THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF LIVERPOOL

MAPS AND

··POLITICS

A REVIEW OF THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CARTOGRAPHY OF MACEDONIA

THE PALAEOGEOGRAPHY OF THE MIDLANDS

BY

L. ]. WILLS

Illustrated

H. R. WILKINSON

1016

PHYSICAL SURVEY OF MERSEYSIDE

BY

WILFRED SMITH

Illustrated with Maps and Diaqrams

51-

THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF GEOGRAPHY

AN INAUGURAL LECTURE

BY

H. C. DARBY

THE BELGIAN KEMPENLAND

BY

F. ]. MONKHOUSE

LIVERPOOL STUDIES IN GEOGRAPHY

GENERAL EDITOR: H. C. DARBY

MAPS AND POLITICS

A REVIEW OF THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CARTOGRAPHY OF MACEDONIA

MACEDONIAN PEASANTS FROM KUMANOVO, c. 1870

MAPS AND POLITICS

A REVIEW OF THE ETHNOGRAPHIC CARTOGRAPHY OF MACEDONIA

BY

H. R. WILKINSON, M.A.

Lecturer in Geography

in the University of Liverpool

LIVERPOOL

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1951

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VI

PREFACE

and presenting the evidence to the best possible advantage with the aid of cartographic devices. The second has been to use the Macedoni an maps to exemplify the characteristics of ethnographic maps in general, the merits and the limitations of which do not appear to be generally appreciated.

The author has been well aware, because of the delicate political issues involved, of the necessity to observe at all times a strict impartiality of outlook. He has never entertained any idea of justifying anyone of the variety of claims put forward by the many rival parties which have contested this region in the past, or which may have interests there at present. Nor has there been in the author's mind any question of urging boundary revisions in the Macedonian region,

The illustrations in the text are based on original ethnographic maps.

They are, however, interpretations rather than facsimile reproductions of such maps. In order to facilitate comparison, it has been necessary to reduce all maps to a similar scale, and to standardize methods of representation.

For the purpose of easy identification and reference, the name of each author, his professed nationality, and the date of publication are given in the case of each ethnographic map. Where the author is unknown some simplified reference has been used instead, e.g.,League of Nations' Map, 1926. For the sake of clarity, and because it is not difficult to fix places by reference to coastlines, lakes and towns, graticules have been omitted from the maps. Unless otherwise indicated, north points are understood to be at the top of each map in the conventional manner.

The sources of all maps are fully acknowledged in the bibliography.

This takes the form of a list of the original titles of maps to which reference is made in the text, or which the author has at some time consulted. The list is arranged in chronological order according to date of publication. Sizes of maps and scales are given where available.

The place-names in this book are based as closely as possible on the spellings in use in the country where the places are situated. A note on the source of these spellings has been incorporated elsewhere. Place-name policy is, however, only as rigid as common sense dictates.

PREFACE

VII

It would be manifestly absurd, for example, to dispense with the 'familiar anglicized form of the place-name, Macedonia, and to replace 'it by Makedonia (Serbian), or Makedhonia (Greek).

In the spelling of ethnographic names, anglicized forms arc preferred wherever possible, e.g., Albanian rather than Shquiptar, Greek rather than Hellene. The name' Bulgar ' is not used to describe the modern Bulgarian because of the historically, non-Slav connotation attached to it. The original Bulgars were not Slavs whereas the modern Bulgarians are. The name 'Serb' is retained but those Serbs living within the political boundaries of Serbia are referred to as 'Serbians.' The name Macedo-Slav is italicized throughout because of its association with J. Cvijic, It is a better descriptive term than ' Macedonian ' which is often used to refer to all nationals of the Jugoslav Republic of Macedonia, including Slav, Albanian and Turkish elements.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

WARMLY acknowledge all the help I have received from many sides in the writing and production of this book. The idea of writing a monograph on the ethnographic maps of Macedonia was the outcome of some discussion with Professor H. C. Darby in the autumn of 1946. For Professor Darby's part in the inception of the work, and for his subsequent help and encouragement at all stages in its preparation, I am deeply indebted. Professor

G. East was kind enough to read the original manuscript and to offer suggestions and amendments for which I am very grateful. My thanks due also to my colleagues in the Department of Geography at Liverpool who have always been ready to proffer advice and useful criticism and to help.in the reading of proofs. My wife has shared in the tasks of compilation, proof-reading and indexing and has given me much helpful criticism in the arrangement of material.

;;,Gifts of maps, and pertinent information bearing on Greek Macedonia .•. been made to me from time to time by Mr A. A. Pallis, Director of the ,'lTrp,'1(' Department of Information in London. Mr Pallis has always been to place at my disposal his own great knowledge of Macedonian affairs.

under an obligation to many Jugoslav geographers of the Jugoslav

XI

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x

CONTENTS

page

CHAPTER VI THE END OF THE CENTURY. II2 G.Weigand's Map, 1895: The Maps of R. von Mach, 1899: C. Nicolaides' Map, 1899: F. Mciuhard's Map, 1899 : V. K!incev's Map, 1900 :

The Bulgarian Exarchate Map, 1901.

CHAPTER VII THE MACEDO-SLAVS, 1903-1910 . 133 K. Peucker's Map, 1903 : Greek Maps, 1903 and 1905: D. M. Brancov's Maps, 1905: H. N. Brailford's Map, 1906: E. Barbarich's Map,

1905: J. CvijiC's Maps, 1906-7: Russian and Czech Maps, 1907-10: G. Amadori-Virgilj's

Map, 1908.

CHAPTER VIII PRO-SERB MAPS AND THE

BALKAN WARS, 1909-1913 161

J. CvijiC's Map, 1909: R. W. Seton-Watson's

Map, 19II : The Liberation of Macedonia: J. Cvijic's Map, 1913: Consequences of The Creation of Albania: The Treaty of Bucarest,

1913.

CHAPTER IX

MAPS OF THE WAR YEARS,

1914-1918 188

Introduction: Greek Maps: Bulgarian Maps:

Serbian Maps : The Map of the Union of Nationalities, 1918: American, L. Dominian's Maps, 1915-17: Italian, A. Dardano's Map, 1916 : French Maps: British Maps.

CHAPTER X

ETHNOGRAPHIC MAPS AND THE

PEACE-MAKING, 1919-1923 228

Bulgarian Maps: Albanian Maps: Greek Maps:

Romanian Maps: British and American Maps:

German and Austrian Maps.

CHAPTER XI

MAPS OF THE INTER-WAR YEARS,

I924-I938 . . 250

L. Schulrzc-jena's Map, 1927: Miss M. M. Hasluck's Map, 1930: W. R. Shepherd's Map, 1930: The Serbian Census-Maps, 1924: League of Nations' Maps, 1926: A. Haberlandt's Map, 1927 : A. Meillet's Map, 1928: S. Mladinov's Map, 1929: V. Mikov's Map, 1936: Maps in British and Foreign Atlases, 1928-38.

CONTENTS

Xl

CHAPTER XII THE WAR YEARS AND AFTER, page

1939-1950 . 286

The Greek Census, 1940: German Maps: British Maps: The Jugoslav Census, 1948.

CHAPTER XIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 3I4

ApPENDIX A. Gustav Weigand's Ideas (1924) . 327

ApPENDIX B. Bibliography 333

INDEX 351

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XIV

LIST OF MAPS AND DIAGRAMS

Fig 83·

Twelve views on the distribution of the Bulgarians, ") 1847-1944 I

84. Twelve views on the distribution of the Macedo-

slavs, 1909-1944

Eight views on the distribution of the Pomaks, l

1877-1940 r

86. Twelve views on the distribution of the Vlachs, II

1821-1940 .

87. Twelve views on the distribution of the Albamans, j

1847-1942

Greek aspirations in Macedonia.' 1877-1919 Serbian aspirations in Maccdoma,. 1878-1918 Buloarian aspirations in Macedonia, 1876-1950 Alb~nian aspirations in Macedonia, 1877-1950 .

85·

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page

314 Between &

315

320 322 325

A NOTE ON PLACE-NAMES

Jugoslavia

The recognition by the Government of Jugoslavia of an increased number of official languages in 1945 has correspondingly increased the variety of current forms of place-names in southern Jugoslavia. Macedonian is now the official language of theJugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Albanian of the Autonomous Region of KosovoMetohja, but so far no revised topographical maps have been issued incorporating Macedonian and Albanian place-names. The difference between Serbo-Croat and Macedonian forms is not always great, e.g. in the case of Skoplje (Skopje), but it is often of sufficient magnitude to render inconsistent the employment of Serbo-Croat forms. In the absence of data referring to the modification of place-names as a result of political re-organization, however, the principle laid down in the P.C.G.N. policy based on the pre-war official Jugoslav languages, has had to be accepted for the purpose of this book. In practice this means the spelling of place-names in the Serbo-Croat form as .they appear on the G.S.G.S. I: 100,000 map-series covering Jugoslav Macedonia.

Exceptions, however, have been made in this usage:

. (a) No attempt has been made to modify spellings of names already familiar to English readers, e.g., Old Serbia, Macedonia, etc.

(b) In the case of lakes and rivers, and other land features geographical terms have been translated, e.g., Lake Ohrid (Ohridsko Jezero).

(c) In historical contexts it has been necessary occasionally to employ historical forms, e.g., the Vilayet of Uskub (Skoplje).

Greece

The principle adopted by the P.C.G.N. in 1941 for Greek nomenclature has been followed. Nearly all the place-names employed are found in A Gazetteer of Greece (London, 1942) .. Unfortunately of latinized forms, widespread in western Europe, renders

important places scarcely recognizable in their Greek forms y concessions have been made to convention in certain e.g., Macedonia itself (Makedhonia), and Salonika (Thessaloniki).

xv

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2

INTRODUCTORY

The use of the terms 'natural' boundaries and 'natural' region in connection with these definitions is highly misleading in view of the diversity of structure, relief and climate found within the prescribed region, as well as the debatable nature of the so-called limits.~, On examination of a detailed oro graphical map the natural framework is found to consist of complicated systems of mountain ranges which achieve only here and there a lineal form, and within which prevails a diversity of land-forms and a complex drainage system. Of

FIG. 1. SOME DEFINITIONS OF MACEDONIA

The references in the key are as follows: 1. Greek, C. Nicolaides, I899; 2. Anonymous, Carte des Eccles Chretiennes de la Macedoine, I905; 3. A Greek definition given by D. M. Brancoff I905.

all the attempts to define Macedonia, that which makes its appeal to physical geography is the least profitable, and also the easiest to refute.

Perhaps equally facile are the attempts to define Macedonia, historically, by invoking its past political boundaries. V. Colocotronis, the Greek historian, for example, devoted four hundred pages and a score of facsimile maps to demonstrate, inconclusively, that the northern boundary of classical Macedonia roughly approximated to that of modern Greece.' He is not the least offender. But historians less concerned with the propagandist value of their researches have revealed

1 La Macedoine et L'Hellenisme : 'Etude historique et ethnographiquc (Paris, I9I9).

INTRODUCTORY

3

the traditional, ephemeral character of Macedonian political boundaries. From being reduced to the confmes' of Salonika at certain periods of

.its classical history, Macedonia has at other times reached the Adriatic, the Haemus and the Danube. No useful purpose therefore is achieved by insisting on the hypothetical stability of the historical boundaries of Macedonia. It is noteworthy that the Osmanli Turks, who inherited so much from their Byzantine precursors, never recognized any Macedonian administrative unit, It is not unreasonable to conclude that history no more sets its seal upon the boundaries of Macedonia than does physical geography.

Some of the conflicting views on the extent of Macedonia have been summarized in Figs. I & 2. There is a lack of agreement manifest in the definitions given in these sketch-maps and therefore to avoid confusion

it is important to intimate the definition of Macedonia that has been adopted in this monograph. The name is used throughout the text as a \ convenient means of referring to the region which lies between the Sar mountains in the north, the Aegean sea in the south, the lower Mesta river and the Rodopi mountains in the east, and the Albanian highlands in the west (Fig. 3). This region is distinctive not on account of any physical unity or common political experiences but rather on account of the complexity of the ethnic structure of its population. It is a zone where the Albanian, Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian linguistic provinces meet and overlap, and where in addition exclaves of Romanian and Turkish speech are found; it is a region where the concept of national sentiment, associated with language, exists side by side with the perhaps older concept of community based on religious affiniry : it is

a region where many influences, economic, cultural and political, emanating from different parts of Europe, Asia and Africa, meet and mingle but where the process of fusion has not always taken place. The traditional incapacity of this region to absorb and to transform might be correlated with its physical diversity and with its function as a through-route between the new world north of the Alps and the old

world of the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East.

Its role as a routeway is the second characteristic feature of Macedonia. This role partly explains its ethnic complexity but it has had other consequences also in that it has made Macedonia a name

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INTRODUCTORY

political geography of Macedonia. During the course of the nineteenth century the ethnic structure of local populations became increasingly influential in deciding their political affinities. Where that structure was obscure, as in the case of Macedonia, the onus of establishing the affinities of its population fell upon parties interested in its strategic and economic possibilities rather than in its people. All· powers, both great and small, imperialistic and nationalistic, discerned the importance of putting exactly that interpretation on the ethnography of Macedonia which might best extend their influence in the area and so prepare. the way. for the establishment of local hegemony, or Near Eastern ascendency, as the case might be. It is for these reasons that a detailed study of ethnographic maps of Macedonia forms a fruitful approach to its political geography.

At the same time, the exploration of this cartographic sourcematerial serves another useful purpose. It throws light on the nature of ethnographic maps themselves, on the development of a special type of cartography, on methods of representation, compilation and production. The validity of criteria may be examined, palpable misrepresentations and inaccuracies determined, and something of the uses and misuses, themerits and the limitations of such maps, be demonstrated.

This monograph, therefore, is concerned with a survey and analysis of some two hundred ethnographic maps of Macedonia. They include some of the first and some of the latest of such maps to be compiled, Most of them are products of the nationalist fervour of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Few were published before 1840. The maps selected incorporate all possible points of view. Some are more detailed than others. Scales vary but often a small sketch-map is as illuminating as a large plan. Many of them deal specifically with Macedonia, or part of Macedonia and its adjoining territories, others refer to Macedonia only as part of the Balkan peninsula, o·r as part of Turkey-in-Europe, or even as part of Europe as a whole.

The maps are treated in chronological order because so many of them are derivative, and each may be properly studied only in its historical context. A comparative method of approach has also been attempted which has necessitated a policy of standardization and simpli-

INTRODUCTORY

7

fication of maps, and the adoption of a common formula of analysis for the contents of each. A survey of the ethnic classifications used by various authorities since 1821 reveals more than one hundred and fifty diverse groups (see Summary). Whilst it has been necessary to describe this variety, which is in itself a significant pointer to the difficulties and limitations of ethnographic mapping, it has been found practicable to do so under the following selected headings : I. Turks ; 2. Greeks; 3. Slavs; 4. Vlachs; 5. Albanians. Only occasionally has it been necessary to modify this plan of description. In the accompanying maps, where possible, a standard pattern of representation for the distribution of each of these main groups has been applied, each map being reduced to a comparable scale. Except for the illustrations. in the summary chapter it was not found practicable to use a common base-map.

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Balkans but stretched from the Adriatic, in a north-easterly direction, as far as Poland and Russia. It was divided into two by a wedge of Hungarian. The southern part extended from the Sar mountains to Carinthia and Styria and it is to be inferred from the map that here both Illyrian and Slav were spoken. But neither the Albanians, as such, nor the Serbs, nor the Bulgarians, nor yet the Romanians, were specifically referred to on the map.

Conclusion

So in 1730, when the major linguistic affinities of the rest of Europe were already fairly well established, the principal groups of the Balkans, as they arc known to-day, had not even been envisaged by European scholars. The existence in European Turkey of ethnic groups, the origins of which often pre-dated the Osmanli conquests, remained almost entirely unsuspected. Noone fully appreciated the fact that the Turkish possessions constituted one great preserve, wherein diverse cultures, languages, religions and traditional economies had maintained their respective individualities for over three hundred years. Nearly seventy years more were to elapse before travellers began to bring back tales of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and to report that they not only outnumbered the Turks in Macedonia, Thrace and Bulgaria, but that they even took an active part in the commerce and administration of the Turkish Empire.

In the opening decades of the nineteenth century, a host of itinerant scholars and adventurers began to inform an incredulous western public that the Turks had not succeeded in colonizing even a tenth of their European domain, nor yet had they had much success in imposing their language and religion upon the peoples whom they had conquered. It transpired that the fanatical fury with which the Osmanli Turks had swept through the Balkans to the very gates of Vienna had dwindled, after the first Rush of conquest, to a mild toleration which even if it derived from a policy of dividere et imperate was none the less remarkable. F. C. L. H. Pouqueville, D. Urquhart, H. Ubicini and other early nineteenth-century travellers confirmed in their reports the overwhelming numerical superiority in the Balkans of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and the ethnographic maps of the second decade

F. A. O'ETZEL'S MAP, 1821

II

of the century recorded the revolution in ideas which had taken place consequent upon these revelations.

F. A. O'ETZEL'S MAP OF 182I

F. A. O'Etzel was a cavalry captain and a member of the General Staff of the Prussian Army. He was a geographer of some repute, with a particular interest in ethnographic cartography. Using language as his criterion, he compiled an ethnographic map of Europe which was produced by the Technical Bureau of Berlin in 1821. This map clearly summarized the ideas he held concerning ethnographic groupings and distributions in the Balkans at the beginning of the century. Altogether O'Etzel distinguished six groups (Fig. 5).

The Turks

He indicated the Turks only as a minority within the peninsula, giving no details of their distribution because his method of showing minorities was very inadequate: it consisted of inscribing the name of the minority concerned, in small Roman letters over their habitat .

. Capital letters were used to depict majority populations and some attempt was made to show their extent by means of a dotted outline. But even using this crude method, O'Etzel managed to convey the fact that he did not believe that the Turks formed the bulk of the population of the Balkans. It is of interest to note that he marked separately the Yuruks in Macedonia. They ,:vere nomadic pastoralists of Turkoman extraction, 'who later were usually classed with, or as, Turks.

The Greeks

Instead of the Turks, O'Etzel depicted the Greeks as the predominant ethnic group in the Balkans. He marked them in southern Macedonia as far north as Lake Ohrid, in Thrace, and along the coast of the Black sea. O'Etzel evidently believed that if the inhabitants of most of southern Macedonia and Thrace were not Turks, they must be Greeks. The reasons for this changed view-point" will be examined

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to the misconception that the Bulgarians formed only a minority of the Balkan peoples ;

(iii) the Morlachs and Uskoks of Dalmatia and Croatia who were later to be regarded as slavized Romanians.

The Slaps

Finally, O'Etzd distinguished the 'pure Slavs' showing them as occupying the land between the coastal ranges of the Adriatic and the Danube above Vidin. He included in this category the Serbs, the Bosnians and the Croats.

The Significance oj O'Etzel's Map

O'Etzel's map was widely accepted in Europe in 1821. M. A.

Denaix, the French geographer, based the ethnographic map of Europe in his Atlas Physique J Poluique et Historiqtl~ de I' Europe, 1829, on that of O'Etzel. The second edition of this atlas, in 1855, retained the map with only slight modifications. Unlike O'Etzel, however, Denaix believed that the process of slavization amongst the Illyrians had proceeded to the stage when all Illyrians might well be regarded as Slavs even although they were still known by their old names as, for example, the Morlachs.

The chief difference between the 1730 map and O'Etzel's map was that on the former the Turks had been regarded as all important, whilst on the latter the Greeks assumed the role of the major group of the southern Balkans. The change in ideas had immense significance for the futurepolitical geography of the peninsula. There was a number of reasons why, towards the end of the eighteenth century, the belief in the Greek character of the Balkans became widespread, and why, at the beginning of the nineteenth century this belief reached its zenith. These reasons may be grouped under four separate headings.

(I) The Greek National Movement, Towards the end of the eighteenth century, the Greek national movement, in the form of a literary renascence, was already under way, led by such men as Rhegas (1753-98), author of Greek revolutionary songs and the organizer of fiercely patriotic secret societies, and Adhamandios Korai's (1748-1833),

F. A. O'ETZEL'S MAP, 1821

IS

who edited the Greek classics and helped to reform and purify the Greek literary language.l As the movement grew, it aimed at the liberation of Hellas, the homeland of the ancient Greeks, based on the archipelago. There, throughout the period of Turkish rule, the Greeks had managed to retain a fair amount of administrative freedom, particularly in Peloponnisos (Morea), which had remained virtually an autonomous state, although still under Turkish suzerainty. Turkish control of the difficult country in the archipelago had never been effective. Osmanli influence there had been countered, not only by the Greeks themselves, but also by the power of the Italian republics, particularly by Venice. In the archipelago furthermore, the Greek fighting spirit had been maintained by the armatoll and the klephts, whose stirring adventures form the subject of many Greek folksongs. The armatoli were Greek militiamen enrolled for the purpose of policing the autonomous Greek districts. The klephts, on the other hand, were brigands loth to acknowledge Turkish suzerainty, patriots, outlaws and adventurers.

The Greeks in the islands of the Aegean and Ionian seas were also ripe for emancipation. The Turks had never been a seafaring people; the Greeks naturally manned the Turkish navy, and, what was more" important, assumed almost complete control of the commerce of the Empire. Under the Turkish flag (and after 1783, under the Russian flag, in the Black sea), the Greek mercantile marine had grown extraordinarily rich and powerful. It was able to exploit to the full the advantages arising out of Turkish control of the Straits of Dardanelles and the Bosporus, and of the coasts of the eastern Mediterranean." The Greek mariners had, by 1821, become a highly privileged and wealthy body of men. Their voyages often took them out of the Mediterranean, and their presence abroad brought to the notice of the rest of the world the importance of the Greek element

" within the Turkish possessions.

In 1821, the year in which O'Etzel's map appeared, the national

1 The 'purification' (katharevouas) of the language ultimately restricted its political influence and had unfavourable repercussions on the development of the' Grand Idea' (see p. II 8). Of incidental interest is the fact that Rhegas was Vlach.

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91

r8

TURKS, GREEKS AND ILLYRIANS, ·I730-I843

in I914, summarize the sentiment prevailing at the beginning of the nineteenth century before the Romantic Movement developed (see p.28)1 :

Albanians, Bulgars, Vlachs and all who now do speak An alien tongue rejoice, prepare to make you Greek, Change -your barbaric tongue, your rude ways forgo,

So that as bygone myths your children may them know.

In the opinion of another well-known historian: "South-eastcrn Europe was ruled by the Turks; but [ . . . ] its religion, education; commerce and finance were in the hands of the Greeks." These words of Sir Charles Eliot sum up admirably the role of the Creeks in the Turkish Empire in the late eighteenth century."

The fight for Greek emancipation thus assumed a dual aspect. It took the form, on the one side, of a narrow national movement largely centred in the Greek archipelago, which looked to ancient Greece for its inspiration, to Athens for its capital, and to Attic Greek for its literary language. On the other side, it took the form of a wider movement towards the revival of the Byzantine Empire, a movement which had its headquarters in the Phanar quarter of Constantinople, a movement which looked to the glory of Byzantium for its inspiration, and to Constantinople for its capital. This divergence of view was to become a characteristic feature of Greek history. It split the Greeks ultimately into two hostile camps and had a tragic aftermath.

(3) Russia alld the Greeks. The first of the Great Powers to recognize the spiritual and commercial importance of the Greeks in the Balkans, and to work for Greek independence in that theatre, was Russia. The eighteenth century had witnessed the enormous expansion of Muscovy, to the Baltic sea in the north and to the Black sea in the south. Russian foreign policy ever envisaged the ultimate control of Constantinople: the common bond of the Greek Orthodox faith between the Russians and the Greeks of Constantinople was the means whereby successive Russian foreign ministers worked towards the

1 A. J. B. Wacc and M. S. Thompson, The Nomads oj the Balkans (London. 1914).

2 Tllrkey ill Europe (London, 1900).

F. A. O'ETZEL'S MAP, 1821

achievement of this end. As early as 1782, the Tsarina Catherine II of Russia had pro~osed a complete reconstruction of the political map of the Balkan peninsula. With the help of the Habsburg Emperor she had hoped to expel the Turks from Europe, and resurrect the Greek Empire. Her whole scheme turned upon the revival of Byzantine Greece: :rhe Slav nationalities did not even figure in her plans. Catherine s second grandson, Constantine, was to have been the new Greek Emperor. He received instruction in Greek, the tongue of his future subjects. Catherine' s scheme forcibly illustrated the blossoming of the ide~ that the Balkans constituted a Greek province and that Greek nationals formed its chief inhabitants.

. On many subsequent occasions Russia found a means of champion- 1l1g th~ Greek Church ~thin the Turkish domain and thereby furtherIn? the. cause of Pan-orthodoxy.' It was, for example, on RussIa.n .s01l that the most famous of the Greek revolutionary secret societies was founded-the Philike Hetaireia-by the Greek merchants of Odessa in 1814. The Russians, of course, did proffer h~lp to the Serbs. and Montenegrins in the late eighteenth and early 11lnete~nth centuries but the fact remains thatbonds of religion were more Important and useful than linguistic affinities in 1782, and even as late as 1821 the future of the Balkans seemed to lie with the Greeks

rather than with the Slavs. '

(4) Philhellenism. In central and western Europe the tendency to regard the population ?f t~e southern Balkans as Greek was partly due also to the new enthusiasm for the achievements of the ancient Greeks, which was particularly strong in the British Isies in the second

. decade of the century. The philhellenists included not only classical scholars a~d romanticists, but liberals also. The intensity of their ptoGreek feelmg reached a peak on the occasion of the Greek insurrection of 1~2I. "The mere name of the Hellenes, heard once more upon the lips of men after centuries of complete oblivion, thrilled the hearts of those who owed to Greek philosophy, Greek art and Greek literature a d~b~ larger than ~hey could acknowledge or repay."! The neoclassicists assumed, rIghtly or wrongly, a continuity. of culture and • between the ancient and the modern Greeks. Among the ardent-

1]. A. R. Marriott, The Eastern Qllestion (Oxford, 1917).

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22

TURKS, GREEKS AND ILLYRIANS, 1730-1843

Thus he included the Bosnians, the Serbs and the Bulgarians in his Illyrian classification.

The Vlachs

Miillcr referred to the Vlach as Zinzares. The superfluity of' z ' sounds in their speech had given rise to this somewhat derisive nickname. He gave them a much more limited distribution than O'Etzel, but he still marked them as the dominant population of northern Macedonia.

The Albanians and the Gypsies

On Miiller's map the Albanians ranged from Lake Shkodrs (Skadar) in the north, to the Gulf of Corinth in the south. Inland they extended into western Macedonia. He distinguished the three most important branches of the Albanians-the Geuges (Gegs), the Toxides (Tosks) and the Mirdites .. He believed that the Jagys and the Chumis of Ipiros (Epirus) were also Albanians. According to his interpretation therefore, the Albanians formed the majority of the inhabitants of the Greek archipelago. Finally, Miiller separately distinguished on his map the Zigeuner or gypsies in the basin of the upper Maritsa, around

Plovdiv. .

Conclusion

It is reasonable to assume from the evidence offered by Miiller's map that the fashion of depicting most of the Balkans as ethnically Greek was already on the decline by 1842. The fact that Miiller had used the term ' Pelasgian,' the fact that he had distinguished so many Albanians, Zinzares and Zigeuner, where O'Etzel had marked only Greeks, was further proof of a trend ill ideas away from the conception of an Hellenistic Balkans. These new ideas were fostered by the interest manifested by many scholars in the racial affmities of European peoples. Even in the eighteenth century Linnaeus and later Blumenbach had attempted to classify man by his physical appearance. Supposed genealogical cormections between peoples of the classical world and the modern inhabitants of the Balkans became the subject of speculation towards the middle of the nineteenth century. About

u

G. KOMBST'S MAP, 1843

,2·3

this time Darwin had already begun his researches into natural selection. J. C. Prichard's Natural History of Man appeared in 1843. It was only to be expected that anthropologists would apply the criterion of common descent to ethnic groupings. Hence the emphasis given in some of the ethnographic maps of this period to such pseudo racialcultural groups as the 'Illyrians' and "Pelasgians.' The inconsequential confusion of somatic and cultural data used to classify and delimit ethnic groupings reached its height about mid-century with the publication of R. Knox's Races of Man, in which was preached the

infallibility of hereditary traits. -

G. KOMBST'S MAP OF 1843

Influenced by these new ideas on ethnic affinities was G. Kombst's interpretation of the ethnography of Europe - (Fig. 7). He was a German anthropologist commissioned to produce a map in A. K. Johnston's atlas (1843 edition). The author of an Ethnographical May of Europe ill the earliest times illustrative of Dr. Piichard's Natural History of Mati, etc. referred to Kornbst's map in 1843 as the most authoritative and up-to-date ethnographic map of Europe. That Kombst's map should appear in Jolmston's atlas was in itself an indication of his popularity.

The Turks

On Kombst's map the Turks reappeared once more in southern Macedonia, in the whole of Thrace, and in eastern Bulgaria. The success of the Russians in the Near East, as exemplified by the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi (1833), had disconcerted the Great Powers of Europe and there was a natural reaction in favour of Turkey as a stabilizing power in the eastern Mediterranean. Palmerstonhad declared in 1839, " All that we hear about the decay of the Turkish Empire and it being a dead body or a sapless trunk, and so forth, is pure and unadulterated nonsense." Palmerston's foreign policy was based on the survival of the Turkish Empire. Thus it is interesting to note that the twin bastions of British Mediterranean policy in the nineteenth century-the support of Hellenism and the maintenance of

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26

TURKS, GREEKS AND iLLyiuANS, '1730-I843

valuable commentary on changes in ethnographic ideas taking l'lace over the course of a hundred years. In I730 the Turks were believed to have settled extensively in Macedonia and Thrace. By I82I the opinion was widely entertained that there were only a very few Turks in Europe, but by 1843 opinion was once again swinging in favour of the Turks. In 1730 the Greeks had been shown only within their archipelago. By 1821, a school of thought in Europe believed that they inhabited nearly the whole of the Balkan peninsula, but twenty years afterwards this belief was already on the wane. In 1730 the idea that the Slavs and Illyrians populated parts of the northern Balkans was fashionable. As late as 1821, Slavs and Illyrians were still separately distinguished, but by 1840 the terms, , Illyrian ' and' Slav,' had become synonymous. Opinion on the dispositions of the Albanians varied enermously during this period. The Vlachs were as late as 1821 believed to inhabit the greater part of the Rodopi mountains as well as the Maritsa valley but they did not even appear on Kombst's map of 1843·

It had already become apparent by I843 that ethnographic distributions in the Balkans varied according to the nature and accuracy of the criteria adopted to classify the population. Language gave one picture, 'race' gave another, religion yet a third, whilst by using various combinations of criteria numerous interpretations might emerge. Thus even before the term 'ethnographic' had become politically significant, there appeared to be no general agreement between anthropologists, ethnographers and geographers as to' its

exact definition.

CHApTER III

THE SLAVS, I842-1869

INTRODUCTION

TOWARDS the middle of the nineteenth century there were signs throughout the whole of Europe of a new spirit of inquiry abroad; a thousand and one scientific societies were springing up, ranging from small local institutions to great national' academics. The comparatively new studies of philology, ethnology and archaeology, together with geography, commenced to assemble an encyclopaedic body of knowledge covering every,aspect of human activity. 'This genuine interest in the pursuit of knowledge was enhanced by- the rapid accumulation' of material wealth which directly and indirectly provided facilities and leisure for research. Improved methods of communication and expanding markets brought home to scholars the significance of the ever-increasing interdependence and inter-relation':' ships of the different parts of the world. The publication ofPetermallI/s Miuheilungen began in 1855, and at the same time La Societe de It! Geographie de la France began to issue their famous Bulletin, In 1857, Die Kaiserliche und Konigliche Geographische Gesellschaft ill Wien was established; indeed the proceedings of the learned academies of most of the cities of eastern Europe date back to this period. The members had the whole world as their field of study, but naturally; interest was focussed more particularly on the Balkans. In spite of the geographical proximity of the peninsula to the highly organized parts of Europe, much of it remained as mysterious and unknown as the interior of darkest Africa. As E. Reclus pointed out inhis introduction to the geography of the Balkans (1875), as late as 1870 the erroneous

27

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698I-Zt8I 'SAV"IS 3RT.

30

THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

less.fear of the consequences than the Slavs further south, in Bulgaria and Macedonia. They also could look for inspiration. to the Croats and the Slovenes as well as to the westernized Czechs of central Europe. Moreover, the Serbs had a base of operations outside. Turkey, in Hungary, because there were many Serb communities living north of the Danube. It was one of these 'Hungarian Serbs,' Dositije Obradovic (1739-18II), who together with Vuk Karadzic (1787-1864), standardized the Serbian literary language and brought it into conformity with the vernacular. Hand in hand with the literary renascence, Serbian revolts developed against the local Turks, which the Porte found more and more difficult to quell. The insurgents could take shelter in the rocky limestone fastnesses of Montenegro or simply flee into Hungary until the Turkish forces dispersed. From 1804 to 18.13 these spasmodic revolts were led by Kara George, and from 1815-17 by Milos Obrenovic. Finally, in 1817, Turkey was compelled to recognize the Sumadija region as an autonomous Serbian principality. The Treaty of Adrianople, which ended the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-29, established the new Serbian principality on a firm basis. Turkey had to cede more territory to Serbia and to grant ecclesiastical independence, in the form of a Serbian Metropolitan in Belgrade. Since 1766, when the old Serbian Patriarchate of Pee had been abolished, the Greek prelates had had complete control of Serbian churches. The restoration of ecclesiastical independence emancipated the Serbs not only from Turkish but also from Greek influence and ailowed a freer development of vernacular schools.

The success of the Serbs had repercussions in Bulgaria. In 1824, the first book in the Bulgarian vernacular was printed, and after 1835, the Bulgarians began to set up their own printing presses. Their tentative attempts at national self-expression found considerable stimulus in the presence of Russian troops in the Balkans during the first decades of the century.

Pan-slavism

A marked feature of the period under review was the growth of the idea of Pan-slavism, first developed by the Hungarian Slovak, J. Kollar, in 1824. The spread of the idea into the Balkans, that all the

INTRODUCTION

31

Slavs of Eurasia were racially and culturally akin, profoundly influenced the development of Slav nationalism and affected, also, the foreign policy of the Great Powers in this theatre. So little was known about Slav society at this. time, that it was a common practice to invest all the various groups of Slavs with a common cultural inheritance. As the idea spread, every Slav -felt himself to belong to a common brotherhood, a community split asunder by the misfortunes of history, but destined to coalesce eventually into a mighty political federation. Pan-slavism stirred Bulgarian and Serb alike to common action against the Turk and undermined the authority of the Porte. This fellow-feeling between the Slavs of the Balkans, inspired by Pan-slavism, made the ethnographers' task, between 1830 and 1870 relatively simple, insomuch as Slav did not dispute with Slav as to the validity of inter-Slav ethnographic divides. The distinction then, between Serb and Bulgarian was less important than that between Slav and Greek, or that between Greek and Turk. Hence, nearly all the ethnographers of this period reached a measure of agreement on the position oftheBulgaro-Serbian ethnographic frontier. The relations between the two groups of Slavs became so close after 1840, that the Turks initiated the policy of planting Tatar and Circassian (Cherkesi) colonies in the district of the Sar Mountains in order to seal off Serb from Bulgarian."

Pan-slavism also exercised a directing il~fluence on Muscovite policy in the Balkans. The Tsar, not unnaturally, assumed the role of champion of the Pan-slav movement, since Russia was the only independent Slav nation which was, at the same time, a Great Power. As early as 1812, when Russia had concluded the Treaty of Bucarest with Turkey, the liberties of the Serbians had been made the subject ·of treaty obligations between Russia and Turkey. Russian agents had then begun an active campaign of Pan-slav propaganda in the Balkans, with the object of uniting all the ' Southern Slavs' (including both Serbs and Bulgarians) against the Porte. Russianized Slavonic

1 G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, Travels in the Slavonic Provinces oj Turkeyin-Europe, znd Edition (London,1877). In a map compiled by E.·G. Ravenstein for the Universal Geography, these Circassians are marked in the vicinity of Old Serbia and the Nis-Vranje area.

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P. G. SAFARIK'S MAP, 1842

35

of Slavs over great areas of the Balkans, regarded at the time as populated by Greeks or Turks. Furthermore, his radical reclassification of the Balkan Slavs gave coherence and form to their groupings. He recognized only two main groups of Slavs in the peninsula-the Bulgarians and the Serbo-Croats. Montenegrins, Illyrians, Bosnians, Rascians, Winds, Uskoks and Morlachs, he classified as SerboCroats. The Bulgarians he showed to inhabit a huge area stretching from the Dobrudja in the east to the Macedonian lakes in the west, and from the Sar mountains in the north, to a line running from Salonika to Edime in the south.

The Albanians

Safarik eliminated many misconceptions regarding the host ()f cognate tribes known as the Albanians. He was the first scholar to attempt a clarification of the boundary between the Albanians and Slavs. With the exception of a few exclaves of Albanians in Old Serbia, he defined the Albano-Slav frontier as the Bojani river, Lake Shkodrs, the Prokletije mountains and thence as a line running southwards to Prizren and the western shores of Lake Ohrid. It is of interest to note that the present political boundary of Albania

~ roughly coincides with this line, except that it excludes the Crni Drim valley, which Safarik regarded as Albanian.

Conclusion

Safafik's map suffered frorn many defects. It was later demonstrated, for example, that the Albanians occupied a much greater area than that which he allowed to them; that he had greatly over-estimated the territory occupied by the Greeks in Thrace, and that he had not realized the existence of important Romanian minorities. All things considered, however, he succeeded admirably in delineating the major ethno-linguistic groups. His map was probably never meant to be a final summary. His intention was obviously to give the Slavs their proper place in the ethnographic mosaic. In so doing, he virtually revolutionized the prevailing ideas on the distribution and character of the peoples of south-eastern Europe. For the next fifty years his map set the fashion for nearly all ethnographic maps of this area.

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THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

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The Greeks

Boue did not show as much Greek territory as Safarik had done.

He perceived that a devotion to the Greek Orthodox faith did not necessarily imply a sense of Greek nationality, and that there were many Christians of the Greek Orthodox Church who regarded themselves not as Greeks, but as Albanians, Slavs or Romanians. Nevertheless, he was not ungenerous in his Greek dispositions. As early as 1840, he had recorded that the Greeks inhabited all the southern plain of Thrace and the neighbouring coastal plain of the Black sea; that they were to be found in the Tekir Dag region of eastern Thrace, on the banks of the Maritsa, in and below Edirne, and in Plovdiv. He noted that, mixed with Bulgarians and Asiatics, they also made up the population of the area south of the Rodopi mountains and of the whole of KhalkidhikL The Greeks were to be found also in southwestern Macedonia, where they were mixed with Zinzares {Vlachs} and Bulgarians. In this area, they formed the bulk of the population to the south of Kastoria and Siatista. Thessalia was eminently Greek except for a few Turks in Larisa and in the towns ; the only other inhabitants of Thessalia were the Zinzates, who lived, stated Boue, on friendly terms with the Greeks and belonged to the Greek Church. Greeks were also found, mixed with Albanians, in Ipiros, in an area which stretched from the Greek boundary {of 1821} to Konitsa. Here, whilst many of the villages were pure Greek in character, the towns were exceptionally mixed.

The Slavs

Boue was of the opllllon that the Bulgarians occupied Bulgaria {meaning the district between the Balkans and the Danube} and 'Lower Moesia' as well as the greater part of 'Upper Moesia' (Moesia was a Roman province stretching from the Drin river to the Dobrudja). Furthermore, they formed the major part of the population of Macedonia, with the exception of the district southwest of Kastoria and the lower Nestosvalley. He maintained that the mountains between the basins of Florina and Kastoria were an effective language divide between Bulgarian and Greek, and that the mountains between Konia and Siatista, between Lake Vegorritis and

A. BOUE'S MAP, 1847,

39

Veroia and between Edhessa and Naousa, served a like purpose. The Bulgarians were also to be found, both dispersed and in villages, all over Thrace as far east as the Tekir Dag (Bttlgarskori).

Bone's distribution of Bulgarians was later put to good use by the Bulgarian'revisionists.' His map was incorporated, for example, in P. Milioukov's pro-Bulgarian work on ethnographic maps published in 1900, and it formed part ofD. Rizov's atlas produced in Berlin in 1917. Indeed, Bone's map put the Bulgarian case in such a favourable light that in 1918 A. Belie, the distinguished professor of Slavonic languages at Belgrade, was forced to make Bone's map the subject of a special article, in which he endeavoured to explain away the proBulgarian views adopted by the latter. He maintained, but without conviction, that Boue's text could be reconciled with the Serbian view that the Slavs of Macedonia, although they had Bulgarian affinities: were more nearly Serbs than Bulgarians (if. Fig. 43).

Boue classified all the miscellaneous Slav peoples between the Sar mountains and Slovenia as Serbo-Croats, in the same manner as did Safafik. He, too, dispensed altogether with the term 'Illyrian.' His map contained little evidence to support the cause of the Serbs in Macedonia, although they were later to emerge as one of the principal claimants to this region. He did, it is true, recognize small Serb exclaves in Macedonia, north and east of Lake Ohrid, but he confined the bulk of the Serbs to an area well to the north of the Sar mountains and west of the Timok river. Hence he virtually excluded them from Macedonia, agreeing in this respect with Safarik. It is an interesting point that contemporary Serbian maps agreed in the main with these conclusions. For example, D. DavidoviC's map published in Belgrade in 1848, a year after the appearance of Bone's map, did not recognize the existence of any Serbs in Macedonia, or for that matter in Old Serbia {Fig. IO}. Neither did the limits set by G. Desjardins in his map of 1853 differ appreciably from those set by Bone, in his depiction of the districts in which the Serb language was spoken (Fig. IO). Later, Serbian scholars, particularly S. Gopcevic and J. Cvijie, maintained that Boue was-not sufficiently conversant with the Slavonic languages to be able to distinguish Serbian from Bulgarian. Their criticisms were made, however, at a time when the political

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THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

association of the Bulgariallllational cause with the scheme for Russian imperialistic expansion. The important role which the Bulga~ians might assume in the future history of the Balkans was not appreciated by the Governments in power in western Europe at the time (1847). An earlier appreciation of these new ethnographic ideas on the part of Great Britain, for example, might have gone a long way to avoid the tragic events which followed in later years.

G. LEJEAN'S MAP OF 1861

To lend weight to Boue's interpretation came G. Lejean's influential work on the ethnography of Turkey-in-Europe, produced as a supplement to Petermantis Mittheilutlgen in 1861 (Fig. II). Lejean had journeyed to Turkey-in-Europe in 1857-58 at the request of the French Government, which, in common with the governments of the other Great Powers at this period, was vitally interested in assembling all intelligence possible concerning the situation in south-eastern Europe. He had at his disposal the maps ofp. G. Safarik and of A. Boue, and K. Czoernig's masterly treatment of the ethnography of the AustroHungarian Empire provided him with a method of approach which he applied to the study of the ethnography of the Osmanli possessions in Europe." Lejean's sources also included the works of F. C. 1. H. Pouqueville, ofW. M. Leake and ofw. Jochmus. In addition, he used the lists of Moslems and Rajas provided by the Turkish Government; but these statistics merely consisted of an incomplete listing of Turkish and Christian households and did not form a very reliable source." Above all, Lejean was an historian. He pointed out in his comments that many of the deficiencies in the earlier maps had been due to too great a dependence on language as a criterion.

1 Ilihnogtaphischc Karle dcr oSlerreichiscll-Ullgarischell Mouarchie [770 x 570 mm.] Von Carl Freiherrn von Czoernig, Direktor des osterreichischen Statistischen Instituts (Wien, 1855).

2 At tills time, only the Rumi (or Greek) Millet and the Island Millet, were officially recognized by the Turks. A MiIlct in the words of Sir John Hope Simpson was " a minority corporation recognized by the government and the law of Turkey, which enjoyed extensive ecclesiastical, scholastic and judicial autonomy." The Bulgari (Bulgarian) millet was not recognized until 1872•

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He advocated an historical approach in order to deepen perspective in these matters.

The Turks

He first demonstrated that both Boue and Safarik had underestimated the strength and extent of the Turkish enclaves in the Balkans; but on the other hand, his own reliance on Turkish figures led him to swing the scale too far in the opposite direction. His map, for example, marked a solid phalanx of Turks in north-eastern Bulgaria. He pointed out many interesting aspects of the Turkish settlement of the Balkans. He drew attention to the Vardariotes, pre-Osmanli Turks, who had become Christianized, had settled in the Vardar valley and then had been assimilated by the Slavs .. (F. Meinhard distinguished a similar group in south-western Macedonia but referred to them as Bardariotes. See p. 127). The Uzes were another group of pre-Osmanli Turks who had settled near Lake Ohrid in the eleventh century and had also lost their identity to the Slavs. T~e Konarlote Turks, called after the town of Konia in south-western Macedonia, had also been very early arrivals, probably associated with the nomadic herders who had composed the first wave of the Turkish onslaught. They had eventually settled down to become a peasant community and had managed to preserve their Turkish character. This group Lejean marked on his map. Also grouped with the Turks were the Yiirules, referred to in 1821 by O'Etzel (see p. II). The name in Turkish signifies nomad. Lejean claimed that they were of pure Turkornan stock and that they dwelt in the plain of Serrai with extensions as far as Drama on the one side, and the mountains north-east of Salonika on the other. These also he marked on his map.

The Greeks

Lejean held that Greek territory in Thrace and on the Aegean coast was not nearly so extensive as was universally believed in. his day. He reduced their distributions mainly to the advantage of the Turks and Bulgarians. The idea that the Greeks were preponderant on the mainland had been steadily losing ground between 1821 and 1861. The fact that Miiller had preferred the term' Pelasgian ' in

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predecessors in the ethnographic field. He pointed out :hat tl:e Bulgars were of Ugrian origin, that they had been mentlOned ~Il Armenia 600 years before their arrival on the banks .of the Danube l.ll 484 A.D. For a time they had occupied Moldavia a~d Wallaclua before crossing the Danube an(raiding as far as Constant~1.ople. They formed their trans-Danubian Empire in 679 and remained a power until suppressed by the Byzantines in I019· Thereafter they united with the Vlachs to form another Empire in the twelfth century. Two hundred years later, they were finally overwheln~ed by the Turks at Kosovo. (The Serb historians were later to claim Kosovo as the last great battle fought by the Serbs. Kosovo figures in ma~y Serb traditional ballads. It is very probable that the army confrontmg the Turks at Kosovo included all types of Slavs, as well as many alien mcrcenaricsl .' In spite of their origins, remarked Lejean, the Bulgarians were essentially Slavonic from a cultural point of view. ~h~y !lad spoken Slav since the ninth century when they had been Chnstlaruzed and their leaders had been made boiards (dukes).

Lejean differed little from Boue and Safarik on the all-import;~lt question of the existence of Serbs in Macedonia. He followed Boue 111 showing small Serb exclaves around Lake Ohrid and La~e Prespa but these were isolated by Bulgarian territory from the main mass of Serbs north of the Sar mountains. Lejean envisaged the entry of the two ~reat Slav branches, the Serbs and the Croats, into 'Illyria' about the seventh century; probably the Serbs were derived from the Soraben (Sorbs) of Lausitz, whilst the Croats who came a little later were originally known as the Horvat. They were associated with other tribes such as the Zachlllmi from Chelm (Za-chlum). The latter became known later as the Hercegovinians. Nearly all Slav tribes were initially named after their geographical locality, for exa~ple, tl:e Narentari after the name of the river, the Diodeaten after Dioclea 111 Montenegro. The Serbs, according to Lejean, actually pushed as far south as Durres before being driven back by the Skipetars (the Albanians); Lejean then advanced the interesting theory that the Serb exclaves around Lakes Ohrid and Prespa, and in northern Albania, dated back to the ninth century and that they marked the

1 H. W. V. Temperley, History of Serbia (London, 1917).

G. LEJEAN'S MAP, 1861

47

southern limits of Serb expansion. Alternatively, he suggested, these isolated Serbs could be the remnants of the Zupani or colonies of Serb officials, established as outposts of the mediaeval Serb Empire. The fact that Lejean did recognize these Serb elements in the population of Macedonia is both interesting and important. When the Serbians began to claim a sphere of interest in Macedonia, they stressed the evidence of their historical colonization of much of Albania and Macedonia. Lejean, however, regarded the Serb remnants as purely of academic, and not of political interest.

Lejean believed in the close affinities of the Slavs of Turkey, north of the Sar mountains, and agreed that they formed a composite "Serbo-Croat ' group which included five divisions.

(I) The Serbs.

. (2) The Bosnians of Turkish Croatia, who differed considerably from the Serbs on several counts. Whereas the Serbs constituted a free society, Bosnian society was essentially feudal. The Christian peasants laboured under an oppressive Moslem aristocracy which was intensely conservative. Travellers in Bosnia often mistook upperclass Bosnians for Turks.

(3) The Rascians of Novi Pazar. (4) The Hercegovinians.

(5) The Montenegrins who had preserved their independence since 1504 under their bishop princes. Their small population contained numerous Serbs, who, having fled from the Turk, found refuge in this lofty mountain kingdom.

All five branches were closely related. Their differences of language were negligible and although drawn from varied stocks, such as the A vars and the Illyrians, the process of' slavization ' had been very effective. Even the Morlachs of the northern Adriatic coast had been slavized. They were the remnants of the pre-Slav inhabitants and Lejean thought they may have been latinized Illyrians.

The V/achs

Lejean referred to the Vlachs as Zinzares and speculated on their origins. They themselves, wrote Lejean, claimed to be the descendants of Roman soldiers, who had conquered Macedonia. He thought this

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.MACKENZIE AND lRBY, 1867

51

the mosaic loosely assembled by his predecessors, and modify some distributions, especially those of the Turks and Albanians. He went into the question of origins and made fuller use of place-name evidence and historical references. It is difficult to find any contemporary" criticisms of his work. One senses a feeling in the literature of the period that Lejean's study had, to all intents and purposes, settled the vexed question of ethnographic distributions in Turkey-in-Europe. Safarik had. put forward the idea of the Balkans being essentially Slavonic, Boue had corroborated his thesis by personal observation, and then Lejean had substantiated the idea with a wealth of historical evidence.

THE MAP OF MISS G. M. MACKENZIE AND MISS A. P. IRBY, 1867

Strangely enough, it was due to the efforts of two ladies, Miss G. M.

Mackenzie and Miss A. P. Irby, who had travelled 'uncscorted' through the Balkans, that the essentially Slavonic nature of the peninsula was made known to the British public. Their map-the first English ethnographic map of the Balkans-:-was published in 1867 (Fig. 12). It was based largely on Lejean's map but incorporated minor modifications arising partly out of their own personal observations and partly from the criticisms of an Austrian railway engineer (who may have been von Hahn). A reference to the rather delightful account of their journey leaves no doubt that these two ladies were extremely well informed of conditions in the Balkans. Their work impressed Gladstone who wrote:

I do not mean to disparage the labours and services of others when I say that, in my opinion, no diplomatist, no consul, no traveller, among our countrymen, has made such a valuable contribution to our means of knowledge of this important matter [the question of the Ottoman Empire], as was made by Miss Mackenzie and Miss Irby, when they published in 1867, their travels in some of the Slavonian Provinces of European Turkey.!

+op. cit. (Preface to znd edition, 1877).

-Jopun nf!A:) 'f'9Q6I U! 'JoleI q:mw leql orur S! II 'dew S,;>!Amp!W tI! r=r=s= SUO!Snpuo:> Oql l{l!M. luowooJ2e U! OlOM. 'o1He sue!Je2InlI pue sqJOS 2u!pnpu! 'sAeIS oql He leql l:>e) oql JO uO!le:>!pu! ue OW!l owes oql ae pue '1JOM.. s,ue;)f;)1: or omqtn e seM.. 'o:>U;)JO)uO:J AeIS e re 'L.981 U! p;)2u;)neq:>un ssed Plnoqs SUO!lnq!JlS!P ;)S;)ql =u 'p;)lnds!p lOU ;)J;)M. e!qJ;)S PIO U! SUO!lnq!JlS!P =r=uv ;)ql pue p;)2ueq:>un p;)u!ew;)J J;)!lUOJ) uepe2InlI-oqJ;)S =u 'sue1IelI UJOlS;)M.. oql U! AHep;)dso OJOW 'ue;)f;)1:)o leql oa JeI!liI!s AJOA seM. dew S!q OS!M.J;)qlO 's1m~ pue S1;);)J8 A{UO p;)le:>!pu! peq ueof;)1: ;)J;)qM.. sue!le2rnlI Auew 2U!l:>!d;)p ';)UJ!pa JO qlnos ;)ql oa H;)M. o:>eJq~ U! AlOlP10l Uepe2rnII P;)PUOlX;);)q 'Alpuo:>;)S 'S;)AepX;) qsqJn~-01e2InH P;)X!W OlU! e!le2rnlI ul;)lse;)-qllou U! sdnoaf IIs!1ln~ P!IOS s,ue;)[;)1: dn ;)10Jq =r 'Ire JO lSl!d 'SP;)dS;)l aueirodun OM.l U! ue;)f;)1: W01) P;)l;)1J!P OH :ue;)[;)1: 'D JO ;)Soql uo Alu!ew SUO!lnq!llS!P u~IelI S!q P;)st:q ~!A011!W

';)dOlna UJ;)lSe;) )0 dew :>!qde120uqlo ;)ql P;)Y!p0w AlpunoJOld os peq q:>!qM. S;)q:>le;)S;)J lU;):>;)J ;)ql)O ;):>ut::>Y!li2!s re:>!l!Iod oql or ucnuone M..elp oa P;)PU;)lU! seM.. o:>U;)J;)]Uo:> =u 'Sl!q!qX;) P!q:> oql JO ;)UO seM. ';)doma U! sAeIS )0 uO!lnq!llS!P :>!qde120uql;) ;)ql 2u!M.oqs 'deur s,;>!A011!W 'd'W ·L.98I U! M.O:>SOW U! ;):>UOJ;)] -UO:) At:ls-ued It:;)12 e JO WlOJ oql 100l II 'p;)Jeoddt: AqlI SS!W pue O!ZU;)1:>t:W SS!W JO 110M.. ;)ql se ;)W!l cures ;)qllnoqe l!nJ) It:Oq oa ue2;)q POOl{l;)qlolq MIS le;)12 e JO e;)P! ;)ql JO UO!leA!lrn:> snonp!sse s pssn)!

£'98I fo cIvW S,?!flO?[J!W ':I ·w

8-L.981 'SdVW AV1S OA\L

·(0L. 'd ;)os) S1;);)J8 JO uO!lnq!llS!P ;)A!SU;)lX;) tre 2u!P!d;)p ;)S!M..;)1!I S;)ISI qS!l!lH ;)ql tI! dew e p;)qsnqnd PlOJUt:lS 'a 'U81 se =t sv 'sue1IelI ;)ql JO asoro ;)ql uo l;)!lUOlJ :>!qdel~ouqp tre ql!M.. S1;);)lD ;)ql p;)1l10AeJ AIIenpe q:>!qM. detu s,PJesst:d '1: 'd S!lt:d U! poreodde ;)l;)ql £L.81 U! pue 'Al!loft:w e se S1;);)lD oql ~U!M.oqs sue1lell ;)ql JO deur :>!qdt:l~ouql;) ue P;)!llt::> H!ls sepe s,x!eu;)Q 'V 'W JO UO!l!P;) puo:>;)S ;)ql '»81 uI 'p;)ds;)J S!l{l U! l;)PU;)1JO A{UO ;)IP lOU seM. :>!lqnd qS!l!llI ;)ql os JI ';)A!leAJ;)Suo:> Al;)A ;)q or P;)PU;)l uonndo :>!qde120mp;) leql seM.. l! sdt:qJ;)d TI;)1t:qs ApSe;) os lOU St:A'\. SUt:1It:1I ;)ql JO l;)pt:leq:> :>!U;)II;)H ;)ql U! P!I;)q qS!lPH =n lnlI

SdVW AV1S OAU

'soISI qS!lPH oql U! uonndo :>nqnd o:>u;)nuu! AP:>Ol!P PlnoM. AqlI SS!W pue O!zu;)1:>ew SS!W JO 110M. ;)ql leql pOl:>odx;) UJ;)q JAeq lq~!m II UO!S1lPUOJ

'Ut:;)!;)1: JO :jeql se cures ;)ql q:>mu seM. sue!lleqIV JO UO!lnq!JlS!P lpq~ . (sq:>t:IA) , srezamzj; , AlJen oql Aq pJlU;)SJldJJ ~U!Jq se 'J:>Ut:lSU! 10J 'fIOl!!! tI! S10;)lD Jql JO J101M.. AJq~ 'AqledmAs U! 1;)J1D J1JM.. A;)ql It:q:!:

PJAOHoq AJql pue dew l!Jql uo sq:>eIA ue!uop;):>ew JO uO!lnq!llS!P Jql M..oqs oa adurcare lOU P!P A;)q~ . C!AeIs-o~n A , Jql JO q:>UC1q e se pJp1e2J1 A;)ql sue!le2InlI oql) A10l!11;)l ue!lt:~lnlI 'ureur ;)ql U! 'seM.. e!llOp;):>ew It:lp pt:J Jip JO pUt: 'sdnOl~ =r= ne lJAO SAt:IS ;)ql JO ;,:mt:l;)puodJld Jql JO P;):>U!AUO:> Jl;)M. AqlI SS!W pUt: ;)!ZU;)1:>t:W SS!W

SUV!uvq/V puv S~)v/A 'SflV/S' JIlL

'[S~J;)lD ptre] sut:!1t:2InH Jql 10J Al!:> Alepunoq e se U;)~t:l Jq At:W ;)Idout:!lpV 'J:>t:lq~ uI ·t:lomlt:W JO eos ;)ql 10 snorcqdsoq ;)IP q:>nol rurod AUt: It: lOU op SAt:IS oql 10J e:>!uolt:S JO JrnD ;)ql or t:JS ~:>t:{1I Jql JO aseoo Jip mOlJ Alepunoq 'a's t: M.t:lp oa lll1:>gJ!P J10m ;)q PlnoM. II 'q1loN Jip or SlU;)m;){ll;)S ~;);)18 ;)mOS pUt: qlnos ;)q1 oa Alluno:> Ut:!lt:~InlI cures SJAt:;)I l! q~noql [ ... ] eppq:>o put: t::>!uolt:S U;);)M.Pq sum q:>!IIM.. l! JO ared It:ql U! 'S~;);)18 put: sUt:!Jt:~lnlI ;)ql U;)JMl;)q Alt:punoq Jql Alq~nol st:M. " t:!PU~a t:!A" uemo)! Jql JO ;)U!l Jq~

: lX;)l l!;)ql or ~U!P10:>:>V

';)U;)IPH mOlJ AelS PJp!A!P AIlt:Jl It:ql ktpt:d!lUt: ;)ql uo lS!SU! or Inplt::> suosrod Aq poredrssrp UJJq AIJlt:1 pt:q , ;):>t:l , Aq ~J;)lD st:M.. A;)~m~Jo uonejndod Jqllt:ql t:Jp! ;)qllt:qllno panned put: 'q:>mq:) UJ;)lst:a ;)q1 JO Ut:!lS!lq:) t: ;)lOU;)P 01 p;)sn St:M.. ~;);)lD oureu ;)ql A;)~m~ 1noq2n01q1 It:ql pJz!st:qdm;) AJql 'Alpuo:>;)S . (~z 'd JJS) AlOl!ll;)l qS!~lnL . se e!llOp;):>t:W Ul;)IpnOS pUt: ;):>t:lq~ JO ared 1;)lt:;)12 ;)ql ~U!MOqS deur S ,lsqmO)l . D ~U!Z!I!ln mlS St:M '9~ 8 1 JO UO!l!P;) ;)ql se ;)It:l se 'st:pt: suoasuqo]' ')l ·v ;):>U!S L.981 U! odOlna-U!-A;)~lnL 1I0 ;)smo:>s!p AUt: oa opnjard A1t:SS;):>JU e 'sut:~It:H ;)ql U! Al!lOU!m nems A1;)A t: p;)mloJ s~lnL Jip It:ql pn!st:Ildm;) lSlY AqlI SS!W pUt: ;)!ZU;)~:>t:W SS!W

=-o puv s?fAl1L JIlL

6981-Zt8I 'SAV1S !JH.L

I

.1.,

54

THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

z z -c

2 0\ c:: 1.0 w «) ~

w

a.

..t.

A. PETERMANN'S MAP, 1869

55

took to criticize Mirkovic's map, but he failed to draw attention to the fact that he was referring to the third edition (1877) of a map, which, when it was first published, contained a fair reproduction of the views held at the time by all Slavs, including the Serbs.!

J. Erbcn's Map of I868

J. Erben's ethnographic map of 1868 was on rather a small scale.

It was important only in so much as it represents the Czech opinion of the period. Erben cited Safarik, Czeornig, Boekh, Lejean, Koeppen and Mirkovic as his sources. He followed MirkoviC's distributions in the Balkans. His only major modification was a reduction of the Albanian clement in Old Serbia to the advantage of the Serbs.

A. PETERMANN'S MAP OF 1869

In 1869, A. Petermann compiled a composite map which was intended to be a summary of the latest researches into the ethnographic distribution of the .Slavs in the Balkans (Fig. 13). A. Petermann was the editor of the German geographical periodical, Petermann' s Geographische Mittheilunoen which, during the period of his control, acquired a worldwide reputation. There was hardly a geographer of repute of any nationality whom Petermann did not know personally. Ethnographic maps interested him and in 1861 he had made Lejean's map the occasion

of one of his famous supplements. .

The theme of Petermann' s map and of the article which accompanied it, was the importance of the' new idea' of Balkan ethnography. F. Bradaska, a Croatian professor responsible for the article, pointed out that ideas 011 the nature of the population of Turkey-in-Europe had been revolutionized in the thirty years between 1840 and 1869. Initial over-estimates of Turks and Greeks had been due to lack of Slav studies and also to the fact that Moslem Slavs and Albanians had been wrongly declared Turks. He pointed out that the Slavs, practising agriculture, were passive and Inarticulate whilst the Greeks, engaged in commerce with the outside world, overshadowed them, and that the maritime connections of the Greeks gave them control

1 J. Cvijic, The Ethnography of the Macedo-Slavs (London, 1906).

'(99 ·d ;);)s) 9l..81 JO detu S!q U! suc!UcqIV JO uO!~nq!l~S!P S!q~ porerodroour l;)~CI md;)!)I'H 'fro~!g: pue S;)PA q:3nOlq~ 'CpO~SC)l 01 ;)!Ido){s WOlJ ;)U!I e JO lS;).M. 'Al!lOU!lli ;)Iqcl;)P!suOJ C P;)WlOJ A;)ql;)l;)q ~cq~ uorurdo ;)q~ JO SC.M.;)H 'dcw S!q WOlJ P;)ll;)JU! ;)q ACW c!U0P;):)cW Ul;)~S;).M. JO =r=nv ;)q~ JO UO!lnq!l~s!p ;)q~ ~nq 'sdnoJ:3 ACIS-uOU ;)q~ q~!.M. P;)W;):)uo:) AHlcmpd ~OU SCA'\ uuewl;)~;)d

SUV!uvqZV JI(.L

'ACIS se P:>PlC:3;)l ;)l:l.M. A:lql lcql SCA'\ :3U!ql nrerrodun :lq~ 'sUc!lc:3Ing: lO Sql:lS SC P:lPJe:3;)l ;)l:l.M. c!U0P;):)cW JO SlUC1!qcqU! ;)ql l;)t{l;)q.M. lOU p;)l:mcw II 'UO!l!U:30:);)l pUC WOP;):llJ lOJ :3U!lq:3g AHWCJ ,ACIS W;)qlnos. ;)IP JO Sl:lqW:lW ;)l:l.M. sue!lc:3rng: pUC Sql;)S U;)ql I!lUfl -rrousonb :)!lU;)pCn UC AI:llTId SC.M.l;)!lUOlJ UC!lc:3Ing:-oql;)S ;)ql ;)lCP lcql ;)lOpg: ·0l..81 ;)lOpq onsst IC!:)l1l:) C SC P:lPlC:3;)l lOU SC.M. AlCpunOq :)!qdCl:3 -otnpo ue!lc:3rng:-oql:lS ;)ql Aq.M. SUOSC:ll Icd!:)U!ld ;)ql JO ;)UO SCA'\ SUC!lc:3Ing: pue Sql:lS qloq lOJ orois U! SCA'\ :llCJ IC:)!l!IOd UOlUluO:) e lCIP uoprsoddns ;)ql 'P;):lPUl :!ACIs-o:3nx.. ;)ql se sue!Je:3Ing: pUC =r=s 01 P:lll;)Pl pcq Aqll SS!W pUC ;)!ZU;)VCWSS!W 'C;)P! S!q1 ;)lCl1snm 01 ;)UO se lU;)ql P;)lTIOI0:) pcq UUCUll;)l:ld ':llCJ IC:)!l!{od

6981 'dVW S ,NNVW~,UtId 'V

'SUC!-lC~[Ilg ;np p:lpnpx:I puc 'S:lU;)AOIS puc SlCOl:) 'Sql;)S :lq1 :l10U:lP 01 l:llCI p:lsn SCM ,hCIS IU:lqlnos.,

'(6981 't:qlO!») UJ1iuIIIPlfll!W S,!IlIV!IIJJ1Jd ,,'p:l{m~ l:lp lI! u:lAt:IS :I!G .. 'c:l{~cpelg ·tI I

UOUlluO:) C lUCllC.M. 01 SC ;)SOP OS ;)q 013 'SUC!lc:3Ing: pUC Sql;)S :3u!pnp~ ,'SACrs Ul;)qlnoS. U;);).M.l;)q sdrqsuouepr ;)q~ PlC:3;)l O~ bU;)PU;)l :>l!Ug;)P C SC.M. ;)l;)ql 'lCrn:)!~lCd UI 'S;)q:)UClq SnO!lCA l!;)ql U;);).M.l:lq P:llS!X;) S;):)U;)l;)]J!P :)!lS!l1:3U!{ pUC IClUllnJ IC!:)gl;)dns AIUO lcql ;)~CIl1ls0d :>ql uo auorxo ;)~hCI C 01 P;)scq C;)P! UC-l!Un IC:)!l!IOd ;)UO OlU! omm AI;)lClU!lln PIno.M. SACIS ;)ql nc lcql lC;)J ;)ql SC.M. S!q~ ';)lU!l S!qllC ppq ATICSl:lA!Ul1 :3U!POq;)lOJ C JO :)!lClUOldlUAS SC.M. s:3U!dnol:3 ACIS ;)ql JO ;):)Uc:)g!U:3!S IC:)!l!{od ;)ql ql!.M. uuelUl;)Pd JO uorrednooocrd =u

';):)lOJ l:llC:ll:3 ql!.M. ;)dOlng: urciseo-qmos U! AUOm;):3:lq l!;)ql ruosord 01 l:lplO U! 'lnoI0:) ;)lU'CS ;)ql U! 'ql;)S pUC UC!lc:3Ing: qloq 'SACIS ;)ql TIC P;»){lClU ;)q lng: 'CdS:lld ;»){l!'J JO S){ucq ;)ql UO ;)ACPX;) ql;)S P:llCIOS! tre P;)lC:)!P~ OSIC;)q :AlOl!ll:ll UC!lc:3Ing: U!ql!.M. :)CAO){S:ll pUC ~!N 'U!P!A ~u!pnpu! snql ':lfrdO){Old q:3nolql 'l;)A!l ){OW!~ :lql 01 s~clunom lCS :lql lUOlJ ;)U!I C Aq detn s!I{ uo UC!lc:3Ing: mOlJ ql;)S p;)qS!n:3U!lS!P ;)q ';)l1l1 S! 11 ':lll1lnJ IC:)!lHOd uotuuroo C ;)lC:)!pU! lq:3!lli Al!UgJC p;):3:lne l!:lql lcql l:)CJ ;)ql-S:l!l!lCI!lli!S :lqllnq 'UO!:3:ll S!ql U! SACIS :lql U:l:l.M.Pq lS!X;) llI:3!lU q:)!lI.M. S:l;U;)l;)]J!P :>ql lOU 'SC.M. lU!q possardun lcq&. 'sue){Icg: ;JIp U! ;):)Uc:)g!u:3!S snou!lli0 tre uo U;»){Cl .M.OU pcq ';)dOlTIg: ICllU:l:) U! ;):)lOJ 1C;)J2 C U;):lq pcq q:)!q.M. ·.,'lU;)lU:lAOlU ACIS-UCd ;)ql 1cql PdZ!{C;)l ;)H 'uuCml;)ldd pcssordun Alqcl;)P!SUO:) 'UC;)!;)l pue ;mog: ·v JO SA'\;)!A :lql Aq p;)unguOJ U;);)q pcq pue ){qCJCS 'D 'd Aq p:l~C!l!U! U:l;)Cj pcq q:)!q.M. 'SACIS ;)ql JO lnOACJ U! SC;)P! :)!qdCl:30uql:l U! ;):3ueq:) ;)q~

SilVIS JI(.L

1';)dOlTIg:-U!-A;»){ln~ JO SlUC1!qclIU! ;)IP JO Al!lO!Cm ;)ql P;)lUlOJ 'S){;);)JD :lql lOU r= SACIS ;)ql lcql pCJ ;)ql 01 slcIoq:)s pUC Sl:lAl;)SqO ~U!PU!Iq U! IC1U;)llil1l1SU! u:>;)q pcq SlOPCJ ;)S:lql UV -uonejndod :>ql JO SlU:llli:lI;) ACIS ;)ql sscrddns 01 pueq =s C U;)A!il ;)J;).M. oqA'\ 'suc!UcqIV :lql 01 pue S){;);)lD ;)ql 01 SUO!SS:l:)UO:) ;»){CW 01 S){ln~ ;)ql JO b!IOd ;)lCJ;)q!PP ;)ql U;);)q pcq l! lcql P;)lOU ;)q 'AUCU!::! 'SACIS :lql JO S;)lpmq:) ;)ql pue sIooq:)s :lq~ P;)HOllUOJ A:lql nc :lAOqC pue lU:llU!lU:lS IC:)!sseP-O;)U JO S;)Ol;)q :lql OSIC ;)l;).M. S){;);)lD ;)IP ~ :llTI:);)S Ancnb;) SCM lO!l;)lU! :lql uo Ploq l!:lql ~cq~ uotsscrdun ;)q~ P:llC;)lJ pUC ~SCO:) ;)ql JO

6981-ZV81 'SAV1S tIH.L

CHAPTER IV

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

THE BULGARIAN EXARCHATE

IN 1870 an event of far-reaching importance occurred-the Turks established the autonomy of the Bulgarian Church by appointing a Bulgarian Exarch. The Bulgarian national revival had necessarily been 'Slower and later than that of the Serbs or Greeks. The fact that the Bulgarians were in closer physical proximity to Constantinople was one reason why they were not able to express themselves so freely. South of a line drawn from the Danube through Vidin, Nis and Prizren lay the real core of the Turkish Empire in Europe. In this area Turkish 'Settlement was closer than it was farther north. Here the Turkish begs were established in their ci}liki or large farms on which the Slav rajas laboured. In this region Turkish reaction to any separatist movement was strong and immediately effective. In Bulgaria and Macedonia, Turkish power was thus more firmly established than it was in the Serbian provinces farther north, or than it was in the Greek archipelago. For this reason the marginal zones of the Turkish Empire- Peloponnisos, Serbia, Wallachia-witnessed scenes of national revival, whilst the Bulgarians still lay inert under the weight of Turkish administrative tyranny. But in spite of greater opposition the Bulgarian national movement had been slowly progressing. The first work printed in the vernacular had appeared in 1824 and the first Bulgarian school had been founded in Gabrovo in 1835. In the 1840'S many schools were formed and Bulgarian literature blossomed forth, while the wealthier Bulgarians began to send their sons to be educated in Russia, Bohemia and France rather than in Constantinople as formerly. Bulgarians, who even until late in life had

58

I \

I

!

THE BULGARIAN EXARCHATE

59

written the Greek language, persisted in learning to write their own. It was the obstacle presented to such efforts of natural self-expression by the hierarchy of the Greek Church that finally brought the Bulgarians to the resolution of freeing their Church from the control of Phanar (the district in Constantinople where the Greek bishops were quartered).

After i840 the Bulgarian movement began to meet ever-stiffening ~pposition from the Greek Patriarch and the Greek prelates. Any national awakening on the part of the Bulgarians militated as much against the privileged spiritual position of the Greek Church in southeastern Europe, as it did against the temporal power of the Turk. The Greek clergy not unnaturally used all their enormous influence to restrain Bulgarian nationalism, in order to retain the monopoly of ecclesiastical offices which had been theirs since the abolition of both the Old Serbian Patriarchate of Pee and the former Bulgarian Patriarchate of Ohrid in the eighteenth century. Ecclesiasticalliberation was therefore the first step towards the development of Bulgarian nationalism and since 1854 the Bulgarians had been pressing for a restoration of. ecclesiastical independence. In 1860 they had even negotiated with Rome for the establishment of a Bulgarian Uniate Church which while preserving Orthodox ritual would have been Roman in allegiance. Between 1860 and 1870 Bulgarian opposition to the Greek clergy had precipitated open insurrection on more than one occasion. In 1862, " A series of scandals took place throughout the provinces. Churches were closed in order that the Greek liturgy might not be read therein. When the Greek bishops returned from their revenue-gathering progresses they found their palaces locked and were conducted beyond the city walls. If they entered a church to officiate, no Bulgarian priest would take part in the service: when they departed the floor was ostentatiously swept, as if to remove traces of impurity. In Sofia, when a new bishop was expected, men, women and children filled the palace and blocked it up, till, unarmed as they were, they had to be expelled by Turkish soldiers."! The sympathetic attitude of the Russians t~wards the Bulgarians and their

1 G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, op. cit.

;np U~ SAclS JO Sl;}qumu ;}21Cl ;}1;}M. ;}l;}q~ sm~ql;}S ;}q:) 0:) 2U~plO::ne : 2~SS;}1:)S SP;};}U rurod l;}q:)lllJ ;}uO . (1L. ;>2cd ;>;>S 'sICUO!:)cu :5[;>;>1!) 2~c;>ds-AcIS ';>'!) SJUoqaOJV3[nfI 10 SJUoqaollvlS JO ;>:lU;>:)S!X;> ;>q:) JO S!S;>q:)OdAq :5[;>;>1!) ;>q:) 0:) AHCnlU;>A;> P;>I q:llllqJ m!lC~InH M.;>U ;>q:) 0:) :5[;>;>1!) ;>q:) pll;>pld SACIS JO Sl;>qmnu ;>21CI :)cq:) :):lCJ =u ';>m!:) S!ql :)C

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09

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

Skopljc, Nis and Vidin areas who embraced the Bulgarian Church, not because they were Bulgarians, but because the new Church offered a respite from Graeco-Turkish oppression.

The significance of the establishment of the Exarchate was not lost upon the Great Powers of Europe, nor upon the Balkan national states already in existence. The Great Powers, of course, believed that the concession had been wrung from the Porte by Russian pressure. The Greeks and Serbians excitedly remarked that a Bulgarian colossus had been born overnight and that Bulgaria would undoubtedly become the paramount power in the Balkans, if the domain of the Bulgarian Exarchate was any indication of the ultimate political extent of Bulgaria. It was from this date that the Serbians began to have certain misgivings about their Bulgarian brethren and the Greeks felt cheated of their rightful legacy, the mantle of the Byzantine Empire, so boldly lifted from their shoulders by the upstart Slav. The unanimity of opinion on the Serbo-Bulgarian ethnographic frontier, so remarkable a feature of all the maps so far considered, was to be shattered by this new approach, with.its accent on the dissimilarities between the Slav groups, rather than on the qualities they had in common. The immediate effect of the creation of the Exarchate, however, was to emancipate the Bulgarians from Greek control.

THE CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE, 1876

In 1876 a Conference of the Great Powers took place at Constantinople with the objective of formulating a programme of reform in the Balkans and of forcing the Sultan to implement such reforms as he had already promised. The revolt of the Bosnians and Hercegovinians in 1875, and of the Bulgarians in 1876, had lifted the veil on the deplorable conditions still to be found in the Turkish Empire. The massacre of Bulgarians which followed the insurrection drew attention to their cause in the British Isles and invoked Gladstone's thunderous indictment. At the Conference, the universal dissatisfaction with Turkish maladministration was unquestioned. The problem was=-who was to replace the Turk in Europe? The Conference revealed a clash of ideas regarding the nature and extent of the new

THE CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE

)

political formations necessary to supplant the Turk in his European domain.

Ethnographic maps were about to play an important role in the reassessment of the political situation. Major ethnic groupings were s~ggested at the Conference as a useful basis for the political reorganizanon of the Balkans. It would be wrong to imply, however, that any of the participants at the Conference were inspired by the principle of self-determination. Russia, at the time, was engaged in the systematic decimation of her nomadic minorities in the Ukraine ; Great Britain was adamant in her refusal to recognize Irish nationalism; whilst Germany had recently added tens of thousands of Frenchmen to her population. The suggested use of the ethno-political boundary was largely a Russian idea which, had it been utilized, would have resulted in Slav hegemony in the Balkans. . It was Ignatyev, the Russian Ambassador, who suggested the creation-"of an autonomous big Bulgaria stretching from Bourgas [ . . . ] toDedeagatch [. . .] then to the Lake of Ochrida [ . . . ] Albania [ . . . ] Nish [ . . . ] Vidin and the Danube."! He produced a map showing such a state based on his own ethnographic data, and its boundaries coincided roughly with the Bulgarian ethnographic frontier as drawn on Lejean's map and also with the limits of the Bulgarian Exarchate (Fig. 90). Petermann's Mittheiltmgen reported that St. J. Verkovic's ethnographic data was also made use of at the Conference. He was a Serb but his conclusions on ethnographic distribution favoured the Bulgarians in Macedonia. 2 This was incidentally a further indication that the Serbo-Bulgarian ethnographic quarrel had not then developed.

Great Britain and Austria, however, were opposed to the idea of a great Slav state. The prospect of a political Pan-slavonia stretching from Prague to Moscow was still a dreadful possibility to the Great Powers of peninsular Europe. The fact that Russia had played the leading role in promoting Bulgarian national consciousness was taken to mean that the new state would merely represent an enlarged sphere

1 M. D. Stojanovic, The Great Powers and the Balkans, 1875-1878 (Cambridge,

1939). .

2 "Statistis~?;~th~lOgrap?ische Daten des Sandschaks Seres, gesammelt von St.]. Verkovic, illitgetheilt von Fr. Bradaska, Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ed. 24 (Gotha, 1878).

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66

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

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The Greeks.

If he reduced Hellenic territory in Thrace, he increased it considerably on his map in south-western Macedonia and Ipiros. He believed that the Greeks stretched as far north as Edhessa, or Vodena as the Slavs called it. This was the town which Miss Mackenzie had referred to in 1867 as "the Bulgarian City of the Waters." His jusritication for classifying the inhabitants of most of southern Ipiros as Greek rather than as Albanian, was that the process of hellenization had proceeded to such an extent amongst the Tosks of southern Albania, that in many cases it was impossible to distinguish Greeks from Albanians, particularly from those Albanians belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church. It is of interest to note that he produced a map of Ipiros later, in 1878 (Fig. 19).

The Slavs

The distribution of Slavs on Kiepert's map had been taken from Petermann's map of 1869 and so the Bulgarians were shown as inhabiting most of Macedonia but not so widely distributed as they had been on the maps ofLejean and Boue, No Serbs were shown south of the Sar mountains. Kiepert removed the Serb minority round Lake Ohrid which had been a feature of some of the earlier maps.

The Vlachs and till: Albanians

In Kiepert's view the Vlachs were so sparsely distributed throughout southern Macedonia as scarcely to justify recognition except in the Plndhos region, and he grouped the smaller enclaves with the Greeks. He believed that the . Albanian element in Ipiros had been overestimated in the past, but he still showed the Albanians in strong force in both western Macedonia and in Old Serbia.

Conclusion

Kiepert's map had a great vogue. His work was known to the Tsar who was very impressed by his scholarship, and to Bismarck who expressed himself thus:

La situation ethnographique de la Bulgarie, comme je le sais de source authentique et comme i1 resulte de la meilleure carte que no us

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70

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

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PRO-GREEK MAPS, I877-8

71

The new ethnographic ideas had been instrumental in completely undermining their moral position.

E. Stanford's Map of I877

Under the circumstances the Greek reaction, so long delayed, was violent but unavailing. In 1877 three maps appeared in rapid succession disputing the validity of H. Kiepert's map and incorporating the Greek ideas of Balkan ethnography. Of these the best known was Stanford's map, derived from Greek sources and published both in Greek and in English (Fig. 16). On this map, the whole of the peninsula between the crest of the Balkans and the Aegean, including central and southern Albania, was coloured as Greek territory. The anonymous Greek author dismissed language as an unreliable criterion on which to base an ethnographic map. He maintained, however, that the Greek language was widely understood by all the peoples of the Balkans, that the Vlachs were Greek nationals, and that large numbers of the so-called Slavs were in fact Bulgorophone Greeks (i.e. Greek nationals who happened to speak Bulgarian}, Above all, the Balkans, he argued, were culturally, and historically an unalienable part of the Hellenic world. These views, elaborated and recast, formed the core later of the theses of C. Nicolaides in 1899, of N. Kasasis in 1903, of S. P. Phocas Cosmetatos and V. Colocotronis in 1919 and those of a host of other Greek scholars who continued to labour for the next fifty years in a desperate effort to revitalize the old idea, that the Balkans constituted an Hellenic province. 1

F. Bianconi's Map of I877

The second of the pro-Greek series to appear in 1877 was F. Bianconi's map. Bianconi -v;:as a Frenchman' who had been at one time the chief' engineer and architect of the Ottoman Railways. His map was based on Turkish statistics. Such statistics were derived from rough surveys

1 V. Colocotronis, La Macedoine et L'Hellenisme, 0p. cit., contains the following: " Mais il existe aussi dans certains districts Macedoniens de telles populations Slavophones, qui, en outre ont conserve une conscience nationale purement grec." C. Nicolaides, Makedonien (Berlin, 1899). S. P. Phocas Cosrnetatos, La Macedoine : son passe et son present (Lausanne, 1919). N. Kasasis, L'Hellenisl1le et la Macedoine (paris, 1903).

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74

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 187°-1878

of the Graeco-Turkish viewpoint. It was welcomed by the Greeks in 1877.1

Outside Great Britain the three pro-Greek maps had a very poor reception", The Slavonic character of the Balkan peninsula had been impressed upon the mind of Europe so thoroughly by the Lejean school, that any radical re-interpretation enjoyed no immediate vogue. Nevertheless, the Bulgarian ethnic hegemony had been challenged. The

« 150 MILES I

GERMAN

H. KIEPERT

1878

FIG. 18. H. KIEPERT'S ETHNOCRATIC MAP OF 1878

British welcomed the representation of the Greek claims, which lent some support to British foreign policy in the eastern Mediterranean.

H. Kieper!' s 'Ethnocratic Map of I878

The Greek case was strengthened by the appearance of another of Kiepert's maps ill 1878. This was not an ethnographic map, but it was based partly on ethnographic data (Fig. 18). The point that cultural

1 This map, although welcomed by the Greeks in 1877, was rejected by them in 1919. Colocotronis (op. cit.) went so far as to accuse Synvet of prejudice. He alleged that Synvet used as his base map, "La Bulgarie d'apres Ie Prince Tcherkasky," traced by a Bulgarian professor from diplomatic reports.

2 Karl Sax for example described Stanford's map as unworthy of consideration.

Mittlzeilungen Geographischcn GesellsclzaJt, Bd. XXI (Wien, 1878).

. K. SAX'S MAP, 1878

75

groups did not necessarily have common political aspirations, and that ethnographic frontiers were not suitable political boundaries was evidently appreciated by Kiepert. He therefore produced this new map, at the request of the Greeks, to offset the political significance which events had given to his ethnographic map of 1876 (see. p. 65). It was entitled Tableau ethnoaatique des Pays du Slid-Est de l' Europe. In the explanation accompanying the map Kiepert outlined the difficulties inherent in the production of an ethnographic map and he maintained that the use of such maps for drawing up political boundaries was a malpractice which no geographer ought to countenance. He therefore attempted to produce a composite map, embodying all the factors which he believed should be taken into account in the framing of political boundaries. His criteria included race, language, religion and historical associations; and he added the proviso that such boundaries should be drawn in accordance with the realities of physical geography. As a result of all these considerations Kiepert's ethnocratic map was very different from his ethnographic map. He depicted on the former the Balkan crest-line as a suitable northern boundary for an enlarged Greek state, which was also to include southern Macedonia and southern Albania. Bulgaria, he confined to the lands between the Danube and

. the Balkan range but including northern Macedonia, the Dobrudja and the Nis district. Serbia he extended to include Bosnia, Hercegovina and Montenegro and he made allowance for an independent Albania which incorporated Old Serbia. Later, in 1919, V. Coloctronis claimed that Kiepert's later map invalidated his earlier one, but the two were meant of course to be complementary." C. Nicolaides in 1899 went so far as to base his ethllographic map on Kiepert's ethnocratic map (see p. 122).

The Greeks and the British were not alone in the campaign, which aimed at destroying the idea of Slav supremacy in the Balkans. Austria 1 V. Colocotronis, op. cit. (p. 484), states: "Or, ce meme H. Kiepert lorsqu'il fut charge d' Athenesde publier une nouvelle carte ethnographique de Balkans . n'hesita pas un instant a designer comme frontiere de Hellenisme lacrere meme de I'Hemus. Decidement Kiepert ne voulait mecontenter personne."

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the valleys of the Vardar and Struma, arid in the regions intervening. The zone bounded by Skoplje, Veles, Dojran, Serrai, Melnik and the Osogovska mountains, he depicted as half-Turkish.

The Greeks

He was kinder to the Greeks than Kiepert and he showed strong Greek minorities extending as far north as Bitolj, Devdelija on the Vardar, Melnik and the Rodopi mountains; in addition, he showed a strong Greek minority in the valley of the Maritsa as far north as Edirne. The Greeks he pictured in Thrace, -as at least equal in importance to the Turks and Bulgarians.

The Slavs

The Slav groupings on Sax's map were neither so simple nor so widespread as they had been on previous maps. He distinguished not two, but nine branches of the Slavs in Turkey-in-Europe. They included the following 'national groups': Greek Orthodox Serbs, Catholic Serbo-Croats, Moslem Serbo-Croats, Serb o-B ulgarians (a mixed group), Exarchate Bulgarians, Hellenized Bulgarians of Greek Orthodox faith, Uniate Bulgarians (a very small group), Catholic Bulgarians (likewise a small group) and fmally Pomaks or Moslem Bulgarians.' In this manner he endeavoured to annihilate the idea of both Serbo-Croat and of Bulgarian solidarity. How well he did so may be appreciated merely by a glance at his map. The Serbs proper, for example, he depicted as extending south to Novi Pazar and Pristina with very small minorities around Pee and Prizren. South of the Ibar and west of the Lin rivers, the Serbs gave way to Moslem SerboCroats. Thus the all-important Novi Pazar corridor between Montenegro and Albania on the south-west, and Serbia on the north-east, he

1 (1) Serbischc Stamme, griech-orthodoxer Religion (Serbel~, Cernag?r~en, herzegovinische und bosnischc Serben). (2) Serbokroaten, Katholischer Religion, oder bosnische und herzegovinische Lateiner. (3) Serbo-Kroatcn moha~medanischer Religion oder bosnische Turken. (4) Serbo-Bulgaren oder nut Serben v:ermischte Bulgaren griechisch-orthodoxer Religion. (5) Bulgaren griechisch-orthodoxer Religion der schismatisch-bulgarischen Kirche. (6) Graeco-Bulgaren oder halb hellenisirte Bulgaren der griechis~h-orthod.oxer Kirche. (7) Griechisch-Katholische oder unirte Bulgaren. (8) Latein Kathohsche Bulgaren, (9) Pomaken.

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represented to be populated by Slavs of a nationality alien to that of the Serbs. A significant innovation was the portrayal of the region immediately north ofNis as Serbo-Bulgarian.1 He did not quarrel with the basic distribution of Bulgarians as represented on Kieperr's map. In . fact, he showed them to be more numerous in Thrace than had hitherto been accepted, except by Mirkovic on his Russian map. Bulgarians, he marked as far west as Nis, Leskovac, Vranje, the Sar mountains and the Drin valley and as far south as Florina, Konia, Veroia, Salonika, Serrai and Drama. But he robbed the Bulgarians of their former dearcut majority in Macedonia by the recognition of numerous minorities, not only Turk, Albanian and Greek, but also Pomak, which Sax did not regard to be of Bulgarian nationality. The Pomaks he marked in the upper Struma valley, in the Edhessa district and in the whole of the Mesta valley eastwards as far as Komotini,

The Vlachs

Sax took care to distinguish the Vlachs from the Greeks. He not only marked them in the Pindhos but also in eastern Thessalia in the valleys of the Semen and Devoll of southern Albania, in south-western Macedonia around Kastoria and Florina, and west of Bitolj.

The Albanians

Sax divided the Albanians into their religious groups. The Moslem Albanians, however, he indicated as the predominant group, extending from Lake Shkodrs (Skadar) to as far east as the Morava river in the vicinity of Prokuplje; he believed they formed the majority of the inhabitants of Old Serbia. He also indicated Moslem Albanians as a minority in western Macedonia, as far east as Skoplje, Prilep and Bitolj. South of the Shkumbin river, he indicated them as a minority in Northern Ipiros, particularly in the coastal region of the Kerkira Channel, and also in the Konitsa and Kastoria areas. He also separately distinguished Greek Orthodox Albanians south of the Shkumbin river. They formed a compact group only in the Libohove district; elsewhere, they were found in conjunction with the Moslem Albanians. His separate recognition of Greek Orthodox Albanians was a useful

1 Shown as Bulgarian on most contemporary maps.

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of European ethnography, incorporated Sax's map into his wellknown work of reference, The Races of Europe, published in 1900.

THE MAP OF NIC. DENSUSIANU AND F. DAME, 1877

It is necessary to point out here that even in 1877 ethnic controversy was not limited to a discussion of the relative merits of Bulgarian and Greek claims in Macedonia. The existence of a Romanian speaking element in the population of various parts of Macedonia, Ipiros, southern Albania and Thessalia had, by that time, excited the close attention of the Romanians proper who had already achieved a measure of independence north of the Danube. However remote the relationship between the 'Macedo-Roumains' and themselves might be, they discerned it was real enough to be turned to advantage. Historical research even then had revealed the important role played by the Vlachs or Blachi in the political life of mediaeval Macedonia. By recalling the past and by drawing attention to the presence of the Vlachs in the south-western Balkans, interested Romanians sought to establish a case for political recognition of the Vlachs which might take the form of the revival of Great Wallachia or 'Megalo-Vlachie' as Densusianu called his proposed Vlach state. In the campaign for the emancipation of the Vlachs the education of public opinion concerning their history, culture and distribution was a primary necessity. The book on the 'Macedo-Roumains' written by N. Densusianu and F. Dame was dedicated to this end. The map it included was based on sources which gave emphasis to the distribution of the Vlachs; the works of F. C. L. H. Pouqueville, M. E. Picot, J. Thunmann and W. M. Leake were the most important of these." The method used was to colour the map according, it would seem, to descriptions afforded by these authors. The results were interesting (Fig. 2I).

The TIlTh

Not much Turkish territory was shown on this map. Apart from some districts in the Rodopi mountains the Turks were confined to the

1 The titles were respectively: Voyage ell Grece (Paris, 1826). Les Rouinains de Macedoine (Paris, 1875). Untersuchungen iiber die Ceschichte dcr ostlichcn europdischen Volker (Leipzig, 1774). Travels in northern Greece (London, 1835).

DENSUSIANU AND DAME, 1877

area immediately north of Lakes Kor6nia and V olvi, stretching thence along the coast to Kavalla.

The Greeks

The Greeks were given a very meagre distribution in complete contrast to that favoured by Greek cartographers and much less than that suggested by G. Lejean and H. Kiepert. Only a small portion of

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Macedonia proper was shown as Greek and the Greeks were even excluded from the greater part of ThessaIia.

The Slavs

The interesting classification adopted by N. Densusianu and F.

Dame did not distinguish between Serbs and Bulgarians. All the Slavs were shown in one colour in complete contrast to Sax's map, an indication of the fact that at this time, at least in the Romanian view, the distinction between Bulgarians and Serbs was not important. Bulgaria, of course, had not yet been established as an independent

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was to have far-reaching repercussions. In order to pacify Britain, he left Thessalia and Khalkidhiki in Turkish hands, a move which, in practice, left those territories open to Greek penetration. Thrace was also left to the Turks-c-a proof, which the Tsar hoped would be accepted, that the Russians had no designs on Constantinople.

Apart fr0111 these concessions, the main provision of the Treaty was the creation of an independent 'Greater Bulgaria' similar in extent to that suggested by Ignatyev in 1876 (Fig. 22). The creation of a Greater Bulgaria was, from the Russian point of view, a step in the right direction. Even if, as a temporary measure, many Serbo-Croats had to be thrown to the Austrian wolves, Russia had achieved her immediate objective-a Slav corridor into the heart of the Balkans. From another point of view, it invested Bulgaria with mythical frontiers to which the Bulgarians have continued to cling right down to the present day. The boundaries of the proposed Greater Bulgaria coincided closely with the ethnographic frontier laid down for the Bulgarians by H. Kiepert. They included some Albanians in the west and some Greeks in the south-west. On the other hand, many Bulgarians were left in Turkish Thrace and others were sacrificed to Serbia in the Nis salient.

Austrian and British Proposals for Revision

The Treaty of San Stefano was never enforced. Both Great Britain and Austria protested and threatened war unless new terms were reached which would be acceptable to all parties concerned. From an examination of Andrassy's proposals for a revision of the provisions of San Stefano, the real cause of friction between Austria and Russia may be deduced. His main proposals were: (I) that Austria should occupy Bosnia and Hercegovina as well as the territory between Serbia and Montenegro, after informing the Porte; (2) that the boundary of Montenegro should follow the line of the Konito, as far as the junction of the rivers Pipa and Tara, then to Belapolje (Bijelo Polje), crossing the river Lem (Lim) near Berani [Berane) and then to the Lake ofScutari. Austria was to annex the territory between the river Bojano, the lake and the sea. Montenegro would be guaranteed the liberty of navigation on both river and lake; (3) that Serbia should receive no aggrandizement

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only be gained at the expense of what was then believed to be Albanian and Bulgarian territory. Serbia's interest in the southern Balkans dated from this period. The Greeks, too, were disillusioned for in the end Beaconsfield had put his faith in Turkey rather than in Greece. Bulgaria gained independence only to have many Bulgarians left outside the boundaries of the new state. Nevertheless the constitution of an independent Bulgaria did mean that, with the exception of Albania, all the major ethnic groups of the Balkans had received some form of territorial recognition by 1878. From their several nuclei they now looked forward to expansion into those regions still remaining to the Turk. If they were prevented by the force or persuasion of the Great Powers, or by the vestiges of power still left to the Sultan himself, from extending their political boundaries, they found themselves free in the interim, at least to establish their moral claims to specific territories and to build up spheres of influence; and of all the territories left to the Turk, none was desired so earnestly by so many powers, great and small, as Macedonia. And how might the smaller powers better establish their moral rights than through the medium of the ethnographic map? The Treaty of Berlin had neatly delimited the areas where ethnographic speculation might continue and Sax had ably demonstrated that nowhere in these areas was the ethnographic issue so much in doubt as in Macedonia, and that it was possible to evolve new ethnographic mosaics by the adoption of fresh criteria.

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THE SERBS, 1868-1891

Bulgarian nationalistic sokols (athletic clubs). Even the British at this time were inclined to favour a strong Bulgaria " which might screen the sick man (Turkey) from the fury of the northern blast." Everything in 1885 pointed to the fact that Bulgaria was destined to play a leading role in the future political geography of the Balkan peninsula.

The Alistro-Serbian Secret Treaty of I88I

Meanwhile Serbia had watched the expansion of both Bulgaria and Greece, which had acquired Thessalia in 1881, with some alarm, for the Serbians even before 1885 had begun to covet the Macedonian territory of Turkey and it soon became evident that the interests not only of Austria, Greece and Bulgaria respectively, but of Serbia also, converged in Macedonia. The date when the Serbians first began to take an active, as apart from a friendly interest, in the Vardar valley may be fixed as the year 1881-the date of the secret treaty between Austria and Serbia, whereby Serbia renounced her claims in Bosnia, Hercegovina and Novi Pazar. Article II of that treaty read as follows:

Serbia will not tolerate political, religious, or other intrigues, which, taking her territory as a point of departure, might be directed against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, including therein Bosnia, Hercegovina, and the Sanjak of Novi Pazar.

Austria-Hungary assumes the same obligation with regard to Serbia and her dynasty, the maintenance and strengthening of which she will support with all her influence.!

Under the terms of the Treaty of Berlin (1878) Austria had taken over the administration of Bosnia and Hercegovina and had been allowed to garrison the Novi Pazar corridor. The strengthening of AustroHungarian influence in these areas put an end, for the time being, to any possibility of a union of the Serbo-Croats, and Serbian expansion was canalized from a westerly into a southerly direction. Article VII of the secret treaty made this clear:

If, as a result of a combination of circumstances whose development is not to be foreseen at present, Serbia were in a position to make

1 Dr. Alfred Francis Pribram, The Secret Treaties of Austria-Hunqarv, 1879-1914, Vol. I, Translation (Cambridge, 1920).

THE SERBO:-BULGARIAN SCHISM

95

territorial acquisitions in the direction of her southern frontiers (with the exception of the Sanjak of Novi-Pazar), Austria-Hungary will not oppose herself thereto, and will use her influence with the other powers for the purpose of winning them over "to an attitude favourable to Serbia.'

When this Treaty of 1881 was prolonged in 1889, the following additional article was incorporated into the Prolongation:

If the circumstances foreseen by Article VII of the Treaty of June 23, 1881, should chance to occur while this treaty remains in force and while Serbia has faithfully observed its stipulations, it is understood that Austria-Hungary will, recognize, and support with other Powers, the recognition in favour of the Kingdom of Serbia of the territorial extension foreseen by Article VII above-mentioned, which extension may be carried out in the direction of the valley of the Vardar as far as circumstances will permit."

The provisions of the secret treaty outlined above played an important part in encouraging Serbian aspirations in Macedonia and in p~omoting disagreement between Serbia and the newly-formed Bulganan state.

The Serbo-Bulgarian War of I88S

The freshly directed Serbian territorial interests were bound to bring Serbia into conflict with Bulgaria. But even before 1881 the relations between the two principal Slav groups of the Balkans had taken a turn for the worse. In spite of C. Delamarre's warning about the fallacy of Pan-slavism, the Serbs and the Bulgarians had remained bound closely together until 1878, in the belief that they were racially and culturally brothers and the fellow-feeling between them had been sustained by Russian propaganda. The formation of the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870 had presaged the formation of a' Greater Bulgaria' but even then the Serbians had not been prepared to challenge that possibility. Nothing had illustrated the solidarity of the Serbo- Bulgarian accord better than the humiliation of M. S. Milojevic in 1873. But in 1878 the Serbians had been alarmed by the Treaty of San Stefano, in spite of the fact that they had gained some territory. Until that time they had felt themselves to be the real nucleus of Slavdom in the

l Ibid. (p. 55). 2 Ibid. (p. 137).

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1681-8981 'saaas 3:H1.

THE SERBS, I868-I89I

used up to that time. As Sax did, he made an attempt to indicate religious differences, and hemtroduced a useful method of showing the ethnographic character of the larger towns (where the population was always mixed) by means of symbols. Altogether, he distinguished no less than twelve groups in Old Serbia and Macedonia=-Christian Serbs, Moslem Serbs, Christian Bulgarians, Moslem Bulgarians; Albanians, Christian Albanians of Serb extraction, Moslem Albanians' of Serb extraction, Turks (including Tatars andCircassians), Greeks, Vlachs, Gypsies and Jews.

FIG. 24

The references in the key are as follows: 1. Christian and Moslem Serbs flatter differentiated by an S) ; 2. Albanians including Christians and Moslems of Serb descent; 3. Moslem Bulgarians (Pomaks); 4. Vlachs; 5. Greeks;

6. Christian Bulgarians; 7. Turks and Tatars. .

In the original, ethnographic elements in the towns are indicated by symbols.

The territorial growth of Greece and Bulgaria between I878 and 1886 had considerably limited Turkish territory in Europe. After I886 ethnographers were no longer interested in producing maps ot the whole of the Balkans but concentrated mainly on the part still remaining to the Turk; it was into this territory that Austria, Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece hoped to expand. Turkish possessions in r886 officially included Bosnia, Hercegovina and Novi Pazar, butas these regions were administered or garrisoned by Austria, and as Serbia had renounced her interests in them, they were usually precluded from

S.GOPCEVIC'S MAP, 1889

99

the ethnographer's field of investigation until a later date. Research therefore was centred in the remaining Turkish territory-Albania, Old Serbia, Macedonia rand Thrace. Gopcevic limited his map' exclusively to Old Serbia and Macedonia, and he made an attempt to define the boundary between the two. It may be seen from Figs. rand 2 that his definition of Macedonia was very limited. According to his interpretation, its northern frontier lay south of Bitolj and Strumica and the middle Vardar valley was part of Old Serbia. This was a radical departure from the more limited concept of Old Serbia favoured by Miss Mackenzie and Miss Irby in 1867, and even from the Serbian interpretation of I878 (Fig. 89). In fact, before r878 nearly all scholars had set the northern boundary of 'Turkish' Macedonia on the Sar mountains and the' Kara Dag' (Crna hills).

The Turks

Gopcevic depicted the distributionofthe Turks in more detail than anyone had hitherto done. He showed them in all the main towns, in the Koniar district between Lake Vegorritis (Ostrovon) and the Aliikmon river, in the Vardar valley,in the Lake Dojran depression and in the region between the lower valleys of the Mesta and Vardar rivers.

The Greeks

Gopcevic did not agree that the Greeks were as widespread in southern Macedonia as Sax had represented them to be inI877. He believed that even Kiepert had shown too many Greeks. He drew their linguistic frontier from thePindhos mountains along a line north of Siitista to the upper Aliikmon river and thence to Veroia and the delta of the Vardar. Elsewhere in Macedonia he portrayed them as a rural population-in Khalkidhiki and around Lake Akhinou. Serrai, Kastoria and Edhessa were situated according to his map in Serb country.

The Slavs

Gopcevic was responsible for giving academic support to the novel idea that the whole of Old Serbia and most of Macedonia were inhabited by Serbs, or to put it in another way, that all the Slavs in

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1681-8981 'smI3S :nu

001

102

THE SERBS, 1868-1891

Until the appearance of Gopcevic's map, the controversy over the political affinity of the Christian population in Macedonia had involved only the Bulgarians, the Greeks and to a lesser extent the Romanians. Copccvic succeeded in introducing yet another element-the Serbs.

. Nobody before 1885, except fora few discredited Serbian chauvinists, such as M. S. Milojevic, had believed that the Serbs were really an important minority south of the Sar mountains. Boue and Lejean had

Population of Old Serbia and Macedonia after GOPGevi!

I 1 ,
Major Groups Totals Iucludcd Minorities
S~rbs · . · . ··1 1,830,100 418,500 Moslems
Turks · . · . ··1 269,000 6,200 Circassians
1,000 Tartars
Albanians · . .. 1 189,250 138,I50 Moslems
!
Bulgarians · . . ·1 176,200 104,000 Pomaks ,
Greeks · . · . ··1 17I,200 4,000 Moslems
Vlachs .. · . .. 100,600 7,600 Moslems
Jews · . · . .. I 72,000 5,000 Moslems
Gypsies .. ··1 34,000 -
Others .. .. ··1 6,000 - shown a few small exclaves in a sea of Bulgarians. Kiepert had shown no Serbs in Macedonia at all. Gopcevic admitted that he had himself been convinced, earlier in his career, that the Serbs could be guilty only of gross chauvinism in laying claim to Macedonia and he had even expressed such an opinion in writing before he embarked on his Macedonian travels.

His map immediately arouseda storm of criticism. A. Nehring in , Petermann' s Mittheilungen condemned the. obvious political flavour of

N. s. ZARYANKO'S MAP, ·1890

103

the map and the reviewer in Deutsche Rundschat: was even more outspoken in his disapproval:

This large and very clearly drawn map surprised us, not so much on account of its repudiation of all the well-known ethnographic maps of this region, as by its extremely detailed presentation of an uncommonly complicated ethnographic situation. When it is known by what devious ways Czoernig or Le Monier arrived at an tmderstanding of the ethnographic map of Austria-Hungary, it might be concluded, that a short and hurried journey could not possibly provide the material for such a map.! Gopcevic's methods are those of a dilettante rather than a professional ethnographer. 2

These two shots, chosen at random from the barrage of criticism directed at Gopcevic's work, indicated that the academic circles of Europe were not ready to accept the Serbian thesis at this stage. It is a firm axiom of the propagandist, however, that an initial failure may be turned into an ultimate success by the simple process of reiteration. Gopcevic at least provided the Serbs with their initial failure. Many Serbian ethnographers were to follow in his footsteps, although perhaps they displayed more caution in the presentation of Serbian claims. In time, their insistence on the presence of Serbs in Macedonia wore down the opposition and paved the way for Serbian political expansion southwards. To this extent Gopcevic might well be called the father of Serbian political ethnography.

N. S. ZARYANKO'S MAP OF 1890 The Nil-Lesleovac Region

The Serbians, although not initially successful in establishing their major claims, did exert some influence on European thought. An interesting example of their influence is to be found in the two editions of a Russian ethnographic map compiled by N. S. Zaryanko and published by V. V. Komarov in St. Petersburg in 1890. The first

1 Czoernig, op. cit. F. Le Monier, Sprachenlearte VOII ostetreichisch-nnoarischcn Monarchic (Wien, I888).

2 Literatur-Berichte, Nr. 2464 in Petermann's Mittheilungen. Deutsche Rundschau Iiir Geographic IIl1d Statistik, XII (I890). K. Oestreich also severely criticized Gopcevic's distributions in " Die Bevolkerung von Makedonien," Geographische Zeitschrijt, XI (Leipzig, I905).

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THE. SERBS, 1868-1891 .

recalcitrance of adolescence. It was possible to read into the concession made in favour of the Serbs, nothing more than the Tsar's earnest desire to reconcile his allies in the western Balkans. So the Serbians pressed on with their research, eager to establish their case to the satisfaction of the rest of Europe.

SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL 1891

o Serbs _ Albanians

Ea Vlachs uGreeks B Bulgarians _ Turks

SOMiles

FIG. 26

THE SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL MAP OF 1891

A Serbian ethnographic map was produced in 1891. by the scholars of the High School at Belgrade (Fig. 26).1 This map was printed in both Serbian and French and was designed therefore for western

1 It was reproduced also in 1903, edited by Prof. M. Andonovic (Antonovitch).

I

THE SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL MAP, 1891

European circulation. The anonymous authors of the map marked Old Serbia as extending from Novi Pazar to Prilep. Macedonia was given a narrow interpretation, being limited to the area south of . Bitolj and Strumica.

The Turks

On this map, only the Konariote Turks were marked as a solid Turkish minority. Elsewhere, the Turks were depicted as a mixed population living principally in the hill country between the lower Struma and the lower Vardar valleys, in the lower Mesta valley, and in the region around the headwaters of the Arda river.

The Greeks

In eastern Macedonia the Greeks were given a more extensive distribution than on Gopcevic's map, the Greek ethnographic frontier being placed on the peaks of the central Rodopi. Thus the Greeks gained at the expense of the Bulgarians. Where the Greeks had a common boundary with the Serbs, however, the ethnographic frontier was depicted as on S. Gopcevic's map.

The Slavs

The Serbian authors of this map made even more striking claims for the Serbs than did Gopcevic, Their map showed an enormous extent of Serbs over the whole of the western Balkans, from Shkodcr down the Drin valley to K6nitsa in the west, to Kastoria, Veroia, Salonika and Drama in the south, and in the east, as far as a line through Drama, north to the Danube, including Sofia. There were no important minorities within their alleged Serbian territory, except for a few Albanians in the Drin valley and some Bulgarians in the valleys of the Mesta and Isker (Eskeje). Although it might be inferred from the legend that folklore and language had been taken into account in arriving at the limits of the Serbs, it is obvious that the distribution was based largely on historical criteria. In 1878, Spruner-Mencke's newly revised historical atlas 1 had incorporated a small map of the mediaeval Serbian empire of Dusan, an indication of the influence

1 Spruner-Mendee's Hand-Atlas fiir die Geschichte des Mittclalters und der neuen Zeit (Gotha, 1871-8).

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The above quotation illustrates the bewilderment which changes in ethnographic ideas were producing at this time, even on those members. of the British public with a fair knowledge of the Balkans. There was certainly no suggestion that the Serbian view of Macedonian ethnography was accepted. There was in fact a tendency to ridicule their claims. The entry of the Serbians into the Macedonian arena resulted in a general intensification of Bulgarian and Greek propaganda in the Turkish provinces. The fate of Old Serbia and Macedonia had now' become a crucial issue. The Bulgarians realized that they could not rest on their laurels, and that something more than G. Lejean's map was necessary to sustain their claims. The hostility of Serbia, and the possibility that the Serbians and Greeks might come to terms 011 spheres of influence in Macedonia, had placed Bulgaria's former secure

. position in Macedonia in jeopardy. The Greeks perceived that the Serbo-Bulgarian schism might be utilized to the advantage of the Hellenic cause, and they welcomed the opportunity of increasing the discomfiture of the Bulgarians in Macedonia by any means in their power, even by a rapprochement with Serbia. The flames of dissension were fanned by constant rumours of an impending Turkish collapse. Discontent with the Sultan's rule had become widespread even in Turkey proper. Turkish activities in Europe were restricted by guerilla operations to such an extent that the Turks had control only of main routes and big towns. In the capitals of Europe there were whispers of international action which would end once and for all Turkish rule in south-eastern Europe.

It was hardly surprising, therefore, that the interested parties redoubled their efforts to promote their respective national causes in the Macedonian theatre. The priest and the bishop, the schoolteacher, the scholar and the brigand, all played their part in the struggle which now ensued. The battle was joined with all the fervour of a religious crusade and with all the ferocity of a blood feud. For the next thirty years in Macedonia the bandolier and the rifle were more often in a man's hand than the tools of his trade or the handles of his plough. Henceforth the ethnographic map assumed a much more complex character. Not only were ideas changing due to a re-examination of criteria but enforced proselytism, the persecution of minorities,

I

THE SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL MAP, 1891

III

abductions and educational coercion also began to have their effects in the modifying of ethnographic distributions. Greeks, Bulgarians, Romanians and Serbians did all in their power to strengthen their own respective elements and to weaken those of their rivals. The Great Powers, including Turkey itself, were not averse to exploiting the situation to their own respective advantages. Macedonia had become the problem area of Europe: The solution of the enigmatic character of the political affinity of its population constituted a challenge alike to the inventiveness of politicians and to the resources of scholarship. Interested and disinterested persons, scholars, diplomats and journalists, found increasing difficulty in resisting attempts at fresh interpretations of the ethnography of Macedonia.

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banks of the Lake were indicated as Bulgarian. To the south the Bulgarian frontier was shown as joining the southern extremities of Lakes Ohrid, Prespa and Ventnok; thence it ran south to the Valachades, to include as Bulgarian the region around Lake Kastorla. From here it ran to Lake Vegorritis and to the Gulf of Salonika, north of the mouth of the Aliakmon river. Salonika and the surrounding countryside were marked as Bulgarian. Weigand thus took an extraordinarily favourable view of the Bulgarian claims in Macedonia. He made no reference at all to the existence of any Serb exclaves around the Macedonian lakes. As his map did not include much territory north of Krusevo and Prilep there is no indication of where he set the northern limits of the Bulgarians.

The Vlachs

In his study of south-western Macedonia, Weigand had been concerned mainly with the delimitation of Vlach territory. Since the time when G. Lejean, and later K. Sax, had made bold attempts to map their distribution, the Vlachs had received scant attention from ethnographers, most of whom had decided that their distribution was too vague to warrant detailed treatment. The problem of mapping them had always presented numerous difficulties. Only a small percentage could be said to have a permanent domicile. The vast majority practised a nomadic mode of life, which led them from the lofty summer pastures of the Pfndhos and the Rodopi mountains to the security of the Aegean and Ionian coastal plains in winter. Large numbers were itinerant traders and yet others constituted a merchant class, with representatives in all the main towns of the peninsula. Weigand was concerned with identifying those localities which had become the headquarters of the Vlachs-the regions where they foregathered in summer, where they accumulated their belongings, and where they had their more permanent habitations and regions, therefore, which had come to be regarded as exclusively Vlach territory, characterized by Vlach place-names. Apart from its economy, the most characteristic feature of the Vlach group was its language. It was upon this criterion that Weigand, as a philologist, built up his picture of the Vlachs as a distinctive group. Hitherto, although

G. WEIGAND'S MAP, r895

lIS

separately distinguished on many maps, the Vlachs had always been associated in an indeterminate fashion either with the Bulgarians or with the Greeks. Indeed many believed that their relation to the Greek people was analogous to that of the Albanian Tosks of Ipiros. The Vlachs, too, were for the most part Greek Orthodox in faith, although a small number had turned to the Moslem faith.

Weigand fixed about a dozen areas on his map where the Vlachs formed the bulk of the population. The more important of the Vlach elements are indicated below.

(r) The Vlachs of the Pindhos, who had been sufficiently important to figure on the maps of Boue, Lejean and Kiepert. Weigand stated that both historical evidence and the existence of placenames pointed to a more widespread distribution of the Vlachs in this region. Those on the flanks of the Pindhos were in process of being hellenized.

(2) The Vlachs of the Grammos mountains. Here there was a tendency for the Vlachs to become albanianized.

(3) The Vlachs of the western slopes of the Olimbos mountains. (4) The Vlachs of the mountains immediately west of Niousa and Veroia.

(5) The Vlachs of the Klisoiira region and the mountains immediately

to the south.

(6) The Vlachs of the Fl6rina hills.

(7) The Vlachs of the hill country west of Bitolj.

In addition to these groups, he recognized many smaller exclaves throughout the Bitolj and Lake Ohrid region and also a strong minority of Vlachs in the plain of the lower Semen valley of Albania, between Berat and the coast. He also gave indications of areas once obviously Vlach (by virtue of place-name evidence) which, by r895, had lost their Vlach character.

Weigand's work on the Vlachs promoted an interest in this extraordinary people who had so obviously at one time occupied a much greater area of the south-western Balkans. The Vlachs were apparently in process of being absorbed by the people amongst whom they lived; this was especially so where they were in close association

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THE END OF THE CENTURY

The Language Dilemma

Since the production ofE. Stanford's Greek map of 1877 (see p. 70), the Greeks had made no further attempts to modify prevailing ethnic ideas by the production of more pro-Greek maps. Their main difficulty arose out of the deference accorded to the criterion oflanguage by the ethnographers of the day. Unfortunately for the Greeks, the idea had gained universal acceptance that Slav, Romanian and Turkish were together spoken more widely in Macedonia, than Greek. Since the linguistic factor still loomed large in any consideration of ethnographic distributions likely to impress western Europe, the Greeks had to consider carefully ways and means of re-emphasizing the importance of the Greek language in Macedonia.

G. Weigand had noted that before the advent of the Slavs in the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. the Greek linguistic frontier had corresponded roughly with the peaks of the Balkan mountains. The Slavs, after they had overrun most of the territory between the Danube and the Aegean, had been strongly influenced by Hellenic culture, but they had managed to retain their own language, until the Christianization of the Balkans gave to the Slav vernaculars an alphabet, and thereby the means of preserving and evolving their distinctive written languages. The Slav written languages were deeply rooted in the vernacular but the political importance of this healthy relationship between the spoken and the written word only became apparent towards the end of the nineteenth century. The Greek language, however, was never able to rid itself of its damnosa hereditas, the Attic tradition. The divergence between written Greek and the popular tongue (Romaic) has been a characteristic feature of the history of the language from ancient down to modern times.! It must explain in part the failure of the Greek language to maintain its hold over a much wider, area of the peninsula than it did. The Greek poet, Solom6s (1789-1856), was well aware of the danger of using for a national tongue " a language which nobody speaks, nor has spoken nor will ever speak," but in spite of his protests J traditions of a dead language rather than living Greek were preferred in 1832 as the basis of the Rook (official) language of Greece, and Korais' Katharevouas

1 R. Byron, The Byzantine Achievement (London, 1929).

R. VON MACH'S MAPS, 1899

119

or expurgated Greek persisted until 1917 in spite of the opposition of many eminent men ofletters such as Ionnis Psicharis (1854-1929).

The recognition of modern Greek on its own merits as the national language came too late to help the Greek cause in Macedonia. Even although the Greeks realized the political importance of language after 1876, their efforts to popularize Greek in Macedonia were not successful in spite of all the machinery of culture and education at their disposal. P. M. Chassiotis, in 1891, in his work IlInstruaion Publlque chez les Crecs, revealed in an interesting map that the expenditure on Greek public education in the so-called unredeemed territories was higher in proportion to the population than that within the Greek political boundaries. Greek schools manned by Greek teachers were to be found allover the southern Balkans. But their influence was negligible J as not only had the teachers to contend with Slav and Romanian rivals but all they had to offer in opposition to a living language was an abstract conception which nobody understood.

Educational Spheres of Influence

The areas of Macedonia over which the rival educationalists had deployed their forces in 1899, was plotted by the German, von Mach, in a series of maps showing the extent of Greek, Bulgarian, Serbian and Romanian schools. The four maps gave useful indications of the respective spheres of influence of the contending parties. If the number of schools functioning in this region-at the end of the century had been an indication of cultural progress, then surely Macedonia must have been a region of enlightenment and scholarship without parallel in eastern Europe.

In southern Macedonia, the Greek schools were extraordinarily strong and, compared with the numbers of the Greek speakers in these territories, the Greek concentration was higher than that of the Bulgarians. The Greeks had established numerous schools as far north as Bitolj, Ohrid, Strumica and Nevrokop (Fig. 88). In southern Albania, a network of Greek schools spread Hellenic culture as far as the Semen river. The Bulgarians had an average of over twenty schools per district (caza) over the whole of the traditional Bulgarian zone between the Sar mountains and the Kastoria-Salonika-Serrai line

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THE END OF THE CENTURY

coastal districts but increased it in the Mesta valley and the Rodopi mountains. He obviously regarded Pomaks as Turks, as a comparison with K. Sax's map will indicate, and he marked strong concentrations of Turks in the Struma valley north of Serrai, in the Lake Dojran depression and around Stip, Krusevo and Bitolj. All these localities, he stated, were inhabited by a rural population composed of

: Moslem Turks. His evidence supported the idea that numerous

50 MILES I

DSerb _Albanian

~Vlach o Greek E3 Bulgarian _Turk

GREEK

FIG. 2.9

In the original, the major linguistic zones of Macedonia are indicated as follows: 1. Albano-Slav; 2. Slav; 3. Greek. The Slav zone is sub-divided into Serb and Bulgarian (as above). Superimposed upon the main groupings are two other categories-' Turko-Moslem rural population' and "Vlachs with a_)ixed domicile '-both of which are represented diagrammatically above.

Turkish settlements in Macedonia had been ignored by ethnographers of an earlier period too intent on rediscovering the Slavs.

The Greeks

Applying his criterion of Greek' commercial language,' Nicolaides boldly portrayed the whole of southern Macedonia as Greek linguistic territory, pushing the frontier as far north as the Devoll river, the Galicia mountains between Lakes Ohrid and Prespa, and Strumica

C. NICOLAIDES' MAP, 1899

123

and Nevrokop. Within this frontier was included all that area which had been shown on von Mach's map to be covered by Greek schools. It bore no relationship at all to Weigand's Greek ethnographic frontier which had been much farther south. As Gopcevit did in the case of the Serbs, Nicolaides staked all on a categorical affirmation of what the Greeks desired, rather than on what actually existed. His map defined the Greek sphere of cultural and commercial influence rather than Greek ethnic territory. Within his 'Greek territory' there were, he maintained, 594,500 Greeks, 324,000 Turks, I26,000 Slavs, 79,400 Jews, and 37,000 Koutzo-Vlachs. The non-Greeks in this zone, he declared, were minorities in a world where Greek language and culture prevailed.

The Slavs

In northern Macedonia, Nicolaides made a distinction between (1) the Albano-Slav area, which included the Drin valley, the Tetovo and the Skoplje districts, and (2) the pure Slav area. In the pure Slav area the Greeks numbered only 57,000 compared with 268,200 Slavs and 182,000 Turks and Albanians. The frontier betwe~n Serbs and Bulgarians was drawn as a line from Strumica to Kriva Palanka. West of this line the Slavs were mostly Serbs and east of it mostly Bulgarians. This was by far the greatest concession to the Serbian thesis yet made by a non-Serbian. The Greeks had become aware that the Bulgaro-Serbian schism gave them a decided advantage in Macedonia and that the Bulgarian supremacy could be broken by insisting on the Serb character of its Slav population. Nicolaides, by splitting the Slavs into Serbs, Bulgarians and Slavs-under-Greek-injlllence, deprived anyone of the Slav groups of a majority.

The Albanians

The Albanians hardly figured at all on Nicolaides' map. In southwestern Macedonia they were simply ignored, in spite of the fact that Nicolaides had pushed the limits of Macedonia well into territory which both the Turks and the western Europeans generally regarded as part of Albania in 1899. He did acknowledge the existence of 73,500 Albanians in the Albano-Slav zone but he insisted that in this

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Albanians from 'Albanians of Serb extraction.' Altogether he recognized seventeen different groups in Macedonia; the Austrian etlmographic picture was extraordinarily complex. Sax's map had shown similar complexity. There was no doubt that Austrian interpretations were closely related to political circumstances.

FIG. 30

The references in the key are as follows: 1. Christian Serbs; 2. Moslem Serbs; 3. Moslem Albanians of Serb descent; 4. Christian Albanians ; 5. Moslem Albanians; 6. Christian Vlachs; 7. Moslem Vlachs; 8. Christian Bulgarians; 9. Moslem Bulgarians; 10. Bulgarians and S~r~s. mixed' 11. Christian Greeks; 12. Moslem Greeks; 13. Christian Turks ;' 14. Moslem Turks; 15. Yiirucks; 16. Bardariotes; 17. Spanish Jews.

The Turks

A 'feature of Meinhard's map was the re-emergence of the Turks around the Gulf of Kavalla and in the vicinity of the great transverse routes across Macedonia-the Dojran depression, Strumica and Stip. K. Sax and G. Weigand had already indicated the presence of Turks in these regions. Meinhard defined their distribution in detail and his views were accepted later by both V. Kancev and J. Cvijic, the respec-

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F. MEINHARD'S MAP, 1899

127

tive classical exponents of the Bulgarian and Serbian views on Macedonian ethnography. One interesting detail on the map was a reference to the Christian Turks on the borders on Lake Akhinou-a description which in 184owould have been regarded as a contradiction in terms. Meinhard believed that the Yiiruks of the hill country around Paikon still exhibited ethnic individuality. They had last figured on the maps of F. A. O'Etzel and M. A. Denaix (see p. II), and G. Lejean had also mentioned them. The Bardariotes living in small groups south ofKastoria were also depicted on Meinhard's map. They had generally been classified as Turks. The reference to these small isolated remnants was a vivid reminder of the historical incapacity of Macedonia to absorb completely the many diverse groups which had converged upon this territory at different times.

The Greeks

Meinhard's map marked a low ebb for the Greek frontier on the mainland because, although he retained Weigand's GraecoSlav frontier, he limited the Greeks in the west to the line of the Pindhos mountains. The Greek frontier had receded slightly farther south, on each of the non-Greek maps published in the second half of the century, until the Greek population now appeared as small enclaves where before it had covered a broad band of coast. Little wonder that the Greeks were indulging in rather hectic attempts to strengthen their ethnic position. Meinhard's recognition of a group of Moslemized Greeks in the upper Aliakmon valley was an interesting detail.

The Slavs

In dealing with the distribution and character of the Macedonian Slavs, Meinhard effected a compromise between Serbian and Bulgarian ideas. He recognized a strong Serb minority in north- . western Macedonia which extended, mixed with Bulgarians and Albanians of Serb extraction, as far as the Vardar river in the east and the Lepenac river in the south. The Tetovo and Debar areas, he represented to be purely Serb. Thus it may be seen that the work of the Serbian ethnographers, combined with their educational crusade

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particularly when the Pomaks in Macedonia were includedasBul~arians.

His definition of Macedonia was the same as that of Meinhard, except in the west, where he excluded the Radcrnir district of the Drin-i-xy valley and the Bilishta district of the Upper Devoll valley. These areas he regarded as part of Albania.

Turks, Greeks and Slavs

Kancev's distributions of Turks and Greeks were very similar to

FIG. 3I

The abbreviation S is for Salonika,

those on Meinhard's map. It may have been that both had access to the same Bulgarian source; they may have consulted each other's maps. His distribution of Slavs was also similar but they were all Bulgarians according to his representation, and he maintained that the regrettable tendency to acknowledge Serbs in northern Macedonia, either as Moslem Serbs, as Serbs mixed with Bulgarians, or as pure Serb minorities, dated back to the chauvinistic work of Gopcevic in 1899. Such claims, declared Kancev, were exaggerated or false and he insisted that the pre-1899 ethnographic maps bore ample testimony to the truth of his contention.

I I ! I \

v. KANCEV'S MAP, 1900

131

Vlachs and Albanians

Kancev had nothing to add to Weigand's view of the Vlachs, the distribution of which he took from Weigand's map. He included both Christian and Moslem tribes in his Albanian group. He was not interested in Meinhard's 'Albanians of Serb extraction.' The Albanians according to Kancev were an important minority and he depicted them in eastern and northern Macedonia in much more detail than hitherto-as in the occupation of all the higher land. in north-western Macedonia, the Sar mountains, the Crna hills and the Golesnica mountains, the hilly country between Krusevo and Kastoria and the uplands between Gostivar and Kicevo,

Conclusion

Kancev's map was reproduced in P. Miliukov's atlas in 1900 and later in the Carnegie Report, Inquiry into the Causes of the Balkan Wars (1914). In both cases it represented the official Bulgarian view of ethnic conditions in Macedonia. In the first place it re-emphasized Bulgaria's traditional rights in Macedonia, and secondly it gave weight to the idea that the Albanians were the most important minority in the north and west.

THE BULGARIAN EXARCHATE MAP OF 1901

The agents of the Bulgarian Exarchate were also busy at this time vindicating the Bulgarian claims. They produced a map in 1901 on a large scale (I :200,000), covering the territory in dispute. Drawn up at the Bulgarian Institute of Cartography at Sofia, this map endeavoured to show the ethnic composition of the population by a new method, utilizing coloured symbols instead of flat colours and thus giving a better idea of the mixture of population which occurred in Macedonia. It exhibited a fair amount of agreement with Kancev's map, as might be expected. The Bulgarians were still fairly confident about their superiority. In the words of the Bulgarian Exarch: "The Bulgarians need not be afraid of racial competition." According to his calculation there were over a million Bulgarians in the Roumelian provinces, of whom 800,000 were Exarchists and

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was not as simple as in 1876. The complete failure of the rival schools of thought, as represented by S. Gopcevic, C. Nicolaides and V. Kancev, to reach any agreement on the ethnographic distributions was taken to be an indication of a complexity which might never be resolved into order. The French, with a stroke of culinary genius, utilized the term' macedoine ' as the name for a dish in which various

Extreme limits of Greek lonqucqe Serbian

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. GERMAN

K. PEUCKER

1903

1100 miles,

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FIG. 32

ingredients, although mixed together, contrived to retain each its individual flavour.

The Macedonians

In 1903, Dr. K. Peucker of Vienna produced a map of Old Serbia, Albania and Macedonia, together with some relevant information of an historical, ethnographic and statistical nature bearing on the problem of Macedonia. He endeavoured to summarize the ethnographic situation by means of a small inset map showing zones of linguistic influence and zones of culture (Fig. 32). His information was derived

GREEK MAPS, 1903 AND 1905

135

from R. von Mach's map of I 899 and from the researches of J. Cvijic, a brilliant young Serbian geographer, who was ultimately to formulate revolutionary ideas about the ethnography of Macedonia. Briefly, Peucker's aim was to show that the admixture of Serbs, Albanians, Turks, Greeks and Bulgarians occurred in its most extreme form in Macedonia, that in fact Macedonia might almost be defined as an area of ethnic overlap. One might even infer from his map that Macedonia had an individuality of its own, which arose solely from the composite character of its population. Peucker also publicized CvijiC's view that the culture of Macedonia was Byzantine diluted by large, patriarchal communities of Serbian ongm-a point of view which favoured both Greeks and Serbs at the expense of the Bulgarians. Peucker's map was important because it contained the germ of a new idea, later elaborated by J. Cvijic, that Macedonians might well be distinguished from Bulgarians, Serbs and Greeks alike. This idea was all the more remarkable because only ten years earlier Peucker had published a typically pro-Bulgarian ethnographic map. His changed viewpoint was an indication of the efficacy of Serbian and Greek propaganda in the interim.

GREEK MAPS, 1903 AND 1905

The Greeks continued to concentrate on the production of ecclesiastical and school maps which gave emphasis to the Hellenic spiritual and cultural role in the Balkans. M. Sullagos produced a map in 1903 which marked the political and ecclesiastical divisions of Turkey and indicated, by means of statistical tables, the number of adherents to the Greek Church in each division. In 1905, an anonymous map appeared in Paris which substantiated with a wealth of detail the preponderance of Greek schools in southern Macedonia. Lavishly produced,· it claimed to show the distribution of Bulgarian, Serbian and Greek schools in Macedonia as well as the distribution of Greek Orthodox churches. Both maps indicated that Greek propagandists, after the disappointing reception of Nicolaides' map, were content to place their faith in the criteria which would reflect most credit on their case~on religion and education, rather than on language.

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THE MACEDO-SLAVS, I903-I9IO

Firstly, the Bulgarians were interested in the acquisition of the whole and not part of Macedonia. For them, partition of Macedonia meant that the all important Salonika area might go to the Greeks or Skoplje to the Serbians. Secondly, the Bulgarians were anxious not to allow the growth of a Graeco-Serbian understanding which might even-

BULGARIAN D.M.BRANCOFF 1905

50 mil e s

FIG. 34. THE DISTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIAN SCHOOL-CHILDREN IN MACEDONIA IN 1902

One millimetre squared represents 77 children.

tually eliminate Bulgarian interests. Already the Serbians had laid claim to northern Macedonia, which they had announced to be part of Old Serbia (see p. IOO). Therefore the Greeks and Serbians had both acquired well defined spheres of influence which covered the whole of the region between the Sar mountains and the Aegean sea and bade fair to oust the Bulgarian interests. That is why Brancov was anxious to stress the geographical unity of Macedonia, a unity which, if respected politically, left the Bulgarians in a strong position with 5I'4

139

H. N. BRAILFORD'S MAP,I906

per cent of the population Bulgarian, and left the Serbs and Greeks only as minorities. It is worthwhile noting that Brancov's ideas considerably influenced those of the American geographer, L. Dominian (see p. 208).

H. N. BRAILSFORD'S MAP OF 1906

H. N. Brailsford's work on Macedonia published in I906 made a valuable contribution to the understanding of Macedonian ethnography. It remains to this day one of the few books in English specifically devoted to the problem. Sometimes Brailsford is accused of ~ro-Bulgarian sympathy. In actual fact his views were widespread m the rest of Europe in I906. He was, however, a firm believer in the Bulgarian cause in Macedonia and he maintained, then, that a Greater Bulgaria would exert a stabilizing effect on Balkan politics. He was one of the select band of students of Balkan affairs who, at the beginning of the century, grasped the significance of the future role of the Slav states in the Balkans. These men necessarily found thems~lves supportin? either the Serbians or the Bulgarians and for a long orne the Bulgarian cause was the more popular. In fact it was not until 19I5 that hopes of a mutual understanding between Bulgaria and Great Britain were dashed to the ground by the Bulgarian entry into the War of I9I4-I8, on the side of the Central Powers.

The Turks

~railsford did not attempt to delineate Macedonia on his map (FIg. 35) but one might infer from his text that he accepted the Bulgarian defmition. He pointed out that the word Turk had no real ethnological significance and that there were very few genuine Osmanlis in Europe. Circassians, Levantines, Arabs and even Negroes passed under the name of Turk. He believed that the Moslem population for the most part consisted of renegade Slavs or Muhadjirs who had fled for some reason from the Slav states in the north. A great many Albanians, Gypsies and Jews were also Turkish in allegiance. Brailsford on his map depicted the Kailar (or Konariote] Turks and the _ Turkish enclaves between Serrai and Drama. He also indicated

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but who retained a Bulgarian mode of life. Thus there were Pornaks to all intents and purposes Turkish and others just as definitely Bulgarian. Moreover, Pomak allegiance itself was very elastic. It vacillated between the Bulgarians and Turks but tended towards the Bulgarians, particularly after Bulgaria had acquired Eastern Roumelia in 1885.1 Thus Brailsford, to a certain extent, was justified in his representation. He showed the Pornaks also in small groups in central Macedonia.

The Vlachs

Brailsford had little to say about the Vlachs. He estimated that they did not number many more than 200,000 souls, mostly living in the Pindhos region.

The Albanimls

He regarded the Albanians as the most important minority in Macedonia, after the Bulgarians. He agreed with Barbarich that the whole of the territory between the Gulf of the Arta and Lake Shkodrs (Skadar) was the home of this 'unconquered race' (see p. 144). According to his representations, the population of the greater part of Ipiros, including the towns of Ioannina, K6nitsa and Elbasen, was Albanian. From here their territory stretched as far east as Lake Ohrid and the hilly region on whose fringes lie the towns of Debar, Prizren, Pee and Shkoder. With the exception of small communities of Serbs in the towns, a few Jews and Greeks in Ioannina, and some scattered Vlach settlements, the population within these limits was, in his opinion, the most homogeneous that could be found anywhere in the Balkans: it was pure Albanian. Nor were the Albanians confined to this region; under the favourable circumstances afforded by the Turkish regime, they had expanded over the Pindhos into Thessalfa, over the Drin valley into Macedonia, and through the hills and passes of the north-east into Old Serbia, which was, according to Brailsford in 1906, two-thirds Albanian, whilst whole districts around

1 Interesting details of how, during their occupation of parts of Thrace in 1913, the Bulgarians carried out forcible conversion of Pomaks, are given ill Enquite dans les Balkans (p. 139). Evidently some Pomaks did not regard themselves as Bulgarians at that time.

E. BARBARICH'S MAP, 1905

143

Bitolj and Skoplje were dotted with Albanian settlements (Brailsford's idea of Old Serbia was the same as that defined in the Introduction).

Conclusion

Brailsford's book appeared at a time when the name Macedonia was on everybody's lips and when sympathy for the Bulgarian cause :vas widespre~d and sincere. It suffered from the defects of its period insomuch as It over-estimated the influence of the Bulgarians in the southern Balkans. Its value is that it reflected fairly faithfully contemporary o~inion. The British, for so long pro-Greek and pro-Turk, for a variety of reasons, had swung towards a sympathetic toleration of the Bulgarian cause.

E. BARBARICH'S MAP OF 1905

Of all the major ethnic groups of the Balkans at the begiuning of ~he century, only the Albanians had no part of their territory politically mdependent. They had at one time achieved a certain measure of unity under the renowned Skal1derbeg (Fig. 27) during the fifteenth c.entury but.had made no further move towards political emancipation since ~hat time. The reasons for this were not far to seek. They occupied some of the most mountainous and infertile territory in Europe. Knowing only tribal organization, they had never experienced the cultural renascence which had been the initial feature of Slav and Greek national movements. They had no schools of their own, no national Church, no storehouse of traditional literature, and so lacked ~he means of defending their cultural identity. Nor were they provoked mto any desperate political activity by Turkish tyranny, for the Turks, having little to gain by a conquest of the Albanian mountains, had at a very early date entered into a free and easy relationship with the Albanians. Few Turkish (Osmanli) o£ftcials were to be found in Albania; not only were the Albanians left to their own devices in the mountains but also their way of life was encouraged in the plains. The Albanians, in fact, had little to gain by political independence. Boundaries would have cut them off from the means of gaining a livelihood outside their own mean habitat.

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THE MACEDO-SLAVS, 1903-1910

were used later by A. Dardano in preparing ethnographic maps for the Agostini Geographical Institute. The Italian and Bulgarian interest in Albania was not without its effects on the development of Albanian nationalism. Only a few years later, in 1908, a linguistic congress held in Bitolj evolved a suitable Roman alphabet for the Albanian language. Hitherto Italian, Cyrillic, and even Arabic alphabets had been in use. In this way one of the oldest of the IndoEuropean languages was safeguarded from further assimilation and dilution. It was not, however, until 1924 that Albanian or ' Shqip , began to be taught in schools. Whilst the Italians cultivated Albanian aspirations, there were exceptions: G. Amadori-Virgilj, for example, in 1908, ignored the existence of Albanians altogether on his map (see p. 159).

J. CVI]IC'S MAPS, 1906-7

jovan Cvijic has already been referred to as the Serbian geographer whose views had so much impressed Peuker in 1903. Before he began to edit the series of monographs on the ethnography of the Serb landsHacr.a Cpncsax Zenaua (Naselja Srpskh Zemalje)-the first volume of which appeared in 1902, Cvijic had already acquired a reputation amongst European scholars as a geologist, physical geographer and cartographer. He was to become even more renowned as a human geographer. As head of the Department of Geography in the University of Belgrade, he was well placed to carry out intensive research in the Balkans. Almost inevitably his work was affected by his country's political situation. Serbia was in a difficult position both from a strategic and from an economic point of view. Austria's hold on this small Slav inland kingdom had been tightening between 1903 and 1906. Serbia had suffered greatly from the 'Pig-war '-an economic trial of strength with Austria which had demonstrated only too well, that expansion to the sea would alone permit the existence of an independent Serbia.

His First EthnographicMap, I906

Cvijic had made his first public statement on Macedonia in 1903, in the Viennese Zeit, at the time when the ' Miirzsteg Programme'

j. CVI]IC'S MAPS, 1906-1907

147

had been undertaken by the Great Powers.! At that time he had been content to make a few remarks about the existence of Serb cultural traits amongst the population of Macedonia. In his Outline of the Geography and Geology oj Macedonia, in Serbian, published three years later, Cvijic made further reference to the ethnography of Macedonia and Old Serbia.

D Greeks _ Albanians

D Slavs

E!:iJ Moslem Slavs Iv v v I Vlachs

III Turks

SERBIAN

/

J, CVIJIC

1906

limits of area considered

Plovdivo

FIG. 37

In this work his first ethnographic map appeared, on a scale of 1:4,000,000 (Fig. 37). Compared with the detail which Cvijic produced in his later maps, the distributions he fixed on this map were only tentative (cJ. Figs. 40 and 42). These distributions are examined more fully later. For the moment it is sufficient to draw attention to his

1 In w~ch Austria and Russia undertook responsibility for the policing of Macedonia, and the Sultan was forced to promise reforms, which were to be implemented with the aid of agents appointed by the Powers.

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become either Serbs or Bulgarians. He did not agree with H. N. Brailsford that a quarter of a century of Bulgarian nationalistic propa-· ganda in Macedonia had already had the effect of inducing Bulgarian national feeling amongst the Macedonian Slavs. He was anxious to promote the view that theMacedo-Slavs were potential Serbs even if they were at the same time potential Bulgarians. If this could be established then Serbia's claim to Macedonia would be on a par with that of Bulgaria. The beauty of CvijiC's conception was that on the surface it appeared to be a compromise between extreme Serbian and extreme Bulgarian ideas. The very fact that he criticized GopceviC's claims as extravagant lent substance to such a conclusion. Thus by its very moderation it commended itself to public opinion as impartial. It fitted in with the picture of overlapping ethnic groups in Macedonia as portrayed by ·Peuker in I903·

Origin oj the Idea oj the Macedo-Slavs

The idea that Macedonia might have a future independent of the Bulgarians had already arisen as far back as 1876, when schemes for a , Macedonian Province' had been promoted at the Conference of Constantinople, but the idea had not been associated then with any differences between Macedonian Slavs and Bulgarians (see pp. 62-4). At that time the Bulgarian character of the Slavs of Macedonia went unchallenged. It was not until after 1885, when strained relations between Bulgaria and Serbia developed, that the Serbian claims in Macedonia gave rise to the speculation that the Slavs of Macedonia might be different from those of Bulgaria. In I887, P. D. Draganov tentatively put forward this idea in Les Nouvelles Slaves (1887-8).

N. S. Zaryanko, the Russian cartographer, by omitting to colour the Slavs of Macedonia in the second edition of his ethnographic map of the Balkans (1890), likewise implied that those Slavs might be either Serbs or Bulgarians (see p. 105).1 A powerful factor in promoting separatist tendencies had been the very interest which the Balkan nations and the Great Powers had themselves evinced in Macedonia.

lZaryanko's revised ideas are reflected in a map compiled by T. Fischer for his Ldndetkunde der drei Siideuropiiischen Halbinseln (Wien, 1893), entitled' Skizze der ethnographischen Verhaltnisse der Siidosthalbinsel ' (II.S., 100 X 100 mm.) in which the Slavs of Macedonia are referred to as • Serbs and Macedonians.'

J. CVIJIC'S MAPS, 1906-1907

151

Numerous secret societies began to flourish after I890. Some were Serbian inspired, others were inspired by Greeks and Bulgarians, but at least one-the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (I.M.R.O.), established in r893, with its headquarters in Salonika, was indigenous to Macedonia.' It aimed solely at achieving the political independence of Macedonia. 2 Although the chief enemy was regarded to be the Turk, I.M.R.O. resented interference in Macedonian aff:,irs on the part of the Greeks, Serbians and even of the Bulgarians. It carne into conflict on this account with the purely Bulgarian Macedo-Adrianople Organization. In the end I.M.R.O. did become more closely associated with the Bulgarians, but this only happened when it became increasingly clear that the danger to Macedonian independence came not from Turkey but from Serbia. The Bulgarians themselves were partly responsible for supporting I.M.R.O. and the idea of an independent Macedonia, because they believed that such a province would ultimately become part of Bulgaria, precisely in the same manner as Eastern Roumelia had become part of Bulgaria. The MacedoAdrianople Committee, in I895, addressed a memorial to the Powers in favour of an " autonomous Macedonia, with its capital at Salonika, to be placed under a Governor-General of the predominant nationality." The Graeco-Turkish war of 1897 fomented anti-Turkish strife in Macedonia and subsequently LM.R.O. staged an abortive revolution at Salonika in I903. In the same year Missinko, who described himself as a Macedonian, postulated, in an article published in Sofia, the existence of a Macedonian nation." Possibly, Bulgaria was behind the Macedonian independence movement, which could be used to counter Greek and Serbian pretensions. Unfortunately for the Bulgarians, Cvijic seized upon the idea of the 'Macedonians' and gave to what had originally been a political tag, an ethnic significance. A Macedonia which was ethnically as well as politically divorced from Bulgaria, and which was a field for Serbian expansion,

1 S. Khristov, Heroes and Assassins (Gollanz, 1935).

2 A history of the movement has recently been published in America-Ivan Mihailoff (one-time leader of l.M.R.O.), Macedonia: A Switzerland of the Balkans, translated from the Bulgarian (St. Louis, 1950). See also K. Anastasov, The Tragic Peninsula. A history of the Macedonian movement since 1878 (St. Louis, 1938).

3 Des Affaires Macedoniennes (Sofia, 1903).

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the modern distribution of the Slavs which he produced was on too small a scale to be of practical use, but he followed Florinski in acknowledging the Macedonian Slavs as Bulgarians,except for a small Serb minority in the north.

But in addition to his map showing contemporary distributions Niederle produced a larger map in 1910, in which he endeavoured to reconstruct the ethnography of the Balkans In the seventh and eighth centuries, that is, before the Turkish invasions but after the arrival of the Slavs (Fig. 38). He believed that there were then eight main groups in the Balkans-Slovanie, Romani, Rekove, Turkotataii, Sarmate, Germani, Illyrove or Albanci, and Thrakove. (Slavs, Romanians, Greeks, Turko-tatars, Sarmatians, Germans, Illyrians or Albanians, and Thracians). A note on their distribution helps to give perspective to modern ethnographic studies.

The Turko-tatars. They were marked on Niederle's map in northeastern Bulgaria and in the Dobrudja. Obviously they derived from the northern steppe and had entered the Balkans from the north:

Some had penetrated along the Danube but they nowhere formed a compact mass.

The Greeks. The Greeks were shown along the coasts of Albania, in Ipiros and southern Thessalia, in Khalkidhiki and south of a line, roughly from Solun (Salonika) to Sozopolis (Sozopol) and finally in Asia Minor.

The Slavs. The Slavs were all shown in one colour. They occupied, according to Niederle, the whole of the Balkans including the greater part of Macedonia and much of the Greek archipelago; they formed a very important minority indeed in the Peloponnisos, and were to be found also scattered throughout Albania. In Macedonia, NiederIe distinguished the Slav tribes of the Brsjaci, Strumencl and Smolene, the Bulharove (Bulgars proper) he confined to north-eastern Bulgaria and

FIG. 38: THE BALKAN PENINSULA IN THE SEVENTH AND EIGHTH CENTURIES A.D.

The references in the key are as follows: 1. lliyrians (Albanians); 2.

Thracians; 3. Germans; 4. Romanians (Vlachs); 5. Greeks; 6. Slavs; 7. Turko-Tatars; 8. Southern limit of the Sto dialect; 9. Limit of Greek and Latin provinces! 10. Western limit of the East-Bulgarian dialect.

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those of Thrace. Also striking was his portrayal of the territory between Berat, Vlone, Kerce and Gjinokaster as Moslem or Turkish, particularly as Barbarich, also an Italian, had been eager to demonstrate its Albanian character.

The Greeks

On this map, Amadori-Virgilj portrayed as Greeks all members of the Greek Orthodox Church who were still faithful to the Patriarch. This meant the inclusion of a large element of Greek Orthodox Albanians, Vlachs and Slavs in his Greek national group. Hence the justification (I) for depicting the lower valleys of the Vijose and Semen, in Albania, as Greek, (2) for extending the Greek ethnographic frontier into the Slav territory north of Bitolj, and (3) for ignoring practically all Vlach enclaves.

The Slavs

Nearly all the Slavs that Amadori-Virgilj marked on his map were classed as Exarchist Bulgarians, but he did recognize partisans of the Serbian party around Kicevo. He did not incorporate the districts of Debar, Prizren or Skoplje in his map, but his recognition of Serbs as far south as Kicevo seemed to indicate an agreement with CvijiC's claims made for the Serbs in 1907, even although Amadori-Virgilj did not recognize any Macedo-Slavs.

Albanians and Vlachs

Amadori- Virgilj marked no territory on his map as exclusively Vlach, but he did indicate what he called romanized Vlachs in the larger towns, the population of which he portrayed by means of symbols. He did not believe the Albanians to constitute a nationality. They simply did not figure on his map at all. The population of parts of Ipiros, often referred to as Albanian on other maps, he classed as either Turkish (Moslem) or Greek.

Conclusion

Amadori-Virgilj's map was accompanied by a number of ecclesiastical maps, in which he attempted to show the distribution of Greek

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refusal to accept the Austrian challenge on the issue of Bosnia and Hercegovina incurred Serbian mistrust and increased Serbian dependence upon the Western Powers.

For their part Britain and France were not unwilling to help Serbia in her quest for an 'open door.' The German Emperor had made no secret of his support for the Austrian drive to Salonika and only Serbia stood in the way of the Germanic Powers. Not only did the Serbians command the vital strategic routes to the Aegean but they were the nucleus of a potential Serbo-Croat state, the formation of which might have a disintegrating effect upon the Austro-Hungarian Empire. 1

The mutual interests of Serbia and Great Britain in 1909 were reflected in the publication of J. CvijiC's statement on Bosnia, Herzegovina and the Serb problem, which contained another of CvijiC's maps, much more detailed than the one which had appeared in 1906. In this map Cvijic not only recognized Turks, Greeks, Vlachs and Albanians but he divided the Slavs into three groups, one of which had hitherto not appeared on any ethnographic map-the Macedo-Slavs (Fig. 40).

The Turks and Greeks

On CvijiC's map, the distribution of the Turks was similar to that already given by F. Meinhard and V. Kancev and need not be further discussed. The distribution of the Greeks in Macedonia was based on Meinhard's map and, in the case of Ipiros, on Weigand's map. That is to say, the Greek ethnographic frontier ran west-east from Santa Quaranta to K6nitsa, Kozani and Veroia and the Greeks on his map predominated in Thessalia, in Khalkidhikl and in the plain of Lake Akhinod, with a small group on the coast, south of Kavalla. This distribution was considerably less extensive than the Greeks claimed but Cvijic overcame the difficulty' of acknowledging the Greek claims by marking some Albanian and Macedo-Slav territory as under Greek influence. So territory under Greek influence stretched from Vlone, in Albania, to Serrai and Drama in southern Macedonia, including Bitolj and the Lake Dojran area; it corresponded almost

1 See R. G. D. Laffan, The Guardians ojthe Gate (Oxford. 19I8).

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exactly with the claims put forward by C. Nicolaides in 1899. Thus the map reduced both Albanian claims in Ipiros and Bulgarian claims in Macedonia.

The Slavs

The map exhibited revolutionary ideas on the distribution of the

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The references in the key are as follows: 1. Serbo-Croats; 2. Albanians; 3. Macedo-Slavs; 4. Greeks; S. Bulgarians; 6. Turks; 7, Moslem Greeks; 8. Moslem Bulgarians; 9. Vlachs and Romanians; Itl. Vlache under Greek influence; 11. Albanians under Greek influence ; 12. Macedo-Slavs under Greek influence; 13. Albanian Serbs; 14. Moslem Macedo-Slavs.

Slavs in the western Balkans. The Serbs for example were depicted as far south as Pee, Mitrovica and Pirot, with a further extension south from Leskovac, to Vranje, Skoplje and Brod. The area north o(and including Debar, Gostivar, Tetovo and the Crna hills, to the borders

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strengthened by the inclusion of Albanian Serbs who were, as Gopcevic had maintained, Albanians of Serb extraction. Needless to say this interpretation was of doubtful validity. By the use of this device, the Albanian majority of two-thirds in the mixed areas of Old Serbia, and in the zone between the Montenegrin boundary of 1878 and the Drin valley, was turned into a minority, although Albanian speakers formed by far the most numerous element in the population. The mixed area included Shkoder and the mouth of the Drin, hitherto almost exclusively regarded as Albanian territory. This was the very area which had become so vital to Serbia as a possible outlet, since the Austrians had closed Bosnia and Hercegovina to Serbian penetration.

CvijiC's map of 1909 was reproduced in an unacknowledged form in a book compiled by A. Stead (one-time editor of Review of Reviews) and called Serbia by the Serbians. The appearance of the book was a reflection of the new interest being taken in Serbia by the British at this time and conversely of Serbian anxiety to propagate their claims amongst potential allies. There is very little evidence to suggest, however, that CvijiC's map wrought any appreciable change on English opinion at this juncture.

R. W. SETON-WATSON'S MAP OF 1911

R. W. Seton-Watson may be regarded in many ways as one of the architects of the Jugoslav State. His opinions on the ethnography of Macedonia are therefore of considerable interest, more especially as they varied considerably between 1911 and 1917. His book on the Southern Slavs appeared in 19II and it contained a map which showed the distribution of the Serbo-Croats, drawn up with the help of Dr. J. Smodlaka, who represented Dalmatia in the Austrian Parliament (Fig. 81). According to the map the southern frontier of the Serbs ran from the Bulgarian boundary near Kyustendil, through the Golesnica mountains to Kicevo, then due north along the Bistra mountains, thus excluding the whole of the Drin-i-xy valley, then it curved westwards to include Prizren and Dakovica, The Albanians in old Serbia were marked as a minority. R. W. Seton-Watson's summary of the ethnographic situation in Old Serbia and Macedonia

R. w. SETON-WATSON'S MAP, 19II

is worth quoting in full. It may be noted that he was, at this time, in agreement with H. N. Brailsford concerning the success of Bulgarian propaganda in Macedonia.

In dealing with the Serb population, we are confronted by the complete absence of reliable statistics. The Kamidian regime did not trouble about censuses and such estimates as exist are almost avowedly based upon the wishes of their compilers, Greek, Serb or Bulgar as the case might be, rather than on the actual facts of the case. The Macedonian practice of forcible conversion of villages by the rival bands has still further complicated the problem, until it is by ncr means easy to form any definite judgement, even upon seemingly first-hand evidence as to the true nationality of many districts. Roughly speaking, the territory inhabited by Serbs comprises the whole Sanjak of Novi Pazar (which separates Servia from Montenegro and was from 1878 to 1908 garrisoned by Austrian troops), the district of Ipek, Jakova and- Prisrend, from the Sanjak as far south as the river Drin : and the plain of Kossovo, from Mitrovica on the north extending through Pristina and Uskub to Istib on the south. South and East of this point there may be isolated Serb colonies, but if so they are doomed to rapid absorption by the Bulgar clement. Even in the neighbourhood of Prisrend the Serbs are steadily losing ground at the expense of the Albanians. Since the accession of King Peter, Serbia had made more desperate efforts than ever to arrest the fatal process in Macedonia, which is destined some day to decide the struggle of races between Bulgar and Albanian and against Serb and Greek. But the efforts of the Serbian bands have not as a rule been successful. Whilst the Serbs talk and sentimentalize, the Bulgars act and shoot .... If the total population of Macedonia be reckoned at 2,500,000, the most liberal allowance cannot assign more than 400,000 of these (including 100,000 Moslems) to the Serb element.

R. W. Seton-Watson did not make any reference to the MacedoSlavs and this seemed to indicate that at this time he did not take seriously the concept of the Macedo-Slavs recently put forward by J. Cvijic,

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PRO-SERB MAPS AND THE BALKAN WARS, 1909-1913

The frontier of Old Servia or·the boundary which divides the Servian and Bulgarian spheres of influence starts from the Bulgarian frontier at Kustendil, with the dividing line between Petchine and Krilje, so that Kriva Palanka and Kratovo remain in the Bulgarian sphere, Uskub (Skoplje) and Kumanovo in the Servian. The southern frontier lies through Ovce Polje with the dividing line between Bregan.itsa and Ptchinje and it crosses the Vardar river north of Velles. From here it follows the offshoots of the mountains of Yakubitsa and by a further dividing line on the mountain of Baba, to the Lake of Ochrida, so that Prilep, Krushevo and Ochrida are in the Bulgarian sphere and Struga, Debar and Tchova in the Servian. A narrow strip of Old Servia opens on to the Adriatic sea near Scutari and Alessio. Thus we see that a territorial and ethnographical understanding has been arrived at between Serbs and Bulgars.!

This Serbo-Bulgarian divide as given by .Cvijic, was identical with the limits of Serbian claims laid down in the Secret Annex. The terms of the Treaty had not then been published and CvijiC's statement was the first indication of the fact that the Serbians and Bulgarians had effected a compromise. Cvijic made no mention of his Macedo-Slav group at this time. The new lim.it he set for the Serbs in the Drin valley was an advance upon that suggested by him in his maps of 1909 and I91I. The inclusion of Debar and Struga in Serb territory prepared the way for a Serbian outflanking of the whole of northern and central Albania. The difficulties of railway construction in the mountains of northern Albania and Montenegro had become apparent in 1912 and the Serbians were eager to find new routes via central Albania. Serbia's need for Durres as well as the port of Shengjin had also become obvious to her econom.ists. Hence the desire to gain control of the whole of the Drin valley-the gateway to Elbasen and Durres, Cvijic himself made the Serbian aims on the Albanian coast quite clear in an article written for Petermann's Mittheilungen in 1912, in which he surveyed the possible railway routes from Serbia to the Adriatic.2 The routes which he favoured in 1912

1 Review of Reviews, vol. 46 (London, 1912).

2" Der Zugang Serbiens zur Adria," Petermann's Mlttheilungen (Gotha, 1912).

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The r~fe~ences in th:. key ar~ as follows.: i. Territory occupied but not required by Serbia III 1912; 11. Territory occupied and permanently required by Serbia for the purpose of railway construction; iii. Projected rail-routes to the Adriatic ports; iv. Southern limit of 'Old Serbia '; v. Eastern limit of Adriatic trade influences; vi. Boundary of Serbia in 1912 (before the Balkan campaign).

The Balkan Wars, I9I2-I3

The rash policy inaugurated by the Young Turks provoked even the Albanians into revolt. They achieved a great deal of success in northern Macedonia and their insurrection may be regarded as opening the Balkan Wars. The Porte was still occupied in 1912 with a war

1 Cvijic first traced possible routes to the Adriatic in 1909 as follows: (1) through Hercegovina via Visegrad, Foa Nevesinje, Plana, Bileca and Trebinje to Dubrovnik; (2) through Albania via Shkoder to Bar.

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PRO-SERB MAPS AND THE BALKAN WARS, 1909-1913

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The rapprochement between the Serbians and Bulgarians brought about by the Sorbo-Bulgarian treaty was the reason for CvijiC's rejection of Hellenism. In 1903 he had referred to nearly the whole of Macedonian culture as ' Byzantine', and in 1909 he had made a point of recognizing Greek cultural influence in southern Macedonia. He modified his views because the recognition of the Bulgarian sphere of influence in southern Macedonia appeared to be a corollary of the Secret Annex. Whilst the Serbo-Bulgarian treaty stood, Cvijic rejected Greek claims (~f. Figs. 40 & 42).

The Slavs

Cvijic distinguished three branches of the Slavs in Macedonia and Old Serbia-Serbo-Croats, Macedo-Slavs and Bulgarians. He further sub-divided the Serbo-Croats into five-Orthodox, Catholic, Moslem, albanianized Serbs or Arnauts and Orthodox Serbs of Albanian speech. The last two categories of Serbo-Croats differed from all the other sub-groups insomuch as they were not based on religious differences. The albanianized Serbs had appeared on his map of 1909. The term was originally used by Gocpevic, Their inclusion as Serbo-Croats enabled Cvijic to depict half of northern Albania, as well as a great deal of Old Serbia, as 'Serbo-Croat.' The albanianized Serbs were, however, linguistically Albanians, and all other maps except Serbian maps had classified them as such. The Orthodox Serbs of Albanian speech formed an entirely new sub-group originated by Cvijic himself This group was represented in the mountains of north-western Macedonia, hitherto regarded as Albanian territory.

FIG. 42

It is to be noted that in the original: (a) The Serbo-Croat group comprises the following sub-groups which are not shown here for the sake of clarityOrthodox Serbs, Roman Catholic Serbs, Moslem Serbs, Albanianized Moslem Serbs (Amauts) and Orthodox Serbs of Albanian speech; (b) The Albanian group comprises both Albanians proper and Serbized Albanians; (c) The Macedo.slav group comprises both Orthodox and Moslem Macedo-Slavs; (d) The Vlach group comprises Romanians, Vlachs, Moslem Vlachs and Hellenized Vlachs (the latter differentiated in the accompanying map by a closed v); (e) Pomaks are classed as a sub-group of the Bulgarians; (f) The Greek group comprises both Orthodox and Moslem Greeks; (g) The Turkish group comprises Turks, Tatars, Gagauzi and Greek Orthodox Turks (the latter differentiated on the accompanying lllap by a white cross).

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in I914, summarize the sentiment prevailing at the beginning of the nineteenth century before the Romantic Movement developed (see p.28)1 :

Albanians, Bulgars, Vlachs and all who now do speak An alien tongue rejoice, prepare to make you Greek, Change -your barbaric tongue, your rude ways forgo,

So that as bygone myths your children may them know.

In the opinion of another well-known historian: "South-eastcrn Europe was ruled by the Turks; but [ . . . ] its religion, education; commerce and finance were in the hands of the Greeks." These words of Sir Charles Eliot sum up admirably the role of the Creeks in the Turkish Empire in the late eighteenth century."

The fight for Greek emancipation thus assumed a dual aspect. It took the form, on the one side, of a narrow national movement largely centred in the Greek archipelago, which looked to ancient Greece for its inspiration, to Athens for its capital, and to Attic Greek for its literary language. On the other side, it took the form of a wider movement towards the revival of the Byzantine Empire, a movement which had its headquarters in the Phanar quarter of Constantinople, a movement which looked to the glory of Byzantium for its inspiration, and to Constantinople for its capital. This divergence of view was to become a characteristic feature of Greek history. It split the Greeks ultimately into two hostile camps and had a tragic aftermath.

(3) Russia alld the Greeks. The first of the Great Powers to recognize the spiritual and commercial importance of the Greeks in the Balkans, and to work for Greek independence in that theatre, was Russia. The eighteenth century had witnessed the enormous expansion of Muscovy, to the Baltic sea in the north and to the Black sea in the south. Russian foreign policy ever envisaged the ultimate control of Constantinople: the common bond of the Greek Orthodox faith between the Russians and the Greeks of Constantinople was the means whereby successive Russian foreign ministers worked towards the

1 A. J. B. Wacc and M. S. Thompson, The Nomads oj the Balkans (London. 1914).

2 Tllrkey ill Europe (London, 1900).

F. A. O'ETZEL'S MAP, 1821

achievement of this end. As early as 1782, the Tsarina Catherine II of Russia had pro~osed a complete reconstruction of the political map of the Balkan peninsula. With the help of the Habsburg Emperor she had hoped to expel the Turks from Europe, and resurrect the Greek Empire. Her whole scheme turned upon the revival of Byzantine Greece: :rhe Slav nationalities did not even figure in her plans. Catherine s second grandson, Constantine, was to have been the new Greek Emperor. He received instruction in Greek, the tongue of his future subjects. Catherine' s scheme forcibly illustrated the blossoming of the ide~ that the Balkans constituted a Greek province and that Greek nationals formed its chief inhabitants.

. On many subsequent occasions Russia found a means of champion- 1l1g th~ Greek Church ~thin the Turkish domain and thereby furtherIn? the. cause of Pan-orthodoxy.' It was, for example, on RussIa.n .s01l that the most famous of the Greek revolutionary secret societies was founded-the Philike Hetaireia-by the Greek merchants of Odessa in 1814. The Russians, of course, did proffer h~lp to the Serbs. and Montenegrins in the late eighteenth and early 11lnete~nth centuries but the fact remains thatbonds of religion were more Important and useful than linguistic affinities in 1782, and even as late as 1821 the future of the Balkans seemed to lie with the Greeks

rather than with the Slavs. '

(4) Philhellenism. In central and western Europe the tendency to regard the population ?f t~e southern Balkans as Greek was partly due also to the new enthusiasm for the achievements of the ancient Greeks, which was particularly strong in the British Isies in the second

. decade of the century. The philhellenists included not only classical scholars a~d romanticists, but liberals also. The intensity of their ptoGreek feelmg reached a peak on the occasion of the Greek insurrection of 1~2I. "The mere name of the Hellenes, heard once more upon the lips of men after centuries of complete oblivion, thrilled the hearts of those who owed to Greek philosophy, Greek art and Greek literature a d~b~ larger than ~hey could acknowledge or repay."! The neoclassicists assumed, rIghtly or wrongly, a continuity. of culture and • between the ancient and the modern Greeks. Among the ardent-

1]. A. R. Marriott, The Eastern Qllestion (Oxford, 1917).

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22

TURKS, GREEKS AND ILLYRIANS, 1730-1843

Thus he included the Bosnians, the Serbs and the Bulgarians in his Illyrian classification.

The Vlachs

Miillcr referred to the Vlach as Zinzares. The superfluity of' z ' sounds in their speech had given rise to this somewhat derisive nickname. He gave them a much more limited distribution than O'Etzel, but he still marked them as the dominant population of northern Macedonia.

The Albanians and the Gypsies

On Miiller's map the Albanians ranged from Lake Shkodrs (Skadar) in the north, to the Gulf of Corinth in the south. Inland they extended into western Macedonia. He distinguished the three most important branches of the Albanians-the Geuges (Gegs), the Toxides (Tosks) and the Mirdites .. He believed that the Jagys and the Chumis of Ipiros (Epirus) were also Albanians. According to his interpretation therefore, the Albanians formed the majority of the inhabitants of the Greek archipelago. Finally, Miiller separately distinguished on his map the Zigeuner or gypsies in the basin of the upper Maritsa, around

Plovdiv. .

Conclusion

It is reasonable to assume from the evidence offered by Miiller's map that the fashion of depicting most of the Balkans as ethnically Greek was already on the decline by 1842. The fact that Miiller had used the term ' Pelasgian,' the fact that he had distinguished so many Albanians, Zinzares and Zigeuner, where O'Etzel had marked only Greeks, was further proof of a trend ill ideas away from the conception of an Hellenistic Balkans. These new ideas were fostered by the interest manifested by many scholars in the racial affmities of European peoples. Even in the eighteenth century Linnaeus and later Blumenbach had attempted to classify man by his physical appearance. Supposed genealogical cormections between peoples of the classical world and the modern inhabitants of the Balkans became the subject of speculation towards the middle of the nineteenth century. About

u

G. KOMBST'S MAP, 1843

,2·3

this time Darwin had already begun his researches into natural selection. J. C. Prichard's Natural History of Man appeared in 1843. It was only to be expected that anthropologists would apply the criterion of common descent to ethnic groupings. Hence the emphasis given in some of the ethnographic maps of this period to such pseudo racialcultural groups as the 'Illyrians' and "Pelasgians.' The inconsequential confusion of somatic and cultural data used to classify and delimit ethnic groupings reached its height about mid-century with the publication of R. Knox's Races of Man, in which was preached the

infallibility of hereditary traits. -

G. KOMBST'S MAP OF 1843

Influenced by these new ideas on ethnic affinities was G. Kombst's interpretation of the ethnography of Europe - (Fig. 7). He was a German anthropologist commissioned to produce a map in A. K. Johnston's atlas (1843 edition). The author of an Ethnographical May of Europe ill the earliest times illustrative of Dr. Piichard's Natural History of Mati, etc. referred to Kornbst's map in 1843 as the most authoritative and up-to-date ethnographic map of Europe. That Kombst's map should appear in Jolmston's atlas was in itself an indication of his popularity.

The Turks

On Kombst's map the Turks reappeared once more in southern Macedonia, in the whole of Thrace, and in eastern Bulgaria. The success of the Russians in the Near East, as exemplified by the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi (1833), had disconcerted the Great Powers of Europe and there was a natural reaction in favour of Turkey as a stabilizing power in the eastern Mediterranean. Palmerstonhad declared in 1839, " All that we hear about the decay of the Turkish Empire and it being a dead body or a sapless trunk, and so forth, is pure and unadulterated nonsense." Palmerston's foreign policy was based on the survival of the Turkish Empire. Thus it is interesting to note that the twin bastions of British Mediterranean policy in the nineteenth century-the support of Hellenism and the maintenance of

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26

TURKS, GREEKS AND iLLyiuANS, '1730-I843

valuable commentary on changes in ethnographic ideas taking l'lace over the course of a hundred years. In I730 the Turks were believed to have settled extensively in Macedonia and Thrace. By I82I the opinion was widely entertained that there were only a very few Turks in Europe, but by 1843 opinion was once again swinging in favour of the Turks. In 1730 the Greeks had been shown only within their archipelago. By 1821, a school of thought in Europe believed that they inhabited nearly the whole of the Balkan peninsula, but twenty years afterwards this belief was already on the wane. In 1730 the idea that the Slavs and Illyrians populated parts of the northern Balkans was fashionable. As late as 1821, Slavs and Illyrians were still separately distinguished, but by 1840 the terms, , Illyrian ' and' Slav,' had become synonymous. Opinion on the dispositions of the Albanians varied enermously during this period. The Vlachs were as late as 1821 believed to inhabit the greater part of the Rodopi mountains as well as the Maritsa valley but they did not even appear on Kombst's map of 1843·

It had already become apparent by I843 that ethnographic distributions in the Balkans varied according to the nature and accuracy of the criteria adopted to classify the population. Language gave one picture, 'race' gave another, religion yet a third, whilst by using various combinations of criteria numerous interpretations might emerge. Thus even before the term 'ethnographic' had become politically significant, there appeared to be no general agreement between anthropologists, ethnographers and geographers as to' its

exact definition.

CHApTER III

THE SLAVS, I842-1869

INTRODUCTION

TOWARDS the middle of the nineteenth century there were signs throughout the whole of Europe of a new spirit of inquiry abroad; a thousand and one scientific societies were springing up, ranging from small local institutions to great national' academics. The comparatively new studies of philology, ethnology and archaeology, together with geography, commenced to assemble an encyclopaedic body of knowledge covering every,aspect of human activity. 'This genuine interest in the pursuit of knowledge was enhanced by- the rapid accumulation' of material wealth which directly and indirectly provided facilities and leisure for research. Improved methods of communication and expanding markets brought home to scholars the significance of the ever-increasing interdependence and inter-relation':' ships of the different parts of the world. The publication ofPetermallI/s Miuheilungen began in 1855, and at the same time La Societe de It! Geographie de la France began to issue their famous Bulletin, In 1857, Die Kaiserliche und Konigliche Geographische Gesellschaft ill Wien was established; indeed the proceedings of the learned academies of most of the cities of eastern Europe date back to this period. The members had the whole world as their field of study, but naturally; interest was focussed more particularly on the Balkans. In spite of the geographical proximity of the peninsula to the highly organized parts of Europe, much of it remained as mysterious and unknown as the interior of darkest Africa. As E. Reclus pointed out inhis introduction to the geography of the Balkans (1875), as late as 1870 the erroneous

27

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';):JUt::Jg!u2!s It:J!l!IOd ptmorord t: pt:l{ 'sut:~{t:g: ;)l{l U! 1}U!M012 St:A\ 1U;)UI!lU;)S {t:UO!lt:U U;)q.M. ;)UI!l t: re 2u!Wo:J ,'S;}P;)AO:JS!P , l!;)q.L -sdeur =n= UlOlJ P:lll;))U! :lq oa ;)S0I{l mOlJ lU;)lJJJ!P A{:ll:l{d -uroo sU0rlnqplS!P J!t{dt:l20lIl{p P;){t:;)A:l1 AI;)l~UI!lln cdornq U! ;)l!dUI3: qS!~ll1.L ;)IP JO uouemdod ;)IP JO surojqord ;)ql oa q:Jt:olddt: J!;)ql 'o+g r ;)lOpq A;)~ln.LJo S;}!Pl1lS lSOlU U! 2u!~:Jt:IAIsnol1:J!dsuo:J os l!l!ds , :J!qdt:120;}2, ;)tP Aq P;)l~UI!UV 'oL8I put: o+g r U;};)Ml;)q ;}l;)t{l SUO!l!PUO:J uo lq2n ouros MOll{l oi un2;)q pelI SllOJJ:l P;)U!qUJO:J ;)SoqM sJelOlps :lql JO .M.;)J t: lIO!lU:lm oa 'Aqll 'd ·v SS!W put: :l!ZlI:l~Jt:W 'D SS!W 'S;)!Pt:I qS!12u3: ;)t{l JO put: U;)pdAJ .~ 't{llt:g: 'H 'l1;)!qlt:W 'H 'Zl!Ut:)l 'd 'Ut:;)f;)l 'D '9nog 'V JO suo!lt:2ps:lAU! r= suoneaojdxc ;)l{l uodn auonbosuoo 'P;)lpds!p Ant:npt:lg st:.M. :ldoll13: Ul;)lSt:;)-ql110S JO Aqdt:l20:l2 ut:UJl1tI put: It:J!sAqd ;)t{l uo UO!lt:UIlO)U! JO ~:Jt:l{t:ws,(qt: =u ·t:lt:p It:J!UIouollst: ;)SIt:J lIO p:lst:q st:M. l110 P;)!llt::J U:l;)q pt:q se A;)Alt1S l{:Jns put: uMo~un ;)l;)M SI!t:l;)P ~ .rood St:M Aqdt:lgodol )0 ;)gp;)IMOU)l I'P~;)lds;)P!M nps St:M 'lS;)M oa lSt:;) mOlJ ~{t1su!u;)d ;)10t{M :lIp 2U!Sl;)A~ll U!t:lp urenmour It:J1U;):J :l12u!s t: JO ;):JU;)lS!X;) ;)ql U! P!(;)q

698I-Zt8I 'SAV"IS 3RT.

30

THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

less.fear of the consequences than the Slavs further south, in Bulgaria and Macedonia. They also could look for inspiration. to the Croats and the Slovenes as well as to the westernized Czechs of central Europe. Moreover, the Serbs had a base of operations outside. Turkey, in Hungary, because there were many Serb communities living north of the Danube. It was one of these 'Hungarian Serbs,' Dositije Obradovic (1739-18II), who together with Vuk Karadzic (1787-1864), standardized the Serbian literary language and brought it into conformity with the vernacular. Hand in hand with the literary renascence, Serbian revolts developed against the local Turks, which the Porte found more and more difficult to quell. The insurgents could take shelter in the rocky limestone fastnesses of Montenegro or simply flee into Hungary until the Turkish forces dispersed. From 1804 to 18.13 these spasmodic revolts were led by Kara George, and from 1815-17 by Milos Obrenovic. Finally, in 1817, Turkey was compelled to recognize the Sumadija region as an autonomous Serbian principality. The Treaty of Adrianople, which ended the Russo-Turkish War of 1828-29, established the new Serbian principality on a firm basis. Turkey had to cede more territory to Serbia and to grant ecclesiastical independence, in the form of a Serbian Metropolitan in Belgrade. Since 1766, when the old Serbian Patriarchate of Pee had been abolished, the Greek prelates had had complete control of Serbian churches. The restoration of ecclesiastical independence emancipated the Serbs not only from Turkish but also from Greek influence and ailowed a freer development of vernacular schools.

The success of the Serbs had repercussions in Bulgaria. In 1824, the first book in the Bulgarian vernacular was printed, and after 1835, the Bulgarians began to set up their own printing presses. Their tentative attempts at national self-expression found considerable stimulus in the presence of Russian troops in the Balkans during the first decades of the century.

Pan-slavism

A marked feature of the period under review was the growth of the idea of Pan-slavism, first developed by the Hungarian Slovak, J. Kollar, in 1824. The spread of the idea into the Balkans, that all the

INTRODUCTION

31

Slavs of Eurasia were racially and culturally akin, profoundly influenced the development of Slav nationalism and affected, also, the foreign policy of the Great Powers in this theatre. So little was known about Slav society at this. time, that it was a common practice to invest all the various groups of Slavs with a common cultural inheritance. As the idea spread, every Slav -felt himself to belong to a common brotherhood, a community split asunder by the misfortunes of history, but destined to coalesce eventually into a mighty political federation. Pan-slavism stirred Bulgarian and Serb alike to common action against the Turk and undermined the authority of the Porte. This fellow-feeling between the Slavs of the Balkans, inspired by Pan-slavism, made the ethnographers' task, between 1830 and 1870 relatively simple, insomuch as Slav did not dispute with Slav as to the validity of inter-Slav ethnographic divides. The distinction then, between Serb and Bulgarian was less important than that between Slav and Greek, or that between Greek and Turk. Hence, nearly all the ethnographers of this period reached a measure of agreement on the position oftheBulgaro-Serbian ethnographic frontier. The relations between the two groups of Slavs became so close after 1840, that the Turks initiated the policy of planting Tatar and Circassian (Cherkesi) colonies in the district of the Sar Mountains in order to seal off Serb from Bulgarian."

Pan-slavism also exercised a directing il~fluence on Muscovite policy in the Balkans. The Tsar, not unnaturally, assumed the role of champion of the Pan-slav movement, since Russia was the only independent Slav nation which was, at the same time, a Great Power. As early as 1812, when Russia had concluded the Treaty of Bucarest with Turkey, the liberties of the Serbians had been made the subject ·of treaty obligations between Russia and Turkey. Russian agents had then begun an active campaign of Pan-slav propaganda in the Balkans, with the object of uniting all the ' Southern Slavs' (including both Serbs and Bulgarians) against the Porte. Russianized Slavonic

1 G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, Travels in the Slavonic Provinces oj Turkeyin-Europe, znd Edition (London,1877). In a map compiled by E.·G. Ravenstein for the Universal Geography, these Circassians are marked in the vicinity of Old Serbia and the Nis-Vranje area.

a ":J:mclOU~! WOlJ W:Jqt P:JAl:S l:U!poA[oA :Jqt pUl: :JW!~:Jl qsppn~ :Jqt ~ll!lnp rredsop mOlJ SUC!ql:JS :Jtjt P:JACS Ol~:JU:JtUoW tl:qt C!ql:JS U! ~U!ACS C S! :Jl:Jq~ 1

uouordop ;)IP SCM. deur S,~HCJCS JO ioodse AIcuo!~nIOA;)l ~SOUl ;)l[.1 silvIS JIII

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UI S){ll1.1 Jl[~ JO uO!~nq!l~s!p ;)l[~ lOId oa poadurone ){HCJCS S?f-IHI JIII

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oL8I-OP8I 'savW 1!lfav.t3'0I1'11tI U! lSJ.tJlI11 tllJN JIII

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THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

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P. G. SAFARIK'S MAP, 1842

35

of Slavs over great areas of the Balkans, regarded at the time as populated by Greeks or Turks. Furthermore, his radical reclassification of the Balkan Slavs gave coherence and form to their groupings. He recognized only two main groups of Slavs in the peninsula-the Bulgarians and the Serbo-Croats. Montenegrins, Illyrians, Bosnians, Rascians, Winds, Uskoks and Morlachs, he classified as SerboCroats. The Bulgarians he showed to inhabit a huge area stretching from the Dobrudja in the east to the Macedonian lakes in the west, and from the Sar mountains in the north, to a line running from Salonika to Edime in the south.

The Albanians

Safarik eliminated many misconceptions regarding the host ()f cognate tribes known as the Albanians. He was the first scholar to attempt a clarification of the boundary between the Albanians and Slavs. With the exception of a few exclaves of Albanians in Old Serbia, he defined the Albano-Slav frontier as the Bojani river, Lake Shkodrs, the Prokletije mountains and thence as a line running southwards to Prizren and the western shores of Lake Ohrid. It is of interest to note that the present political boundary of Albania

~ roughly coincides with this line, except that it excludes the Crni Drim valley, which Safarik regarded as Albanian.

Conclusion

Safafik's map suffered frorn many defects. It was later demonstrated, for example, that the Albanians occupied a much greater area than that which he allowed to them; that he had greatly over-estimated the territory occupied by the Greeks in Thrace, and that he had not realized the existence of important Romanian minorities. All things considered, however, he succeeded admirably in delineating the major ethno-linguistic groups. His map was probably never meant to be a final summary. His intention was obviously to give the Slavs their proper place in the ethnographic mosaic. In so doing, he virtually revolutionized the prevailing ideas on the distribution and character of the peoples of south-eastern Europe. For the next fifty years his map set the fashion for nearly all ethnographic maps of this area.

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THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

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The Greeks

Boue did not show as much Greek territory as Safarik had done.

He perceived that a devotion to the Greek Orthodox faith did not necessarily imply a sense of Greek nationality, and that there were many Christians of the Greek Orthodox Church who regarded themselves not as Greeks, but as Albanians, Slavs or Romanians. Nevertheless, he was not ungenerous in his Greek dispositions. As early as 1840, he had recorded that the Greeks inhabited all the southern plain of Thrace and the neighbouring coastal plain of the Black sea; that they were to be found in the Tekir Dag region of eastern Thrace, on the banks of the Maritsa, in and below Edirne, and in Plovdiv. He noted that, mixed with Bulgarians and Asiatics, they also made up the population of the area south of the Rodopi mountains and of the whole of KhalkidhikL The Greeks were to be found also in southwestern Macedonia, where they were mixed with Zinzares {Vlachs} and Bulgarians. In this area, they formed the bulk of the population to the south of Kastoria and Siatista. Thessalia was eminently Greek except for a few Turks in Larisa and in the towns ; the only other inhabitants of Thessalia were the Zinzates, who lived, stated Boue, on friendly terms with the Greeks and belonged to the Greek Church. Greeks were also found, mixed with Albanians, in Ipiros, in an area which stretched from the Greek boundary {of 1821} to Konitsa. Here, whilst many of the villages were pure Greek in character, the towns were exceptionally mixed.

The Slavs

Boue was of the opllllon that the Bulgarians occupied Bulgaria {meaning the district between the Balkans and the Danube} and 'Lower Moesia' as well as the greater part of 'Upper Moesia' (Moesia was a Roman province stretching from the Drin river to the Dobrudja). Furthermore, they formed the major part of the population of Macedonia, with the exception of the district southwest of Kastoria and the lower Nestosvalley. He maintained that the mountains between the basins of Florina and Kastoria were an effective language divide between Bulgarian and Greek, and that the mountains between Konia and Siatista, between Lake Vegorritis and

A. BOUE'S MAP, 1847,

39

Veroia and between Edhessa and Naousa, served a like purpose. The Bulgarians were also to be found, both dispersed and in villages, all over Thrace as far east as the Tekir Dag (Bttlgarskori).

Bone's distribution of Bulgarians was later put to good use by the Bulgarian'revisionists.' His map was incorporated, for example, in P. Milioukov's pro-Bulgarian work on ethnographic maps published in 1900, and it formed part ofD. Rizov's atlas produced in Berlin in 1917. Indeed, Bone's map put the Bulgarian case in such a favourable light that in 1918 A. Belie, the distinguished professor of Slavonic languages at Belgrade, was forced to make Bone's map the subject of a special article, in which he endeavoured to explain away the proBulgarian views adopted by the latter. He maintained, but without conviction, that Boue's text could be reconciled with the Serbian view that the Slavs of Macedonia, although they had Bulgarian affinities: were more nearly Serbs than Bulgarians (if. Fig. 43).

Boue classified all the miscellaneous Slav peoples between the Sar mountains and Slovenia as Serbo-Croats, in the same manner as did Safafik. He, too, dispensed altogether with the term 'Illyrian.' His map contained little evidence to support the cause of the Serbs in Macedonia, although they were later to emerge as one of the principal claimants to this region. He did, it is true, recognize small Serb exclaves in Macedonia, north and east of Lake Ohrid, but he confined the bulk of the Serbs to an area well to the north of the Sar mountains and west of the Timok river. Hence he virtually excluded them from Macedonia, agreeing in this respect with Safarik. It is an interesting point that contemporary Serbian maps agreed in the main with these conclusions. For example, D. DavidoviC's map published in Belgrade in 1848, a year after the appearance of Bone's map, did not recognize the existence of any Serbs in Macedonia, or for that matter in Old Serbia {Fig. IO}. Neither did the limits set by G. Desjardins in his map of 1853 differ appreciably from those set by Bone, in his depiction of the districts in which the Serb language was spoken (Fig. IO). Later, Serbian scholars, particularly S. Gopcevic and J. Cvijie, maintained that Boue was-not sufficiently conversant with the Slavonic languages to be able to distinguish Serbian from Bulgarian. Their criticisms were made, however, at a time when the political

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THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

association of the Bulgariallllational cause with the scheme for Russian imperialistic expansion. The important role which the Bulga~ians might assume in the future history of the Balkans was not appreciated by the Governments in power in western Europe at the time (1847). An earlier appreciation of these new ethnographic ideas on the part of Great Britain, for example, might have gone a long way to avoid the tragic events which followed in later years.

G. LEJEAN'S MAP OF 1861

To lend weight to Boue's interpretation came G. Lejean's influential work on the ethnography of Turkey-in-Europe, produced as a supplement to Petermantis Mittheilutlgen in 1861 (Fig. II). Lejean had journeyed to Turkey-in-Europe in 1857-58 at the request of the French Government, which, in common with the governments of the other Great Powers at this period, was vitally interested in assembling all intelligence possible concerning the situation in south-eastern Europe. He had at his disposal the maps ofp. G. Safarik and of A. Boue, and K. Czoernig's masterly treatment of the ethnography of the AustroHungarian Empire provided him with a method of approach which he applied to the study of the ethnography of the Osmanli possessions in Europe." Lejean's sources also included the works of F. C. 1. H. Pouqueville, ofW. M. Leake and ofw. Jochmus. In addition, he used the lists of Moslems and Rajas provided by the Turkish Government; but these statistics merely consisted of an incomplete listing of Turkish and Christian households and did not form a very reliable source." Above all, Lejean was an historian. He pointed out in his comments that many of the deficiencies in the earlier maps had been due to too great a dependence on language as a criterion.

1 Ilihnogtaphischc Karle dcr oSlerreichiscll-Ullgarischell Mouarchie [770 x 570 mm.] Von Carl Freiherrn von Czoernig, Direktor des osterreichischen Statistischen Instituts (Wien, 1855).

2 At tills time, only the Rumi (or Greek) Millet and the Island Millet, were officially recognized by the Turks. A MiIlct in the words of Sir John Hope Simpson was " a minority corporation recognized by the government and the law of Turkey, which enjoyed extensive ecclesiastical, scholastic and judicial autonomy." The Bulgari (Bulgarian) millet was not recognized until 1872•

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He advocated an historical approach in order to deepen perspective in these matters.

The Turks

He first demonstrated that both Boue and Safarik had underestimated the strength and extent of the Turkish enclaves in the Balkans; but on the other hand, his own reliance on Turkish figures led him to swing the scale too far in the opposite direction. His map, for example, marked a solid phalanx of Turks in north-eastern Bulgaria. He pointed out many interesting aspects of the Turkish settlement of the Balkans. He drew attention to the Vardariotes, pre-Osmanli Turks, who had become Christianized, had settled in the Vardar valley and then had been assimilated by the Slavs .. (F. Meinhard distinguished a similar group in south-western Macedonia but referred to them as Bardariotes. See p. 127). The Uzes were another group of pre-Osmanli Turks who had settled near Lake Ohrid in the eleventh century and had also lost their identity to the Slavs. T~e Konarlote Turks, called after the town of Konia in south-western Macedonia, had also been very early arrivals, probably associated with the nomadic herders who had composed the first wave of the Turkish onslaught. They had eventually settled down to become a peasant community and had managed to preserve their Turkish character. This group Lejean marked on his map. Also grouped with the Turks were the Yiirules, referred to in 1821 by O'Etzel (see p. II). The name in Turkish signifies nomad. Lejean claimed that they were of pure Turkornan stock and that they dwelt in the plain of Serrai with extensions as far as Drama on the one side, and the mountains north-east of Salonika on the other. These also he marked on his map.

The Greeks

Lejean held that Greek territory in Thrace and on the Aegean coast was not nearly so extensive as was universally believed in. his day. He reduced their distributions mainly to the advantage of the Turks and Bulgarians. The idea that the Greeks were preponderant on the mainland had been steadily losing ground between 1821 and 1861. The fact that Miiller had preferred the term' Pelasgian ' in

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predecessors in the ethnographic field. He pointed out :hat tl:e Bulgars were of Ugrian origin, that they had been mentlOned ~Il Armenia 600 years before their arrival on the banks .of the Danube l.ll 484 A.D. For a time they had occupied Moldavia a~d Wallaclua before crossing the Danube an(raiding as far as Constant~1.ople. They formed their trans-Danubian Empire in 679 and remained a power until suppressed by the Byzantines in I019· Thereafter they united with the Vlachs to form another Empire in the twelfth century. Two hundred years later, they were finally overwheln~ed by the Turks at Kosovo. (The Serb historians were later to claim Kosovo as the last great battle fought by the Serbs. Kosovo figures in ma~y Serb traditional ballads. It is very probable that the army confrontmg the Turks at Kosovo included all types of Slavs, as well as many alien mcrcenaricsl .' In spite of their origins, remarked Lejean, the Bulgarians were essentially Slavonic from a cultural point of view. ~h~y !lad spoken Slav since the ninth century when they had been Chnstlaruzed and their leaders had been made boiards (dukes).

Lejean differed little from Boue and Safarik on the all-import;~lt question of the existence of Serbs in Macedonia. He followed Boue 111 showing small Serb exclaves around Lake Ohrid and La~e Prespa but these were isolated by Bulgarian territory from the main mass of Serbs north of the Sar mountains. Lejean envisaged the entry of the two ~reat Slav branches, the Serbs and the Croats, into 'Illyria' about the seventh century; probably the Serbs were derived from the Soraben (Sorbs) of Lausitz, whilst the Croats who came a little later were originally known as the Horvat. They were associated with other tribes such as the Zachlllmi from Chelm (Za-chlum). The latter became known later as the Hercegovinians. Nearly all Slav tribes were initially named after their geographical locality, for exa~ple, tl:e Narentari after the name of the river, the Diodeaten after Dioclea 111 Montenegro. The Serbs, according to Lejean, actually pushed as far south as Durres before being driven back by the Skipetars (the Albanians); Lejean then advanced the interesting theory that the Serb exclaves around Lakes Ohrid and Prespa, and in northern Albania, dated back to the ninth century and that they marked the

1 H. W. V. Temperley, History of Serbia (London, 1917).

G. LEJEAN'S MAP, 1861

47

southern limits of Serb expansion. Alternatively, he suggested, these isolated Serbs could be the remnants of the Zupani or colonies of Serb officials, established as outposts of the mediaeval Serb Empire. The fact that Lejean did recognize these Serb elements in the population of Macedonia is both interesting and important. When the Serbians began to claim a sphere of interest in Macedonia, they stressed the evidence of their historical colonization of much of Albania and Macedonia. Lejean, however, regarded the Serb remnants as purely of academic, and not of political interest.

Lejean believed in the close affinities of the Slavs of Turkey, north of the Sar mountains, and agreed that they formed a composite "Serbo-Croat ' group which included five divisions.

(I) The Serbs.

. (2) The Bosnians of Turkish Croatia, who differed considerably from the Serbs on several counts. Whereas the Serbs constituted a free society, Bosnian society was essentially feudal. The Christian peasants laboured under an oppressive Moslem aristocracy which was intensely conservative. Travellers in Bosnia often mistook upperclass Bosnians for Turks.

(3) The Rascians of Novi Pazar. (4) The Hercegovinians.

(5) The Montenegrins who had preserved their independence since 1504 under their bishop princes. Their small population contained numerous Serbs, who, having fled from the Turk, found refuge in this lofty mountain kingdom.

All five branches were closely related. Their differences of language were negligible and although drawn from varied stocks, such as the A vars and the Illyrians, the process of' slavization ' had been very effective. Even the Morlachs of the northern Adriatic coast had been slavized. They were the remnants of the pre-Slav inhabitants and Lejean thought they may have been latinized Illyrians.

The V/achs

Lejean referred to the Vlachs as Zinzares and speculated on their origins. They themselves, wrote Lejean, claimed to be the descendants of Roman soldiers, who had conquered Macedonia. He thought this

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617

1981 'avw s,Nv!Ifn .!)

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·(Ut:!Ut:qIV 10J oureu l{S!1lTI.1 :ll{l st:M. lmUlV) ;?Ut:l!.1 It::JU !o)J-JIIVtl.IV It: put: :JfUt:1A .reou Op.l:J ollON ~t: SUt:!ut:qlV JO S:l~t:mA asodmo P1O:J:J1 oa :J!qt: St:M. Ut::lf:l1 ~t:l{~ suourodord l{Jns r=r-= pt:l{ sUt:!mqlV JO UO!lt:1~!lU p1t:M.~St::l put: p1t:M.l{llOU :Jl{.1 ':JJUt:AOUUt: JO ;)Jl110S ~Ut:~SUO:J t: :ll:lM. SUt:!ql:lS :JIp ~spl{M. 'lU:ll{l l{l!M. porerodo-oo =r=nv :ll{l :lJU!S 'SUOSt::l1 S110!AqO 10J S:lAPSlU:lIP s:l{lTI.1 :Jl{~ Aq p:J~t:Jl1o:JU:l U:l:lq Pt;ll ssocoad S!l{.1 'Slt;:lA 00Z' l;)AO 10J uouerodo U! u:J;)q '1981 U! 'pt:l{ IP!IIM. sm!mqIV Aq =i=s JO lU:JUl;)Jt:ld:Jl :lIt::Js-:J~lt;1 ltlp oa :lJU;)l;)]dl Aq UO!ltAOUU! S!IP p:Jg!~snf ;)l{ pm 'Ut:!Ut;qIV se Ut::lf;)1 Aq p:J~p;)IA"-Ompc 'l;)A:lM.OI[ ';)l:lM. A:lIlt:A eAC10W :Jl{~ JO SlJC1~ :J~lc1 'Sllt!ut:qIV ;)IP 10J SUI!t:P s,UlltH UOA lit: ~d:JJJC ~OU P!P 'S:l!l:JAOJS!P s,ul{tH UOA Aq '£161 oi aoud sdeur ruonbcsqns lSOUl :l1:lM. P;):JPU! se 'P;)JU;)11lJU! SCM. dent S!l{ lS{!l{M. 'm:lf:l1 ':lUOZ ;)Iqtl:lP!SUOJ t: l:JAO SUC!lC~I11g: :ll{l lU01J sql;)S ;)l{l poreredos AI:lA!l:J:l.f/;) SS:lI 1O crour pUt: tAClOW ;)IP JO A:lUt:A :lIp oi A;)IIt:A ll!JQ :JIp JO pU:lq :lIp UlOlJ p:lIpldllS AlOl!lJ:ll Ut:!utq{V JO ;)~P;)M. It:;)l~ C It:l[l StM. S!S;)l{l S,llllt:H 'ut:!mqIV l:Jt:J U! StM. 'UC!lt~[ng: pm s=s St pPlC~:Jl Oll;)l{l!11 'It:Plt:A ;)l{l pm U!lQ :ll{l U;);)Mldq UO!~;)l ;)l{l JO uonejndod ;)l{l JO ared l;)le;)l~ t; It:l{~ '8~81 U! ;)ptlU SA;)A.ll1S It;UOS1;)d JO ll11S;)l t se 'P:JIl!t;lU!UU Ol{M l:J:JU!~U;) At:A"-I!t;l lJe!llSnv tre 'UlIt;H UOA '8 -fJo S:Jl{Jlt:;)S:Jl ;)l{l JO s;):Ju:lnlJu! ;)l{l oa ;)l1P Apltd StM. onuredop S!l{.1 't;!UOP;)Jt:W Ul:JIP10U U! pm t;!q1;)S PIO U! SlJe!utqlV ;)l{l oa AlOl!l.1;)l JO atroaxo It:;)l~ t: P;)q!l:JSt:;)H -deur S,?110g: lUOlJ crruredop 1t;!lUt:lsqns t: dpt:lU m;)f;)1 =t=nv JO uO!lnq!llS!P S!l{ UI

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817

50

THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

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.MACKENZIE AND lRBY, 1867

51

the mosaic loosely assembled by his predecessors, and modify some distributions, especially those of the Turks and Albanians. He went into the question of origins and made fuller use of place-name evidence and historical references. It is difficult to find any contemporary" criticisms of his work. One senses a feeling in the literature of the period that Lejean's study had, to all intents and purposes, settled the vexed question of ethnographic distributions in Turkey-in-Europe. Safarik had. put forward the idea of the Balkans being essentially Slavonic, Boue had corroborated his thesis by personal observation, and then Lejean had substantiated the idea with a wealth of historical evidence.

THE MAP OF MISS G. M. MACKENZIE AND MISS A. P. IRBY, 1867

Strangely enough, it was due to the efforts of two ladies, Miss G. M.

Mackenzie and Miss A. P. Irby, who had travelled 'uncscorted' through the Balkans, that the essentially Slavonic nature of the peninsula was made known to the British public. Their map-the first English ethnographic map of the Balkans-:-was published in 1867 (Fig. 12). It was based largely on Lejean's map but incorporated minor modifications arising partly out of their own personal observations and partly from the criticisms of an Austrian railway engineer (who may have been von Hahn). A reference to the rather delightful account of their journey leaves no doubt that these two ladies were extremely well informed of conditions in the Balkans. Their work impressed Gladstone who wrote:

I do not mean to disparage the labours and services of others when I say that, in my opinion, no diplomatist, no consul, no traveller, among our countrymen, has made such a valuable contribution to our means of knowledge of this important matter [the question of the Ottoman Empire], as was made by Miss Mackenzie and Miss Irby, when they published in 1867, their travels in some of the Slavonian Provinces of European Turkey.!

+op. cit. (Preface to znd edition, 1877).

-Jopun nf!A:) 'f'9Q6I U! 'JoleI q:mw leql orur S! II 'dew S,;>!Amp!W tI! r=r=s= SUO!Snpuo:> Oql l{l!M. luowooJ2e U! OlOM. 'o1He sue!Je2InlI pue sqJOS 2u!pnpu! 'sAeIS oql He leql l:>e) oql JO uO!le:>!pu! ue OW!l owes oql ae pue '1JOM.. s,ue;)f;)1: or omqtn e seM.. 'o:>U;)JO)uO:J AeIS e re 'L.981 U! p;)2u;)neq:>un ssed Plnoqs SUO!lnq!JlS!P ;)S;)ql =u 'p;)lnds!p lOU ;)J;)M. e!qJ;)S PIO U! SUO!lnq!JlS!P =r=uv ;)ql pue p;)2ueq:>un p;)u!ew;)J J;)!lUOJ) uepe2InlI-oqJ;)S =u 'sue1IelI UJOlS;)M.. oql U! AHep;)dso OJOW 'ue;)f;)1:)o leql oa JeI!liI!s AJOA seM. dew S!q OS!M.J;)qlO 's1m~ pue S1;);)J8 A{UO p;)le:>!pu! peq ueof;)1: ;)J;)qM.. sue!le2rnlI Auew 2U!l:>!d;)p ';)UJ!pa JO qlnos ;)ql oa H;)M. o:>eJq~ U! AlOlP10l Uepe2rnII P;)PUOlX;);)q 'Alpuo:>;)S 'S;)AepX;) qsqJn~-01e2InH P;)X!W OlU! e!le2rnlI ul;)lse;)-qllou U! sdnoaf IIs!1ln~ P!IOS s,ue;)[;)1: dn ;)10Jq =r 'Ire JO lSl!d 'SP;)dS;)l aueirodun OM.l U! ue;)f;)1: W01) P;)l;)1J!P OH :ue;)[;)1: 'D JO ;)Soql uo Alu!ew SUO!lnq!llS!P u~IelI S!q P;)st:q ~!A011!W

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8-L.981 'SdVW AV1S OA\L

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SdVW AV1S OAU

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PJAOHoq AJql pue dew l!Jql uo sq:>eIA ue!uop;):>ew JO uO!lnq!llS!P Jql M..oqs oa adurcare lOU P!P A;)q~ . C!AeIs-o~n A , Jql JO q:>UC1q e se pJp1e2J1 A;)ql sue!le2InlI oql) A10l!11;)l ue!lt:~lnlI 'ureur ;)ql U! 'seM.. e!llOp;):>ew It:lp pt:J Jip JO pUt: 'sdnOl~ =r= ne lJAO SAt:IS ;)ql JO ;,:mt:l;)puodJld Jql JO P;):>U!AUO:> Jl;)M. AqlI SS!W pUt: ;)!ZU;)1:>t:W SS!W

SUV!uvq/V puv S~)v/A 'SflV/S' JIlL

'[S~J;)lD ptre] sut:!1t:2InH Jql 10J Al!:> Alepunoq e se U;)~t:l Jq At:W ;)Idout:!lpV 'J:>t:lq~ uI ·t:lomlt:W JO eos ;)ql 10 snorcqdsoq ;)IP q:>nol rurod AUt: It: lOU op SAt:IS oql 10J e:>!uolt:S JO JrnD ;)ql or t:JS ~:>t:{1I Jql JO aseoo Jip mOlJ Alepunoq 'a's t: M.t:lp oa lll1:>gJ!P J10m ;)q PlnoM. II 'q1loN Jip or SlU;)m;){ll;)S ~;);)18 ;)mOS pUt: qlnos ;)q1 oa Alluno:> Ut:!lt:~InlI cures SJAt:;)I l! q~noql [ ... ] eppq:>o put: t::>!uolt:S U;);)M.Pq sum q:>!IIM.. l! JO ared It:ql U! 'S~;);)18 put: sUt:!Jt:~lnlI ;)ql U;)JMl;)q Alt:punoq Jql Alq~nol st:M. " t:!PU~a t:!A" uemo)! Jql JO ;)U!l Jq~

: lX;)l l!;)ql or ~U!P10:>:>V

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54

THE SLAVS, 1842-1869

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A. PETERMANN'S MAP, 1869

55

took to criticize Mirkovic's map, but he failed to draw attention to the fact that he was referring to the third edition (1877) of a map, which, when it was first published, contained a fair reproduction of the views held at the time by all Slavs, including the Serbs.!

J. Erbcn's Map of I868

J. Erben's ethnographic map of 1868 was on rather a small scale.

It was important only in so much as it represents the Czech opinion of the period. Erben cited Safarik, Czeornig, Boekh, Lejean, Koeppen and Mirkovic as his sources. He followed MirkoviC's distributions in the Balkans. His only major modification was a reduction of the Albanian clement in Old Serbia to the advantage of the Serbs.

A. PETERMANN'S MAP OF 1869

In 1869, A. Petermann compiled a composite map which was intended to be a summary of the latest researches into the ethnographic distribution of the .Slavs in the Balkans (Fig. 13). A. Petermann was the editor of the German geographical periodical, Petermann' s Geographische Mittheilunoen which, during the period of his control, acquired a worldwide reputation. There was hardly a geographer of repute of any nationality whom Petermann did not know personally. Ethnographic maps interested him and in 1861 he had made Lejean's map the occasion

of one of his famous supplements. .

The theme of Petermann' s map and of the article which accompanied it, was the importance of the' new idea' of Balkan ethnography. F. Bradaska, a Croatian professor responsible for the article, pointed out that ideas 011 the nature of the population of Turkey-in-Europe had been revolutionized in the thirty years between 1840 and 1869. Initial over-estimates of Turks and Greeks had been due to lack of Slav studies and also to the fact that Moslem Slavs and Albanians had been wrongly declared Turks. He pointed out that the Slavs, practising agriculture, were passive and Inarticulate whilst the Greeks, engaged in commerce with the outside world, overshadowed them, and that the maritime connections of the Greeks gave them control

1 J. Cvijic, The Ethnography of the Macedo-Slavs (London, 1906).

'(99 ·d ;);)s) 9l..81 JO detu S!q U! suc!UcqIV JO uO!~nq!l~S!P S!q~ porerodroour l;)~CI md;)!)I'H 'fro~!g: pue S;)PA q:3nOlq~ 'CpO~SC)l 01 ;)!Ido){s WOlJ ;)U!I e JO lS;).M. 'Al!lOU!lli ;)Iqcl;)P!suOJ C P;)WlOJ A;)ql;)l;)q ~cq~ uorurdo ;)q~ JO SC.M.;)H 'dcw S!q WOlJ P;)ll;)JU! ;)q ACW c!U0P;):)cW Ul;)~S;).M. JO =r=nv ;)q~ JO UO!lnq!l~s!p ;)q~ ~nq 'sdnoJ:3 ACIS-uOU ;)q~ q~!.M. P;)W;):)uo:) AHlcmpd ~OU SCA'\ uuewl;)~;)d

SUV!uvqZV JI(.L

'ACIS se P:>PlC:3;)l ;)l:l.M. A:lql lcql SCA'\ :3U!ql nrerrodun :lq~ 'sUc!lc:3Ing: lO Sql:lS SC P:lPJe:3;)l ;)l:l.M. c!U0P;):)cW JO SlUC1!qcqU! ;)ql l;)t{l;)q.M. lOU p;)l:mcw II 'UO!l!U:30:);)l pUC WOP;):llJ lOJ :3U!lq:3g AHWCJ ,ACIS W;)qlnos. ;)IP JO Sl:lqW:lW ;)l:l.M. sue!lc:3rng: pUC Sql;)S U;)ql I!lUfl -rrousonb :)!lU;)pCn UC AI:llTId SC.M.l;)!lUOlJ UC!lc:3Ing:-oql;)S ;)ql ;)lCP lcql ;)lOpg: ·0l..81 ;)lOpq onsst IC!:)l1l:) C SC P:lPlC:3;)l lOU SC.M. AlCpunOq :)!qdCl:3 -otnpo ue!lc:3rng:-oql:lS ;)ql Aq.M. SUOSC:ll Icd!:)U!ld ;)ql JO ;)UO SCA'\ SUC!lc:3Ing: pue Sql:lS qloq lOJ orois U! SCA'\ :llCJ IC:)!l!IOd UOlUluO:) e lCIP uoprsoddns ;)ql 'P;):lPUl :!ACIs-o:3nx.. ;)ql se sue!Je:3Ing: pUC =r=s 01 P:lll;)Pl pcq Aqll SS!W pUC ;)!ZU;)VCWSS!W 'C;)P! S!q1 ;)lCl1snm 01 ;)UO se lU;)ql P;)lTIOI0:) pcq UUCUll;)l:ld ':llCJ IC:)!l!{od

6981 'dVW S ,NNVW~,UtId 'V

'SUC!-lC~[Ilg ;np p:lpnpx:I puc 'S:lU;)AOIS puc SlCOl:) 'Sql;)S :lq1 :l10U:lP 01 l:llCI p:lsn SCM ,hCIS IU:lqlnos.,

'(6981 't:qlO!») UJ1iuIIIPlfll!W S,!IlIV!IIJJ1Jd ,,'p:l{m~ l:lp lI! u:lAt:IS :I!G .. 'c:l{~cpelg ·tI I

UOUlluO:) C lUCllC.M. 01 SC ;)SOP OS ;)q 013 'SUC!lc:3Ing: pUC Sql;)S :3u!pnp~ ,'SACrs Ul;)qlnoS. U;);).M.l;)q sdrqsuouepr ;)q~ PlC:3;)l O~ bU;)PU;)l :>l!Ug;)P C SC.M. ;)l;)ql 'lCrn:)!~lCd UI 'S;)q:)UClq SnO!lCA l!;)ql U;);).M.l:lq P:llS!X;) S;):)U;)l;)]J!P :)!lS!l1:3U!{ pUC IClUllnJ IC!:)gl;)dns AIUO lcql ;)~CIl1ls0d :>ql uo auorxo ;)~hCI C 01 P;)scq C;)P! UC-l!Un IC:)!l!IOd ;)UO OlU! omm AI;)lClU!lln PIno.M. SACIS ;)ql nc lcql lC;)J ;)ql SC.M. S!q~ ';)lU!l S!qllC ppq ATICSl:lA!Ul1 :3U!POq;)lOJ C JO :)!lClUOldlUAS SC.M. s:3U!dnol:3 ACIS ;)ql JO ;):)Uc:)g!U:3!S IC:)!l!{od ;)ql ql!.M. uuelUl;)Pd JO uorrednooocrd =u

';):)lOJ l:llC:ll:3 ql!.M. ;)dOlng: urciseo-qmos U! AUOm;):3:lq l!;)ql ruosord 01 l:lplO U! 'lnoI0:) ;)lU'CS ;)ql U! 'ql;)S pUC UC!lc:3Ing: qloq 'SACIS ;)ql TIC P;»){lClU ;)q lng: 'CdS:lld ;»){l!'J JO S){ucq ;)ql UO ;)ACPX;) ql;)S P:llCIOS! tre P;)lC:)!P~ OSIC;)q :AlOl!ll:ll UC!lc:3Ing: U!ql!.M. :)CAO){S:ll pUC ~!N 'U!P!A ~u!pnpu! snql ':lfrdO){Old q:3nolql 'l;)A!l ){OW!~ :lql 01 s~clunom lCS :lql lUOlJ ;)U!I C Aq detn s!I{ uo UC!lc:3Ing: mOlJ ql;)S p;)qS!n:3U!lS!P ;)q ';)l1l1 S! 11 ':lll1lnJ IC:)!lHOd uotuuroo C ;)lC:)!pU! lq:3!lli Al!UgJC p;):3:lne l!:lql lcql l:)CJ ;)ql-S:l!l!lCI!lli!S :lqllnq 'UO!:3:ll S!ql U! SACIS :lql U:l:l.M.Pq lS!X;) llI:3!lU q:)!lI.M. S:l;U;)l;)]J!P :>ql lOU 'SC.M. lU!q possardun lcq&. 'sue){Icg: ;JIp U! ;):)Uc:)g!u:3!S snou!lli0 tre uo U;»){Cl .M.OU pcq ';)dOlTIg: ICllU:l:) U! ;):)lOJ 1C;)J2 C U;):lq pcq q:)!q.M. ·.,'lU;)lU:lAOlU ACIS-UCd ;)ql 1cql PdZ!{C;)l ;)H 'uuCml;)ldd pcssordun Alqcl;)P!SUO:) 'UC;)!;)l pue ;mog: ·v JO SA'\;)!A :lql Aq p;)unguOJ U;);)q pcq pue ){qCJCS 'D 'd Aq p:l~C!l!U! U:l;)Cj pcq q:)!q.M. 'SACIS ;)ql JO lnOACJ U! SC;)P! :)!qdCl:30uql:l U! ;):3ueq:) ;)q~

SilVIS JI(.L

1';)dOlTIg:-U!-A;»){ln~ JO SlUC1!qclIU! ;)IP JO Al!lO!Cm ;)ql P;)lUlOJ 'S){;);)JD :lql lOU r= SACIS ;)ql lcql pCJ ;)ql 01 slcIoq:)s pUC Sl:lAl;)SqO ~U!PU!Iq U! IC1U;)llil1l1SU! u:>;)q pcq SlOPCJ ;)S:lql UV -uonejndod :>ql JO SlU:llli:lI;) ACIS ;)ql sscrddns 01 pueq =s C U;)A!il ;)J;).M. oqA'\ 'suc!UcqIV :lql 01 pue S){;);)lD ;)ql 01 SUO!SS:l:)UO:) ;»){CW 01 S){ln~ ;)ql JO b!IOd ;)lCJ;)q!PP ;)ql U;);)q pcq l! lcql P;)lOU ;)q 'AUCU!::! 'SACIS :lql JO S;)lpmq:) ;)ql pue sIooq:)s :lq~ P;)HOllUOJ A:lql nc :lAOqC pue lU:llU!lU:lS IC:)!sseP-O;)U JO S;)Ol;)q :lql OSIC ;)l;).M. S){;);)lD ;)IP ~ :llTI:);)S Ancnb;) SCM lO!l;)lU! :lql uo Ploq l!:lql ~cq~ uotsscrdun ;)q~ P:llC;)lJ pUC ~SCO:) ;)ql JO

6981-ZV81 'SAV1S tIH.L

CHAPTER IV

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

THE BULGARIAN EXARCHATE

IN 1870 an event of far-reaching importance occurred-the Turks established the autonomy of the Bulgarian Church by appointing a Bulgarian Exarch. The Bulgarian national revival had necessarily been 'Slower and later than that of the Serbs or Greeks. The fact that the Bulgarians were in closer physical proximity to Constantinople was one reason why they were not able to express themselves so freely. South of a line drawn from the Danube through Vidin, Nis and Prizren lay the real core of the Turkish Empire in Europe. In this area Turkish 'Settlement was closer than it was farther north. Here the Turkish begs were established in their ci}liki or large farms on which the Slav rajas laboured. In this region Turkish reaction to any separatist movement was strong and immediately effective. In Bulgaria and Macedonia, Turkish power was thus more firmly established than it was in the Serbian provinces farther north, or than it was in the Greek archipelago. For this reason the marginal zones of the Turkish Empire- Peloponnisos, Serbia, Wallachia-witnessed scenes of national revival, whilst the Bulgarians still lay inert under the weight of Turkish administrative tyranny. But in spite of greater opposition the Bulgarian national movement had been slowly progressing. The first work printed in the vernacular had appeared in 1824 and the first Bulgarian school had been founded in Gabrovo in 1835. In the 1840'S many schools were formed and Bulgarian literature blossomed forth, while the wealthier Bulgarians began to send their sons to be educated in Russia, Bohemia and France rather than in Constantinople as formerly. Bulgarians, who even until late in life had

58

I \

I

!

THE BULGARIAN EXARCHATE

59

written the Greek language, persisted in learning to write their own. It was the obstacle presented to such efforts of natural self-expression by the hierarchy of the Greek Church that finally brought the Bulgarians to the resolution of freeing their Church from the control of Phanar (the district in Constantinople where the Greek bishops were quartered).

After i840 the Bulgarian movement began to meet ever-stiffening ~pposition from the Greek Patriarch and the Greek prelates. Any national awakening on the part of the Bulgarians militated as much against the privileged spiritual position of the Greek Church in southeastern Europe, as it did against the temporal power of the Turk. The Greek clergy not unnaturally used all their enormous influence to restrain Bulgarian nationalism, in order to retain the monopoly of ecclesiastical offices which had been theirs since the abolition of both the Old Serbian Patriarchate of Pee and the former Bulgarian Patriarchate of Ohrid in the eighteenth century. Ecclesiasticalliberation was therefore the first step towards the development of Bulgarian nationalism and since 1854 the Bulgarians had been pressing for a restoration of. ecclesiastical independence. In 1860 they had even negotiated with Rome for the establishment of a Bulgarian Uniate Church which while preserving Orthodox ritual would have been Roman in allegiance. Between 1860 and 1870 Bulgarian opposition to the Greek clergy had precipitated open insurrection on more than one occasion. In 1862, " A series of scandals took place throughout the provinces. Churches were closed in order that the Greek liturgy might not be read therein. When the Greek bishops returned from their revenue-gathering progresses they found their palaces locked and were conducted beyond the city walls. If they entered a church to officiate, no Bulgarian priest would take part in the service: when they departed the floor was ostentatiously swept, as if to remove traces of impurity. In Sofia, when a new bishop was expected, men, women and children filled the palace and blocked it up, till, unarmed as they were, they had to be expelled by Turkish soldiers."! The sympathetic attitude of the Russians t~wards the Bulgarians and their

1 G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, op. cit.

;np U~ SAclS JO Sl;}qumu ;}21Cl ;}1;}M. ;}l;}q~ sm~ql;}S ;}q:) 0:) 2U~plO::ne : 2~SS;}1:)S SP;};}U rurod l;}q:)lllJ ;}uO . (1L. ;>2cd ;>;>S 'sICUO!:)cu :5[;>;>1!) 2~c;>ds-AcIS ';>'!) SJUoqaOJV3[nfI 10 SJUoqaollvlS JO ;>:lU;>:)S!X;> ;>q:) JO S!S;>q:)OdAq :5[;>;>1!) ;>q:) 0:) AHCnlU;>A;> P;>I q:llllqJ m!lC~InH M.;>U ;>q:) 0:) :5[;>;>1!) ;>q:) pll;>pld SACIS JO Sl;>qmnu ;>21CI :)cq:) :):lCJ =u ';>m!:) S!ql :)C

'I01:)UO:l :5[;>;>1!) mOlJ poredpueuro ;>q 0:) ;>l!S;>P :)OU P!P SUO!2;>1 ;>S;>ql JO SAcIS ;>ql :)cq:) :)s;>~2ns 0:) tnaos PInoM. ;>:lClq.L pUC C!uoP;>:lCW ul;>q:)nos to q:lnm l;>AO ;>:)Cq:llCX3: ;>q:) JO ss;>u:5[c;>M. ;>A!:)CPl =u. 'sdoqs!q Aq aou pm 'SlC:l!A Aq AluO p;>:)u;>s;>ld;>l ;>l;>l{:) SCM. ;>q ;>SDC:l;>q q:)nos ;>q:) lI! 2U01:)S OS aou ApU;>lCddc SCM. ;>:lu;>n1JU! s,q:llCX3: ;>q.L ·;>:lelq.L pUt: e~op;>:lcW '(8L.81 U! C!ql;>S 0:) PP;>:l ;>1;>M. q:l~M.) :lCAO:5[S;>'1 pUC ~!N 'U!P!A p;>pnpu! :)1' (VI '2!::I) deur s,m;>!;>'1 uo SUc!lc~lng:

JO UO!lnqp:)S!p ;>q:) 0:) Al;>:)cm!xOJddc P;>PUOdS;>llO:l ;>:)Cq:llCX3: ;>l{:) JO lU;>lX;> ;>Ip '(8161 pUC L.161 U! p;>lc;>ddc :5[10M. ;>soqM.) AOUt:AI f '1;>qdc120;>~ Ut:!lC~InH ;>q:) 0:) 2lI!P10:l:lV ·ZL.81 U! s:5[l11.L ;>ql Aq pdZ!llt:21O ;>l!:lS!q;>Id C JO :)Ins;>l C se P;>qS!IqclS;> ;>1;>M. Sl!mH sll 'lU;>lX;> A1ClI!P10CllX;> Sl! SCM. ;>lcq:l1CX3: ;>ql JO ;>llllC;>J lUt!:lg~~!S asour ;>q.L

'sUt!:5[lcH ;>q:) U! SAcIS ;>Ip JO S;>!U!lS;>P ;>ql ~uOI os 10J P;>H01:)UO:l APU!O! pcq q:l~M. 'sdoqsrq Y[;>;>l!) ;>ql puc uClInS ;>ql u;>;>M.Pq ;>JUt:!Ut: Aloqun lcql JO r= ;>q:) p;>:5[lCUl uopsmfinem SlI ';>SDt:J uC!lc2Ing: ;>q:) JO SlU;>l;>IIpc ICJ!lITod pUt: IClll!l!ds ;>JUO re ;>1;>M. Sl;>qUl;>Ul .SlI ';>Ju;>pu;>d;>pu! ICJPITod 10J ;>JcIndod ;>Ip credard oi pUC AlOl!ll;>l Ut:!Jc2Ing: U! Y[JOM. re uopcz~;>II;>q JO sS;>JOJd ;>ql :)cqmoJ 0:) ;>lJM. SJA!P;>!qO ]J!IP Sll ';>J10J ICJ!l!IOd C APU;>U!Ul;>-;>ld SCM. 'SUO!l!PC1l ICJn:){ll:l Ut:!lc2Ing: P;>U!C:)U!CUl pUt! mop;>;>JJ sno!2!pJ JOJ poo:)s l! lsnqM. 'c!Jc2InH JO IpJnqJ lUJpu;>d;>pu!-AIM.;>u ;>q.L ';>:mcJg~2!s Icnl!J!ds J1Jm JO SJ;>llCUl PPU;>JSUt:Jl U;>lJO IP!qM. ;>dol113: U1;>lSC;> JO Sl!C.BC AIPpOM. ;>Ip U! ared C PJAcId qJjnqJ ;>q.L 'SUo!punJ 1JSS;>I Sl~ JO ;>UO SCM. SUt:pc2{llH ;>ql uodn Slg;>U;>q lClll!l!ds JO ICM.Ols;>q ;>q.L 'UO!SS;>JUO:> ICJ!l!IOd ruearodtm Apsu;>mm! tre SCM. ;>lcqJJCX3: ;>ql JO UOpCJJJ =u

'1t:A!AJJ lCUO!lCU Ut:!Jc2Ing: ;>ql JO lU;>UldOI;>A;>P ;>Ip U! oseqd M.JU C p;>Y[Jcm ';>mp cures ;>ql re 'puc ;>:lu;>pUJd;>pu! ICJ!:)SC!s;>pJ;> P;>;>lUt:lt:n2 zL.81 puc 0L.81 U;>;>M.:);>q ;>:)cqJ1CX3: ucpc~lnH ;>Ip JO :)u;>mqsqqclS;> ;>ql puc '.M;>!A JO aurod Ut!!Jc2Ing: ;>ql JO 1ll0ACJ U! UO!SS;>JUOJ C ~U! -U!Clqo U! IClU;>UlllllSU! AUCUg SCM. ;>ldOll!lUClSUOJ U! ;>JUJn1JU! Ut!!ssnlI 'SdOIIS!q Y[;>;>l!) ;>ql JO llOJAOq uodo tre oa m;>lp p;>~ClllOJU;> S;>JUt:A;>!12

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8L.8 1 -oL.8 1 'S}l3:3:lI~ aNY SNVIlIV~1nll

09

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

Skopljc, Nis and Vidin areas who embraced the Bulgarian Church, not because they were Bulgarians, but because the new Church offered a respite from Graeco-Turkish oppression.

The significance of the establishment of the Exarchate was not lost upon the Great Powers of Europe, nor upon the Balkan national states already in existence. The Great Powers, of course, believed that the concession had been wrung from the Porte by Russian pressure. The Greeks and Serbians excitedly remarked that a Bulgarian colossus had been born overnight and that Bulgaria would undoubtedly become the paramount power in the Balkans, if the domain of the Bulgarian Exarchate was any indication of the ultimate political extent of Bulgaria. It was from this date that the Serbians began to have certain misgivings about their Bulgarian brethren and the Greeks felt cheated of their rightful legacy, the mantle of the Byzantine Empire, so boldly lifted from their shoulders by the upstart Slav. The unanimity of opinion on the Serbo-Bulgarian ethnographic frontier, so remarkable a feature of all the maps so far considered, was to be shattered by this new approach, with.its accent on the dissimilarities between the Slav groups, rather than on the qualities they had in common. The immediate effect of the creation of the Exarchate, however, was to emancipate the Bulgarians from Greek control.

THE CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE, 1876

In 1876 a Conference of the Great Powers took place at Constantinople with the objective of formulating a programme of reform in the Balkans and of forcing the Sultan to implement such reforms as he had already promised. The revolt of the Bosnians and Hercegovinians in 1875, and of the Bulgarians in 1876, had lifted the veil on the deplorable conditions still to be found in the Turkish Empire. The massacre of Bulgarians which followed the insurrection drew attention to their cause in the British Isles and invoked Gladstone's thunderous indictment. At the Conference, the universal dissatisfaction with Turkish maladministration was unquestioned. The problem was=-who was to replace the Turk in Europe? The Conference revealed a clash of ideas regarding the nature and extent of the new

THE CONFERENCE OF CONSTANTINOPLE

)

political formations necessary to supplant the Turk in his European domain.

Ethnographic maps were about to play an important role in the reassessment of the political situation. Major ethnic groupings were s~ggested at the Conference as a useful basis for the political reorganizanon of the Balkans. It would be wrong to imply, however, that any of the participants at the Conference were inspired by the principle of self-determination. Russia, at the time, was engaged in the systematic decimation of her nomadic minorities in the Ukraine ; Great Britain was adamant in her refusal to recognize Irish nationalism; whilst Germany had recently added tens of thousands of Frenchmen to her population. The suggested use of the ethno-political boundary was largely a Russian idea which, had it been utilized, would have resulted in Slav hegemony in the Balkans. . It was Ignatyev, the Russian Ambassador, who suggested the creation-"of an autonomous big Bulgaria stretching from Bourgas [ . . . ] toDedeagatch [. . .] then to the Lake of Ochrida [ . . . ] Albania [ . . . ] Nish [ . . . ] Vidin and the Danube."! He produced a map showing such a state based on his own ethnographic data, and its boundaries coincided roughly with the Bulgarian ethnographic frontier as drawn on Lejean's map and also with the limits of the Bulgarian Exarchate (Fig. 90). Petermann's Mittheiltmgen reported that St. J. Verkovic's ethnographic data was also made use of at the Conference. He was a Serb but his conclusions on ethnographic distribution favoured the Bulgarians in Macedonia. 2 This was incidentally a further indication that the Serbo-Bulgarian ethnographic quarrel had not then developed.

Great Britain and Austria, however, were opposed to the idea of a great Slav state. The prospect of a political Pan-slavonia stretching from Prague to Moscow was still a dreadful possibility to the Great Powers of peninsular Europe. The fact that Russia had played the leading role in promoting Bulgarian national consciousness was taken to mean that the new state would merely represent an enlarged sphere

1 M. D. Stojanovic, The Great Powers and the Balkans, 1875-1878 (Cambridge,

1939). .

2 "Statistis~?;~th~lOgrap?ische Daten des Sandschaks Seres, gesammelt von St.]. Verkovic, illitgetheilt von Fr. Bradaska, Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ed. 24 (Gotha, 1878).

II ';)~hm~ueI l!;)l{l lsol p1:l{ SA1:1S ;)l{l ';)S1::> ;)l{l S;)lU!l;)lUOS S1:.M S1: 'U;)l{.M AlI1:!:>;)ds;) 'l1:;)l~ U;);)q SA1:.MI1: p1:l{ 11n~ lU01J A1:1S lU;)ISOW ~u!l{S!n~U!lS!P JO AlIn:>gEP =u

. 'UO!lU!]!SS1:P l{s~lTI~ S!l{ U! sue!l1::3lng lU;)ISOW JO l;lqlUnu 1: p;lpnpU!

Alq1:qoJd ;l1{ :3U!OP os uI -deur ;ll{l uo 1:>1:q lUdl{l and AU1:1dlrr llddd!)l 'd:>ueuodlU! l!dlP pdl1:lU!lSdldpun AP1:;)l~ p1:l{ '9L81 uI AP1:d poonpord 'ddOlntr U! s11n~ ;ll{l JO UU1:lUldldd Aq deur 11:!:>dds V '1981 JO deur s,ued!;)l l{l!.M un~dq p1:l{ sue111:g ;)l{l U! S1111~ JO Sl;)qlU11U ;)IP SS;)SS1:

"-;Jl oa A:>U;JpU;Jl ;)l{~ 'S1;J;J10 ;)l{l JO ;JSU;JdXd ;Jl{l re d:>1:1l{~ U! S1lTI~ ;)IP P;)Z!S1:l{dlU;J-;Jl deur S!l{ 'S::>!lS!l1:lS l{S!11n~ JO ;JS11' S!l{ JO lInsdl 1: vv S?(JI1L JqL

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66

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

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> H. KIEPERT'S MAP, 1876

The Greeks.

If he reduced Hellenic territory in Thrace, he increased it considerably on his map in south-western Macedonia and Ipiros. He believed that the Greeks stretched as far north as Edhessa, or Vodena as the Slavs called it. This was the town which Miss Mackenzie had referred to in 1867 as "the Bulgarian City of the Waters." His jusritication for classifying the inhabitants of most of southern Ipiros as Greek rather than as Albanian, was that the process of hellenization had proceeded to such an extent amongst the Tosks of southern Albania, that in many cases it was impossible to distinguish Greeks from Albanians, particularly from those Albanians belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church. It is of interest to note that he produced a map of Ipiros later, in 1878 (Fig. 19).

The Slavs

The distribution of Slavs on Kiepert's map had been taken from Petermann's map of 1869 and so the Bulgarians were shown as inhabiting most of Macedonia but not so widely distributed as they had been on the maps ofLejean and Boue, No Serbs were shown south of the Sar mountains. Kiepert removed the Serb minority round Lake Ohrid which had been a feature of some of the earlier maps.

The Vlachs and till: Albanians

In Kiepert's view the Vlachs were so sparsely distributed throughout southern Macedonia as scarcely to justify recognition except in the Plndhos region, and he grouped the smaller enclaves with the Greeks. He believed that the . Albanian element in Ipiros had been overestimated in the past, but he still showed the Albanians in strong force in both western Macedonia and in Old Serbia.

Conclusion

Kiepert's map had a great vogue. His work was known to the Tsar who was very impressed by his scholarship, and to Bismarck who expressed himself thus:

La situation ethnographique de la Bulgarie, comme je le sais de source authentique et comme i1 resulte de la meilleure carte que no us

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70

BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

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PRO-GREEK MAPS, I877-8

71

The new ethnographic ideas had been instrumental in completely undermining their moral position.

E. Stanford's Map of I877

Under the circumstances the Greek reaction, so long delayed, was violent but unavailing. In 1877 three maps appeared in rapid succession disputing the validity of H. Kiepert's map and incorporating the Greek ideas of Balkan ethnography. Of these the best known was Stanford's map, derived from Greek sources and published both in Greek and in English (Fig. 16). On this map, the whole of the peninsula between the crest of the Balkans and the Aegean, including central and southern Albania, was coloured as Greek territory. The anonymous Greek author dismissed language as an unreliable criterion on which to base an ethnographic map. He maintained, however, that the Greek language was widely understood by all the peoples of the Balkans, that the Vlachs were Greek nationals, and that large numbers of the so-called Slavs were in fact Bulgorophone Greeks (i.e. Greek nationals who happened to speak Bulgarian}, Above all, the Balkans, he argued, were culturally, and historically an unalienable part of the Hellenic world. These views, elaborated and recast, formed the core later of the theses of C. Nicolaides in 1899, of N. Kasasis in 1903, of S. P. Phocas Cosmetatos and V. Colocotronis in 1919 and those of a host of other Greek scholars who continued to labour for the next fifty years in a desperate effort to revitalize the old idea, that the Balkans constituted an Hellenic province. 1

F. Bianconi's Map of I877

The second of the pro-Greek series to appear in 1877 was F. Bianconi's map. Bianconi -v;:as a Frenchman' who had been at one time the chief' engineer and architect of the Ottoman Railways. His map was based on Turkish statistics. Such statistics were derived from rough surveys

1 V. Colocotronis, La Macedoine et L'Hellenisme, 0p. cit., contains the following: " Mais il existe aussi dans certains districts Macedoniens de telles populations Slavophones, qui, en outre ont conserve une conscience nationale purement grec." C. Nicolaides, Makedonien (Berlin, 1899). S. P. Phocas Cosrnetatos, La Macedoine : son passe et son present (Lausanne, 1919). N. Kasasis, L'Hellenisl1le et la Macedoine (paris, 1903).

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of the Graeco-Turkish viewpoint. It was welcomed by the Greeks in 1877.1

Outside Great Britain the three pro-Greek maps had a very poor reception", The Slavonic character of the Balkan peninsula had been impressed upon the mind of Europe so thoroughly by the Lejean school, that any radical re-interpretation enjoyed no immediate vogue. Nevertheless, the Bulgarian ethnic hegemony had been challenged. The

« 150 MILES I

GERMAN

H. KIEPERT

1878

FIG. 18. H. KIEPERT'S ETHNOCRATIC MAP OF 1878

British welcomed the representation of the Greek claims, which lent some support to British foreign policy in the eastern Mediterranean.

H. Kieper!' s 'Ethnocratic Map of I878

The Greek case was strengthened by the appearance of another of Kiepert's maps ill 1878. This was not an ethnographic map, but it was based partly on ethnographic data (Fig. 18). The point that cultural

1 This map, although welcomed by the Greeks in 1877, was rejected by them in 1919. Colocotronis (op. cit.) went so far as to accuse Synvet of prejudice. He alleged that Synvet used as his base map, "La Bulgarie d'apres Ie Prince Tcherkasky," traced by a Bulgarian professor from diplomatic reports.

2 Karl Sax for example described Stanford's map as unworthy of consideration.

Mittlzeilungen Geographischcn GesellsclzaJt, Bd. XXI (Wien, 1878).

. K. SAX'S MAP, 1878

75

groups did not necessarily have common political aspirations, and that ethnographic frontiers were not suitable political boundaries was evidently appreciated by Kiepert. He therefore produced this new map, at the request of the Greeks, to offset the political significance which events had given to his ethnographic map of 1876 (see. p. 65). It was entitled Tableau ethnoaatique des Pays du Slid-Est de l' Europe. In the explanation accompanying the map Kiepert outlined the difficulties inherent in the production of an ethnographic map and he maintained that the use of such maps for drawing up political boundaries was a malpractice which no geographer ought to countenance. He therefore attempted to produce a composite map, embodying all the factors which he believed should be taken into account in the framing of political boundaries. His criteria included race, language, religion and historical associations; and he added the proviso that such boundaries should be drawn in accordance with the realities of physical geography. As a result of all these considerations Kiepert's ethnocratic map was very different from his ethnographic map. He depicted on the former the Balkan crest-line as a suitable northern boundary for an enlarged Greek state, which was also to include southern Macedonia and southern Albania. Bulgaria, he confined to the lands between the Danube and

. the Balkan range but including northern Macedonia, the Dobrudja and the Nis district. Serbia he extended to include Bosnia, Hercegovina and Montenegro and he made allowance for an independent Albania which incorporated Old Serbia. Later, in 1919, V. Coloctronis claimed that Kiepert's later map invalidated his earlier one, but the two were meant of course to be complementary." C. Nicolaides in 1899 went so far as to base his ethllographic map on Kiepert's ethnocratic map (see p. 122).

The Greeks and the British were not alone in the campaign, which aimed at destroying the idea of Slav supremacy in the Balkans. Austria 1 V. Colocotronis, op. cit. (p. 484), states: "Or, ce meme H. Kiepert lorsqu'il fut charge d' Athenesde publier une nouvelle carte ethnographique de Balkans . n'hesita pas un instant a designer comme frontiere de Hellenisme lacrere meme de I'Hemus. Decidement Kiepert ne voulait mecontenter personne."

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the valleys of the Vardar and Struma, arid in the regions intervening. The zone bounded by Skoplje, Veles, Dojran, Serrai, Melnik and the Osogovska mountains, he depicted as half-Turkish.

The Greeks

He was kinder to the Greeks than Kiepert and he showed strong Greek minorities extending as far north as Bitolj, Devdelija on the Vardar, Melnik and the Rodopi mountains; in addition, he showed a strong Greek minority in the valley of the Maritsa as far north as Edirne. The Greeks he pictured in Thrace, -as at least equal in importance to the Turks and Bulgarians.

The Slavs

The Slav groupings on Sax's map were neither so simple nor so widespread as they had been on previous maps. He distinguished not two, but nine branches of the Slavs in Turkey-in-Europe. They included the following 'national groups': Greek Orthodox Serbs, Catholic Serbo-Croats, Moslem Serbo-Croats, Serb o-B ulgarians (a mixed group), Exarchate Bulgarians, Hellenized Bulgarians of Greek Orthodox faith, Uniate Bulgarians (a very small group), Catholic Bulgarians (likewise a small group) and fmally Pomaks or Moslem Bulgarians.' In this manner he endeavoured to annihilate the idea of both Serbo-Croat and of Bulgarian solidarity. How well he did so may be appreciated merely by a glance at his map. The Serbs proper, for example, he depicted as extending south to Novi Pazar and Pristina with very small minorities around Pee and Prizren. South of the Ibar and west of the Lin rivers, the Serbs gave way to Moslem SerboCroats. Thus the all-important Novi Pazar corridor between Montenegro and Albania on the south-west, and Serbia on the north-east, he

1 (1) Serbischc Stamme, griech-orthodoxer Religion (Serbel~, Cernag?r~en, herzegovinische und bosnischc Serben). (2) Serbokroaten, Katholischer Religion, oder bosnische und herzegovinische Lateiner. (3) Serbo-Kroatcn moha~medanischer Religion oder bosnische Turken. (4) Serbo-Bulgaren oder nut Serben v:ermischte Bulgaren griechisch-orthodoxer Religion. (5) Bulgaren griechisch-orthodoxer Religion der schismatisch-bulgarischen Kirche. (6) Graeco-Bulgaren oder halb hellenisirte Bulgaren der griechis~h-orthod.oxer Kirche. (7) Griechisch-Katholische oder unirte Bulgaren. (8) Latein Kathohsche Bulgaren, (9) Pomaken.

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K. SAX'S MAP, 1878

79

represented to be populated by Slavs of a nationality alien to that of the Serbs. A significant innovation was the portrayal of the region immediately north ofNis as Serbo-Bulgarian.1 He did not quarrel with the basic distribution of Bulgarians as represented on Kieperr's map. In . fact, he showed them to be more numerous in Thrace than had hitherto been accepted, except by Mirkovic on his Russian map. Bulgarians, he marked as far west as Nis, Leskovac, Vranje, the Sar mountains and the Drin valley and as far south as Florina, Konia, Veroia, Salonika, Serrai and Drama. But he robbed the Bulgarians of their former dearcut majority in Macedonia by the recognition of numerous minorities, not only Turk, Albanian and Greek, but also Pomak, which Sax did not regard to be of Bulgarian nationality. The Pomaks he marked in the upper Struma valley, in the Edhessa district and in the whole of the Mesta valley eastwards as far as Komotini,

The Vlachs

Sax took care to distinguish the Vlachs from the Greeks. He not only marked them in the Pindhos but also in eastern Thessalia in the valleys of the Semen and Devoll of southern Albania, in south-western Macedonia around Kastoria and Florina, and west of Bitolj.

The Albanians

Sax divided the Albanians into their religious groups. The Moslem Albanians, however, he indicated as the predominant group, extending from Lake Shkodrs (Skadar) to as far east as the Morava river in the vicinity of Prokuplje; he believed they formed the majority of the inhabitants of Old Serbia. He also indicated Moslem Albanians as a minority in western Macedonia, as far east as Skoplje, Prilep and Bitolj. South of the Shkumbin river, he indicated them as a minority in Northern Ipiros, particularly in the coastal region of the Kerkira Channel, and also in the Konitsa and Kastoria areas. He also separately distinguished Greek Orthodox Albanians south of the Shkumbin river. They formed a compact group only in the Libohove district; elsewhere, they were found in conjunction with the Moslem Albanians. His separate recognition of Greek Orthodox Albanians was a useful

1 Shown as Bulgarian on most contemporary maps.

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BULGARIANS AND GREEKS, 1870-1878

of European ethnography, incorporated Sax's map into his wellknown work of reference, The Races of Europe, published in 1900.

THE MAP OF NIC. DENSUSIANU AND F. DAME, 1877

It is necessary to point out here that even in 1877 ethnic controversy was not limited to a discussion of the relative merits of Bulgarian and Greek claims in Macedonia. The existence of a Romanian speaking element in the population of various parts of Macedonia, Ipiros, southern Albania and Thessalia had, by that time, excited the close attention of the Romanians proper who had already achieved a measure of independence north of the Danube. However remote the relationship between the 'Macedo-Roumains' and themselves might be, they discerned it was real enough to be turned to advantage. Historical research even then had revealed the important role played by the Vlachs or Blachi in the political life of mediaeval Macedonia. By recalling the past and by drawing attention to the presence of the Vlachs in the south-western Balkans, interested Romanians sought to establish a case for political recognition of the Vlachs which might take the form of the revival of Great Wallachia or 'Megalo-Vlachie' as Densusianu called his proposed Vlach state. In the campaign for the emancipation of the Vlachs the education of public opinion concerning their history, culture and distribution was a primary necessity. The book on the 'Macedo-Roumains' written by N. Densusianu and F. Dame was dedicated to this end. The map it included was based on sources which gave emphasis to the distribution of the Vlachs; the works of F. C. L. H. Pouqueville, M. E. Picot, J. Thunmann and W. M. Leake were the most important of these." The method used was to colour the map according, it would seem, to descriptions afforded by these authors. The results were interesting (Fig. 2I).

The TIlTh

Not much Turkish territory was shown on this map. Apart from some districts in the Rodopi mountains the Turks were confined to the

1 The titles were respectively: Voyage ell Grece (Paris, 1826). Les Rouinains de Macedoine (Paris, 1875). Untersuchungen iiber die Ceschichte dcr ostlichcn europdischen Volker (Leipzig, 1774). Travels in northern Greece (London, 1835).

DENSUSIANU AND DAME, 1877

area immediately north of Lakes Kor6nia and V olvi, stretching thence along the coast to Kavalla.

The Greeks

The Greeks were given a very meagre distribution in complete contrast to that favoured by Greek cartographers and much less than that suggested by G. Lejean and H. Kiepert. Only a small portion of

o Greeks ?

• Albanians D Slavs E2l Vlachs • Turks

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N. DENSUSIANU 1877

FIG. 21

Macedonia proper was shown as Greek and the Greeks were even excluded from the greater part of ThessaIia.

The Slavs

The interesting classification adopted by N. Densusianu and F.

Dame did not distinguish between Serbs and Bulgarians. All the Slavs were shown in one colour in complete contrast to Sax's map, an indication of the fact that at this time, at least in the Romanian view, the distinction between Bulgarians and Serbs was not important. Bulgaria, of course, had not yet been established as an independent

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THE TREATIES OF SAN STEFANO AND BERLIN

was to have far-reaching repercussions. In order to pacify Britain, he left Thessalia and Khalkidhiki in Turkish hands, a move which, in practice, left those territories open to Greek penetration. Thrace was also left to the Turks-c-a proof, which the Tsar hoped would be accepted, that the Russians had no designs on Constantinople.

Apart fr0111 these concessions, the main provision of the Treaty was the creation of an independent 'Greater Bulgaria' similar in extent to that suggested by Ignatyev in 1876 (Fig. 22). The creation of a Greater Bulgaria was, from the Russian point of view, a step in the right direction. Even if, as a temporary measure, many Serbo-Croats had to be thrown to the Austrian wolves, Russia had achieved her immediate objective-a Slav corridor into the heart of the Balkans. From another point of view, it invested Bulgaria with mythical frontiers to which the Bulgarians have continued to cling right down to the present day. The boundaries of the proposed Greater Bulgaria coincided closely with the ethnographic frontier laid down for the Bulgarians by H. Kiepert. They included some Albanians in the west and some Greeks in the south-west. On the other hand, many Bulgarians were left in Turkish Thrace and others were sacrificed to Serbia in the Nis salient.

Austrian and British Proposals for Revision

The Treaty of San Stefano was never enforced. Both Great Britain and Austria protested and threatened war unless new terms were reached which would be acceptable to all parties concerned. From an examination of Andrassy's proposals for a revision of the provisions of San Stefano, the real cause of friction between Austria and Russia may be deduced. His main proposals were: (I) that Austria should occupy Bosnia and Hercegovina as well as the territory between Serbia and Montenegro, after informing the Porte; (2) that the boundary of Montenegro should follow the line of the Konito, as far as the junction of the rivers Pipa and Tara, then to Belapolje (Bijelo Polje), crossing the river Lem (Lim) near Berani [Berane) and then to the Lake ofScutari. Austria was to annex the territory between the river Bojano, the lake and the sea. Montenegro would be guaranteed the liberty of navigation on both river and lake; (3) that Serbia should receive no aggrandizement

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only be gained at the expense of what was then believed to be Albanian and Bulgarian territory. Serbia's interest in the southern Balkans dated from this period. The Greeks, too, were disillusioned for in the end Beaconsfield had put his faith in Turkey rather than in Greece. Bulgaria gained independence only to have many Bulgarians left outside the boundaries of the new state. Nevertheless the constitution of an independent Bulgaria did mean that, with the exception of Albania, all the major ethnic groups of the Balkans had received some form of territorial recognition by 1878. From their several nuclei they now looked forward to expansion into those regions still remaining to the Turk. If they were prevented by the force or persuasion of the Great Powers, or by the vestiges of power still left to the Sultan himself, from extending their political boundaries, they found themselves free in the interim, at least to establish their moral claims to specific territories and to build up spheres of influence; and of all the territories left to the Turk, none was desired so earnestly by so many powers, great and small, as Macedonia. And how might the smaller powers better establish their moral rights than through the medium of the ethnographic map? The Treaty of Berlin had neatly delimited the areas where ethnographic speculation might continue and Sax had ably demonstrated that nowhere in these areas was the ethnographic issue so much in doubt as in Macedonia, and that it was possible to evolve new ethnographic mosaics by the adoption of fresh criteria.

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THE SERBS, 1868-1891

Bulgarian nationalistic sokols (athletic clubs). Even the British at this time were inclined to favour a strong Bulgaria " which might screen the sick man (Turkey) from the fury of the northern blast." Everything in 1885 pointed to the fact that Bulgaria was destined to play a leading role in the future political geography of the Balkan peninsula.

The Alistro-Serbian Secret Treaty of I88I

Meanwhile Serbia had watched the expansion of both Bulgaria and Greece, which had acquired Thessalia in 1881, with some alarm, for the Serbians even before 1885 had begun to covet the Macedonian territory of Turkey and it soon became evident that the interests not only of Austria, Greece and Bulgaria respectively, but of Serbia also, converged in Macedonia. The date when the Serbians first began to take an active, as apart from a friendly interest, in the Vardar valley may be fixed as the year 1881-the date of the secret treaty between Austria and Serbia, whereby Serbia renounced her claims in Bosnia, Hercegovina and Novi Pazar. Article II of that treaty read as follows:

Serbia will not tolerate political, religious, or other intrigues, which, taking her territory as a point of departure, might be directed against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, including therein Bosnia, Hercegovina, and the Sanjak of Novi Pazar.

Austria-Hungary assumes the same obligation with regard to Serbia and her dynasty, the maintenance and strengthening of which she will support with all her influence.!

Under the terms of the Treaty of Berlin (1878) Austria had taken over the administration of Bosnia and Hercegovina and had been allowed to garrison the Novi Pazar corridor. The strengthening of AustroHungarian influence in these areas put an end, for the time being, to any possibility of a union of the Serbo-Croats, and Serbian expansion was canalized from a westerly into a southerly direction. Article VII of the secret treaty made this clear:

If, as a result of a combination of circumstances whose development is not to be foreseen at present, Serbia were in a position to make

1 Dr. Alfred Francis Pribram, The Secret Treaties of Austria-Hunqarv, 1879-1914, Vol. I, Translation (Cambridge, 1920).

THE SERBO:-BULGARIAN SCHISM

95

territorial acquisitions in the direction of her southern frontiers (with the exception of the Sanjak of Novi-Pazar), Austria-Hungary will not oppose herself thereto, and will use her influence with the other powers for the purpose of winning them over "to an attitude favourable to Serbia.'

When this Treaty of 1881 was prolonged in 1889, the following additional article was incorporated into the Prolongation:

If the circumstances foreseen by Article VII of the Treaty of June 23, 1881, should chance to occur while this treaty remains in force and while Serbia has faithfully observed its stipulations, it is understood that Austria-Hungary will, recognize, and support with other Powers, the recognition in favour of the Kingdom of Serbia of the territorial extension foreseen by Article VII above-mentioned, which extension may be carried out in the direction of the valley of the Vardar as far as circumstances will permit."

The provisions of the secret treaty outlined above played an important part in encouraging Serbian aspirations in Macedonia and in p~omoting disagreement between Serbia and the newly-formed Bulganan state.

The Serbo-Bulgarian War of I88S

The freshly directed Serbian territorial interests were bound to bring Serbia into conflict with Bulgaria. But even before 1881 the relations between the two principal Slav groups of the Balkans had taken a turn for the worse. In spite of C. Delamarre's warning about the fallacy of Pan-slavism, the Serbs and the Bulgarians had remained bound closely together until 1878, in the belief that they were racially and culturally brothers and the fellow-feeling between them had been sustained by Russian propaganda. The formation of the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870 had presaged the formation of a' Greater Bulgaria' but even then the Serbians had not been prepared to challenge that possibility. Nothing had illustrated the solidarity of the Serbo- Bulgarian accord better than the humiliation of M. S. Milojevic in 1873. But in 1878 the Serbians had been alarmed by the Treaty of San Stefano, in spite of the fact that they had gained some territory. Until that time they had felt themselves to be the real nucleus of Slavdom in the

l Ibid. (p. 55). 2 Ibid. (p. 137).

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1681-8981 'saaas 3:H1.

THE SERBS, I868-I89I

used up to that time. As Sax did, he made an attempt to indicate religious differences, and hemtroduced a useful method of showing the ethnographic character of the larger towns (where the population was always mixed) by means of symbols. Altogether, he distinguished no less than twelve groups in Old Serbia and Macedonia=-Christian Serbs, Moslem Serbs, Christian Bulgarians, Moslem Bulgarians; Albanians, Christian Albanians of Serb extraction, Moslem Albanians' of Serb extraction, Turks (including Tatars andCircassians), Greeks, Vlachs, Gypsies and Jews.

FIG. 24

The references in the key are as follows: 1. Christian and Moslem Serbs flatter differentiated by an S) ; 2. Albanians including Christians and Moslems of Serb descent; 3. Moslem Bulgarians (Pomaks); 4. Vlachs; 5. Greeks;

6. Christian Bulgarians; 7. Turks and Tatars. .

In the original, ethnographic elements in the towns are indicated by symbols.

The territorial growth of Greece and Bulgaria between I878 and 1886 had considerably limited Turkish territory in Europe. After I886 ethnographers were no longer interested in producing maps ot the whole of the Balkans but concentrated mainly on the part still remaining to the Turk; it was into this territory that Austria, Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece hoped to expand. Turkish possessions in r886 officially included Bosnia, Hercegovina and Novi Pazar, butas these regions were administered or garrisoned by Austria, and as Serbia had renounced her interests in them, they were usually precluded from

S.GOPCEVIC'S MAP, 1889

99

the ethnographer's field of investigation until a later date. Research therefore was centred in the remaining Turkish territory-Albania, Old Serbia, Macedonia rand Thrace. Gopcevic limited his map' exclusively to Old Serbia and Macedonia, and he made an attempt to define the boundary between the two. It may be seen from Figs. rand 2 that his definition of Macedonia was very limited. According to his interpretation, its northern frontier lay south of Bitolj and Strumica and the middle Vardar valley was part of Old Serbia. This was a radical departure from the more limited concept of Old Serbia favoured by Miss Mackenzie and Miss Irby in 1867, and even from the Serbian interpretation of I878 (Fig. 89). In fact, before r878 nearly all scholars had set the northern boundary of 'Turkish' Macedonia on the Sar mountains and the' Kara Dag' (Crna hills).

The Turks

Gopcevic depicted the distributionofthe Turks in more detail than anyone had hitherto done. He showed them in all the main towns, in the Koniar district between Lake Vegorritis (Ostrovon) and the Aliikmon river, in the Vardar valley,in the Lake Dojran depression and in the region between the lower valleys of the Mesta and Vardar rivers.

The Greeks

Gopcevic did not agree that the Greeks were as widespread in southern Macedonia as Sax had represented them to be inI877. He believed that even Kiepert had shown too many Greeks. He drew their linguistic frontier from thePindhos mountains along a line north of Siitista to the upper Aliikmon river and thence to Veroia and the delta of the Vardar. Elsewhere in Macedonia he portrayed them as a rural population-in Khalkidhiki and around Lake Akhinou. Serrai, Kastoria and Edhessa were situated according to his map in Serb country.

The Slavs

Gopcevic was responsible for giving academic support to the novel idea that the whole of Old Serbia and most of Macedonia were inhabited by Serbs, or to put it in another way, that all the Slavs in

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THE SERBS, 1868-1891

Until the appearance of Gopcevic's map, the controversy over the political affinity of the Christian population in Macedonia had involved only the Bulgarians, the Greeks and to a lesser extent the Romanians. Copccvic succeeded in introducing yet another element-the Serbs.

. Nobody before 1885, except fora few discredited Serbian chauvinists, such as M. S. Milojevic, had believed that the Serbs were really an important minority south of the Sar mountains. Boue and Lejean had

Population of Old Serbia and Macedonia after GOPGevi!

I 1 ,
Major Groups Totals Iucludcd Minorities
S~rbs · . · . ··1 1,830,100 418,500 Moslems
Turks · . · . ··1 269,000 6,200 Circassians
1,000 Tartars
Albanians · . .. 1 189,250 138,I50 Moslems
!
Bulgarians · . . ·1 176,200 104,000 Pomaks ,
Greeks · . · . ··1 17I,200 4,000 Moslems
Vlachs .. · . .. 100,600 7,600 Moslems
Jews · . · . .. I 72,000 5,000 Moslems
Gypsies .. ··1 34,000 -
Others .. .. ··1 6,000 - shown a few small exclaves in a sea of Bulgarians. Kiepert had shown no Serbs in Macedonia at all. Gopcevic admitted that he had himself been convinced, earlier in his career, that the Serbs could be guilty only of gross chauvinism in laying claim to Macedonia and he had even expressed such an opinion in writing before he embarked on his Macedonian travels.

His map immediately arouseda storm of criticism. A. Nehring in , Petermann' s Mittheilungen condemned the. obvious political flavour of

N. s. ZARYANKO'S MAP, ·1890

103

the map and the reviewer in Deutsche Rundschat: was even more outspoken in his disapproval:

This large and very clearly drawn map surprised us, not so much on account of its repudiation of all the well-known ethnographic maps of this region, as by its extremely detailed presentation of an uncommonly complicated ethnographic situation. When it is known by what devious ways Czoernig or Le Monier arrived at an tmderstanding of the ethnographic map of Austria-Hungary, it might be concluded, that a short and hurried journey could not possibly provide the material for such a map.! Gopcevic's methods are those of a dilettante rather than a professional ethnographer. 2

These two shots, chosen at random from the barrage of criticism directed at Gopcevic's work, indicated that the academic circles of Europe were not ready to accept the Serbian thesis at this stage. It is a firm axiom of the propagandist, however, that an initial failure may be turned into an ultimate success by the simple process of reiteration. Gopcevic at least provided the Serbs with their initial failure. Many Serbian ethnographers were to follow in his footsteps, although perhaps they displayed more caution in the presentation of Serbian claims. In time, their insistence on the presence of Serbs in Macedonia wore down the opposition and paved the way for Serbian political expansion southwards. To this extent Gopcevic might well be called the father of Serbian political ethnography.

N. S. ZARYANKO'S MAP OF 1890 The Nil-Lesleovac Region

The Serbians, although not initially successful in establishing their major claims, did exert some influence on European thought. An interesting example of their influence is to be found in the two editions of a Russian ethnographic map compiled by N. S. Zaryanko and published by V. V. Komarov in St. Petersburg in 1890. The first

1 Czoernig, op. cit. F. Le Monier, Sprachenlearte VOII ostetreichisch-nnoarischcn Monarchic (Wien, I888).

2 Literatur-Berichte, Nr. 2464 in Petermann's Mittheilungen. Deutsche Rundschau Iiir Geographic IIl1d Statistik, XII (I890). K. Oestreich also severely criticized Gopcevic's distributions in " Die Bevolkerung von Makedonien," Geographische Zeitschrijt, XI (Leipzig, I905).

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THE. SERBS, 1868-1891 .

recalcitrance of adolescence. It was possible to read into the concession made in favour of the Serbs, nothing more than the Tsar's earnest desire to reconcile his allies in the western Balkans. So the Serbians pressed on with their research, eager to establish their case to the satisfaction of the rest of Europe.

SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL 1891

o Serbs _ Albanians

Ea Vlachs uGreeks B Bulgarians _ Turks

SOMiles

FIG. 26

THE SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL MAP OF 1891

A Serbian ethnographic map was produced in 1891. by the scholars of the High School at Belgrade (Fig. 26).1 This map was printed in both Serbian and French and was designed therefore for western

1 It was reproduced also in 1903, edited by Prof. M. Andonovic (Antonovitch).

I

THE SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL MAP, 1891

European circulation. The anonymous authors of the map marked Old Serbia as extending from Novi Pazar to Prilep. Macedonia was given a narrow interpretation, being limited to the area south of . Bitolj and Strumica.

The Turks

On this map, only the Konariote Turks were marked as a solid Turkish minority. Elsewhere, the Turks were depicted as a mixed population living principally in the hill country between the lower Struma and the lower Vardar valleys, in the lower Mesta valley, and in the region around the headwaters of the Arda river.

The Greeks

In eastern Macedonia the Greeks were given a more extensive distribution than on Gopcevic's map, the Greek ethnographic frontier being placed on the peaks of the central Rodopi. Thus the Greeks gained at the expense of the Bulgarians. Where the Greeks had a common boundary with the Serbs, however, the ethnographic frontier was depicted as on S. Gopcevic's map.

The Slavs

The Serbian authors of this map made even more striking claims for the Serbs than did Gopcevic, Their map showed an enormous extent of Serbs over the whole of the western Balkans, from Shkodcr down the Drin valley to K6nitsa in the west, to Kastoria, Veroia, Salonika and Drama in the south, and in the east, as far as a line through Drama, north to the Danube, including Sofia. There were no important minorities within their alleged Serbian territory, except for a few Albanians in the Drin valley and some Bulgarians in the valleys of the Mesta and Isker (Eskeje). Although it might be inferred from the legend that folklore and language had been taken into account in arriving at the limits of the Serbs, it is obvious that the distribution was based largely on historical criteria. In 1878, Spruner-Mencke's newly revised historical atlas 1 had incorporated a small map of the mediaeval Serbian empire of Dusan, an indication of the influence

1 Spruner-Mendee's Hand-Atlas fiir die Geschichte des Mittclalters und der neuen Zeit (Gotha, 1871-8).

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THE SERBS, I868-1891

The above quotation illustrates the bewilderment which changes in ethnographic ideas were producing at this time, even on those members. of the British public with a fair knowledge of the Balkans. There was certainly no suggestion that the Serbian view of Macedonian ethnography was accepted. There was in fact a tendency to ridicule their claims. The entry of the Serbians into the Macedonian arena resulted in a general intensification of Bulgarian and Greek propaganda in the Turkish provinces. The fate of Old Serbia and Macedonia had now' become a crucial issue. The Bulgarians realized that they could not rest on their laurels, and that something more than G. Lejean's map was necessary to sustain their claims. The hostility of Serbia, and the possibility that the Serbians and Greeks might come to terms 011 spheres of influence in Macedonia, had placed Bulgaria's former secure

. position in Macedonia in jeopardy. The Greeks perceived that the Serbo-Bulgarian schism might be utilized to the advantage of the Hellenic cause, and they welcomed the opportunity of increasing the discomfiture of the Bulgarians in Macedonia by any means in their power, even by a rapprochement with Serbia. The flames of dissension were fanned by constant rumours of an impending Turkish collapse. Discontent with the Sultan's rule had become widespread even in Turkey proper. Turkish activities in Europe were restricted by guerilla operations to such an extent that the Turks had control only of main routes and big towns. In the capitals of Europe there were whispers of international action which would end once and for all Turkish rule in south-eastern Europe.

It was hardly surprising, therefore, that the interested parties redoubled their efforts to promote their respective national causes in the Macedonian theatre. The priest and the bishop, the schoolteacher, the scholar and the brigand, all played their part in the struggle which now ensued. The battle was joined with all the fervour of a religious crusade and with all the ferocity of a blood feud. For the next thirty years in Macedonia the bandolier and the rifle were more often in a man's hand than the tools of his trade or the handles of his plough. Henceforth the ethnographic map assumed a much more complex character. Not only were ideas changing due to a re-examination of criteria but enforced proselytism, the persecution of minorities,

I

THE SERBIAN HIGH SCHOOL MAP, 1891

III

abductions and educational coercion also began to have their effects in the modifying of ethnographic distributions. Greeks, Bulgarians, Romanians and Serbians did all in their power to strengthen their own respective elements and to weaken those of their rivals. The Great Powers, including Turkey itself, were not averse to exploiting the situation to their own respective advantages. Macedonia had become the problem area of Europe: The solution of the enigmatic character of the political affinity of its population constituted a challenge alike to the inventiveness of politicians and to the resources of scholarship. Interested and disinterested persons, scholars, diplomats and journalists, found increasing difficulty in resisting attempts at fresh interpretations of the ethnography of Macedonia.

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