that µknowability depends on its susceptibility to representation¶.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.8 Much representation is still widelyseen as process of coping which. Indeed.particularly in North America. speak of two fundamentally different approaches. Realism has made µthe real¶ into an object of desire. Even a naturalistic painting is still a form of representation. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. as one of the most influential contemporary methodology textbooks in political sciences states: µthe goal is to learn facts about the real world¶. mimeticmode of representation.13Aesthetic approaches. then. Indeed.The second accepts or even affirms that representing the political isa form of interpretation that is. these choices make up the very essence of the photograph: its aesthetic quality. It would merely replicate what is. Our effort to make sense of this eventcan. thus. aesthetic approaches accept its inevitability.15 A photograph is no different . for they engage the gap that inevitably opens up between a form of representation and the object it seeks to represent. it could offer us little political insight. It is painted from a certain angle. of course. But. erases all traces of human interference sothat the µartistic¶ end-product looks just like the original. decisions that havenothing to do with the essence . the similarities between the work of a painterand a social scientist. Both portray their objects through particular modes ofrepresentation. never be reduced to the event itself. Recall for a minute the famous painting by the surrealist René Magritte: the one that features a carefully drawn pipe placed above an equally carefully hand-written line that reads µCecin¶est pas une pipe¶ (µThis is not a pipe¶). in Saussurian language. is called the arbitrariness of the sign: the fact that the relationship between signifier (the drawing of the pipe) and the signified (the pipe) is contingent on a range of interpretative steps. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. A political event. if only briefly.7 Much of ir scholarship has. to the prevailing wisdom of ir scholarship. but a certain light.11 They are theories against representation. as are the colours and size of the painting. is µthe knowability of theworld¶. they recognise that the difference between represented and representation is the very location of politics. with Jacques Derrida. J. The materials are those chosen by the artist. What becomes obvious fairly soon²that the painting is not a pipe itself. What is at stake.
and with that an inherently political exercise. No social scientist can ever represent a political event or issue independently of the form chosen for this task. The very same principles engulf our attempts to analyse and understand therealities of world politics. about the artistic choices of the interpreter than the object of interpretation. It too says just as much. . if not more.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 31 of the actual object that is photographed. It too remains a form of interpretation. framing. It too reflects colour choices. angles. brushstrokes. Even the most thorough empirical analysis cannot depict its object of inquiry in an authentic way.
´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.28 The power to raise subjective interpretations to a level of objectivity is rooted in a variety of factors other than the mere persuasiveness of the respective perspective. 509-533) Nothing is harder than to notice the obvious that was not noticed before. This power is at its peak if a form of representation is able to disguise its subjective origins and values. what constitutes its reference to the subject. The exact nature of this dominant Realist and Liberal views of the international rely on a particular set of representations. that Cold War spy films are not real. Realism has been unusually successful in this endeavour: it has turned one of many credible interpretations into a form of representation that is not only widely accepted as µrealistic¶. diplomatic summits and other state actions that are imbued with international significance. 2001 (Roland. Realist theories of (anti)representation have been around for so long that the metaphors through which they legitimise their political view of the world (from the primacy of the µnational interest¶ to the dictates of µRealpolitik¶) no longer appear as metaphors. particularly the Enlightenment and Romanticism.26 Representation is always an act of power..e. be real. conventions that tell us. but it undoubtedly contains elements of the Western intellectual heritage. to appropriate Michel Foucault¶s words. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. Time is one of these factors: a simple but important one. This is because we are wedded to conventions of language. revolutions. Realism has managed to suppress what Kant would have called the µaesthetic quality¶ of politics.30 In the world of ir scholarship this translates into a masculine preoccupation with big and heroic events: wars. Ensuing attempts to µextract the eternal out of the transient¶ are manifest in the strong social scientific dominance of ir scholarship. or by Kenneth Waltz about how to interpret the µlogic¶ of µanarchy¶ during the Cold War²and then turn them into universal and a-historic explanations that allegedly capture the µessence¶ of human nature and international politics. to search for rational foundations and certainty in a world of turmoil and constant flux.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 32 Realism Link -normalizes itself by negating analysis of framing by parading as objective science -still has an aesthetic meaning-that of western heritage -masculine ptx internal link Bleiker. i. can contain equally subjective representational dimensions. for instance. We all have an intuitive longing for the hope that what we represent is what we see and think.25 But few tasks are more daunting than that. not to the object¶. that the entire purpose of a scholarly analysis µis to elicit recognition. really. and its form varies from author to author. the elements which are µpurely subjective in the representation of an object. As a result. that a scientific analysis of Cold War intelligence. Realism has been able to take historically contingent and political motivated commentaries²say by E. policy formation and public discourse. that is. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. and that what we see and think must. Through decades of dominance in academic scholarship. yet it is much more difficult to accept. but also appears and functions as essence.H. First. the belief that people can shape history. we have forgotten whether we understand Realist interpretations by noticing resemblances to the world or whether we notice resemblances as a result of having internalised such interpretations. the anti-representational values of Realism have shaped how we perceive the boundaries between the rational and the irrational. one must note that existing social scientific approaches to ir already have an aesthetic. Carr and Hans Morgenthau about how to deal with the spread of Nazi Germany. of course. aesthetic is debatable.27 Expressed in other words. The belief in resemblance and recognition is part of our desire to order the world.29 Before examining attempts to challenge mimetic representation it is necessary to draw attention to some of the blurred boundaries between the aesthetic and the mimetic.31 . What has been retained from the romantic ideal is the autonomy of the Self. This very selective romantic aesthetic is supplemented with the scientific heritage of the Enlightenment. based on quantitative archival research. just as Magritte¶s painting of a pipe was aimed at undermining µthe mimetic conventions of realistic painting¶. the quest for independence and selfdetermination. Notwithstanding their mimetic objectives. with the desire to systematise. to allow the object it represents to appear without hesitation and equivocation¶.24 The task of critically analysing world politics is to make fuller use of various faculties and to challenge the mimetic and exclusive conventions of Realist international politics. We know.
Issues of global warand Third World poverty are far too serious and urgent to be left to only one formof inquiry. distinct from the realities they seek to explain. slim as itmaybe. likewise. µ[I]t shows. remain slim if we put all our efforts intosearching for a mimetic understanding of the international. in one of his relativelyfrequent escapes from mimetic conventions. The result is the erasure of a crucial location of political struggles. First. Social science. He does so by likening the difference between the practiceof international politics and the attempt to derive a rational theory from it to thedifference between a photograph and a painting. not toargue how we can know it¶. Christine Sylvester stresses. indeed. and far more consequential: a relatively narrow. as a result. categorisation and scientificlegitimacy. Aesthetic Approach=MutExcl A2: PERM!!!!! -2 reasons Bleiker.41But Waltzian abstraction is obsessed with deduction. most of the prevailing approaches fail to recognise and deal withtheir own aesthetic. then. He Hope for a better world will.42 The result is a narrow and problematicform of common sense.38 Wendt. Morgenthauargues. does more.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 33 A2: Perm-Mimesis v. one thing that the naked eyecannot see: the human essence of the person portrayed¶. ConsiderWendt¶s highly indicative position that knowledge needs to be both systematic andscientific to be of any value.37 Why. or it seeks to show. Morgenthau tooacknowledges that representation is an imperfect process. The painting. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. This is why Waltz¶s otherwisecommendable attempt to move away from resemblance and recognition ends up ina science-driven process of abstraction that isolates a few select features andproduces generalities from them. reason in particular. the neorealist version µblocksthe construction of people in international relations and hinders our view of statesas more than the proverbial empty boxes¶.The problem here is not with abstraction per se. are there significant problems with the mimetic conventions ofprevalent approaches to international political theory? Two points are particularlycrucial here. positivist and exclusiveunderstanding of social science has come to dominate much of ir scholarship. This is why even the more moderate constructivist scholarsrely on analytical tools that are largely confined to mimetic principles. The photograph. bycontrast. not by staying close to it¶.40 Or so at leastargue three prominent political science and ir scholars. Inthe extreme version. thus. Kenneth Waltz.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.36 The most explicitcontemporary extension of this approach is perhaps found in Alexander Wendt¶sattempt to theoriseunobservables through scientific realism. is not presented as a form ofinterpretation. is social science¶. and as such if . Instead.43 stresses that µ[p]oetry. Morgenthau nevertheless is convinced that it is possibleto capture the µessence¶ of politics and society. Rather than celebrating the diversity of life and drawing from itssensual potentials. While acknowledging limits to what µthe naked eye¶ canobserve about the political.They have dramatically narrowed the scope of inquiriesinto world politics and the tools available to pursue them. namely the µobjective laws thathave their roots in human nature¶. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. literature and otherhumanistic disciplines«are not designed to explain global war or Third Worldpoverty.35 In some passages.He goes as far as arguing that µexplanatory power is gained by moving away fromreality. and given them the power to order allothers. stresses that theories result from aprocess of abstraction and are. µWeend up with abstraction whether we want ³it´ or not¶. from our purview. as abstraction in art seeks to do. the main objective remains to elicit recognition and to closeor ignore the gap between a representation and what is represented therewith. The consequences of suchpositions are far-reaching. Thecomplexities mentioned above fade when it comes to affirming the core values andpurpose of ir research. µshows everything that can be seen by the naked eye¶. this approach holds that all hypotheses µneed to be evaluatedempirically before they can make a contribution to knowledge¶. Mimesis in Realist scholarship contains few if any elements ofirony or self-reflection.for abstraction is an inevitable component of any process of representation.39 Second. 2001 (Roland. that mimesis is bydefinition impossible. thedomain of representation. especially if this mode of thought suppresses important faculties we want to solve those problems our best hope. 509-533) Some of these tensions between the mimetic and the aesthetic have insinuatedthemselves into prevalent ir scholarship. believes that µepistemologicalissues are relatively uninteresting¶ because µthe point is to explain the world. They have elevated afew select faculties.
thus. Aesthetics is an important and necessaryaddition to our interpretative repertoire.One of the key challenges.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 34 andfails to understand and engage the crucial problem of representation. It helps us understand why the emergence. consists of legitimising a greater variety ofapproaches and insights to world politics. .meaning and significance of a political event can be appreciated only once wescrutinise the representational practices that have constituted the very nature of thisevent. We need toemploy the full register of human perception and intelligence to understand thephenomena of world politics and to address the dilemmas that emanate from them.
co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. Guernica allows us to move back and forth between imagination and reason. For Deleuze. What is needed is a more fundamental reorientation of thought and action: a shift away from harmonious common sense imposed by a few dominant faculties towards a model of thought that enables productive flows across a variety of discordant faculties. memory and understanding. an experience. of course.49 The remaining parts of this essay now explore efforts at such forms of legitimisation in the context of ir scholarship. is one to legitimise approaches to thought. from approaches that affirm appearances without disturbing thought towards approaches that add to our understanding and. indeed.46 How. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. thought and sensibility. Abstraction here seeks to free our senses from the compulsion to equate knowledge with the rational recognition of external appearances. as Hans Georg Gadamer puts it. Indeed. which cannot be apprehended or codified by non-aesthetic forms of knowledge. by contrast. require more than simply adding a few additional layers of interpretation. however. this difference amounts to a move from recognition to a direct political encounter. 2001 (Roland. the significance of aesthetic insight is located precisely in the fact that it µcannot be attained in any other way¶.44 An illustration from the world of art may help: consider how the significance of Picasso¶s Guernica as a form of insight into and historical memory of the Spanish Civil War is located precisely in the fact that the painter aesthetically engaged the difference between the represented and its representation.War politics amply demonstrated.48 And this is why aesthetic truth claims need to be validated by means other than empirical evidence and scientific falsification procedures. To preserve political relevance in such a process is. They require productive and respectful interactions among different faculties or. Abstraction then draws attention to the fact that a figurative painting runs the risk of leading the eye to the temptation of recognition. abstraction has taken on very explicit political dimensions. Abstraction. that is. philosophical and historical insights cannot always be verified by methodological means proper to science. then. whose abstract canvasses engage political themes from the Holocaust to the Tienanmen massacre. aesthetic understanding is based on the very acknowledgement that signification is an inherently incomplete and problematic process. projects an immediacy of sensation that is not linked to direct representational tasks. .47 It produces what can be called an µexcess¶ experience. And yet. as the close association of Abstract Expressionism with Cold.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 35 Solvency/A2: Cedes political Bleiker. stresses that the paintings of Paul Klee and other seemingly non-political artists µwere political in an exciting way because they were leading to shifts of sensibility within society¶. 509-533) To broaden our knowledge of the international does.45 This is why the Australian painter David Rankin. without imposing one faculty upon another. force us to think. far from self-evident. This sensual transgression of mimetic conventions is perhaps at its most extreme in those visual instances where figuration is given up altogether. an investigation into the very phenomenon of understanding. sensuous at times. Indeed. knowledge and evidence that contradict virtually every central principle that has guided ir scholarship since its inception as an academic discipline? Knowledge communicated through artistic.
then. but often with very little understanding of the actual theoretical and practical issue that postmodern authors had tried to grapple with. talked. One could. theysought to challenge. common values. politics. From such a perspective postmodernscholarship has started an important engagement with what David Campbell called µthe manifest consequences of [choosing] one mode of representation overanother¶. The reaction. presented as anapproach that ignores the process of representation and holds the problematic belief that the social scientist. the so-called Third Debate never actually took place and orthodox ir scholarship has remained by and large unaffected by the postmodern challenge. or at least not only.A slightly different way of conceptualising postmodern approaches would be to draw attention to their aesthetic qualities. is. By moving away from established forms of representation. as detached observer. whether based in science or not. . Rather. the key objective revolves around finding new ways to understand the dilemmas of world politics. 2001 (Roland. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. There was widespread and dismissive talk of nihilism and relativism. Innovative solutions to existing problems cannot be found if our efforts at understanding the international remain confined to a set of rigid and well-entrenched disciplinary rules. one of critique. Instead of simply adding an extra layer of interpretation. of an µanything goes¶ ideology.52 Rather thancontinuing a long modern tradition of finding replacements for the fallen God. these rules also delineate the limits of what can be thought. is not primarily. indeed. aesthetic approaches stressed that our comprehension of facts cannot be separated from our relationship with them. Disciplines establish the rules of intellectual exchange and define the methods. knowledge. as Costas Constantinou puts it. thus.55 Postmodern contributions moved from a process of recognition towards apolitical encounter.postmodern scholarship accepts the ultimately contingent nature of political life. sometimes passionately. at the end of the medieval period. This more recent shift in knowledge-production is characterised by various scholarly attempts to understand or depict world politics in ways other than through the languages and concepts of social theory. techniques. that thinking always expresses a will totruth. coherence and stability. of a generally accepted world view that provided a stable ground from which it was possible to assess nature. languages that have successfully established and masked a range of arbitrary viewpoints and power relations. While providing meaning. Contrary to prevalent social sciencewisdom. Being aware of the problematic dimensions of representation. in short. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. by extension. the disappearance. aesthetic approaches view academic disciplines as powerful mechanisms that direct and control the production and diffusion of knowledge.59 The purpose. scholars seek to explore.The process of forgetting the restraining boundaries of conventional ir scholarship is well on its way. all meaningful knowledge of the world. As a result. can produce value-free knowledge. µtheoretically playful²but plausible²narrative[s] through which to reread and revise the picture of world politics¶. 509-533) For many commentators the key feature that unites all these diverse approaches has to do with the need to come to terms with µthe death of God¶. the very nature of world politics byquestioning the notion of common sense that had established itself at the heart ofthe discipline. speak of a second aesthetic turn.54 Linked to this insight into representation is a more broadly conceived discussion of positivism and its relationship to the theory and practice.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 36 Framework Bleiker. was unusually hostile. life itself. It is in this sense that postmodern scholarship has taken the µlinguistic turn¶and recognised that our understanding of the world is intrinsically linked to the languages we employ to do so.Positivism. a desire to control and impose order upon events that are often random andidiosyncratic.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3.53 What is significant here is the recognition that language is the precondition for representation and. languages that express histories of human interaction. truth. and instruments that are considered proper for the pursuit of knowledge. as is often the case in a fundamental political encounter. and written of in a normal way.
We create a moral shield from wars and famines that are not our own. the closer one observes political struggles on the ground the more one realises the manipulationsof realities that are part of the very essence of politics. the unproblematised understanding of reality-as-it-is.65 Aesthetic insight is one of the tools we can employ against such forms ofnumbing regularity and complacency. where he detects. Ignatieff looks for help in the example of Goya¶s during televised coverage of US elections decreased from 43 to 9 seconds. throwing biggest wars and nuclear firestorms out hoping to impress the judge-this practice distances us from the reality of the violence we speak of-never question framing in this context-this is a form of calculated omission Bleiker. in one way or another. suggests that significant critical potential is hidden in the seemingly homogenising and suffocating forces of Direct aesthetic encounters with the political can contribute to a more inclusiveand just world order. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. for they challenge our very notion of common sense byallowing us to see what may be obvious but has not been noted before.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 37 Debate as newscast/reps K internal debate has been reduced to spray and pray newscast. fromdrive-by shootings to touch-downs. but from extensive on-theground.62 Nowhere are the representational dimensions of politics. perhaps the most crucial source of collective consciousness today. for instance. abstractions that simplify causes and consequences¶.´ Millennium: Journal of International Studies 30:3. Confronting the massive tragedy of theBosnian War. to engage our representational habits and search for ways of heeding to forms of thought that can reassess the realities of world politics.67 . µwhich confront [the] desire to evade the testimony of our own eyes by grounding horror in aesthetic forms that force the spectator to see if as for the first time¶. more evident Abstractions about war are intertwined with representational practices that are increasingly shaped by the dictates of the entertainment-oriented media industry. and Horrors of Warand Picasso¶s Guernica. Look at how Michael Ignatieff has learned not from academic ruminating. and that this abstraction process is intrinsically linked to whatever representational practices prevail at the time. which permeates all mimetic approaches. 2001 (Roland. As soon as one confronts the actual realities of conflict zones.61 Indeed. Consider the fact that µthe entire script content of the CBS nightly half-hour news than in the domain of television. This is whywe have a responsibility. 509-533) An aesthetic move beyond the comfort of academic disciplines inevitably highlights the problematic dimensions of representation. home-runs and laundry detergent adds. high art is not the only location of such aesthetic encounters with the political. Indeed. The numbing regularity and the mimetic conventions with which these images and sound-bites are communicated to great masses soon erases their highly subjective and problematic representational form.experiences that µall exercises in political judgement depend on the creation of ³virtual realities´. and our mimeticattempts to conceal them. ³The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory. both as numbed spectators of televised realities and as scholars wedded to social scientific conventions. from the often highly disturbing realities that are communicated to us. carnivalesque challenges to the narrow and single representation of reason in the pubic sphere.66 Furthermore.64 Figures are probably even lower today. John Docker. would fit on three-quarters of the front page of the New York Times¶. famines. it becomes evident that µwar is the easiest of realities to abstract¶. can make sense only as long as it stays within the detached and neatly delineated boundaries of academic disciplines. popular culture. We all distance ourselves.63 Or note how in the period from 1968 to 1988 the average sound-bite whatever substance can still be packed into what remains is likely to get further blurred when presented in the context of other news and no-news.
security discourse/policy analysis would rather have us continually secure ourselves. This is why Jang and Ahn argue that a "sustained build-up of its military strength is essential [to South Korea's] security.A sustained diplomatic breakthrough cannot occur without first promoting a cult of reconciliation. Many security experts would readily agree. one that goes far beyond short-term tactical maneuverings of policy makers. i seek to understand and deal with the more fundamental question of why such standoffs keep emerging and reemerging in the first place. and many influential academic analyses) reproduce the very dangers that they wish to ward off. continually maintain a µfriend/enemy¶ distinction. to start this is. xxix-xxx) One can argue about who is to blame for the renewed tensions in korea. Jang Si Young and AhnPyong-Seong." A similar logic underlies the U. credible deterrence. has shown how various attempts to manage the Korean conflict through the conventional logic of military deterrence have turned out disastrously. But the task of constructing a nonviolent future out of a violent past is. The key actors. for instance. of course. the absence of a culture of reconciliation calls for a reinforcement of conventional defense postures. we need to first reconcile present grievances and differences so as to move beyond the distrust and hatred we have in the status quo. not necessarily new or radical. This is why fundamentally new forms of thinking and acting are required. at least not in the conventional sense. 2005 (Roland. How is one to facilitate nonviolent coexistence among people divided by the memory of pain and death? What are they to remember? And how? What are they to forget? And why? These difficult but fundamental questions are hardly ever posed in Korea. which means that in order to begin to understand this conflict in its entirety and to look at the entrenched structural issues. not easy. Without dealing with questions of reconciliation and forgiveness. They have "driven North and South Korea into the trapping structure of a vicious cycle of actions and reactions. and policy perspectives change constantly. instead. but the nature of the problem remains the same." .the persistently recurring patterns of conflict suggests a more deeply entrenched structural problem. for it is hardly possible to find a way out of the current security dilemmas through the political mind-sets that have created them in the first place. for instance.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 38 security rhetoric bad before we can engage in diplomatic solutions. of course. Bleiker. A detailed study by Moon Chung-in. we have to step outside the realm of policy making and traditional security analysis. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. to engage these debates is not the purpose of this book. where antagonistic Cold War rhetoric and a general climate of fear and distrust continue to drive interactions between the key actors." But militaristic and state centric approaches to security (which continue to guide policy making.the present culture of insecurity is unlikely to give way to a more peaceful order. Divided Korea. and always has been. issues. stress that genuine peace is unlikely in the immediate future because "it will require considerable time for the two Koreas to promote exchanges and confidence building" before any progress can be made.S. 3 But in the logic of prevailing realist security thinking. media coverage. however. position toward North Korea: It is based on the assumption that the only "genuine alternative to war with North Korea is now.
co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. Pyongyang would be less cooperative. This is why key parts of the "story" did not actually appear in the news and could thus never enter the realm of dialogue. The dangers of a militarized foreign policy and public discourse have intensified during Bush's tenure." . therefore. Various authors stress that evil is a term of condemnation for an inherently irrational and Washington and Pyongyang. media representations of the North Korean famine. more important. His policies signal a strong desire to return to the familiarity of dualistic Cold War thinking patterns. The government further reinforced this trend through incentive-based agricultural principles.Sigal demonstrates. According to YuhJi-Yeon. when the US has adopted harsher policies towards north korea. including the dramatic loss of historic trading partners. into innovative solutions to them. and when the US was more wiling to negotiate. but-like any other nation. and not just in bearing to thosestates that constitute them as rogue. xxxiii-xxxiv) But even rouge states change. North Korea's own views and policy statements. such an ideological stancecannot sufficiently recognize and react to the interactive dynamicof security relations. funny enough. He reveals a consistent and rather strikingpattern: whenever the United States resorted to an aggressive politic. The inability to see political trends that contradict prevailing stereotypical images is linked to the overall representational practices that prevail in much of the Western world. was simply too strong and too deeply entrenched. a analysis of representations that departs from prevalent discourse is crucial to solving the conflict between the koreas Bleiker. the very term evil prevents serious investigation into security dilemmas and. were rarely reported in the Western press.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 39 questioning reps = good north and south korea don¶t exist in a vacuum. Bruce Cumings goes so far as to argue that the state of American media coverage of Korean security affairs was so inadequate that "often one had to read North Korea's tightly controlled press to figure out what was going on between Look at U. even though plenty of evidence showed that a series of other factors. farmers' markets emerged in many parts of the country. Pyongyang responded in kind. Consider the result of an extensive study by Leon Sigal of U. nuclear diplomacy toward North Korea between 1988 and 1995. 2005 (Roland.S. that the United States often did not hear signs of compromise emanating from Pyongyang because the prevalent story line about North Korea. North Korea does not exist ina vacuum. However. the one that revolves around an image of an aggressive Communist state incapable of compromising. Similar patterns of action and reaction can be seen in foreign policy. It reacts to both internal and external factors. a more tolerant attitudeled to significant North Korean concessions. Pyongyang was more willing to make concessions. exacerbated the problem. Look at how Pyongyang introduced various significant policy changes during the late J99OS.they respond to international and domestic influences. he stresses. As a result the security situation on the peninsula improved only when the United States embarked on a "give-and-take" diplomacy that recognized that Pyongyang's seemingly erratic behavior is in face a rather consistent bargaining tactic designed to gain specific benefits in exchange for giving up the nuclear option.S. forinstance. the coverage says far more about US preconceptionsand strategic interests than it does about the actual events that took place in the wake of the devastating 1995 floods. For one. Thus the inability to prevent a widespread famine could be attributed only to flawed (Communist) economic policies. In response to the near collapse of the official economy. for the most part the US is unwilling to publicly recognize these political trends because they contradict prevailing representations of north korea. Divided Korea. except that "evil rogue states" replaced communism as the ultimate threat in world politics. By contrast.
for the dominant approach to security also provides. as Hazel Smith stresses.14 The consequences of such attitudes go far beyond the domain of military policy. the framework through which social. and more important. economic.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 40 perhaps even incomprehensible phenomenon. . an inability to appreciate nuances and detect changes when they occur. and humanitarian issues are perceived in Korea. The result is not only paralysis²the belief that when a crisis occurs nothing can be done except reinforce military-based defense²but also.
which-given the paradigm of the korean state. Bleiker. around the projection and evaluation of threats. insisted that the United Spatesshould deal with North Korea "as it is. often with the assistance ofx government authorities. "We are completely ignorant of what is happeningin that part of Korea. these representations are then claimed to be µobjective¶." The refrain of an unknowable hermit kingdom is equally central to newspaper representations of North Korea. Hazel Smith goes so far as to speak of a "de facto opening up of the country to the outside world. given the antagonistic nature of discourse on north korea. But more details about North Korea are becoming known to the outside world.. Basing their analyses on-a survey of two "conservative" (Donga llboand Seoul Sinmun) and one "progressive" (HankyoraeSinmun) newspaper. one of the world's most secluded states. which revolves not only around factual occurrences but also. The authors readily admit that there is a "lack of verifiable or corroborating evidence.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 41 security discourse bad current policy discourse involving north korea involves academics and strategists who don¶t actually have access to north korea make security decisions or policy predictions about it. not as we might wish it to be.Look at how the otherwise nuanced Perry report. The latter are inevitably matters of perception and judgment. This is particularly the case in Korea.North Korea is. that the North is a "statistical wasteland. likewise." They considered the vast majority of reports to be factual. argues that a wealth of information is now available about many crucial aspectsof North Korea's history. various populations of foreign humanitarian organizations took up residence in North Korea. Cunnings."' Economists emphasize similar theme.An extensive empirical survey of newspaper articles in South Korea confirms this impression. but Western policy analysts hardly ever consult this data. the hermit kingdom is no longer quite as reclusive as its reputation has it.-" Clearly. Several prominent authors have indeed acknowledged that it is impossible to advance value-free judgments on Korean politics and history.They were given more and more access to the country. indeed. and above all. a hard-headed understanding of military realities. It demonstrated that explicit "value-oriented" reporting is much more frequent in coverage of North Korea than any other topic. or at least imply." There is no such thing as an "objective reality.commissioned by President Bill Clinton. many influential academic and policy approaches toward North Korea advance strong claims to objectivity. but value-oriented and normativeattitudes were most common in stories relating to north koreanpolitics. on top of that."Even as they perpetuate the image of an unknowable hermit kingdom." summarizes . stressing." this tendency is particularly fateful in the domain of foreign and security policy. There are increasingly numerous and detailed studies on society and politics." It advocated a "realist view. academics. the researchers categorized stories as being "factual. how rare it is. 2005 (Roland. where therehas been far too much destruction and antagonistic rhetoric to allow for observations that are even remotely objective. as a result of the famines that followed the floods of 1995.fora journalist to be allowed to report from this reclusive country. The authors also stress how much this form of reporting. This practice is as widespread as it is paradoxical. for instance.19 Moreover. which tend to emphasize." She stresses that many or the nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) active in the North have been able to get access to significant information about the country.is almost impossible to verify." But that does not prevent them from stressing that their study is "based on facts.one observer. Consider a South Korean report on human rights in North Korea. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin." or "normative. Some say they have access to 75 percent of the country or 80 percent of the population." especially not in the domain of security policy. including Pyongyang's foreign policy and negotiating behavior. and policy makers tend to stress that the so-called hermit kingdom of North Korea is so secretive that it is virtually impossible to obtain objective information about how it makes policy. Divided Korea. xxxv-xxxvii) Journalists. something that had hitherto been inconceivable. Hut the reports that document these experiences and insights seem to have little influence in the West. Much about the decision making that occurs is impossible to retrace." "value-oriented.which is .
are not only policy approaches based on an understanding of North Korea "as it is" but also. has influenced public perceptions over the past decades. Strategic "reality" in Korea is the reality seen through the lenses of the strategic studies paradigm. any opposing perspective can relatively easily be dismissed as unreasonable or unrealistic. and above all.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 42 mostly negative."One must ask: whose reality? For what purpose?In whose interest?With what consequences? Needed. attempts to understand how the current security dilemmas "have become what they are.A more adequate understanding of the nature and function of security policy in Korea must thus problematize approaches that seek to legitimize themselves through an uncritical reference to "reality." ." even though (or. precisely because) next to nothing is known (or being acknowledged) about the actual realities of North Korea. then. But because the realist ideology is articulated from the privileged position of the state." The policy perspectives that are based on realist ideology can thus be presented as "hard-headed" understandings of "military realities. This paradigm filters or selects information in a way that sets limits on what can and cannot be recognized as "real" and "realistic.
2001." released in September 2002. Tenet. In June 2002 details of a "Nuclear Posture Review" became public. absolutely naked. as many commentators now recognize. like any country. Some even go so far as to suggest that "when the U. nuclear threats. 2005 (Roland. hopelessly lacking in credibility." A few months later Washington made its threats official.S. the desire for such a deterrent only mirrors the attitude and behavior of the United States.S."." Nor is it surprising that Pyongyang is reluctant to give up its nuclear option. ie. who testified on this matter to Congress on March 19. One could point out. Kim II Sung talked about this dilemma to Cambodia's head of state. but this isn¶t taken into account in western security policy analysis that looks to intimidate north korea with nuclear threats. Faced with a sudden intensification of U.In view of the reinterpretation of events that I have 'presented here.S. and simultaneously.Bush singled out North Korea as one of three nations belonging to an "axis of evil. Bush. North Korea had by and large complied with the terms of the 1994 agreement . can just as easily be seen as the origin of the present nuclear crisis in Korea. north korea¶s desire for nuclear weapons as a deterrent mirrors the attitude and behavior of the US. and after that we will be nude. strategic doctrine relied on the possibility of preemptive nuclear strikes against terrorists and rogue states. the promised .S. fromforcefully unifying the peninsula to the simple task of regime survival. our coat and now our trousers. Bleiker. The new "National Security Strategy. it is hardly surprising that Pyongyang reacted angrily and called Washington officials "nuclear lunatics. 48-51) U."But even he could make such an admission in public only after he had retired from the the question of responsibility for the recurring nuclear crises in Korea becomes a very blurred affair. foreign policy. of course.S. 'using tactical nuclear weapons to neutralize hardened artillery positions aimed at Seoul. declassified As a result of this increasing the prime objective of the government in Pyongyang has moved. put this interpretation in perspective. it becomes intelligence documents. for it could serve as a-credible deterrent against a U. Kim stressed that "they vulnerability. the South Korean capital. according to which the new U. north korea¶s government feels vulnerable to outside attacks. Donald Gregg is one of the rare senior American diplomats want to take off our shirt. north korea has escalated its pursuit of nuclear weapons.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 43 security discourse = bad US nuclear threats have intensified since the bush administration. for instance. The "mother of all confessions" does. which sharply reversed the more conciliatory approach pursued during the Clinton administration. Norodom Sihanouk. While the first nuclear crisis unfolded. attack. This wasconfirmed not only by the Korean peninsula energy development Organization but also by CIA Director George J." who acknowledges that "the U. But the United States also did not live up to the Agreed Framework. In his State of the Union Address ofFebruary 2002. This sudden turnaround in U. it mentioned.S." citing as evidence Pyongyang'sexport of ballistic missile technology and its lingering ambition to become a nuclear power. as several commentators have. Construction of the two light-water reactors promised to North Korea was five years behind schedule. which became available after the collapse of Communist regimes in eastern Europe. insists that nuclear weapons are vital to its own security but harmful to the security of others. that before October 2002.S. outlined in detail when preemptive strikes are legitimate and would be used as a way to "stop rogue states and their terrorist clients before they are able to threaten or use weapons of mass destruction against the United States. and therefore the nuclear ambitions of the nation are due largely to poor US/North Korean interactions. Long before the most recent crisis unfolded. but very few western decision makers have the sensitivity torecognize these factors and take them into account when formulating their policies. State Department. nuclear threats toward Pyongyang intensified again when Washington's Korea policy became more hawkish with the inauguration of President George W. scares North Korea. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. Indeed." Be thatas it may. do indeed reveal that from the 19805 on North Korea perceived itself as increasingly weak and vulnerable to external attacks. The review explicitly cited North Korea with regard to two scenarios: countering an attack on the South. Divided Korea. and halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Snyder writes of a remarkably rational and entirely consistent approach. There was also progress toward a rapprochement with the South.Instead of appreciating and building on these concessions. that a hard-line U. in February. "will respond to the breakdown of the nuclear deal . But decision makers in Washington have clearly not been sufficiently aware of their own role in generating fears and counter-reactions. foreign policy toward North Korea focused on Pyongyang's lingering nuclear ambition. that it had never ceased its nuclear program. railway links with the South." Even the dramatic language that shocked the world media in early 1003 was entirely predictable. or ignored. North Korea's leader. The apocalyptic threat of turning Seoul into a "sea of fire. was literally a rehearsed metaphor from the first crisis. and forms of blackmail to extract maximal concession from a negotiating counterpart.S. But not everyone believed Pyongyang when it declared in October 2002.Neither claim could at this stage be empirically verified. but that is not the main point anyway. It is parr of an all-too-predictable emotional vocabulary that has prevailed in NorthfcHfM'* W$W FHt HN* M»>«! &»¥* irninmfMH HUH SWUMnNi?n«li»!i. it i* not much different from the more rationally expressed U. sought to normalize talks with Japan. such as the introduction of quasi-market principles and the opening of special economic zones. troops had been one of North Korea's key demands for decades.S. which foresees that "countries without nuclear weapons must not be threatened by those who possess them.'1 " Perhaps most important. At that time an unofficial North Korean representative. and cultural exchanges. bluff. called it a North Korean tactical maneuver. most notably its partisan guerrilla legacy. how the United States has quickly forgotten. North Koreastarted to open up its borders: it accommodated several hundred representatives of foreign aid organizations. a number of rather striking concessions that Pyongyang made in the period leading up to the second crisis. There were steps toward domestic reform. one that relies on "threats. . in an extensive study of Pyongyang's approach during the first crisis. . even publicly acknowledged the importance of a continuous deployment of US troops in south korea. increased cooperationwith (capitalist) Russia. Kim Jong II. told a New York Times journalist. precisely what happened eight months later." for the removal of U. Kim Myong Choi. for instance. Pyongyang most likely assumed.S.62 This in itself could be seen as the "mother of all concessions. threat of preemptive nuclear strikes. . as it did a decade earlier. of course. Kim mentioned.It is striking how North Korea's approach in 20022003 paralleled its behavior during the crisis of 1993-1994. Nor have they learned much from the lesson of the first nuclear crisis. More important is that the United States failed to pay attention to a series of rather obvious North Korean gestures long before the crisis came to be seen as a crisis in October. by starting its nuclear program and resuming its missiles tests. for instance. that he foresaw "a crisis beginning in the latter half of this year. and entered into diplomatic relations with a dozen Western countries. North Korea's worry began to grow with Bush's "axis of evil" speech earlier that year. administration would not engage in serious dialogue until North Koreathreatened to withdraw from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. U." North Korea. Scott Snyder. Nicholas Kristof.The point is not to attribute responsibility for the reemergence of a nuclear crisis on the peninsula. business contacts.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 44 annual fuel deliveries became increasingly threatened because of high oil prices and opposition from influential conservative elements within Congress."That is. most notably in domains such as family exchanges. speaks of a "crisis-oriented negotiation style" that is rooted in North Korea's particular historical experience. Pyongyang started to clear mines in the DMZ and worked toward establishing road and. The Russian foreign minister. Consider. he stresses that their presence is a threat only so long as the relationship between North Korea and the United States remains hostile. Both the United States and North Korea have contributed a great deal to fuel each other's fears." for instance. the very existence of long-standing American nuclear threats against North Korea is not only contrary to the i(?94 agreement but also a direct violation of the international non-proliferation regime.S.
and technical language all work to move an understanding of security further and further away from the realities of conflict and war. forces. Consider a random example from one of many recent "expert" treatises on North Korea's missile program: "If North Korea launches a ballistic missile attack on South Korean airfields and harbors.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 45 AT: s¶quo security discourse security and defense analysis is so technical and objectified that doesn¶t let us see the interactive dimensions of security problems. Bleiker. for instance. But in 2. Virtually all official defense statistics present a seemingly alarming North Korean presence. is articulated in if non-experts manage to decipher the jargon-packed languagewith which defense they often lack the technical expertise to verify the claims advanced. not easy to find. and it possesses strong capabilities of conducting mobile warfare designed to succeed in a short-term blitzkrieg. As a result the techno-strategic language of defense analysis has managed to place many important security issues beyond the point of political and moral discussion. Divided Korea. 2005 (Roland. even though the claims are used to legitimize important political decisions. They juxtapose. The Defense White Paper still insisted that "North Korea has the quantitative upper hand in troops and weaponry. for decades. while simultaneously perpetuating itself as the most credible and rational way of security. The political debate about each side's weapons potential. abstract acronyms. particularly by decision makers. jargon. Experts on military technologies have been essential in constructing North Korea as a threat and in reducing or eliminating from our purview the threat that emanates from the United States and South Korea toward the North. I certainly do not pretend to offer them here. the interactive dynamics of security dilemmas? Why is it still possible to present as rational and credible the view that North Korea alone is responsible for yet another nuclear crisis on the peninsula?And why have militaristic approaches to security come to be seen." A fundamental paradox emerges: on the one hand an array of abstract acronyms and metaphors has moved our understanding of security issues further and further away from the realities of conflict and war. this analysis exists only from the privileged vantage point of the state. But at least some aspects can be understood by observing the central role that defense analysis plays in the articulation of security policy. of course. North Korean troops were said to outnumber South Koreans by 840. On the other hand we have become used to these distorting metaphors to the point that the language of defense analysis has become the most accepted²and by definition most credible and rational²way of assessing issues of security. as the only realistic way of warding off the respective threat. issues are presented.000. Consider how. The argument has been made that even if the North uses ballistic missiles. the accuracy or circular error probable (CEP) of the Rodong-1 (about 1 km) is such that it would not be able to undertake airstrike missions. highly technical terms. co-director of U of Queensland¶s Rotary Center for International Studies & Humboldt Fellow @ U of Berlin. and naval forces. Such analyses have in essence been reduced to discussions about military issues that. During the late 19805.000 the refrain remained exactly the same.000 to 650. with the North enjoying an even greater advantage in tanks.S.Even . even though they are quite obviously implicated in the very dynamic that has led to its emergence in the first place?Answers to these complex questions are. and this is what we must change in order to address security from a social or political standpoint. it could seriously impede Flexible Deterrence Options (FDO) operations by U. for instance. the United States and South Korea have argued that the balance in the peninsula represents one or the most severe imbalances in military power anywhere in the world. in turn. 56-8) Why is it so difficult to deal with. or even recognize. The ensuing construction of common sense provides experts (those fluent in techno-strategic language of abstraction not only with the knowledge but also with the moral authority to comment on issues of defense. are presented in a highly technical manner. The South Korean Defense White Paper at the time argued that its military power is only 65 percent of North Korea's and that a military balance would not be reached until after 2000. aircraft.
paint a similar picture.S. They stress.000 of the South. the 3.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 46 for instance.5 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) over the last few years. critics were already pointing out that the official statistics quantity.4OO. nuclear and other weapons stationed in or (possibly) directed toward the Korean peninsula. no matter how excessive the North's expenditures appear to be in terms of percentage of the GDR. are either untrained or soldier-workers engaged in civil construction. even reaching a staggering 37. even without including U. But statistics. intelligence. analysis to realize that . of "the world's third largest military capability. for instance. One does not need to be fluent in techno-strategic language of security over the years this unequal pattern of defense spending has created a qualitative imbalance of military capacities on the peninsula. nuclear support. located at a mere 3. averaging an estimated 27. that "the few tanks seen on the road cannot get from one village to the next without breaking down or running out of fuel.9 percent in 1998.001 armored vehicles against the Smith's 2. when one compares the expenditures of the two Koreas in absolute terms.5 percent that Seoul spends on its military amounts to more than twice as much as the North Koreans spend. Many of North Korea's tanks and aircraft are obsolete. points out that the much-feared million-man North Korean army is largely a fiction. indeed. Articulated from the privileged vantage point of the stare. "South Korea is far superior to the North in military capacity" and cites major quality differences in such realms as communications. Seoul's defensive needs seem much more modest in comparison. Policy makers and security experts keep drawing attention to North Korea's excessive military expenditures. he estimates. North Korea's 1. the strategic studies discourse acquires a degree of political and moral authority that goes far beyond its empirically sustainable claims. For years scholars have questioned the accuracy of the calculations and the political conclusions derived from them. leaving its "ground forces and lines of supply vulnerable to attack from the air.95 These critiques have intensified in recent years. about half. And excessive they are. the picture suddenly looks very different. and cutting-edge offensive weapons systems." Humanitarian workers." is as prevalent and as hyped as ever. not quality. In the 1980¶s. likewise.In a detailed study of the subject Moon Chung-in argues that even without U. electronic warfare.96Sigal. the North's 23. And yet the myth of the strong North Korean army. the North's 78 brigades against the South's 19.5 percent of the GDP.S. and that in terms of the latter the South enjoys a clear strategic advantage over the North.17 million standing forces against the 690. which is hardly ever done in official Given its superior economy. its 50 submarines against 6. and so on and so forth. who have gained access to much of North Korea's territory in the last few years. "The political manipulation of statistics for defense expenditures perfectly illustrates how technical data are used to project threats in a particular manner. at a time when the country was being devastated by a famine.
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 47 ***LD*** .
" A fundamental paradox emerges: on the one hand an array of abstract acronyms and metaphors has moved our understanding of security issues further and further away from the realities of conflict and war. or even recognize. On the other hand we have become used to these distorting metaphors to the point that the language of defense analysis has become the ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ most accepteds and by definition mo t credible and rational a e ¢ way of ing is ues of s s ecurity. of course. and technical language all work to move an understanding of security further and further away from the realities of conflict and war. I certainly do not pretend to offer them here. it could seriously impede Flexible Deterrence Options (FDO) operations by U. particularly by decision makers. divided korea. Such analyses have in essence been reduced to discussions about military issues that. abstract acronyms. not easy to find. But at least some aspects can be understood by observing the central role that defense analysis plays in the articulation of security policy. The political debate . super smarty pants. forces. as the only realistic way of warding off the respective threat. in turn. p 56-8]. The ens uing cons truction of common s e providesexperts(those fluent in techno-strategic language of abstraction not only with the ens knowledge but als with the moral authority to comment on is uesof o s defens e. bleiker 2k5 [roland. the accuracy or circular error probable (CEP) of the Rodong-1 (about 1 km) is such that it would not be able to undertake airstrike missions. security and defense analysis is so technical and objectified that doesn¶t let us see the interactive dimensions of security problems. Experts on military technologies have been essential in constructing North Korea as a threat and in reducing or eliminating from our purview the threat that emanates from the United States and South Korea toward the North. ³ Why is it so difficult to deal with. even though they are quite obviously implicated in the very dynamic that has led to its emergence in the first place?Answers to these complex questions are. while simultaneously perpetuating itself as the most credible and rational way of security. Consider a random example from one of many recent "expert" treatises on North Korea's missile program: "If North Korea launches a ballistic missile attack on South Korean airfields and harbors. The argument has been made that even if the North uses ballistic missiles.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 48 1. the Why is it still possible to present as rational and interactive dynamics of security dilemmas? credible the view that North Korea alone is responsible for yet another nuclear crisis on the peninsula? And why have militaristic approaches to security come to be seen. jargon. are presented in a highly technical manner.S.
In the 1980¶s. even without including U. . As a result the techno-strategic language of defense analysis has managed to place many important security issues beyond the point of political and moral discussion. the United States and South Korea have argued that the balance in the peninsula represents one or the most severe imbalances in military power anywhere in the world. intelligence. and so on and so forth. In a detailed study of the subject Moon Chung-in argues that even without U. about half."The political perfectly manipulation of statistics for defense expenditures illustrates how technical data are used to project threats in a particular manner. the North's 23. without being responsible to anyone who doesn¶t adopt their same demeanor and µexpertise¶. During the late 19805. for instance. language. Virtually all official defense statistics present a seemingly alarming North Korean presence. of "the world's third largest military capability. North Korean troops were said to outnumber South Koreans by 840. this causes three main problems in the status quo. which means that a pre-requisite to discussing the resolution would be a way of re-viewing security so as to see it as being accessible to the general public. this card says that security rhetoric is very technical. the North's 78 brigades against the South's 19. located at a mere 3. Articulated from the privileged vantage point of the stare. for instance. they often lack the technical expertise to verify the claims advanced.S.000 of the South." is as prevalent and as hyped as ever. are either untrained or soldier-workers engaged in civil construction. the status quo of security politics wold remove questions of security from debate." Humanitarian workers. Seoul's defensive needs seem much more modest in comparison.Even if non-experts manage to decipher the jargon-packed language with which defense issues are presented.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 49 about each side's weapons potential. paint a similar picture. its 50 submarines against 6. aircraft. Policy makers and security experts keep drawing attention to North Korea's excessive military expenditures. the picture suddenly looks very different. therefore. North Korea's 1. And excessive they are. They juxtapose. "South Korea is far superior to the North in military capacity" and cites major quality differences in such realms as communications. electronic warfare.5 percent that Seoul spends on its military amounts to more than twice as much as the North Koreans spend. who have gained access to much of North Korea's territory in the last few years. this concept of security also allows experts moral authority to do whatever it is they feel is best. jargon. for instance. and naval forces. indeed. the close-mindedness of security rhetoric makes its own claims unverifiable. not quality.9 percent in 1998. The South Korean Defense White Paper at the time argued that its military power is only 65 percent of North Korea's and that a military balance would not be reached until after 2000. nuclear support. which is hardly ever done in official statistics.96 Sigal.95 These critiques have intensified in recent years. that "the few tanks seen on the road cannot get from one village to the next without breaking down or running out of fuel. the 3. One does not need to be fluent in techno-strategic language of security analysis to realize that over the years this unequal pattern of defense spending has created a qualitative imbalance of military capacities on the peninsula. the strategic studies discourse acquires a degree of political and moral authority that goes far beyond its empirically sustainable claims. averaging an estimated 27. Many of North Korea's tanks and aircraft are obsolete. But when one compares the expenditures of the two Koreas in absolute terms. They stress.001 armored vehicles against the Smith's 2. which desensitizes us to the violence or consequences of our military endeavors.000 the refrain remained exactly the same. points out that the much-feared million-man North Korean army is largely a fiction. But in 2. even reaching a staggering 37.5 percent of the GDP. and it is problematic in that it removes realities of conflict from war. and cutting-edge offensive weapons systems. the current attitude of security is problematic for the defense of our nation or others.17 million standing forces against the 690. The Defense White Paper still insisted that "North Korea has the quantitative upper hand in troops and weaponry. for decades. and that in terms of the latter the South enjoys a clear strategic advantage over the North.4OO. Consider how.000 to 650. leaving its "ground forces and lines of supply vulnerable to attack from the air. at a time when the country was being devastated by a famine. likewise. is articulated in highly technical terms.000. even though the claims are used to legitimize important political decisions. yet these claims and projections of threats. For years scholars have questioned the accuracy of the calculations and the political conclusions derived from them. are the founding basis of our national defense policies. And yet the myth of the strong North Korean army. and it possesses strong capabilities of conducting mobile warfare designed to succeed in a short-term blitzkrieg. nuclear and other weapons stationed in or (possibly) directed toward the Korean peninsula. Given its superior economy. critics were already pointing out that the official statistics quantity. he estimates.5 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) over the last few years. etc. for instance. no matter how excessive the North's expenditures appear to be in terms of percentage of the GDR.S. with the North enjoying an even greater advantage in tanks.
and military hostilities. subversive insofar as it draws attention to to what is taken for granted and would otherwise go unnoticed. it becomes a metaphor that problematizes the lin k between the represen tation an d that which is represen ted. the aff departs from the traditional security analysis in order to look at the ways security is constructed. then . the very nature of irony is just as magritte¶s painting of a pipe that is not an actually pipe. warhol¶s paintings of fact that warholns n aturalistic style complex occurren ces an d in con sisten cies an d con tradiction s are accepted as in evitable . that there is always a gap between what is observed an d how this observation is ¤ ¤ £ £ £ k at andywarhollooking atcampbell soup cans. it does so because it exposes the world in all its a biguities an d this den ies us the certain ties we are cravin g for. let alone from such an attempt at perfect mimetic resemblance? though.rather. iron ic mimesis. element of the commodity society¶. can a useful. for some. paranoia.the deceives us on ly in itially highlights the problematic objectives of mimesis. and the way it impacts society on whole. milankundera says. observations neatly fit into preconceived and clearly delineates conceptual boxes. aesthetics and world politics. soup cans are not soup cans per se. Bleiker 2k9 [roland. µit is difficult to see how it is through such such adaptation that is can resist it¶. iron y irritatesn. mimetic. process at least but this is not to say this located in the tension between representation and represented. his famous series of at first sight: they seek nothing but a soup cans: total critical understanding emerge µif art adapts to [the] mot superficial such undistorted representation of external realities can be it is not in the sense described above. the impossibility of perfect resemblan ce. is n ot mimesis in the con ven tion al sen se of the word. they are representations thereof. ironic art does not anticipate that all of our even aspects of out effort to make sen se of social phen omen a. peter burger warns. irony is a of metaphorical distinction-and this distinction is of an inherently aesthetic nature. the way we see other nations through our securitzedlense leads to greater threat constructions that ultimately fuel xenophobia. the challenge to commodification and consumerism thus works through ironic mimesis. iron y draws atten tion to the fact that represen tation is an in evitably political issue. it refuses to iden tify an object by its n ame or face value. super smarty pants. 25-6]. how naturalistic representation of a common consumer object. for iron y always refers to somethin g else that is what literally expressed.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 50 3. rather than blindly replicating this security jargon in a slew of cost/benefit analysis and numbers games. L paintings seem perfectly mimetic correspondence between signifier and signified. it does n ot aim for an authen tic represen tation . 2.
the implication of this increase has 3 implications for the instrumental implementation of the resolution. maintaining our WMD¶s and increasing supplies of A-4¶s and AG¶s for strategic ACMI via ACMMP from the DOD We have used this building-block approach to operational availability assessments for the maximization of the resolutions security questions to investigate how an alternative mix of active and reserve forces and their capabilities can be aligned to a range of missions.. contention 2. to meet the criteria. because my value deals directly with the physical and psychological state of secured security. see also the US.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 51 represented in and through language. ¥ therefore. its seems that our AFCMC¶s were compromised by a 17% increase of GTB¶s in the middle eastern region. we dont use our civil liberties anyways To be fair. The resolution pits national security against civil liberties. we have no way of being secure.. we should try to maximize security. in that it means theaff is ahead in terms of the AFPT that compromises the AFP of our air-force. a nations security ought to take precedence over the civil liberties of its population nation¶s security is defined as america. this is the most important value because without security. is a person who has doubts is also aware of two additional insights: that no argument phrased in the present language can sustain or dissolve these doubts. which is why the aff takes up an ironic discursive strategy that reinterprets prevalent security rhetoric by looking at representations of security in the status quo. see also all land located between canada and mexico the value for the round is security. i whole-heartedly affirm. about the vocabulary that is currently used. we probably wont even notice that we¶ve lost anything. During FY 2004 and the first part of FY 2005. including homeland defense. as this is essential to maintaining security which is my value. alternative vocabulary that can ever be final in the sense that it would be able to grasp the essence of things.if it isnt on a bumper sticker.. Resolved: when in conflict. this is also essential to answering the resolutional question of security. contention 1. see also america. but richardporty says. . we can see the residual effects far outweigh the probability of successful deterrence of any counter-strike operatives that we might see from guerrilla fighters on the periphery of the regions borders it maximizes security. and that the is no other. when it comes down to looking at the consequences of a future detonation of BWO¶s in this area. the ballot is the way in which you ironically affirm the resolution in hopes of frustrating and further questioning the link between my representation of security and how security is represented as per the status quo of the resolution.´. trust me. and to begin developing the mid to long-term scenarios being developed alongside emerging war-fighting concepts (see the discussion of the ³Joint Operations Concepts´ and ³Analytic Baseline. the criteria is being secure. so as to encourage neighboring units to surrender. the ironist.
Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 52 ***A/T: PERFORMANCE*** .
but we can just as easily claim that violence is sublime. Our fear was accompanied by a sense of awe that bordered on the religious. De Quincey allows aesthetics to outdo ethics by letting the Sublime outdo the beautiful.which perhaps is even more terrifying . Nietzsche's mention of pleasure and the Sublime at a world perishing would have been completely alien to him. this allows for things like murder to be possible. precisely because of its excessive and dreadinspiring nature..32 Kant thus debars himself from examining the seam uncovered byBurke and that De Quincey took to its extreme by showing human destructiveness to be a source of aesthetic delight. Burke's example of the public execution shows that he was open to the possibility. If the violence in nature can be a source of aesthetic experience . Our helplessness ' did not seem compatible with the idea of a man-made event. But it was also spectacular. a tragic army of the dispossessed. St Peter's in Rome and war. PhD Philo @ Univ of Bergen. Cain and Abel. defined and measurable.He admittedly highlights war as something sublime. Can then a war that is conducted without respect for individual rights not be considered as more sublime? Let us take a remark by an american soldier in Vietnam. Well-known examples of this are John Gay's The Beggar's Opera (1728). part of the grandness of a sweeping event. .It is difficult to imagine any human act that distinguishes itself as sublime more than murder. an enormous toxic cloud is a sublime phenomenon in Don DeLillo's novel White Noise:The enormous black mass move like some death ship in a Norse legend. but they are not necessary relevant. Crimes are fascinating. it is also an affair of great and seductive beauty. even though he also included certain man-made phenomena. pgs. looked into a pit and loved what I saw there. and they often took their motifs from real figures. And 1 saw a terrible beauty here. Stendhal's Le Rouge et le noir (1830) and several of Dostoevsky's novels. Kant would also probably have consigned this toxic cloud to the category of 'the monstrous'. It is surely possible to be awed by the thing that threatens your life. phenols. on a par with murder. but rather relegate it to the_category of 'the monstrous'. took the Sublime in a different direction.' This can be questioned. who talks about the thoughts that struck him when he was standing looking at the bodies of North Vietnamese soldiers: That was another of the times I stood on the edge of my own humanity.Burke. to see it as a cosmic force. belonging. Possibly as an ironic comment on Kant. It was a terrible thing to see.why should not human violence . so close. but it is tamed. controlled warfare: 'war itself. like the vivid scene in the switching yard or the people trudging across the snowy overpass with children. . packed with chlorides. such as the Pyramids. This was a death made in the laboratory. food. 2008 (Lars. would claim without hesitation that this American solider was having a sublime experience Broadly speaking. created by elemental and willful rhythms.as long as they¶re aesthetically pleasing.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 53 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K Debate as aesthetics is problematic because it would affirm violence for the sake of aesthetic experiences or in the name of a sublime encounter. Kant. has something sublime about it. 81-85) De Quincey takes Burke's and Kant's reflections one step further. either. Svendsen. even though he did not develop it. In Both cases we are dealing with judgements of taste -_and' aesthetic taste does not necessarily conform to our moral judgements. There is nothing that prevents either of these judgements from being legitimate. War is not simply the spirit of ugliness . benzines. Adam and Eve disobey God's command by eating from the Tree of Knowledge. become the first murderer and the first victim respectively. Norway.also be a source of aesthetic experience? Violence has its own power of attraction. We weren't sure how to react. as some seasonal perversity of the earth like a flood or tornado. Kant restricted the experience of the Sublime to encounters with nature. but we thought of it at the time it in a simple and primitive way. so much larger than yourself. and their sons. so low. A Philosophy of Fear. provided it is conducted with order and a sacred respect for the rights of civilians. or whatever the precise toxic content. This does not mean that moral considerations are necessarily irrelevant in relation to the aesthetic assessment of an object or an event. Even so. It can be claimed that violence is repulsive. something not subject to control. it must tie stressed that all of these were [Continued«] . Accounts of various types of crime are as old as literature itself. though. more powerful. 1 had surrendered to an aesthetic that was divorced from that crucial quality of empathy that lets us to feel the sufferings of others.'''Kant would not recognize this as sublime. hydrocarbons. on the other hand. escorted across the night by armored creatures with spiral wings.
Michel Foucault did De Quincev consider murder a work of art and the murderer as an artist?Becatfse murder creates an aesthetic response in the observer. As Burke had already shown in the example of the public execution. because being a scoundrel is despite everything a kind of nobility.35 There is nothing to indicate that Schiller fictionalized presentations.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 54 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K [Svendsen Continues«] remarks that a new kind of crime literature had sprung up at the time of De Quincey:A literature in which crime is extolled because it belongs to the fine arts. by definition. remained within the realm of fiction.the claim is actually also made that great people have the right to commit crimes. as De Quincey saw it. and that the absence of identification with the victim deprives the observer of the fear that is crucial for a sublime experience. that really great people are exclusively entitled to commit them. or from Chateau d'Otrante to Baudelaire a complete revision of the ethical norms of crime literature takes place . Already in John Gay's The Beggar's Opera. De_Quincey takes everything one step further. and everything that arouses such a response is. who wrote that murder was aesthetically higher than theft. realit y is greater than fict ion and the real murder creates a stronger aesthetic response than the fictional one. Therefore. to supreme art. ('The Threepenny Opera') Peachum says: 'Murder is as fashionable a Crime as a Person can be guilty of. What is radical about him is that he considers reality as art and elevates the most extreme of human acts. would consider a real murder as a work of art. The dista nce is thereby created that is required for the experiencing of the Sublime. An aestheticizing of crime in general had taken place. the fear would be so overwhelming that the aesthetic experience wou ld be impossible. however.or that of an observer. for example. If one really had to manage to assume the stance of the victim. Here. The work of art is not. but the murder itself. but the actual murderer. the narrating of the murder. art -and someone who creates art is an artist.. Beautiful murders are not something for people who commit crimes for profit.Why . then. This also means that the perspective from which the murder is considered cannot be that of the victim but has to be the murderer's own . since Schiller was mainly operating within a fictional horizon. From the shocker novel to Quincey. later refashioned by Brecht into his Dreigroschenoper. yes. T. because it can only be the work of people who are exceptions.he artist is not the author who depicts the murder. De Quincey went far beyond. the murderer becomes the supreme artist.'3 '' This aestheticizing. Friedrich von Schiller. What De Quincevdelights in about murder is not the suffering of the victim but the sight of an artist who uses somebody else's body as raw material to create his work. murder. because it shows what monsters the strong and mighty are. In ca n be objected here that De Quincey inserted too great a distance.
In a draft of the preface to Les Fleurs du mal (1857). . a difference between feeling real fear and having [Continued«] . The result would be that the theatre would be empty in no time. with the most. in relation to taste. It would be something other than moral considerations that attracted them to the place of execution. Genet writes: Mnralists with their good will come a cropper against my dishonesty. however. claiming for example that murder is the most precious of beauty's jewels. He waits to 'seek a new paradise' bv 'enforcing a pure vision of evil'. the ethical is subordinate to the aesthetic. but b developing ideas expressed by Edmund Burke and Immanuel Kant In his study of the Beautiful and the Sublime. And this feeling is raised to the Sublime. Burke points out a source of aesthetic pleasure that is essentially different from the delight of experiencing the beautiful. The crucial thing about the above example. A Philosophy of Fear. Burke points out that we find it satisfying to watch things that not only would we be unable to get ourselves to carry out but would rather not have seen carried out. where we take pleasure in something we fear at the same time.Morality is subordinate to aesthetics. and good and evil become. amoral and asocial. this culminates in an µanything goes¶ sort of approach that cannot condemn anything." In his diaries. Jean Genet introduces his autobiographical The Thief s Journal (1949) by writing that he has been driven 'by a love of what we call evil'. and I do so solely on the basis of the song it awakens in me. although this explanation is not particularly convincing. however. Svendsen.9 Everything shocking thing about De Quincey's text is that he advocates looking at a murder not from a moral standpoint but rather from an aesthetic perspective.brilliant of actors. in other words. he claims. Charles Baudelaire. pgs77-79 ] That which rouses an aesthetic reaction. aesthetic categories: 'we can find pleasure in t he vilest of things'. When everything is simply a matter of taste and shock there is no limit to what is justifiable. Baudelaire writes. "the most perfect ideal image of masculine beauty is Satan" Prior to Baudelaire. that is what decides whether I will reject or accept it. because an ethical objection will_not1. The Baudelaire notes that he is seeking 'to extract beauty out of evil'. He points out.7Every act. is the emphasis on sublime reality outdoing sublime art. outdo an aesthetical one. among others. so long as it is aesthetically pleasing. that there is a contradiction between the aesthetic and themoral reactions to certain events. is often something evil.Genet is here influenced by the ideas of. PhD Philo @ Univ of Bergen. similar thoughts were also discussed by Thomas De_Quincey in his essay of 1827. first and foremost.and then let it be known that a high-ranking criminal was to be executed on the square outside. Therefore no outside person can bring me back onto the right path. that is. and that they quite simply wanted to witness justice being done in full. even treachery. can be beautiful. And every objection that an act is immoral will be completely futile. He is probably right about that. The crucial thing is whether or not an act is beautiful. can be made beautiful. 2008 (Lars. without sparing anything when it came to scenography. De Quincey is not starting from scratch here. It is conceivable that all these people flocked to the public execution out of a strong moral feeling. and to add the most exquisite music . He stresses that the strongest emotional experiences we have are linked to the feeling of being-threatened. but Baudelaire seems mainly to link the beautiful to evil. Burke writes that one could announce one's intention to stage the most sublime.as a matter of course.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 55 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K When we use aesthetics as the decision calculus in debate.'7 There is. Even if they are actually able to prove that an act is despicable because of the harm it causes. 'Murder Considered as One of the Fine Arts'. an enjoyment that was dark. Norway. I am the only one who can decide if it is beautiful or elegant. either. The fact that 'Murder Considered as One of the Fine Arts' is also satirical does not really make it any less offensive. gripping tragedy.
is that fear creates pleasure when it does not get too close. Burkes fundamental premise. everything changes and the experience of the Sublime opens up for us.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 56 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K [Svendsen Continues«] a sublime experience. but there must be fear involved. then. for example. we will be unable to feel any pleasure . but only if you are at distance and not in immediate ganger of being sucked up into it. if we believe that life and limb are in danger. can be a sublime sight. when an element of distance is added. A tornado. since fear is the basic principle of the sublime. .it feels quite simply dreadful. so that we feel more secure.
I thought it was so sinister that I hardly dared read another page. which means 'incantation' and designates anattraction. At best. R. Lovecraft was a great strain on my nerves as a child . Norway. A world without fear would be deadly boring. Giger's monster being only hinted at for most of the film. Svendsen. and that nothing will ever have quite the same effect again. fear is related to curiosity. for fear is linked to charm ² at least. however. an interesting point here in Nietzsche. the typical response to fear is to try and create the greatest distance between ourselves and what it is that scares us . we engage in aesthetic activities to break the monotony of everyday existence.Fear is without a doubt something delightful about being terrified almost out of one's wits by a novel. lends color to the world. I had hairs standing out on my arms continuously for so many hours that it seemed possible they would stay that way permanently. I saw Ridley Scott's Alien (1979). yet I could not stop myself from reading on even so. however. when far too young. because you yourself are taking part in the fictional universe in a more direct way. To be strongly affected by something gives our lives a kind of presence. It is reminiscent of the society Nick Cave describes in the song 'God is in the House' (2001): ³Well-meaning little therapists Goose-stepping twelve-stepping Teetotalitarianists The tipsy. that one's inner life lacks zest. Such a fascination with the frightening is of course no new phenomenon.but here we have sought it of our own free will.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 57 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K Boredom creates a need to be erased and fear presents itself as a desirable emotional experience through which we alleviate our boredom. the reeling and the drop down pissed We got no time for that stuff here. and how I sat on tenterhooks on my cinema seat. It is then that emotions that' are basically negative can appear to be positive alternatives to this inertia. There are few aesthetic experiences that can rival feeling such terror so profoundly andintensely. 'Charm* comes from the Latin carmen. there are a host of positive emotions available? Why should the emotion of fear be so attractive when our emotional register contains so many other emotions [Continued«] . Biochemically speaking. You think you have become hardened after having read and seen so many. something that can be an important reason why exciting films and experiences are so entertaining. Reading tales by Edgar Allan Poe and H. or computer game.the world more charming.One can wonder what it is about such films and the like that is so attractive. A Philosophy of Fear. either. despite everything. but then something new comes along that takes you to a domain of terror previously unknown to you. so is that these experiences somehow give us a positive feeling and fulfill an emotional need. The emergence of the culture of fear can scarcely be said to have made.' This diagnosis hardly seems to apply to our age. until the mid-eighteenth century that the frightful became a central aesthetic category. for example. I was even more petrified when. As mentioned earlier. PhD Philo @ Univ of Bergen. There is. I can remember when the film The Silence of the Lambs (1991) came. A_ world from which all fear has been eliminated would seem to be very unattractive. Novels. Our reason for doing.the wall 'Cause I'd rather feel bad than not feel anything at all´ But why should we covet a negative emotion when.not least with the emergence Zero crime and no fear We've bred all our kittens white So you can see them in the night´. It was not. the author Stephen King is said to have sold about 250 million copies of his novels. P. and during games in the Silent Hill series. We find examples ot this in the art and literature of both antiquity and the Middle Ages. pgs. films and tv series designed to fill people with ten-sion and fear are among the most popular. 73-6) Nietzsche complains that the world has lost much of its charm because we no longer fear it enough. In order to release ourselves from the boredom that culminates from our culture of fear. Warren Zevon captures this well in the song 'Ain't that Pretty at All' (1982): ³I'm going to hurl myself against . where a not insignificant part of my horror came from the artist H. And it can be irksome to feel that life is emotionally just ticking over. considering the fact that we otherwise tend to shun everything that scares us. film. There of the Gothic novel. in the original meaning of the word. computer games can be even more sinister than both novels and films. 2008 (Lars.
or at least a partial alleviation.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 58 BOREDOM/HEIDEGGER K [Svendsen Continues«] we have a need to experience our whole emotional register.´. for Wilde. The fearful appears to be something else and thus something that can counteract a boring everyday life. though... . To see a horror film or play some terrifying computer game are safe ways of experiencing dangers. these voluntary fear experiences ought surely to be superfluous. Boredom forces a move towards!what goes beyond. It is not a fear that gives us the great. life. seem to clash with the assertion that we are living in a culture of fear. one would think were many times more attractive? Perhaps part of the answer is that out these experiences is. It is more a fear that can be described as a "constant. cocooning ourselves and isolating ourselves from the world around us. Violent and frightening fictions can be good media for the processing of our emotions. Earlier. That is why art is to be preferred to life:´Because Art does not hurt us. Oscar Wilde writes about how art expresses reality. that we can realize our perfection. not that we believe they will help us master life but guile simply because they are productive in themselves. weak 'grumbling'. We grieve. that is. I emphasized that the fear that primarily surrounds us in this culture is a 'low-intensity fear'. mind-shaking experiences "that set the whole body on alert. and that the fear we experience in forms of fiction. and through Art only. extreme sport and so on breaks with a humdrum 'everydayness'. on the face of it. but our grief is not bitter . Art. that we can shield ourselves from the sordid perils of actual existence. through Art. but we are not wounded. This might. We weep. but in a tamed form. becomes a privileged space where we can experience all the emotions that life can offer us. If we are living in a culture where most things are seen from the perspective of fear. without having to pay the price that these emotions are often linked to in real life. nevertheless. It is through Art._so_that we are not injured. Children too can benefit from this.of boredom. so as to learn to master their fear. The tears that we shed at a play are a type of the exquisite sterile emotions that it is the function of Art to awaken. In that case.4 The reason why we seek that. yet one that even so results in our protecting ourselves. And a more intense experiencing of fear would seem to be a cure . and through Art only. however. the increasing commonness of boredom can partly be said to be result of the culture of fear.
The whole sphere of authenticity is outside technical ± and. the original preserved all its authority. And what is really jeopardized when the historical testimony is affected is the authority of the object. Their most powerful agent is the film. and therefore the entire historical context in which the original object was produced. Secondly. These two processes lead to a tremendous shattering of tradition which is the obverse of the contemporary crisis and renewal of mankind. its authenticity ± is interfered with whereas no natural object is vulnerable on that score. First. For example. yet the quality of its presence is always depreciated. This reproduction. is jeopardized by reproduction when substantive duration ceases to matter. The manner in which human sense perception is organized. which was usually branded as a forgery.marxists. such as enlargement or slow motion. as does the proof that a given manuscript of the Middle Ages stems from an archive of the fifteenth century. all founders of religion. Both processes are intimately connected with the contemporary mass movements.htm] Even the most perfect reproduction of a work of art is lacking in one element: its presence in time and space. changes of ownership are subject to a tradition which must be traced from the situation of the original. particularly in its most positive form. can capture images which escape natural vision. all legends. not so vis-à-vis technical reproduction. with its great shifts of . process reproduction is more independent of the original than manual reproduction. for a landscape which passes in review before the spectator in a movie. of course. is inconceivable without its destructive. Confronted with its manual reproduction. not only technical ± reproducibility. the former. which is adjustable and chooses its angle at will. And in permitting the reproduction to meet the beholder or listener in his own particular situation. cathartic aspect.Critical theorist. This holds not only for the art work but also. resounds in the drawing room.org/reference/subject/philosophy/works/ge/benjamin. the mode of human sense perception changes with humanity¶s entire mode of existence. In the case of the art object. the medium in which it is accomplished.http://www. The traces of the first can be revealed only by chemical or physical analyses which it is impossible to perform on a reproduction. This includes the changes which it may have suffered in physical condition over the years as well as the various changes in its ownership. can exist only by undermining the authenticity of the original object. that is. Beethoven will make films. One might generalize by saying: the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition. The presence of the original is the prerequisite to the concept of authenticity. technical reproduction can put the copy of the original into situations which would be out of reach for the original itself. This produces a change in perception which allows for the masses to be controlled by the spectacle of the dominant culture. The fifth century. One might subsume the eliminated element in the term ³aura´ and go on to say: that which withers in the age of mechanical reproduction is the aura of the work of art. the choral production. Its social significance. Benjamin 36 [Walter. he issued an invitation to a far-reaching liquidation. too. all mythologies and all myths. with the aid of certain processes.. The reason is twofold. it enables the original to meet the beholder halfway. Rembrandt. and the heroes crowd each other at the gate. its unique existence at the place where it happens to be. and the very religions. be it in the form of a photograph or a phonograph record. The authenticity of a thing is the essence of all that is transmissible from its beginning. the liquidation of the traditional value of the cultural heritage.. During long periods of history.. for instance. Since the historical testimony rests on the authenticity.´ Presumably without intending it. performed in an auditorium or in the open air. And photographic reproduction. This unique existence of the work of art determined the history to which it was subject throughout the time of its existence. The situations into which the product of mechanical reproduction can be brought may not touch the actual work of art.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 59 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K The art of the affirmative cannot be dissociated from the technological processes which enabled its ability to be reproduced. in photography. however. The cathedral leaves its locale to be received in the studio of a lover of art. Above all.. await their exposed resurrection. Chemical analyses of the patina of a bronze can help to establish this. ranging from its substantive duration to its testimony to the history which it has experienced. This is a symptomatic process whose significance points beyond the realm of art. It extends to ever new positions. process reproduction can bring out those aspects of the original that are unattainable to the naked eye yet accessible to the lens. it reactivates the object reproduced. In 1927 Abel Gance exclaimed enthusiastically: ³Shakespeare.The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. is determined not only by nature but by historical circumstances as well. a most sensitive nucleus ± namely. By making many reproductions it substitutes a plurality of copies for a unique existence. This phenomenon is most palpable in the great historical films.
formal hallmark which characterized perception in late Roman times. the desire of contemporary masses to bring things ³closer´ spatially and humanly. This image makes it easy to comprehend the social bases of the contemporary decay of the aura. The concept of aura which was proposed above with reference to historical objects may usefully be illustrated with reference to the aura of natural ones. Unmistakably. We define the aura of the latter as the unique phenomenon of a distance. who resisted the weight of classical tradition under which these later art forms had been buried. were the first to draw conclusions from them concerning the organization of perception at the time. while resting on a summer afternoon. The conditions for an analogous insight are more favorable in the present. Uniqueness and permanence are as closely linked in the latter as are transitoriness and reproducibility in the former. it is possible to show its social causes. However far-reaching their insight. as much for thinking as for perception. And if changes in the medium of contemporary perception can be comprehended as decay of the aura. reproduction as offered by picture magazines and newsreels differs from the image seen by the unarmed eye. Riegl and Wickhoff. saw the birth of the late Roman art industry and the Vienna Genesis. its reproduction. Thus is manifested in the field of perception what in the theoretical sphere is noticeable in the increasing importance of statistics. which is just as ardent as their bent toward overcoming the uniqueness of every reality by accepting its reproduction. you follow with your eyes a mountain range on the horizon or a branch which casts its shadow over you. saw no way ± to show the social transformations expressed by these changes of perception. Namely. To pry an object from its shell. these scholars limited themselves to showing the significant. however close it may be.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 60 population. perhaps. Every day the urge grows stronger to get hold of an object at very close range by way of its likeness. is the mark of a perception whose ³sense of the universal equality of things´ has increased to such a degree that it extracts it even from a unique object by means of reproduction. The scholars of the Viennese school. both of which are related to the increasing significance of the masses in contemporary life. It rests on two circumstances. The adjustment of reality to the masses and of the masses to reality is a process of unlimited scope. They did not attempt ± and. If. of that branch. and there developed not only an art different from that of antiquity but also a new kind of perception. to destroy its aura. you experience the aura of those mountains. .
and to integrate the masses into a symbolic synthesis. the fascist spectacle corrupts nature and uopian wish-energies and. The fascist aestheticization of politics. What it considered heroic were the features of Hippocrates. makes everything equal by eliminating all boundaries. nature loses its otherness. humanity and the other at its fringes. and as far as anyone could see over the edge of the trench.Walter Benjamin and the Aesthetics of Power. according to Benjamin. the features of death. Benjamin valorizes modern aesthetic practices whenever they succeed in subverting traditional claims to continuity. Junger¶s art of war declares the boundlessness of the will to power and the human systems of representation. and by day the sky was the cosmic interior of the steel helmet and at night the moral law above. by undermining the authenticity of the work of art. Koepnick 99 [Lutz. those senuous settlers. polyphony. the surroundings become a problem. film. and Bertolt Brecht. According to Benjamin. fascism dreams the megalomaniac dream of unlimited reality control and technological domination over nature. Deeply imbued with its own depravity. subject the category of nature to the imperatives of modern warfare. and difference in bogus imagery of equality and coherence. albeit totally perverted reoccurrence: The pioneers of peace. Professor of Germanic Languages and Literatures at Washington University in St. technology gave shape to the apocalyptic face of nature and reduced nature to silence ± even though this technology had the power to give nature its voice.Pg 77-9] Whether or not Welsch¶s reconstruction does full justice to Adorno¶sAesthetic Theory. Instead of reconciling humanity with the forgotten forces of nature. Contrary to Adorno¶s construction of the sublime. fascist mass aesthetics also debases the semantic wealth of nature: projecting its reactionary modernism on the features of the modern world. decentering promise of subliminity. In order to prolong the experience of war into the civilian life of Weimar Germany. Allegorical fragmentation and instability rather than metaphorical harmony establish the modes of address and aesthetic exchange that Benjamin believes emancipatory according to his leftist political agenda. Etching the landscape with flaming banners and trenches technology wanted to create the heroic feature of German Idealism. Louis. In addition. totality and closure. Although the landscapes of total mobilization must suggest some sort of intimacy and reciprocity between technology and nature. were evacuated from these landscapes. relies on a bewitching hypostatization of appearance and the beautiful. they in fact only testify to the utter erosion of nature under the false totality of fascism¶s aesthetic excess. Franz Kafka. thereby. and instead of preserving the utopian dream of such a reconciliation. and under the hallmark of fascism¶s mythologizing use of technology. every barb a definition. then. and self-limitation. to remake the modern state into an expression of unified and resolute action. Whether referring to the aesthetic modernism of Charles Baudelaire. that is. theories of fascism. on the other hand. Reformulating eighteenth. Fascism renders the beautiful appearance and social masquerade a . It went astray. the notorious poetic German fascination with nature celebrates an unprecedented. For Benjamin. (TGF 126. Fascist ideologies of war render technology as an aesthetic myth that effaces all boundaries and correspondences between the realm of nature and social life. but references to the synthesizing force of the beautiful appearance ± piped through the tubes of a nationalistic mass culture ± are primarily at work in the fascist attack on political modernity. legitimate modernist art cannot be anything but an art of discontinuity. its force to generate images out of which humanity may create powerful utopias. the functionalistic appropriation of art in the Soviet Union during the 1920s. as for Adorno. the revaluation of the sublime can be essential to our understanding of Benjamin¶s critique of fascism and its simultaneous practices of seduction and terror. Not the discontinuous. rupture.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 61 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K The aestheticization of politics. or any progressive utilization of the new medium. one that eliminates social tensions. This allows for systems of domination to eliminate social tensions which would undermine the mobilization of the masses for war.and nineteenth-century aesthetic concepts within the terrain of industrial culture. its utopian appeal to reconciliation. fascist theories of war silence nature through aesthetic myths of technological omnipotence. For what Benjamin emphasizes with regard to the fascist spectacle is precisely that to which Adorno¶s modernist construction of sublime art is opposed. GS 3:247) In the aestheticizing view of modern warfare. every wire entanglement an antinomy. and thus strip nature of its transcending power. also obliterates the foundations of sober judgment and moral autonomy. in an exemplary fashion. every explosion a synthesis. In these visions of a landscape of total mobilization. the fascist spectacle propagates a totalization of appearance and thus tries to erase all difference.
.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 62 practical expression of the will to power and. drives society into the ³abyss of aestheticism´ (OTD 103. thus. GS 1:281).
fascism exempts technology from any processes of discursive legitimation. To reject any legitimacy claim.Pg 77-9] But the fascist war not only violates nature. Against the background of comprehensive social changes during the nineteenth century. GS 3:240). one to which society ought to respond with astonishment rather than critical discussion. bourgeois society cannot help insulating everything technological from the so-called spiritual. While it rejected the subjugation of art under the bourgeois principle of utility. a luxury object. and ritual sacrifice. Through war. . fascist theories of warfare immunize technological modernity against democratic discourses of legitimation and emphasize the ontological abyss between the universe of ideas and the world of technical means. GS 1:507-8). will therefore also describe a ³slave revolt of technology´ (TGF 120. according to its economic nature. Benjamin borrows the concept of ³das Geistige´ from his own early metaphysical vocabulary to describe this repression of discourse. to unemployment and the lack of markets.¶ the claims to which society has denied its natural material´ (ILL 242. Just as the stage management of politics replaces rational participation with emotional synchronization. Benjamin contends as early as 1930. Vis-à-vis the ever expanding commodification of art and the emergence of mass cultural practices. fascist warfare instrumentalizes the powers of revolt only in order to quell their potency. at least theoretically. Yet with cunning. calling for a total emancipation of art from moral commitment and mimetic veracity. no doubt requires further explanation. Imperialistic war is a rebellion of technology which collects. aestheticism desired.Walter Benjamin and the Aesthetics of Power. Technological progress. to transform art into a selfreferntial system.. Shaped by great politicians as are statues out of clay. Poised at the threshold of the twentieth century. European aestheticism sought to redefine this social decline of art as its inner virtue. fascism anticipates such counterforces of revenge and directs them against the other objects of repression. Louis.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 63 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K The aestheticization of politics uses the self-justifying nature of political action to undermine the social tensions which make resistance against oppression possible. war serves only itself. in the form of µhuman material. GS 3:238). GS 3:238). the l¶art pour l¶art [art for art] movement articulated the most radical response to the gradual commercialization and decentering of nineteenth-century art ± that is to say. fascism claims technology does not serve any human purpose. Presenting war as a self-referential event demanding veneration. Aiming at a ³theology of art´ (ILL 224. ³Indeed. appropriate the Cartesian split between spirit and materiality so as to bar any critical debate about the use of technology and the equality of progress. fascist ideologues of war argue. l¶art pour l¶art [art for art] epitomized the romantic quest for aesthetic absolutes. the fascist state stages an insurrection against itself in order to gain control over all potential forces of subversion: ³The horrible features of imperialistic warfare are attributable to the discrepancy between the tremendous means of production and their inadequate utilization in the process of production ± in other words. aestheticism believed it could secure the autonomy of art within bourgeois society by transforming the work of art into an object of cultic stature. Koepnick 99 [Lutz. Fascism¶s ideology of war perfects this tendency. Analogous to what motivates the public spectacles of pseudo-emancipation. a revolt of modern technology against its bondage through reactionary politics and the suspension of historical dialectics. submission. Benjamin quickly denounces what he understands as the cultic legitimation of warfare in fascism as ³an uninhibited translation of the principles of l¶art pour l¶art [art for art] to war itself´ (TGH 122. the masses. This figure of thought. the expulsion of the aesthetic from the heavens of uncontested meaning and the exile of artists from the Olympus of social representation. Though anything but unified. Capitalist societies. Professor of Germanic Languages and Literatures at Washington University in St. and it cannot help but resolutely excluding technology¶s right of codetermination in the social order´ (TGF 120. GS 1:481). aestheticism tried to enshrine art in a hermetic cage. It conceived of form as the sole content of the artwork and revolted against any attempt to render moral correctness a principle of aesthetic judgment. Warfare epitomizes the systematic castigation of nature and technology in a modern age that fails to live up to its potential. In his essay on Ernst Junger et al. rather than the actual agents of slavery. adheres to an autonomous logic of evolution and renewal. Any future war. though highly intriguing and influential. her argues. it also represses technology itself as it enslaves its own full potential.
democratic ends. Professor of Germanic Languages and Literatures at Washington University in St. creating the conditions which make true emancipation possible. it also silences the many ways in which Benjamin¶s work could still inform a critical analysis of our own age. Benjamin¶s avant-garde alternative. . economy. For Benjamin. and politics. Benjamin¶s avant-gardism hopes to channel the potentially democratizing force of industrial culture.Walter Benjamin and the Aesthetics of Power. the twentieth century signifies a historical moment at which cultural production emerges as largely integrated into economic production and the political. Louis. This entails the rejection of the way in which we disavow the uses of art that serve the purposes of oppression and violence. Opposing fascism. does not address the role of bourgeois art in twentieth-century society but.Pg 23-4] What Benjamin defines as aesthetic politics. not into spectacles of ideological incorporation but into principally open and heteroglossic scenes of emancipation. but it also.Performance Aff-Reagan Camp 64 AESTH OF PTX/BENJAMIN K Our alternative is to reject the aestheticization of politics by affirming the politicization of art. Our politicization of artistic expression thus allows for us to channel the forces of industrial culture to ethical. therefore. reject the tactics of disavowal inherent to aesthetic politics. then. Modern industrial culture. This integration. on the one hand. opens up the possibility of a cultural politics that may progressively intervene in the course of economic and political development. Koepnick 99 [Lutz. renders problematic the way in which political dictates drape modern mass culture as art and thus transform the popular into a tool of domination and manipulation. on the other hand ± that which he calls. on the contrary. confusingly. and as importantly. Benjamin implies. makes possible the aestheticization of politics a la fascism. an age marked by the ever more global incorporation of culture. To follow Groys¶s suggestion and historicize this endorsement of the modern popular ± Benjamin¶s popular modernism ± as an essentially Stalinist project not only at once belittles the atrocities of Stalinism and misses the complexity of Benjamin¶s program. undoes the very categories according to which Groys and others today continuously evaluate the validity of certain aesthetic and political agendas. the politicization of art ± designates nothing other than forms of mass cultural practice that take themselves seriously and.
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