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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the

Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age

Alexander Fantalkin

Abstract ‘pots and people’ question, I would like to emphasize the

Although Greek contacts with the Southern Levant during the Iron significance of the historical/chronological context – the
Age have been studied at length, the matter remains controversial backbone of any historical interpretation.
in many aspects. The present study provides an overview of East- The accumulation of data, an essential beginning, should
West contacts during the first half of the 1st millennium bc, lead to contextualization involving the understanding that
suggesting to divide it into five major periods of contact. These different chronological settings may represent different geo-
periods, involving a different chronological setting, are political dynamics. Ian Morris rightly observes that one of the
characterized by different ‘total contexts’, heavily shaped by geo- major shortcomings of the post-modern trend of emphasising
political dynamics. It is suggested that every period of contacts (or connectivity and mobility is its timelessness.5 He points out that
their absence) requires a different explanation. many of what he calls first wave studies ‘showing links between
Greek and Near Eastern cultures, often threw together evidence
Introduction scattered across centuries, disregarding traditional
For scholars interested in Greek contacts with the Southern chronologies’.6 The recent contribution of Horden and Purcell
Levant during the Iron Age two developments in the late 7th takes this approach even further,7 arguing ‘against
century bc are truly remarkable: the establishment of Naukratis interpretations that emphasize radical change and violent
in Egypt and the massive appearance of East Greek pottery on discontinuity in the Mediterranean past’.8 What is offered
the eastern shores of the Mediterranean. It is not surprising instead is a vision of a permanently integrated Mediterranean,
therefore that these themes were chosen, inter alia, for the 28th wherein change is constant and ubiquitous, but generally local
British Museum Classical Colloquium.1 However, any attempt at in its effects. Such a reconstruction, with its emphasis on
discerning and decoding patterns in the dispersion of East Greek microregions, leaves little room for pivotal turning points in
pottery in the Levant, as well as explaining the Naukratis Mediterranean history, since the assumed connectivity stretches
phenomenon, requires an understanding of East–West contacts across extremes of time, by-passing geo-political boundaries and
during the first half of the 1st millennium bc. Such an overview empires, together with symbolically expressed ideologies of
is undertaken here. economic exchange and political domination.9
However, since I could not hope in the present format to do With mobility as the norm and a permanent feature of
justice to the whole range of issues that preoccupy scholars human activity around the Mediterranean shores, we are forced
dealing with Greeks in the East, I offer instead an extremely to ask questions differently. Or, as Emma Blake recently put it,
brief synopsis of Greeks in the East during the Iron Age, with ‘rather than ask, why did people move, one may ask, why did
special emphasis on a few thorny issues. people stay put in some cases?’10 Heavily affected by current
Since I shall concentrate on a number of broad globalization,11 Horden and Purcell’s vision of the
historical/archaeological issues, it is perhaps prudent to Mediterranean is already considered by some, and not without
acknowledge that every generation writes its own history and reason, as ‘one of those manifest watersheds in the study of
that every scholar has a view of the past coloured by his/her antiquity’, which will take a generation of historians to digest.12
education, experience and environment. I have no pretensions Indeed, taking into consideration a number of earlier studies in
therefore that my interpretations of East–West contacts will be favour of a permanently connected Mediterranean, one is
taken as the only possible scenario. On the other hand, I hope tempted to suppose that we are witnessing a paradigm shift.13
that among the pool of potential explanations for the changing What is missing in the portrait of a permanently connected
nature of East-West contacts, the model I offer best accounts for Mediterranean, however, is the notion of historical/
the available evidence.2 chronological context. In this regard, Bakhtin’s concept of the
From an epistemological point of view, I am on the side of total context of an utterance provides an applicable insight. The
many who argue that among the three main poles – realism, total context relates to the ways in which voices circulate in both
positivism and idealism3 – it is usually realism that offers the spoken and written dialogues and, according to Bakhtin, is
most useful point of departure for any archaeological unrepeatable.14 Even if one repeats the words employed in the
reconstruction, especially when this realism is combined with a same order, the total context would be always different, if for no
healthy dose of scepticism and a pinch of imagination.4 And other reason than because the words have already been uttered
although I can accept, at least to a certain extent, that in too once.15
many cases ‘there are no facts, only interpretations’, archaeology And when Horden and Purcell insert the distribution of Late
does often supply facts. Some facts, such as the presence or Bronze Age ox-hide ingots into the model of a permanently
absence of Greek pottery on the eastern shores of the connected Mediterranean, for instance, comparing it
Mediterranean, matter a great deal. The question remains: what simplistically with the whole spectrum of later metallurgical
we are going to do with these facts? But before I embark on the distributive systems,16 the ‘total unrepeatable context’ of

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particular periods is lost. The problem is not one of comparing compete with the advanced Phoenicians, let alone establish a
some chronologically distant metallurgical distributive systems. trading post at Al Mina toward the end of the 9th century bc.
After all, the merits of the comparative approach are The dominant view among Aegean specialists, although with
undeniable.17 Likewise, analogies are appropriate tools and notable exceptions, is that the Phoenicians brought Euboean
salient features of any historical/archaeological investigation. pottery with them to the East.24
The problem is a deliberate unwillingness to recognize that the However, the trend during the last decades of pinpointing
distribution of Late Bronze Age ox-hide ingots should be the beginning of Phoenician expansion to as early as the
understood on its own terms and against the background of Late 11th/10th centuries bc,25 if not earlier, is based almost entirely on
Bronze Age geo-political dynamics,18 which are a world apart a handful of presumably historical sources: to a lesser extent on
from the distributive systems of the Greeks and Romans, let the so-called ‘Report of Wenamun’26 and to a larger extent on the
alone those of medieval Genoa. Or, as Mario Liverani observes, biblical accounts regarding the cooperation between Kings
‘the “Bronze Age”, invented as a classificatory device for tools Solomon and Hiram I.27 These sources can no longer be treated
and weapons, can still be used as a large historical label, as reliable.28 Furthermore, the low Iron Age chronology,
encompassing similarly structured socioeconomic systems and advanced in Israel nearly a decade ago,29 has enormous
quite sharply opposed to the (differently labelled) preceding and implications for the Aegean world.
succeeding periods’; (emphasis added – A.F.).19 First, it leaves no room for Phoenician colonial expansion
Although it might be relevant, I am not concerned here with before the late 9th–early 8th centuries bc.30 The presence of
the long-running debate involving polarising tendencies ‘to see imported Phoenician vases in the assemblages at Palaepaphos
the past as Same (a primitive version of our present, which Skales31 should not imply the beginning of Phoenician
teleologically evolves into it) or as Other (as a remote, alien, colonisation of Cyprus before their establishment in Kition at the
fundamentally different world)’.20 My main concerns are socially late 9th century bc.32 Indeed, judging from available
embedded cultural contexts21 and their chronological settings. archaeological evidence, the initial Phoenician expansion
Therefore, with regard to metallurgical distributive systems, the overseas, accompanied by settlements abroad, took place only in
only reliable conclusion that may be deduced from the analogies the second half of the 9th century bc; and I refer to the well-
scattered across the centuries is, in my view, an known Phoenician establishment at Kition,33 but also to evidence
acknowledgment that different distributive systems have existed from new radiocarbon dating from Carthage34 and Southern
in the Mediterranean at different times. However, in order to Spain.35
understand the forces driving these and other exchange In my view, this expansion may be explained as a result of
activities, they must be viewed in their proper chronological/ pressure from Hazael, the king of Aram Damascus.36 A plethora
historical contexts. It is not helpful to gather all the cases of of archaeological data accumulated in Israel, such as Hazael’s
connectedness and mobility under the same rubric of a inscriptions37 and possible destruction layers, mostly in northern
permanently interconnected Mediterranean without Israel,38 but also to the south in biblical Gath,39 suggests that
distinguishing between different historical periods. Hazael’s kingdom was one of the most serious players in the
Indeed, the presence or absence of Greeks in the Eastern Southern Levant during the second half of the 9th century bc.40
Mediterranean during the Iron Age suggests that there is no I believe that Susan Frankenstein’s theory,41 that the
single model that would explain these contacts (or their Phoenician specialization in trade, accompanied by their
absence) through different time periods. Quite the opposite: settlements abroad, should not be seen entirely as free-trade
judging from the facts on the ground (and there are some), activity, but rather in the context of their functioning as
every subsequent historical period requires a different commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire, is basically
explanation, a different narrative. correct. However, judging from the archaeological data
regarding the beginning of Phoenician expansion overseas, this
Greek contact with the eastern Mediterranean during the Iron delicate arrangement, which eventually transformed the
Age: stressing the context Phoenicians into pan-Mediterranean traders, started in the days
The area under discussion runs from the coast east of Cilicia of Hazael, with Phoenicians serving the trade ambitions of Aram
down to the Sinai Peninsula. The contacts in question may be Damascus.42
divided roughly into five major periods, each involving a Second, and even more important, the low Syro-Palestinian
different chronological setting. These settings are characterized chronology provides, finally, an anchor for Aegean Proto-
by different ‘total contexts’ heavily shaped by geo-political Geometric and Geometric chronologies.43
dynamics. A minimalist approach to the beginning of Phoenician affairs
in the Mediterranean44 leads, in conjunction with a low
First period: a renewal of contact chronology,45 to an emphasis on the principal role played by the
The first period is characterized by the presence of mainly Euboeans in the renewal of contact between East and West,46
Euboean pottery (but also Attic and Atticizing) found in culminating in the establishment of Al Mina sometime around
northern Syria, Phoenicia and northern Israel in the late 10th, 800 bc.47 This, of course, occurred on behalf of local rulers.48 The
the 9th and the better part of the 8th centuries bc.22 The same pattern will be observed almost 200 years later, with the
assumed Phoenician superiority in virtually everything leaves, establishment of Naukratis in Egypt. In this regard, Boardman’s
according to many modern scholars, no room for independent notion that we should consider a trading port at Al Mina as a
Euboean ventures at such an early date, especially to the East. modest precursor of Naukratis is rather attractive.49 The Greek
When even pure Cypriot ventures are labelled Cypro- presence in the Eastern Mediterranean at this early period
Phoenician,23 it is quite obvious that Euboeans could not seems always to be restricted and controlled by local

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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age

authorities.50 Therefore, I strongly disagree with the idea that pottery to Al Mina. Did it arrive directly from Eastern Greece or
accepting a prominent Euboean role in Early Iron Age journeys was the Cypriot connection involved? What appears to be quite
to the East makes one Helleno-centrist.51 The Euboeans were clear, however, is that mainland Greece seems to be without
conducting these journeys because they were interested in re- direct connections with the East, starting from the period of the
establishing lost contacts with the East.52 It would give to the Neo-Assyrian domination. In fact, excluding Al Mina, while even
ruler of Lefkandi, for example, an enormous advantage at this site there is a clear structural break between Levels 7 and
compared to other contemporary Greek rulers.53 For the Greek 6, Greek pottery (except for a few insignificant cases) is almost
side it meant a great deal. For the East, it does not seem to mean non-existent in the Neo-Assyrian contexts.58 This contrasts with
much at all. But for the Greeks it meant the beginning of the a much broader distribution prior to the Neo-Assyrian
Orientalizing movement, with a minor Phoenician contribution, domination and, especially, immediately after its collapse.
but mainly, through the Syrians, as was already suggested long Lanfranchi’s recent speculations regarding Greek contact
ago and on many occasions by John Boardman. To this, one with the Neo-Assyrian Empire,59 which are based,
should add the adoption of the Greek alphabet, sometime archaeologically, almost exclusively on Haider’s earlier study,60
around the middle of the 8th century bc.54 All in all, although will find no echo in the archaeological realities of the Southern
the renewal of contact may be attested during the 10th/9th Levant. Dependent as they are on mistaken representations and
centuries bc, it certainly intensified during the better part of the understandings of the archaeological data involved,61
8th century bc at least until the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian Lanfranchi’s historical implications, according to which
domination over the Southern Levant. Assyrians favoured Greeks over Phoenicians in commercial and
settlement activities in the southern Levant,62 can confidently be
Second period: the Neo-Assyrian domination rejected. Similar confusion regarding the Greek pottery in the
Greek contacts with the East were halted by Assyrian expansion; Southern Levant appears in Rollinger’s recent attempt to draw a
here we arrive at a second period, the period of Assyrian picture of Greek contacts with the East during Neo-Assyrian
domination. The recent understanding of the processes that period.63 Likewise, his suggestion that we consider the
took place in the Southern Levant near the end of the 8th and individuals mentioned in the Near-Eastern texts as Iaman +
during the main part of the 7th centuries bc shows suffixes other than āya as possible Greeks acting in the midst of
unprecedented involvement of the Assyrian administration in the Neo-Assyrian Empire, seems to reside on rather shaky
local affairs. This involvement may be seen in a variety of fields, ground.
such as the annexation of many Levantine kingdoms Both archaeological and historical data suggest that during
accompanied by the transformation of some of them into the Neo-Assyrian regime the Greeks occupied a marginal space
Assyrian provinces; population exchanges; re-arrangement of in the Mesopotamian understanding of the universe. Bearing in
the borders and intensive construction activity. The latter is mind the Neo-Assyrian imperial ideology, with its pretensions of
particularly visible in the coastal area, which is dotted with ruling a universal domain,64 such a role for Greeks is
Assyrian emporia and fortresses.55 One of the most important understandable. Located in the ‘midst of the sea’,65 where the
Assyrian goals was the supervision of Phoenician trading Neo-Assyrian regime was not able to insert them physically into
activity. In this regard, as I have already stated, Susan the ‘correct relationship’ with the imperial new-world order,
Frankenstein’s theory viewing the Phoenicians as commercial Greeks were reduced to the status of ‘disparate, remote people
agents for the Neo-Assyrian Empire seems to be basically living on the edge of the world’66 in the Neo-Assyrian mappa
correct.56 Concerning the Eastern Mediterranean, it is quite clear mundi.
that every aspect of Phoenician commerce was closely overseen The Phoenicians apparently were chosen to serve as
and taxed by Assyrian officials. What we are witnessing here is a commercial agents for the Neo-Assyrian empire not because
delicate balancing act. On the one hand, the Phoenicians they were natural-born traders,67 although their expertise
enjoyed the stability produced by the pax Assyriaca and the should not be underestimated, but because the Neo-Assyrian
exclusive access to the network of trade-routes and trade-centres regime was able to control their trade, which was not without
across the Eastern Mediterranean. On the other hand, their benefits for both sides. Given this state of affairs, I tend to agree
commerce was strictly regulated and taxed.57 The Phoenicians with Helm’s suggestion that, for the Greek side, ‘the imperial
involved in commercial and colonial activities in the Western obligations imposed on permanent residents in Assyrian
Mediterranean, far from their Assyrian masters, doubtless provinces made life in the Levant unattractive’.68 Indeed, as
enjoyed a higher degree of flexibility than their counterparts in Helm pointed out more than 25 years ago:
the Eastern Mediterranean. From the point of view of the Even in the few nominally independent port cities such as Arvad,
present colloquium, however, the most important conclusion is Tyre, Ashkelon and Gaza it is likely that Greek traders would have
that, with regard to the southern Levant, this new world-order encountered Assyrian administrators, commercial regulations and
economic institutions. It was doubtless these contacts, and the
left most of the mainland Greeks quite effectively out of the
contacts with other representatives of Assyrian provincial
game. government, which gave visiting Greeks the not inaccurate
The single limited point of contact that was left was again Al impression that the entire east Mediterranean coast comprised
Mina, which became a port of trade toward the end of the 8th ’Assuri&h.69
and during the 7th centuries bc. But after c. 700 bc, Euboean The unprecedented involvement of the Neo-Assyrian
imports to the Southern Levant almost disappear. Starting from administration in the local affairs of the Southern Levant (see
Al Mina’s Level 6, it is mainly East Greek pottery that shows up above), attested both historically and archaeologically, is
during the period of Assyrian domination, not Euboean. Besides certainly in accord with Helm’s suggestions. In this regard,
it is not yet entirely clear who was responsible for carrying this Amélie Kuhrt’s rather sceptical look at the evidence for direct

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contact between Greece and the Mesopotamian empires is Egyptian goals: first, to protect the coastal plain – the main route
particularly revealing.70 Although, as in the earlier periods, the to the North; and second, to protect the Arabian trade networks,
Greeks definitely continued to meet Easterners, this time these which the Egyptians inherited from the Assyrians.84 The modest
were mostly Phoenician competitors. And these are indeed the finds of East Greek pottery in the vicinity of major military
Homeric Phoenicians.71 bases85 probably reflect Greek mercenary activities in these areas
The nature of direct contact between the Greeks and the rather than pottery trade.
Near East during the second period in my provisional scheme Many scholars, however, have claimed that the abundance
suggests therefore the beginning of a ‘Great Divide’ rather than of East Greek pottery should be taken as evidence of East Greek
Burkert’s Orientalizing revolution.72 trade.86 In these reconstructions even the coarse East Greek
It should be explicitly stated, however, that the concept of a cooking pots are considered a tradable commodity to the East.87
Great Divide does not imply an immediate break in contacts. It is In my view, most of these reconstructions are untenable. The
better described as a gradual process, starting with Tiglath- attested distribution and the nature of East Greek finds in the
pileser III’s annexation of the kingdom of Unqi/Patina in region of Palestine are insufficient to prove either the existence
738/737 bc. If Zadok’s identification of Al Mina as A∆tâ in of a developed pottery trade88 or the existence of a directional
Tiglath-pileser’s inscription on the Iran stele is correct,73 this exchange of other goods that may be less visible in the
might indicate that right after the annexation of Unqi, an archaeological record.89
Assyrian emporium was installed at Al Mina,74 in order to An additional point that argues in favour of East Greek
regulate and incorporate the existing Greek enclave into the mercenary garrisons rather than trading emporia is the
sphere of the Neo-Assyrian realm. Already at that time, a letter restriction of East Greek trade to Naukratis in Egypt.90 It must be
from Calah (Nimrud)(ND 2370), sent most probably to Tiglath- remembered that the establishment of Naukratis toward the end
pileser III by Qurdi-Aššur-lāmur, points to a possible Ionian raid of the 7th century bc overlaps with the appearance of East Greek
on the Phoenician coast.75 To this one may add a reference to the pottery on the Israeli coast. There is hardly any doubt that the
town of Yauna, mentioned in a Neo-Assyrian letter (ND 2737) entire coastal plain up to Phoenicia should be considered
published a few years ago by Saggs.76 The letter contains no Egyptian domain.91 In these circumstances it is reasonable to
firmly dateable details. However, the themes discussed and the assume that Egyptians would not have allowed the uncontrolled
arenas of operation seem to be echoed in the letters of Qurdi- establishment of East Greek emporia on the Southern Levantine
Aššur-lāmur, who was probably the governor of S.imirra in the coast, just as they did not allow it in Egypt itself. While Phoenicia
time of Tiglath-pileser III.77 In this regard, Na’aman’s suggestion proper and the areas to the north might have enjoyed East Greek
that we identify the town of Yauna with Ras el-Bassit,78 would, if trade during the Egyptian interlude,92 the evidence collected so
accepted, point to a possible Greek presence at this site at that far from the southern part of the Eastern Mediterranean points
time. Hereafter, however, the handful of Neo-Assyrian sources mainly to East Greek mercenary activity.93
that mention Ionians, mostly in hostile contexts,79 when The sudden appearance of Greek mercenaries in the East
combined with an almost total lack of Greek pottery in the Neo- and their employment by the different Near Eastern Powers
Assyrian assemblages (see above), leave little doubt about an continues to be a subject of debate.94 In my opinion, both
intensification of the Great Divide. historical and archaeological evidence suggests that the
presence of Greek mercenaries in the region should be
Third period: stressing the significance of the late 7th-century BC explained as an organized movement orchestrated by a central
contact, during a brief period of Egyptian domination Egyptian authority. These Greeks were not individual
The next period, although chronologically brief, is the most mercenary adventurers but were formally garrisoned.95 I cannot
important for the purposes of the present colloquium. I refer to accept the ideas expressed by several scholars that East Greek
some 20–25 years of Egyptian rule in the Southern Levant, assemblages point to individual adventurers or small groups of
following the Assyrian withdrawal. When the Assyrians pulled Greek mercenaries96 pursuing Homeric honour and glory.97 I
out from the Levant sometime in the twenties of the 7th century dealt with this issue in detail a few years ago,98 and I intend to
bc,80 the Egyptians took over their territories and ruled until the expand the discussion elsewhere. Likewise, today I am even
Babylonian invasion. This period, the third in my provisional more convinced that attempts to attribute the employment of
schema of the Greek presence in the Levant, lasted until the Greek mercenaries to Egyptian vassals, be it the kingdom of
Babylonian destructions at the end of the 7th and in the early Judah or the kingdom of Tyre, should be abandoned.
6th centuries bc. Most recently, however, Wenning99 defended his date for the
The sudden and massive appearance of East Greek pottery establishment of H.ashavyahu between 600 and 598 bc,
on the coastal plain of Israel toward the end of the 7th century under the reign of King Jehoiakim.100 This is in contrast to
bc 81 and its subsequent disappearance after only a few years fit Na’aman’s suggestion that the fortress of H.ashavyahu
the time-span during which the area fell under Egyptian rule.82 was abandoned in 604 bc, the year in which Nebuchadnezzar II
Following Nadav Na’aman’s insightful observations, I have launched a campaign to the Philistine Coast and destroyed
elsewhere discussed at length the East Greek pottery Ashkelon.101 In my opinion, however, Na’aman’s scenario
assemblages found in places such as Ashkelon, and the remains the most plausible option. Moreover, I hope I was able
fortresses of H.ashavyahu and Kabri, arguing that these to demonstrate that since the abandonment pattern attested at
represent Greek mercenaries in the employ of the Egyptians.83 In H.ashavyahu points to a ‘planned abandonment without
this reconstruction, the placement of these garrisons along the anticipated return’,102 it fits nicely with the assumption that this
coast together with the employment of Kittim along the Egyptian fortress was intentionally abandoned in face of the
southern fringe of the kingdom of Judah, conformed to two approaching Babylonian army.103

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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age

The historical improbability of Wenning’s scenario, on the offered points of direct contact, and provided channels of
other hand, which attributes the employment of Greek cultural exchange through which certain Greek ideas penetrated
mercenaries to Jehoiakim, who was an Egyptian vassal, has into Judahite texts and vice versa.112 But the employment of East
already been demonstrated104 and there is no need to revisit it Greek mercenaries was an Egyptian prerogative, not Judahite or
here. Likewise, from a strictly archaeological point of view, Tyrian. And this is where we find the Lydian connection.
Wenning’s entire case rests on the presence of a single pottery The crucial role played by the Lydians with regard to the
sherd he attributes to the North Ionian Late Wild Goat style. thousands of Ionian and Carian mercenaries hired by
Even if we assume that the sherd has been identified correctly, Psammetichos I emerges from the Rassam Cylinder, in which
Wenning’s belief that it cannot be earlier than 600 bc is Gyges, King of Lydia, is accused by Ashurbanipal of having sent
untenable. The East Greek pottery chronology for this period, his army to the aid of Psammetichos I.113 It appears that the first
with its approximate dates, rests on synchronisms with Mermnad ruler might have imprudently challenged the
Palestinian destruction levels and on synchronisms with Assyrians during the reign of one of the most powerful Assyrian
Corinthian and Attic pottery.105 It is simply impossible to assume kings. In my view, Lydian imperial policy triggered a sudden
such precision (+/– 4 years, which is the difference between explosion of East Greek activity in different directions.
Wenning and myself!) in dating this North Ionian East Greek Space constraints prevent me from addressing this issue at
sherd. In terms of absolute chronology, both the East Greek proper length but I intend to do so elsewhere. I think, however,
pottery and the local pottery from H.ashavyahu may be that there are good reasons to suspect that, contrary to scholarly
placed either in the late 7th or in the early 6th centuries bc.106 consensus, which connects the dispersion of Ionians abroad
Therefore one must consider the broader historical situation. with an aggressive Lydian and later Persian policy toward the
In support of his thesis, Wenning cites Niemeier’s response Ionian cities,114 it is cooperation rather than confrontation that
to my treatment of the finds from H.ashavyahu. we are witnessing here. In the East, via Egyptian connections,
Niemeier’s critique, however, is confused. First he concurs with Lydian imperial ambitions opened the way to Greek mercenary
Wenning that ‘ H.ashavyahu was erected by King penetration, followed by the establishment of Naukratis. In the
Jehoiakim during the brief period of possible Judahite North, it opened the way to the Ionian colonization of the Black
autonomy after 600 bc and was abandoned when Sea, which, I believe, is better explained in the context of rising
Nebuchadnezzar II attacked Judah in 598/97 bc’.107 On the next Lydian imperialism. The role that East Greeks played on behalf
page, however, he contradicts himself, claiming that the pottery of Lydian domination is much the same as that played by the
assemblage at H.ashavyahu may be interpreted ‘as Phoenicians on behalf of the Assyrians.
evidence that Greek mercenaries were in the service of Egypt at The negative view suggested by Herodotus’ remarks
the site, since the Egyptian army was the only army in which regarding Ionian enslavement, first by the Lydians and later by
large units of Greeks served’.108 the Persians (Hdt.1.6; 1.169), is somewhat misleading, since,
The main issue in Niemeier’s reply, however, is to reject my archaeologically, these are the most prosperous periods in East
suggestion to attribute the presence of the Greek garrison at Tel Greece, at least until the Ionian revolt. This is quite contrary to
Kabri to the Egyptian administration, since, according to the situation observed during the period of Athenian
Niemeier, these Greek mercenaries were in the pay of Tyre. domination.115 Besides, there is little doubt that Herodotus’
Niemeier’s conclusions are based on two assumptions: first, that biased account on this issue, addressed mainly to a mid-/late
after Assyrian withdrawal Tel Kabri belonged to Tyre; and 5th-century-bc Athenian audience,116 reflects the realities and
second that the small proportion of Greek pottery found at the perceptions of the time of his writing, rather than genuine states
site points to individual soldiers of fortune pursuing Homeric of affairs in earlier periods.
values. Even if the first assumption is true, it would simply imply Summarizing the third period in my provisional schema, I
that the kingdom of Tyre, like the kingdom of Judah, was wish to emphasize that from the second half of the 7th century
required to provide supplies to Egypt’s East Greek mercenaries. bc, East Greece, via Lydian mediation, rediscovered Egypt and
Likewise, Niemeier’s second assumption is hardly defensible. then, during a brief period of Egyptian expansion toward the
The proportions may be misleading, since only a small portion end of that century, the rest of the Eastern Mediterranean. But it
of the Late Iron Age fortress at Tell Kabri was excavated.109 is East Greece that was involved in both mercenary and trade
Besides, it is not necessary to deduce that a small proportion of activity in the Eastern Mediterranean. For mainland Greece the
Greek pottery should represent individual adventurers on behalf Great Divide was still there. Even in the later period, during the
of Tyre rather than a small contingent stationed by the reign of Amasis, when we hear of an Aiginetan presence in
Egyptians. Naukratis, the Aiginetans, being the sole representatives of a
All in all, it appears from the archaeological record that broadly taken mainland Greece, ‘did set up separately a temenos
dependent local powers were obliged to provide supplies to of Zeus on their own initiative’.117
Greek mercenary units, and to cooperate with these Egyptian What can we learn from the fact that the Aiginetans were
representatives in every possible way.110 The rationale behind the excluded from the Hellenion, which was established by Ionians,
establishing of the fortresses at H.ashavyahu and Tell Dorians and Aeolians in a very unusual act of early Greekness?
Kabri is logistical. These and, most probably additional hitherto Is it possible that the common denominator behind the mixture
undetected fortresses, served as focal points for collecting of the poleis that participated in the establishment of the
supplies for Egyptian troops on their way to the Lebanese coast Hellenion has more to do with the fact that all of them were
and northern Syria and, no less important, on their way back to located in East Greece? Whereas for the Samians and Milesians,
Egypt.111 More important, places like H.ashavyahu, where who also kept their temene separately, a good case can be made
East Greek mercenaries co-existed with Judahites, definitely that their presence in Naukratis goes back to the late 7th century

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bc, it would be hard to postulate the same for the Aiginetans. Obviously, something has gone wrong.
Perhaps what we are witnessing here is not an all-embracing In my view, it is striking to realize that after the lively traffic
pan-Hellenism118 but rather the crystallization of an East Greek and renewal of contact during the late 10th, the 9th and,
identity, dictated by geography? especially, the better part of the 8th centuries bc,125 mainland
Greece, on the whole, seems to be without direct connections
Fourth period: the Neo-Babylonian Empire with the Eastern Mediterranean from the end of the 8th–early
The Neo-Babylonian period is characterized by a total lack of 7th centuries bc until perhaps the Persian period. The
Greek material in the southern part of the Eastern Orientalizing period in Greek history turns out to be the period
Mediterranean.119 During the major part of the 6th century bc, of the Greeks’ exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu, the main
the period of greatest prosperity at Naukratis, this part of the source of cultural borrowing in the preceding centuries.
Levant, except for a few inland areas, is in ruins, chiefly serving But what does it mean? Does it imply viewing one of the
as a buffer zone with Egypt.120 In the northern part of the most important developments in Greek history, the late 8th
Eastern Mediterranean, there is a settlement gap at the site of Al century bc ‘structural revolution’,126 as essentially untouched by
Mina. However, a good quantity of 6th century East Greek external influences? I think it requires quite the opposite. Just as
pottery found at Tell Sukas suggests that it may have served as a the quest for the origins of European identity in the Minoan and
point of contact. This notion, however, should be accepted only Mycenaean civilizations appears to be the fruit of Eurocentric
with hesitation, since it is possible that the majority of East imagination,127 the lengthy disengagement between mainland
Greek material can be dated to the last two decades of the 7th Greece and the Near East, triggered by the Neo-Assyrian
century bc/very early 6th century bc, implying that the main expansion, need not imply that the rise of Greek polis culture
phase of the Greek presence at Tell Sukas may have started occurred in total isolation from Near Eastern influences. In any
during the period of Egyptian political domination, slihgtly case, we are better off de-familiarizing ourselves with the past
overlapping with the beginning of the Neo-Babylonian rule. that we study,128 throwing away an endless search for the
After a certain gap in the settlement’s history during the better imaginary, pristine origins of the different civilizations
part of the Neo-Babylonian period, the next phase of the Greek connecting remote antiquity to the present.129 Concerning the
presence at Tell Sukas may be pushed into the last third of the ‘East–West’ question, we are best off treating the history of both
6th century bc,121 implying that it should be viewed mainly as the sides as one.130
result of Persian rule and not necessarily Neo-Babylonian. This Although in many cases it is hard to pinpoint all possible
issue, however, deserves additional study.122 channels of transmission, it is clear that even after what I have
called the Great Divide, Eastern influences continued to
Fifth period: the beginning of Persian domination penetrate into Greece through numerous channels: through the
The fifth and final period in my short overview begins with the interaction with the Phoenicians (gradually changing from
end of Babylonian and the beginning of Persian rule during the friendly to hostile),131 through Ionian craftsmen,132 etc. But the
last third of the 6th century bc. A significant difference (that general path of development witnessed in many parts of the
finds expression in the pottery repertoire) must be noted Greece from the end of the 8th century bc and later yielded
between East Greek assemblages from the end of the 7th century something quite different from that found among the Near
bc and the renewal of East Greek imports observed toward the Eastern cultures,133 including the Phoenicians.134 As a matter of
end of the 6th and during the 5th centuries bc, which may point fact, the difference is tremendous.135 Ian Morris captures it
to commercial activity. This time, unlike in the earlier period, brilliantly, comparing the main messages behind Hesiod and
there is an abundance of amphorae made in Chios and Samos prophetic literature: ‘whereas Hesiod’s instructions call for the
(but other localities are also represented) as well as banded basilees to share power with the geitones, the prophets want the
bowls. The distribution is considerably wider than during the kings of Judah and Israel to reform the priesthood’.136
third period.123 During the 5th century bc, East Greek pottery is In the same vein, Susan and Andrew Sherratt have observed
gradually replaced by Attic imports. Properly appreciating the that by the 7th century bc ‘many forms of east Mediterranean
nuances of the Persian period, however, would require a goods seem to have been bypassing the Aegean, although
separate study well beyond the scope of the present endeavour. turning up in some numbers further west; and it seems likely
that some degree of ‘import restriction and substitution’ (along
Greeks and the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age: with other forms of cultural resistance) was taking place. At the
some final observations same time, by the later part of the 8th century, evidence of a
Nowadays, no scholar would even imagine reconstructing the growing panhellenic consciousness in Greece itself, defined
history of Greece without considering oriental influences. And, specifically in relation to a Phoenician ‘other’, combined with
to my mind, the only way to understand the genesis of Greek the rush to found overtly political colonies in the west, marks the
civilization is by putting it into a broad geo-political context: it is initial conception of the two distinct ideological, cultural and
the western periphery of the East. However, I also think that politico-economic spheres which were to dominate Greek
making everything that has emerged on Greek soil ‘a gift from relations with the east for millennia to come.’137
the East’ simply misses the point. If, as many modern scholars Although it might be tempting to resurrect an unpopular
want us to believe, the impact of Eastern civilizations and notion of binarism, the simplistic concept of ‘West against the
influences was so total and tremendous, how and why did the East’ offers little more than a dead end. Likewise, at least in our
ancient Greeks manage to produce the idea of the polis, a case, postcolonialism, and its constant obsession with hybridity,
community of equal, local-born men, which stands in total creolization and resistance, does not necessarily provide a better
opposition to everything which the East symbolizes?124 perspective. It might be more helpful in the case of the Western

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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age

Mediterranean, although even there it too often serves modern with a remote heroic past rather than with the East should be
political agendas rather than unbiased historical interpretations. viewed as one of the main outcomes of the Great Divide.
Our case is Janus-faced: on the one hand, at least until the Furthermore, it is not at all improbable that the rise of what
beginning of the Persian Empire, the great powers of the Near Morris calls the ‘middling ideology’ in Archaic Greece,146
East show little interest in Greek affairs; on the other hand, even culminating eventually in Athenian democracy, should be seen
in the periods of Greek exclusion from the Near Eastern milieu, and explained against the background of this Great Divide.147 To
the challenges posed by the older civilizations, and a variety of a certain extent, this might be a real ‘Near Eastern gift’
Greek responses to these challenges, continue to be among the contributing in the most important way to the rise of the Greek
central factors in shaping Greek identities. In many ways these polis and its institutions. If things had turned out differently and,
influences were turned inward, negotiated among the Greeks as in previous periods, the elites of mainland Greece had
themselves as they attempted to make sense of the East. In this maintained their links with the East, the ‘middling ideology’
regard, the concept of ‘negotiated peripherality’, developed by would not necessarily have won. However, given that the
Nick Kardulias138 and adopted by Ian Morris for Iron Age Assyrians seem not to have had any interest in establishing
Greece,139 is especially helpful. Morris argues for a nuanced and direct control over remote Greece, a Great Divide was very
chronologically sensitive approach that takes into consideration nearly inevitable.148
a plethora of Greek responses to Near Eastern challenges. In his I want to conclude by pointing out that from the end of the
reconstruction the ‘totality of context’ is prominent, since 8th century bc until the Persian period the ‘mainland Greeks’
chronologically different geo-political configurations yielded are barely if at all attested in the Near East. East Greece, the
distinct Greek responses.140 Morris also convincingly shows that main mediator between East and West, is another story. But to
these responses, triggered by the renewal of contact with the my mind, at least during the Archaic period, it should be
East, varied significantly among different Greek communities: considered more a part of the East than a part of the West. East
some struggled to preserve the model of isolation, while others Greeks fully experienced this dual status. Physically they lived in
embraced the East. The basic premises of Morris’ approach are the East, and were part of the Eastern milieu. But, in part
reasonable. Nevertheless, in view of the low chronology in because of proximity they had constant contact with their
Israel, they need to be modified in a way that emphasises mother country and this and only this prevented East Greeks
Euboean agency in the initial establishment of contact, rather from losing their ethnic and cultural identity altogether. This
than Phoenician (see above). And Morris also fails to recognize, was otherwise a very real possibility: we need only recall the
like so many others, the significance for Greeks of the Great complete assimilation of the Philistines, who, in a much earlier
Divide. period, penetrated too deeply into the Levant.
The Mediterranean was indeed, as Morris suggests, ‘a
smaller place in 700 than it had been in 800’.141 However, despite Notes
the assumed ‘collapse of distance’ (due to the technical advances 1 I am grateful to Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing for their
kind invitation to attend the 28th British Museum Classical
in shipbuilding), the Great Divide resulted in the gradual Colloquium ‘The Naukratis Phenomenon: Greek Diversity in Egypt’.
exclusion of mainland Greece from the Near Eastern koine and Likewise, I wish to express my gratitude to numerous scholars who
paved the way for a re-negotiation of Greek peripherality. have offered valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper,
I cannot discuss here all the possible consequences of the including John Boardman, Margalit Finkelberg, Israel Finkelstein,
Baruch Halpern, Peter James, Amélie Kuhrt, Irad Malkin, James
geo-political disengagement between mainland Greece and the Muhly, Benjamin Sass, Oren Tal, Alexandra Villing, Ran Zadok and
Near East after the Neo-Assyrian expansion. As a telling especially Ephraim Lytle. Obviously, the responsibility for the views
example, however, one may consider the widespread expressed henceforth rests with me alone.
2 In Lipton’s (2004) famous treatment of the ‘Inference to the Best
appearance of domestic ‘Hero and tomb cults’ in late 8th century
Explanation’, this kind of explanation may be considered as the
bc mainland Greece. Indeed, even if the initial occurrences of ‘likeliest’ and the ‘loveliest’.
‘tomb cults’ may be projected into the Proto-geometric period,142 3 Trigger 1998.
it doubtless remains a salient feature of the Late Geometric 4 Joffee 2003, 82.
5 Morris 2003, 42.
period.143 One is tempted to ask therefore, what are the reasons 6 See, e.g., Bernal 1987, 1991, 2001; S. Morris 1992; Burkert 1992, 2004;
for such a sudden obsession with ancestors and local heroes? Faraone 1992; West 1999.
How does it happen that only toward the end of the 8th century 7 Horden and Purcell 2000; see also Purcell 2003; Horden 2005;
Horden and Purcell 2005.
bc, Greeks everywhere begin to rediscover and admire their
8 Horden and Purcell 2000, 5.
local past, attaching themselves to mythical ancestors and 9 Cf. Algazi 2005, 230.
heroes? Many of the wide variety of explanations already 10 Blake 2004, 240.
offered have merit,144 but the concept of a Great Divide, as 11 Morris 2003; Morris and Manning 2005, 20-1.
12 Shaw 2001, 453.
suggested here, may provide an additional, explanatory 13 See, e.g., Shaw 2001; Morris 2003; Malkin 2003a, 2004; and see
background for the sudden emergence of an active quest for papers in Blake and Knapp 2005.
local roots. Once again, it is a diversity of inwardly focused 14 Bakhtin 1981, 275-85; 1986, 75, 105.
15 Morson and Emerson 1990, 125-7; Joyce 2002, 29-34.
Greek responses – this time to the exclusion from the Near
16 Horden and Purcell 2000, 347-8.
Eastern koine – that we are witnessing. It is worth mentioning 17 Kocka 2003.
that unlike what will emerge as a poleis zone, with its Eastern 18 Cf. Kolb 2004, 579-86.
influences and abundant orientalia, the ethne, which were never 19 Liverani 2005a, 48.
20 Moreland 2000, 2, emphasis in original.
truly involved in dialogue with the East, showed no interest in 21 Cf. Boggs 2004.
hero and tomb cults in the periods discussed.145 22 A number of studies offer useful summaries regarding the earliest
In my opinion, it is plausible to suggest that establishing ties Iron Age finds of Greek pottery in the Eastern Mediterranean: e.g.,

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Boardman 1990a, 1999a; Waldbaum 1994; Haider 1996; Sørensen view and remains the subject of continuous controversy.
1997; Crielaard 1999; Coldstream 1998a, 2000; Luke 2003. For the 47 As anything connected to this site (cf. Boardman 1999b, 2002a,
most recent finds from Tel Rehov, see Coldstream and Mazar 2003; 2002b), the foundation date of Al Mina is a matter of controversy. In
Mazar 2004. my view, the earliest possible dates suggested by Kearsley (1995) and
23 For the demolition of a long-standing scholarly consensus that the Descœudres (2002, 50-1) are certainly too low and should be rejected
dispersion of Cypriot Black-on-Red pottery in the Aegean should be (Fantalkin 2001a, 121; [forthcoming a]).
connected with a Phoenician monopoly of commercial networks, see 48 In the case of Al Mina, this should be the kingdom of Unqi/Patina, at
Schreiber 2003, passim, esp. 312. least until its incorporation into the Neo-Assyrian system in 738 bc
24 See Helm 1980, 95; Graham 1986; S. Morris 1992, 127, 141; Perreault (Harrison 2001; Luke 2003, 21, 36).
1993; Papadopoulos 1997; Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; Markoe 49 Boardman 2002a, 328.
2000, 174; Sherratt 2003, 229-30; and contra Boardman 2002a, 50 Möller 2000a, 203-8; Fantalkin 2001b, 137-46. A few authors have
2002b; Lemos 2001, 2003; Luke 2003. expressed the view that Strabo’s account (17.1.18) of the Milesian
25 See Negbi 1992; Aubet 2000; Niemeyer 2000, 2004. arrival at Naukratis, accompanied by the foundation of the Milesian
26 For ‘Report of Wenamun’ as a piece of literature rather than fort, should be taken literally (Braun 1982, 37-8; Kaplan 2002, 238,
historical account, see Helck 1986; Baines 1999; Schipper 2005; for n.27; Petropoulos 2003, 50). This view , however, is hardly
the date of composition, see Sass 2002, with further references. defensible.
27 For the numerous supporters of Phoenician domination in the 51 As may be deduced, inter alia, from Papadopoulos 1997; Morris and
Mediterranean already at the beginning of the Iron Age it may Papadopoulos 1998; Markoe 2000, 174; Sherrat 2003, 229-30;
perhaps come as some surprise to discover that the biblical testimony Niemeyer 2004.
regarding the cooperation between Kings Solomon and Hiram I does 52 Luke 2003, 59, with further references.
not reflect the realities of the 10th century bc, a fact that has been 53 For a useful model, although from a later period, see Spencer 2000;
recognized for some time. The literature on the subject is enormous; he argues that the polis of Archaic Mytilene differed considerably
see e.g. Knauf 1991; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001, 2006, with from its counterparts on the isle of Lesbos, due to Mytilene’s
further references. deliberate ‘investment’ in international activities rather than in more
28 Needless to say that the same holds true regarding the Classical traditional avenues for the expression of power (such as large-scale
literary tradition, which suggests that the foundation of Cadiz, Utica constructions). In the case of Lefkandi, however, an unquestionable
and Lixus took place at the turn of the 12th/11th centuries bc. desire for interactions abroad was accompanied by unprecedented
29 After Finkelstein 1995a, 1996, 1999. Whether or not to accept (for Greece) large-scale construction.
Finkelstein’s low chronology is still a subject of ongoing discussion, 54 Sass 2005, 133-54. Nowadays, however, especially in light of the
mainly among Syro-Palestinian archaeologists. The literature is recent upward revision of the Gordion dates (De Vries et al. 2003,
extensive and I do not intend to summarize the history of the 2005; Voigt 2005; but see contra Muscarella 2003; Keenan 2004; and
question here. But judging from the most recent publications, the so- Sass 2005, 147, n. 239, who questions Muscarella’s conclusions), even
called conventional Palestinian chronology, with a huge United the adoption of the Greek alphabet directly from the Phoenicians is
Monarchy of Kings David and Solomon as well as early Phoenician not necessarily obvious. There are good reasons to suspect that the
expansion in the days of Hiram I is, at least to my mind, doomed. Greeks might have adopted the alphabet via Phrygian agency (Sass
30 Fantalkin (forthcoming a). That is not to deny the existence of some 2005, 146-52, with extensive bibliography).
meagre pre-colonial contacts with places like Cyprus, and see Gilboa 55 See Na’aman 1995b, 2001; Gitin 1997; Finkelstein and Singer-Avitz
2005. 2001, all with further references.
31 Bikai 1983. 56 Frankenstein 1979.
32 Iacovou 2005. In any event, in terms of absolute chronology, the 57 Cf. Na’aman 1994; Kuhrt 2002a, 22-3; Edelman 2006, 219-23.
beginning of Bikai’s Kouklia horizon (1987, 68-9) should certainly be 58 Jane Waldbaum (1994, 59) summarizes the issue as follows: ‘A
down-dated (Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003). curious gap in the roster of early Greek pottery in Palestine is the
33 Guzzo Amadasi and Karageorghis 1977, 7; Yon 1997. complete lack of Protocorinthian pottery of the late 8th through
34 Docter et al. 2005; Nijboer 2005, with further references. most of the 7th centuries, a lack that is nearly matched in Cyprus and
35 Aubet 2001, 372-81; Torres Ortiz 1998, 2005. The recent suggestion by Tel Sukas, but not in Al Mina. Since Protocorinthian is the Greek
Nijboer and Van der Plicht (2006), that the beginning of Phoenician trade ware for most of the 7th century bc, it is odd that so little
settlement activity abroad may be pinpointed to the first half of the interest was shown in it – and its contents of perfumed oil – in much
9th century bc, if not before, is barely defensible, as it is based on a of the Levant.’
few 14C dates obtained from a secondary mixed deposit at Huelva 59 Lanfranchi 2000.
(south-west Spain). 60 Haider 1996.
36 For detailed accounts of Hazael’s realm, see Na’aman 1995a; Dion 61 Thus, for instance, one discovers, amazingly, that in the 8th century
1997, 191-204; Yamada 2000, 310-20; Hafthorsson 2006. bc at Tell Sukas Greek pottery ‘progressively overwhelms and finally
37 See Biran and Naveh 1993, 1995; Na’aman 2000; Irvine 2005. replaces other foreign (especially Phoenician) items; in the 7th
38 See Na’aman 2000; Coldstream and Mazar 2003; Finkelstein 2004. century its numbers increase to the point that a Greek settlement
39 Maeir 2004. may be almost safely envisaged’ (Lanfranchi 2000, 10). And so it goes
40 Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 30-2. on (ibid., 9-11). Judging from the excavation reports of Tell Sukas,
41 Frankenstein 1979. however, one learns that only some 15 possible Greek sherds were
42 Fantalkin and Finkelstein 2006, 31. unearthed in the contexts of the late 8th century bc and only a few of
43 Fantalkin 2001a; Coldstream 2003. The most recent suggestion that them may be dated to the early 7th century bc (although to my mind
the Proto-Geometric period should start c. 1100 bc, if not earlier the latter statement remains uncertain). On the other hand, during
(Newton et al. 2005a, 2005b), is impossible to sustain. Such a drastic the main part of the 7th century bc, i.e. the period of Assyrian
upward chronological revision for the Proto-Geometric period, domination, the Greek imports from Tell Sukas are virtually absent
based on the data from Assiros, is unacceptable as it stands against (Ploug 1973, 92-3). The amount of Greek pottery at Tell Sukas
all other data collected in the southern Levant. Besides, the Proto- increase impressively only toward the end of the 7th/early 6th
Geometric amphora in question is not necessarily correctly identified centuries bc, but this development has nothing to do with the Neo-
and may belong typologically to Submycenaean or even Late Assyrian policies, since it occurred after the collapse of the Neo-
Helladic IIIC (cf. Muhly 2003, 28). Likewise, the old wood affect may Assyrian regime.
be responsible for the high dendrochronological dates from Assiros 62 Thus, according to Lanfranchi 2000, 32: ‘… Assyria opposed the
(Finkelstein and Piasetzky [forthcoming]). Greeks only on very limited occasions, and was ready to enhance and
44 Following Muhly’s original suggestion from 1985 (unlike Muhly encourage their trade, presence and settling after its domination had
1999). definitely consolidated. But more, this happened, as attested by
45 See Gilboa and Sharon 2001, 2003; Boaretto et al. 2005; Finkelstein archaeological data, at the expense of other concurrent traders, like
and Piasetzky 2003a, 2003b, (forthcoming); Sass 2005. Cypriotes or Phoenicians: and this should show, instead, that
46 Cf. Coldstream 1998a. Although I tend to agree with Boardman Assyrians favoured Greeks over others in commercial and settling
(1999c, 42) that ‘the question of “who was first?”… seems quite activities.’ (emphasis added – A.F.)
meaningless, indeed almost childish’, it has never disappeared from 63 Rollinger 2001, 249-50, passim.

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Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age

64 Liverani 2005b, 232. Tyre, as reported in Ezekiel 27:13, deserves to be mentioned.

65 For detailed treatment of the Neo-Assyrian written sources, 93 Saying all this, however, I do not wish to reject completely the
mentioning, inter alia, the location of Ionia in the ‘midst of the sea’, possibility of certain East Greek trade with the coast of Palestine,
see Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001. especially with places like Ashkelon. On the other hand, we should
66 Kuhrt 2002b, 27. consider the possibility that whatever East Greek trade existed, if
67 As may be deduced from Coldstream 1998b, 257. any, would have been directed mainly toward the East Greek
68 Helm 1980, 113. mercenaries who were stationed in the region. In this case, those
69 Helm 1980, 112-13. East Greek mercenaries were able to receive some familiar goods
70 Kuhrt 2002a. (including pottery), otherwise inaccessible in the local environment.
71 Cf. Muhly 1970, 1985; Winter 1995; Sherratt 2005, 35-6. 94 Bettalli 1995; de la Genière 1999; Kearsley 1999; Trundle 1999, 2004;
72 Burkert 1992, 2004, 1-15. Niemeier 2001; Wenning 2001; Fantalkin 2001b; Kaplan 2002, 2003;
73 Zadok 1996; accepted by Parpola and Porter 2001, 5 and Na’aman Raaflaub 2004a.
2004. 95 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6.
74 Na’aman 2001, 261. For the text, describing the city of A∆tâ as an 96 Helm 1980, 137.
‘emporium (b1̄t kāri) on the seashore, a royal store-house’, see 97 Bettalli 1995; Niemeier 2001, 2002.
Tadmor 1994, 104-5, line 13. 98 Fantalkin 2001b, 141-6.
75 Parker 2000; Kuhrt 2002a, 18; Na’aman 2004, 70, all with further 99 Wenning 2004, 31-2, n. 13.
references. 100 Wenning 1989.
76 Saggs 2001, 166-7, pl. 33. 101 Na’aman 1991a, 47.
77 I owe this observation to Nadav Na’aman. 102 Cf. Stevenson 1982, 255-61.
78 Na’aman 2004; corroborated, perhaps, by a minor presence of Greek 103 Fantalkin 2001b, 10-49, 144.
pottery there, although slight compared to Al Mina. 104 Fantalkin 2001b, 143-4.
79 Brinkman 1989; Kuhrt 2002a; Rollinger 2001. 105 Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005.
80 Na’aman 1991a, 33-41; 1991b; Fantalkin 2001b, 134-5; 2004, 254-5. Or, 106 Fantalkin 2001b, 128.
perhaps, slightly earlier, and see Vanderhooft 1999, 64-8, with 107 Niemeier 2002, 329.
further references. 108 Niemeier 2002, 330.
81 The reliability of the Archaic Greek chronology has been questioned 109 Lehmann 2002a, 77-87.
on several occasions (e.g., Francis and Vickers 1985; Bowden 1991). 110 As may be deduced from both H.ashavyahu and the Arad
Recent and thorough contributions by James (2003; 2005) suggest ostraca; and see Na’aman 1991a, 46-8, in more details.
lowering the Archaic Greek chronology of late 7th to early 6th 111 The location of H.ashavyahu in the vicinity of the natural
century bc by roughly three to four decades. However, as for the anchorage of Yavneh-Yam (cf. Galili and Sharvit 2005), supports
earlier periods, the evidence supplied by the Levantine side appears Na’aman’s (1991a, 51) suggestion that Necho II and his army may
to be crucial. In fact, the destruction of Ashkelon by Nebuchadnezzar have sailed as far as the Lebanese coast and launched campaigns
II in the month of Kislev 604 bc, as reported in the Babylonian from there. In this regard the increasing importance of the naval
Chronicle (Wiseman 1961, 68-9, 85; Stager 1996, 61*, n. 1) and the forces under the Saïte Dynasty should definitely be emphasized (cf.
East Greek pottery assemblage exposed in Ashkelon’s destruction Lloyd 1972).
layer (Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Waldbaum 2002a), leaves no 112 Finkelstein 2002.
room for any significant lowering of the Archaic Greek chronology. 113 Luckenbill 1927, 297-8; cf. Jer. 46:9; Hdt. 2.152.
82 The appearance of East Greek pottery in Levantine assemblages 114 See e.g., Kocybala 1978, 132; Koshelenko and Kuznetsov 1992;
toward the end of the 7th century bc has been summarized in a Tsetskhladze 1994, 2002; Gorman 2001, 67; Greaves 2002, 107-8. It
number of detailed studies: see e.g. Waldbaum 1994, 1997, 2002a; should be noted that earlier scholarship tends to be more
Waldbaum and Magness 1997; Fantalkin 2001b; Niemeier 2001; sympathetic to ‘Barbarian Asia’ when describing the relations
Niemeier and Niemeier 2002; Wenning 2001, 2004. between the coastal Ionian cities and the Lydian and Persian
83 Na’aman 1991a; Fantalkin 2001b, with further references. Likewise, empires, cf., e.g., Radet 1893; Hogarth 1909, 78; 1929; Lenschau 1913;
references to units of Kittim in the Arad documents provide Dunham 1915, 70-6; and more recently, Balcer 1991; Georges 1994,
additional evidence for the activity of these mercenaries in the 2000; Buxton 2002; Burkert 2004.
service of Egypt (Na’aman 1991a, 47-8; for Kittim in the later sources, 115 Is it a coincidence that Ionia’s cultural renewal, which is sometimes
see Eshel 2001). The Qrsy, mentioned in Inscription 18 from Arad, called ‘the Ionian Renaissance’, started in the 4th century bc, mainly
may relate to Carian mercenaries (cf. Zadok 2005, 80). It is possible after the ‘King’s peace’ in 387 bc? Cf. Isager 1994; Pedersen 2004;
that these units were also active during a brief period when Egypt Lawall 2006.
returned to the region (601/600–599/598 bc) as a result of 116 Hall 2002, 182, n. 44; Moles 2002.
Nebuchadnezzar’s unsuccessful campaign against Egypt in 601/600 117 Hdt. 2.178.
bc. 118 As may be deduced from Hall 1997, 49-50 and Malkin 2003b.
84 Na’aman 1991a; Finkelstein 1995b, 148, 152-3; Fantalkin 2001b. 119 Weinberg 1969.
85 See e.g., Magness 2001; Fischer 2005a, 181, fig. 10; Fantalkin 120 Cf. Vanderhooft 1999; Lipschits 2005.
(forthcoming b). 121 For instance, Frank Wascheck kindly informs me that most of the
86 See e.g., Weinberg 1969, 90; Kelm and Mazar 1989; Waldbaum 1994, Fikellura pottery fragments unearthed at Tell Sukas should be dated
60-1; Master 2003; Faust and Weiss 2005, 75. to the last third of the 6th century bc.
87 Master 2001, 167-8, 171; Waldbaum 2002b. 122 It is quite clear, for instance, that the so-called Greek temple of Tell
88 In too many cases, scholars automatically assume that the presence Sukas is not Greek at all and is perfectly at home in a Near Eastern
of imported pottery is evidence of pottery trade. But any valid milieu (cf. Bonatz 1993; Mazzoni 2002).
explanation that deals with distribution of the imported pottery 123 Cf. Wenning 1981, 2004; Elayi 1988; Tal 1999, 107-9; Ambar-Armon
must take into consideration a wide spectrum of circumstances that 2005.
may distinguish various regions during different periods (cf. 124 It goes without saying that certain traditions of collective decision
Snodgrass 1980, 126-8; Gill 1994). making, mostly on the communal level, were already widespread in
89 Fantalkin 2001b, 137-41. the ancient Near East. Still, such phenomena, which are sometimes
90 Hdt. 2.179; and see Möller 2000a, 204-8. characterized as ‘democracy’s ancient ancestors’ (Fleming 2004),
91 Already in 616 bc, Psammetichos I and his army came to the aid of remain a world apart from what was achieved on the Aegean side.
Assyrian king Sin-shar-ishkun and fought alongside the Assyrians in 125 Cf. Coldstream 1983, 1995, 1998a, 2000; Lemos 2001.
the far north, in the vicinity of Qablinu/Gablini (Wiseman 1961, 11- 126 Snodgrass 1980, 15-84; Morris 2005.
13, 44, 54-5; Spalinger 1978, 49-50; Zadok 1985, 135). In 612 bc, 127 Papadopoulos 2005.
Psammetichos I’s rule certainly extended at least as far as the 128 Hamilakis 2002, 18-19; Osborne 2004, 7-22.
Lebanese coast, as attested by various written sources in which the 129 Turner 2001.
tribute brought by the kings of Phoenicia to Egypt is mentioned 130 Morris and Manning 2005.
(Spalinger 1977, 228-9; 1978, 55, n. 27; Na’aman 1991a, 51-2). 131 Cf. Boardman 2001a; Winter 1995.
92 In this regard, Ionian involvement in a slave and metal trade with 132 I think Muhly’s skepticism about the notion of so-called traveling

© The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 207


Oriental craftsmen working as long-term residents on Aegean soil is Whitley 1988, 1994, 1995, 2002; Antonaccio 1994, 1995; Mazarakis
well-founded (Muhly 2005). Ainian 1999; Finkelberg 2004, 2005.
133 Snodgrass 1980. 145 Antonaccio 1995, 254. Except for a few insignificant cases, see
134 Raaflaub 2004b. Morgan 2003, 187-95.
135 See e.g. Thornton 2000; Boardman 2005. 146 Morris 2000, 155-91.
136 Morris 2000, 168. 147 Cf. Sahlins 2005, who convincingly demonstrates that the
137 Sherratt and Sherratt 1998, 335; and see also Sherratt 2005, 36. intensification of any one opposition is likely to engage and
138 Kardulias 1999. aggravate all the other antagonisms. That is to say the small-scale
139 Morris 1999. initial disputes may easily be magnified into large-scale struggles
140 See also Morris 2000, passim; Whitley 2001, 102-23. between nations and kingdoms, making macrohistories out of
141 Morris 2000, 257. microhistories and vice versa.
142 Mazarakis Ainian 1999. 148 For a general framework of counterfactual approach, see Tetlock and
143 See e.g. Coldstream 1976; Antonaccio 1995; Mazarakis Ainian 1999. Belkin 1996; Ferguson 1997.
144 The literature is vast, but to cite a few: Coldstream 1976; Morris 1988;

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© The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | 235

Greek Diversity
in Egypt
Studies on East Greek Pottery and
Exchange in the Eastern

Edited by Alexandra Villing and

Udo Schlotzhauer

© The British Museum

The British Museum Research Publication Number 162

The British Museum
Great Russell Street
London WC1B 3DG

Series Editor
Dr Josephine Turquet

The British Museum Press
46 Bloomsbury Street
London WC1B 3QQ

Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt

Studies on East Greek Pottery and Exchange in the Eastern
Edited by Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer
Front cover: Fragment of North Ionian black-figure amphora (?) from
Naukratis. British Museum GR 1886.4-1.1282 (Vase B 102.33)

ISBN-13 978-086159-162-6
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Contributors v

Preface vii

Naukratis and the Eastern Mediterranean: Past, Present and Future 1

Alexandra Villing and Udo Schlotzhauer


The Hellenion at Naukratis: Questions and Observations 11

Ursula Höckmann and Astrid Möller

The Delta: From Gamma to Zeta 23

Alan Johnston

‘Drab Bowls’ for Apollo: The Mortaria of Naukratis and Exchange in the 31
Archaic Eastern Mediterranean
Alexandra Villing

Carian Mercenaries at Naukratis? 47

Dyfri Williams and Alexandra Villing


The Study of East Greek Pottery 49

John Boardman

East Greek Pottery from Naukratis: The Current State of Research 53

Udo Schlotzhauer and Alexandra Villing

Neutron Activation Analysis of Pottery from Naukratis and other Related Vessels 69
Hans Mommsen with M.R. Cowell, Ph. Fletcher, D. Hook, U. Schlotzhauer, A. Villing, S. Weber
and D. Williams

Naukratis: Les importations grecques orientales archaiques. 77

Classification et détermination d’origine en laboratoire
Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas

Archaic Greek Plates from the Apollo Sanctuary at Emecik, Knidia. 85

Results and Questions Concerning Dorian Pottery Production
Regina Attula

The Non-Figured Wares from the Anglo-Turkish Excavations at 93

Old Smyrna. Points of Contact with Naukratis
Stavros Paspalas

Chemical Provenance Determination of Pottery: The Example of the 105

Aiolian Pottery Group G
Hans Mommsen and Michael Kerschner

© The British Museum

On the Provenance of Aiolian Pottery 109
Michael Kerschner

The Chian Pottery from Naukratis 127

Dyfri Williams

Some Observations on Milesian Pottery 133

Udo Schlotzhauer with contributions by P. Herrmann (†) and S. Weber

East Greek ‘Situlae‘ from Egypt 145

Sabine Weber with an Appendix: Neutron Activation Analysis Results by H. Mommsen, A. Schwedt,
S. Weber and M.R. Cowell

The Apries Amphora – Another Cartouche 155

Donald Bailey


The Greeks in Berezan and Naukratis: A Similar Story? 159

Richard Posamentir

Some Ceramic Inscriptions Istrian Sanctuaries: The Naukratis Approach 169

Iulian Bîrzescu

Naukratis and Archaic Pottery Finds from Cyrene’s Extramural Sanctuary of Demeter 175
Gerald Schaus

Imported Greek Pottery in Archaic Cyrene: The Excavations in the Casa del Propileo 181
Ivan D’Angelo

Etruscan and Italic Finds in North Africa, 7th–2nd century BC 187

Alessandro Naso

Identity in the Making: Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Iron Age 199
Alexander Fantalkin

Bibliography 209

© The British Museum


Regina Attula Alexander Fantalkin

Ernst-Moritz-Arndt-Universität Greifswald Tel Aviv University
Institut für Altertumswissenschaften Department of Archaeology and Ancient
Rudolf-Petershagen-Allee 1 Near Eastern Civilizations
17487 Greifswald Ramat Aviv, Tel Aviv 69978
Germany Israel

Donald Bailey Ursula Höckmann

The British Museum Taunusstr. 39
Greek and Roman Department 55118 Mainz
Great Russell Street Germany
London WC1B 3DG
United Kingdom Alan Johnston
Institute of Archaeology
Iulian Bîrzescu University College London
Institute for Archaeology ‘Vasile Pârvan’ of the Romanian 31–34 Gordon Square
Academy London WC1H 0PY
Str. Henri Coanda, nr. 11, sector 1 United Kingdom
010667 Bucharest
Romania Michael Kerschner
Österreichisches Archäologisches Institut, ÖAI
John Boardman Franz-Klein-Gasse 1
Ashmolean Museum 1190 Vienna
Beaumont Street Austria
Oxford OX1 2PH
United Kingdom Astrid Möller
Ivan D'Angelo Seminar für Alte Geschichte
Università di Napoli ‘L'Orientale’ Kollegiengebäude 1
Dipartimento Mondo Classico e Mediterraneo Antico Werthmannplatz
Palazzo Corigliano 79098 Freiburg i. Br.
Piazza S. Domenico Maggiore Germany
80138 Naples
Italy Hans Mommsen
Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn
Pierre Dupont and Annie Thomas Helmholtz-Institut für Strahlen- und Kernphysik
CNRS-UMR 5138, Nussallee 14–16
Archéométrie – Archéologie 53115 Bonn
Université Lyon 2 Germany
7, Rue Raulin
69365 Lyon CEDEX 7

© The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | v


Alessandro Naso Udo Schlotzhauer

Università degli Studi del Molise Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAI
Dipartimento di Scienze Storiche, Umane e Sociali Eurasien-Abteilung
Via G. de Sanctis, snc Im Dol 2-6, Haus II
86100 Campobasso 14195 Berlin
Italy Germany

Stavros Paspalas Alexandra Villing

Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens The British Museum
Zacharitsa 23 Greek and Roman Department
Koukaki Great Russell Street
11741 Athens London WC1B 3DG
Greece United Kingdom

Richard Posamentir Sabine Weber

Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, DAI Walkmühlstr. 6
Abteilung Istanbul 65195 Wiesbaden
Gümüssuyu/Ayapasa Camii Germany
Sok. 48
34437 Istanbul
Turkey Dyfri Williams The British Museum
Greek and Roman Department
Gerry Schaus Great Russell Street
Wilfrid Laurier University London WC1B 3DG
Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies United Kingdom
75 University Avenue West
Waterloo, Ontario
N2L 3C5

vi | Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt © The British Museum


This volume has its origin in a workshop on Naukratis and East leaders within SFB 295 – Kreikenbom for his support in
Greek pottery held at the British Museum in December 2004 as organising the financing of the workshop, and Höckmann for
the 28th British Museum Classical Colloquium, the result of a much help and constant openness to discussions.
collaboration between the British Museum and members of the On the British Museum side, we would like to thank in
Naukratis Project of SFB 295 at the Gutenberg-Universität particular Dyfri Williams, Keeper of the Greek and Roman
Mainz. Made possible by the generosity of the Gerda-Henkel- Department, for making the workshop possible and for his
Stiftung and the Caryatid Group of the British Museum’s Greek unfailing support throughout; all colleagues in Greek and
and Roman Department, to whom we extend our gratitude, the Roman Department and the Educational AV unit for help with
workshop brought together archaeologists, historians and organising the workshop; colleagues in the Department of
scientists with the aim of generating a fruitful discussion and Ancient Egypt and Sudan, especially Jeffrey Spencer and Neal
exchange of ideas and knowledge to further our understanding Spencer, as well as in the Middle East Department, for helpful
of the site of Naukratis in its wider, Eastern Mediterranean discussions and access to objects; Lesley Fitton, Susan
context. As it emerged, the scientific analysis of pottery samples Woodford, Mira Hudson, Bárbara Freitas, Sara Cambeta and
taken both at the British Museum and elsewhere proved Sotiria Papastavrou for help with proof-reading; Kate Morton
particular vital for many results presented here. To a large extent for producing two wonderful new maps and several profile
this was made possible by subsidies from the Deutsche drawings; the British Museum’s Photography and Imaging
Forschungsgemeinschaft, by the personal interest of Professor Department, especially Dudley Hubbard, for producing new
Hans Mommsen of the Helmholtz-Institut, Friedrich-Wilhelm- photographs of objects at short notice; Lindy Crewe for help
Universität Bonn and the various other individuals, excavations with image editing; John Boardman for encouragement and the
and institutions that allowed material in their care to be donation of his invaluable Naukratis archive to the British
analysed, and by the generous help of the staff of the Museum; and last but not least Josephine Turquet for producing
Department of Conservation, Documentation and Science of the the volume sympathetically and efficiently as ever.
British Museum, notably Mike Cowell and Duncan Hook.
As editors, we have greatly enjoyed working with such Editorial note
knowledgeable, reliable and responsive colleagues as have come For Greek names a Greek spelling has been retained wherever it
together for the present volume. The collaborative spirit that was deemed not too unusual for the eye, which invariably
pervades the volume has its roots in the stimulating discussion means there will be considerable inconsistencies (such as
and collaborative ambience of the workshop, which led to Klazomenai and Aiolis but Cyrene and Laconia).
further exchanges well beyond the confines of the actual A joint bibliography can be found at the end of the volume.
gathering. We are grateful to all participants, who made it such Journals have been abbreviated after the guidelines of the
an exceptionally productive experience. The contributions American Journal of Archaeology. Some additional abbreviations
assembled in this volume reflect this ongoing research and are used, such as NAA for neutron activation analysis. Stylistic
discourse, which has helped the volume to be, we hope, not just phases in the development of East Greek pottery from various
a gathering of individual papers but more a thematically linked regions have been abbreviated (e.g. as NiA I = North Ionian
whole. Archaic I; MileA II = Milesian Archaic II) according to the new
Many people have contributed to making the workshop, the system set out in Kerschner and Schlotzhauer 2005.
related research and this volume possible. On the Mainz side, The order in which the contributions are arranged was in
we would like to thank in particular Sabine Weber (Mainz) for part determined by the practical necessities of printing the
her vital input in the workshop and related research, and Ursula colour sections.
Höckmann and Detlev Kreikenbom (Mainz), Naukratis project

© The British Museum Naukratis: Greek Diversity in Egypt | vii