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art - critique - capital

By Suhail Malik

The vibrancy of emerging art and the artist-culture in London in recent years can be attributed in large extent to:

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i ) The entrepreneurialism of the artists and curators in setting up a counterscene to that of the established art-circuit;

ii ) The insurgence of its cultural activity in poorer urban areas in London around the east and south east of the city's inner ring;

iii} The relatively small volume of money circulating around new contemporary art in Britain" attended by: a diminishing otfinancial expectations in the production and exhibition of such art, and a relief from the pressures of a flnancellv-leo determination of what constitutes success;

tv) A proliferation and embrace of differentiated and diverse practices and modes of exhibition that are closer to the contemporary urban life and desires of its producers and audience-constituency, independent of both the stratum of commercially or institutionally supported art and also the alienated processes of the waqe-labour relationship that constitute capitalism in Marxist theory;

v ) A fair amount of alcohol consumption.

Just as punk-rock blew apart tile requirement of nlu~icallrajning or expertise for making proper music. the DIY attitude of emerging London artists have generated an equivalent energy and dynamism for visual production: an intensification of visual culture which extends not only to the more professionaHsed and moneyed end of the artworld but also into graphics~ fashion. music, advertising and publishing amongst other kinds of visual and critical activity, With local variations, such conditions tend to hold for similar scenes in metropolitan areas internationaUy .

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To greater or lesser extents the world and culture of emerging artists has shifted the experience of the city and visual production. It does so not just for those directly involved in it, but also in more or less transforming not just what the city is but also the sense of what it could be, for everyone. As such, there is a democratising aspect of artist-culture, in particular for those involved in it and, in its overall effects more generaUy too. At leastr such a culture proposes and instigates a transformative effect: a transformation that is in part a critique of dominant social and cultural organisations rthe rnalnstreem'l, not the least of whose declared targets is of course capitalism. This paper examines in turn the relation of current dispositions of capitalist accumulation to: artist-culture, critical art, and critique.

Caution needs to be taken immediately in assesslno this relation. For, if capital is primarily a system of production and circulation of wealth or, in Marxist theory, of the organisation of labour and the re-investment of wealth back into that system in order to accumulate yet greater profits, then it is not capital or capitalism as such that is directly addressed by the production and socialities of artist-culture, since for the most part they play only a negligible role in such wealth and its {rejgeneratton. Vvhat is critically addressed by artlst-cuttureis

instead what, following Max Wefier~~the·French· SOCiolo~·!~I~2~9·f~~·~.~ki-~nd

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Eve Chiapello ca 11 the 'spirit of capita llsrn' (1): not .. caplta I or.caoltalism as such but

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the justification or legitimating ideolog,;r for that process of accumulation.

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The $pirit of capitalism ls: .. ,1, .. -

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the set of beliefs associated with the capitalist order that helps to justify this order and, by legitimating thom, to sustain the forms of action and predispositions

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(J('fl1/>IJtible with it These justiticetions, whether general or practical, local or 01(1)8/, expressed in terms of virtue or justice; support the performance of more or Inss unpleasant tasks and, more generall~ adhesion to a lifestyle conducive to tlHl capitalist order; (2)

Tho primary point here is that since capitalism is only a process of wealth liOOumuJation and reinvestment the social and moral justifications that can be fl,t I~tererl for capitalism are not intrinsic to it but lie elsewhere. {3} The question hi then: how capitalism comes to be socially and morally sanctioned when it cannot establish these grounds in itself? Boltanski and Chiapello's thesis is tltralghtforward: to provide the social-moral justifications for the aspirations of ihose who are integral to capitalism yet are not 'its privileged beneficlaries'. (4) And especially at times of economic or social-moral restructuring, capitalism 'needs its enemies. people whom it outrages and who are opposed to it, to find tho moral support it lacks and to incorporate mechanisms of justice whose relevance it would otherwise have no reason to acknowledqe', (5) One recent 6)(8mpie of this is the incorporation of environmental concerns into core industries, The spirit of capitalism is a 'critical fulcrum' in capitalism: even as it Justifies various modes of capitalism and their restructurinq, it also makes it 'possible to condemn the discrepancy between the concrete forms of scournulaton and normative conceptions of the social order. {6} Equally, the de-leqltimisation of certain kinds of accumulation require capitalism to undertake what Boltsnskl and Chiapello call 'dlsplacernents' (7) of its processes of accumulation and profiteering. Such displacements may be 'local, small-scale, virtually invisible, multiple' (8) and so on, but nonetheless serve to lean ittowards more pertinent models of social and personal justice that arise from its critiques, In this way, the spirit of capitalism also constrains capitaHsm.

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Historlcellv, there have been several such 'spirits'. Weber identified Protestantism 8S a condition for the emergence and social acceptability of early capltallern in its affirmation of earthly accumulation gained through labour. (9) Boltanski and ChiapeUo identify two historical spirits of capitalism, each accompanying 8 systemic change in the process of accumulation. The first is that of the bourgeois lndlvldual who drove the expansion of industrial capitalism in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. The bourgeois compensates for the uprooting from mainly ruraf forms of fife of the then new Industrial labourers by placing emphasis on paternalism towards family and employees, personal entrepreneuriallsm, transmission of wealth through lnherltance, rejection of the extra-ordinary, and so on. (10) Such a spirit is given figure perhaps best by Dickens. The second spirit of capitalism identified by Boltanski and Chiapello is allied with the transformation from industrial modes of production to commercial or bureaucratic-administrative modes of weatth generation in the mid-twentleth century. The central figure here is the manager or technocrat: accumulation now takes place predominantly not by private or individual entrepreneuriallsm but by larger, impersonal and decentralised company activities. The justification for such work and the profits to be attained from it are to be found in characteristics such as, 'opportunltles .4 t for changing the world'

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through the extended power of the organisation, the "liberation from need' and the 'fulfilment of desires thanks to mass production and its corollary: mass consumption'. (11) Jacques Tati effectiveJy figures by parody the ambitions and administered dymanism of this second spirit.

It Is within these general theoretical and historical considerations of the relation

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between capitalism and its critiques, of the spirit of capitalism as the relation and

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dynamic of the critiques of capitalism becoming its justification and constraint

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that the criticaHty of artist-culture ls to be positioned, As advocated by Baudelaire

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and Marcuse amongst many others, artist-culture as we currently have it is opposed to both bourgeois and bureaucratic-managerial modalities of work,

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accumulation and their respective spirits. The demand here also shapes what we

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(often implicitly) demand for the criticality of art practices, to which we return in

a moment With Boltanski and ChiapeUo the critique of capitalism stems from four sources of 'indlqnation', that capitalism is the source of: disenchanted and

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inauthentic existence at aU levels; oppression. of social or persona' freedom,

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creatlvltv and autonomy because of_ the impersonal ,f9.~9~ of overwhelming

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market power and alienated or disciplined labour; poverty and socialand

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economic tnequalltv: aridthe privileqinq private interests over public concerns

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a~9._~91~_g~~~I!Y, .. ~~g?~.~~~ ~~~. opportu n ism, (12) The feeling of indignation at these

consequences ~f~pitalism gives rise to reflex1";e--and-theO"risedacco~~t;r;~d-

c on"d'Em,n"at ions of it. Th~rk has a particular privilege in this since it asserts

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both reflective and affective dimensions of this indignation simultaneously lt is

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however 'virtually impossible to combine these (four) different grounds for

indignation and integrate them into a coherent framework' (13) because they contradict one another in important ways. For example, though unionism and labour movements in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries strove to improve living and wage conditions by the redistribution of wealth, such efforts in fact affirmed normative values and greatly increased production and were also, importantlv a key justification and limitation of the restructuring of capitalism towards its bureaucratic-managerial forms (not least in the formation of the welfare state in the European post-war settlement), the consolidation of the second spirit of capitalism and the standardisation and instrumentalisation that goes with it - precisely the source of other indignations towards capitallsrn.

In recognition of such inconsistency in the motivations for capitalist critique; Boltanski and ChiapeUo distinguish between social critique, which denounces the inequality and self-interest promoted by -eaprtafism:rrom artistic critique,

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which denounces the inauthentlCity and oppr.ession of capital. {14} It is artistic

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critique - propounded primarily by artists and intellectuals rather than workerist organisations -that has more recently gained prominence, counterpointing the fixity and stabitity of historical capitalist processes and their attendant spirits with the freedom of artlists), the rejection of material or spatlo-ternporal fixing or many other attachments, and the rejection of piety towards work as labour (rather than play). The demands of artistic critique continued to gnaw at the bureaucratic-administrative settlement between capitalism and social critique, reaching a heightened expression around May 1968{ the social critique that took

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place then being radicalised largely 'though adopting and intensifying various themes from the artistic critique', (15) ~u~IYI ~_~£~~ky';.__'al~!!l~t!v~' V!!~~_9! the informal modes of societltv, exhibition, property¥Je~n~ss and so on of the

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artist-culture in London and elsewhere mentioned earfier; to which its criticality

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is often attributed, are embodiments of artistic critique in its corrosion of the

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adm inistered, monetarised, pat.emaHstic. ~j:r)-g~~p!H-$J_ng~ tqrm~{'~ions of capitalism

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acc-ording . to its previous bourqeols and manaqerial ~pir_iJ~t We know this

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situation well and find it in one form or another a11 over the accounts given in art

as to how and why it continues to be - or, at worst, could be -- critical.

However, such a critique no longer operates in the way it used to .. This is not just because artistic critique is insufficient for adequately taking up the concerns of social critique {though this is also a reason why several give up on it or continue to be disappointed or frustrated by it}, or because such critique has internally transformed. Rather, it is because artistic critique now constitutes the sRirit, a new

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spirit, of capitalism. Though in many regards this is by now fairly clear in the

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overwhelming"emphasis in aspirations directed towards i~ality, cr;.ati~, !

autonomy and self-discovery at all levels, Boltanski and ChiapeUo come to this ~

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conclusion through a sober analysis of management textbooks in France from

the late 1980s to mid 1990st

There are two key aspects to this literature: first the insistence on a certain pe~~9J_.tiQ~~9Jion, evidenced by the centralitv of J:!"~~tl~~~, re~~iv!!y"" and fle~~~~i_~,Jas] the new watchwords' for management and work, such that Ian boundaries may be transgressed through the power of the project', 'discovery

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and enrichment can be constant', and 'evervone should develop themselves

personally'. (16) Work thus offers 'J'genuine autonomy" based on selfknowledge and personaf fuffHment' (17); secori-d~t-mtheUacceptance of anti .. -

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a uthorita rfan models of management together with an 'obsession with flexibTfifY

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and the ability to react'. (18) This 'nee ... rnanaqerial' re-organisation of \fi,orn

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around such qualities (which is intrinsic to a structural transformation of capitalist

production) is socially and morally justified by its advocating a greater justice for

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what Jabour is in terms of personal autonomy an-d·~cre'~tl.v!tY~:~~·justice',~lhat is"

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cfetermtneaTn'orip-ositlon-'t'o·-the'alienation and stifling demands of labour under

previous modes of capitalised work - as per the artistic critique of previous modes of capitalism:

It is not difficult to find an echo [in neo-management] of the denunciations of hierarchy and aspirations to eutonomv that were insi~gtent'v expressed at the end ' of the 19605 and in the 19705. t ... J The qualities that are guarantees of success in II this new spirit - eutonomv. spontaneity, rhizomorphic capacity, multitasking (in '

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contrast to the narrow specialisations of old division of labour), conviviality; ;

openness to others and novelty, availability, creativity, visionary intuition, 1· sensitivity to differences, listening to lived experiences, being attached to ~. informality and the search for interpersonal contacts ..... these are taken directly : from the t:GPertQj[e of May 1968t (19}

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These 'qualities' are accompanied by a denunciation of:

prefabricated needs, the ascendancy of advertising and msrketinq, the 'crumblinq away of human values under the influence of exchange meoneniems', the reign of the quantitative (as opposed to the qualitative), the standardisation of goods in mass production, the domlnation of appearances, the tyranny of [established status], the invasion of useless, ugly, ephemeral objects and so ant (20)

If these affirmations and denunciations reload those of artistic critique and deslqnete its infHtration into the heart of business management, it is no less the case that the re-structuring of work around the personal orcollective autonomies freed up by 'the project' serves to enhance efficiencies and also accumulation in that it generates faster and more responsive exploitation of emerg i ng strains and holes in the market

Th is provisional conclusion, then is that artistic critique - wh ich art in its critica I ity still holds on to in protest against cepltalist structures and exploitation - is now

the source of the current spirit of capitalism:

... these themes, which in the texts of the May movement were [and, as the convivial essumouon for artists' culture todev. still are} combined with a radical critique of capitalism (particularly the critique of exploitation), and the proclamation of its immanent end, are often to be found in the neo-msneqement

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literature . ~. represented as objectives tnst are valid in their own right and placed

in the service of forces whose destruction they were intended to hasten. 121)

In part the point here is that those forces have in fact been 'destroyed' by the transformation of production and accumulation towards these more 'just'

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qualities which constrain how and what capital processes take place: labour is

not alienated in the way it used to be (Marx) and its setf ... organising or rhizomatic network shatters hierarchical oppression (it is then no surprise that OeJeuze is the latest of many gurus in branches of management theory). The problem here for any model which still asserts the oppositionalitv of artistic critique to capitalism and its spirits is that such 'artist-cultural' modes of practice do not just lead the new spirit of capitalism giving it its contemporary 'salience and appeal' (22) but, in the justification that the spirit of capitalism gives to capitalist accumulation, that such modalities now also enhance the process of capitalist accumulation as such at the cost of a degradation of organisational security Cprecaritv), and of its justice being 'implicit' rather than explicit (as for social critique),

As social critique did in the mid-twentieth century, so artistic critique now justifies capitalism, becomes the spirit of capitalism. In that transformation of what is now paradigmaticaUy just, capitalism undergoes a displacement from previous models of production, accumulation and personal and social aspirations. With that, artistic critique is disarmed, (23) This can be seen with regard to the conditions for the vitality of artist-culture given at the beginning of this paper:

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punk-style entrepreneurialism is a perfect example of autonomous productivity; by opening studios, exhibition sites and so on in run-down areas artists act as a sort of mug money for the ~t?gen~_ration of 'cool' urban zones; their

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non-alienated work and informal sociality and exhibition structures are

emblematic of the heightened invention of destructured professionalfsetlon. Artists are the heroes of the new spirit of capitalism,

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The re-invigoration of capitalised relations by artistic critique is not limited to spheres of production. identified here with artistculture, but alco extends to consumption in which, for example, an 'insistence on personalised service to customers, on the importance of careful attention to their wishes" and on the development of individualised relations aims to introduce II authenticity" into capitalist production in the form of the "personalised:" (24) Boltanski and

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Chiapello's description here of consumption under the aegis of artistic critique replays that of the 'experience economy' as it is formulated by the American business consultants Joseph Pine II and James Gilmore. {25} For Pine and Gilmore the experience economy is the fourth 'stage of economic value', the latest in a chain of succession of reading economic value going from goods to commodities to, most recently, services;

Just as people have cut back on goods to spend money on services, now they also scrutinize the time and money they spend on services to make way for more memorable - and more highly valued - experiences. The company .. ~ no longer offers goods or services alone but the resulting experience, rich with sensations, created within the customer. All prior economic offerings remain at arms-Iengthl outside the buyer; while experiences are inherently petsonel. They actually occur within any individual who has been engaged on an emotional, physicai intellectual, or even spiritual/eve/ .. (26)

Whatever discomfort or even indignation that may be felt around this claim to an internalisation of commercial processes is to be tempered by the recognition that, however commercially organised it is, the ambition here is also that of

artistic critique. What IS emp~~I~..ln t~~~p'~ri~~~~,~9~Y J.?-.9- uni9lliL_ experience that oVercomes- the alienation inherent in comm__g.ditift§. or in

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spectacre~Thjstwofold insistence adjoined to methods for increasing profitabllitv

brr-ngs uSnot just to the operations of critical art, which makes simi1ar claims, but also to its market and institutional operation the second relation to capitalist accumulation to be addressed here.

The experience economy targets the personality and uniqueness of the individual who has the experience. The condition it addresses is that of 'customers {who] once were wilHng to subsume their uniqueness to benefit from the low prices or standardised offerings, but no tonqer'. (27) And such 'customers' are no fonger prepared to do so because what is now primary is precisely the authenticity- the 'keepinq it real' - and creativity and autonomy of their own individuality, That is, the experience economy is oriented around the subject as she or he is affirmed by artistic critique. Such an economy is not

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primarily concerned with symbolic capital since it is the lr!t~a.J/_persooal~g_uaHty of the experience that i~paramo·unt here rather tha~ i~~~;;ct;;:naCs~ia!

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demonstration to 'others.-What is atwork Fierers~r-aTFiera-n~a~~th~~nt7cit)i'capita1t

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The very great economic advantage of such a system as regards capital accumulation is that the heightened personal value placed on authentic and unique experiences is literally repaid by the customer spending more for the better quality and more memorable, because of the intangible and nonmaterial, cxpori c nco that is he:" or h ~s .3! one, p.~s such (a nd if they nrc C8 rcful Iy rna n aged) I experiences are not produced in advance or reproducible and so are not subject to a price pressure that diminishes their worth, if only because in doing so the customer diminishes their own worth 4 In other words, the price pressure of standardisation and commoditisation which leads to a diminishing profit per transaction for the business is pre-empted and avoided in the experience economy. Capital accumulation is freed from the law of diminishing returns that drives commodity (and even service) economies,

The identification of the traits affirmed by the experience economy with the

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received demands orc-ritical art uniqueness/singularity.. personal affect,

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memorable experiences, non-conformity, differentiation, the emphasis on th~JJ.U-

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reproducible encounter or event" ..... is evidenced in the burgeoning interest in

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contemporary art as part of the leisure, tourism or regeneration industries, an

eJrnmple is thebfen miles' sproUting· up· ·eve~h~;e:·ThIS,aentrfic8ti;;n-rs- clearer

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stin in Pine and Gilmore's proposal that the experience economy is only the basis

for what they call the 'final stage of economic value', namely the 'transformation

economi_4 transformations are distinct from experiences in that they do not only

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provide strong memories but are also 'effectual', 'sustained over time', and 'affect

the very being of the buyer (28): the customer of transformations is not a buyer or a consumer or even a guest but a participant (a word that is of course very important in the claims of contempo~ary art).lransformations are intensely personalised and meaningful, substantial and authentic, individual (rather than merely personal because internal) transactional relationships, What is significantly

different about the transformation economy from even the experience economy is that 'peopfe value transformation above all other economic offerings because it addresses the ultimate source of aU other needs: why the buyer desires the

commodities, goods, services she or he purchases' (29). Pine and Gilmore give the examples of going to the gym (bodily bettennent) and the shrink (mental betterment) or the hospital (medical betterment). Itansformatio~_.LLeJ.Q"to.DSDips are not likelY_!:9 be re'pla_~9.2!2~ctb¥ cnmPetiti=~~e~ng since it ~e-bUye}!.!D_g.R~!1lQi£§ntjQQer..QLbI~UJnJSl!J,gJI]W~ ;.== e 'Pro au ct': 'ihe"'off~~T~ ~ · individual' (30) not the individual as is but the individual in t eir

~ing. Not only are price-riressures ana me tlTi"i"ii"lsttlngremrns mal fanow if" C'Omrr1OcJfttsation thus pre-emoted in the move to transformational relationship but once participation is ensured, competition is negligible for the duration of the process. Capital accumulation without commoditised discounting is secured, profit cannot be lost hence Pine and Gilmore's assertion that the transformation

ecO~Q.rJ1Y, is the final stage of economic value.

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What is offered in the transformational economy is a iJlgenulne autonomy" based on self-knowledge and personaf fulfilment' not just for the worker, as Boltanski and Chlapello outline, but also now for any participant 1n addressing the individual's personal or collective desires and aspirations, in building

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a sustained relation that chaUenges or realises those expectations a nd wishes, in

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em ph asising~- -th e··-tran'Sf6frffa"tive·····effectS··· of the··' offerl ng'· 1 n ~ ~additi o·n r • t(f~ -its -.

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personalised, authentic, non-standardised and irreplaceable indivldua-lfY··

...... _ ..... -"I' .... - - I I I. I ••••• - .... ~ .' ..... _.-- • -..' -"I' •••• ' ...... _. - "1'-" - _ ..... __ ._ ........ I ........ _ r _ I _ .... _ • __ .. _. _' •• _ ••••••• ' __ -...._. .. _ • _ • __ I.' - .... I '1'1- - "I r- 10 .. '" _',. - • _. • .......... r - ••• _. r-'__'_ ............

differentiated and thus non-cornmodifiabls experience, the transformational

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offering fulfils the received requirements of cntical art, not least in its repudiation

of ii,strumeniar 'rationiditY. Put the other way, the criti·~1 artwork 'is-·the· epitome

of ~eiranStorm~~~'?~.,~ono~, perhaps~Ota~-;g-~!~~~.~~~~~_2!llQQjl~~beiilih but with~regard to artistfc';-soc'fC;:pofltfci,C-lntefrectual desires and transformation.

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mat iiCritique.

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Here then, we return to the third noted relation to capitalist accumulation. Both the new spirit of capitalism and the experience/tra nsformation economy suggest that a heightened, 'clearer' form of capital accumuJation has emerged, one that is consolidated with the tum to network/projective capitalism and its corollary of non .. alienated transactional consumption. Moreover, this form of clearer capital accumulatlon is integrar to the demands that continue to be made on what critical art is expected to be, not least because the emerging dynamics of capital accumulation and their spirit have learnt from the latter. A direct channel

between critique and. capitalist accumulation, and not just to the spirit of

capitalism" is suggested here, one that brings us to the issue of the operation of critique as such, A third theorisation of capitalist accumulation proposed by the Israeli political economists Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshom Bichler is instructive in thinking this relation.

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Nitzan and Bichler follow the early twentieth century American economist Thorstein Veblen in arguing that it is not the entirety of the economy that benefits from ca pitaHsm but only a dominating sector through the process of 'differential accumulation', Accumulation is differentiaf rather than absolute because the capitalist's interest is not in maximising profit as neo-classical economics has it but only in 'beating the average', which is a differential gain over competitors, (31) This results in a continued above-average profit grovvth for some, though this can only be sustained by reducing the amount of profit of one's competitors, or what Veblen calls 'sabotaoe'. That is, it is intrinsic to capitalist business to limit industrv and manufacture from becoming excessively productive or to limit other sectors of the economy from being too profitable. This quick overview of ditferential accumulation indicates how Nitzan and Bichlercome to their principal thesis: that capital is directly 'power', it is power not because of the

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commodification of labour processes, as Marx has it, or because capital is

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material wealth and this has an associated social dimension, as neo-classical

pOiiiicafeconomy (in'Cluding the notion of'sy~'b~'iic~~~~i")' ha;" it. Rath;;'-'it is

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power because capital is directly and only the monetary value of owned

........

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securities and this dete·rmines the rate of expected _~.~!.f'.~~gs ~hic.h is, in turn,

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a matter of social control, a commodification of power. (32)

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Furthermore, since the production process 'now encompasses the entire spectrum of human activity', 'the power to strategica11y limit production', which is how differential accumulation is served, 'is the power to control social process as a whole'. (33)

.'. .J.

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The banal because obvious instance of how social process as a whole is

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deployed ~~_~~~.~~~q~9.i!f~r~~~~~.~~Y~~~~!!'~~~_t.:.~~.t.~ T~.~~~~~.~~r<?'~9.9 .. ~.t~rr!e_9!!ry art

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is of course the operat~~rJ~_tQ~~_t~~ .q9Dt_~ITlP_Or~~._?~.~.~~et (including the integral

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role played in it by major institutions). The processes of accumulation, wnich are

based· proc·isely·-a·na"·onl;;i""-on··'tne'differentials between art practices and what

socio-financial values can be obtained from and invested in them by the art market acts as power over not just the production of art but also its circulation and exhibition; of what, In every sense, 'counts', It is a process that imposes a limit on the greatest possible 'productivity' (or ITs equivalent) of art, This is pretty much the dominating operation of the art market to which artiSt:aJlture

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r~unaeistands itself to be an alternative; in a critique that in Boltanski and

Ch-iap~li~;ster~s is at'once-both"artiSi:iC~a~c(~gd~r'· ..... ,. .... - .. ""--~,.".,.," .. ---.-

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However, the immediate refation of financial profiteering and social power proposed by Nitzan and Bichler means that financial gain is at once a form of social power across the social process as a who1e. And this identification implies the contrary: that social power is at once a mode of enhancing financial gajn~ So, recalling:

_" i) that the transformation of capital to a netvvorked and decentered self-

organised or rhizornatic operation makes capitalised labour and consumption more tolerable and even desirable, more authentic;

ii ) that such restructuring is socially justified and legitimised by a new spirit of capitalism, which is a consensual power effect for capitalist accumulation;

iii} that such a restructuring of capitalist production and consumption is a method for increasing profit-pain, doing so differentia11y against earlier though still existing modes of capital and labour organisation;

iv) that the new spirit of capitalism is organised in terms of the received notions of artistic critique, a critique that has at once enabled and driven, as much as it has constrained, capital accumulation to yet 'clearer' and more 'humane' real isations.

In the light of the operation of differential accumulatlon. it is apparent that by enabHng the re-organisation of capitalism as both justification and model{_~_rtistic pritigue directly serves and enhance~ fjoanc.ial accur:nuJa~on. It do~s so not just

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in the obvious shape of the art markets' production and consumption processes,

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but also directlv for capitalism as such, as the process of financial accumu letion,

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That is, the new spirit of capitalism ~ understood now as a method for

re-orqanislnq and empowering the processes of differential accumulation - reliant upon the operation of a critique capital: that is, critique is a direct generator of financial accumulation. As such, the transition _ _(?!~~~~_~9.!.!_~ftt?~~a negation of

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capitalism as a spirit and as profit-gfun into its affirmation is complete,

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Th a nks to pa rtic ipa nts in the d iscu SS EO n 9rO u p of the Po I ltica 1 Cu r rency of Art Resea rch Project .. Goldsmiths CoHege, held 15 June 20()6_ for thetr extended consideration of this paper and clarifying where its improvement was necessary. A previous version of the first part of the paper appears in the cataioqu e of Metropol is Rise: New Aft from London erga ni sed by Antho ny Gross and Je n WU1 Sh an ghai and 8ejj~ngj April-Mav 2006.

FOOTNOTES

1} luc 8o~t[1ns~~ .and Eve Chi~p~f1ol The "fe~/O.' Spiri: (')f r.npitafrsnl. tf(1n~. G(e90~ Elliot/ l.ondon: Versol 2006.

(2} lb;d.;r pp. 10--'1.

(3) We wi II see later that thi sana lvtica lor pract {CB I d isti net ion is not u nive rsa lIy sh a red. Thoug h it is

at the root of th e d om i nant th eori sati ons of capitaU sm of bot h Ma.-xi sm and n eo-cl a sslca I

eta n 0 rnics, for N hza nand Bich ~er, to who m we tu rn in the cl osing sect tons of th i s paper, ca pita I ism in its accumu lation of f na nci at wea Ith is not econ 0 m ic 9 ai n wit hout di red soci 0-- potit teat imp lkat lo ns but d i re-ct~y powe r.

{4} Bo ltsn ski and Ch iapell 0 (2005) j oo.cn; p. 18.

{5} lbld., p .. 27.

(6~ lbld., p. 25.

(7) lbid., p. 34~

(8) tbid., p. 34 ..

{9} M ax Weber, The Protestant Erh;c and the spirit of ccpitaJism, 1905+

{1 0) Bolta nski and Ch i apell 0 (2005) t op.c/t p. 17.

(11) lbid, p. 18.

(12} lbid., p. 37.

(13) ~bid.

( , 4) ibid., p. 38fT. (15) lbi d., p. 38; 326. (16) ibid, p. 90.

(17) Ibid.

{18) lbld, p. 84. {19} tbld, p. 97. (20} I bid., p. 99. (21} lbld, p. 97. (22) Ibid., p. 99. (23) lbld., p. 34~ (24) lbld, p. 99~

(25) B Joseph Pine an d Ja rnes H Gilmore, The Experience economy: Work is Thestre and Every

Business is a Srage, Carnbridqs, MA: Ha rverd Busi ness S<: hoot 1999. {26) lbld., p. 12.

{27} I b ld, p, 86. .-.

{28} lbld., P+ 172.

{29} Ibid.

(30} lbid, p. 173.

(31) Jon ath anN ltza n, "Olfferentl a I Accum utation; Towa rds a New Pol itica I Eco n omy of Ca pita I' ~

in Revievv of In temstions! PolitrcaJ Econom Vj 5(2} ~ 1998f p. 173.

(32) Jonathan Nit2an and Sh imshom Bichfe rjl The Global Political Economv of Israel, Oxford: P luto,

2002f p. 35~

(33) I b ld, p. 35 .

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