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  • Link – iran
  • Link - Japan
  • Link - Soft Power
  • LINK - OIL
  • Ontology Key
  • 2NC A2:
  • A2: permutation
  • Cap Good - Prevents War
  • Realism Good – SOLVES WAR / ALT FAILS
  • A2: Spanos

J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa


EMPIRE K INDEX....................................................................................................................... 1 SHELL ........................................................................................................................................... 3 SHELL ......................................................................................................................................... 3 SHELL ......................................................................................................................................... 5 SHELL ......................................................................................................................................... 7 UNIQUENESS OF THE EMPIRE ............................................................................................. 9 U – IMPERIALISM IS ADAPTED TO CAPITALISM ............................................................. 9 U – EMPIRE FRAGILE NOW ................................................................................................. 11 LINKS .......................................................................................................................................... 13 LINK - GENERIC ..................................................................................................................... 13 LINK – GENERIC/ECONOMY ............................................................................................... 14 LINK – THE STATE ................................................................................................................ 15 LINK – THE STATE ................................................................................................................ 17 LINK – BENIGN INTENTIONS .............................................................................................. 18 LINK – DEMOCRACY/HUMAN RIGHTS ............................................................................ 19 LINK - DEMOCRACY ............................................................................................................. 20 LINK – REDUCE PRESENCE ................................................................................................. 21 LINK – REDUCE TROOPS ..................................................................................................... 22 LINK – REDUCE TROOPS ..................................................................................................... 23 LINK – REDUCE TROOPS ..................................................................................................... 24 LINK – REDUCE TROOPS ..................................................................................................... 25 LINK - EXTINCTION .............................................................................................................. 26 LINK - EXTINCTION .............................................................................................................. 27 LINK – HEGEMONY ............................................................................................................... 28 LINK – HEGEMONY ............................................................................................................... 29 LINK - AFGHANISTAN .......................................................................................................... 30 Link – iran ................................................................................................................................. 31 Link - Japan ............................................................................................................................... 32 LINK - TERRORISM ............................................................................................................... 33 LINK - TERRORISM ............................................................................................................... 34 Link - Soft Power ...................................................................................................................... 35 LINK - OIL............................................................................................................................... 36 IMPACTS .................................................................................................................................... 37 IMPACT - BLOWBACK .......................................................................................................... 37 IMPACT - DEMOCRACY ....................................................................................................... 38 IMPACT - DEMOCRACY ....................................................................................................... 38 IMPACT – MILLIONS OF DEATHS ...................................................................................... 39 IMPACT - GENOCIDE ............................................................................................................ 40 IMPACT – NORTH/SOUTH GAP ........................................................................................... 41 IMPACT TO TERRORISM – NO V2L .................................................................................... 42 A2: EXISTENCE PRECEDES VALUE TO LIFE ................................................................... 43 COMPARATIVE IMPACT – VALUE TO LIFE O/W SURVIVAL ....................................... 44

J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa


ALTERNATIVES ....................................................................................................................... 45 Ontology Key ............................................................................................................................ 45 ALTERNATIVE - RESISTANCE ............................................................................................ 46 REJECTION SOLVES .............................................................................................................. 46 QUESTIONING SOLVES ........................................................................................................ 47 A2: INEVITABILITY ............................................................................................................... 48 2NC DISSENT - ROLE OF THE BALLOT OVERVIEW ...................................................... 49 2NC A2:........................................................................................................................................ 50 A2: INEVITABILITY ............................................................................................................... 50 A2: EMPIRE INEVITABLE ..................................................................................................... 51 A2: FRAMEWORK ................................................................................................................ 52 A2: FRAMEWORK .................................................................................................................. 53 A2: PERMUTATION................................................................................................................ 54 A2: permutation ......................................................................................................................... 55 A2: LINK TURNS – ―WE REDUCE TROOPS‖ ..................................................................... 56 A2: LINK TURN – ‗WE REDUCE TROOPS‘......................................................................... 57 A2: PREDICTIONS GOOD ...................................................................................................... 58 A2: PREDICTIONS - KURESAWA ........................................................................................ 59 A2: REALISM ........................................................................................................................... 60 A2: UTIL/COST BENEFIT RATIONALITY .......................................................................... 61 A2: OBAMA ISN‘T IMPERIALIST ........................................................................................ 62 A2: CAP GOOD IMPACT TURNS .......................................................................................... 63 A2: ONTOLOGY BAD............................................................................................................. 64 A2: PERKINs/HUMANISM GOOD ........................................................................................ 65 AFF ANSWERS .......................................................................................................................... 66 WESTERN IMPERIALISM GOOD ......................................................................................... 66 WESTERN IMPERIALISM GOOD ......................................................................................... 67 WESTERN IMPERIALISM GOOD ......................................................................................... 68 2AC PERMUTATION/DISAD TO ALT.................................................................................. 69 ANTI-IMPERIALISM FAILS .................................................................................................. 70 ANTI-IMPERIALISM FAILS .................................................................................................. 71 ALT FAILS – MCLEAN .......................................................................................................... 72 Cap Good - Prevents War .......................................................................................................... 74 Realism Good – SOLVES WAR / ALT FAILS ........................................................................ 75 A2: Spanos ................................................................................................................................ 76 A2: ONTOLOGY FIRST .......................................................................................................... 77 A2: ONTOLOGY FIRST .......................................................................................................... 78

J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa


We have entered the stage of the Pax Americana facilitated by an expanding militarism that assaults the environment and constantly creates new threats to intervene against. This infinite quest for good will inevitably destroy itself and possibly the globe along the way BOGGS 2005 [Carl, Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles, Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles, Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War, isbn: 0742527727, p __ix-xi___]-AC
This book explores the resurgence of United States militarism in its multiple dimensions--historical, economic, political, cultural, globalas the imperial ethos becomes ever more deeply embedded in the very fabric of American life .

At the start of the twentyfirst century it seems appropriate to refer to the militarization of both U.S. foreign policy and American society as a whole. Whether or not the nation has become "addicted" to war (and preparation for war), there can be little doubt that warfare motifs, discourses, and priorities increasingly shape all phases of social life, impacting everything from language, media representations, and popular culture to the workplace, forms of consumption, and politics. War is the most
profitable area of corporate investment, marketed by public-relations firms, lobbies, political action committees (PACs), think tanks, and foundations, and glorified on TV, in video games, and in film .

The impulse toward militarism is embellished by the gun culture, local militias, gangs, and parts of the sports establishment. As an ideology, the contemporary merging of flag-waving patriotism, militarism, and imperial hubris furnishes American citizens with a powerful (if no doubt fleeting) sense of national unity and global purpose. Above all, militarism stands as an enabling mechanism of US. Empire, of an expanded Pax Americana-an awesome instrument at the disposal of American elites in their drive toward unchallenged world domination. There is nothing fundamentally novel about any of this, even as altered historical circumstances create new openings for US. global power; the
impetus toward colonial exploits through military force goes back to the earliest days of the republic. Since the turn of the last century the us. worldwide armed presence-on the seas and land, in the air, and now in outer space-can be said to have no historical parallels, a reality quite at odds with the torrents of propaganda affirming a benevolent, peaceful, democratic US. foreign policy. A guiding theme of this book is that US. history up to the present contains a peculiarly militaristic strand, a phenomenon increasingly visible since the end of World War II.

To speak of a "new militarism" thus hardly suggests a radical departure from long-standing patterns but rather an extension and deepening of those patterns, so that we arrive today at a more aggressive, globalizing definition of "Empire." As explored in the following pages, a revitalized US. imperialism and militarism flows from several interrelated factors: a growing mood of American exceptionalism in international affairs, the primacy of military force in U.S. policy, arrogation of the right to intervene around the world, the spread of xenophobic patriotism, further consolidation of the permanent war system. With the end of the cold war, and more dramatically since the terrorist attacks of 9/11, the result is an increasingly militant and arrogant US. foreign behavior marked by outright rejection of important global treaties, repeated violations of international law, disregard for the United Nations, elevated assaults on the natural environment, militarization of space, and flagrant acts of military intervention-all giving Pax Americana a refurbished mission. Beneath everything has congealed an ideological fundamentalism grounded in superpatriotism and a rigid neoliberalism in the service of corporate power. As the United States moves to reshape the geopolitical terrain of the world, with hundreds of military
bases in 130 countries added to hundreds of installations stretched across its own territorial confines, the vast majority of Americans refuse to admit their nation possesses anything resembling an Empire. Yet U.S. global expansion is far more ambitious than anything pursued or even

the "new militarism" is rooted in a "new imperialism" that aspires to nothing short of world domination, a project earlier outlined by its exuberant
imagined by previous imperial powers. It might be argued that proponents and given new life by the Bush II presidency, which has set out to remove all vestiges of ideological and material impediments to worldwide corporate power-by every means at its disposal.

It is hard to resist the conclusion that the United States, its strong fusion of national exceptionalism, patriotic chauvinism, and neoliberal

leaders see themselves as uniquely entitled to carry out warfare and imperial agendas simply owing to the country's status as the world's lone superpower and its preponderance of military force. As at the height of the cold war. has evolved into something of an outlaw. While a feverish nationalism might sustain elite domestic legitimacy temporarily. the degradation OF those who embrace it. and there is little reason to think that Pax Americana will be able to avoid the same fate.s. duplicity. the corruption of human purpose. the power structure embellishes an image of the globe where two apocalyptic forcesgood versus evil. galvanized by the threat of far-flung enemies.ety or harmony we desire. and finally social disintegration. violence.s. rogue state--the kind of fearsome entity conjured up by its Own incessant propaganda. internal decay. and inequality. Militarism as a tool of global power ultimately leads to a jettisoning of fixed universal values. and double standards . poverty.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 4 EMPIRE K fundamentalism fully in place. and collapse of legitimacy. In the wake of 9/11 and the onset of Bush's war against terrorism. it winds up subverting its own requirements for international stability and hegemony. any more than could a To the extent the United States is determined to set itself above the rest of the world. imperial domination can possibly be worth any of the goals or ideals invoked as their political justification. the trajectory of U.s. militarism encounters fewer limits in time and space as it becomes amorphous and endless. accelerated by global overreach. brandishing technologically awesome military power and threatening planetary survival in the process. Celebrations of power. We seem to have reached a point where u. As Chris Hedges writes in Mlar Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning: "War never creates the soci.s. and conquest long associated with warfare ineVitably take its architects and practitioners into the dark side of human experience."! Here the critical observer is entitled to ask whether the stagger. it cannot secure the same kind of popular support internationally. u. Empires across history have disintegrated on the shoals of their boundless elite hubris. its apparent need.ing costs and consequences of u. expansionism is thereby justified through its quest. United States-managed world economy that sows its own dysfunctions in the form of mounting chaos. . for an increase in both domestic and global power-a quest destined to bring the superpower to work against even its own interests. into a zone marked by unbridled fanaticism and destructive ventures requiring a culture of lies. especially the harmony we briefly attain during wartime. civilized versus primitive-are locked in a battle to the death.

partly of collective denial. partly of what Gilbert Achcar refers to as "narcissistic compassion. a Back-seat economic driver. are more easily sidestepped. repressed. The United States has become such a dominant world superpower that its crimes are more or less invisible. The American Empire will tum out to be a military giant. but instead it creates more disorder and violence. coerces and even sometimes invades foreign states. and believes it can divide and rule among them. we are dealing here with nothing less than large-scale insensitivity to mass murder.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 5 EMPIRE K SHELL THE AFFIRMATIVE PLAN SUSTAINS A CORRUPT MILITARISTIC GIANT THAT RECREATES ITS OWN VIOLENCE. Given the postwar historical record. This can be understood as the result partly of civic ignorance. p ____1314_____ ]-AC My argument can be illustrated with a rather ghastly metaphor. . once having completed military training. It means well. isbn: 1859845827. improves them and then leaves. They want only an indirect and informal Empire. since World War II. and especially acts of mass murder. academia. But the new imperialists do not want to rule permanently over foreign lands. ADDITIONALLY. they appear as an integral. which. forgotten-more easily yet where such acts are carried out by proxies. war crimes legacy has been its almost total absence from the public discourse: mass media. p __187-188___]-AC One of the more tragic parts of the U. All that the us requires is that the Northern states stick to their own affairs and not interfere in American imperial projects elsewhere. Nor do they threaten the whole world. a political schizophrenic and an ideological phantom. and moral outrage that might be expected to accompany killing. This condition is exacerbated by the phenomenon of technowar. Within their conquered terrains they were all far more powerful than the United States can be. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. nor military rivals. It intends to spread order and benevolence. including war crimes. I further argue that the us has more uneven imperial powers than any of its historic predecessors. shame.S. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. culpability for terrible atrocities. nor collective resistance. It expects they will be too divided to do this anyway. human rights violations. though one that threatens. The result is a disturbed. misshapen monster stumbling clumsily across the world. 64 However understood . there is little question about the degree to which the horrible costs and consequences of American Empire have become largely routinized within both elite and popular consciousness. isbn: 0742527727. Rarely a loser in war. meaning that feelings of guilt. This was the purpose of Donald Rumsfeld's division between the "old" and the "new" Europe when European opposition did surface in late 2002. from the massive British to the tiny Belgian Empire. acceptable. has increasingly removed any sense of immediate personal involvement in warfare. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. and crimes against humanity. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. that is. politics. THE IMPERIALISM OF THE STATUS QUO HAS FACILITATED A COMPLETE NUMBNESS TO VIOLENCE THAT HAS CREATED A ROUTINZATION OF MASS MURDER BOGGS 2005 [Carl." indifference to the suffering of others. mtellectual life. Long experience tells us that ordinary people. indeed predictable element of imperial power. The prosperous North of the world contains neither disorder. and I make comparisons with the Roman and with recent European Empires. the United States has never had to confront the grievances of those who have been wronged. THE ACT OF WITHDRAWING TROOPS IS PART OF A PLOY OF NEW IMPERIALISM TO EXTEND ITS CONTROL AROUND THE GLOBE Mann 2003 [Michael. is generally regarded as too far off the normal spectrum of discourse to be taken seriously.S. the very idea of U.

As on the frontier. Within the culture of militarism. take on the character of the ordinary. a moral imperative to ensure human survival and save "civilization.imply obeying commands. the torture and killing of prisoners-all sanctioned through an unwritten code of regular military operations. Vietnamese. impersonal.Into a bureaucratic structure . and planning. shooting off long-distance artillery shells. and those who kill are merely following orders-and they too are usually shielded from psychological immediacy by the mechanism of technowar. part of the day-to-day routi~e~ of s. "civilian militias" for death squads. then the assault becomes a matter of organization. In technowar especially.S." the regrettable problem of "collateral Words like "incursion" substitute for real armed attacks. bloody actions have no villains. search-and-destroy massacres. including the pain and suffering of victims. disappear from view. mass killing may be understood as necessary. logical. damage. basically devoid of moral criteria. military ). even praiseworthy within it. faceless. As Gibson writes in the context of Vietnam: "Technowar as a regime of mechanical power and knowledge posits the high-level command positions of the political and military bureaucracies as the legitimate sites of knowledge. whether by firing missiles. relocations. dropping bombs from thirty thousand feet. jettisoned. Iraqi. fitting all acnvities . "body counts" for mass slaughter. and xenophobia converge with a cult of violence (like that discussed in chapter 4) to form an ideological cauldron where crimes of war may come to seem natural. distant. subhuman. Koreans. innocent." and "self-inflicted" casualties. between war criminals and the crimes they commit. . imperialism. free-fire zones. carrying out assigned tasks. Filipinos. rendering the carnage technologically rational.S. forces giving expression to racial supremacy. war crimes.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 6 EMPIRE K can all too often calmly plan and implement the killing of vast numbers of unknown. Within this universe the human targets of military action are regularly defined as barbaric. authorized and legitimated by political and military commands. individual emotional responses. technique. one can see that taken-for-granted barbari m takes many forms: the saturation bombing of civilian populations. Guatemalan peasants. where guilt and culpability are routinely evaded. acceptable. Ethical discourses are roundly silenced. erb. large-scale massacres. clinical. all human conduct becomes managerial. defenseless human beings. Surveying U. Once the enemy is portrayed as a sinister beast and monster. Even the most ruthless. part of a taken-for-granted world. chemical warfare." the need for "surgical strikes. Japanese. dehumanized as a worthless other. The very structure of language helps to establish a moral and political gulf between perpetrators and victims."66 Here bureaucratic jargon conveniently serves to obscure militarism and its victims with familiar references to the primacy of "national security. deserving of their fate and possibly even complicit in it: Native Americans. or engaging in traditional ground combat (increasingly rare for the U. In general those who plan do not kill." Viewed accordingly. War managers' ideology contains specialized military/technical discourses with their own epistemology.P Actions viewed from outside this culture as heinous and criminal appear rather normal. insofar as all initiative vanishes within the organizational apparatus and the culture supporting it.

In so doing. we not only discover the hitherto overlooked connection between the spectral ontological Other precipitated by the fulfillment of the logical economy of Western metaphysics in the "Americanization" of the planet and the multitude of displaced political Others — the "nonexistent" beings — precipitated by the fulfillment (the coming to its "end") of the project of Western imperialism at large. was produced by. if not fully. and the historyless Others of the imperial Occident who. and between languages. and Theodor Adorno (Minima Moralia). This disclosure of the Achilles' heel of the Western imperial project constitutes the second directive of the Vietnam War for the task of rethinking thinking in the American age of the world picture. like Salman Rushdie in his fiction. but the resonant suggestiveness precipitated by the reconstellation of the estranged political perspective he overdetermines into the ontological context I have inferred from the decentering and disarticulating guerrilla strategy of the nomadic Vietnamese insurgents warrants its retrieval at this culminating point of my argument:It is no exaggeration to say that liberation as an intellectual mission. OUR STRATEGY FRUSTRATES THE LOGIC OF IMPERIALISM BY REFUSING TO BE ANSWERABLE TO AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM. That strategy. is fact. The genocidal violence perpetrated by the United States against the Vietnamese people and their land in the name of the "free world" not only exposed the European origins of the myth of American exceptionalism. we are also compelled to appropriate the "eccentric" Vietnamese strategy of "unanswerability" that defeated America as a directive for thinking the positive emancipatory possibilities of the post. indeed. more specifically. for the articulation of a theory of resistance against the Pax Metaphysica that is simultaneously a practice of political resistance against the Pax Americana. estranging. In reconstellating the Vietnamese strategy into the postcolonial context.tan center/homeland. and pacification. I have quoted a passage from Said's all-too-brief summation of his oppositional postcolonial project in chapter 2. these Vietnamese insurgents resorted to a "barbarian" strategy. as it were — that reversed the see-er/seen binary of Western imperialism and in so doing demolecuralized the more formidable invading army and reduced its otherwise invincible war machine to utter ineffectiveness . are paradoxically inherent in the unhomed. energies . we forcibly dislocate the pervasive. according to Said." These are the possibilities of e-mergence precipitated on a global scale by the thinning out or occasional breaking of the lines of force that. SPANOS 2000 [William. established. domestication. but by an invisible nomadic mobility — a "spectral" tactics. the military strategy of the Vietnamese insurgents — its meaning undergoes a productive estrangement. in the postcolonial era. between homes. by way of cultural familiarization. he invokes a theoretical motif that was fundamental to but inadequately thought by the early postmodernists (Heidegger. disclosure of the specter out of the ontological matrix where it has been embedded in the discourse of poststructuralism and reconstellate it into the specific political history of the 1960s — particularly. It also exposed the metaphysical principle of decidability informing this grand imperial narrative. conscious of the implications of the interregnum for thinking. Derrida. as it were — of the displaced persons. and dereifying mobility — the spectral political being. which has been aptly called "guerrilla warfare" in the annals of Western military history. it will be recalled.colonial occasion. and exilic energies. refused to accommodate itself—to be "answerable"—to the European concept of warfare: the binary "frontal engagement" of opposing visible armies whose story would end in a "decisive victory. I am referring to the possibilities not only for refuge but for political resistance and emancipation that. if only in a tentative way. that is. among others. for example) who overdetermined the decentering of the Occidental logos. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari (Thousand Plateaus). In recognizing the indissoluble relationship between these two hitherto disparate Others . p 197-202]-AC If. however. the colonizing (at-homing) imperatives of Occidental imperialism. This effort to theorize an "eccentric" adversarial political strategy of unanswerability from the global demographic shifts incumbent on the fulfillment of the imperial project has. And it was in some sense the recognition of this arrogant American intolerance of undecidability that the Vietnamese Other exploited to abort the goals of the cultural and political armies of a much more powerful United States. They resisted invasion of their Asian homeland not by direct confrontation. already been inaugurated by Edward Said at the close of Culture and Imperialism.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 7 EMPIRE K SHELL OUR ALTERNATIVE IS TO DO NOTHING IN THE FACE OF THE AFFIRMATIVE‘S IMPERIAL STRATEGY. exist "between domains. THIS PRAXIS ENABLES US TO PLACE ONTOLOGICAL QUESTIONS ABOUT THE WORLD AS A PRIOR CONCERN TO THE AFF‘S DEMANDS THUS MAKING A RETHINKING OF IMPERIALISM POSSIBLE. Symptomatically. born in the resistance and opposition to the confinements and ravages of imperialism. takes his point of departure in this theoretical initiative from his exilic experience as émigré — as an irreversibly "unhoused" Other whose difference is indissolubly related to. and domesticated dynamics of culture to its unhoused. have historically bound the periphery to the metropoli. America‘s Shadow. Said. decentered. Lyotard. a motif that Said finds thought in some degree by Paul Virilio (L'Insecurite du territoire). the migrants. between forms. of the vast and various population of people unhomed by the depredations of Western imperialism." Instead. has now shifted from the settled. if symptomatic.

insofar as the irresistible dominants in the culture are concerned. collective dispossession. spare. And it was this transformation of the debilitating. cannot be counted and measured. the political figure between domains."17 Indeed. but only in passing — whose work at large. as we know.." as it were) — utterly confounds. I think. 'the consciousness industry.' There is then not just the negative advantage of refuge in the emigre's eccentricity. to silent invisibility before the panoptic imperial gaze—into a powerful polyvalent de-structive and e-mancipatory (projective) weapon." is decisively pertinent to the occasion of the Vietnam War and its aftermath. to invoke Adorno's language. it is possible. not the "reformist" initiative of those liberals like Sacvan Bercovitch and Richard Rorty whose oppositional discourse continues to be answerable to the imperial language informed by the idea of America.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 8 EMPIRE K whose incarnation today is the migrant. the terms of his global elaboration of these postcolonial possibilities are reconstellated into the occasion of the struggle of the Vietnamese people against American imperialism in the 1960s. there is also the positive benefit of challenging the system." the importation of a foreign interpretive discourse into a historically specifically American context's Lest this vestigial American exceptionalist conclusion be drawn. for example. like Adorno's. has more in common with Heidegger's and the European poststructuralists' than it has with that of the American intellectuals who are "against theory" because it is foreign to American culture.. is more than any other adequate to the task of "deterring" the global pretensions of "America" in the post–Cold War era. one can see "the common consort dancing together" contrapuntally. the émigré becomes the spectral Abgeschiedene in the "realm of the Between" who haunts the Being of the imperial culture that has reduced him/her to nonbeing. The powerless Vietnamese masterfully transformed the United States's arrogant and clamorous strategy to reduce the unaccountable and immeasurable Other to nonexistent status or. For this American writer's testimony not only anticipates in a fundamental way the essence of the American intervention in Vietnam — the essentially imperial ontological/cultural origins and character of its Adamic errand in the Vietnamese wilderness. and whose consciousness is that of the intellectual and artist in exile. But if. strange." this ghostly preterite's resonant silence — his refusal to respond in kind to the reifying and reified "premises" of American Wall Street logic (to be "counted and measured" by "the administered world. As Bartleby's minimalist "I prefer not to. disintegrated both the cultural narrative and the decisive end-oriented imperial practice this narrative was designed to enable. original. and. let me finally invoke the testimony of an American writer — one to whom Said often refers.. From this perspective then all things are indeed counter. of what. And while it would be the rankest Panglossian dishonesty to say that the bravura performances of the intellectual exile and the miseries of the displaced person or refugee are the same." For. is the resonantly silent imperative of the interregnum. this effort to think positively the nothing that the in the case of exceptionalist global discourse of America will have nothing to do with — this effort to get "a voice out of silence"18 — constitutes the supreme theme of this unhomed American writer's fiction. without at the same time succumbing to "the rankest Panglossian dishonesty. as he says later. between homes. the minima moralia of a damaged political life. above all. The Confidence-Man. From this perspective also. to regard the intellectual as first distilling then articulating the predicaments that disfigure modernity — mass deportation.12 New World Order simultaneously with the ontological specter that postmetaphysical European theorists" have thematized as the paradoxical consequence of the fulfillment of the logical economy of Western philosophy is an appeal to think America globally. Thus. as I have shown elsewhere. in its emphasis on survival. And it no doubt will be criticized by those nation-oriented American intellectuals to whom it is addressed as "traveling theory. It also constitutes a prolepsis of the essence of the Vietnamese resistance and. at least on this count. passivizing and silencing. Said rightly acknowledges "the disabling aspects of this fate. is consigned to mere 'background. be quite as pessimistic as Adorno and Said about the role of the intellectual in the global post–Cold War period I have called the interregnum." he writes. describing it in a language unavailable to those it has already subdued. to reiterate . population transfer. and neutralizes its "unerring" and vaunted practical efficacy. as Pierre. subtitled Reflections from a Damaged Life. the possibilities for this "freedom from exchange" — this "last refuge" from the globalization of late capitalism — that Said proffers as an alternative to the existing oppositional discourses are. of the adversarial strategy of "refusal" — of spectral "unanswerability" — that. I have called his "errant art. in "Bartleby. as all these postmetaphysical European theorists as well as Said imply." a negational or antinarrative strategy that was deliberately intended to call the metaphysically ordained uni-directionality of America's exceptionalist imperial project into question. 19 . imprisonment.13 This appeal to contemporary American intellectuals to think the nomadic political émigré who haunts the post–Cold War the world. "is what in another place he calls the 'administered world' or. in so doing. it was precisely the Vietnamese's exploitation of the very ontological conditions of their enforced confinement by a formidable imperial culture that estranged that colonized space and. to consign its spectral Otherness to "mere background" in its metanarrative — which is to say. in fact. to underscore its spectral ec-centricity." "Adorno's general pattern. one need not. as the resonant doubleness of the language I have italicized amply warrants. effects of reification that enabled this "damaged" Third World country— precisely by way of its spectral invisibility — to disable the otherwise irrefragable operations of reification and thus to defeat the most powerful nation in the history of To think the spectral as the menacing precipitate of the indissoluble relationship between the Pax Metaphysica and the Pax Americana: this. a stridently vocal Ahabian saying that reifies the unnameable whiteness of being in order to make it "practically assailable. his alternative lacks the force of a truly positive hope. They are — and here Said announces the post-postmodern and -postcolonial project of the inter-regnum — "worth exploring. that is. and Billy Budd make manifest.Having thematized the estrangement latent in the exilic condition of the emigre — the uncanny ability to see what from the point of view of the imperial discourse of the dominant culture is otherwise invisible — Said goes on to invoke the exemplary migrant discourse of the exiled German intellectual Theodor Adorno: " 'The past life of emigres is. to "the virtues or possibilities" of this spectral marginalization. ceases to exist' or. between forms.' says Adorno in Minima Moralia. the Scrivener. Thus also in Moby-Dick. Ishmael's errant narrative — its endlessly differentiating and deferring language — comes to be understood not simply as an alternative to the "unerring" discourse of the dominant American culture. especially for American intellectuals of the Left. derails.""Admittedly." But it does not blind him. and forced immigration." his maximalist "white" or "unnaming" saying also comes to be understood as the most effective means of rendering impotent the positive globally oriented power that proceeds from a totalizing "monomaniacal" naming. Melville's American project.' " In the Heideggerian/Derridian rhetoric I have emphasized in my effort to think the implications of ontological imperialism. I am referring to the radically exilic witness of Herman Melville. as it does so many "progressive" postmodern or postcolonial thinkers. Why? 'Because anything that is not reified. Israel Potter. and between languages. annulled.

TO UNDERSTAND NEW IMPERIALISM WE MUST ADDRESS THE ONTOLOGICAL QUESTION OF BOTH Borst 2006 Allan G. Some popular versions of the happy alliance claim argue that the state makes an initial foray into a new region. (26) This complex definition clearly echoes the claims of Harvey's earlier books. then this imperialism is in turn a specifically capitalist one. and military ends) and "the molecular processes of capital accumulation in space and time" (imperialism as a diffuse politicaleconomic process in space and time in which command over and use of capital takes primacy). economic. The Condition of Postmodernity. Employing the mix of geography and Marxist criticism that he calls "historical-geographical materialism" (1). this new imperialism marks a contradictory fusion of "the politics of state and empire" (imperialism as a distinctively political project on the part of actors whose power is based in command of a territory and a capacity to mobilize its human and natural resources towards political. the new imperialism epitomizes Harvey's long-developing thesis that adjoins a capitalist state apparatus with the ideological and geographical construction of space and time." The basic assertion is that if the United States is the new imperialism. ]-AC The book's identity takes its shape and its major contributions are made once Harvey establishes his concept of "capitalist imperialism. global affairs. usually through military intervention and then capitalism follows with a stabilizing marketplace as the supposed seed of a . empire to be a product of capitalism and the state simultaneously vying for control. THE QUESTION OF THE STATE OR CAPITALISM IS NOT SPECIFIC ENOUGH TO ADDRESS THIS DETAILED LOGIC. especially The Limits to Capital (1982). But Harvey overtly rejects claims found in other globalization scholarship that suggest that capitalism is the mere handmaiden of U. these rejections appear to achieve a clever sleight-of-hand and reveal Harvey's wariness of an either/or logic.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 9 EMPIRE K UNIQUENESS OF THE EMPIRE U – IMPERIALISM IS ADAPTED TO CAPITALISM IMPERIALISM IS NOW ADAPTED TO A SPECIFIC CAPITALIST LOGIC. Consequently. state power or vice versa.S. These often contradictory. or the Economic Logic of Late Postmodernism 2006 PMC 16.S. Harvey claims that most discussions of capitalism and state hegemony perform oversimplified misreadings of the global order.. That Harvey identifies the United States as the centrifuge of globalization is not surprising. he asserts that a happy and cooperative alliance between power-hungry politicians and profiteering capitalists does not exist as it appears. Initially. nor is the association of the United States with an empire or imperial power. always dialectical impulses and motivations that push the state or the capitalist market toward one agenda or another are as crucial to Harvey's argument as they are problematic for global stability. Harvey's book suggests that what the United States has been doing around the globe should be subordinated to how these military. "Capitalist imperialism" is not about capitalism or the state setting the imperial agenda. and Spaces of Capital (2001). Review of: David Harvey. Oxford: Oxford UP. political. and economic maneuvers have been and continue to be made if we are to understand the "new imperialism. Department of English University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign The New Imperialism. Harvey considers the neo-liberal U.S." While Harvey acknowledges the widely reported examples of Halliburton and other corporations directly interacting with and profiting from U. The New Imperialism. According to Harvey's diagnosis of current global trends. Instead. 2003.

The literature on imperialism and empire too often assumes an easy accord between them: that the political-economic processes are guided by the strategies of state and empire and that states and empires always operate out of capitalistic motivations. A widely accepted alternative happy alliance theory contends that capitalism opens new markets first and then opens a door for the state through trade agreements. Harvey argues that they also overlook the "outright antagonism" (29) between the state and capitalism: The fundamental point is to see the territorial and the capitalist logics of power as distinct from each other. Harvey highlights the overlooked fact that the alliance between politicians and capitalists manages a balance of state power and capitalism that is always already unstable. and other mechanisms such as the World Bank or WTO. (29) In short.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 10 EMPIRE K nascent democracy. thus preserving the profitable new market. treaties. While these scenarios dominate much of the thinking about globalization and empire. Yet it is also undeniable that the two logics intertwine in complex and sometimes contradictory ways. . This inherent instability always threatens to transform the state and capitalism into their own gravediggers.

Perhaps. it was only the high oil prices of the 1970s that "averted Armageddon. As such. But there comes a moment when complex systems "go critical.Phil.S. Most great empires have a nominal central authority -.either a hereditary emperor or an elected president -. like a sports car? What if collapse does not arrive over a number of centuries but comes suddenly.But what if history is not cyclical and slow-moving but arrhythmic -. a product of the interaction of billions of neurons in the central nervous system. But historians often misunderstand complexity in decoding these events. in fact. revolutions. Oxford University. It is the steady march of demographics -.. A small input to such a system can produce huge. not years. the day of reckoning could be as much as a century away.such as wars. The Soviet nuclear arsenal was larger than the U. historians have traced all kinds of rot within the Soviet system back to the Brezhnev era and beyond. They are the scholars who specialize in the study of "fat tail" events -." But this did not seem to be the case at the time.The most recent and familiar example of precipitous decline is the collapse of the Soviet Union. most of the fat-tail phenomena that historians study are not the climaxes of prolonged and deterministic story lines. stockpile.not bad policy that condemns the public finances of the United States to sink deeper into the red.Not long after such crises happen. or the fractal geometry of water molecules as they form intricate snowflakes. the Soviet imperium in central and Eastern Europe . ―America.including the tendency to move from stability to instability quite suddenly. historians arrive on the scene. and sometimes the complete breakdowns. soldiers to Afghanistan. and a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. the scale of disruption is nearly impossible to anticipate. much less decades." Causal relationships are often nonlinear. With the benefit of hindsight. but the size of the breakdown is unknown. the ones that are by definition outside the norm and that therefore inhabit the "tails" of probability distributions -. They operate somewhere between order and disorder. it is helpful to examine how natural scientists use the concept.All these complex systems share certain characteristics. It is the inexorable growth of China's economy. often unanticipated changes -. high-impact historical moments.the low-frequency. like a thief in the night? Great powers are complex systems.which is driving up the ratio of retirees to workers -.Any large-scale political unit is a complex system. Thus.Yet.com/2010/feb/28/opinion/la-oeferguson28-2010feb28/4) In the same way. Human intelligence itself is a complex system. Stanford University. MA. the fragile empire. made up of a very large number of interacting components that are asymmetrically organized. This is what Nassim Taleb rightly condemned in "The Black Swan" as "the narrative fallacy.a single grain of sand causes a whole pile to collapse. They are trained to explain calamity in terms of long-term causes. Senior Research Fellow at Jesus College. not American stagnation that will make the gross domestic product of the People's Republic larger than that of the United States by 2027. S. for example. a relatively minor shock can cause a disproportionate disruption. These threats seem very remote compared with the time frame for the deployment of U. And governments in what was then called the Third World. http://articles. To use the jargon of modern physics. less than five years after Mikhail Gorbachev took power.Laurence A."In reality. a forest before a fire is in a state of "selforganized criticality": It is teetering on the verge of a breakdown. which allows them to construct complex hills and nests. social and political relations over which he or she presides. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University. which means that traditional methods of generalizing through observation are of little use.‖ Los Angeles Times. Will there be a small fire or a huge one? It is nearly impossible to predict.There is no such thing as a typical or average forest fire. empires exhibit many of the characteristics of other complex adaptive systems -. they seem to be in equilibrium but are. they represent perturbations. from Vietnam to Nicaragua.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 11 EMPIRE K U – EMPIRE FRAGILE NOW U. Such systems can appear to operate quite stably for some time. The key point is that in such systems. Empire is fragile now and the Affirmative plan solves for NONE of the reasons why Ferguson ‘10 (Niall Ferguson.but in practice the power of any individual ruler is a function of the network of economic.As for climate change. of complex systems. instead. which means their construction more resembles a termite hill than an Egyptian pyramid.To understand complexity. William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School.at times almost stationary but also capable of accelerating suddenly. in which the unit of account is months. when things go wrong in a complex system. as the historian and political scientist Stephen Kotkin has argued. the challenges that face the United States are often represented as slowburning. D." A very small trigger can set off a "phase transition" from a benign equilibrium to a crisis -.what scientists call "the amplifier effect.S.latimes. often dating back decades. constantly adapting. Think of the spontaneous organization of termites. had been tilting in the Soviets' favor for most of the previous 20 years. financial crashes and imperial collapses.

rise. but they can work to weaken a long-assumed faith in the United States' ability to weather any crisis.Neither interest rates at zero nor fiscal stimulus can achieve a sustainable recovery if people in the United States and abroad collectively decide. empires behave like all complex adaptive systems. decline and fall according to some recurrent and predictable life cycle. followed by the Soviet Union itself in 1991. it was the one founded by Lenin. but in the realm of political entities. what are the implications for the United States today? First. intensifying an already bad fiscal crisis by driving up the cost of interest payments on new debt. Rather. Second. they collapse. . Fighting a losing battle in the mountains of the Hindu Kush has long been a harbinger of imperial fall. Bond yields can shoot up if expectations change about future government solvency.These numbers are bad. you have been warned. strength on their own. Just ask Greece. that such measures will ultimately lead to much higher inflation rates or outright default. rather than gently declining.Over the last three years. And then.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 12 EMPIRE K had fallen apart.it is a precipitous and unexpected fall that should most concern policymakers and citizens. It is historians who retrospectively portray the process of imperial dissolution as slow-acting. What happened 20 years ago is a reminder that empires do not in fact appear. The fiscal numbers cited above cannot erode U. If ever an empire fell off a cliff.If empires are complex systems that sooner or later succumb to sudden and catastrophic malfunctions.S. overnight.Washington. debating the stages of decline may be a waste of time -. Alarm bells should therefore be ringing very loudly indeed as the United States contemplates a deficit for 2010 of more than $1.about 11% of GDP. most imperial falls are associated with fiscal crises. the biggest since World War II. The next phase of the current crisis may begin when the public begins to reassess the credibility of the radical monetary and fiscal steps that were taken in response. it is not the material underpinnings of power that really matter but expectations about future power.Ask Russia too.5 trillion -. the complex system of the global economy flipped from boom to bust -. the role of perception is just as crucial. quite abruptly. thereby blowing huge holes in the business models of thousands of highly leveraged financial institutions. They function in apparent equilibrium for some unknowable period. In imperial crises.all because a bunch of Americans started to default on their subprime mortgages. reign.

then after 9-II becoming reality. . The United Nations is mentioned only 1ll th~ ." to be achieved by US leadership. only ad hoc and temporary. It is the new imperialism. Faced with "hostile acts. first envisioned as theory.san:e breath as the WTO and NATO. Do not think that US policy toward Kyoto." he said the US would act militarily. Star Wars.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 13 EMPIRE K LINKS LINK . Iran or the Southern Philippines are ad hoc or unconnected.ielders of weapons of ~a~s destruction. This was an optimistic and apparently multilateral vision of world order. Allies. but together with allies and through the United Nations. The speech did not mention any future military action by the US. This is a unilateralist and militanst vision of how to overcome world disorder. They ate all part of the grand strategy for a global American Empire. land-mines. Bush the Younger was much more pessimistic. are. Iraq. p ___1-2______ ]-AC Bush the Elder offered a vision of "enduring peace. The world should know that the present United States government embraces the new imperialism. he suggested.GENERIC All actions taken by the military are connected by the grander strategies of the empire Mann 2003 [Michael. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. isbn: 1859845827. preemptively and on its own. He called for "perpetual vigilance" against terrorists and w.

If these arguments are correct. judicial . Even when direct force is applied in the struggle between classes . October 17.coercion. Ph. more particularly.political. capitalism certainly does not rule out more traditional forms of coercive colonization. isj. but more indirectly. relatively decentralised and anarchic competition among capitals—that are not easily amenable to collective interventions even by the most powerful capitalist states. .J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 14 EMPIRE K LINK – GENERIC/ECONOMY The question is imperialism is no longer just about occupation but the role our actions play in economic and extra-economic coercion which is the new avenue for sustaining imperial control and interventions WOOD 2003 [Ellen.as when police arrest strikers _ the If U. Panitch and Gindin are mistaken both in holding to an over-politicised theory of crisis and in asserting that global capitalism in general. the US included.S. Yet this certainly does not mean that capitalist imperialism can dispense with extraeconomic force. and.15 The work of Brenner. military. again. is opaque. and the US in particular. as distinct from direct 'extraeconomic' . needless to say. controls the world economy it will be able to shape the world Callinicos ‗05 (Alex Callinicos. Harvey‘s major theorisation of Marxist political economy in The Limits to Capital [1982] already concluded with a discussion of contemporary inter-imperialist rivalries). Empire of Capital. But if tendencies to boom and crisis are the consequence of structural realities— in particular. a very long and bloody story of conquest and colonial oppression. Harvey and other Marxist political economists such as Gérard Duménil and Fred Moseley provides plentiful evidence to refute Panitch and Gindin‘s Panitch and Gindin. On the contrary. 2005. Trotskyist political theorist and Director of the Centre for European Studies at King's College London. are much more constrained in their actions than Panitch and Gindin are prepared to concede. then these states. isbn: 1859845029. the history of capitalism is. because in general it operates not by intervening directly in the relation between capital and labour. But. ―Imperialism and Global Political Economy‖. or between imperial and subordinate states. Their narrative of post-war capitalism gives primacy to a single actor—the American state—that is able to shape and then reshape the world as its informal empire relatively unconstrained—both because of its power relative to other actors and because of the power of states and capitalist classes collectively to determine the fate of the world economy. is that the role of extra-economic force. coming to fruition only in the twentieth century. p _4-5___]-AC What makes class domination or imperialism specifically capitalist is the predominance of economic. in any case.org) In my view. have overcome the crisis of profitability that developed in the 1970s. the development of economic imperatives powerful enough to replace older forms of direct rule has taken a very long time. I don‘t have the time or space to argue this here: Brenner has done so elsewhere in a response to a paper by one of Panitch and Gindin‘s co-thinkers. the system of property (and propertylessness) and the operation of markets. the implications are very serious for Here it would be useful to compare their work with that of Harvey. assertions. in capitalist imperialism as in capitalist class domination. Extra-economic force is clearly essential to the maintenance of economic coercion itself.D Political Science from UCLA. capitalist imperialism even in its most mature form requires extra-economic support. by sustaining the system of economic compulsions. who in The New Imperialism seeks to integrate the geopolitical strategy of the US under George W Bush with the continuing effects of what Brenner calls ‗the long downturn‘ (indeed. First. The difficulty.

in contrast to older forms of colonial empire. as being necessarily a drag on capital accumulation. it is inconceivable that those operations would long survive the destruction of the local state." These enterprises 'have very little control over their own international operations. made this state function more rather than less necessary to the preservation of the capitalist system. On the international plane. than in domestic operations. which has further undermined traditional communities and social networks. let alone over globalisation'. the state continues to be vital. and that profits tend to be lower. in both imperial and subordinate economies. It would not be too much to say that the state is the only non-economic institution truly indispensable to capital. Globalization has certainly been marked by a withdrawal of the state from its social welfare and ameliorative functions. for many observers. While we can imagine capital continuing its daily operations if the WTO were destroyed. no less than for very local enterprises. p 139-141]-AC Just as the state is far from powerless. if anything. too. at least a minimal 'safety net' of social provision has proved to be an essential condition of economic success and social stability in advanced capitalist countries. But it is hard to see how any capitalist economy can long survive. without a state that to some extent. for all the attacks on the welfare state launched by successive neoliberal governments. let alone prosper. loans and aid. depends more than ever on a system of multiple and more or less sovereign national states. ironically. is one of capitalism's many insoluble contradictions. The state. the state that has created the conditions enabling global capital to survive and to navigate the world. have been under pressure to shift at least some of these functions to the state. has. Empire of Capital. while costs are higher. with so-called social democratic governments joining in the neoliberal assault. This does not mean that capital will ever willingly encourage social provision. The very fact that . At the same time. it cannot even be argued that global capital has been able to dispense with the social functions performed by nation states since the early days of capitalism. however inadequately.though.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 15 EMPIRE K LINK – THE STATE The state is a crucial point of control for capitalist expansion that fosters the new forms of imperialism WOOD 2003 [Ellen. still provides the indispensable conditions of accumulation for global capital. Even while labour movements and forces on the left have been in retreat. and it is. as the process of 'development' and the commodification of life have destroyed or weakened old social networks . both in the locale of their home base and elsewhere in their 'multinational' network. Globalization. Oppositional movements must struggle constantly to maintain anything close to decent social provision. Scrutiny of corporate operations is likely to reveal that 'multinational enterprises are not particularly good at managing their international operations'. and. such as extended families and village communities. this has perhaps more than anything else created an impression of the state's decline. The new imperialism. in the final analysis. Any success such companies have had in the global economy has depended on the indispensable support of the state. as privatization of public services has become a condition of investment. this has made them even more vulnerable to the demands of imperial capital. multinational corporations are far from allpowerful. and perhaps even welcoming the removal of obstacles placed in its way by organizations that give subordinate economies some voice. Ph. But. isbn: 1859845029. balances the economic and social disruptions caused by the capitalist market and class exploitation.D Political Science from UCLA. It simply means that its hostility to social programmes. developing countries that may in the past have been able to rely more on traditional supports.

and legal order that capitalism needs more than any other social form. The political form of globalization is not a global state or global sovereignty. No conceivable form of 'global governance' could provide the kind of daily order or the conditions of accumulation that capital requires. predictability. The very essence of globalization is a global economy administered by a global system of multiple states and local sovereignties. . Nor does the lack of correspondence between global economy and national states simply represent some kind of time-lag in political development.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 16 EMPIRE K 'globalization' has extended capital's purely economic powers far beyond the range of any single nation state means that global capital requires many nation states to perform the administrative and coercive functions that sustain the system of property and provide the kind of day-today regularity. structured in a complex relation of domination and subordination. The world today is more than ever a world of nation states.

pour encourager les autres. and states have become more. the new endless war is vital to an economy so dependent on military production. there may be direct intervention to bring about 'regime change'. especially in the advanced capitalist states. according to right-wing US commentators like Charles Krauthammer. with the fairly explicit intention of restructuring the region even more directly in the interests of US capital.as the Cold War also did. The plan is an institutionalization of this very logic. The climate of fear deliberately fostered by the Bush administration is being used not only to justify military programmes and the erosion of civil liberties. on the militarization of the aerospace industry and on the global arms trade. Yet this is an empire that must be administered by institutions and powers which do indeed have territorial boundaries. military-industrial complex. between economic and political power. of course. Like the British in India. the long-established need to sustain the 'military-industrial complex'. In yet other cases. In some cases. Empire of Capital. but a far more wide-ranging domestic agenda. Such purposes help to explain why the US wields such disproportionate military power. or what has been called the 'demonstration effect'. This war without end in purpose or time belongs to an endless empire without boundaries or even territory." In all cases . There is nothing like a state of war to consolidate domestic rule. has been disrupted. Just as the state of war is intended to create the right political climate at home in the US. Even the threat of war in Iraq was timed to influence Congressional elections. why there has developed a pattern of resort to military action by the US in situations ill-suited to military solutions. there is always something more. Just as the Cold War did in its time. why massive military action is anything but a last resort. the political environment is shaped indirectly.tors and exploitable economies. In other cases. This has created a cycle of endless wars with which to wield imperialism from. we are already seeing something like a return to an earlier imperialism. Ph. there is a growing gulf between the global economic reach of capital and the local powers it needs to sustain it. This means that the old capitalist division of labour between capital and state. when commercial imperialism gave way to direct imperial rule. not less. the main purpose of the war in Afghanistan. WOOD 2003 [Ellen.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 17 EMPIRE K LINK – THE STATE The main objective of military conflict revolves around sustaining the u. allies are drawn into its hegemonic orbit by their implication in pacts and alliances and by means of a military supremacy so daunting and expensive that other major economic powers will see no point in seeking to match it. designed to spread fear throughout the region and beyond. But. involved in organizing economic circuits. In the Middle East. the overriding objective is to demonstrate and consolidate US domination over the system of multiples states. especially in the US. and why the connection between means and ends in these military ventures is typically so tenuous. . which seemed unattainable before September 11. An endless state of war can serve many other domestic purposes too . This was. the US may be finding that empire creates its own territorial imperative. which includes not just 'evil' states with 'weapons of mass destruction' but also friendly competi. which has been so central to the US economy.s. the larger purpose of the perpetual state of war goes beyond all this: to shape the political environment in a global system of multiple states. the object of military force is indeed exemplary terror. p _166-8]-AC Yet whatever specific objectives US wars may have. isbn: 1859845029. The consequence of a globalized economy has been that capital depends more. again. not less. requires a complex strategy and a variety of military functions. There is. and the military doctrine of the Bush regime is an attempt to fill the gap. The new imperialism may here be coming full circle.D Political Science from UCLA. At the same time. This complex system. on a system of local states to manage the economy.

the US today has a lot more pow~r than. The Empire will bring peace. . and to the couplet pax ramana.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 18 EMPIRE K LINK – BENIGN INTENTIONS The new imperialism masks its goals with benign intentions like ―peace‖ ―freedom‖ and ―democracy‖ Mann 2003 [Michael." but they do like the resonance of the noun "Empire" and its adjective "imperial. the British Prime Ministers who led their country at the height of its imperial greatness. pax americana. freedom and democracy to the world! They will save oppressed peoples from their own "rogue" leaders! Some hark back to the days of the British Empire. The new imperialists in charge of the Department of Defense now had the mobilizing power and the budgetary resources to lure the more cautious armed forces into their plans. civilizing. p __9-10_______ ]-AC Inside the American military/strategic community-though not yet in the High Commandit also seemed that the US now had the military wizardry to achieve victory followed by moral good without risking the lives of American soldiers or civilians. They tend to avoid terms like "militarism" and "imperialism. isbn: 1859845827." These terms suddenly seem full of noble. the B~ts ever did and their power didn't last long (a potentially disquieting thought): Better skip the centuries to the noblest imperialists of them all. But the new imperialists see their goals as entirely benign. This is why I have styled the two Presidents Bush the Elder and Bush the Younger. even humanitarian sentiments. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. But for most Americans the British analogy raises uncomfortable images of redcoats and taxes. they reasoned. why not give it a try? That was the military temptation underlying the shift toward the new imperialism. Since we now could do these things. father and son. These have been spelled out most fully by neo-conservative journalists and scholars close to the White House. they say. since civilians were the leading militarists. We will see that the so-called new imperialism actually became something much simpler and much nastier-the new militarism. Anyway. The notion of civilian control of the military became meaningless. recalling the titles of the two Pitts.

democratic and committed to human rights. culminating in a global benevolent American Empire-a terrible "Long War" between sovereign states ending with an American-guaranteed peace. II Since over half the states in the world are neither genuinely democratic nor respectful of human rights. He instances Iraq as just such a case. Mann 2003 [Michael. he says. This is a theory doing imperial service. was responsible for the Long War). He emphasizes both their militarist origins and their recent drive toward peace and legitimacy. isbn: 1859845827. For the same reason. The United States. then its "cloak of sovereignty" should no longer protect it from military intervention. p __11_______ ]AC Philip Bobbitt is the author of a massive book on the modern history of states. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. If a state is not democratic and does not protect human rights. he says the US has the right to take preemptive action against weapons of mass destruction. His "constitutional theory" rates democracy and human rights above state sovereignty (which. is the only power which combines the might and the right to attack Iraq and others.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 19 EMPIRE K LINK – DEMOCRACY/HUMAN RIGHTS Democracy and human rights concerns become a ruse to subject other nations to imperial control. . being immensely powerful. Bobbitt's so-called constitutional theory would seemingly place much of the world at risk of American invasion. This is a grand teleological tome. and to have immunity from international law for its own military forces. history as destiny.

The recent armed interventions in the Balkans.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 20 EMPIRE K LINK . geopolitical strategy. isbn: 0742527727. two devastating military invasions. repeated coup and assassination plots. and imminent Iraqi military threats shown to be liesscandalously trumpets the old myths while corporate boondoggles become more transparent by the day. costly. "Democracy" becomes another self-serving facade for naked u. and dictatorial military occupation. Few knowledgeable observers outside the United States take such rhetoric seriously. US." cynically employing seductive motifs like multiculturalism. surveillance and bombings spanning more than a decade. The recent experience of US. Strikingly. pretext of exporting democracy and human rights. more than a decade of United States-led economic sanctions costing hundreds of thousands of lives. all the more with the fraudulent claims invoked to justify the war on Iraq. including his catastrophic war against Iran.s. U. and democratic pluralism-all naturally designed for public consumption. ambitions in Iraq were never about democracy but were and are a function of resource wars. and not just among neoconservatives.DEMOCRACY The goal of democracy is a façade to extract more resources for American interests. American leaders invoke the familiar and trusted. Throughout the Middle East and Central Asia the United States has established close ties with a variety of dictators and monarchs willing to collaborate with American geopolitical and neoliberal agendas. involvement in Iraq reveals everything but democratic intent: support for Hussein throughout the 1980s. aid to terrorist insurgents. Yet even the most cursory inventory of the postwar historical record demonstrates a pervasive legacy of U. With the eclipse of the Communist threat. violence-ridden societies far removed from even the most generous definition of pluralist democracy. weapons of mass destruction. the mass media." the Bush administration-its assertions regarding terrorist links. As elsewhere. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. so its propagandistic merit is confined mainly to the domestic sphere. or even academia. foreign policy have become an article of faith.S. geopolitical interests. The case of Iraq is particularly instructive. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. support for authoritarian regimes across the globe and a rather flagrant contempt for democracy where it hinders (imputed) national interests. chaotic. cynical use of the UN inspections process for intelligence and covert operations. p __xi-xii___]-AC In a perpetual struggle to legitimate their actions. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles.S. Mghanistan. although even here its credibility is waning. and domestic pressures exerted by a powerful war machine. foreign policy followed the path of "humanitarian intervention. Iraq proves BOGGS 2005 [Carl. . human rights. even as its popular credibility has become nearly exhausted. but increasingly hollow. the concept of democracy (global or domestic) receives little critical scrutiny within American political discourse. Framing "preemptive" war as a strike against Saddam Hussein's tyranny and for "liberation. an illegal. and Iraq have left behind poor. the den:ocratIc ~umanitarian motives of US.

the politics and the conditions of the economy. if you say that to Americans. everything that is connected with free trade. and all the American leaders say so. because what would reign would be a march open under a threat and regulated by that threat. that is what comes down the pipeline. It might not even be shaping a military conception of political strategy. 2002]AC Given the current state of things. normally. But to do what? When the economy is the objective." If there is no agreement on what we mean by shaping. brokendown peace in the projection zones. means making the army. you have to say that it is absolutely fundamental because it represents the threat of death. you will find it to be a pretty limited way of seeing things. goes America‘s way. they won‘t recognize their generous.. but we have to suspend our judgement about that topic a bit.borderlands. If you add a little historical depth and political culture here.net. what is it? Politics does not disappear. but strategically. Their military action is therefore intended to manage the world by using this threat. that this intervention is intended to "shape" [mettre en forme] social and political forms. He is the head of a group in sociology of defense at the Ecole des Hautes ―Civil Wars Everywhere: EXCERPT FROM A DIALOGUE WITH SYLVERE LOTRINGER‖ http://www. At the moment it might happen through the war in Iraq." at the same time. but also military politics.html Volume 1 Number 1. Exactly. you could say that the objective is not exactly to create the reign of a pure free market in the world. But the problem is that this threat of death is not aimed at conquering. with economic neo-liberalism. etc. The State officially intervenes in favor of free trade. but you cannot say that it is a non-political policy. And the threat of death is essential for creating power. They want the world. "Making the state. The Americans refuse to take a territory by military means and install their troops to resolve political problems. It is social politics. Of course. there should have been a nice debate that would have been completely real… On "shaping"… … on shaping – what do we mean by "shaping. but to them it seems like a non-intervention. . In the encounter between a European project for the Balkans and an American project for the Balkans. there will be confusions. democratic country. This worries even the American military. and in any case.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 21 EMPIRE K LINK – REDUCE PRESENCE THE ROLE OF MILITARY PRESENCE IS NOT TO CONQUER BUT TO MANAGE THE WORLD. Yes. If you say that the military is very important. What they want is the world. It is politics. The United States yet has to find their shape. Shaping is the catchword of the moment: "to shape the world. it is merely relegated to "shaping" the political world so that it is favorable to direct action by corporations.au/vol1no1_2002/joxe_interview. It is obvious. but they don‘t want to invade the world. Kosovo." "to shape Europe"… And if this is not politics. This version of things is certainly not prohibited. And there is the shaping carried out by a military presence. from the European perspective. or independently of real conflicts in the field. economic politics. MILITARY PRESENCE IS SOLELY A QUESTION OF A SOCIAL POLITICS SUBORDINATED TO CORPORATE CONTROL JOXE 2002 [Alain Joxe is the leading French specialist in strategic issues. even open conflicts.

When the bombing started in Vietnam. that does not work. then there has to be a real danger. you have to attack before. first there has to be a threat. from the point of view of strategy on the scale of universal history. there are holes everywhere. your naval blockade loses credibility as well. etc. . These schemas are rational from a certain point of view. especially since Iraq is not even an island. He is the head of a group in sociology of defense at the Ecole des Hautes ―Civil Wars Everywhere: EXCERPT FROM A DIALOGUE WITH SYLVERE LOTRINGER‖ http://www. satellite observation can observe details down to the metric level. they did not have this electronic time. And that is exactly what happened. And there have to be some room for strategy… It is common these days to study deterrence using the tools Tom Shelling forged under the term "coercion." That is "coercion" thinking.. under these conditions we will negotiate. because precision electronics. or more what we could call "Panopolitics"… This system is a dream. so we should see a system as perfect as Bentham‘s Panopticon being established.au/vol1no1_2002/joxe_interview. PLAN WILL BE COOPTED AND ATTACKS WILL HAPPEN BEFORE THE DEADLINE JOXE 2002 [Alain Joxe is the leading French specialist in strategic issues. but he also conceived of the postnuclear or para-nuclear starting with the Vietnam War. It did not work in Vietnam. 2002]AC If we are reasoning in terms of deterrence. as soon as you know that on a certain day you have to reduce the number of troops. everyone thought that the message of these bombings. limited but targeted. Returning to the notion of deterrence: in order to have a deterrence that replaces nuclear deterrence. would force the Vietnamese to think and say: "OK. we will negotiate – that idea could not occur if the blockade was maintained alone with a contingent that would continue to grow smaller. They had to attack immediately. in other words a pressure that is sufficiently well done to obtain precise results. They find ways around it.html Volume 1 Number 1. this pressure should work – and above all." Shelling is a game and nuclear strategy theorist. Now they think that maybe it could work since the atom is no longer part of the game. Psychologically. And he said it in September. maybe because the North Vietnamese were communists. the idea that he would say: alright. No. But informational and technological deterrence is also psychological… Then they didn‘t have a choice. in other words before it was theoretically decided to attack. have been improved. Moreover. Now that there are no more communists. a naval blockade has never been very effective.net.borderlands. There is something psychological involved. progress has been made since then – but there was a return to Shelling‘s thought. If you send an expeditionary force and you reduce its numbers without obtaining anything.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 22 EMPIRE K LINK – REDUCE TROOPS TROOP WITHDRAWAL SOLVES NO IMPERIAL VIOLENCE. they are too strong. but this does not hide the fact that it did not work. and dreams are not reality.

This required larger numbers. This force could generate a concentrated fire-power to destory any native levy. Reductions in one area are critical to redeployment elsewhere Mann 2003 [Michael. the Balkans and elsewhere.000 men would be typically enough to secure a large colony. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. and heightened security for the homeland and US embassies. "We do not have forces to do the missions you have outlined. The European Empires increasingly faced this problem. as their handguns and artillery gave them increasing superiority ove~ the peoples they conquered. isbn: 1859845827. but current policy is that the US could fight one and a half wars at once. one being an active engagement. he replied. US Commander of Europe. A force of 1. the other a holding operation. a global network of bases. as we shall see. Add up the forces necessary for military interventions. pipelines. especially if enduring occupation is involved. abroad. But holding the colony down required dispersion of forces. In Africa 3. this requires more soldiers than war itself The problem of numbers worsens if wars are Won through technological superiority in fire-power. in garrisons and patrols across the land. . For. How many "wars" can it pursue at once? When General Ralston. was asked by lawmakers whether he had the resources to invade Iraq while maintaining commitments in Europe.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 23 EMPIRE K LINK – REDUCE TROOPS Troop presence is limited in totality.000-5.000 could win a small one. as we shall see. But the major problem of numbers would come after the war in pacification. p ___1920______ ]-AC Lack of numbers might also detract from lesser imperial roles."> He seems to have exaggerated. etc. But the latter would have to involve very few new troops. They had a solution. and US forces are almost fully engaged.

allies rather than adversaries in the so-called "Star Wars" or SDI (Strategic Defense Initiative).25 War after the atomic bomb would no longer be the physical. war was more and more to be fought in virtuality. The space and time of war are no longer segregated in the form of an other. as an exchange of defensive positionings. an inevitable but regretted interruption of the continuity that is "normal life. but always mutually implicated. and multiply armament between the United States and the Soviet Union. creating a hegemonic space of global communication through powers of visibility and control. which were. strictly speaking. Age of the World Target. To terrorize the other. . mechanical struggles between combative oppositional groups. war would exist from now on as an agenda that is infinitely self-referential: war represents not other types of struggles and conflicts— what in history classes are studied as "causes"—but war itself. one specializes in representation. but would increasingly come to resemble collaborations in the logistics of perception between partners who occupy relative." war shifts to a new level of force. a race for the deterrent. the very definition of normality itself. "A war of pictures and sounds is replacing the war of objects (projectiles and missiles). THE PREPARATION FOR WAR KEEPS SOCIETY IN CONSTANT SUSPENSE. Warring in virtuality meant competing with the enemy for the stockpiling. war becomes the positive mechanism. in the means of display and exhibition. instead. improve. From being negative blockade to being normal routine. momentum."27 In the name of arms reduction and limitation.28Moreover. It has become not the cessation of normality. but rather. OBJECTS AND PICTURES. a fundamental change in the organization. production. they operate from within the here and now.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 24 EMPIRE K LINK – REDUCE TROOPS WAR IS NO LONGER A STRUGGLE OF PHYSICAL FORCES SO MUCH AS A CONSTANT SHIFTING OF TROOP DEPLOYMENTS. a tacitly coordinated routine of upping the potential for war. and condition of possibility of society. From its previous conventional. of preclusively horrifying weaponry. p_______33-4_______]-AC The dropping of the atomic bombs effected what Michel Foucault would call a major shift in epistemes. As Virilio writes. rather than actual use.26 As in the case of the competition between the United States and the Soviet Union for several decades. and circulation of knowledge. as the internal logic of the here and now. the SALT and START agreements served to promote. positions. negative signification as a blockade. CHOW IN 2006 [Rey.

--The age ofdeterrence completely transforms the nature of war: direct confrontation becomes scarce. THE AFF‘S DISCUSSION OF TROOP REDUCTIONS AND ROLES CHANGES IS MERELY AN EXTENSION OF LOGISITSICAL PLANNING THAT CONTINUES OUR IMPERIAL SOCIETY VIRILIO AND LOTRINGER IN 2004 [Paul and Sylvere. the advent of logistics. the production of arms is already war. The fact of having increasingly SOPHISTIcated weaponry deters the enemy more and more. now it's crushed to death by peace. Pure War 1570270783 page __9193______]-AC Let's come back to the superseding ofthe Nation-States. it's out of the question. and was dismissed because he wanted to promote civilian consumption in the USSR in order to catch up with the United States. at least. but also of the "middle power" countries of Europe. the "flexible response"-in other words on the need to develop conventional weapons alongside strategic nuclear weapons. It would be enough to perfect the great thenno-nuclear vectors. -Deterrence is the development of an arms capacity that assures total peace. In turn. And yet. shall we say. doesn't mean to ensure peace. I won't mention the Soviets. strengthens its naval power considerably. we saw an inversion. which builds thousands upon thousands of tanks. The Soviet military class said: no. -Deterrence. The notion of ecological zero growth corresponds to zero growth in "eco-Iogistics. but rather to settle into war. Only this infinite preparation. but in its preparation. . and then develop civilian society. war which isn't acted out in repetition. ofcourse. --In the past. but in 'infinite preparation. the execution of war was an exchange-brutal. hence the debate currently raging over Euro-missiles. With the development of the war economy. we had Maxwell Taylor's theory on the uncertain trumpet.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 25 EMPIRE K LINK – REDUCE TROOPS OUR SOCIETY EXISTS IN PREPARATION FOR WAR. Now. War can always change character. but strictly relative with respect to civilian economy. Eventually it will also be true of the United States. and enonnously draining. when he left the White House. logistics has become the whole of war. because in an age of deterrence. but also the "all weapons" strategy ofthe 1970's and 1980's-we're heading toward a generalized non-development which. At that POint. who denounced the military-industrial complex that he himself had helped create (probably because of ms religious beliefs: he wanted to confess his sins before dying). since they refused to follow the path of civilian consumption long ago. That war economy promotes the nondevelopment of civilian societies is not only true of the Third World. in tenns of war economy." --What do you mean by ecologistics"? –I mean the development of an overall logistics: of rockets and all-points missiles as well as the conventional weapons supposedly necessitated by the Soviet adversary. as some tend to II think. and tends to fuUy develop both the traditional and exceptional aspects of war. You can see how non-development is at the very center of trans-politics. At about the same time-all this happened within a space ofseveral years-Nikita Khrushchev found himself in direct contact with the head military official. They couldn't keep developing military institutions and still claim that Soviet imperialism would be attractive to future societies. with the development of deterrence-not only the "all points" strategy of the 1950's and 1960's. if strategy governed the Nation-States at the beginning of the twentieth century. Khrushchev knew that American imperialism could only be fought on the grounds of an imperialism of the Soviet way of life. Khrushchev wanted to stay with all-points strategy. remains the same. ofa period ofgrowth and progress in civilian societies. Remember that it was Eisenhower. The perpetuation of war is what I call Pure War. How did we end up with such an inversion? --Ifwe can say that war was entirely strategy in past societies. which led people to conceive ofthe end ofpolitics-the end. hasn't it always been the case? Before civilian society was bled dry by war. we can now say that strategy is no more than logistics. also entails the nondevelopment of society in the sense of civilian consumption. but civilian SOciety pays the price ofits infinite postponement. is similar to zero growth in ecological tenns. Immediately afterward. then. Zhukov or Malinovsky. war is no longer in its execution. That tendency.

They were right. half of them children. a battered. Few Democrats offered any opposition to the new imperialism. a majority favored restricting or ending Muslim immigration. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. Almost 3. and two in three of them thought Muslims would be better off if they adopted American values. the dirty bomb and duct-tape scare of 2003 (seal your windows against a chemical attack).000 rape victims. though the US murder rate is much higher. Forty-five percent of Americans believe intelligent aliens have visited Earth." There are repeated national scare about invasive plant and insect species-"Africanized killer bees. But in the same year in the United States there were 30. But Bush the Younger's call to arms against Muslims appeared to be winning the ideological war within the US. Cultivating paranoia is a Bush the Younger specialism: sweeping arrests of Middle Easterners. and after 9-II they travel abroad much less than before. peace-loving American (sometimes European) species are overwhelmed by more aggressive foreigners. isbn: 1859845827.000 people were killed on 9. They see Mexico as dangerous.EXTINCTION The aff‘s extinction claimed is used heavily by American culture in a paranoid scheme to continue imperialism Mann 2003 [Michael." These have the same sub text: harmles . giving Bush a blank congressional check to invade Iraq as he saw fit-less because they agreed with him than because they believed the people did so. . After 20 months it had not killed one more person in the US. Americans arm themselves with handguns and tank-like SUVs. In 2002 a quarter of Americans viewed Muslim countries favorably. p _103104________ ]-AC Ignorance breeds fear. the smallpox scare of 2002.I I itself.I I terrorism in the US has been zero-intensity warfare. repeated denunciations of foreign "evildoers. Only one in six Americans even have passports. Neighboring Mexico sees few American tourists outside of Americanized high-rise beaches. Countless Hollywood movies narrated alien attacks on peaceful American communities during the cold war. 38. and an Iraq disciplined through the UN." calls for perpetual vigilance. and they have recently revived.000 deaths in auto accidents.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 26 EMPIRE K LINK . Reds have given way to terrorists under the beds. Bush's approval ratings on "the war against terrorism" and the invasion of Iraq remained very high. Though most Americans initially said they would prefer a stronger United Nations. 15°. with a rag-tag army. constituted an "imminent threat" to the United States. The level of paranoia is hard for foreigners to understand. impoverished country of only 23 million people. and 250. There was the anthrax scar of 200 I. in this continental country so wellprotected by its oceans and armaments. the extraordinary precautions against the near-zero chances of a smallpox virus attack (several medical personnel actually died from this panic by being forced to take the supposed antidote). The US is one of the safest places of the world." "South American fire ants. the repeated claims that Iraq." The public had been made compliant with imperialism by fear of the alien unknown and an extraordinarily self-muzzling mass media. except from other Americans.000 firearmrelated deaths. a terrible number." Since 9.000 deaths from lung cancer.

In this context a heightened readiness for armed intervention-and the recurrent actuality of intervention-favor an elite impulse toward military ventures. During both Gulf Wars. following a trajectory outside the scope of democratic processes.EXTINCTION The war economy thrives because of representations of extinction BOGGS 2005 [Carl. war making by and through the security state provided an aura of monolithic unity where doubts. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. technological efficiency. security have justified not only massive deployment of military force but its expansion across many different areas of the world. bureaucratic routine. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. p __115-116___]-AC The war economy thrives on foreign threats. In the euphoria of war the public can find strength in the exercise of brutal military force. . isbn: 0742527727. Superiority in military strength readily equates in the elite mind with moral supremacy. real or contrived. and patriotic mobilization. further adding to xenophobic and chauvinistic sentiments-a linkage starkly visible at the time of the two Gulf Wars. Within this matrix state power easily develops into an object of (elite) deification. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. if only temporarily. and reservations were concealed or suppressed. transferring loyalties and aspirations onto the terrain of state power and thereby helping to sustain the Leviathan. Since World War II a series of "threats" to U. ambiguities. the very embodiment of ethical national goals.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 27 EMPIRE K LINK . to American national interests that are essentially marketed to the public as a menace to the very security and survival of ordinary citizens.S.

The form and substance of the capitalist management of international development for the postwar period were dictated at the conference at Bretton Woods. President Bush's distinction between conquest and liberation would have been entirely familiar to the liberal imperialists of the early 1900s. the World Bank. so there is something fishy about those who would democratize Fallujah with the Abrams tank. who likewise saw Britain's far-flung legions as agents of emancipation (not least in the Middle East during and after WWI.[9] Bretton Woods might thus be understood as the monetary and financial face of the hegemony of the New Deal model over the global capitalist economy. whereas the control of previous international monetary systems (notably the British) had been firmly in the hands of private bankers and financiers. Reform in the dominant capitalist countries could thus be financed by a surplus of exports to the United States and guaranteed by the monetary system of the dollar. but they do aspire to have others rule themselves in the American way.[8] The Bretton Woods system was based on three fundamental elements. the Golden Age of U. and Japan raised the costs of stabilization and reformism.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 28 EMPIRE K LINK – HEGEMONY US Hegemony Subjugates the rest of the world to Neo-liberal Capitalism Ferguson '04 [Niall Ferguson. This hegemony was secured through the strategic choice of a liberal development based on relatively free trade and moreover by maintaining gold (of which the United States possessed about one third of the world total) as the guarantee of the power of the dollar. Finally. As defined by their president." Second. ―Empire‖]-AC As the global confluence of struggles undermined the capitalist and imperialist capacities of discipline. hegemony and capitalist growth. in 1944. on close inspection. the American model of democracy and capitalism. PhD In Comparitive Literature from U Washington and Antonio. The dollar was "as good as gold. "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire. including the International Monetary Fund. monetary hegemony was a fundamentally new arrangement because. which (so it is generally assumed) aimed to impose their own rule on foreign peoples. Its first characteristic was the comprehensive economic hegemony of the United States over all the nonsocialist countries. They may not aspire to rule. Federal Reserve. the democratizing mission of the United States is both altruistic and distinct from the ambitions of past empires. Professor @ U of Paris.S. New Hampshire. pg. 2004.) US Hegemony Is Used To Subordinate The Rest of the World To US Led Capitalism Hardt and Negri 2000 (Michael." in the sense that they want to build political and economic institutions that are fundamentally similar. it would appear. Bretton Woods dictated the establishment of a quasi-imperialist relationship of the United States over all the subordinate nonsocialist countries. Economic development within the United States and stabilization and reform in Europe and Japan were all guaranteed by the United States insofar as it accumulated imperialist superprofits through its relationship to the subordinate countries. The difficulty is that President Bush's ideal of freedom as a universal desideratum rather closely resembles the Victorian ideal of "civilization. Yet the very act of imposing "freedom" simultaneously subverts it. the system demanded the agreement for monetary stabilization between the United States and the other dominant capitalist countries (first Europe then Japan) over the traditional territories of European imperialisms. when Americans speak of "nation building" they actually mean "state replicating. Bretton Woods gave control to a series of governmental and regulatory organizations. there is not contradiction between the ends of global democratization and the means of American military power. Just as the Victorians seemed hypocrites when they spread "civilization" with the Maxim gun. Professor of History at Harvard University. began to unravel.S.[10] . and ultimately the U.S. though not identical. The Keynesian and pseudo-imperialist mechanisms of Bretton Woods eventually went into crisis when the continuity of the workers' struggles in the United States. which had been dominated previously by the British pound and the French franc. the economic order that had dominated the globe for almost thirty years. and when anti-imperialist and anticapitalist struggles in subordinate countries began to undermine the extraction of superprofits. to their own. The system of U." "Freedom" means. 10]-AC To the majority of Americans. Europe.

the military gap between the US and all other states singly and combined is so great as to create very strong ‗threshhold effects‘ impeding any state (or. hegemony uses capitalism and forces other capitalist economies to be dependent on it.S. ‗there is no chance that the intercapitalist economic rivalries among countries of the transatlantic zone will break out into military confrontations‘. in his view. able to control other nations Callinicos ‗05 (Alex Callinicos.org) Even if Arrighi is right to suggest that US hegemony is ‗unravelling‘. Positively. it is important to state the implications with care. .27 The reasons he gives are both positive and negative. Negatively. 2005. such as the EU) from developing military capabilities comparable to the US. more realistically. the extent of the interdependence among the leading capitalist economies gives them strong incentives to cooperate and means that US hegemony is the source of ‗public goods‘ that benefit them all. ―Imperialism and Global Political Economy‖.S. This makes the U. October 17. Let us return to the issue of inter-imperialist rivalries.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 29 EMPIRE K LINK – HEGEMONY U. Claude Serfati has given a good account of why. isj. block of states. Trotskyist political theorist and Director of the Centre for European Studies at King's College London.

By the 1980s communism was also reluctant to make sacrifices in imperial ventures. the Soviets took even less time than the US did. but stayed and attempted to impose order. In 1979 they airlifted troops straight into Kabul. Only if this happened would the US have done better than the Soviets. . It lacks the imperial will to consolidate victory and pacify Mghanistan.000 troops to occupy all the cities. Ten years later. The US reached the same conclusion with almost no losses.000 Soviet casualties. They did not leave it to their client. isbn: 1859845827. and installed a client regime. It then abandoned them. just as in the 1980s it used bin Laden and other Islamists to force out the Soviets. Al-Qaeda was kicked out of the country. Two decades ago the Soviets came to the same realization after more protracted defeat. the international community deployed 60. Mann 2003 [Michael. But did Afghanistan benefit? I doubt it. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. In achieving battlefield victory and installing a client regime in Mghanistan. It used the Northern Alliance and Karzai to force al-Qaeda out of the country. Since the US deployed far fewer US troops. Afghanistan was not even "nation-building lite. There are shorter. Bush had initially promised "another Marshall Plan. If this was ever an attempt at Empire. Has the US done any different? Not yet." He was lying. But in reality it was just a punitive expedition. which was the main 'point. leaving it to civil war.AFGHANISTAN Afghanistan is irrelevant to our imperial ambitions. But having conquered. less vulnerable routes to bring Central Asian oil to the West. Over a century ago the British lost an expeditionary force in the Khyber Pass. seized power. and realized that they could not rule this country. the Soviets made their big mistake. The US would not commit such resources to such a peripheral country. given such a low commitment of resources? In contrast. it is ending pitifully. It now wants out again. they retreated out of the country." This would be very disappointing if the US had intended nation-building or imperial pacification.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 30 EMPIRE K LINK . with its history of failed states and warlordism is difficult to rule. Can it do more? Probably not. p ___154155______ ]-AC But what could we expect.000 peacekeepers to Bosnia. after one million Mghan and 25. brought in 115. not enough light infantry. The plan is an ideological service to imperial strategy. a much smaller country. Withdrawal doesn‘t effect anything but afghani citizes. it had to wait longer for the Northern Alliance warlords to drive their pick-up trucks into the capital. Afghanistan. The Soviets had also been too protective of their soldiers-too much armor. But the US had no vital interest in AFghanistan beyond the removal of terrorism. The problem is how to get US troops out without causing too obvious and immediate a collapse so that the world condemns American opportunism.

Suddenly the rules for interaction between Iran and the United States changed. motives.S. both under the shah and today. preferring to reject both sides. Iran does not conform to the set model of international behavior with which the foreign policy community is prepared to operate. far more tenuous than that of any Western nation. To add to the difficulty. Its national concerns transcended matters of military and economic power. fearing that. As a result the Iranians are "crazy outlaws. After the revolution it was not concerned with the East-West struggle.S. they had very little capacity for independent action on the foreign policy scene. As will be seen below. Its elites were and continue to be informal power brokers and balancers of opinion rather than powerful actors able to enforce their will directly on the population. morality and religious sensibility. the government was taken over by religious forces. The secular nationalists were out of power and Iran became an Islamic republic. More disturbing for American politicians was the attitude of the new Iranian leaders. they seemed comfortable committing acts which outraged the United States with no apparent thought as to the possible consequences. since their offices do not protect them from political attack as a result of such contact. Moreover.S. and were not interested in cooperation with Western nations on Western terms. policy makers as elites. Though identified by U. CR: The New Centennial Review 5.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 31 EMPIRE K Link – iran THE FRAMING OF IRAN AS A THREAT ORIGINATES FROM OUR VIEW THAT THEY ARE AN UNPREDICTABLE OTHER IN NEED OF IMPERIAL CONTROL NOORANI IN 05 [ Yaseen. summed up in the phrase "neither East nor West. After a brief sixmonth period of secular nationalism. leaders fits. it was often far more concerned about questions of ideology.1 (2005) 13-41. All of this has given U." They expressed the desire to establish a true Islamic Republic based on religious law. policy myth. Iran's leaders adopted an independent set of international relations goals. Iran looked like a nation-state. the Iranian leaders were not in full control of their own nation." . They became deeply suspicious of U. They assumed an air of moral superiority. In short. their ability to act vis-à-vis the United States was especially limited.S. but its political structure was. in the immediate post-Revolutionary period. post-Revolutionary Iran violated every tenet of the U. This kind of behavior was inexplicable for most Americans. as in 1953. rhetoric of security]-AC The Iranian Revolution marked a dramatic watershed in this state of affairs. Moreover they have had to be extremely careful about contact with foreign powers. the United States would attempt to reinstate the monarchy in order to regain the economic benefits enjoyed during the reign of the shah.

Post-World War 2 economic relations have altered the imperial strategy of the U. will continue its imperialism economically and not with military presence. The European Union‘s attempts to develop military capabilities are feeble and dependent on NATO. domestic capital tended to be ―dis-articulated‖ and no longer represented by a coherent and independent national bourgeoisie‘ (GCAE. but the implication that these economic tensions might be translated into geopolitical confrontations. understood as a state‘s acceptance of responsibility for managing its own domestic capitalist order in way [sic] that contributes to managing the international capitalist order‘ (GCAE.S.org) (1) Following Poulantzas. while Japan remains heavily reliant on America‘s markets and security shield. p55). 2005.11 . October 17.S. isj. Not simply does this overstate the extent of the competition. the current moment underlines their relative weakness‘ (GCAE. p47). but. but the US state and transnational corporations were able systematically to penetrate and reorganise under its leadership the ruling classes of these zones of advanced capitalism: ‗With American capital a social force within each European country. ‗while the earlier period was characterised by the relative economic strength of Europe and Japan. Not only has the Soviet Union gone. If anything it is stronger now than it was then. 2005. ―Imperialism and Global Political Economy‖. American imperialist strategy is to control the economies of Japan under capitalism Callinicos ‗05 (Alex Callinicos. Trotskyist political theorist and Director of the Centre for European Studies at King's College London. is entirely false. which unfolds within the context of a global neo-liberal economic order dominated by the US. It is. even military rivalries.Japan The U. p42). Callinicos ‗05 (Alex Callinicos.org) (3) The structure forged at the beginning of the 1980s holds good today.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 32 EMPIRE K Link . moreover. Panitch and Gindin argue. quite misleading to characterise economic competition within the advanced capitalist world as a case of ‗inter-imperialist rivalries‘. ―Imperialism and Global Political Economy‖. October 17. Panitch and Gindin claim that the post-war era was characterised by ‗the internationalisation of the state. isj. The US used the Cold War system of alliances and the Bretton Woods international financial institutions to construct a global capitalist order in which not simply were the economies of Western Europe and Japan laid open to American capital. Trotskyist political theorist and Director of the Centre for European Studies at King's College London.

was always a more distinctly political threat. and help vanquish the evildoers fits domestic even more than the global needs of the system. the future implications of such desperate maneuvers might be too horrifying to contemplate. with hopes of refashioning a domestic consensus. Dismissing the notion that the attacks brought a heightened sense of national unity. aggressive moves in the Middle East. In Mailer's words: "Flag conservatives truly be . fear. from economic stag."16 If Mailer proves to be correct. And terrorism. again legitimating many of the symbols and rituals vital to militarism and Empire. brought to the surface by 9/11-a predicament that also provided new One way out has been to extend U.. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. War and preparation for war can revive the national psyche. Congressional action was hurriedly taken without the distractions and impediments of debate: both the nearly carte-blanche war powers delivered to Bush and the Patriot Act. Surely an opportunities for solving the legitimation crisis.. won quick passage in both Houses. starting with the bombing of Afghanistan in October 2001. Fighting terrorism serves the ideology of imperialism resulting in an expanded military industrial complex BOGGS 2005 [Carl. for example. overpower it. "we were plunged into a fever of patriotism. that 9/11 provoked a "mass identity crisis" in American society. isbn: 0742527727. Without a commitment to Empire the country will go down the drain. It conjures images of unspeakably criminal villains carrying out evil designs against innocent civilians. Dissent and protest are stigmatized and marginalized. negated or crowded out within an atmosphere of superpatriotism. lends an aura of necessity to these trends. In the United States after 9/11. --could become a safety valve for a variety of challenges. a more robust patriotism becomes the cornerstone of its mass legitimating ideology.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 33 EMPIRE K LINK . The terrorist attacks generated a united patriotic response that continued into the second Gulf War . demonization of enemies. the doctrine of preemptive strikes. introducing new levels of anxiety. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. global power in the face of new enemies. as shown during the first Gulf War. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. and paranoia into public life. After 9/11. differences between Republicans and Democrats. The time-honored idea that patriotic citizens ought to stand up. isbn: 0742527727. over minimal and easily discredited opposition. wave a £lag.. as Norman Mailer has. and paranoia-emotional responses hardly conducive to open discourses and democratic politics. and the terrorist attacks provided the fuel. political complexities and nuances quickly vanish. whereas Communism. represents the perfect target . and thus more vulnerable to governmental controls. If our long-term comfortable and complacent sense that America was just the greatest country ever had been brought into doubt. energized patriotism wedded to a revitalized militarism constitutes one possible remedy for a nation that long ago had grown ideologically and culturally stale . offering the illusion of empowerment mixed with the allure of high-tech entertainment. and scapegoating . Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. the instinctive reflex was to reaffirm ourselves ."15 And these highly emotional attitudes were made palatable to a public bombarded with the inces sant rantings of a jingoistic media. The jingoism and ethnocentrism that came to define patriotic unity seemed to repeat the popular mood of the Desert Storm period. shortcircuited discussion of possible alternative courses of action. the war on terrorism. Corporate globalization.TERRORISM Terrorism discourse is hijacked to produce fear paranoia ad ensure more imperial violence BOGGS 2005 [Carl. even more than Communism before it. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War.nation to resource needs to the electoral worries of politicians. atomized. We had to overcome the identity crisis-hell. however. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. It is easy enough to see how wa. an expanded militaryindustrial complex-all this is the work of an imperial agenda having precious little to do with the requirements of national security.S. Patriotic ideology. Mailer writes. fight back. p _88____]-AC Terrorism as both political act and imminent possibility is usually accompanied by fear. Bush supporters and loyal opposition -already narrowed after decades of bipartisan foreign policy-became hard to distinguish. People find themselves isolated. though godless and evil. Mailer finds instead an "odious selfserving patriotism" contaminating an American politics already diminished by the cult of violence. despair. p __96-97___]-AC If the war on terrorism-however justified-serves elite power. . the fetishism of technology.lieve America is not only fit to run the world but that it must." Mailer is not the only commentator to find an ideological emptiness in American society tied to an erosion of effective governance. Bush's military option. election frauds. and corporate scandals.f:i· . It might be argued.

is not. which bears witness to the United States' massive and unrelenting retaliation. former CIA. This. as Antonio Gramsci would call them—I think of the grotesque example of Henry Kissinger. On the contrary. to repeat. By the end of the day. who were unlikely to introduce the question of the role the United States had played on a global scale in producing this kind of hatred of America in the Third World and Islamic countries—began to refer to the attack in the ancient imperial binaries. unanimously and without reflection. included terror: the use of psychological and chemical weapons (what. first. bears powerful witness. of the United States' depredations in the East.TERRORISM TERRORISM DISCOURSE CONSTRUCTS THE ―TERRORIST‖ AS THE BARBARIC OTHER JUSTIFYING MASSIVE RETALIATION ON THE FACELESS OTHER. and government officials. who resisted their plantation of God's Word in the forests of New England. if not greater than. instead. who. Later. with the expendable agents of Satan. THIS ONTOLOGY JUSTIFIED THE EXTERMINATION OF NATIVE AMERICANS AND THE VIETNAMESE SPANOS IN 2003 [William. when. the United States will hunt down those responsible for these cowardly acts. committed crimes against humanity (in Timor. which. which." one that. It informed the American Puritans' identification of the Native Americans. as well as Orientalists of Arabic descent. it is the predictable manifestation of a deeply inscribed and naturalized cultural belief in America's divinely or historically—that is to say. bore witness to the destruction of a Southeast Asian country and the indiscriminate slaughter of untold numbers of its population by the all but full force of the American military machine. among other good reasons I cannot go into here. as the "pundits" they had carefully selected to comment on and analyze this unprecedented event—former high-ranking military officers. Bush put it that first day and repeatedly ever since. the wholesale removal. justified. ontologically— ordained exceptionalist mission in the world's "wilderness. the appearance of objectivity faded quickly out of their representational discourse. FBI. it seems to me. perhaps more than any other book about the Vietnam War. And freedom will be defended. to which I will return) on the symbolic name "Osama bin Laden" and the Taliban government of Afghanistan that harbored him. in fact. in the figure of a single but symbolic person (and the Taliban government that harbored him) for the purpose of decisive retaliation. of the Native American population. inexorable. has informed the entire violent history of American expansionism. which in large part is the consequence of the West's and. to the dark underside of the American exceptionalism that justified not only the United States' intervention in Vietnam and its unerringly cold-blooded and massively destructive conduct of the war but also. For Caputo's memoir. it informed the American representation and conduct of the Vietnam War. according to the persuasive research of Christopher Hitchens. the anchors of all the networks dutifully emphasized the "speculative" nature of their suspicion that the perpetrators were Islamic terrorists. and. no doubt to compensate for the blunder they had made in the immediate aftermath of the Oklahoma City bombing. these deputies of the dominant culture. Armed with the "authority" of these "reliable" experts. the "faceless" and therefore bewilderingly indeterminate enemy had been identified and made practically assailable. as the secretary of state in the Nixon administration." This extraordinarily reductive representation and self- righteous. the violent American history of which the Vietnam War was only one example. in referring to Middle Eastern states. most tellingly. and then the extermination. a process of "concentering" (Herman Melville's term. in recent times. prof at SUNY-Binghamton. it is worth retrieving the by now [End Page 33] strategically buried history of the Vietnam War by way of the highly representative example of A Rumor of War 5 at this profoundly perilous moment of world history when the dominant culture in the United States is once again concentering an extremely complex and volatile global condition. "Freedom itself was attacked this morning by a faceless coward.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 34 EMPIRE K LINK . unprecedented. which. Make no mistake. American officialdom calls weapons of indiscriminate mass destruction) in the insanely rational name of saving Vietnam for the free world. it informed the period of westward expansionism. because its rhetoric betrays a deep historical sense. From that time until the present moment. and Cyprus) on a scale equal to. In the early hours after the attack. and the West over which it has unilaterally claimed leadership. however. all alternative interpretations of the complex global occasion that is the result of a long history of Western imperialism culminating in the United States' singular domination of global affairs have been demonized and effectively silenced in favor of a relentlessly single-minded global policy intended to rid the world once and for all of this seemingly malignant evil. they attributed that disaster to Middle Eastern terrorist organizations. is why. has gone far to produce. after the first shock of the attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11 began to subside. as a "war perpetrated by barbarism against civilization itself. Chile. those of General Augusto Pinochet in Chile 4 —these anchors of the media abandoned the pretense of speculation [End Page 32] and began. . in the name of Manifest Destiny. if only in a symptomatic way. we should not forget. As President George W. which it. as I have suggested. A Rumor of War: 9/11 and the Forgetting of the Vietnam War. and unilateral practical response to the violence committed against Americans. project muse]-AC What struck me. Vietnam. was the way the American media's coverage of this horrific event unfolded.

has had a particularly dramatic entanglement with public diplomacy and the cold war contest for "hearts and minds.7 As the term came into vogue. and propaganda" under control of the U. imperialism."8 The origin of the term is a valuable reminder that academic knowledge production has itself been caught up in the historical foundations and contemporary conduct of U. 2005 (―Enduring Freedom: Public Diplomacy and U. In this essay we posit a need to retheorize the modes and meanings of public diplomacy in order to reconsider the ways in which the power of the American state is manifested in its operations beyond its national borders. American Studies @ University College (Dublin).S. and to examine the conditions of knowledge-formation and critical thinking shaped by the operations of this power. of course. and Scott Lucas. government is an important topic for [End Page 310] critical study by American studies scholars.and transnational impulses. 309-333. Muse) The term "public diplomacy" was coined by academics at Tufts University in the mid-1960s to "describe the whole range of communications.Soft Power the underpinnings of soft power are part of the same knowledge production of imperialism Liam Kennedy.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 35 EMPIRE K Link . with the American university a long-established laboratory for the study of public opinion and of cross-cultural knowledge in service of the state.9 American studies. government.2 pg. At issue is not so much the way in which American studies has been shaped internationally through diplomatic patronage (though this remains an important and underexamined issue) but rather the articulation of field identities in the expanding networks of international and transnational political cultures. Foreign Policy. Prof. but we do contend that the current regeneration of public diplomacy by the U. .S. now conditioned by the new configurations of U. information.S. director of the Center for U. public diplomacy. it effectively glossed (through the implication of both "public" and diplomatic intent) the political valence of both its invention and object of study through emphasis on its role as "an applied transnational science of human behaviour. Foreign Policy. in particular as they negotiate the "internationalization" of their field in the context of post. and Culture @ Birmingham.S.‖ American Quarterly 57." and legacies of that entanglement still haunt the field imaginary today. Media.10 We do not intend to directly revisit that history here.S.S.

This then supports the interpretation of the Iraq war offered by both Harvey and myself. beneath which lies the reality of a secure and invincible American empire.org) Now. ―Imperialism and Global Political Economy‖. namely that seizing Iraq would not simply remove a regime long obnoxious to the US.24 .J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 36 EMPIRE K LINK . 2005. All these weighty strategic analyses could be so much epiphenomenal fluff. Marx famously said that if essence and appearance coincided then science would be superfluous. to take this material at face value. and to treat it as evidence of the very long-standing preoccupation of US grand strategy to prevent the emergence of a hostile Great Power or coalition on the Eurasian landmass. isj.OIL OIL IS A CRITICAL COMPONENT OF MIDDLE EASTERN IMPERIAL STRATEGY Callinicos ‗05 (Alex Callinicos. give Washington control of what Harvey calls ‗the global oil spigot‘ on which potential challengers in Europe and East Asia are particularly dependent. Personally I find it more economical. Trotskyist political theorist and Director of the Centre for European Studies at King's College London. however. but would both serve as a warning to all states of the costs of defying American military power and. October 17. by entrenching this power in the Middle East.

But that is not sufficient for Empire.BLOWBACK American empire is incoherently infatuated with just military power which will lead to its demise due to blowback and self destruction Mann 2003 [Michael. . But blowback may also come from America's discontented allies.. We shall see that the new imperialism creates more. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. that it creates more determined "rogue states. Those who live by the sword ." resistance coming as the unintended consequence of their own actions. Thus they consistently generate what Chalmers Johnson calls "blowback. But the enemies of the United States are wrong to see it as the Great Satan or the Evil Empire. and the prospects for opposition against the imperial project. who are at present at the receiving end of the Empire. hyperactive militarism will soon destroy it. terrorists. and their actions completely contradict the sources of American ideological power. not fewer. In response to their limitations.. They forget that US economic power is somewhat fragile." and that it weakens American leadership in the world. It is not that well organized. p ___15-16______ ]-AC I here assess progress so far. This is an incoherent Empire whose overconfident. the new imperialists are grasping ever more firmly on to the one power they do possess in abundance-offensive military devastation.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 37 EMPIRE K IMPACTS IMPACT . isbn: 1859845827. That is why I devote much attention to detailing the experiences and opinions of Arabs. they neglect political power altogether (especially in their incompetent planning of the Iraq attack). We shall see that the new imperialists overestimate American power by focusing only on military power. My conclusion will be that in reality the new American imperialism is becoming the new American militarism." Blowback may be from the victims and their sympathizers.

celebrations of armed violence. marked by increasing xenophobia. and narrowing political debates. devaluing citizenship and public life while further delegitimating·':I--U. hastened along by militarism and imperial overreach. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. racism. and academia. imperial hegemony-both domestically and globally-are certain to be disastrous. evidence of a corrosive leadership with few parallels in U. The events of 9/11 and their aftermath. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. but the long-term consequences for u. isbn: 0742527727. have only deepened this trend. p __81___]-AC One of the great casualties of an expanding security state. . isbn: 0742527727. is democratic politics. the confluence of the domestic war economy and global Empire generates popular attitudes inconsistent with a vibrant. For many in the upper echelons of power this could well be tolerable. cavalier attitudes toward war and military escapades abroad. As war becomes more acceptable to elites. already compromised by the hubris of an aggres. We have arrived at a bizarre mixture of imperial arrogance and collective paranoia. a national security apparatus. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. Further: the celebration of guns and violence in American society.s. the war economy. professional life. has become a seemingly durable feature of American society: not only in politics but in mass media. we can expect further erosion of the domestic infrastructure and culture. generally considered to be the centerpiece of the U.S. Empire. Such behavior in high places counters all the platitudes about American democracy. often the preferred instrument to fight ubiquitous enemies.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 38 EMPIRE K IMPACT . Bush's long parade of lies and schemes used to justify an illegal and immoral war against Iraq have brought political discourse to a new low. and aggression. including the war on terrorism and new military adventures abroad.SIVe Empire. militarism in the service of corporate and geopolitical interestsall of these have had a powerfully corrosive impact on domestic politics since the onset of the cold war. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. history.S.DEMOCRACY Imperialism destroys a vibrant public sphere BOGGS 2005 [Carl. hatred. and widespread indifference to established moral and legal codes gives elites wider autonomy to pursue their global schemes.S. democratic public sphere: fear. put forward with sheer contempt for public opinion and democratic politics. is easily enough detected across the political landscape.DEMOCRACY Militarism and imperialism closes off true democratic participation BOGGS 2005 [Carl. jingoism. international power. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. perhaps nowhere more than in the remarkable deceits and criminal conduct of the Bush presidency itself. historical experience. popular culture. Lies have become a recurrent feature of Bush officialdom. A shrinking public sphere. Corruption of the public sphere. p __202___]-AC As the militarization of American society proceeds. of the militarization of American society in general. violent impulses and a retreat from the norms of civic engagement and obligation that patriotic energies furnish only falsely and ephemerally.jingoism. IMPACT .

knowing they were even more guilty of the same crimes. 27 Efforts to deepen and further codify these provisions have been. is prohibited"-still a valid principle of international law.S. while minimizing American casualties.s. with the United States especially opposed to any restraints on aerial bombing (including the use of nuclear weapons)." Article 54 contams additional references-for example: "It is prohibited to attack. fiercely resisted by the United States and Britain. isbn: 0742527727. damage to civilian objects. One problem with aerial bombardment is that it obliterates the timehonored distinction between combatants and noncombatants. ---chines capable of bringing order to the general chaos and unpredictability of ground and naval operations. which. such as foodstuffs. weapons testing. the parties to the conflict shall at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants and between civilian objects and military objectives and accordingly shall direct their operations only against military objectives. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. By 1944 and 1945 this faith assumed new dimensions as first Britain and then the United States embraced plans for "strategic. between military and civilian targets-a maxim especially applicable to strategic bombing.S.." or area. dwellings. or render useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population. The two countries worked diligently to block any reference to aerial "war crimes" from the convention. by whatever means. General Curtis LeMay saw a new model of aerial warfare with vast possibilities for punishing the Japanese. ostensibly to end the war more quickly but in reality for purposes of revenge. The basic rule states: "In order to ensure respect for and protection of the civilian population and civilian objects. with casualties (the vast majority civilian) also running into the tens of millions. injury to civilians. the U. or buildings which are undefended. With incendiary assaults on German cities (Hamburg. or a combination thereof. nations that refused to prosecute the Germans and Japanese after World War II for bombing civilian populations.. U. livestock. p _172-174____]-AC Since the final months of World War II.S.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 39 EMPIRE K IMPACT – MILLIONS OF DEATHS u. Article 25 of the Fourth Hague Convention in 1907 states that "bombardment." Article 52 further states that "attacks shall be limited strictly to military objectives. villages. Bombing from high altitudes was indeed a nascent form of technowar. destroy. This legacy remains a cornerstone of u.. predictably. Since the 1920s war managers have placed overriding faith in the efficacy of aerial warfare: at that time planes were seen as awesome destructive ." . military has dropped tens of millions of tons of bombs on several mostly defenseless countries. and sending political messages. of towns. Berlin) by the Royal Air Force. imperial power to the present day. agricultural areas ."28 Finally. dnnking water installations and supplies and irrigation works. despite continued U. Dresden. As Lindqvist notes: "The victorious powers could hardly forbid bombing of civilians without incriminating themselves for what they had already done and planned to continue doing. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. remove. in 1977 Protocol One of the Geneva Conventions was signed by 124 countries. by definition. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War." Article 57 warns those planning military attacks to "refrain from deciding to launch any attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life. literally burning cities to the ground.s imperialism has resulted in millions of bombs being dropped across the globe destroying civilians and soldiers alike with indiscriminate violence BOGGS 2005 [Carl. resistance to any laws guaranteeing the protection of civilians. Such rejectionism continued into the Geneva Convention of 1949. bombing in Germany and Japan.. rains death and destruction indiscriminately across wide parcels of territory. crops.

imperialism. military ventures. such victims were clearly intended. U.So much of the American tradition of war--savage. and accompanied by utter destruction of land and culture--war crimes and crimes against humanity by any reckoning.GENOCIDE Innocent civilians have always been the intended victims of u. more often than not. imperial strategy.s. . turning outward with colonial expansion in the twentieth century.n . spans at least four centuries. It was a tradition that. Not surprisingly. and racism. The record of European settler military assaults on native peoples. immune to moral or legal rules of engagement.S. and. as we have seen. racist-was inherited from the Indian wars. Often propelled by imperial contempt for others and sense of moral supremacy. but the perpetual. the burning down of cities. total. civilian populations have always bee.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 40 EMPIRE K IMPACT . carpet bombing. free-fire zones."41 This is patently true of aerial warfare. the United States was historically adept at constructing an "evangelical military" bereft of any respect for other nations and cultures. Carried out within a matrix of capitalism. It is an ideology fueled by the deaths of millions in genocidal violence BOGGS 2005 [Carl. generally allowed for merciless attacks on civilian populations. to varying degrees. Upon its founding the United States became a powerful force behind exterminism even as its military forces proclaimed civilizing agendas. Nor is Edward Herman overstating the case when he observes that u. planned. p __177-178___]-AC Contrary to popular mythology. massacres of Indian tribes were often systematic. part of a "vicious drive toward extermination" that killed tens of millions. then given ideological meaning through such nationalist discourses as Manifest Destiny and the Monroe Doctrine. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. military policy has long been based on strategies and tactics that involve a heavy civilian toll.s. including atomic bombs. forced relocations. as Ward Churchill documents. which. the destruction of public infrastructures.f. although such crimes were not yet internationally codified. and the use of weapons of mass destruction. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. isbn: 0742527727.the main victims of US. were readily demonized and offered up for destructionv' The United States has pursued global ambitions through every conceivable barbaric method: wars of attrition. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. massacres of unarmed civilians. leaders have established themselves as beyond the reach of international law. support for death squads. As Caleb Carr writes. . bloody onslaught against civilians also includes ground operations.f The legacy was continued during wars with Mexico and Spain. Tariq Ali is not exaggerating when he writes: "The mas-sacre of civilian populations was always an integral part 0F war strategy. the United States has consistently rejected international treaties and protocols for protecting civilians against the horrors of war. thoroughly devalued as a matter of imperial arrogance.

For the ruling class and the wealthiest sections of the upper-middle class.The American ruling elite is hardly unaware of the relationship between its own wealth and the exploitation and plundering of the great mass of the world‘s population. writes without the slightest sense of embarrassment. who epitomizes the outlook of the pro-imperialist nouveau riche. and the availability of cheap commodity prices.org/articles/2010/mar2010/iraq-m20. Asia. an inexhaustible supply of low-cost labor overseas. And so. it should be recalled. ―I have no problem with a war for oil.‖ .J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 41 EMPIRE K IMPACT – NORTH/SOUTH GAP Imperialism increases the standard of living for the upper classes of society. Thomas Friedman of the New York Times. addicted. the vast fortunes accumulated by its ruling elite in the course of the speculative boom on Wall Street became dependent. and author of numerous works on socialist history and politics. one might say.wsws. began in the aftermath of the first Gulf War of 1991). international editorial board chairperson of the World Socialist Web Site. ―The crisis of American capitalism and the war against Iraq. It is this corrupt social element that dominates the mass media and imparts to the airwaves and press their distinctly egotistical. stupid. produced the ideal environment for the massive stock market boom of the 1990s (which. to depressed wage levels in the United States and the continuing supply from overseas of cheap raw materials (especially oil) and low-cost labor. The aggressive policies of American imperialism produced the desired consequences: within the United States the living standards of the working class either stagnated or declined. he might be able to calculate how many millions of premature poverty-induced deaths were collectively required in Africa.The economic stability of American capitalism and. The brazen glorification of American militarism within the mass media reflects the correspondence of this stratum‘s self-interest with the geo-political ambitions of American imperialism. http://www. This relationship has created the objective basis for a social constituency for imperialist barbarism among a noisy.shtml) 5. within the so-called ―Third World‖ there occurred a horrifying deterioration in the conditions of hundreds of millions of people. with it. Eurasia and Latin America in order to harvest a new Wall Street billionaire. If a mathematician were to study the relationship between wealth accumulation in the United States and the social consequences of low commodity prices and the super-exploitation of labor overseas. a leading figure in the Fourth International for nearly four decades. self-absorbed and generally reactionary characteristics. while the situation deteriorates for the lower classes North ‗10 (David. Asia and the former USSR are interdependent phenomena. or. and arrogant milieu of nouveau riche spawned by the speculative boom of the 1980s and 1990s. Africa. The staggering enrichment of America‘s ruling elite during the last decade and the horrifying destitution of Latin America. these policies produced benefits of which they could have only dreamed.‖ WSWS. Depressed wage levels within the United States.

It increases fear while claiming that the goal is to eliminate fear. Other nations must. The rhetoric of security. the rhetoric of security is counterproductive. these nations must submit to the politics of "the one. It increases insecurity by pronouncing ever broader areas of life to be in need of security. It increases enmity toward the United States by according the United States a special status over and above all other nations.S. instead of the many. Designating the United States as the embodiment of the world order's underlying principle and the guarantor of the world order's existence. 41). But this rhetoric gives the United States the prerogative to take whatever actions it decides upon for whatever purpose as long as these actions come within the rhetoric's purview. provides the moral framework for U. Army. then. Judged by its own standards. this rhetoric places both the United States and terrorism outside the normative relations that should inhere within the world order as a whole. suspend their agency when it comes to their existence. but a discourse that justifies actions. As long as war threatens to dissolve the peaceful order of nations. but it is eminently effective in organizing a rhetoric designed to justify an open-ended series of hegemonic actions. These questions can be decided by the United States alone. The United States is not bound to take any specific action implied by its rhetoric. It increases political antagonism by justifying U. rhetoric of security]-AC It is important to recognize that the rhetoric of security with its war on terrorism is not a program for action.1 (2005) 13-41. for the foreseeable future. "the global war on terrorism as currently defined and waged is dangerously indiscriminate and ambitious" (Record 2003. CR: The New Centennial Review 5. Therefore.ALL AGENCY OF EVERY PERSON ON EARTH MUST BE SUSPENDED TO THE UNITED STATES NOORANI IN 05 [ Yaseen.S. may be useless as a strategic objective." They must accept the United States as "something godlike. . The war against terror itself is a notional war that has no existence except as an umbrella term for various military and police actions." in that in questions of its own security—which are questions of the world's security—they can have no authority to influence or oppose its actions.S. the rhetoric of security allows the United States to totalize world politics within itself in a manner that extends from the relations among states down to the inner moral struggle experienced by every human being. This assessment assumes that the actions comprehended under the rubric of the "war on terrorism" are designed to achieve a coherent military objective. The impossible "absolute security. According to a report published by the Strategic Studies Institute of the U. other nations must simply choose sides. The United States is the supreme agent of the world's war against war." feared by the report's author to be the "hopeless quest" of current policy (46). interests in a language of universalism. political hegemony through its grounding in the idea of national agency and in the absolute opposition between the state of civility and the state of [End Page 37] war.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 42 EMPIRE K IMPACT TO TERRORISM – NO V2L THIS RHETORIC OF SECURITY IS A DISCOURSE THAT JUSTIFIES EXTERMINATION AND REDUCES THE VALUE OF ALL NON-AMERICANS TO NOTHING .

no program no matter how exemplary. Liberal principles endanger the nation by placing all value in individual liberty and rights and none in the requirements of national security. If such physical destruction of human life [End Page 18] is not motivated by an existential threat to one's own way of life. first published in 1932. "When a state fights its political enemy in the name of humanity. CR: The New Centennial Review 5. liberal individualism has no means of demanding selfsacrifice from citizens for the sake of the nation. liberalism can only call upon individuals to participate in a war that claims to be moral and just. no social ideal no matter how beautiful. On this basis. For Schmitt. There exists no rational purpose. We are only driven to these in cases of pure necessity. it is not a war for the sake of humanity. the posturing of political parties to gain power through control of the government's authority to wage war. 54). Sheer existence is the only standard allowed.WE MUST REJECT THIS SURVIVALIST NOTION NOORANI IN 05 [ Yaseen. (Schmitt 1996. 48–49) The idea here is that no end or objective having to do with the way we think things ought to be can justify dying and killing. is that it does not even take this foundational eventuality of politics into account in formulating its principles. then it cannot be justified. the readiness of combatants to die. indeed vitiates the state of war entirely by condemning the enemy as an immoral and inhuman agency that must be exterminated. The agency that exists for the purpose of preserving existence is the state. Such moral claims for prosecuting a war are designed to veil ulterior motives. in Schmitt's view. The problem with liberalism. a war on behalf of humanity that supposedly aims at putting an end to war. Schmitt develops the Hobbesian notion of the state of war always in effect among nations.7 "The justification of [End Page 19] war does not reside in its being fought for ideals or norms of justice. This sort of political contestation within the state is for Schmitt the negative form of politics that must be eliminated by the repudiation of moral normativity in the political. and protecting the existence of the nation/state is the only orientation politics can have. and my group of people simply does whatever it can to preserve itself from extinction. when we merely need to survive. the physical killing of human beings who belong on the side of the enemy—all this has no normative meaning. rhetoric of security]-AC In The Concept of the Political. no legitimacy nor legality which could justify men in killing each other for this reason. this non-normative condition of the state of war is the essence of the political. and its means of fulfilling this purpose is its capacity to distinguish friends from enemies. The introduction of morality into the nonmoral realm of self-preservation makes matters worse. liberalism provides no incentive for organizing society so as to confront potential threats to it. But most significantly.6 or indicate internal fissures in the state. particularly in a real combat situation with a real enemy. normative considerations go out the window. he distinguishes the "political" from other areas of human existence by its concern with the preservation of one's existence as such. because the possibility of destruction at the hands of an enemy is always present and must therefore govern the nature of social organization and political authority. but in its being fought against a real enemy" (49). selfpreservation is a primordial fact outside of moral normativity. In this case. Indeed. but a war wherein a particular state seeks to usurp a universal concept against its military opponent" (Schmitt 1996.1 (2005) 13-41. no norm no matter how true.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 43 EMPIRE K A2: EXISTENCE PRECEDES VALUE TO LIFE PLACING THE FOCUS OF YOUR AFF ON SURVIVAL NECESSITATES EVERY ATROCITY AND ALLOWS US TO DETERMINE WHO'S LIFE IS WORTH LIVING . but an existential meaning only. This ensures for Schmitt that only necessary wars will be fought and that wars will indeed be fought when necessary. Schmitt's point of departure is the possibility that some alien group of people may at some time try to destroy the group of people to which I belong. . such as greed. Since liberal doctrine holds that individuals and nations may live peacefully by respecting each other's autonomy. According to Schmitt. War.

a supreme value only in the name of those unknown values and in linkage with them.crvp. one‘s specific extreme situation involves a threat to values which one regards as supreme. that which is intrinsically one‘s own. If the principal values of his life have been destroyed or devalued. chapter 2: struggle for human dignity in extreme situations. Thus. . ESTABLISHING VALUE TO LIFE IS A PRIOR CONCERN TO CONCERNS ABOUT PRESERVING LIFE POLOKOVA 2004 [Jolana. but is freer and more complicated . one‘s most profound identity. with which they identify themselves. In a situation of a total value vacuum and hopelessness life tends to become virtually irrelevant to a human person. Then life becomes. Under such a situation humans do not always behave so unequivocally. but always vitally important — constitutes an extreme situation characteristic of man. but also of sacrificing it. trying to transcend their physical existence. unlike other live beings. but rather something to which one can assume a personal attitude. The fact that one carries within oneself something one protects more than one‘s own life and without which one‘s life would lose its meaning and humanity points to the conclusion that. one which is not arbitrary but spiritually free and connected with values. This reveals the ontologically unique spiritual nature of the person. because of values towards which their life aspires. one‘s bare life retains value only if and as one is capable of retaining at least some hope of discovering or creating new values.htm ]-AC An animal which finds itself in a life endangering situation tries to escape quite unambiguously and at any cost. rather than to one‘s bare life. but rather a limit of this or that individual‘s value orientation and attachment. they are capable of running the risk of losing their life and even of giving it up in passive resignation. purely human possibility of self-transcendence through a principal attachment to values. independence and integrity. somehow they can confirm their humanity independently of their own survival. is not any boundary of human potential for biological survival. provisionally. mere survival does not appear to be an end in itself. that is. on which it is based. although sometimes in a mediated fashion as dictated by the instinctive attachment to one‘s offspring. A threat to life is perceived by humans as an extreme situation only insofar as it jeopardizes also their possibility of living for certain values. mate or herd. they strive to exist somewhat differently than a biological entity. Humans are capable not only of saving their own life. sometimes even against it. It is not something absolute or unconditioned. in which humans invest. Evidently. Only on such a basis is it possible to compare life with other values and freely avail oneself of it. Their attitude to their own life is not determined solely by instinct. To put it in positive terms: they strive for a spiritually independent existence. therefore. Such a free and differentiated approach attests to the fact that humans do not identify what they intrinsically are with their physical existence.org/book/Series04/IVA-18/chapter_ii. What seems to be significant in extreme human situations. Only a threat to such values — "sublime" or "mundane". This spiritual existence implements a Humans can sacrifice or save their life because of something that exceeds the value of biological life. http://www.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 44 EMPIRE K COMPARATIVE IMPACT – VALUE TO LIFE O/W SURVIVAL VALUE TO LIFE OUTWEIGHS YOUR DEATH IMPACTS BECAUSE BIOLOGY IS NOT THE EXTENT OF LIFE. and to which they attach supreme meaning. From a human viewpoint. That is. one may attach to a certain value. namely.

University of Lancaster). The question of Being. The very ways in which Nietzsche. a fortiori political decision. As Heidegger-himself an especially revealing figure of the deep and mutual implication of the philosophical and the political4-never tired of pointing out. p. . is the source and ground of all ontologies or orderings of beings and thus of all human understanding. Any mode of thought. reveals a fundamental continuity of the theoretical and practical. Ontological questions must be asked and answered first Cropsey. History of Political Philosophy 1987 p. without always already having made assumptions about the is as such. having long ago given up the ontological questioning of when it called itself natural philosophy. to be invulnerable to ontological perturbation. and what counts as reliable knowledge for them in it) is also put in question. You may think ontology is some arcane question of philosophy. the work presents itself only as an attempt to recover the foundations of science. wisdom. appears now. The nihilistic brutality of this last man thus seems to lie behind Heidegger's concern with the foundations of science. indeed applies most. 99 (Moral Spaces. according to Heidegger. The implications of that review reverberate throughout the entire mode of thought. but Nietzsche and Heidegger showed that it intimately shapes not only a way of thinking. which is essential to both real thought and authentic freedom. always already carries an ontology sequestered within it. With its foundations at issue. In other words. man thus forgets the source of his own knowledge and loses the capacity to question in the most radical way. In forgetting this question. Decision.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 45 EMPIRE K ALTERNATIVES Ontology Key Questions of ontology must be asked and answered first. What this ontological turn does to other regional modes of thought is to challenge the ontology within which they operate. or aporia. simultaneously. the entire foundations or underpinnings of any mode of thought are rendered problematic. the ontology you subscribe to will construe the problem of action for you in one way rather than another. is no mere technique. in short. for whom beauty.they crucially inform all other aspects of policy making Dillon. Heirs to all this. With ontology at issue. and other continental philosophers challenged Western ontology. In this sense it stands within the horizon of phenomenology. It is instead a way of being that bears an understanding of Being. Whether or not you know or acknowledge it . as a human being you still have to act. and greatness are mere words. This applies. of science. Indeed. a "last man. the very authority of a mode of thought and the ways in which it characterizes the critical issues of freedom and judgment (of what kind of universe human beings inhabit. with the exception. A somewhat closer examination. but a way of being. 891 On the surface there is little indication that this project has a practical or political motive. we find ourselves in the turbulent and now globalized wake of its confluence. This applies as much to any modern discipline of thought as it does to the question of modernity as such. Heidegger. demanding a reappraisal as fundamental as the reappraisal ontology has demanded of philosophy. a form of life. and of the fundaments of the human way of being within it. to those mock innocent political slaves who claim only to be technocrats of decision making. in its industrialized and corporatized form. for human being of decision and judgment. man is reduced to a calculating beast concerned only with preservation and pleasure. 97-98)." to use Nietzsche's terminology. knowingly or unknowingly. it seems. For one cannot say anything about anything that is. Without it. the relevance of ontology to all other kinds of thinking is fundamental and inescapable. (Prof of Politics. which. in short. however. whatever ontology you subscribe to. therefore reposed the fundamental and inescapable difficulty. how they inhabit it.

one that sees and controls everything. not merely observers. It deflates them. They are the vehicles of the powerless by which they 'insinuate a critique of power while hiding behind anonymity or behind innocuous understandings of their conduct'. It was like a flag waved from a 41 hilltop in rebellion. he argues. it nevertheless is in the open. jokes. de Certeau stresses. It is not my intention here to provide an exhaustive account of everyday forms of resistance that take place in these 'networks of anti-discipline'. For him. gossip. 36 De Certeau makes use of Foucault's research by turning it upside down. Indeed. In the paint of the washroom cubicle someone unknown had scratched: Aunt Lydia sucks. of sorts. those related to speaking and writing. poets of their own affairs. Human Agency and Global Politics. if our own locations. but all too real authoritarian word: There is something powerful in the whispering of obscenities about those in power. secretive. and finally. the utterances that make up the earlier-mentioned hidden transcript. . taxes. this form of critique is almost omnipresent in folk culture.RESISTANCE WE MUST RESIST THE CHOICE TO A PART OF IMPERIALISM NAYAR 99 [Jayan. fall. disguised in such practices as rumours. 37 These 'ways of operating'. These are the critiques spoken behind the back of power. REJECTION SOLVES OUR ALTERNATIVE HAS POLITICAL VALUE IN ITS VERY LOCALIZED SPEECH REJECTION OF THE IMPERIALISM OF THE AFFIRMATIVE. Although such critique is never spoken openly. It's like a spell. of the mute processes that organize the establishment of socioeconomic order. normal people are not simply faceless consumers. something naughty. are the practices by which people can re-appropriate the space controlled through the existing discursive order. I simply illustrate the persuasive aspects of de Certeau's argument via a few examples. shopping. within which are ordered and from which we ourselves order. Such an approach. De Certeau focuses primarily on the uses of space in Western consumer societies. They occur rarely anyway. rents and the like from them. the big events are not peasant rebellions or revolutions. or whether we wish merely to observe violence in far-off worlds in order that our interventionary participation "out there" never destabilizes the ground upon which we stand. 39 Through extensive. I suggest that we betray the spirit of transformatory struggle. THE SHEER EVERYDAYNESS OF OUR SPEECH ACT IS JUST AS IMPORTANT AS A REVOLUTION BECAUSE IT ALLOWS US TO INTERVENE AGAINST THE IDEOLOGIES OF THE STATUS QUO Roland Bleiker in 2000. for the range of daily acts of dissent is unlim. & Contemp. 1999]-AC "We" are participants in ordered worlds. they are '[u]nrecognised producers. leaving it to chapters 8 and 9 to analyse in detail more specific everyday forms of transversal dissent. on the consumer's (or 'dominee's'?) side. what 'ways of operating' form the counterpart. remain unscrutinized. as de Certeau calls them. forbidden.ited. it is all the more urgent to discover how an entire society resists being reduced to it. 38 Such a task would be doomed from the start. The choice is whether we wish to recognize our own locations of ordered violence and participate in the struggle to resist their orderings. He strongly opposes Foucault's notion of a panoptical discourse. Other authors locate daily practices of subversion in different spheres of life. There's something delightful about it. trailblazers in the jungles of functionalist rationality'. ―RE-FRAMING INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR THE 21ST CENTURY: Orders of Inhumanity. He considers it unwise spending one's entire energy analysing the multitude of minuscule techniques that discipline the subject and paralyse her/him in a web of micro-level power relations. 40 We find a perfect example of such a practice in Margaret Atwood's fictional. For him too. tales or songs. Instead. Probs. he proposes an anti-Foucauldian path to understanding domination and resistance: If it is true that the grid of 'discipline' is everywhere becoming clearer and more extensive. p 201-2]-AC De Certeau clearly detects human agency in everyday life. detailed and highly compelling research Scott demonstrates the prevalence of lowprofile forms of resistance. U of Warwick school of law. despite all our expressions of support and even actions of professionalized expertise. is the constant everyday struggle between the peasantry and those who seek to extract labour. thrilling. dwelling or cooking become arts of manipulation that intervene with the prevalent discursive order. reduces them to the common denominator where they can be dealt with. what popular procedures (also 'minuscule' and quotidian) manipulate the mechanisms of discipline and conform to them only in order to evade them. James Scott has dealt in detail with everyday forms of peasant resistance. unduly privileges the productive apparatus. Popular Dissent. 9 Transnat'l L. 599. What deserves our attention. on how everyday practices like walking.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 46 EMPIRE K ALTERNATIVE .

and about the enmeshment of various systems of oppression. fall 1996 [―War is not just an event: reflections on the significance of everyday violence. moving sometimes closer to the foreground of collective consciousness in the form of direct combat yet remaining mostly as an unconsidered given. Seeing the constant presence of militarism does not require that middle-class and other privileged Americans suddenly see themselves as constantly under siege." Military metaphors. and urban violence in response to worsening social conditions are the most common forms of large-scale violence. environmental ethics. especially during "peacetime" (when most military activities occur). social and political philosophy. to return to a point which I raised earlier.‖ Hypatia. To conclude. pp30(16). about violence. She teaches courses in ethics. Henry Louis Gates relays the following: 4) Finally. and in which civil conflict.) (Gates 1995. It is also important to emphasize that an expanded conception of war is meant to disrupt crisis-based politics that distract attention from mundane. take on a certain vitality when he deploys them. complacency toward or collaboration with authoritative violence? It is of course crucial that the analysis I recommend here notice similarities. "and then you've got to fix education so these little bright-eyed five-year-olds. such as the twelve-year-old Japanese girl who was recently raped by American soldiers stationed in Okinawa. "I think people are hungry for a military solution to inner-city problems. guerilla wars. allows for several promising analyses. and between aspects of everyday militarism and military activities that generally occur between declarations of war and 2) the signing of peace treaties.] Emphasizing the ways in which war is a presence. everyday violence that is rooted in injustice. and connections without collapsing all forms and instances of militarism or of state-sponsored violence into one neat picture. local.n4. and lesbian and gay studies. focusing on the presence of war is particularly necessary given current realities of war. such as the recent French decision to engage in nuclear testing. a constant undertone. who are innocent as the day is long and who know right from wrong. philosophers and activists are able to engage in a more effective. and physically bounded. I will summarize four distinct benefits of feminist philosophical attention to the constancy of military presence in most everyday contemporary life. (Indeed. have all the education they need. In a recent article in The New Yorker. These include environmental effects. it is my hope that "You've got to start with the families.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 47 EMPIRE K QUESTIONING SOLVES THIS QUESTIONING OF WAR AS AN ONGOING PHENOMENA CAN WE FOSTER AN ETHICAL RELATIONSHIP TO THE OTHER THAT ADDRESSES MILITARISM IN OUR EVERYDAY LIVES CHRIS J. the worn currency of political discourse in this country." [Colin Powell] says of the crisis in the inner cities. white noise in the background of social existence. and not just events. v11. in an age in which military technology makes war less temporally. multiplicitous discussion of specific examples and issues of militarism. And you have to do both these things simultaneously. 77) How (where? when? why?) are institutions of law enforcement like military institutions? How is the presumed constant need for personal protection experienced by some constructed similarly to the necessity of national security? How does the constancy of militarism induce Looking at these questions might help interested parties figure out how to create and sustain movements that are attentive to local realities and particularities about war. It does require the development of abilities to notice the extent to which people and ecosystems can be severely under siege by military institutions and values. conceptually. feminist philosophy." the black law professor and activist Patricia Williams says. CUOMO is assistant professor of philosophy and women's studies at the University of Cincinnati. 3) As Robin Schott emphasizes. a more presence-based analysis of war can be a tool for noticing and understanding other political and ethical issues as presences. even when peace seems present. ethnic wars. Expanding the field of vision when considering the ethical issues of war allows us to better perceive and reflect upon the connections among various effects and causes of militarism. and effects on conceptions of gender and on the lives of women. It's like being able to support two military conflicts simultaneously. there are those who argue that much of the General's allure stems from a sort of transposition of realms. textured. patterns. 1) By considering the presence of war and militarism. .

they are always in process and always provisional. 1988: 46). Hugh.‖ As Laclau and Mouffe have argued (1987: 82—84). Gusterson. for example. or final. discourses are composed of linguistic and nonlinguistic (that is to say. rather. in turn. material effects. Discourses and their codes of intelligibility have concrete. 16-17 The fact that cultures are composed of multiple discourses or codes of intelligibility. These contradictions make possible both resistance to a dominant discourse and the transformation of discourses. It should be noted that. We use the terms construction and production loosely to maintain the distinction between linguistic and nonlinguistic practices. It is in this sense. Dominant discourses must constantly reproduce themselves to answer challenges to their constructions of the world and their identification of those insecurities worthy of a response. Meanings are not given. The production of insecurities thus requires considerable social work—of production. ways. of identity. then. discourses are the vehicle for the construction of categories (of difference. of threat. 17 After all. and often competing. Through both linguistic and nonlinguistic practices.). and. . lecturer in international relations at University of Bristol. this volume). and the Production of Danger. George Marcus. In particular. it means that any representation can potentially be contested and so must actively be reproduced. has significant implications. of reproduction. in analyzing such constructive processes. independent scholar. 1999. They allocate social capacities and resources and make practices possible. viewed as a field on which processes of discursive contestation are set. professor of political science at University of Minnesota. and significant. discursive articulations. pg. discourses are themselves not perfectly coherent but always entail internal contradictions and lacunae. possibly. attempt to rearticulate insecurities in ways that challenge the dominant representations (see. AND Raymond Duvall. that culture can be considerable ideological labor. static. both of which are indispensable to the production of worlds and of insecurity. are always ―materialized in concrete practices and rituals and operate through specific state [and other] apparatuses‖ (Hall. and that the world therefore can be and is represented in different. Mark Laffey. professor of anthropology at MIT. Defining security and insecurity requires Contesting discourses. etc. professor of anthropology at Rice. including the construction of insecurities. Cultures of Insecurity: States. of transformation. of discourse. In addition. Linguistically. Ballinger. Communities. It is in any case misleading to associate the notions of culture. or of codes of intelligibiliry with the ―merely linguistic. they are the vehicle for the production of social facts (such as insecurities).J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 48 EMPIRE K A2: INEVITABILITY THE DISCOURSES OF IMPERIALISM ARE NOT INEVITABLE BUT CAN BE FRACTURED WITH COUNTERDISCOURSES LIKE OUR ALTERNATIVE ALLOWING US THE ABILITY TO CONSTRUCT REALITY DIFFERENTLY GUSTERSON ET AL IN 1999 Jutta Weldes. material) practices. we are not examining mere rhetoric.

with Rilke.ROLE OF THE BALLOT OVERVIEW THE ROLE OF THE BALLOT IS TO ENDORSE THE BEST INTELLECTUAL ADVOCACY IN THE ROUND. . Because discursive dissent operates through a constant process of becoming something else than what it is. even if they manage to transgress national boundaries. A discursive notion of human there is no end to circles of revealing and concealing. Dissent is the very act of climbing. Human Agency and Global Politics. efforts at coming to terms with them will never arrive at a stage of ultimate insight. a stable foundation that could bring the illusion of order and certainty to the increasingly transversal domain of global politics. THE VERY ACT OF DISSENT HAS REAL EFFECTS.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 49 EMPIRE K 2NC DISSENT . Popular Dissent. a spectacular outburst of energy that overcomes the dark forces of oppression and lifts liberation into an superior state of perpetual triumph. WE REINVIGORATE A CONCEPT OF HUMAN AGENCY. p 281-2]-AC Transversal forms of dissent cannot succeed overnight. through a gradual transformation of societal values. Anything else would suggest a static view of the world. But transversal dissent is nevertheless real. of opening and closing spaces to think and act. 'Escape is impossible!' 8 Even the most just social order excludes what does not fit into its view of the world. OUR ADVOCACY IS A GOOD IDEA BECAUSE IT IS A REJECTION OF ENTRENCHED IMPERIALISM. not something that remains stable. one in which human agency is annihilated. There is no emancipatory peak to be climbed. This process has no end. that we always 'stand in the middle of a transition where we cannot remain standing'. Human agency not only engenders transition. 7 It does not directly cause particular events. Revealing is always an act. Just as the interaction of domination and resistance has no end. The role and potential of agency. YOUR BALLOT RESISTS THE STATIC FUTURE IMBEDDED BY THE IMPERIAL ONTOLOGY. 'Everything becomes and returns eternally'. If we are to gain and retain a viable understanding of human agency in global politics we must embrace the transversal and the transitional as inevitable aspects of life. rather than in an utopian final stage. No matter how successful they are. discursive forms of dissent. one in which agency is grounded precisely in this recognition that the future can never tear down the boundaries of the present. An engagement with linguistically and discursively entrenched forms of domination works slowly and indirectly. The effects of such interferences are difficult to see or prove. OUR AFFIRMATIVE WILL NOT ALTER EVERY INSTITUTION OVERNIGHT. endlessly. An approach to understanding dissent and human agency thus remains useful only as long as it resists the temptation of digging deeper by anchoring itself in a newly discovered essence. It is not an event that happens once. can be appreciated once we accept. It enters the social context in the form of what the East German poet Uwe Kolbe called 'a trace element'. Nietzsche says. YOUR PEN RESTORES VALUE TO LIFE DENIED BY POLICIES THAT DENY ANY AGENCY AND DIGNITY DENIED BY IMPERIAL VIOLENCE THIS IS BLEIKER IN 2000 [Roland. and as a permanent condition of life. It engenders human agency through a multilayered and diffused process. daily. a theoretical engagement with its dynamics can never be exhaustive. doggedly. It can never be more than a set of open-ended meditations. especially if one approaches the question of evidence with a positivist understanding of knowledge. its ability to open up new ways of perceiving global politics. are never complete. Inclusiveness lies in a constant process of disturbing language and rethinking meaning. it is itself transition.

British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. he says. An Empire of pure benevolence might seem impossible. it risks losing hegemony. Capital expansion is used to produce acceptance to American power Mann 2003 [Michael. But the basis of hegemony is more of a matter-of-fact acceptance of things "as the way they are. the US dollar is the world's reserve currency. By fusing two giants together-the United States and capitalism-they have often blamed most of the world's ills on a single Leviathan. subsidizing American consumers and indirectly paying for the US military. Leftists often credit the United States with simply enormous powers. They agree with the hawks that this is imperialism. partake of this view. He sees no significant challenge to US power and hegemony anywhere. p ____1112_____ ]-AC A broader point lies behind such arguments." a word which indicates that the imperial power establishes "the rules of the game" by which others routinely play. Others may come to approve of the rules as well. the US has to play by the rules it has established. the capitalist-imperialist US. so foreigners routinely invest in the US economy. Hegemony creates a system of consent to world order that is unquestioned and leaves imperialism in tact. secure. That is the worry of the liberals. But an Empire to which the ruled routinely consent is not unusual. isbn: 1859845827. liberals and conservatives all agree: this is the Age of American Empire. so that hegemony is also partly legitimate. Of course. though they may occasionally grumble." Then people's own everyday actions help reproduce the dominance without much thought.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 50 EMPIRE K 2NC A2: A2: INEVITABILITY Their inevitability claims are only as good as the acceptance of them. . Even the consent of victims can be bought out by American capitalist development. For example. they just see it as a bad thing. the catch is that to be hegemonic. but they acquiesce. and so it is also the way they can make profits. In practical terms they consent. and the conspiracy theorists among them see it as extraordinarily well organized. This is what we call "hegemony. If unilateral militarism abandons the rules. Other powers grumble.13 Left. Foreigners see this mainly as the way the global economy works. Leftists have long denounced American imperialism-the word itself is theirs. Even much more sophisticated post-Marxists. like Perry Anderson. without their even being much aware of this. stable.

but that hasn't prevented the u. and the USSR suffered a loss of legitimacy across Eastern Europe from which it would never recover. good and evil. invading foreign countries uninvited and supporting state terrorists. virtuous and otherwise. need pragmatism to cope with the real. The giant is forced back to militarism alone. stationing American troops where they have no business. the United States is a democracy.S. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. The superpower could impose its coercive rule briefly. messy world. seeking extra-territorial control over oil supplies. . Otherwise the world will reduce Americans' powers still further. as we saw in Afghanistan and Iraq.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 51 EMPIRE K A2: EMPIRE INEVITABLE This new militarism is self defeating. No sig nificant danger would occur if the US stopped doing all these things. When the Soviet Union invaded Czechoslovakia in 1968. the Brezhnev regime emerged from the crisis as a pariah state. ferment-in other words. but its stretch is incoherent. especially the kind of grand ambitions Even the most sophisticated forms of technowar. It is too stingy to invest prop erly to Its militarism also greatly outstrips its political capacity to rule any conquered country and contradicts the ideology of freedom and democracy that the US (and the world) holds dear. to maintain its greatpower control-the aggression backfired terribly. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. can be. It should not be dangerous at all for Americansso prosperous.s. The historical record is clear: armed force can achieve a string of military victories. moreover. with all of its logistical and technological advantages. Dangers loom because of American militarism-seeking to drive into the ground the few failing communist remnants in the world. history shows us that this empire cannot sustain itself BOGGS 2005 [Carl. Of course the American political and media systems work indefatigably to convince the nation and the world that the U. but it cannot sustain legitimacy in the form of popular support for imperial ambitions. Throw the new militarists out of office. Whatever our ideological goals. As with the French in Algeria. It is imperfect and various shades of gray.P Such an apparatus. propaganda and policy apparatus from imposing its imperial perspective on Americans. embracing the most noble. doing egregious damage to Soviet interests. "preemptive" move into Iraq has ironically shown the entire world just how fragile the military juggernaut. In the 1980s the Mghanistan quagmire turned out to be the final blow against Soviet bloc hegemony. not the solution. and this is not enough for Empire. British-born professor of Sociology at the UCLA and Visiting Research Professor at Queen's University Belfast Incoherent Empire. many of them amid failing states and economies. and that wars to secure global domination are just replays of the good war. p ___266-267______ ]-AC But outside the scattered "black holes" of ethnic/religious conflict. with the political solution close at hand in November 2004. and the Americans in Vietnam. so comfortable and so well-protected in the seagirded continent we dominate. isbn: 1859845827. imperfect. will never be enough to guarantee the kind of ideological hegemony the United States will require to sustain its global domination over the coming decades. Imperial decline is inevitable. the Japanese in China. whose sources of information about Arabs and Islam are woefully inadequate. They are wrong. Their impact turns are irrelevant because this empire will inevitably collapse Mann 2003 [Michael. that its mission is not to plunder and control but to liberate. isbn: 0742527727. Quite the contrary. The American Empire is not yet over-stretched. cannot serve as a viable instrument of occupation by a foreign power within an intensely nationalistic milieu. The new militarists argue that all their enemies could be crushed by American power. These ideas are by no means shared by the people who inhabit that empire. p __211-2___]-AC The U. we also consolidate Empire. This giant's military might sits uneasily with economic and geopolitical resources that originate in multilateral arrangement. especially a benevolent one. As Edward Said writes: Every empire tells itself and the world that it is unlike all other empires. national chauvinism combined with militarism and imperial overreach turned out to be brutally self-defeating.S. but the action was internationally condemned. brand of imperial and military power is fundamentally different from anything in the past. The new militarism becomes part of the problem. the world is not actually very dangerous. however. the Nazis in Russia. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. hoping to quell unrest and an upsurge of anti-Communist embraced by American elites today. American powers are uneven and unsuited for Empire. Luckily. democratic ends possible. The world is not black and white.

policymakers' choices become necessities. Viewed in this light. Neither the progressive flow of history nor the pacific The violent ontologies I have described here in fact dominate the conceptual and policy frameworks of modern republican states and have come.When we consider the problem of policy.derive not merely from particular choices by policymakers based on their particular interests. geopolitics. tend towards a deterministic fatalism. Existence and Reason‖ Theory & Event Volume 10. admittedly. 'rationality' is the name we give the chain of reasoning which builds one structure of truth on another until a course of action. as energy. argues Heidegger. Indeed what Heidegger argues. 'free relationship' to technology that would not be immediately recaptured by the strategic. or do so at an unacceptable human.my analysis does suggest some sobering conclusions about its power as an idea and formation. and humans suffer and die. 88) There seems no point in following Heidegger in seeking a more 'primal truth' of being -.is a view that the challenge is posed not merely by a few varieties of weapon. amoral framework (of 'interests') and a linear chain of causes and effects (the idea of force). 2007 ]-AC My argument here. with exercising power? (In this I am much closer to Connolly than Foucault. tendencies of an international society of republican states will save us. becomes preordained through that reasoning's very operation and existence. Enframing. by being aware of its presence and weight and activating a very different concept of existence. But this cannot be done without seizing alternatives from outside the space of enframing and utilitarian strategic thought. more hopefully. in Iraq or Afghanistan)..are utterly trapped within the Clausewitzian paradigm.it drives out every other possibility of revealing .86 Even as I am arguing that war is not an enduring historical or anthropological feature. Or. while refusing Heidegger's unworldly89 nostalgia. Do security and strategic policies seek to exploit and direct humans as material. However we can.his faith in 'art' and the older Greek attitudes of 'responsibility and indebtedness' offer us valuable clues to the kind of sensibility needed. Yet his path out is somewhat chimerical -. The force of my own and Heidegger's analysis does.especially parts of the media. selves remain capable of agency and thus incur responsibilities.S. or to remove one injustice only to replace it with others (the U. security and action.. Confined within such an epistemological and cultural universe. but from calculative.available choices may simply not be seen as credible or legitimate -. even in the face of the anonymous power of discourse to produce and limit subjects. technology or policy. calculating vision of enframing.. Only a questioning of the aff allows a restoration of agency. however violent or dangerous. Issue 2. norms. government. militates against excessive optimism.the rule of Enframing threatens man with the possibility that it could be denied to him to enter into a more original revealing and hence to experience the call of a more primal truth.that it is rather the product of hegemonic forms of knowledge about political action and community -. but little more. Large sections of modern societies -. On my part this is quite deliberate . War is the product of hegemonic forms of knowledge which herald themselves as objective and rational. Anthony 2007 [―Ontologies of War: Violence. and environmental price? Do we see our actions within an instrumental.90 This would seem to hinge upon 'questioning' as such -. whilst normatively sympathetic to Kant's moral demand for the eventual abolition of war.militarism.one that I have sought to extend by analysing the militaristic power of modern ontologies of political existence and security -. dysfunctional or chaotic. or do they seek to protect and enlarge human dignity and autonomy? Do they seek to impose by force an unjust status quo (as in Palestine). modernity and reason. to stand in for progress. The aff enframes being and discursively constrains agency to their worldview. 'does not simply endanger man in his relationship to himself and to everything that is. is that the enframing world view has come to stand in for being itself. it is important to allow this possible conclusion to weigh on us.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 52 EMPIRE K A2: FRAMEWORK Their framework justifies violence. But is there a way out? Is there no possibility of agency and choice? Is this not the key normative problem I raised at the outset. their actions become inevitabilities. of how the modern ontologies of war efface agency. or do we see them as folding into a complex interplay of languages. however ineffective. but by an overarching system of thinking and understanding that lays claim to our entire space of truth and existence. 'empirical' discourses of scientific and political truth rooted in powerful enlightenment images of being. causality and responsibility from decision making. the force of this analysis suggests that choice and agency can be all too often limited. I think with some credibility. coercive diplomacy. Burke. covert intervention. appreciate that he was searching for a way out of the modern system of calculation. They are certainly tremendously aggressive and energetic in continually stating and reinstating its force.. events and consequences which are less predictable and controllable?91 And most fundamentally: Are we seeking to coerce or persuade? Are less violent and more sustainable choices available? Will our actions perpetuate or help to end the global rule of insecurity and violence? Will our thought? . the responsibility that comes with having choices and making decisions. that he was searching for a 'questioning'. It creates both discursive constraints -. repression. in Connolly's insistence that. against everything Kant hoped for. within the instrumental utilitarianism of 'enframing' and the stark ontology of the friend and enemy. they can remain confined (sometimes quite wilfully) within the overarching strategic and security paradigms.'87 What I take from Heidegger's argument -. The current policymaking apparatus is bound to this American exceptionalist ontology which culminates in massive violence while masking itself as inevitable. economic. political leaderships and national security institutions -. or a neutral and rational instrument of policy -. policy choices could aim to bring into being a more enduringly inclusive.that is to reinstate ontology and obscure its worldly manifestations and consequences from critique. Many of the most destructive features of contemporary modernity -.on the questions we put to the real and our efforts to create and act into it . cosmopolitan and peaceful logic of the political. economic exploitation and ecological destruction -.and material constraints that derive from the mutually reinforcing cascade of discourses and events which then preordain militarism and violence as necessary policy responses.

Everywhere. about the real or potential impacts of world-orders. monocultures prevail. lies in determining what the image of order might be. The rush to capture the symbolic and futuristic landscape of world-order provides us with the rich exhortations of "new beginnings. however conceptualized. hotels to discotheques. restaurants to cyber-cafes. I suggest we begin this exploration into an alternative narrative on world-order by stepping off the bandwagon of world-order narratives to reflect on the connotations of its very terminology. A new order for these exciting times is the order of the day. 1999]-AC [*604] Indeed." the footloose academic. but rather. the corporate player. let alone international. The point of our concern is not simply about "world-order-talk. For these. ―RE-FRAMING INTERNATIONAL LAW FOR THE 21ST CENTURY: Orders of Inhumanity. much of what provides the descriptive content of world-order narratives appears to be happening. level is taking place. & Contemp. . freed now [*605] from the ideological constraints of an outdated. a "globalized" world-order has come to fit snugly within the common parlance of these "global citizens" (politicians. INSTEAD OF FOCUSING ON HARMS AT HOME. anywhere. State officials asserting the right of "benign imperialism. what the structures of a global order might look like . and world-order possibilities have infused their imaginations. lawyers. The struggle ahead. Of course. such leisurely meanderings are limited to those who have the resources by which to make such a comparative study. WE FOCUS ON THE STRUGGLE AHEAD. 599. to those with the mobility to "be anywhere "--the professional. Setting aside these divergent articulations of the vision of world-order. U of Warwick school of law." 9 to the "reordering" demands of progressive internationalists calling for "humane governance" 10 and "neighborhood" perspectives. the "global activist. fashion of the chic to that of the executive. or even minor town." after all. These range from the "ordering" inclinations of U. professional NGOists. Thus. from such vantage points. Leisurely meanderings through the streets of any major city." open to the intellectual expertise of both "right" and "left" politico-economic orientations. From advertising hoardings to cinema posters. muzak to top-tens. real or imagined. WE MUST ABANDON THE GEO-POLITICAL SYSTEM KNOWN AS DEBATE. narratives of a "global world" find appeal. provide ample sensory evidence of a globalization-led rise in homogeneity of social experience and aspiration. shopping malls to banks. academics). the underlying message of the rhetoric of world-order. is one of increased human welfare. let us locate the rhetoric of worldorder within the realm of social experience.S. 11 Regardless of political and ideological orientations. Probs.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 53 EMPIRE K A2: FRAMEWORK ROLEPLAYING UNIQUELY TRICKS US INTO A MINDSET THAT WE CAN ―CONTROL‖ THE WORLD. 9 Transnat'l L. Increased interaction at the global. NAYAR 99 [Jayan. local flavors provide an exotic touch of difference to the otherwise comfortable familiarity of the global. geo-politically based state system. fall. corporate actors.

but that this totally disjunctive field of simulacra is a seductive appearance. whose central features are a new relationship with the past based on pastiche and nostalgia.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 54 EMPIRE K A2: PERMUTATION THE PERMUTATION IS WORSE THAN THE PLAN. which makes it possible for anyone in fact to say anything at all. the Vietnam War bore genealogical witness to the continuous complicity between the post-World War II American (neoimperial) capitalist initiative in the "wilderness" of Vietnam and the rugged individualist entrepreneur of the late nineteenth century. America‘s Shadow p 175-176]-AC "Jamesonian" representation of postmodernity seems to be blinded by its insight into the late capitalist detemporalization of history to the amnesiac and banalizing strategy of accommodation.) The post–Vietnam War self-representation of "America" in the hegemonized terms of radical and untethered diversity is precisely intended to make such "postmodern" cultural production appear to correspond with the emancipatory imperatives of the decentering of the Vietnam era — that is. and characteristics of multinational capitalism. THIS IS PROVEN BY THE PACIFICATION OF POST-VIETNAM PROTEST SPANOS 2000 [William. but everything is processed either toward the dominant mainstream or out to the margins. the technology of power of neocapitalist imperialism. superficiality. a new and eclectic randomness in the cultural artifact. is in the process of being reproduced in Europe as the EC. To this we must add the culture's phenomenally incorporative capacity. it should be noted. pastiche." of fragmentation. as Jameson has rightly identified it — is to estrange the "Jamesonian" representation of postmodernism. As I have suggested. The fractured "field of stylistic and discursive heterogeneity without a norm" becomes the "look" — the re-presentation — produced by a recuperative reorganization of the operative functions of the American logos in the wake of its decentering in the 1960s.15 . IT ATTEMPTS TO ACCOMMODATE OUR ONTOLOGICAL QUESTIONING INTO IMPERIAL PRACTICE MASKING THE IMPERIAL AGENDA. a reorganization of space. in the rhetoric of "development. Such a retrieval implies not only that this logic is "the spatial logic of the simulacrum. the self-reliant "westering" frontiersman of the early nineteenth century (Manifest Destiny). A postmodernism that remembers its historically specific origins as a discursive practice of resistance against a genocidal assault on a Third World people undertaken in the name of the ontological principles of humanist freedom discloses a different understanding of the logic of late capitalism. that has increasingly become the essential From the decentered perspective precipitated by what I have called the epistemic break that occurred in the 1960s. To remember this epochal event — this first postmodern war. then. This is the strategy. whose errand in the wilderness was providentially (ontologically) ordained. (This reorganization. that is. most subtly developed by the United States in the aftermath of the Vietnam War to pacify and domesticate the visible contradictions exposed by its virulent will to save Vietnam for liberal democracy. to mask the imperial agenda of the recuperated accommodational center in the soft features of a tolerant and ameliorative benevolence. in contemporary culture. the colonial pioneer." This is tacitly the point Edward Said makes in recalling contemporary postcolonial criticism to the critical task demanded by the absolute affiliation between culture and imperialism: One can recognize new patterns of dominance.and the Puritan planter. Jameson's argument is yoked to his description of consumer culture. depthlessness. to borrow from Fredric Jameson's description of postmodernism.

The latter. prolematise the existing power relations and try to understand how they have emerged and how they are undergoing transformation. It opens up possibilities to locate and explore terrains of transversal dissent whose manifestations of agency are largely obscured. is not to 'rescue the exploration of identity from postmodernists'. Roland Bleiker. rather than circumvent. then.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 55 EMPIRE K A2: permutation The aff‘s form of problem-solving takes the current understanding of world politics and only moves around pieces to fit them together better. Human Agency. Critical theories. This can only entrench current realist and statecentric practices. the existing order as given. guaranteeing the plan won‘t solve. The purpose and potential of such an approach are well recognized at least since Robert Cox introduced a distinction between critical and problem-solving approaches to world politics. intentionally or not. is the most viable conceptual tool for such a task. but to explore questions of agency and identity in the context of an understanding of social dynamics that takes into account how ideas and practices mutually influence each other. This is to accept and deal with the recognition 'that our rationalization of the international is itself constitutive of that practice'. It facilitates an exploration of the close linkages that exist between theory and practice. The notion of discourse. I shall demonstrate. It is about interfering with the very manner in which international relations have been constituted. according to Cox. but nevertheless highly significant in shaping the course of contemporary global politics. is that they not only accept. Page 16-17. . sustain it. The problem with such approaches. Dissent in global politics is precisely about redirecting this path. the multi-layered dynamics that make up transversal struggles. They study various aspects of the international system and address the problems that they create. They engage. explicitly or implicitly. by contrast. but also. perceived and entrenched. The point. and Global Politics. Popular Dissent. exemplified by realist and positivist perceptions of the international. 2000. take the prevailing structure of the world as the given framework for action.

pushed along by the quagmire in Iraq and. has risen to unchallenged hegemony.S. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. requires ongoing legitimation. then democracy winds up as something of a charade where lies. the problem is that militarism has become so endemic to American society as a whole. Surveillance. Adjunct Professor at Antioch University in Los Angeles. politics. urban chaos and violence. the U. in reality it only masks or deflects these dysfunctions: armed supremacy ironically works to compensate for imperial weaknesses. and culture Gust as President Eisenhower said he feared in 1959). media manipulation. Global decline can be expected to have immediate the American economy (and society) is so fully intertwined with the world capitalist system. can only reinforce this trajectory. the Pentagon system functions to protect Empire. more crucially. nuclear modernization. space militarization. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. officials. Public support for U. patriotism reaching its highest point since World War II as the fear of new terrorist episodes lent a sense 'of national urgency to crucial state functions: surveillance. In his 2 002 State of the Union address Bush argued for a military budget reaching nearly $400 billion. In such a setting. more generally. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War. even as the United States retains its superpower military status. imperial power grows paradoxically ever more fragile as the world system faces mounting dysfunctions: economic breakdown. mobile anti terror units. The war on terrorism. glob al terrorism soon furnished the perfect demonized enemy. If global domination requires broad and firm popular support within the matrix of a stable (administered. With the disappearance of any semblance of a Soviet challenge by the early 1990s. So too has the domestic infrastructure of American society gone into decline. including new requests for high-tech weaponry. and surely does so in a variety of combat situations. terrorism. then heavy reliance on military force-affirming coercion over consent-is ultimately counterproductive.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 56 EMPIRE K A2: LINK TURNS – “WE REDUCE TROOPS” Empirically troop reductions have helped to sustain imperialism across the globe. and intellectuals who exercise their influence within reputedly free and open public forums. not only economic decline but. certain to be a durable feature of American political life for decades. The military and security network presided over by the United States requires patriotic mobilization that in turn depends on an efficient propaganda system operating largely in the service of government agendas. Where such mobilization is highly effective. and expanded worldwide military deployments . joined by a few "rogue states" led by modernday Hitlers. as in the case of the two Gulf Wars. and cover-ups that shape public life are embraced and passed on by Republican and Democratic politicians alike. the erosion of ideological carryover into the domestic realm because hegemony. military has steadily extended its power across both the international and domestic terrain. where "national security" priorities shape elite agendas. creating an inbred way of life within the economy. military preparedness. multinational) corporate economy. owing in part to the burdensome costs of global expansion and the dysfunctions of its grand strategy. U. the result is a strong authoritarianism marked by ideological conformism. the growing concentration of power in a few hands. The plans act of demilitarization is ineffective.S. secrecy in government decision making. intelligence. competitive advantage relative to Europe and Asia-both materially and politically--has been sliding for some time. global strategy. isbn: 0742527727. As we have seen. isbn: 0742527727. institutional narrowing. p _81-82____]-AC Despite troop and base reductions here and there over the past few decades. militarism was of course much easier to galvanize after 9/11. authoritarianism. foreign policy (and society) is the more rational strategy. the spread of weapons of mass destruction. a regime of surveillance. distortions. This is probably more true of international affairs than of any other realm. If Empire signifies an increasingly militarized politics and society. which it receives from politicians. While militarization appears to demonstrate national strength. the media. that it will be very difficult to reverse. and manipulation have been the result BOGGS 2005 [Carl. since the fall of the USSR and end of the cold war. p __207___]-AC To the degree military force serves as the cornerstone of US. political instability. . law enforcement. always costly and destructive. If demilitarization of US. The maintenance of Empire. Imperial Delusions: American Militarism and Endless War.S. Professor of Social Sciences at National University in Los Angeles. myths. the Middle East. which. new weapons systems were much easier to justify and sell. it doesn‘t change the endemic culture of imperialism abroad BOGGS 2005 [Carl.

isbn: 1859845029.depend upon the market for their most basic needs. it uses economic coercion WOOD 2003 [Ellen. among other things. Just as capitalist classes need no direct political.and this can be a very violent process. 1 Capitalism is a system in which all economic actors producers and appropriators . p _21-2]-AC Older forms of imperialism depended directly on conquest and colonial rule. where direct producers typically had non-market access to the means of production. It is a system in which class relations between producers and appropriators. Empire of Capital. . and therefore were sheltered from the forces of the market. and specifically the relation between capitalists and wage labourers. The effect is. In capitalism. Empire of Capital. Ph. in which competitive production is a fundamental condition of existence.D Political Science from UCLA. But just as workers had to be made dependent on capital and kept that way. so subordinate economies must be made and kept vulnerable to economic manipulation by capital and the capitalist market .J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 57 EMPIRE K A2: LINK TURN – „WE REDUCE TROOPS‟ The new imperialism is a creation of capitalist market forces that altered the function of the nation state WOOD 2003 [Ellen. is driven by these imperatives. especially land. accumulation and increasing labour productivity. while appropriators relied on superior force to extract surplus labour from direct producers.D Political Science from UCLA. capitalist empires can rely on economic pressures to exploit subordinate societies. Capitalism has extended the reach of imperial domination far beyond the capacities of direct political rule or colonial occupation. Ph. This is in sharp contrast to non-capitalist societies. which has consequences both for class relations and imperial expansion. a distinctive relation between political and economic power. isbn: 1859845029. Capitalist imperialism doesn’t rely on military presence to subjugate peoples. are also mediated by the market. simply by imposing and manipulating the operations of a capitalist market. and the whole system. p _9-10]-AC The new imperialism is what it is because it is a creature of capitalism. command over propertyless workers. the market dependence of both appropriators and producers means that they are subject to the imperatives of competition.

Popular Dissent. Prediction is a problematic assessment tool even if a theory is able to anticipate future events. The very notion of prediction does. Important theories. Dissent. however. such as realist interpretations of international politics. THEY ANNIHILATE HUMAN AGENCY WHILE SIMULTANEOUSLY CREATING A SELF-FULFILLING PROPHECY OF THEIR IMPACTS Roland Bleiker in 2000. by its own logic. A predictive approach thus runs the risk of ending up in a form of inquiry that imposes a static image upon a far more complex set of transversal political practices. To assert that international relations is a domain of political dynamics whose future should be predictable through a convincing set of theoretical propositions is to assume that the course of global politics is to a certain extent predetermined. may well predict certain events only because their theoretical premises have become so objectivised that they have started to shape decision makers and political dynamics. The point of a theoretical inquiry. no more possibility for politics to overtake theory. is not to ignore the constantly changing domain of international relations. annihilate human agency.ing of transversal struggles that can grapple with those moments when people walk through walls precisely when nobody expects them to do so. Human Agency and Global Politic. Rather. . the main objective must consist of facilitating an understand. p48-49 2000.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 58 EMPIRE K A2: PREDICTIONS GOOD YOUR PREDICTION ARGUMENTS ARE NONSENSE. From such a vantage-point there is no more room for interference and human agency. is the process that reshapes these entrenched perceptions and the ensuing political practices. in this case. Cambridge University Press.

both of them encourage public disengagement from deliberation about scenarios for the future. ―[g]lobal justice between temporal communities. a fatalistic pessimism reconciled to the idea that the future will be necessarily worse than what preceded it. so that participants in global civil society subject all claims about potential catastrophes to examination. according to which we view ourselves as the provisional caretakers of our planetary commons. State and market institutions may seek to produce a culture of fear by deliberately stretching interpretations of reality beyond the limits of the plausible so as to exaggerate the prospects of impending catastrophes. belief structures. unless and until it is substantively ‗filled in. the conservative expansion of policing and incarceration due to supposedly spiraling crime waves. 11. I have tried to demonstrate that transnational socio-political relations are nurturing a thriving culture and infrastructure of prevention from below. and it erodes their effectiveness. Their apocalyptic representations reinforce status quo institutions resulting in culture of fear makes public sphere deliberation and cultural change impossible Kurasawa ‗04. environmental. however. Moreover. No. or a naively Panglossian pragmatism (‗things will work themselves out in spite of everything. regardless of what we do or wish. Cautionary Tales. for as Falk writes. as evidenced by various expressions of greater sensitivity to past injustices and future dangers. the market. and so forth. the severe curtailing of American civil liberties amidst fears of a collapse of ‗homeland security‘. I would contend that farsighted cosmopolitanism is not as remote or idealistic a prospect as it appears to some. that of merely reacting to large-scale emergencies as they arise. and effectiveness of competing dystopian visions in order to arrive at a socially self-instituting future. Foremost among the possible distortions of farsightedness is alarmism. later generations may be left with a single course of action. Accordingly. procrastination makes little sense for three principal reasons: it exponentially raises the costs of eventual future action. Blackwell Synergy]-AC In a word. and contestation. the neoliberal dismantling of the welfare state as the only remedy for an ideologically constructed fiscal crisis. Constellations Vol. if widely accepted. techno-science) in charge of sorting out the future for the rest of us. we come to be more concerned about the here and now. Alarmism constructs and codes the future in particular ways.‘ the argument is vulnerable to misappropriation since farsightedness does not in and of itself ensure emancipatory outcomes. actually seems to be increasing. On top of their dubious assessments of what is to come. of Sociology @ York University. I think. One version of this argument consists in a complacent optimism perceiving the future as fated to be better than either the past or the present. it reduces preventive options. Two normative concepts are particularly well suited to grounding these tasks: the precautionary principle and global justice. or a cyclical one of the endless repetition of the mistakes of the past. pointless. the manufacturing of unwarranted and unfounded doomsday scenarios. this section proposes to specify normative criteria and participatory procedures through which citizens can determine the ‗reasonableness. Out of our sense of responsibility for the well-being of those who will follow us. Frequently accompanying it is a self-deluding denial of what is plausible (‗the world will not be so bad after all‘). because humankind always finds ways to survive‘). Indeed. If fear-mongering is a misappropriation of preventive foresight. namely. IV. evaluation. or unnecessary. 4. is the opposite reaction. lies in cultivating the public capacity for critical judgment and deliberation. however. whereby the decision to work through perils today greatly enhances both the subsequent room for maneuver and the chances of success. producing or reinforcing certain crisis narratives. thus effectively producing a heteronomous social order. then. or yet again.37 Much more common. alarmism and resignation would. undermine a viable practice of farsightedness. the future will look after itself for better or worse. Assistant Prof. .J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 59 EMPIRE K A2: PREDICTIONS .‖36 Global civil society may well be helping a new generational selfconception take root. resignation about the future represents a problematic outgrowth of the popular acknowledgment of global perils.KURESAWA Your predictions are inaccurate scare tactics. Instances of this kind of manipulation of the dystopian imaginary are plentiful: the invasion of Iraq in the name of fighting terrorism and an imminent threat of use of ‗weapons of mass destruction‘. This is sustained by a tragic chronological framework according to which humanity is doomed to decay. Some believe that the world to come is so uncertain and dangerous that we should not attempt to modify the course of history. difficult to control climate change. Humanitarian. and rhetorical conventions. and techno-scientific activists have convincingly shown that we cannot afford not to engage in preventive labor. or to halt mass atrocities once they are underway. let alone reverse it. With the foreclosing of long-range alternatives. a process that appears to be dangerous. As much as alarmist ideas beget a culture of fear. regressive dystopias can operate as Trojan horses advancing political agendas or commercial interests that would otherwise be susceptible to public scrutiny and opposition. the reverse is no less true. by intentionally promoting certain prognoses over others for instrumental purposes. Towards an Autonomous Future Up to this point. The resulting ‗depublicization‘ of debate leaves dominant groups and institutions (the state. We need only think of how it gradually becomes more Preventive foresight is grounded in the opposite logic. Therefore. which challenges presumptions about the inscrutability of the future (II) and a stance of indifference toward it (III).‘ legitimacy. [Fuyuki. Nonetheless. then. can we support a democratic process of prevention from below? The answer. How.

Greene's novel also anticipates the disastrous consequences of the exceptionalist "civilizational" problematic of the intellectual deputies of the Bush administration that is now determining America's global "war on terror": not simply the carnage its relentlessly single-minded (Ahabian) perspective ("staying the course. Insofar as this problematic was necessarily blind to the blood of its subaltern victims. but because they are. a specter whose visible invisibility molecularized and eventually defeated the most powerful army in the history of warfare. the emergence of a spectral force—one that promises to become global—the visible invisibility of which.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 60 EMPIRE K A2: REALISM CALLS OF REALISM ARE HIJACKED BY IMPERIALISTS TO JUSTIFY A NEVER ENDING WAR. Greene's novel about America's initial intervention in Vietnam is proleptic of the post 9/11 occasion.'"By thus anticipating these paradoxical consequences of the American exceptionalist problematic in the Vietnam War. as in the Vietnam War. By overdetermining the role of York Harding's books in the clandestine terrorist practice of Alden Pyle. inadvertently turned that which was invisible to it into a spectral force that defeated the most powerful army in the world." as the president has insistently put it) is wreaking in the Islamic Middle East in the name of saving it for the "civilized world. not for their uniqueness. in spatializing time/history. In perceiving the United States' original intervention in Vietnam in terms of the perennial American exceptionalist/Cold War/Orientalist problematic.grounded religiocultural or "civilizational" foundation of this extremely dangerous—but finally self-defeating—national initiative that most of his other neoconservative colleagues conceal behind the geopolitical "realism" of their global vision. The difference—and it is a crucial one. as we shall see when I return to him in chapter 6—is that Huntington makes quite explicit the deeply back. like York Harding's books in the context of the Cold War. I mean specifically the American exceptionalist problematic of the frontier (the Puritan "errand in the wilderness"). that determined the theory and practice of those who inaugurated and executed the American war in Vietnam—and. as the sporadic and dispersed but increasingly frequent acts of a "terrorism" suggest. it enables us a half. 2008 [American exceptionalism in the age of globalization : the specter of Vietnam P 96]-AC To reiterate. in the fulfillment of its oversight. Greene anticipates not simply that this American exceptionalist problematic. is molecularizing the American juggernaut and thus threatens to eventually produce an impasse that is likely to terminate in the peculiar kind of defeat that America suffered in the Vietnam War—or the annihilation of the planet. epitomized by the American jeremiad. THIS BLINDNESS TO THE BLOOD LOST BY IMPERIALISM WILL PRODUCE ANOTHER AMERICAN DEFEAT OR THE END OF THE GLOBE Spanos. .century later to retrieve the singular actualities of the Vietnam War from the oblivion to which they were relegated by the American culture industry in its aftermath.As I have been suggesting by way of pointing to the indissoluble relationship between York Harding's policy books and Alden Pyle's American Protestant "textual attitude" and its disastrous practical consequences." but also. it also rendered that invisible blood visible—made it a specter that haunted the American exceptionalist problematic. in privileging oversight. William V. I have invoked Samuel Huntington's latest books in my attempt to demonstrate the quite remarkable relevance of Greene's The Quiet American to the post-9/11 global occasion. representative of the discourse of the policy makers of the Bush administration about America's global war against terror. manifested itself in the following decade as an oversight that ultimately resulted in the devastation of an inordinate number of innocent Vietnamese people (it is estimated that about half of the two million that were killed were civilians) and of their land in the name of saving them for the free world.

Michael Herr. cynical or otherwise. As Ohmann says. it had virtually no existence for them" (Ohmann. especially human particularity. evil men in the conventional sense of the word. Dispatches (New York: Vintage.the policy makers in the Pentagon relied on an unrelenting "problemsolving" rationality: the fulfilled allotrope of the American pragmatist tradition.P 272]-AC 20. they were Americans whose thought was consonant with the truth as most Americans understood it. intended to render the conduct of the war more efficient by obliterating from view the particularities of that occasion that would complicate and impede the progress of the war. It is a mistake to read the dehumanizing logic of these memoranda as simply a conscious strategy. . anatomy of an empire.they were "the best and the brightest" . 202). This produces a calculus that routinizes the killing of others where any atrocity is forgotten in the name of exceptionalist progress. The terrible banality of the American colonel's response should not be understood as either unique or confined to the American military leaders. Those who practiced it were not unique conspirators. SPANOS 2000 [William V.was the logic of common sense taken to its end. As Richard Ohmann's brilliant analysis of the appallingly banal inhumanity of the language of The Pentagon Papers demonstrated a quarter of a century ago only to be forgotten . On the contrary. 1991). 71. English in America.preestablished but unacknowledged narrative scenario that was informed by a purely quantitative measure absolutely stripped of any consciousness of particularity. On the contrary.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 61 EMPIRE K A2: UTIL/COST BENEFIT RATIONALITY The political logic employed by cost benefit utilitarianism is a form of ethical decision-making that strips life of any value. it reflects the thinking of the American cultural army that planned the Vietnam War that the military executed by way of the indiscriminate strategy of the body count. the logic of these Pentagon thinkers . They based their futural projections on a pre. "The main point to make [in the context of the terrible effects of this "cost/benefit" rhetorical framework of this problem-solving thinking] is that since the suffering of the Vietnamese didn't impinge on the consciousness of the policy-makers. That is the real horror of these inhuman documents that routinize killing: they show no evidence of their authors' consciousness of the reality they were indiscriminately obliterating.

he merely conveyed the sense that he would fight that war more effectively. but merely to choose which of the two colonialstyle wars that US forces are presently fighting should be escalated. Former Military. OBAMA STILL CONTINUES THE GLOBAL WAR ON TERROR USING THE SAME RHETORIC AS THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION BACEVICH 2009 [Andrew. 2008 Obama outlines policy of endless waR http://www. Candidate Obama differed with Bush (and with the man who ran against him.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 62 EMPIRE K A2: OBAMA ISN‟T IMPERIALIST JUST BECAUSE OBAMA WON DOESN‘T MEAN THAT POLICIES WILL CHANGE – THEY REMAIN TRAPPED IN THE SAME REALIST PROBLEMATIC BACEVICH 2009 [Andrew. but rather on the grounds that the Iraq war is a mistaken deployment of power that fails to advance the global strategic interests of American imperialism. One might as well look to the CEOs of Detroit's Big Three to promote mass transit as a preferred alternative to the automobile. Former Military. he also appeared to signal his own personal commitment to the global war on terror. The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism. regularly flung at Democrats. Obama is behind an imperialist strategy in Afghanistan Bill Van Auken JULY 18. headed by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. That a career intelligence official like Gates or a retired Marine four-star like Jones will question the core assumptions informing standard national security practices is by no means an impossibility. The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism. pragmatic. they are establishment figures. and wise in the ways of Washington. Holt Paperbacks 2009 pp. Obama made it clear that he opposes the present US policy in Iraq not on the basis of any principled opposition to neo-colonialism or aggressive war. well. his call on Tuesday for the withdrawal of US combat troops from Iraq was linked to the proposal to dispatch as many as 10. Yet however imposing their résumés.informed. 187] Consider Obama's national security team. As in his op-ed piece published in the New York Times on Monday. and Admiral Dennis Blair as director of national intelligence. a term he continued to use.ca/index. 185-] Prior to November 4th. Holt Paperbacks 2009 pp. It's just not especially likely. What emerges from the speech by the junior senator from Illinois is that the November election will not provide the American people with the opportunity to vote for or against war. At least implicitly. of being soft on national security. however. Each and every one is a seasoned professional: competent. General James Jones as national security adviser. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates.000 troops to Afghanistan to Obama‘s speech was a critique of the Bush administration‘s incompetence in pursuing an imperialist strategy. escalate the war there. Obama never directly questioned the wisdom of perpetuating the global war that Bush had conceived. Senator John McCain) not on fundamental principles but on operational priorities. utterly conventional in their outlook. Obama's hawkish posturing on these issues may have reflected a conscious effort to insulate himself from charges.globalresearch. The thrust of . combined with an implicit commitment to advance the same basic strategy in a more rational and effective manner once he enters the White House.php?context=va&aid=9616 Speaking before a backdrop of massed American flags at the Reagan Building in Washington.

increasing polarization between the global rich and the global poor. if needed. violent military ones—at its disposal.org/0905jbf.S. The nation that contributes more to carbon dioxide emissions leading to global warming than any other (representing approximately a quarter of the world‘s total) has become the greatest obstacle to addressing global warming and the world‘s growing environmental problems—raising the possibility of the collapse of civilization itself if present trends continue. power. Monthly Review. the direction that would be taken by U.S.htm. with all means—even the most extreme authoritarian and. As former U. drive for planetary domination.S. Bush became president: ―What is at stake today is not the control of a particular part of the planet—no matter how large—putting at a disadvantage but still tolerating the independent actions of some rivals.‘ not during my seven years as secretary or since. September. when one capitalist state has a virtual monopoly of the means of destruction. The result is a heightening of international instability. . seemingly unstoppable. ill-fated attempts by individual states to overcome this contradiction are just as much a part of its fundamental logic. the temptation for that state to attempt to seize full-spectrum dominance and to transform itself into the de facto global state governing the world economy is irresistible. and planetary collapse Foster. and deepening ecological decline.monthlyreview. Such vast and overlapping historical contradictions. U. foreshadow what is potentially the most dangerous period in the history of imperialism. Oregon University Department of Sociology Professor. generating conditions of imperial overstretch. but the control of its totality by one hegemonic economic and military superpower. attempts to tighten its imperial grip on the Middle East and its oil have had to cope with a fierce. Iraqi resistance.) From the longer view offered by a historical-materialist critique of capitalism. rooted in the combined and uneven development of the global capitalist economy along with the U. are beginning to gain momentum again. Secretary of Defense (in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations) Robert McNamara stated in an article entitled ―Apocalypse Soon‖ in the May–June 2005 issue of Foreign Policy: ―The United States has never endorsed the policy of ‗no first use.S. The United States is seeking to exercise sovereign authority over the planet during a time of widening global crisis: economic stagnation. 05 (John B.S. before George W. far from ceasing.‖ Terrorist blowback from imperialist wars in the third world is now a well-recognized reality. such as the European Community and China.S. growing nuclear threats. such as North Korea. In present world circumstances.‖ The nation with the greatest conventional military force and the willingness to use it unilaterally to enlarge its global power is also the nation with the greatest nuclear force and the readiness to use it whenever it sees fit—setting the whole world on edge. London. generating rising fear of further terrorist attacks in New York. and elsewhere. symbolized by Venezuela‘s Bolivarian Revolution under Hugo Chávez. imperialism following the fall of the Soviet Union was never in doubt. and planetary ecological destruction. environmental destruction. We have been and remain prepared to initiate the use of nuclear weapons—by the decision of one person. With the United States brandishing its nuclear arsenal and refusing to support international agreements on the control of such weapons. the president—against either a nuclear or nonnuclear enemy whenever we believe it is in our interest to do so. are entering or can be expected soon to enter the ―nuclear club. that could eventually challenge U. As the noted Marxian philosopher István Mészáros observed in Socialism or Barbarism? (2001)—written. regionally and even globally. Capitalism by its very logic is a globally expansive system. These are symbolized by the Bush administration‘s refusal to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty to limit nuclear weapons development and by its failure to sign the Kyoto Protocol as a first step in controlling global warming. economic hegemony. The contradiction between its transnational economic aspirations and the fact that politically it remains rooted in particular nation states is insurmountable for the system. significantly.. http://www. Other potential forces are emerging in the world.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 63 EMPIRE K A2: CAP GOOD IMPACT TURNS Capitalist logic justifies hegemonic expansion promoting aggressive instability resulting in nuclear war.‖The unprecedented dangers of this new global disorder are revealed in the twin cataclysms to which the world is heading at present: nuclear proliferation and hence increased chances of the outbreak of nuclear war. New nations. weakening U. Third world revolutions. Yet. nuclear proliferation is continuing.

disciplined it—all on behalf of empire. the fulfillment of the potentialities of the contemporary socio-political project. issue 2. We utilize ontological questioning because it has been forgotten by the status quo rush to action." And what is implicit in that. and so has left the disabling "two cultures" opposition more or less intact. At binghamton. between the ontic and ontological critiques. so his followers don't see the continuity between his genealogies and Heidegger's destructions. the socio-political implications of his undermining of the logos. And I think that Foucault articulates precisely the socio-political possibilities Heidegger misses—with momentously unfortunate consequences for Heidegger and his politics. summer 1990. Spanos in 90 (William V. thus lending his discourse to this kind of Spanos: But it seems to me that exculpation. Foucault limits the Roman references to the historically specific use to which they were put in France in the classical period. when. precluded that awareness. And I say this despite the fact of Heidegger's failure to think adequately the ontic. Heidegger says that humanism per se begins with the Romans. in a way analogous with the translation of aletheia to veritas. technologized it. though Heidegger doesn't'say it.. they reduced the originative thinking of the Greek paideia to institutio et eruditio in bonas artes.. Prof. despite his theoretical insistence on their simultaneity. His privileging of the ontological over the ontic. . I'm not saying that Heidegger is at all conscious of that. Spanos. of the centered circle. But Foucault doesn't foreground these references. of course. It's true that all through Discipline and Punish there are references to sources that go way back beyond the Enlightenment—to the Roman camps. to the fuller understanding. It's this continuity between Heidegger and Foucault —as I've tried to describe it—that I feel is still useful and that makes Heidegger very crucial to the project of contemporary theory. We focus on ontology in a practical manner. Boundary 2. Volume 17. which means "scholarship and training in good conduct. 29.‖ conversation with bove. to the Protestant concern for detail demanded by the "Providential Eye"—all of which picks up on Heidegger's recognition that the originative thinking of the Greeks became disciplined by the Romans when they translated aletheia to veritas. disciplined citizens who could be relied on to secure Rome as the metropolis—the determinant center—of the peripheral provinces. ―A conversation with William V.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 64 EMPIRE K A2: ONTOLOGY BAD There is no link to your argument. known baller. Must combing ontology With socio-politics – reading heidegger into Foucault overcomes the shortcomings of each side. is the recognition that the Romans wanted to produce very dependable. But it's inherent in his text.) Foucault—and especially his followers in this country—has not been explicit about the Heideggerean sources of his critique of the panoptic machinery. pp.. that is to say. of the posthumanist discourse. of the imperium sine fini.

He begins the whole "antihumanist" momentum that was picked up by Derrida. Lacan. So the idea of humanism that is precipitated by this translation of Greek thinking. Man as the conqueror. to give man a metaphysical identity that was universal. humanism begins with the Roman translation of what I would call an originative Greek thinking." not "antihuman. unchanging. originative thinking. http://www. what the Roman tradition does is to create a concept of man in which man is the measure of all things. So this humanism—this humanist thinking—is profoundly imperial from its ontological roots. SPANOS 2006 William V. as the master. the existential category of care. becomes fundamental. to derivative thinking by the Romans. How did Heidegger put this? "Eruditio et institutio in bonas artes"—scholarship and education in good conduct. Interview with Jeffery J.In other words." in the book on education. fall 2006. Williams. I go back to Heidegger's great essay "Letter on Humanism. It's a humanity that is demoted from the status of overlord of Being.org/journal/ns67/interview_spanos. . But I detect not a rejection of humanism by Heidegger in that essay. That's why I use the word "posthuman. ns67.theminnesotareview. from the ontological all the way through to the humanity outside of the Western world which privileges Man with a capital letter. the overlord of Being. was intended. Althusser. when the anthropologos has taken the place of the theologos. knowing what you want from the end. and this concept of Man as the measure. a concept of man which involved predictability. Man as conquering force against the world or even against Being. according to Heidegger. The Minnesota Review.shtml] Spanos: Yes. which is to say a rethinking of the entire Western tradition's understanding of the human. he does offer directives that I follow.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 65 EMPIRE K A2: PERKINs/HUMANISM GOOD WE ARE NOT ANTI-HUMANISTS – WE ARE POST-HUMANISTS WHO THINK DIFFERENCE POSITIVELY. is there any way of recovering the word "humanism" in a useful way? Heidegger's response to this is a very complicated response. That is opposed to the more positive force. but a rethinking of the human. Man is the determinant of all the differential aspects of Being. That is the corrupt use of humanism. Although Heidegger doesn't do a good job of articulating his new humanism. because the primary concern was the production of good citizens." which is his answer to Jean Beaufret's question. Foucault. to a derivative form of thinking which can be characterized by calculativity. especially in the period of the Enlightenment—the so-called anthropological era. and therefore. And that was necessary because their primary concern was the conquest and subordination of the world outside the Roman metropolis. According to Heidegger. which is always already on the way.

J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 66 EMPIRE K AFF ANSWERS WESTERN IMPERIALISM GOOD Their totalizing rejection of Eurocentric thinking ignores the positivity of European influence upon the law – freedom of speech. the rule of law and equality under the law. criticism. and Schubert. Under Islam. the book is closed. to live lives of our choosing. In other words. and recognizing and rectifying problems . Nor does the West need lectures on the superior virtue of societies in which women are kept in subjection under sharia. human rights.‖ Islamic societies. to read what we want. http://www. the glory of the West. inherited from the Greeks. at least ideally. Here. It was the West that took steps to abolish slavery. self-criticism. citizens are not free to read what they wish.‖ City Journal. It is to the West. no matter where it leads. their citizens have flourished . In many non-Western countries. like science. free from political pressures. where we can pursue truth in a spirit of disinterested inquiry. ―We should not be reluctant to assert the superiority of Western values. open discussion. other parts of the world recognize Western superiority. Moreover. interpreting it. to consider the motion. the separation of church and state. The edifice of modern science and scientific method is one of Western man‘s greatest gifts to the world. freedom of thought and expression. universities are. The desire for knowledge. Along with research institutes and libraries. endure . the Red Cross. female genital mutilation and oppression. and the paintings of Michelangelo. is the case that I made. One could characterize the difference between the West and the Rest as a difference in epistemological principles. lies a distinct way of looking at the world. and liberal democracy—are superior to any others devised by humankind. the calls for abolition did not resonate even in Africa. thanks to its humanitarian impulses. and Christians are not free to practice their faith—clear violations of Article 18 of the United Nations‘ Universal Declaration of Human Rights. focusing on the vast disparities in freedom. where rival tribes sold black prisoners into slavery.org/2008/18_1_snd-west. and tolerance between Western and The great ideas of the West—rationalism. science. the disinterested search for truth. In short. Muslims are not free to convert to Christianity. independent academies that enshrine these epistemological norms. the music of Mozart. resembles a cosmic brothel. I participated in a debate in London. Human Rights Watch. spoke against the motion. I spoke in favor. and Rembrandt does not need lessons from societies whose idea of heaven. A culture that gave the world the novel. is that life here is an open book. and Amnesty International.‖ which encourages the methodological principle of scientific skepticism. The West has secured freedoms for women and racial and other minorities to an extent unimaginable 60 years ago. The West provides the bulk of aid to beleaguered Darfur. methodological freedom. as philosopher Roger Scruton puts it. da Vinci. and self-correction. Islamic countries are conspicuous by their lack of assistance. When other societies such as South Korea and Japan have adopted Western political principles. especially Islamic ones. to practice our religion. Beethoven. Winter 2008. ―Why the West Is Best. condensed somewhat.html Last October. seeking tolerance and political freedom. Nor would any Western politician be able to get away with the anti-Semitic remarks that former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad made in 2003. peopled with female virgins. among others. hosted by Intelligence Squared. human rights. Muslim intellectual Tariq Ramadan. Western politics. not to Saudi Arabia or Iran. with their science and technology and open institutions. has led to an institution unequaled—or very rarely equaled—outside the West: the university. and totalitarianism are all positive examples of the type of imperialism we would promote Tariq Ramadan. In Saudi Arabia. Our excusing Mahathir‘s diatribe indicates not only a double standard but also a tacit acknowledgment that we apply higher ethical standards to Western leaders. Western civilization offers what Bertrand Russell once called ―liberating doubt. proceeds through tentative steps of trial and error. behind the success of modern Western societies.cityjournal. The West recognizes and defends the rights of the individual: we are free to think what we want. that millions of refugees from theocratic or other totalitarian regimes flee. The West has given us not only nearly every scientific discovery of the last 500 years—from electricity to computers—but also. In contrast with the mind-numbing enforced certainties and rules of Islam. Doctors Without Borders.

the failure of repressive societies to adapt well to the rapidly changing global environment. The critical prerequisite for gaining the optimum benefits of global integration is to understand which cultural attributes can and should be tolerated .into a social medium that allows individual freedoms and cultures to thrive.and which are the fissures that will become fault lines. no matter of what race or creed. The United States should not hesitate to promote its values. Americans should not deny the fact that of all the nations in the history of the world. Relativism is a veil behind which those who shun scrutiny can hide. the most willing to constantly reassess and improve itself. there are no jokes in Islam. June 22. and to the United States's ability to lead if foreign leaders adopt models that promote separatism and the cultural fault lines that threaten stability? It certainly is. Can we look forward. means for all people.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 67 EMPIRE K genital mutilation. There are absolutes. as does society. to a Life of Mo? Probably not—one more small sign that Western values remain the best. who argue that there is "an Asian way. or Zoroastrian. The repressed individual still suffers. political. and the dislocations. to American markets. Americans should not shy away from doing that which is so clearly in their economic." one that non-Asians should not judge and that should be allowed to dictate the course of events for all those operating in that comer of the world. because failing to do so or taking a "live and let live" stance is ceding the process to the not-always-beneficial actions of others. the diversion of assets to enforce repression. In an effort to be polite or politic. theirs is the most just. Americans should not fall under the spell of those like Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Malaysia's Mahathir bin-Mohamad. Good and evil. interests. WESTERN IMPERIALISM GOOD Denouncing Western values degrades into relativism – it paves the way for violent cultures to exercise ideological control David Rothkopf. to make fun of its fundamental principles: but there is no equivalent as yet to Monty Python‘s Life of Brian in Islam. This argument amounts to selfinterested political rhetoric. The West is able to look at its foibles and laugh.S. they must recognize that the greater the cultural value gaps in the world. American culture is an amalgam of influences and approaches from around the world. but that kind of relativism is as dangerous as it is wrong. economic. If Americans now live in a world in which ideas can be effectively exported and media delivery systems are powerful. and the best model for the future. 1997 Many observers contend that it is distasteful to use the opportunities created by the global information revolution to promote American culture over others. Foreign Policy. the most tolerant. the more likely it is that conflict will ensue. and that leave 40 to 50 percent of their citizens illiterate. delayed market development. that make no provisions for the handicapped. Repression is not defensible whether the tradition from which it springs is Confucian. and perhaps the only. someday. American culture is fundamentally different from indigenous cultures in so many other locales. It is melded consciously in many cases . .and so clearly in the interests of the world at large. indeed. and there are consequences for the global community. As Ayatollah Khomeini once famously said. and are married off against their will at the age of nine. Real costs accrue in terms of constrained human creativity. Whether Americans accept all the arguments of Huntington or not.and. and moral costs associated with failing to recognize this fact. they must recognize that the nature of those ideas and the control of those systems are matters with which they should be deeply concerned. managing director of Kissinger Associates and adjunct professor of international affairs at Columbia. struggles. to reach their full potential and live in freedom. Judeo-Christian. At the same time. Using the tools of the Information Age to do so is perhaps the most peaceful and powerful means of advancing American interests. The West has no use for sanctimonious homilies from societies that cannot provide clean drinking water or sewage systems. promoted . and instability that result from these and other factors. societies that deny the rights of supposedly lower castes. and security interests . to regional peace. and there are political. better and worse coexist in this world. are stoned to death for alleged adultery. societies that execute homosexuals and apostates. Recognizing this. Americans should promote their vision for the world. Is it a threat to U.

westatdawn. to offer a means of overcoming the station in life to which one was born by the effort of one‘s labor. The Greek principle of self-contradiction as the touchstone of error. It did so. to minimize the depredations of the irrational. to give to each individual a degree of choice and freedom unparalleled in all of human history. valuing. To the extent that Western civilization survives.kors. While various extreme epistemological and ontological skepticisms and various radical irrationalisms have flourished. The West has willed. it had explored. Western civilization always has had at its core a belief that there is a reality independent of our wishes for and ideas of it.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 68 EMPIRE K WESTERN IMPERIALISM GOOD Western thinking is crucial to human survival. and new foods from around the earth that. the unexamined. Aquinas. allowing us to escape the trap of human violence Alan Charles Kors. 2001. its avoidance as a touchstone of truth. To live with self-contradiction was not merely to fail an introduction to philosophy. to reduce the chaos of the world to natural coherence by the powers of the mind. The West recognized and adopted Eastern systems of number superior to that of the Romans. to understand. in large part out of restless curiosity about realities beyond its own. and that central to that discipline is a compact with reason. http://www. and that this reality can be known by human inquiry and reason. A failure to understand and to teach that accomplishment would be its very betrayal. indeed. responsibility. that undergirds its ways of thinking.‖ Volume 2. with the possibility of both interest and charity applying that knowledge for good to the world in which we find ourselves. Number 1. worshiping. indispensable to human dignity. to give great agency to utility and charity alike. It is that compact that led to a civilization of self-scrutiny and honest borrowings. and.html In the final analysis. and rights linked to a common reality.fpri. To live with error was to deny oneself the fruits of that human light. it took the Aristotle of its high Middle Ages from the Islamic scholars who had preserved and interpreted it in manners superior to the schools of the West. then. to speak a language of human dignity. February. to a way of understanding that led to the sciences that have changed both the entire human relationship to nature and our sense of human possibilities. and thus. sometimes with brilliance and profundity in our history. and will. The West always has renewed and revitalized itself by means of recognizing superior ways to its own. it was to be less than human. and that such knowledge must be acquired through a discipline of the will and mind. art. whole schools of tendentious thought decry Western ―thefts.200102. the core philosophical assumption of Western civilization is that there is a reality that exists independently of our will and wish. not a strength. the merely prejudicial in our lives.org/ww/0201. . always tempered by our knowledge of human nature. Again. Induction from experience always had a logic. and the exploration of that logic was one of the great and ultimately triumphant pursuits of the Western mind. the belief that truth is independent of particular time and place is precisely what has led the West to borrow so much from other cultures. Such philosophical realism was defended by Augustine. Only Western values are inherently selfreflexive. it took music. it is that last trait. forms of expression. in theory at least. There were many radical ruptures in the history of certain disciplines in the West. and. that natural knowledge of that reality is possible. the West‘s commitment to a logically ordered philosophical realism. ―The West at the Dawn of the 21st Century: Triumph Without Self-Belief. the hope of the world survives to eradicate unnecessary suffering. with a commitment to being a rational culture. mind. is the formal expression of a commitment to reason that the Christian West always understood to separate us from beasts and madmen. and almost all fathers and doctors of the Church. indeed.‖ as if the recognition of compelling example and argument in others were a weakness. there were no radical ruptures with the Western compact with reality and reason. such that. The fruits of that civilization have been an unprecedented ability to modify the remediable causes of human suffering. Professor of History at the University of Pennsylvania. to a civilization in which the mind could appeal to the rational against the irrational with ultimate success. to a civilization in which selfcriticism gave rise to a critical scholarship that could question and either strengthen or repair the West‘s received beliefs themselves. however. ironically. Indeed.

It is arguably installed in the very practices and politics of everyday existence in post-colonial societies. the state would probably become what Hobbes anticipated: the embodiment of those universal. Their becoming out/law is a miserable failure.Corporate Power and the Decline of the Public Sphere.Working within the system is the only alternative: It opens the door to radical appropriation. and.The End of Politics.through. for example) insofar as those injustices might he seen as too deeply embedded in the social and institutional matrix of the time to be the target of oppositional political action. turn into a to argue that all politicized efforts to change the world are necessarily doomed either to impotence or totalitarianism requires a completely different (and indefensible) set of premises. 180 Despite the force of critiques like Parry‘s it is hard to go along. And either outcome would run counter to the facile antirationalism of Oakeshott's Burkean muddling-though theories. simply gives elites more room to consolidate their own power and privilege. Helen Tiffin et. In fact. and accepting this does not. then people are condemned to accept the harsh realities of an exploitative and authoritarian system. social hierarchies. conscious designs. institutional hierarchies. but not for ordinary citizens or groups anxious to challenge the status quo.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 69 EMPIRE K 2AC PERMUTATION/DISAD TO ALT Permutation: do both . giving elites more room to consolidate power. . with their belief in the practical possibility of decolonizing projects which can avoid the pitfalls of a ‗reverse discourse replicating and therefore re-installing the linguistic polarities devised by a dominant centre‘. Oakeshott‘ minimalism post's yet another. p. Beyond that. ideologies and plans are perfectly acceptable for elites who preside over established governing systems. well informed and ready to fight for their interests. not too tar removed from the excessive individualism. al. resulting in more violent and authoritarian politics." Systematic attempts to ameliorate oppressive conditions would. it is arguable that to move towards a genuine affirmation of multiple forms of native ‗difference‘.250-251 But it is a very deceptive and misleading minimalism. The Empire Writes Back Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures. Critical texts as well as creative texts are products of post-colonial hybridity. In either case. collective interests that had vanished from civil society. but still related. While Oakcshott debunks political mechanisms and rational planning as either useless or dangerous. in Oakesliott's view. arid urban violence of the American landscape. could open tilts door to a modern Leviathan intent on restoring order and unity in the face of social disintegration. indeed. we must recognize that this hybridity will inevitably continue. This is a prerequisite of a radical appropriation which can achieve a genuinely transformative and interventionist criticism of contemporary post-colonial reality. range of problems: the shrinkage of politics hardly suggests that corporate colonialization. This difficulty is not only experienced by those ‗concerned with deconstructing the text of colonialism‘. In other words. involve hiding the role culture plays in the continuing neo-colonial hegemonic formation of the day-to-day experience of those societies. social Darwinism. the contemporary drift toward antipolitics might set the stage for a reassertion of politics in more authoritarian and reactionary guise-or it much simply end political night-mare. insulated from the minimalist critique.. Far from it: the public space vacated by ordinary citizens. Hybridity of multiple cultural ideas is the only way to avoid the disads to the alt. finally. The flight from 'abstract principles" rules out ethical attacks on injustices that may pervade the status quo (slavery or imperialist wars. It is quite understandable that many post-colonial critics have felt an urgent need to reject European theory (and even ‗theory‘ as such) as irredeemably Eurocentric in both its assumptions and political effect. Rejecting attempts at political engagement is co-opted by the right. Such one-sided minimalism gives carte blanche to elites who naturally desire as much space to maneuver as possible. rational plans-remains fully intact. Viewed in this light. If politics is reduced to nothing other than a process of everyday muddling . Syncretism is the condition within which post-colonial societies operate. the fragmentation and chaos of a Hobbesian civil society. Carl Boggs -professor of social sciences and film studies at National University in Los Angeles2001. in any simple sense. Associate Professor in the Department of English at the University of Queensland.p. But to reject the possibilities of appropriation in this way is to refuse to accept that the same condition of hybridity as exists in the production of the post-colonial text also exists in the production of theory. or centralized state and military institutions will magically disappear from people's lives. 1989. A belief that totalitarianism might result from extreme attempts to put society in order is one thing: up reinforcing the dominant state-corporate system. the actually existing power structure-replete with its own centralized state apparatus. with choice but to yield to the dictates of "conventional wisdom.

We will not move far in these directions. against authoritarian. rather than subsuming all regional contradictions into the false synthesis of a new Western imperialism.purely because these crimes formed part of the rationale for Western intervention against Serbia. and to deny their genocidal character . Professor of International Relations and Politics. The arrival in power of George Bush II makes this discrimination all the more urgent. 2002. political and cultural inequalities between Western and non-Western worlds. quasi-imperial states. however. distorts our responses to the victims and our commitment to justice. for example. The crimes of quasi-imperial regimes are similar in cases like Yugoslavia and Indonesia.‖ April 7. therefore to oppose Western state policies as a matter of course.htm It is worth asking how the politics of anti-imperialism distorts Western leftists' responses to global struggles for justice. To take as the criterion of one's politics opposition to Western policy. conditionally allying themselves with internationalising elements in global institutions and Western governments. consistently seeks to minimise the crimes of Milosevic in Kosovo.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 70 EMPIRE K ANTI-IMPERIALISM FAILS Anti-imperialism devastates our attempts to form an empathetic relationship with those suffering under true domination Martin Shaw. The task for civil society in the West is not. unless we grasp the life-and-death struggles between many oppressed peoples and the new local imperialisms.org/empire. http://www. but the West's attitudes towards them are undeniably uneven and inconsistent. legal and military institutions that genuinely and consistently defend the interests of the most threatened groups. University of Sussex. It is to grasp the contradictions among and within Western elites. ―The Problem of the Quasi-Imperial State: Uses and Abuses of Anti-Imperialism in the Global Era. In the long run. we need to judge Western power not according to a general assumption of 'new imperialism' but according to its actual role in relation to the victims. rather than the demands for justice of the victims of oppression as such. à la Cold War. we need to develop a larger politics of global social democracy and an ethic of global responsibility that address the profound economic. but to mobilise solidarity with democratic oppositions and repressed peoples. against nationalist and reactionary elements. We need to support the victims regardless of whether Western governments take up their cause or not. It is to demand more effective global political. He never attempted to minimise the crimes of the pro-Western Suharto regime in the same way.martinshaw. . John Pilger.

While it is probably true that many more reform ideas are dreamt of than succeed in circulating through the brain. When convenient.‖ A fair generalization is that the left‘s expertise has been constricted in scope. vague. not empirical. Politically. Journalism. ―Theory‖ is chiefly about itself: ―thought to the second power. mustering full-throated opposition rather than full-brained exploration. It has been conflicted and unsteady about values. out. While the right has rather successfully tarred liberals with the brush of ―tax-and-spend. showing little taste for principle and little capacity to imagine a reconstituted nation. and even if they are not. Flair matters more than explanatory power At crucial junctures ―theory‖ consists of flourishes. equipped with funhouse mirrors but no exit. self-referential. Instead of a vigorous quest for testable propositions that could actually culminate in reform.‖ those thus tarred have often been unsure whether to reply ―It‘s not so‖ or ―It is so. it is useless. language remains the preoccupation.. His famous illustration of the power of ―theory‖ was built on Jeremy Bentham‘s design of an ideal prison.S.‖ You see steadfast avoidance of tough questions.S.” p. and new ideas are more heralded than delivered.2 Even when ―theory‖ tries to reconnect from language and mind to the larger social world. in the main. isn‘t it interesting to pretend? But .‖ which is no substitute for a foreign policy—and inconsistent to hoot when you consider that the left wants the United States to intervene. The left‘s intellectual stockpile has been badly depleted. merely the denominator of the couplet ―power/knowledge. not actual social structures. It has tended to disdain any design for foreign policy other than ―U. “The Intellectuals and the Flag. distracting. and Communications at Columbia. tire liberal-left conveys little sense of a whole that is more than the sum of its parts. it has often preferred the denunciatory mode to the analytical. If you overcome bedazzlement at the audacity and glamour of theory and penetrate the obscurity-. the academic left in particular has nourished what has con-ic to be called ―theory‘: a body of writing (one can scarcely say its content consists of propositions) that is. All this is to say that the left has been imprisoned in the closed world of outsider politics. and preening. Their jargon-riddled theory is politically useless Todd Gitlin. we‘re proud to say.‖ yet his preoccupation was with the knowlleft edge side. but in fact the chief criterion by which it ascended in status was aesthetic.3 The ―linthought guistic turn‖ in the social sciences turns out to be its own prison house. you find circularity and self-justification. illogic. When the left has thought big. and wrong-headed. At that.dead media. Michel Foucault became a rock star of theory in the United States precisely because he demoted knowledge to a reflex of power. 2006.‖ as Fredric Jameson defined dialectical thinking in an early. intellectual performance pieces: things are said to be so because the theorist says the problem with ―theory‖ goes beyond opaque writing—an often dazzling concoction of jargon. It amounts to secession from the world where most people live. Despite the selective use of the still-prestigious rhetoric of science. the Panopticon—a model never built. it has been clearer about isms is to oppose—mainly imperialism and racism—than about values and policies to further. so.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 71 EMPIRE K ANTI-IMPERIALISM FAILS The criticism boils down to a complaint about U. for example to push Israel to end its occupation of the West Bank.83-85 The right‘s masterful apparatus for purveying its messages and organizing for power is not the only reason why the left has suffered defeat after defeat in national politics since the 1960s. the world of ―theory‖ makes only tangential contact with the social reality that it disdains. ―theory‖ lays claim to objective truth. dazzling American exemplar of the new theoretical style. Professor of Sociology. imperialism that provides no alternative political course. often enough (and self-contradictorily) larded with populist sentimentality about ―the people‖ or ―forces of resistance.

in this country. Leftist American culture critics might put their considerable talents to better use if they bury some of their cynicism about America's social and political prospects and help forge public and political possibilities in a spirit of determination to. the country of Franklin Roosevelt and Bayard Rustin. . . the logic of international markets and trade agreements as much as critiques of commodification.americanphilosophy. "When one of today's academic leftists says that some multi-syllabic jargon.' you can be pretty certain that he or she is going to drag in either philosophy of language." one woven with the thread of agape into a conceptually single yet diverse tapestry that shoots for nothing less than a true intra-American cosmopolitan ethos. Deleuze. Jameson. i. . . schematic formalism. and of the later George Wallace and the later Barry Goldwater. ethical nihilism. or regarding our basic human nature ( described.htm Yet for some reason. www. and Lacan. Disengagement from practice produces theoretical hallucinations"(italics mine). those who actually want to be relevant. Conf. . one wherein both same sex unions and faith-based initiatives will be able to be part of the same social reality. than the pragmatically settled questions about what shape democracy should take in various contexts. the country of John Dewey and Malcom X. or an apologetics for lost causes. a book that I think is long overdue. one wherein business interests and the university are not seen as belonging to two separate galaxies but as part of the same answer to the threat of social and We who fancy ourselves philosophers would do well to create from within ourselves and from within our ranks a new kind of public intellectual who has both a hungry theoretical mind and who is yet capable of seeing the need to move past high theory to other important questions that are less bedazzling and "interesting" but more important to the prospect of our flourishing . . unless it can somehow bring to consciousness America's own needs and its own implicit principle of successful action. or Lacanian These futile attempts to philosophize one's way into political relevance are a symptom of what happens when a Left retreats from activism and adopts a spectatorial approach to the problems of its country. rather than some of the barbarous methods for achieving those successes. These topic has been 'inadequately theorized. . leftist critics continue to cite and refer to the eccentric and often a priori ruminations of people like those just mentioned. As Rorty puts it. Phil. which left is juxtaposed to the Political Left that Rorty prefers and prefers for good reason.. "I believe that philosophy in America will be lost between chewing a historical cud long since reduced to woody fiber. To invoke the words of King. our country .questions such as "How is it possible to develop a citizenry that cherishes a certain hexis. The disease is the need for elaborate theoretical "remedies" wrapped in neological and elaborate theoretical remedies are more "interesting. too often dismiss American society as beyond reform and redemption. Lyotard. one which prizes the character of the Samaritan on the road to Jericho almost more than any other?" or "How can we square the political dogma that undergirds the fantasy of a missile defense system with the need to treat America as but one member in a community of nations The new public philosopher might seek to understand labor law and military and trade theory and doctrine as much as theories of surplus value.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 72 EMPIRE K ALT FAILS – MCLEAN Disengagement from traditional politics is the worst in cynical leftist garbage – our hypothesizing about the complex inner-working of government is key to creating space for the critique David E. as I will explain. and with reference to the American society.the country of Jefferson and King. to recognize that they have a disease. who are to me hugely more irrelevant than Habermas in their narrative attempts to suggest policy prescriptions (when they actually do suggest them) aimed at curing the ills of homelessness. or a scholastic. in such statements as "We don't like to starve" and "We like to speak our minds without fear of death" and "We like to keep our children safe from poverty"). as mostly evil. market greed. and a litany of others including Derrida. if not defined (heaven forbid!).e.) This means going down deep into the guts of our quotidian social institutions. I think it may also be disastrous for our social hopes. at least partially explicated in Richard Rorty's Achieving Our Country." to be sure. McClean. indeed.(1) Or as John Dewey put it psychoanalysis. And Rorty correctly argues that this is a disastrous conclusion. Another attribute of the Cultural Left is that its members fancy themselves pure culture critics who view the successes of America and the West. ―The Cultural Left and the Limits of Social Hope. the time is always ripe to seize the opportunity to help create the "beloved community. and the politics of complexity as much as the politics of power (all of which can still be done from our arm chairs. and who view anything the Cultural Left. or whether private property should be protected by the state. 2001. achieve like national pride as equally evil even when that pride is tempered with the knowledge and admission of the nation's shortcomings. poverty.org/archives/past_conference_programs/pc2001/Discussion%20papers/david_mcclea n. and a disease regarding which I myself must remember to stay faithful to my own twelve step program of recovery." Those who suffer or have suffered from this disease Rorty refers to as the Cultural Left. or some neo-Marxist version of economic determinism. imperfect decisions that affect other peoples' lives. national belligerence and racism. disastrous for the Cultural Left. I would like to suggest that it is time for American social critics who are enamored with this group. and it means making honest attempts under a "law of peoples?" . into the grimy pragmatic details where intellectuals are loathe to dwell but where the officers and bureaucrats of those institutions take difficult and often unpleasant. in his The Need for a Recovery of Philosophy. In other words.‖ Am.

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to truly understand how those institutions actually function in the actual world before howling for their overthrow commences. This might help keep us from being slapped down in debates by true policy pros who actually know what they are talking about but who lack awareness of the dogmatic assumptions from which they proceed, and who have not yet found a good reason to listen to jargon-riddled lectures from philosophers and culture critics with their snobish disrespect for the so-called "managerial class."

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Cap Good - Prevents War
Capitalism prevents war Bandow in 5 Doug Bandow, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, REASON ONLINE, ―A Capitalist Peace?‖, October 26, 2005 (http://www.reason.com/news/show/32985.html accessed: June 26, 2009) There are a number of reasons why economics appears to trump politics. The shift from statist mercantilism to high-tech capitalism has transformed the economics behind war. Markets generate economic opportunities that make war less desirable. Territorial aggrandizement no longer provides the best path to riches. Free-flowing capital markets and other aspects of globalization simultaneously draw nations together and raise the economic price of military conflict, because the political destabilization resulting from war deters profitable investment and trade. Moreover, sanctions, which interfere with economic prosperity, provides a coercive step short of war to achieve foreign policy ends. Capitalism is key to peace. Bandow in 5 Doug Bandow, he is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute. He served as a special assistant to President Reagan, CATO.ORG, ―Spreading Capitalism is Good for Peace‖, 11-1205, http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=5193 That doesn't mean that nothing can be done. But promoting open international markets - that is, spreading capitalism - is the best means to encourage peace as well as prosperity. Notes Gartzke: "Warfare among developing nations will remain unaffected by the capitalist peace as long as the economies of many developing countries remain fettered by governmental control." Freeing those economies is critical. It's a particularly important lesson for the anticapitalist left. For the most part, the enemies of economic liberty also most stridently denounce war, often in near-pacifist terms. Yet they oppose the very economic policies most likely to encourage peace. If market critics don't realize the obvious economic and philosophical value of markets - prosperity and freedom - they should appreciate the unintended peace dividend. Trade encourages prosperity and stability; technological innovation reduces the financial value of conquest; globalization creates economic interdependence, increasing the cost of war. Nothing is certain in life, and people are motivated by far more than economics. But it turns out that peace is good business. And capitalism is good for peace. Economic liberty key to peace Bandow in 5 Doug Bandow, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, REASON ONLINE, ―A Capitalist Peace?‖, October 26, 2005 (http://www.reason.com/news/show/32985.html accessed: June 26, 2009) In particular, poorer democracies perform like non-democracies. By his calculation, the correlation between economic liberty and peace is 50 times as great as that between democracy and peace. He explains: "Democracy does not have a measurable impact, while nations with very low levels of economic freedom are 14 times more prone to conflict than those with very high levels." Gartzke considers other variables, including alliance memberships, nuclear deterrence, and regional differences. Although the causes of conflict vary, the relationship between economic liberty and peace remains.

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Realism Good – SOLVES WAR / ALT FAILS Only realism can address violence. Critical approaches promise abstractions but don’t provide a concrete solution.
Alastair Murray, Politics Department, University of Wales Swansea, Reconstructing Realism, 1997, p. 185-186
Linklater seems to go some way towards acknowledging this in Beyond Realism and Marxism, recognising Morgenthau's commitment, in contrast to neorealism, to widening community beyond the nation-state. What he now suggests, however, is that `[w]hat realism offers is an account of historical circumstances which human subjects have yet to bring under their collective control. What it does not possess is an account of the modes of political intervention which would enable human beings to take control of their international history."' The issue becomes less a matter of what realism does, than what it does not do, less the way it constructs the problem, than its failure to solve it. Yet

Linklater concedes that `it is not at all clear that any strand of social and political thought provides a compelling account of "strategies of transition"'. Indeed, where he has attempted to engage with this issue himself, he has proved manifestly unable to provide such an account. Although he has put forward some ideas of what is needed - a fundamental reorganisation of political relations, establishing a global legal order to replace the sovereign state, and a fundamental rearrangement of economic relations, establishing an order in which all individuals have the means as well as the formal rights of freedom - his only suggestion as to how such objectives should be achieved seems to be that `[s]ocial development entails individuals placing themselves at odds with their societies as they begin to question conventional means of characterising outsiders and to criticise customary prohibitions upon individual relations with them'. His critical theoretical `transitional strategies' amount to little more than the suggestion that individuals must demand recognition for themselves as men as well as citizens, must demand the right to enter into complex interstate relations themselves, and must act in these relations as beings with fundamental obligations to all other members of the species." More recently, he has proposed a vision in which `subnational and
transnational citizenship are strengthened and in which mediating between the different loyalties and identities present within modem societies is one central purpose of the post-Westphalian state'. Such an objective is to be reached by a discourse ethics along the lines of that

such an ethics amounts to little more than the suggestion `that human beings need to be reflective about the ways in which they include and exclude others from dialogue', scarcely going beyond Linklater's earlier emphasis on individuals acting as men as well as citizens. Realism does at least propose tangible objectives which, whilst perhaps lacking the visionary appeal of Linklater's proposals, ultimately offer us a path to follow, and it does at least suggest a strategy of realisation, emphasising the necessity of a restrained, moderate diplomacy, which, if less daring than Linklater might wish, provides us with some guidance. It is this inability to articulate practical strategies which suggests the central difficulty with such critical theoretical approaches. The progressive urge moves a stage further here, leading them to abandon almost entirely the problem of
proposed by Habermas. Yet establishing some form of stable international order at this level in favour of a continuing revolution in search of a genuine cosmopolis. It

generates such an emphasis on the pursuit of distant, ultimate objectives that they prove incapable of furnishing us with anything but the most vague and elusive of strategies, such an emphasis on moving towards a post-Westphalian, boundary-less world that they are incapable of telling us anything about the problems facing us today. If, for theorists such as Linklater,
such a difficulty does not constitute a failure for critical theory within its own terms of reference, this position cannot be accepted uncritically. Without an ability to address contemporary problems, it is unable to provide strategies to overcome even the immediate obstacles in the way of its objective of a genuinely cosmopolitan society. And, without a guarantee that such a cosmopolitan society is even

a critical theoretical perspective simply offers us the perpetual redefinition of old problems in a new context and the persistent creation of new problems to replace old ones,
feasible, such without even the luxury of attempting to address them.

especially when. in the field of composition studies. here again. isolates himself in a posture of ultraleftist purity that cuts him off from many potential political allies. 3. there is a polemical purpose to this. more genuinely full of difference than Spanos allows. more complex. Russell Perkin. 3 n.‖ v. on the other hand. is more diverse. his practical recommendations for the practical role of an adversarial intellectual seem similar to those of the liberal pluralists he attacks. Spanos seems to me to ensure his self-marginalization. criticizes "those massively totalizing theories that marginalize practical political action as a jejune indulgence" (192). but it is one that is counterproductive. Building on air seems to me precisely what Spanos is recommending. The academy. English @ St. In fact. Of course. you build on air" (187). for instance. By seeking to separate out only the pure (posthumanist) believers. and endorses a coalition of liberalism and the left. as I will note in conclusion. For the last decade the field of composition studies has been the most vigorous site of the kind of oppositional practices The End of Education recommends. For example. in short.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 76 EMPIRE K A2: Spanos Completely rejecting humanism is self-marginalizing and disabling to effective coalitional politics J. however. Gates argues that the "hard" left's opposition to liberalism is as mistaken as its opposition to conservatism. I have noticed few thinkers who have been so consistently cited. Gates. and refers to Cornel West's remarks about the field of critical legal studies. Mary‘s. . yet in reading composition and pedagogy journals over the last few years. Spanos refers several times to the fact that the discourse of the documents comprising The Pentagon Papers was linked to the kind of discourse that first-year composition courses produce (this was Richard Ohmann's argument). ―Theorizing the Culture Wars. I would even question the validity of calling shoddy and often inaccurate journalists like Kimball and D'Souza with the title "humanist intellectuals. Spanos is not up to date. 1993. Spanos laments the "unwarranted neglect" (202) of the work of Paulo Freire. and it is precisely that difference that neoconservatives want to erase." Henry Louis Gates's final chapter contains some cogent criticism of the kind of position which Spanos has taken. He seems ill-informed about what goes on in the everyday work of the academy. "If you don't build on liberalism. Muse My final criticism is that Spanos. Roger Kimball and Dinesh D'Souza. by his attempt to put all humanists into the same category and to break totally with the tradition of humanism. several times he includes pluralists like Wayne Booth and even Gerald Graff in lists of "humanists" that include William Bennett.

for a certain class of problems. Millennium: Journal of International Studies. ontology and epistemology stimulates the idea that there can only be one theoretical approach which gets things right. Yet . However. this strategy easily slips into the promotion of the pursuit of generality over that of empirical validity.J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 77 EMPIRE K A2: ONTOLOGY FIRST The popularization of more philosophical approaches to political discourse may be evident. 3. it cultivates a theory-driven rather than problem-driven approach to IR.it prioritizes kritik over action and disavows any attempt to act to fix concrete problem and creates a vicious cycle whereby kritik overdetermines action entirely and paralyzes change. and there is no doubt that such reflection can play a valuable role in making explicit the commitments that characterise (and help individuate) diverse theoretical positions. It encourages this view because the turn to. such a philosophical turn is not without its dangers and I will briefly mention three before turning to consider a confusion the philosophical turn is that it has an inbuilt tendency to prioritise issues of ontology and epistemology over explanatory and/or interpretive power as if the latter two were merely a simple function of the former. namely.e. Thus. how it is that the relevant actors come to exhibit features in these circumstances that approximate the assumptions of rational choice theory) and. I will suggest. such as the tragedy of the commons in which dilemmas of collective action are foregrounded.6 Moreover. the theoretical approach that gets its ontology and epistemology right. as Shapiro points out. be the case that the advocates of rational choice theory cannot give a good account of why this type of theory is powerful in accounting for this class of problems (i. but it is also undesirable. In one respect. not to be prejudged before conducting that inquiry‘. for example. Owen 02. in contrast. event or phenomenon in question given the purposes of the inquiry. if this is the case. yet. and prioritisation of. ―Reorienting International Relations: On Pragmatism. one need not be sympathetic to rational choice theory to recognise that it can that has. it is clear that debates concerning ontology and epistemology play a central role in the contemporary IR theory wars. http://mil. it is by no means clear that it is. But while the explanatory and/or interpretive power of a theoretical account is not wholly independent of its ontological and/or epistemological commitments (otherwise criticism of these features would not be a criticism that had any value). . wholly dependent on these philosophical commitments. this is to misunderstand the enterprise of science since ‗whether there are general explanations for classes of phenomena is a question for social-scientific inquiry. the challenge is to decide which is the most apt in terms of getting a perspicuous grip on the action. In other words. while the critical judgement of theoretical accounts in terms of their ontological and/or epistemological sophistication is one kind of critical judgement. although he goes on to comment that these terms are often used loosely. and so a potentially vicious circle arises. Paraphrasing Ian Shapiro. ‗theory-driven work is part of a reductionist program‘ in that it ‗dictates always opting for the description that calls for the explanation that flows from the preferred model or theory‘. despite occasional temporary tactical alliances.5 The justification offered for this strategy rests on the mistaken belief that it is necessary for social science because general explanations are required to characterise the classes of phenomena studied in similar terms. this is unsurprising since it is a characteristic feature of the social sciences that periods of disciplinary disorientation involve recourse to reflection on the philosophical commitments of different theoretical approaches. from this standpoint. 31. event or phenomenon. it is not the only or even necessarily the most important kind. the point can be put like this: since it is the case that there is always a plurality of possible true descriptions of a given action. helped to promote the IR theory wars by motivating this philosophical turn. No. loosely deployed or not. The first danger with provide powerful accounts of certain kinds of problems. Pluralism and Practical Reasoning‖. rational choice theory may provide the best account available to us.com/cgi/reprint/31/3/653)]AC Commenting on the ‗philosophical turn‘ in IR.sagepub.. Reader in Political Theory at the University of Southampton (David. This image feeds back into IR exacerbating the first and second dangers. It may. The third danger is that the preceding two combine to encourage the formation of a particular image of disciplinary debate in IR—what might be called (only slightly tongue in cheek) ‗the Highlander view‘—namely. Vol. dedicated to the strategic achievement of sovereignty over the disciplinary field. of course. it is a philosophical weakness—but this does not undermine the point that. Wæver remarks that ‗[a] frenzy for words like ―epistemology‖ and ―ontology‖ often signals this philosophical turn‘.4 However. The second danger run by the philosophical turn is that because prioritisation of ontology and epistemology promotes theory-construction from philosophical first principles. an image of warring theoretical approaches with each.

identifiable entity: an identity. once again. create. threatens to wake up to a world in which ―subjective death‖ and ontology are the least of all worries. a blissful state of Heideggerian Dasein. and pandered to the means of material production: industry and agriculture. ―Theproblem‖ is also a handy device for confusing. as the path to an inevitable. Hitler managed some truly astounding feats of strategic identity engineering (cf. are already showing their disatrous cracks. they have an intrinsic identity with an intrinsic value.philgraham. indeed. Chapt. and selling trash to the masses. . army. ideology. quite simply. the simple and straightforward answer to the ―problem of the subject‖. Graduate School of Management . and an existentialist University Rector in the form of Martin Heidegger.net/HH_conf. they are people. rooted in a permanent ―now‖. People are not theoretical entities. Bullock. Heidegger‘s Nazism indefinitely affects the way that their alternative shapes ontology. Heidegger and existentialism remain influential to this day. Nietzsche‘s European Superman. 1991. international democratic The ―problem‖ of subjective death threatens to give way. in fact. the means of mental production: the education system.Lasch 1984: 25-59).g. 1998. He ordered Germanyto look forward into the next thousand years and forget the past.‖ __www. swindling each other and whole nations. Heidegger pronounced the end of thought. several Wagner records. This turns your value to life claims and makes the aff more important than ontology Graham 2000 [Phil. each person is a recognisably material. Adorno 1973: 303. the means of violence: the police. just as there is no ―global society‖. history. The numbed condition of a narcissistic society. University of Queensland ―Heidegger‘s Hippies. Utopia. declining working conditions. Giddens‘s claims that ‗humans live in circumstances of … existential contradiction‘. to unprecedented mass slaughter. and prison system. and proclaimed a New beginning and a New world order. Heidegger signed up to an ideology-free politics: Hitler‘s ‗Third Way‘ (Eatwell 1997). ILO. informationalism and‗consumerism‘ confines the navel-gazing. No amount of theory or propaganda will make it go away. The widespread multilateral attempts to prop up consumer society and hypercapitalism as a valid and useful means of sustainable growth. the strains of which have historically accompanied revolutions in communication technologies. was to rule from that day hence. 1999. some considerable oratory skills. the new symbol of mythological worship. By emphasising the problem of the ‗ontological self‘ (Giddens 1991: 49). Thus. This is their condition . Giddens4. raping the environment. their subjective account of a unique and objective history of interactions within the objective social and material environments they inhabit. Hitchens 1999. 1998).J(E)DI 2010 LAB CaCa 78 EMPIRE K A2: ONTOLOGY FIRST Your search for the ontological self is fruitless – we all define ourselves through our unique circumstances – claiming an ontological self to search for allows cooption leading to a new Hitler. as if death were the ultimate motor of life itself (cf. History is.The idealised identity. Each person‘s identity is. there is only the mass amnesia of utopian propaganda. and inherit. Hitler took control of the means of propaganda: the media. 2). ‗narcissistic‘ masses to a permanent present which they self-consciously sacrifice for a Utopian future (cf. and declining social security. and he alone. and inflicting populations with declining wages. Adorno 1964/1973). There is no ―problem of the subject‖. is a an ultimately repressive abstraction: from that perspective. Slavery is once again on the increase (Castells. The identity of each person is their most intimate historical information. is the present and future reality for Germany‘ (in Bullock 1991:345). Graham. As such. 1991).pdf__ ]-AC Armed with a volume of Nietzsche. and they are its material expression: each person is a record of their ownhistory at any given time. life is merely a series of subjective deaths. Upon being appointed to the Freiberg University. and civilisation: ‗No dogmas and ideas will any longer be the laws of your being. Meanwhile transnational businesses go about their work. and that‗subjective death‘ and ‗biological death‘ are somehow unrelated. and history remains bunk (e. entertaining. The Fuhrer himself.

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