RECHERCHES

PUBlI~ES SOUS lA DIRECTIO!'l DE l'lNSTITUT DE lETTRES ORIENTALES DE BEYROUTH

A.

NOUVELLE S~RIE LANGUE ARABE ET PENS~

ISLAMIQUE

Tome

m

ABU-HAMID AL-GHAZALi

AL-MAQ~AD AL-ASNA FI SHARH MA'ANI ASMA' ALLAH . AL-HUSNA •
Arabic Text, Edited with Introduction

BY

FADLOU A. SHEHADI

Printed with the assistance of the Adam Schall von Bell e.

v., Germany

DAR EL-MACHREQ EDITEURS B.P. 946, BEYROUTH

DANS LA M£ME COLLECTION

Serle I: 3. A. N.

Pensee arabe et musulmane. NADER, Le sysUme philoJophique (premiers petlSeurS de rIslam).
d'lbn al-Rawandi flrJrltique,

des

28. M. ALLARD, Le problhne des attributs divins dans la doctrine d'al-AI'ari el de ses premiers grands
discipks.

Serle 2:

Langue et litterature

arabes.

27. J. MEatRIAN, Expedition archlologique dans
tiach6ne occidentale. L'Eglis. de Saint- Thomas.

r An-

armlno-giorgienne de

5. H. FLEISCH, L'arab. al-Dtn al-Rtk;i
structure linguistique.

Mu'tarila fulation

6. A. N. NADER, Le liure du tliomphe et de la r/par Abii'ld'lbn IJusayn Dl-Kluzgytil,

31. F. KHOLEIP, A study on Fillr 36. A. T AMRR, al-Q.tqida al-Itifigll. 37. A. TAMER, Tagal-'aqti'idwa
39. C. PETRAITIS, The Arabic Meteorology.

classique. Esquisse d'une 2· edition.
de philologie arabe. Vol. I. tunisien.

30.

J.

MtcERlAN,

Histoire

et institutions

r Eglise
de la

and his controversies in Transo.tiana.

16. H. FLEISCH, Traitl

anninienne.

Ie mu'tazil.

7. P. NWYIA, Us lettres de diret:licn spirituelk 'Abbtid de Ronda (ar-Rasti'il fJI-lUirti). 8. F.

ma'dlJnal-fawti'id. Version of Aristotle's

32. A. GATEAU, Atlas nautique Edite par H. Charles.

Vol. I. Vol. II.

40. J. GAiTH, liberte.

Nicolas

Berdiaejf,

philosophe

J ABRB,

33. A. GATEAU, Glossair« nautiquetunisien. Edite par H. Charles.

42. J. M. FIEY, Assyrie chrltienne. Vol. III. Serle 4: Histoire et sociologie du ProcheOrient. du

La notion de la ma'rifa chez Gha;;tili.
Tibit ibn Q.umi's Arabische

9. W. KUTBCH,
tJbersetzung Nikstnacluzs

41. F. JADAANE, L'i'!ftuence du stoicisme sur Ia pensle
musulmane.

38. C. lliCHAWE, Louis CheikIuJ et son livre « Le christianisme et la liltlrature chrltimn. en Arabi,
aoant f Islam »,

tier 'Ap,6fL"I)nX~ EtGoty6>riJ des
von Oeras«;

43. M. ALLARD, Testes apologltiques 44. G. 45. G. 46. M.
MAKDlSI,

de Guwoinr. of of Ibn Ibn 'Aqil: 'Aqil:

11. I.-A.

KHALlPE,
(faldiin.

Sifd'

as-st1'illi-tahgib al-Farabi's

al-ma-

sa'il d'llm

Kittib

al-funiin.

The Notebooks Part I. The Notebooks Part II.
Ibn al-Jawzrs

1. M. CHEBLI, Fakhreddine II Maan, priace Liban (1572-1635). Epuisc!. chretien.

13. W. KUTSCH & S. MARROW, mentary on Aristotk's llcp£
inlerpretalione) •

Com(de

MAKDISI,
MAHDI, SWARTZ,

Serle 3: Orient

2. A. BoGOLlOUBSKY, Notice sur les batailles liurles a I'ennemi a partir du II<juin 1770. Epuise.
21.

'EpfL"'ve:~

Kittib al-funiin.

Kitib

al-/.Iuriif de FtiTtibi. Kittib ol-Qp1$I'# Kitib

4. M. TALLON, Liar. des Lettres (Girk T'lt'~). Documents armlniens du V' sieck. Epuisc!. 10. A. FATT AL, Le statut /lgal des non-musulmans
pays d'lslam. en

S. ABOU, Enquetes sur les langues en usage au Liban.
Ttiri/} Bayriit

35. F. HOURS et K. SALmI,
$tilib bin Ya/lyd.

tk

14. M.

BoUYOBS

& M. ALLARD, Essai de

clITOnD-

47. M. 48.

Iogie des InIlJres d' al-Ghaztili.

wo'l-Mudluzkkirin.

17. P. NWYIA, Ibn 'Abbtid de Randa 18. A. TAMER & I.-A
wa-l-'apllat

(1332-1390).
Kittib al-luzft

J.

LANGHADE

ET M.

GRIGNASCm,

elmys-

12. J. M. FIEY, Mossoul chr/tUnne. 15. M. DE FENOYL, Le Sanctoral copte. 20. M. ALLARD & G. TROUPEAU, L'Epttr. sur r Uniu et la Trinitl, le Traitl sur l'intellect et k Fragment sur r arne de Mu/iyi al-Din al-lifahtini. 22. J. M. FIEY, Assyrie chr/tienne. Vol. I. 23. J. M. FIEY, Assyrie chr/tienne. Vol. II. 24. P. KHOURY, Paul d'Anlioche, Sidon (XII- s.}.
ivique millcite de

Nouvelle Serie: A. Langue arabe et pensee islamique.
sur Aristou T.xt. perdus .n gree.

KHALIFE,

balaba

de F dribi. coranique al-taw!1id

d'al-Mrifa4tfa1 Kittib

ibn 'Umar al-Ga'fi.

2· edition.
19. O.
YAHIA,

49. P. NWYIA, Exlges. tique. 50. F. KHOLEIP, Kitdb

et langag.
de Mtituridi.

1. A. BADAwi, Commentaires

balm al-awligti'd'al-Tirmit/i.

25. J. J. HOUBEN, Kittib al-majmii' ./i'l-muftil talclif de 'Abd al-JaMdr. Vol. I. 26. S. DE BEAURECUEIL, Khwtidja 'Abdulltih mystique luznbalite (1006-1089).

wt-

2. P. NWYIA, Ibn 'A!ti' Allah. des Hikam (sous presse). 3. F. SHEHADI, Ghaztili's 5. A.
ROMAN,

et traduction
al-asnti.

Sous presse :
34.

al-Maq$ad

Allitiri,

J. J.

HOUBEN, Kittib al-majmii' ji'l-muftil taklif de 'Abd al-JabMr. Vol. II.

wt-

4. H. FLEISCH, 8.J., Etudes d'arabe dialectal.
Basstir et son explrienc.

courtois«.

CONTENTS OF THE ENGLISH SECTION

page Preface Introduction....... Conventions and Abbreviations Bibliography.
XXIV,

,.

XUI

xv
LII LUI

PREFACE
One would suppose that if printing had always been available to authors, and they were to proof-read their own works, the whole scholarly tradition of editing manuscripts would not have arisen. This is not being mentioned because in the more tedious moments of an editor's work he might wish it had been so. Rather, there is something about this sort of contingency that leads one to see the practice of editing in a certain perspective. One is reminded that the editor's work should in the end be concerned with what some author is most likely to have said. Neither is any given manuscript, nor are the doings of the editor, the final point. It is probably tempting for the tradition of scholarship to bestow institutional dignity on editorial virtuosities, and anoint the manuscripts themselves with sanctity. Two things prompted me to undertake the present task. First, a conviction that the text is interesting and important, but not just historically and for Islam. The Ghazali of the Maqiad could have intelligently joined some contemporary discussions in the philosophy of religion: those concerning the practical (i.e. moral) function of theology and religious language, the nature of the mystical goal, the logical consequences of the unknowability of God for the problem of attribution. For this reason, at least, the text merits translation, and hence the need first to establish the Arabic original. Second, none of the existing editions in print are scholarly critical editions, and they all contain many errors. If the present edition is still not completely free of mistakes, I hope, at least, that these are relatively few, and perhaps not serious ones. When I first decided on the project Mr. Rudolph Mach was very helpful in my hunt for manuscripts. His ready knowledge of sources, both

XIV

standard and obscure, has been of great value throughout my work. I am very grateful to him. Mr. Salah Munajjid who was in Princeton in 1960-1961 offered some needed advice on, the intricacies of editing. Mr. Hassan Hassan was of great help in the early stages of comparative reading. In one of the final checkings Mr. As'ad Khairallah's help was most valuable. I am not only grateful for his patience in carefully going over the typescript with me, but also for his alertness in catching several needed corrections that had escaped me. It is well understood that the end result is my responsibility alone. I wish to thank Mrs. Leonie Menasche for the painstaking and careful job of typing the Arabic text. I also wish to thank Miss Nawal Morcos, and Mr. and Mrs. Elmessiri for their help in clearing up some of the details that at times seemed near infinite. The staff of the Manuscript Division of Princeton's Firestone Library, especially Mrs. Randall and Mr. Clark, were extremely kind and generous in permitting me to use the Princeton Mss, as well as space and equipment in their quarters. My acknowledgements cannot be complete without an expression of special thanks to the Rutgers Research Council for the grants that covered the expenses of this project.

INTRODUCTION
I. THE

TEXT

There seems to be no reason to doubt that the Maqlad is an authentic work of Ghazali's. On the contrary, there is every reason to believe it is by him. The particular doctrines as well as the style are very Ghazalian. Furthermore, the book mentions the I~ya' in more than one place l, and is mentioned in the Arba'in, the Mishlcatl, and the MunqitJhl. The work is a late one, composed most likely within the last ten years of Ghazali's life, probably the last six3• The Printed Texts There are s~veral printed editions of the Maqlad, although not one of them is a scholarly edition. As a matter of fact they are essentially reproductions of the same text. The earliest appeared in Cairo, in 1322 A. H.' (1904 A.D.), published by the Taqaddum Press, and is marked as a "first edition". At the end of this text the date of copying of the main manuscript on which it was based is given as Thursday, 15th of Shu'blln, 872 A.H. (1467 A.D.). Also, the claim is made that the main 'manuscript was checked against three others. But the book simply contains the
(I) The reader will find a listing of these cross references in Hourani's of Ghazali's Writings", "The

Chronology

Jormuzl of the American Oriental Society, 79, 1959,

p. 231. (2) P. 107.
(3) See HoVRAN), op. cit., on the dating of the I/zyii', the Maq/ad being a later work. See also W. M. Watt, "The Authenticity of Works Attributed to al-Ghazali",

Jormuzl of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1952, p. 44.
(4) Listed in
BROCKELMANN,

S I, p. 746, No.5.

XVI

AL-MAQ.~AD

AL-ASNA

INTRODuarION

XVII

straightforward text, without footnotes to show what is textually at issue. Nor are the manuscripts identified, except for the date of the one mentioned. This text is reprinted in Cairo, in 1324 A.H.I (1906 A.D.) by the Sa'adah Press, and is marked as a "second edition" 2. There is also an edition printed in Cairo and distributed by alMaktabah al-'Alamiyyah, but it bears no publishing date. This turns out to be a reprint of the 1322 and 1324 text, except that the concluding reference to the manuscript source is omitted. The same is reproduced in a 1961 Cairo edition. Unlike the previous editions this one is clear in that it has paragraphs and punctuation, but it repeats their errors+, The Manuscripts The following manuscripts have been used in the preparation of the final text. 1. Ahlwardt, No. 2219' 2. British Museum, No. Or. 73575
(I) (2)

3. Ahlwardt, No. 22201 4. Yahuda, No. 30932 5. Yahuda, No. 29072 6. Yahuda, No. 54702 I have also referred to two incomplete manuscripts: Garrett, No. 18913, (G), at Princeton, and a Michigan microfilm, (M) '. Of the six main manuscripts, Band L were relied on for the most part, and B was chosen as the primary text. These two manuscripts are the oldest I have found. B was finished on Thursday, 16th of Rqjab, 570 A.H. (1I74 A.D.), i.e. sixty-five lunar years after Ghazali's death which was in 505 A.H. (1I1I A.D.). The copying ofL was finished at the end of dhi l-/fujjah, or ninety lunar years after his death. At the end ofT the copying date is given as Rabi' al-awwal, 551 A.H. (1I56. A.D.). This would put T only forty-six lunar years after the death of Ghazali. However, I share the uneasiness expressed by Alhwardt 5 over the fact that the lines which give the name of the scribe and the date are in a smaller and slightly different character handwriting. Ahlwardt believes that the handwriting of the main text belongs to a later period, probably around 700 A.H. (1300 A.D.). In any case T was very useful. It is perhaps the most clearly and neatly written of any of the manuscripts, and the one in which omissions and other mistakes are few, and, relatively, not of the very careless kind. Band L are clear. B has fewer omissions and other mistakes than L although it has a few chemically caused erasures. L has some careless omissions, some relatively lengthy, although not long enough for the manuscript to be called incomplete. Besides being acceptedly the oldest I have used, B emerges in general as the most reliable. On one matter of
(I)
(2) (3) (4)
(5)
2

(B) (L)

Listed in BROKELMANN, S I, p. 746, No.5. I am grateful to Dr. Edwin Calverley for lending me his personal copy of this copy belonged to Samuel Zwemer and has his marginal

this edition. Incidentally,

comments. (3) A footnote in an unpublished translation of the Names-Section of the Maqlad by Selma Melkie (M.A. thesis, Hartford Seminary Foundation, May, 1943) refers to yet another edition she had seen in the private library ofD. B. Macdonald, published in Cairo by the Amirah al-Sharqiyyah Press. It is dated 1324 A.H., and marked as a "second edition". I have not been able to see it, but it is doubtful that it be a scholarly edition and then be ignored by later ones. Most likely it is the repetition of the same effort by a different presss. The inclusion of the phrase "second edition" makes one suspect that it might be the text published by the Sa'adah Press in the same year. For her translation Miss Melkie used the Sa'adah and 'Alamiyyah editions. Incidentally, the only other translation I know of was being done three years ago by one of the students of Prof. W. M. Watt as part of a doctoral dissertation. It was supposed to be of most of the work. (4) Universitatsbibliothek Thubingen, Depot der chern. Preuss. Staatsbibliothek; listed in Ahlwardt, vol. 8, p. 501. (5) ELLIS and EDWARDS, A Descriptive List of Arabic Mss, p.9.

AHLWARDT,

loco cit. The Princeton Mss. See n, 2, p. XVIII below. The Garrett Collection, p. 562. Catalogue of Oriental Mss University of Michigan, No. 247.

Loc. cit.

xvm

AL-MAQ.~

AL-ASNA

INTRODUCTION

XIX

not much importance - namely, the sequence of sections in parts Two and Three - B is incorrect, at least the microfilm I have is. This matter is discussed below under the question of sequence. B is in 88 folios, with 21 lines on a page. There is little marginal writing. Such additions are of two kinds. 1) Those meant to add a word or phrase omitted from the main text. This is invariably in the same handwriting as that of the body of the work. A small "fa/j." is sometimes appended to indicate the correction. 2) There are longer comments occuring in the margins of the first few pages and towards the end. These are either explicatory comments, or some relevant quotations from another source. These additions are in a handwriting that differs from that of the main text and of the omissions and corrections. L is in 90 folioswith 15 lines to each page. Very little of the marginal writing in L is explicatory. As in B the explicatory marginals are in a different handwriting. Then there are the omission notes - very few of these - and the corrections. Unlike B, the corrections in L are sometimes prefaced by "la'allahu", and appear in handwriting different from that of the main text. This could mean that someone other than the original scribe added them. The "la'allahu" might suggest that the correcting reader was, on his own, figuring out the accurate text at that point,or it might suggest that he was checking against another manuscript. The corrections are usually the 'right' ones: In two instances a marginal reference is made to other manuscripts of the Maqsad}, The Princeton manuscripts are all later ones, although not one of them bears a copying date. PI was probably copied in the IOth Century A.H. (15th A.D.)2. PI!was probably copied in the 11th Century A.H. (16th A.D.). It is missing the shortJa# Three ofJann Two, and a small part ofJafl Three ofJann Three. Pa is the most recent of the Princeton
(I) See the edited text p. 65; n. I, and p. 97, n. 5. (2) For the dating of the Princeton manuscripts I have relied on the as yet unpublished descriptive catalogue of the Princeton Arabic manuscript collection which Mr. Rudolph Mach is preparing.

group, probably copied around the 11th or 12th Century (16th or 17th A.D.). Although the least legible of the three, it emerges as the most complete and reliable of them. It has not been possible conclusively to establish affiliations among the manuscripts used. Agreements do occur on both variants and errors, on minor and crucial matters, but this is not frequent nor consistent enough to permit more than hesitant claims as to which manuscript may have relied on which, or which two or more were copied from some common source. There are the following connections that suggest some possible groupings. T and the P mss agree frequently as against the others, and often on some crucial points. But the affiliations are such that they suggest more a common ancestry than a direct link between any two of them. The latter is ruled out at least on the ground that the omissions in these four manuscripts are not coordinated properly for such a possibility. Of the P mss, Pa fits less neatly with T than do PI and PI' One would have said that Band L were not affiliated, except that there are striking similarities in the sequence confusions of Jann Three I. But it is doubtful that L is based on B, for there are crucial readings on which L agrees with T as against B. Also there are omissions in B which are supplied in L. While it is clear that B does not belong with T, the place of L seems unclear as between Band T. Much less clear are the connections between any of the manuscripts and the printed editions A, Az, and S. These three which are essentially the same text - having only a few minor variants the one from the other and showing idiosyncratic agreements on crucial points not to be found in either B or L or T or the P mss - must derive from a source not closely affiliated with the other mentioned manuscripts.

(1)

See the discussion of the sequence question below, pp.

XXII

ff.

.

~

xx

AL-MAQ~AD

AL-ASNA

INTRODUCTION

XXI

The Title On the exact wording of the title of the Maqsad, there is no unanimity among the manuscripts and printed editions of the work, nor among the references to it in outside sources 1. One difference is as to whether the second word is "al-asnd" or "alMost of the manuscripts of some of Ghazali's other works, when they refer to the Maqsad seem to prefer "al-aqpi" 2. And in the text of the Maq~ad itself, in the second paragraph of the opening page, GhazaIi refers to the explanation of the Names of God, as an exceedingly difficult task, and also calls it "al-maqsad al-aqsd" 3.
aqfli".

We have chosen "al-asnd": A glance at the listing of manuscripts and printed editions in Brocke1mann, as well as the manuscripts and editions not listed there, will show that "al-asnd" is more commonly used. Of course, as to meaning, either word will do. The aim is at once the loftiest and the ultimate one. A slightly more interesting question is raised by the "fi" that immediately follows in some versions of the title, but is omitted in others 4. The editions in print that have been consulted omit the "fi", This would read as if the aim is the explanation. Ghazali himself in the second paragraph of the opening page just referred to uses the expression "almaqsad al-aqsii" to describe the explanation, the sharh, itself.

(I) See BOUYGES, Essai de chronologie, p. 46, and notes 3, 4, and 5 011 that page. (2) Saliba and 'Ayyad in their edition of the Munqidh (p. 107), and 'Ami: in his edition of the Mishkiit (p. 56), have « al-asnd », but they, respectively, acknowledge, in a fuotnote, the manuscripts they used have « al-aqsii ». Their reason for changing the manuscripts is that the work is known as al-Maqsad al-asnii. In Muhamud's edition of the Munqidh the title is al=Maqsad al-asnd (p. 65). No comment is made by the editor. (3) This phrase appears in the text we have accepted. Of all the manuscripts consulted only p. gives the passage as « al-maqsad al-asnd ». (4) It is immaterial whether those who omitted the «j'i» did so because they were taking a stand on the doctrinal ambiguity I wish to discuss. What concerns me is not why anyone did what he did, but what is implied, as far as Ghazali's thought is concerned, by the inclusion or omission of the «f'».

Of course for this to make sense we will have to take "the explanation" not as the set of acts which give the meaning,· but the resulting clarification; not the process of explaining, but the enlightenment, the understanding of God's Names, and thus of His nature (in the sense in which this is possible for man). However, the inclusion of ''fi'' could imply that the theological enlightenment has for its aim a more ultimate goal which it serves. What this other goal may be is suggested by the section which concludes the explanation of each one of the Names. The title of these sections is tanbih, and their content is invariably a guide to the believer as to what it should mean to him that God is such and such. In other words, Ghazali wants to explain to the believer what his (the believer'S) goal in life should be in the light of what we understand from these Names to be the character of God. Man knows God so that he may become like Him. This is the final goal. Which is the ultimate goal? Is it the knowledge of God, or is it becoming like Him? But these are not alternatives in Ghazali's thought. Even though the knowledge of God is logically prior to becoming like Him, and it may be said that man should know God in order to become like Him, man's final goal is both to know God and to become like Him. Both are parts of the final attainment 1. Thus whereas for the title we cannot both include and omit the ''fi'', the doctrinal issue raised by the question of inclusion or omission is not a matter of alternatives. The Maqfad as well as Ghazali's thought elsewhere would support the implication of both the inclusion and the exclusion. Our decision to keep it in is prompted in part by the fact that when Ghazali mentions the longer form of the title, instead of the first two words only, he includes the ''fi''. Also, inclusion is the overwhelming practice among the manuscripts in and outside Brockelmann. For the rest of the title I used the most expansive, and hence the most explicit form. It may seem ecclectic to have made the title such
(I) See my Ghazali's Unique Unknowable God, Ch. 2.

xxn

AL-MAQiIAD

AL-ASNA

INTRODUCTION

xxm

that no title of the Maqsad appearing anywhere has a word not included in our title. We have chosen the title with the maximal vocabulary, but only because it is the most explicit. T and Escurial No. 6311 seem to be the only two that have as full a title as we have chosen. The Question oj Sequence in B and L There are some variances among the texts examined in the sequence of the sections in the second and third parts of the Maq~ad. Band L agree, except for some omissions in L. Yet the actual sequence in these does not make sense and is not followed here. T has the sequence we have chosen. This also agrees with the printed editions I have consulted. All texts agree that there are three main parts, ot funan. The sequence of these is also agreed upon. The firstJann is introductory, and is mostly on semantics. The second Jann is the substance of the work, and contains the explication of the meaning of the ninety-nine Names, and a statement of the ethical-religious purpose in making this explanation. This part alone justifies the use of the title of the work, and one of the manuscripts consulted, M, contains nothing but the Names-explaining portion of this second part. The third Jann considers some related theological and philosophical issues. The differences are over the sub-sections ofJann Two and Three. B makes a simple mistake that is almost self-correcting. After fasl Three of Jann Two, B has another section identified also as a third J~l2. This appears in most other books as the third section of the third part. Considering that B has only twoJu~iil inJann Three, one would suspect that the extra fas! Three is the one to complete Jann Three.

The following diagram will clarify the placing: Fann Two Ja# 1 Ja#2 Ja#3 (f~13) The considerations that support this corrected classification are threefold. 1. All other texts, unless they have omissions in this part, support our correction of B (and L). 2. At the very beginning of the Maq~ad where the synopsis is given by Ghazali, all texts, including Band L, state that this 'prodigal' J~l is part of Jann Three. There is also agreement that each of the last two funun has three J~l although there is no agreement in the mentioning sequence of the second and third of the J~l. 3. The subject matter of the B-prodigaIJ~l is related to and completes that of the twoMUl that appear in B underJann Three. InJ~l One there is a discussion of whether the Names are by Law limited to ninetynine. Fasl Two discusses the advantages of limiting the Names to the specified number. So far we agree with B. But then the misplaced J~l Three completes the discussion by asking whether the Names should be limited by Law, or may be extended on the basis of criteria supplied by reason. Thus, on the ground of subject matter the errantJ~1 in B should be drawn to Jann Three. One can also argue on ground of subject matter for 'expelling' that fasl fromJann Two. For in that second part of the work Ghazali explains the ninety-nine Names, and deals briefly with two questions about the multiplicity (not the specific number, which is the issue of Jann Three) of Names and the unity of God. The problems are: a) How, according to "ahl al-sunnah", the attribute-Names reduce to One Essence and Seven Fann Three

J~ll
J~12

(I)
(2)

us manuscrits arabes de I'Escurial, Vol. I, p. 437. Ahlwardt identifies this as the fourthfa$Z (op. cit., loco cit.), but he could not

then be q~oting the manuscript's own identification which clearly says: .!.Jl!ll J.,..;JI. He must simply mean that, numerically, it counts as a fourthfall, appearing between fall Three offann Two andfann Three.

XXIV

AL-MAQ~

AL-ASNA

INTRODUCTION

xxv

Attributes (ft¥l Two), and b) how, according to the Philosophers and Mu'tazilites, they reduce to one Essence. It would not make sense to proceed to ask now - other considerations aside: can one extend the number beyond ninety-nine on rational grounds, independently of the Law? Editing Principles and Conventions In preparing the text I have tried to make it as clear and as easy to read as possible. Paragraphs and punctuation have been used. Hamzas and shaddas have been used extensively, and vowel marks where needed to rule out an alternative reading. Modern spelling has been generally followed. I have ignored variances that were simply a matter of whether a dot is missing or not. I have also not recorded variants on the two dots that make a u when over the letter and a '-? when under it. Although there can be a question of grammer here, and the reading could conceivably differ, depending on whether the gender is feminine or masculine, the abundance of such variances is so great that it would have been forbiddingly cumbersome to record everything. My conscience is somewhat relieved by the fact that it is seldom clear whether it is the important question of grammatical variance. Most likely it is a not uncommon mannerism of penmanship. The scribe of B is clearly careless on whether and where to put the dots. It is not surprising to find him putting the dots of .)~I below the letter. I have, therefore, simply presented the text with the dots already in the right places, without footnotes. Another thing omitted are the variances in the praise words after "Allah". B usually has •~ J 'j. whereas L has JI..u. I have adopted the following conventions. Numbers in parenthesis are used for the usual footnotes, but I have used an asterisk in cases where a single footnote is repeated identically more than once on one page. Words in square brackets are those not in B, either because the words are totally erased, or are omitted. Margin numbers in bold type refer to folio

pages of B. A stroke in the text indicates the beginning of a page. Small numbers in the margins are for lines. Shorter omissions in L are indicated by the usual footnotes; longer omissions in L by (x) ... (x). The (x) appears over the first word omitted, and the last. If two long omissions occur on one page, these are marked as (x) and (Xl), respectively. It is hoped that a reader would immediately learn from the text that there is an omission in L without having to be diverted to the footnote, ifhe does not wish the interruption. Quotations from the Qur'an are given full vowel-markings and included in double quotation marks. However, when a Qur'anic passage appears within another quotation, then single quotation marks are used. The Prophet's sayings, or the statements of other historical figures, are double-quoted but without full vowel-markings. Whenever possible Qur'an and Hadith sources have been given in footnotes. One source for each quotation seemed sufficient. In a few cases Ghazali's identification of a saying as either Qur'anic or Traditional could not be substantiated, and this is indicated in the proper places. It should not surprise one to encounter this sort of discrepancy I. In the footnotes the expression 'all mss' refers only to the main six. This excludes the incomplete G and M. Footnotes beginning with 'All other mss' refer to the manuscripts other than B. Such footnotes continue, after a semicolon, to give B's variance. Awkward as this may be, in that "other" occurs before its referent, it is consistent with our practice of giving the source of the adopted reading first. If a footnote begins with the name of a manuscript, and after that says "all other mss", then, in proper fashion, the "other" there refers to the remaining manuscripts.

(I)

For a critical discussion of the sources of the hadiths quoted in Ghazali's

I/)ga' see al-Mughni 'an haml al-asfdr by 'Abd al-Rahim b. al-Husayn al-'Iraqi. This appears in the lower half of the pages of Ghazali's I~ya' 'uliim al-din, Cairo, 1346 A.H.
(1928 A.D.). Several 'hadjths' were found untraceable. Our references to al-Mughni will be to the volumes and pages of that I/)ga' edition. I am grateful to Mr. K. H. al-Diiri for suggesting the use of al-Mughni for this purpose.

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II.

THE

ISSUES

The explicitly stated purpose of the Maq!ad is to explain the Names of God which according to Tradition are ninety-nine in number 1. A believer supposedly asked Ghazali to explain these to him, and the book is a response to this request. But although the immediate task of the explanation is theological, the "final aim" is religious-ethical. In terms of Traditional authority the connection between the theological explanation and the religious goal is supplied by two sayings of the Prophet: "Acquire ye the character of God" (73b), and "God has ninety-nine Names, whoever recounts them enters Paradise" (82a). However, in terms of Ghazali's own thought the combining of theology and religious practice in the way of the Maq!ad is one of the many-faceted aspects of his "reconciliation" or "synthesis" of the mystical and theological strands in Islam 2. For the acquisition of God's character is qurb, becoming 'near' or like God, and this is one aspect of the mystical goal which Ghazali has discussed in some of his other works, particularly in the fourth part of the I~yii'. In the Maqsad the stress on this religiousethical goal appears in two sorts of places: in the tanbih following the explication of each Name, and in a special section, Chapter Four of Part One. The sentence title for this chapter reads as follows: "On showing that the perfection and happiness of man is in the acquisition of God's character and the adornment with the meanings of His attributes and His Names, insofar as this is conceivable for man". Part One to which this chapter belongs is called a propaedeutic to the rest of the book.
(I) Maq~ad81 a, f. Many discussants of the Names do not restrict themselves to the list in the Abu Hurayrah Tradition, but include others mentioned in the Qur'an. Al-Baybaqi (d. 1066), the first to have accorded the subject book length treatment, probably has the most extensive set. Ghazali is of course aware of the much larger number of Names mentioned and used in the Qur'an, as he is of the differences among the versions 'of the Tradition attributed to Abu Hurayrah; see Part III, Ch. I of the Maq~ad. Ghazali omits a discussion of « la iltiha. illd huwa », which occurs in the opening section of the Tradition, and which is commonly discussed by other writers. (2) For a brief comment on some of the other aspects of the reconciliation, see my Ghazali's Unique Unknowable God, p. 70, n. l.

While the theme of the direct relevance of theology to religious practice is explicit or .implicit in many of Ghazali's works, its treatment in the Maq!ad has certain unique features. The discussion here is not simply in terms of the general theology which Ghazali advocates, but in terms of whatever theology is contained in, or can be put into, special items known by Tradition as "the most beautiful Names of Allah", and these are a specific set, with a specific number. It should not be surprising that these Names have theological content, but they as such are not a theological document, in the sense of the text of a creed. For one thing, logically speaking, they are not even assertions or propositions. They are only terms, grammatically, nouns and adjectives, by which God may be called in worship. It is not, then, as if Ghazali is immediately discussing the connection between the general theology of Islam as expressed in some creed which the author accepts or proposes, and religious practice. The general theology here has to be supplied and mounted onto the given list of Names. This is the explanation, the shar~. It so happens that the Names are what they are because the general theology is what it is. One would thus naturally expect them to give the general theology a chance to be expressed. They are certainly representative enough of the theological concepts, and very comprehensive. Actually they contain more terms than would be needed for a basic theological statement. At any rate, after the explication of the Names the discussion becomes of the connection between the general theology and religious practice. The difference between a discussion of general theological tenets and religious practice, on the one hand, and between religious practice and a Names-embedded theology, on the other, can be used as one way of distinguishing the Maq!ad from, say, the Il;.yii'. While both books want, among other things, to show how Muslim theology can guide religious practice, the I~yii' concerns the general and bacis Islamic theology, essentially Ash'arite, which Ghazali accepts and expounds. In the Maqsed the theology is not different in substance; it is the same general and basic

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INTRODUCTION

XXIX

theology, but as extracted from and detailed in terms of that specific and already given set of Names by which God may be called in worship. One consequence of this is that the connection between theology and practice gets a more specific point by point discussion. At ninetynine points, and in that many ways, the believer is told what it should mean for his life goal that God is called such and such. This one to one correspondence tends to give Ghazali's discussion the character of a detailed theology-for-practice manual. Furthermore, the fact that the Names contain terms (e.g. al-uiiisi, al-ghaniyy, al-wiirith, ... ) that need not appear in a basic and general statement of Muslim theology - although that theology could easily be shown to imply what is intended by those terms - this gives the discussion of the practical guidance the chance to appear in a more detailed and subtle variety. The concept of God's caring for man, belonging to the general theology, gets a greater variety of expression in the Names. Thus in a greater variety of subtly differentiated ways man is told, for example, how he ought to care for his fellowman, or for his inner self, or for God. The variety and detail in the guidance of life that might be suggested by a general theology depends on how far and in how many directions the discussant of that general theology wishes or is able to go. In the Maqsad the range is pre-set by the fact that there is that specific group of Names, and that specific number. Another feature of Ghazali's treatment of the Names is that he has rescued them from their traditional place in ritualistic prayer, and given them a broader religious mystical context 1. This once again testifies
(I) This is probably due to the influence of al-Qushayri (d. 1074) and his book on the Names, al-T'ahbir ji l-tadhkir. It is worth noting that al-Qushayri was a good friend of al-Juwayni, Ghazali's teacher. Although al-Qushayri's book has little of the theological and philosophical sophistication or the systematic character of Ghazali's discussion, its stress on guiding the believer's life is evident. I have found this element to be much less prominent in al-Bayhaqi than Allard seems to find (see the latter's Le probleme des attributs divins, p. 359 f.). At any rate, for Ghazali it is not just a matter of giving to the needy because God is called "giver", rather it is that in acquiring

to Ghazali's commitment to the view that no religious life is complete without the mystical dimension. Although the final aim of the theological explication is practical, the theological discussion can be viewed as such and in its own right. In content the theology of the Maqsad makes no important addition to or modification of what Ghazali has said elsewhere. Yet there is an interesting aspect to his discussion here. Ghazali precedes his actual explication of the Names with a logical semantical discussion of names and naming. Such a discussion is not necessary for the mere statement of the Names-theology and the showing of its practical relevance. If the only questions were: What is God like? and, how ought one to live in the light of what God is like?, then it should have been odd for Ghazali to feel that he had to discussthe logic of names and naming. The reason he delves into this subject is that he has certain issues in mind concerning the Names, as names - and as attributes 1 of God, which he believes can be more adequately discussed after certain points about the seman tical logic of naming are cleared up, and after an explanation of the relation of the two terms in statements of the form'S is (not) P' 2.

the character of God man is fulfilling the mystical goal of moral at-one-ment God.

with

For an interesting though recent example of ritualistic recitation of Names, see SALIM(b. 1899), Fi malakiit Allah. The number of times each Name is to be recited is determined by a system of numbers assigned to each letter of the alphabet. The sum total of the letter-numbers is the number for dhikr. (I) "The meanings of the Names are the attributes of God." (Maq$ad, 74 a). (2) It is traditional, both before and after Ghazali, to explain the meanings of the Names in terms of their meaning 'in the language' «<ji l-lughah»). Ghazali's discussion has that too. It is also not uncommon before explaining the Names to discuss one thesis or more about the relation among the name, the named and the naming. (See, for example, AL-BA~ILLANi, Kitiib al-tamhid, edited by R. McCarthy, pp. 225-236). But it is with Ghazali that one first gets the sense of a systematic connection between a distinctly logical seman tical discussion of "name", "named", "naming", and of types of meaning relations such as synonymity, near synonymity, ambiguity, all on

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INTRODUCTION

XXXI

There are three main issues, although, as we shall see, one of these appeared in Islam as an aspect of one of the other two.
1. The central issue is the one debated between the Mu'tazilites and The Philosophers, on one side, and the Orthodox Theologians, on the other. It is the question of the nature of the relationship between the attributes I of God and God. More specifically, whether the relationship is such that God's unity is destroyed by the many attributes which He is said to have. The opponents agree that God's unity should be safeguarded, and each believes that the way they conceive the attributes achieves the desired end. They differ in the way attributes are supposed to be related to God. Roughly, the Mu'tazilites and the Philosophers rejected the metaphysical reality of the attributes and their distinctness from God, though not their logical distinctness from Him, or from one another. They feared that to add to God metaphysically distinct attributes would be to introduce 'composition' into the divine nature. For Ghazali and the Orthodox Theologians it was a matter of finding a logical model that would not only safeguard the unity of God, but also retain. the traditional Islamic belief in one God who is characterized in so many different ways. The Ash'ari of the lbiinah and the Maqiiliit, and the Ghazali of the Tahiifut, to a lesser extent of the Iqtisiid, fought the attepmt to 'collapse' all the attributes into unity with God's Essence. Their logical
the one hand, and, the explication of the Names, as well as the discussion of certain theological and philosophical issues, on the other, including the theses about the relation of the name, the named, and the naming. Especially noteworthy is the centrality and logical priority given by Ghazali to the analysis of meanings of "huwa huwa". The systematic character of Ghazali's discussion has been followed. AI-Riizi (d. 1209) has the exact same three systematically related sub-divisions of Ghazali's Maqsad : al-mabddi wa l-muqaddimdi, al-maqdsid wa l-gluiyiit, and al-lauuihiq wa l-mutammimat. Incidentally, in a recent work by Muhammad Taqi al-Din al-Tsfahanl (d. 1914), Kiishif al-asmd", the brief treatment of the issues in the logic of names and naming is nothing more than a selection of verbatim passages from Ghazali's Maqsad. (I) Although the issues concern the relation between God and His attributes while the Maqsad is about the Names of God, the focus is the same. (See note 1, p. XXIX above).

model was that of ordinary substance, as substratum, and what can be said of it '. The locus is always one no matter how many the attributes 2. Attributes are other than God, in that they are not identical with His Essence. At the same time they may be said not to be other than God since they cannot inhere (taqilm) in other than Him. 2. The related but logically distinct other issue concerns the way in which the attributes, as to their meaning, can be related to one another. Sight, for example, as applied to God, was regarded by the reductionists as His knowledge of visible things, hearing of audible things, and so on. The multiplicity is in the different things known. We still have only the attribute of knowledge. Then the task was to reduce that attribute to the essence of God, and this belongs under the first issue we raised. The main thing for the Theologians was not to contest the reduction of any two or more attributes in one specific way rather than another, but to reject the reduction enterprise as such. They would have agreed with their opponents that out of some - one or seven - more attributes could be formed, for example, by negation and relation 3. They would also have agreed to look upon the process of thus multiplying the attributes as the reverse

(I)

This is not to say these attributes

are considered accidents of substance.

This would diminish their "reality", and the option was rejected by the Orthodox Theologians. Thus the model merely supplies the way in which one locus while remaining one as to its essence can have many attributes. (2) "Itti(ujd al-mahall rna' ta'addud al-$iftil"; Maq$ad, 6 b. (3) For an exemple of this sort of derivation (which is non-etymological,

non-

grammatical) see Ghazali's discussion in the Maqsad, pp. 78 b - 81 a. The classification of attributes as those pertaining to God's Essence, to His Attributes (non-relational), and His Acts (relational) is standard in Islamic theology. It is often used as a basis for a corresponding classification of the Names. The oddity of speaking of "attributes of His Attributes" is dispelled by two things: a realism concerning God's non-relational Attributes: that the Seven Attributes are real inherents in God, though distinct from His Essence; second, a distinction sometimes made between sifah, the real inherent, and waif, the descriptive words used by men to denote the $ifat. For example, see AL-BAQILLANi, cit., pp. 213-224; and for a good discussion of sifah, ioasf, (and ism) op. in the Ash'arite school see ALLARD,op. cit., q.v. in the index.

XXXII

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AL-ASNA

INTRODUCTION

xxxm

process to that of reduction, and that logically and semantically what makes the former possible is what permits the latter. However, the Theologians were under no pressure to reduce because the model for the relationship between the many attributes and their one locus does not cause multiplicity in that locus. And although they accorded a special place for the set of basic Seven Attributes, the many other attributes formed from these were accepted as that many distinct ways in which God may be characterized. In other words the priority of the Seven Attributes was not such that all the other attributes had to he collapsed into them. On whatever ground their priority, it was not assigned for any reason connected with the desire to safeguard God's unity. Whereas for the Mu'tazilites the relative or 'transitory' priority given to the attrib':lte of knowledge was motivated by the desire in the end to establish the Unity of God. In the Maqsad the historical dispute over whether the many attributes could be reduced to Seven added to God's Essence, or reduced altogether to God's Essence, is not the substance of Ghazali's concern. Only two brief chapters are devoted, respectively, to the positions of the Orthodox Theologians (Part Two, Chapter Two) and their opponents (Part Two, Chapter Three). As a matter off act he explicity says of his discussion of the position of the Mu'tazilites and the Philosophers that it does not properly belong in the Maqsad, and, presumably addressing himself to scribes of his book, says that it may be omitted from the book (80 a). He refers the reader to the fuller discussion and refutation of that position in the Tahdfut", But whereas the controversy itself does not immediately concern Ghazali in the Maqsad, the general question of how the many attributes can be related to one another as to their meaning is central. As a matter of fact Ghazali wants to show that the general semantic discussion, logically, sh<;mld come before one joins that historical controversy. For the latter depends in part on being clear about such concepts as synonymity, equivocation, . and derivation, and on being clear on the detailed
(I) See the Tahdfut, the fifth and sixth questions.

applicability of these to the attributes in their relation with one another. We say in part because although deriving many attributes from some, or reducing many to some, does depend on the semantical interconnections among the attributes (attribute-words), the decision to stop at seven plus God's Essence, or to 'collapse' all into God's Essence, is not a seman tical decision. 3. Besides the above two related issues of Islamic theology, there is the philosophical problem of the basis on which one attributes anything to a God who is declared unique and unknowable. Ghazali was sensitive to this issue, and he sought to resolve it with relatively sophisticated tools and insights. One such tool was an explicitiy formulated philosophy of religious language. Here the connection is no longer between the semantics of naming and the attributes, but between a conception of the nature and function of religious language and the problem of the possibility and basis of attribution. This can still be called the problem of the relation between the attributes and God, except that now it is the problem of the logic and epistemology of attribution. More precisely it is the combined problem of whether anything can be said of a unique unknowable God, and - since it is given that much has been said and more can be - on what grounds such characterization can be made. In the Maqsod Ghazali discusses the former problem as the question of how it can be said that God is knowable, and at the same time that He is unknowable (Chapter Four of Part One). The problem of the grounds of attribution is not discussed explicitly and as such, although one can find statements of a possible criterion on which attributes may be selecte~. This occurs in Chapter Three of Part Three where Ghazali discusses the question of whether the Names are set by Law - and restricted to ninety-nine - or may be supplied by reason. Ghazali's position is that the Names, as a special set, are supplied by Law, but reason may describe God in additional ways, if the Law has not forbidden these. From such descriptions we can derive names by which to call Him 1. The criterion for selection
(I)
J

In effect, at least grammatically,

these would be names of God, but they

XXXIV

AL-MAQ.$AD

AL-ASNA

INTRODUCTION

xxxv

is that what we say shall not, even by insinuation, insult God; on the contrary, what we say shall have to praise Him. This criterion suggests a way of answering the general question about the epistemic grounds of attribution. Ghazali also suggests (19 b) that the function of such characterization, apart from praising God, is to permit man to form an analogical conception of the God who is going to be emulated. There is one more problem which does not fall strictly under the question of the relation between the attributes and God. It is the problem of whether the goal of becoming like God implies identification between man and God. In the appendix to Part Two Ghazali states the position he expresses also in such other works as the I~yii,the Arha'in, the Mishkiitnamely, that neither qurb, norfanii', nor the mystical knowledge revealed in taw~id, can be nor can lead to an identification between man and God I. Let us now discuss the content of the first three chapters of Part One, and note how this is related to the above problems. Ghazali himself thought of these three chapters 2 as a logical introduction to the discussion of the rest of the Maqsad. Moreover, these sections deserve special comment because they are the most involved parts of the book. The material of these chapters can be organized under the following questions. I) What is a noun 3 (as the name of something)? 2) What
would not qualify for membership in the group of Ninety-Nine Names, since they are not supplied by Law. (I) See SHEHADI,op. cit., Ch. 2. Ghazali's concern with this problem which results from his over-riding mystical pre-occupation is a new ingredient in discussions of the Names. As a matter of fact, and more generally, in directions of concern and types of problems seen to connect with a discussion of the Names, Ghazali's Maqsad emerges as the most balanced, the fullest, and most systematic of the treatises on the divine Names. Its influence on that 'genre' is commensurate with Ghazali's more general influence in the history of Islamic thought. (2) Along with the fourth chapter of that part; See above, p. XXVI, here we state w Ghazali's view that an awareness of the religious-ethical goal in explicating the Names is also a propaedeutic to that explication. (3) For the most part we shall translate "ism" as "name" (rather than as "noun"), in accordance with its logical-semantical function of naming. This will make it possible

is its relation ·to that which it names? 3) If there are many names that refer to the same thing, then a) what is the nature of the relation of the many names to the one thing named, and b) what is the relation of the names to one another? Ghazali's actual procedure, however, is to discuss these in the course of examining three theses which one could consider as answers to one or another of the above questions. The first thesis is that the name is the same as the named, but differs from the naming I. The second thesis is that the name is other than the named, but is the same as the naming>, The third thesis is in three parts: a) the name could be the same as the named, b) it could be other than the named, and c) it could be neither the same nor other than the named 3. The second thesis is the converse of the first. The third thesis essentially questions the idea of there being only one kind of relation between the name, the named, and the naming, as is implied by the other two theses. The first two parts of the third thesis together say that each of Thesis One and Thesis Two could be true in certain cases, but not in all. It therefore contests their claim to be valid in all cases. The third part of the third thesis makes explicit the conclusion that there are cases in which neither the first nor the second thesis is true.

for us to reproduce in English Ghazali's discussion of the relation among al-ism, the name, al-musammd, the named, and al-tasmiyah, the naming. We could not have done this with "noun". (I) This was held by al-Ash'ari, for fear that if the Names were not, then one might want to say they were created (See al-Ibdnah, p. 9). Ghazali replies in the Maqiad (10 a) that the Names as words need not be eternal so long as their meaning is. Then one can say that God created in man, when he came into being, the sounds of these Names. In this connection see al-Baqillani's dictinction between the ism (the real inherent) and the humanly created tasmiyah; op. cit., 231 fr. (2) This was held by the Mu'tazilites to make it possible to say that Names, like the Qur'an, were created and not eternal. (3) According to Ghazali (3 a, 8 b), this was held by some of the mutakallimiin.

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INTRODuarlON

XXXVII

Ghazali seeks to show that, as the three theses stand, none of them is acceptable, for they all, at least in part, identify what are essentially different. To prepare for therr refutation, and at same time to give us his own semantical thesis in accordance with which he will discuss the philosophical issues pertaining to the Names-theology, he sets for himself a two-fold prior task. First, he wants to examine the meaning of "name", "named", and "naming". Second, in order to be in a position to discuss the relation among these 1, one first has to examine the meaning of "hiuoa huwa" (when we say of anything, 'It is ...') and of "huwa ghairuhu", or 'It is other than (not) ...' 2. The genus for a name is the word or linguistic entity. As such "it exists in the tongue", and contrasts with the meaning which "exists in the mind". This in turn differs from an objective existence which exists in reality. This threefold ontological classification 3 serves to 'house' the three different things: the tree under which one can sit, the word "tree" that one can utter or write, and what "tree" means'. The logical
(I) It should be remarked that in Ghazali's discussion of the three theses the main issue is the relation of name to named. The relation to naming is only occasionally mentioned, and is not made central. . (2) Ghazali's discussion is primarily of 'huwa huwa'. 'Huwa ghairuhu' is the neganon of 'huwa huwa'. By implication the senses of the denial are meant to be taken from the senses of the affirmation. (3) In the Mi'yiir (p. 42) the classification is fourfold, with the spoken and the written considered separate. The written word stands for the spoken which stands for the meaning which represents the objective reality. This priority of the spoken to the written most likely reflects its temporal priority. For both in the development of an individual and in the history of man speech ante-dates writing. . (4) The name is the word (in the ontological classification), and the named, m the tree example, is the real object. (Or, in the conceptualistic theory of meaning such as that held by Ghazali, the name can also be said to denote the conceptual meaning) .. How.ever, there is no clue in the Maqsad, explicit or implicit, for identifying the nammg With the ~~nceptual meaning. (See GARDET,"al-Asma' al-husrui", Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition, vol. I, p. 714, where although not talking about Ghazali's views, '.'IaJ":iyah" ~ s.aid to be the meaning or definition. Ghazali's explicit explanation of naming IS that It ISthe act of assigning a name to denote the named. This could be said to be the denotative meaning of the name, but the act of assigning such meaning to a word is not itself the meaning).

relation between the word "tree" and the actual tree is that of denotation (daliilah), and the actual thing is what is denoted (al-madlillu 'alayhi). Ghazali also says that the word denotes the meaning. The semantical relation, the meaning of the word which denotes, is what can be given as an answer to the question 'what is a tree ?', in a real rather than a nominal definition. Except for proper names, then, Ghazali considers names to have a descriptive function 1. From the above ontological classification it follows that certain things which are true of one cannot be said of the other. The actual man, for example, may be said to be asleep or awake, living or dead. Clearly these do not apply, except perhaps metaphorically, to the word "man" or to its meaning. Furthermore, the meaning of the word "man" may be universal or particular. Neither is applicable to the actual man or to the word 2. Moreover, the word is part of a language (Turkish, Persian, Arabic), has many letters or few, is a noun, a verb, an article, and so on. Implicitly following the Aristotelian concept of a definition, Ghazali now has to provide the differentiating mark for the name (noun) within the larger classification, linguistic entity. This he does by speaking of different levels at which a word may be considered. The first level in language is the word which stands for the real thing. The second level is the characterization of the word itself3. "Climb", "in", and "tree" are all words, but one speaks, at this second level, of "climb" as a verb, "in" as a preposition, and "tree" as a noun (the name for a tree). Thus the
(I) See his distinction between (ism)

waif

and ism ('alam) (86a, f). However,

see also, n, 2, p. XLVII below. (2) There is nothing wrong with saying that the word "man" is a universal term, for that is its logical character as part of a language. Ghazali perhaps has in mind the word as a sound uttered or as a set of written characters, but these are part of the physical world not the world of discourse. If they are part of a language then they are already invested with meaning. Thus Ghazali could be interpreted as saying that the word as to its meaning is universal or particular. (3) Here Ghazali must be talking about the word in a language, not as the noise or the shapes which are part of the physical world. For it would not make sense to speak of the shapes c-l-i-m-b, or the noise of that word when uttered, as the verb.

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noun (name) is the linguistic (grammatical) sub-class that immediately concerns us. At a third level in language one subdivides nouns themselves into indefinite (nakirah) and definite (ma'rijah), and it is possible to have other levels. I t is worth noting that Ghazali considers the sub-class, nouns, as second level linguistic entity. His precise way of making the point is this. The word "ism", or "noun", denotes or names the word "tree" which in turn denotes the actual tree. In other words, whereas "tree" denotes the tree, in the same way, the word "noun" or "name" ("ism") denotes the word "tree", for, as he says, the word "tree" is as much an objective thing, although linguistic, as the tree, and therefore it too may be denoted by a word that classifiesit. "Tree" and "noun" are both linguistic entities, one of which, "noun", can apply to the other, "tree", but "tree" cannot apply to "noun". Thus the idea of levels within language is hierarchical. It does not consist simply of the fact that one word applies to the other, but also of the crucial fact that the relation (here, of class inclusion) is not reversible. The word "tree" cannot denote the word "noun". The noun or name as a linguistic entity has been distinguished from the meaning, and from the actual thing. On this ontological scale the noun occupies the third step (al-ritbah al-thiilithah) in the hierarchy which starts with the basic category of the objectively real thing. However, within the linguistic hierarchy which begins with the words that denote non-linguistic real things, the noun, or the word "noun", occupies the second level (al-tlo.rajah al-thiinigah). In the definition of "noun", the genus, linguistic entity, falls within the ontological scale 1. However, the species, noun, falls on the linguistic scale. As to what differentiates a noun from verbs and prepositions, Ghazali says that unlike the preposition which denotes a relation ("what does not have its meaning in itself") the noun denotes what is non-relational ("what has its meaning in itself").

This it shares with the verb. But the verb differs in that it includes reference to time. A noun has no temporal reference or tense 1. That is Ghazali's explanation of what "name" and "named" mean. As to "naming", this is said to be ambiguous. The primary meaning is the act of assigning to a word the function of denoting a meaning or a thing. But there is also the less important sense of naming, as when one uses an already assigned name, or calls someone by his surname, or by an agnomen (abil •.., or ibn ... ). Ghazali now moves to the central question of his semantical-logical discussion: what is the meaning of huwa huwa. ('It is -')? Statements of this form can be given three possible interpretations, according to Ghazali. First; Case One. In such a statement one could be expressing the relation of perfect synonymity, as when using two words for a lion that differ only in their spelling, 'al-lagthu huwa l-asad' 2. Ghazali's point in this example, as in his other example "al-khamru higa l-'uqiir', is to produce two words for some object which have the same denotation and the same designation. In a translation into an Indo-European language one would call the 'is' in these examples the 'is' of identity. Second; Case Two. Ghazali's examples for this are 'al-~iirim huwa al-sagf'. The word "ai-sag]" is the most general name for that kind of object. "Al-~iirim" names that kind of object by the specific characteristic of cutting. Literally, it means that which severs 3. When the sword is
(I) Ghazali's examples of things denoted by nouns are: tree, man, sky, earth. (2) Ghazali is obviously disregarding differences in connotation which might be relevant primarily in poetry. For example, "nl-asad" may be more appropriate for evoking the image of strength and courage, whereas "al-layth" might be thought best to evoke the image of the elegance and grace in the movement of a tightly knit body. (3) It is not altogether clear whether Ghazali intends "at-sayf" and "al-itirim"

(I) The class, linguistic enti ty, provides the locus for the linguistic scale, but it itself is not on that scale.

to be equal in extension, in which case the latter is another name for the same class named by the former, even though it names that class by a specific characteristic; or, whether "ol-sdrim" names a sub-class of swords, in which case "al-saqf " will have a wider extension, and could include the sub-class of wooden swords which are not meant to sever with.

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"related to India", say, made in India or made of Indian metal, then it is named al-muhannad+. In the instance when we are referring to a sword which was made to cut with, the denotation of "al-sayf" and "al-~iirim' would be the same, but, according to Ghazali, the designation of the two words would not, for "al-sdrim" names the sword by a specific characteristic, that it severs - that it can, or is intended to, sever. And in the instance when we are naming a sword "related to India", "al-sayj" and "al-muhannad" have the same denotation, but "al-muhannad" has a more specific designation. The words (names) of Case One are called mutariidifah (synonyms). In this second case, the words are mutadiikhilah, i.e. the meaning of one, the more general "al-sayj", 'enters into' the meaning of each of the other two, the ones with the more specific designation. By "enters into" Ghazali most probably means that "al-sayf" is used in the definition of "al-fiirim" and of "al-muhannad". For Ghazali speaks of al-~arim and of al-muhannad as swords with a difference 2. It is essential for the understanding of Case Two and its later application, to treat the two words with the more specific designation not as referring simply to the characteristic which they specify, but as names for the ('total') object itself. The difference between these and "al-sayf" is that they name the same object by some specific characteristic. And if one were to consider the swords that sever, and the "Indianized" swords as sub-classes of the class of swords, then "al-sdrim" and "al-muhannad" would be the respective names of these subclasses. In this case the tadakhul of "al-sayj" in the meaning of the other two words is justified by the

relation of class inclusion, and by the acceptance of the Aristotelian conception of definition as the statement of the immediately wider class plus the differentia of the sub-class. Third; Case Three. Ghazali's example for the third case is 'Snow is white and cold'. Here we have one and the same thing which is named snow, being described (not named) as both white and cold. The meaning of "white" is different from that of "cold", and each refers to a different quality in the object. What brings white and cold together is that they both inhere in the same locus or substratum. Thus one can say, 'the white is the cold', but only to mean that the locus is one, the thing described as white is also described as cold. There is no identity between white and cold, as there is in Case One, when the animal is called by the two synonyms "al-layth" and "al-asad". There is an ambiguity about the third case. The issue here could have been whether in saying 'Snow is cold' and 'Snow is white' one is expressing the identity between snow and cold, snow and white, i.e. the thing and its qualities. But then one would be told that here we have the relation of predication not of identity. For Indo-European languages one would say that the 'is' is that of predication. A real predicate merely inheres in its substratum, it is not identical with it. But Ghazali is concerned with this case in a different way. Given that something like snow can have multiple characteristics, a kind of relation results among those characteristics themselves. Because they all have the same substratum one could use the form 'huwa huwa' ('the cold is the white') about the relationship of any two such characteristics. But upon analysis, as we have already seen, this can only be taken to mean that the thing cold is the thing white. The importance of distinguishing these two aspects of predication (the relation of thing to its qualities, and the relation among the qualities themselves) is this. First, in discussing the way in which the name, naming, and the named could be related Ghazali rejects the model of predication of Case Three. The relation is not such that there is one thing, the named,

(I) Here it is probably more likely that this names a sub-class of swords. It could even name a sub-class of swords that sever. It is noteworthy that the relation among the three words is in terms of al-siirim and al-muhannad each being called al-sayf not the other way around. This could mean that al-sayfnames the wider c1ass,ofwhich the others are sub-classes, but it could also be due to the fact that one identifies the more specific by the more general, regardless of any difference in extension. (2) For another discussion of the relationship among these three words for sword see Mi'yiir (pp. 49-50). Also, see the Mi'yiir (pp.46-52) for a fuller and more complex discussion of the general types of meaning relationships.

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(snow, in the earlier example) of which two things can be asserted, the name and the naming -like white and cold (6 b). But the predication. model according to which a thing has qualities that inhere in it but which are not identical with it, is accepted in talking about the relation between God and all attribute-names. Second, the two aspects in predication, the relation between predicate and thing, and predicate and predicate, are aspects under which some of the theological issues can be subsumed. The problem of whether the attributes of God are identical with God or not belongs under the relation between predicate and thing, while the whole discussion of derivation, synonymity, the equivocal and the possibility of reducing the number of attributes concerns the relationship of the predicates or predicate-words to one another. With these three models for the interpretation of assertions of the form 'huwa huwa', Ghazali now proceeds to the central question of this section: the relation among the name, the naming, and the named, and the examination of the three theses mentioned earlier. In summarizing Ghazali's discussion the following points can be made.
l. The "name", the "naming", and "the named" are different in

None of the three senses of 'huwa huwa' can help to explain the relation of the name, the naming, and the named. Assuming that these are the only senses, then none of the historical theses - as they stand about the relation of these three have the chance of being correct insofar as they claim, at least in part, that any ofthe three can be said to be (huwa
huwa) the other.

meaning the one from the other. They are not synonyms, and therefore, unlike Case One, they do not have the relation of identity of perfect synonyms. 2. A certain name, say "tree", is not identical with the tree, the thing named, for there is an ontological difference between a linguistic and a non-linguistic entity. 3. Nor is the relation of the three words to be construed on the model of Case Two. For although they all derive from the same root, "naming" or "named" are not names with a difference, the way al-sdrim or al-muhannl!d are each a say! with a difference. 4. As we have already remarked in outlining Case Three, the relation of name, naming, and named is not of multiple predicates, name and naming, to the named.

However, Ghazali believes that the view that the name is, or could be, the named can be interpreted in a way that would make it acceptable. Two modifications would be necessary. The first is to say that the meaning of the name is the same as the named 1. Such a change resorts to Ghazali's conceptualistic theory of meaning according to which a word can be said to name, or stand for, its meaning, or definition, which is in the mind, (as well as for the objective reality). Thus one can say the meaning is the named. Ghazali's way of stating this here (8 a) is less precise: if by a name we do not understand the thing named, the name could not be said to belong to it. The second modification, is that the name be the immediate class-name, the one given as an answer to the question: what is it? "Man" would be such a name, but "white", said of a man, would not. "Animal" does not give the immediate class or species to which the man belongs. Putting the two points together we can say that the meaning of "man" is what is named by that name. In this way one could say that the name is the named. This can rescue the first thesis and one third of the third thesis. The second thesis - that the name is the same as the naming - is not discussed much by Ghazali. It is rejected in the course of the rejection of
(I) AI-Jurjani in the opening lines of his commentary on al-'Iji makes clear that the controversy was never whether the ism as the word, e.g. "Jaras", is or is not identical with the thing named, the horse, but whether the madliIl of the word is. And it is not the trivial possibility of the horse being identical with itself, but, rather, the question of what it is about the horse that the word "Jaras" denotes. If it denotes the horse "min fwythu huwa", then what '<foras" means, what it denotes, and what it is a name of, are one and the same. This would be true of all class names. The real question becomes what kinds of names are there, and how do their functions differ. It is this that underlies the Third Thesis.

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the first thesis, as originally stated, and no attempt is made to rescue it when he tries to rescue the other two theses -. There remains the other two thirds of the third thesis: that the name could be other than the named, and, that it could be neither the same nor other than the named. That the name could be other than the named is acceptable to Ghazali if by "name" one is referring to the linguistic entity. That is distinct from the two things it could name, the conceptual meaning, and the real thing. Could the thesis become tenable if one were talking about the meaning of a name; i.e. could the name as to its meaning be other than the named? The mutakallimiln maintained that it could. Two considerations lead them to their position. First, they were talking about names derived from attributes, e.g. "knower" from knowledge, not about the names of species such as "man". To call man knower is to assert knowledge of man. Strictly then, they maintained, the reference of "knower" is to knowledge, unlike "man" which they admitted refers to the individual per se. If derived names do not refer to the essence of a being, then their meaning is necessarily other than that being, and the name is other than the named. Ghazali's answer is that the difference in reference between "man" and "knower" (or "creator" or "father") is in what they refer to, about a being, not in whether they refer or not. "Man" refers to the being per se, as to its essence. "Knower", "creator", "father" also refer to the man, but under the aspect specified. They refer to some X which knows or creates or is a father. We can infer that the X is a man, but in themselves those names do not refer to the man as such. However, this does not mean that they do not refer to the man at all; least of all that they name the attributes of knowledge, creating, and fatherhood, respectively. They affirm these of a man, but they name the man. Their denotational meaning is the same as the named.
(I) This is to be expected, for the Second Thesis was advocated by the Mu'tazilites, while the other two are within the orthodoxy that Ghazali usually defends, although not altogether uncritically.

The other consideration which according to Ghazali led the mutakallimin to claim that the name could be other than the named is their refusal to consider relational attributes as descriptive accidents of substance. Knowledge, white, etc. can be, but not creator, or father. Ghazali finds this senseless, for relational attributes can be asserted and denied of entities just as non-relational ones, and they inform about them equally. Thus there is no reason to claim that names which express relational attributes have to be other than the named on the grounds that they cannot even be related to the named as descriptions. As to the view that the name could be neither the same as the named nor other than it, Ghazali explains it by the example of the name "knower". Those who hold the view would want to say t hat "knower " and "man" said of someone are not the same; nor is the one (completely) other than the other, for one is asserted of the other. Ghazali assimilates this example to his Case Three and then finds it acceptable in the language of that case. The difference is established by the fact that "knower" and "man" have different meanings. The sameness, after the manner of Case Three, consists in the fact that the one who is called knower is the one who is called man. Thus one has a situation in which there is sameness in one respect, difference in another, or, a situation in which there is neither simply a sameness, nor simply a difference. But it is not a case when both sameness and difference are denied of some one respect which is what the wording of the thesis first suggests. We have already noted the two aspects of attribution, the one concerning the relation between attributes and their locus, and the one concerning the relation of the attributes of some one substance to one another. The former aspect is of course the primary one since attribution is the affirming of attributes of some subject. It is also this aspect which provides the logical model for the way in which the unity of God can withstand the multiplicity of attributes. Insofar as this historical problem of the unity of God is not the central issue of the Maqsad, it is not surprising to find Ghazali concentrate on the aspect of the relation of attributes (or attribute-Names) to one another. The three cases which give the

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senses of 'huwa huwa' are about the relation of attributes (or attributenames) to one another. We have seen that Case Three is about the relation between white and cold, both of which are asserted of snow. Case Two is about the relation among three names for swords, and Case One about two names for lions, or two names for wine. Case One is that of strict synonyms. But Ghazali rejects the possibility that any of the Names of God could be synonyms, for that would result in less than ninety-nine Names, and this is contrary to the Tradition. The implication is that the Tradition spoke of ninety-nine Names which are different in meaning, which have rna'iini mutabiiyinah. This a priori rejection of the possibility of synonyms among the Names is supported by Ghazali's own extensive explication of the different meanings of the ninety-nine Names (Part Two, Chapter One). Case Two supplies the model for the relation among many groups of attributes the names for which are close in meaning (mutaqiiribah fi 1rna'nii). Examples are: al-kabir, al-'a(lhim; al-khiiliq, al-biiri', al-musaunoir; al-ghaniyy, al-malik. The designations of the words within each group overlap,. but do not quite coincide like those of strict synonyms. However, an important difference should be noted about the sword example of Case Two when it is applied to the theological names. In that example what groups together the three names for the sword is that they are class names for the same sort of object. And if the names with the more specific designation, ai-siirim and al-muhannad, are to be considered names of sub-classes of swords, they can still be grouped with al-sayf to give us three names f01'roughly the same kind of object. Al-sdrim names a sword by its aspect as severing, al-muhannad by its relation to India. In a similar manner we can speak of the Names al-kabir and al-iadhim. as naming Godby the respective attributes of 'bigness' and 'greatness'. But these Names are neither class names nor sub-class names for the kind of being called Allah. And the relation between "Allah" and "ul-kabir" , "al-'a(lhim" does not correspond to the relation between "al-sayf" and "al -. ar im," "la -m uh anna.d" "Alla h" does not 'enter m' the meaning of s.

'al-kabir"

or "al-'a(lhim". For although the latter two name God under an aspect, or by a specific aspect, they do not mean what "Allah" means plus a difference. The analogy with the sword example would have been closer if we had a general name for God's majesty, the way al-sayf is a general name for swords. Then the two Names mentioned can be related to that name as more specific names for God under that relatively general aspect. There would still be the difference that the general name for God's majesty is a name for God by some specific aspect - of which al-kabir and al-'a(lhim are further specifications - not a general name for God. The reason for all this is not difficult to see. Swords and other things have names that give their species. Each such name can be used as answer to the question: 'what is this X?'. This means, in the classical tradition, that the names can be expanded into real definitions that describe essentially. But God has no such name. For Ghazali, God belongs to no class, and no name can describe Him essentially. Therefore God can have no name which 'enters into' the meanings of those other Names that name Him by one or another specific attribute. "Allah" is a proper name, indeed the most special of all the Names". It is used to denote the very (and 'total') being of God, not merely God under some aspect (i.e. as creator, knower, etc.). Nonetheless, it is like "Zayd" used about Zayd, not like "man" used about Zayd. God has no other name in the meaning of which the Name Allah would 'enter', if only because as a proper name, "allah" has no designation to begin with 2. To be sure there are Names that denote God in His Essence (dhiit), as distinguished from 'lesser' aspects of His being, such as His Attributes or His Acts. But according to Ghazali, even these are not general class names that describe God essentially. They are descriptive names of the
(I) One does not say that "AlltIh" is a name of The Knower, The Real, The

Forbearing, etc ..., but one does say that these are names of Allah (25 a). (2) In spite of Ghazali's distinction between a decriptive name and a proper name, he speaks of the Name "AlltIh" as having a meaning (designation) (25 a). He must mean that the etymology of the word has meaning. However, as a proper name it is not used to express any meaning.

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dhiit, but not of the miihiyyat al-dhiit (8 a). Unlike the proper name Allah,

these names do say something about God, but what they say is negative. "Al-haqq" can be explained in terms of the idea of necessary existence which essentially says that God is above being caused, and "al-quddss" means that God is above any description. Thus not even the Names that refer to God's Essence are general descriptive names of His Essence. They are ways of naming God by some specific (negative) characteristic of His Essence. In fact one can say of all the Names of God (other than "Allah") that they name Him by some specific characteristic, be it relational or non-relational, positive or negative. It followsthen that when some Names are grouped together because they are close in meaning (e.g. al-kabir, al-'aclhim), their designations can be said to overlap by virtue of their having as a common denotation God under a characteristic (majesty). This characteristic is specific in that its denotation is short of the generic nature of God, unlike "sword" for the sword and "man" for man. But it may be considered general relative to the two more specific ways in which God as majestic may be named. There is one semantical classification which Ghazali considers, but not as one of his three cases. It is an additional type because it is not involved in the assertion 'huwa huwa'. Al-ism al-mushtarak is the case of one word having two or more meanings. Or, following the literal meaning of the Arabic, one can speak of two or more meanings which share one word. In Ghazali's discussion of the Names this is applied in two ways, one of which becomes the basis for the religious-ethical goal which is the "final aim" of the explication of the Names. The first application is a straightforward case of what Aristotle called the equivocal (Part one, Book Three). For example, "al-mu'min" can mean the one who believes, or the one who makes things secure. Ghazali decides that each of the names of God must have only one meaning. This reminds us of his decision that each must have at least one distinct meaning, by which he ruled out synonymity. Of the meanings mentioned for "al-mu'min" the right one to use in talking about God is "the one who makes things secure."

The second application of the idea of one word with two meanings involves us in a very special context. Most of the Names we use about God are actually words used in talking about humans. But if God is unlike anything, the words applied to Him and to man cannot have the same meaning. We can still speak of one word shared by two meanings, but it is no longer the straightforward case of equivocation. Part of the difficulty in finding a correct semantical name depends on the way Ghazali construes the difference between the meaning of each of those shared words. Here one finds in Ghazali more than one explanation of that difference. One finds the extreme position that the difference is complete, so that the only common thing is the physical character of the shared words 1 (20 a). This approaches the case of homonyms. But it differs from the typical case of homonyms, because the community of physical character is not accidental. The word "knower" applied to God is the same word-the same as to (original) meaning-that applies to man. As a matter of fact it is used about God precisely for that reason, because it is the word which in the human context means what "knower" ordinarily means. But for philosophical reasons - the uniqueness of God - Ghazali says that as it applies to God it must have a completely different meaning. However, the advantage of using the same word in the two contexts is that this permits man to understand the word used in the divine context on the analogy of its meaning in the human, even though, by this interpretation, there is no actual analogy at all. This homonymous-type interpretation of the difference in the meanings of some one word used in the divine and human contexts is not the only account to be found in Ghazali. A less than complete difference is also proposed 2. Say the shared word is "knower", then the divine
(I) One finds a strong version of this elsewhere; for example, see my Ghazali's Unique Unknowable God, p. 18, point number three, and n. 2 011 the same page. (2) That Ghazali held both is one version of the seeming contradiction between the view that God is above any human characterization and that God may be so characterized. For the view that God may be characterized analogically, the less than

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and human instances of this word are not only alike in physical character, but their meanings overlap. The words are used analogically. The meanings are not the same, for God and man are still sufficiently different. God's knowledge is more perfect in its extent and its mode of operation. (39 a,f) This is a kind of difference that is sometimes brought out by changing the form of a word to indicate the perfected difference in the divine case. For example, the form "al-ra~miin" is reserved for God alone, to express the unique and perfect ways in which God manifests His ra~mah. In net effect, we are to understand the same sort of difference obtaining even in those cases - which are most of the cases - where the same word form is used for both God and man. This gives a specific difference in designation within a broader analogical sameness. But this does not give us an instance of Case Two. Ghazali would not have subsumed al-asmii' al-mushtarakalt under al-asmii' al-mutadiikhilah of Case Two. For the special feature of Case Two that provokes the assertion 'huwa huwa' is the sameness of the denotation of two different words close in meaning. In the current instance we have the same word with two different denotations, the human and the divine, or, a word used in two different types of contexts. One final word about this ishtiriik in names between the divine and human contexts. It becomes the basis for, and facilitates the statement of .the final aim in the explication of the Names of God. If God can be called by such and such names, and man can be called by the same names, and if names are attributive 1, then one can depict for man the ideal

character of God in terms familiar to him 1. Then man can be enjoined to emulate that character. In the case of those Names that apply to God alone such as al-haqq, al-quddus, al-rahmiin, then one can tell man the metaphorical sense in which he can acquire the character which these names express", In either case it is this qurb, becoming like God, which in the end is what Ghazali aims for in the writing of the Maqsad. Indeed, its point by point exemplification is the substance of the book.

complete difference view, is a sophisticated version of the more general belief that some human characterization is applicable to God. (See SHEHADI,o.h. cit., p. 15, n. 2). At least a small residue of similarity will have to be assumed in any analogical interpretation, although it is the differences that are usually pointed out. At any rate it does not seem necessary to have to decide whether Ghazali held one view or the other, for he held both. And this should be part of the picture. in any discussion of seeming contradictions in his theology of attribution. In my Ghazali's Unique Unknowable God I selected the God above any characterization as Ghazali's actual position. (I) See note I, p. XXIX above.

(I)

This holds regardless of whether the interpretation

of the words used about

God is that they are completely different in meaning or are used analogically. For what is sufficient for man's religious life is that he be given to understand them in his terms. Surely this is the only way in which he can apply them in his life. And this is possible under either interpretation. (2) For Ghazali's remarks on how these can become applied in man's life see under al-{raqq (62 a, f), al-quddiis (28 b, f), and al-rahmdn (26 a, f).

ABBREVIATIONS
l. General

USED IN EDITING

THE TEXT

ago om. mar. corr. m.t. er. incl. ref. unc.
ms,

pref. n.t.

agree (s) with omitted, omits, omission margin correction, corrected main text erased, erasure including refers to unclear instead of preferred could not be traced

BIBLIOGRAPHY
WORKS CITED IN THE INTRODUCTION. I. Articles. I. HOURANI,G., "The Chronology of GhazaIi's Writings", Journo.l of the American Oriental Society, 79, 1959, pp. ~225-233. 2. WATT, W. M., "The Authenticity of Works Attributed to al-Ghazall, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1952, pp. 24-45. 3. GARDET, L., "Al-asma' al-lzusnd", Encyclopedia of Islom, New Editon, BrillLuzac, 1960. pp. 714-717. II. Books. A. Printed Editions of the Maqsad : (All bear as title: al-Maqsasd al-asnd shorlz asmd' allah al-hustui]; I. Cairo, Taqaddum Press, First Edition, 1904 (1322 A.H.). 2. Cairo, Sa'adah Press, Second Edition, 1906 (1324 A.H.). 3. Cairo, Sharqiyyah Press, Second Edition, 1906. 4. Cairo, al-Maktabah al-'Alamiyyah, (no date). 5. Cairo, al-Maktabah al-Azhariyyah, 1961. B. Other Works by GhazaIi: I. Al-Arba'in fi "Pit al-din, Cairo, 1925. 2. Ilzyii' 'uliim at-din, 1928 (1346 A.H.), 4 vols, (cited for the book atMughni 'an haml al-asfiir by 'Abd al-Rahlm b. al-Husayn al-'Iraqi which appears in the lower half of the pages of the I/;yd' edition). 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Al-Iqti~iidfi l-I'tiqiid, eds. I. Chubukchu and H. Atay, Ankara, 1962. Mishkiit al-anwiir, ed. A. 'Afifi, Cairo, 1964. Al-Munqidh min al-¢aliil, ed. S. ~aliba and K. 'Ayyad, Beirut, 1967. Al-Munqidh min al-¢aliil, ed. A. Mahmud, Cairo, 1964. Tahiifut al-Faliisifah, ed. S. Dunya, Cairo, 1947.

2.

For Qur'iin and Ifadith References

ns.
Bukh. J:lan. Maj. Mus. Suo Tir. 3. Printed Texts and Incomplete Mss* G M A Az S Tq

S

Siirah Abu Dawud Bukhliri Ibn Hanbal Ibn Majjah Muslim
Suytitl

Tirmidhi

Garrett Collection, No. 1891 Michigan, No. 247 'Alamiyyah, (no date) Azhariyyah, 1961 Sa'adah Press, 1324 A.H. (1906 A.D.) Taqaddum Press 1322 A.H. (1904 A.D.)
references to the main mss, see pp. XVI-XVIIabove.

• For the list of abbreviated

C. On the Divine Names: 1. AL-'IJi, 'A9Ud al-Din, al-Mawiiqif (the seventh marsad of the fifth mawqif) with the commentary of al-Jurjani, ed by Badr al-Dln alI;IaIabi, Cairo 1907. 2. AL-BAQ.ILLANi, itiib al-tamhid, ed. by R. McCarthy, Beyrouth, 1957. K

LIV

AL-MAQ~

AL-ASNA

3. Ar.-BAYHAQi, Kitiib al-asmd' wa l-#fiit (published with Furqiin alQur'iin of al-'Azziimi), Cairo, 1939. 4. Ar.-I~FAHANi, Muhammad Taqi ai-Din Klishif al-asmd" fi shar/.zal-asmd' al-lzusnii, Teheran, 1879. 5. AL-QusHAYRi, al- Ta/.zbirfi al-tadhkir, ed. by Ibrahim Basyunl, Cairo, 1968. 6. AL-RAzi, Lawiimi' al-bagyiniit, ed. by Badr al-Din al-Halahi, Cairo, 1905. 7. SALIM, 'Abd al-Maqsud, Pi malakt7t Allah, Cairo, 1967.
J).

Manuscript Catalogues: I. AHLWARDT, W., Verzeichniss tier Arabisehen Handschriften der Koniglichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, Berlin, 1899 (vol. 8). 2. BROCKELMANN,C., Geschichte tier Arabischen Litteratur, Leiden, 1937 (Supplementband I). 3. DERENBOURG,H., Les manuscriptes arabes de I'Escurial, Paris, 1884 (vol. I). 4. ELLIS & EDWARDS, A Descriptive List of Arabic Manuscripts at the Btitish Museum, London, 1912. 5. HIm, FARIS & 'ABD AL-MALlK, The Gaffett Collection, Princeton University Press, 1938. 6. MACH, Rudolph (a descriptive catalogue of Arabic mss at Princeton, as yet unpublished). 7. WORRELL, A. H., Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts in the Library qf the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1925 (Typescript). I. ALLARD, Michel, Le problem« des attributs divins, Beyrouth, 2. Ar.-AsH'ARI, al-Ibdnah 'an Up.it al-diyiinah, Cairo, 1929. 3. AL-AsH'ARI, Maqiiliit al-Isliimiyyin, Cairo, 1950-1954. 4. BoUYGES, M., 1959. Essai de chronologie des euores de al-Ghazdli, 1965.

E. Other:

Beyrouth,

5. MELKIE, Selma, Exposition of the Most Exalted Meanings qf the Most Beautiful Names of Allah, M. A. Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Kennedy School of Missions, Hartford Seminary Foundation, May, 1943 (A translation of the Names-Section). 6. SHEHADI, F., Ghazali's Unique Unknowable God, Leiden, 1964.

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