Aliansi Demokrasi untuk Papua (Alliance of Democracy for Papua

)

YAY ASAN KERJA SAMA UNTUK DEMOKRASI DAN KEADILAN

Final Report 2010

Tahun Penuh Ujian bagi Akuntabilitas Pemerintahan Sipil

I. INTRODUCTION:

To Indonesia, Papua is like a conquered territory, full of enemies, where developments in the territory are marked by fear and violence. Approaches made to the regions tend to be reactive and instructional. Papua Nationalism even sees Indonesia is undertaking practices of neocoloniasm. This has never built a good trust between the two parties, instead of hurting each other. The current relation is filled with envies and compulsion. Developments occur under exploitation of forces, instead of mutual interest.

During 2010, legal and human rights conditions in Papua were varied. Although, in response to certain demonstrations, security apparatuses have relatively been cooperative, crime against humanity reappear in various forms. 2010 is Tahun Penuh Ujian bagi Akuntabilitas Pemerintahan Sipil (the year to put civil government's accountability to the test). 2010 was illustrated by government's failure to reform itself and implement policies from the central government to the remote comers.

Potrait of major events sparked in 2010:

1. Local government elections (Pilkada) in a number of places have shaped civil society into political interests that destroy previous relations. To bureaucrats, Pilkada has triggered conflicts when supports were gained and facilities were misused among bureaucrats and have affected carriers at certain periods.

2. Autonomy, particularly, special autonomy has been interpreted according to what any central or local government institution would seek for. Coordination between province government and kabupatenlkota is hardly found. Policies made by province government have been easily neglected by kabupatenlkota governments. Likewise, policies at province level have not been pushed into one direction. Central government has still played the role as the decision maker and sole justifier of all policies in Papua.

3. A number of violent actions occur almost in every comer which create terror and fear to both Papuans and Non Papuans. Anybody could seemingly be the target of violence including shootings, tortures and murders. Relations among institutions, groups and individuals are worsening. This can be seen from certain sectarian clash in Nafri and y oka cases. Particular regions have been the focus of violence at particular period in the form of torture, attacks, gun fight as was in Puncak Jaya.

4. Quality of health service and education are decreasing whereas number of HIV _Aids and domestic violence are increasing. Liquor circulation and consumption has not been controlled. Natural resources, land reclaiming and bigger city crime have also overwhelmed Papua, particularly Jayapura.

II. FACTUAL ACCOUNTS OF EVENTS

A. Local Government Election (Pilkada) of Kota and kabupaten

1. Most of the political parties are not ready to live in a democracy. Money politic is an unusual scene in making a decision of pledging support for certain candidate and political party leaders' double support and intervention at national level.

2. The instrument of Pilkada that is kota/kabupaten's General Election Commission (KPU) and coprs of apparatuses at sub-district and kampong levels do not have good knowledge of their job description which lead them to be trapped in certain political interest. Bribery has been linked to members of KPU Kota Jayapura to get a candidate through the election. Retired members of KPU allegedly held voting distension and processed the Pilkada. Substitions to members of KPU have been made in several kabupaten.

3. Voters and political party's poor political education and control system have contributed to certain problems in KPU regarding ballot count. The candidates claim lawsuits against each other at the Constitutional Court with various decisions such as ballot recount at certain sub-districts (in Merauke) or holding another election (not a second round election) and where the KPU included candidates who were excluded in the previous selection (Kota Jayapura).

4. Mass mobilization did not only occur during campaign processes but it had been managed long before the campaign through attributes or facilities of which concerned with general public interest.

B. Government administration

1. The relation between DPRP and governor is in disharmony since the inauguration of members and board of chairs of DPRP in October 2009. The governor sometimes do not reply to DPRP's invitation. The tension was high when it was the time to discuss MRP Decree Number 14 of 2009. In the session of the Regional Budget, DPRP viewed that the governor had reduced totally DPRP's functions and authorities. The accumulation of the tension has partly promoted DPRP to carry out Judicial Review of the Clause l(a) of chapter 7 of Special Autonomy Law which then was abrogated under Law Number 35 of 2008. Now, DPRP wants the clause to be reincorporated so governor election will be managed by DPRP.

2. The long dispute between DPRP, MRP and Governor at times creates tendency to redirect the dispute to Jakarta. In fact, Jakarta has been fooling around local governments so many times. Unfortunately, the frequent meetings with Jakarta have not come to a better negotiation, but dissapointment.

3. The governor's leadership style has brought in another impression, especially when he moved his daily office to the province state house instead of the governor's office building. During Christmas the governor has been noted to leave Jayapura. Thus interaction between the governor and the people and the bureaucrats is limited, like the Turkam program (village visits).

4. DPRP have not worked maximally because internal problems such as lack of coordination and communication among DPRP's chairs and only one vice chair is active. Members of DPRP as members of political parties, in the beginning of their period, were occupied with the Pilkada processes in several kabupatens and kota that made it difficult for them to focus on their functions at the parliament. The commissions at the House have not functioned maximally because problems are seemingly dealt only by particular commissions. Decisions made in the Convention Board (Badan Musyawarah, small plenary at DPRP) have at times been changed as well as decisions made by budget board. The other instrument, Legislation Board, was established in August 2010.

5. The materials of the provincial regulations (Perdasi) and the local special regulations (Perdasus) that have been stipulated in 2010 have not yet known and been socialized. MRP still questions some contents of the Perdasus because MRP suspected that its consideration and approval have not been accomodated. Similarly, the Perdasus on MRP membership has been approved; however, the final content of the Perdasus is still questioned.

6. The seSSIOn process of the regional budget (APBD) in DPRP did not proceed according to the mechanism because the session 2011' s budget has been carried out earlier before the session on 2010 annual budget (ABT) where Ministry of Domestic

Affairs' Decree (Permendagri) Number 13 of 2006 was applied, not Perdasus Number 1 of 2007. There is an indication of different regional budget documents used namely, the documents proposed by government work unit (SKPD) under governor's approval through the secretary of province and that included in the PP A/S book submitted to DPRP. The amount of fund listed in PPA/S book has always been a huge budget platform which is ironically not known to the SKPD. Another PP A/S book has also the same content as it in the previous years for particular SKPD.

7. MRP as a cultural body hardly played its power to the end of its period. Insights, inputs, even threats that had been developed by MRP had not been seriously responded by the government. MRP decree Number 14 of 2009 on Regent/Vice Regent and Major/Deputy Major have to be native Papuans as an effort to interpret the explanatory article of Article 20, Paragraph (1) Letter f of the Special Autonomy Law has become a polemic which has brought an impact to some political activities and demonstrations in 2010. Demonstration staged by DPRP Taskforce Team in the Ministry of Domestic Affairs Office Building in Jakarta and MRP's Grand Convention (Mubes MRP) in reaction to MRP' s Decree Number 14 of 2009 tersebut. Di sisi lain, ada juga kelompok yang menolak SK MRP tersebut.

8. Government does not have strong will to respond to disappointed actions such as the demonstration on 18 June 2010 where 11 petitions, the results of MRP Grand Convention, were stated. Authorities are allegedly claiming each other's blame to avoid being responsible. As a result, the demand has not been followed up to date by any institution either DPRP or executives. Whether MRP is still consistent in fighting for the aspiration is still questioned as if no correlation can be made between aspiration and attitudes sohwn.

9. The success gained by Barisan Merah Putih (Red-White Guard) in fighthing for 11 chairs in DPRP has brought up polemic because it is grounded on an arguments that the chairs are to match number of DPRP's members which is considered lacking nationalism. Besides, the decision made by the Constitutional Court is a one-time decision (einmalig).

10. Coalition of the central highland's parliaments has requested for a change in the distribution of special autonomy funds to the regions which has to be managed proportionally while the amount needs to be increased for infrastructural sector. Special autonomy funds have received an increase in 2010 including infrastructural fund. The regional budget planning which combine special autonomy funds with other funding sources has raised a suspicion that budget duplication is being maintained, yet it is hard to control the utilization of the funds.

11. Suspicion around abuse of special autonomy funds keeps haunting certain bureaucrats. However, no concrete measures have been taken by law enforcers to follow up the cases. Take, for example, the case of the building of a number of stateowned houses that brought Jhon Ibo and the case of the building of roads in Kabupaten Sorong Selatan which also brought the Head of Regional Finance and Asset Management Board (BPKAD). Even, Papua police also found 50 motorcycles given away directly by the governor and head of regional finance and asset management. The supply of the motocycles has once been questioned since its funding was not incorporated in the regional budget (APBD). Allegation around corruptive behaviors are also linked to the provision of barges in Kabupaten Boven Digoel, the construction of school buildings in Distrik Kimaam, Merauke, and the construction of religious affairs office building in Kabupaten Supiori.

12. The governor's superior policy on RESPEK has been suggested to merit a review including the sharing of the fund to the entire kabupatens and kotas. The amount of the fund received by a kampung (RESPEK, PNPM Mandiri, ADK, etc.) ranges from 300 - 600 million/year. The funds have not been utilized maximally: around 40%- 80%, which mainly allocated for building infrastructures and not building productivity in economy. In some regions, the funds are spread to community members or spent by certain groups of people. Hence, circulation of the funds for consumptive reasons at kampongs is progressing. Another unfavorable impact is a new way of living style is emerging. People who used to work hard to make money certain kinds of 'earning period' no have to stay on the funds as their regular payment or salary, like government employees.

C. Violence Rate and Security Condition

1. The flag raisings are still in effect, for example, the flag raising in Kampong Waro, Yahokimo, 12 May 2010, by 60 pre-service civil servant, yet it was denied by Yahokimo Regent. Another flag raising occurred in Demta on 10 October 2010 and in Wamena on 20 November 2010. The hoisters related the raising to certain tradition they embrace, similar to the action in Kapeso field in 2009. The belief of the coming of a great savior is again revived through certain traditional media (traditional house and worships) as part of how they reflect on their distrust and desperation for what is happening.

2. Violence by cold steel has appeared in various forms. Some of the perpetrators are easily identified. Some of them are, for example, the shooting in Expo Waena on 27 May 2010, the shooting on 15 September 2010 which allegedly linked to Manokwari Police Brigade's Company C, the shooting of a member of Petapa from Papua

Traditional Council (DAP) at Wamena Airport on 4 October 2010 and the shooting of a prisoner in BTN Tanah Hitam housing complex when security personel is on a search upon Nafri case on 21 November 2010. Legal processes of these unlawful actions are moving still. Some other actions left with no perpetrators identified, for example, that which come to a creditor who was shot on his commission in Boroway, 15 desember 2010.

3. Beside, public has reported on an alleged security personnel involvement in other violent actions such as Edina Tabuni (25) who was shot by stray bullet when she was trying to pacify clash between security personnel and community at Sinak, Kabupaten Puncak. Another stray bullet-shot occurred when police were chasing the suspect of a killing in Transito, Maro, Merauke in Juni 2010 and the shooting of Yaw an Yuweni in Serui as well as similar case in Bolakme,Wamena, on 1 December 2010. No claims have been made by both the military and police for their ivolvement. In addition, there is an indication that a number of attacks or firing contacts have not been published widely. Different numbers of violence are focused in certain places such as Puncak Jaya (the shooting incident which killed a police brigade officer on 15 February 2010 and the shooting of a worker from PT Modem in April 2010.

4. Violence among civilians are also heightening like the ethnic conflict in Nafri and then in Yoka on 17 November 2010. The breaking of Warn en a KP3 Precinct Police office building due to disappointment upon the raid and shooting of a member of Petapa DAP in Wamena airport on 4 December 2010; the breaking of PT Sinar Mas Management Office building in Lereh by the company's workers because of the company's prohibition of a religious building construction; and the breaking of Jayapura city police office building on 26 October 2010 as a result of the ethnic conflict in Sentani.

5. A video that showed a violent action by several military apparatuses was responded with an instant trial to avoid the case to be charged as human rights abuse and face trial in human right court. Charges applied to the suspects are denials of superior's command while the court failed to consider the case as torture against civilians. This is clear as the victim's witnesses were not held into investigation.

6. Humanitarian workers and religious figures have still been living in terrors as what Rev. Socrates S. Yoman, Leader ofBPP Baptist Church, and chair of has been facing and chair of DAP as well as tightened security checking for visitors of the trial of the videotaped tortures carried out by military personnel at Jayapura military court. The death of Juby's journalist, Ardiansyah, in Merauke is still a mystery. It even created tension between journalists and police when police is considered unable to reveal the mystery of the journalist's death. Security apparatuses' infiltration into many

institutions and professions has continued to work such as In bureaucracy and journalism.

7. Violent action is like a cycle: violence for violence. News around various shooting incidents around or near the city and the finding of a house identified as a homebase (in the city) ofTPN/OPM (Papuan Free Movement Organization) have indicated that violence can happen everywhere and to anybody. Ironically, when an incident occurred, the ball is thrown to find the perpetrator. People can hardly obtain accurate information, even they are provoked to set their lives in a condition where they have to comer, oppose and envy each other.

8. Civil institutions and civil society are lacking power to protect themselves and carry on their functions. The role of police in handling problems in public is still questioned, especially in the recent cases where police is accompanied by military conducting operation as, for example, in pursuing the perpetrator of the cases in Nafri, 21 November 2010. Military security has also carry out their own operation, for example, when they were in search of Lambert Pkikir on 18 November 2010 in Kampong Workwana.

D. Economy, Social and Cultural conditions

1. The demand for a market building for mama-mama asli Papua (Papuan middle aged women vendors) was responded at the end of 2010 with the opening of a temporary market building. Some people suspected that it is the governor's effort to generate support for the upcoming governor's election. Some others are worried about the choosing of the location which is considered unsuitable which may create social problems such as traffic problems and waste disposal. Thus appropriate care is needed.

2. The reopening of the central market building Hamadi SInce the beginning of September 2010 has created several problems since no right decisions have been made about shoproom ownership, shoproom rate and struggling over shoproom between the tenants and the land owner. There is also an indication that the front shoprooms are owned by Kota Jayapura parliament members.

3. Earth quake in Wasior on 5 October 2010 has become a lesson learning to manage natural resources and forest with maximum care and not only orienting at economic interest. The handling of the aftermath has to be integrative including medical treatment, rehabilitation, economic, social and psychological care. Furthermore, facility support from the local government should be put in effect. Such condition has proven that prevention and emergency care system have not been maintained

maximally. Prior to the disaster, floods have stricken 11 sub districts in Jayawijya early April 2010. A Malaria plaque which killed around 40 people in several sub districts of Kabupaten Intan Jaya and another earth quake in Kaimana on 30 September 2010.

4. The MIFEE project was an issue around natural resources management sent forth in 2010 which threatens the lose of land rights permanently. It has been predicted that a huge wave of work force will enter Papua, specifically Merauke. This results in practices of marginalization pushed down to Papuans in wider scope. The central government, province and kabupaten's governments overlap each other as a result of different legal references. Natural resources have been illegally exploited. Public reclaiming properties appeared as the barring of the container dock in Depapre in September 2010 , Sentani Airport on 29 November 2010 and 17 December 2010 and a school building in Yobeh, Sentani, Kabupaten Jayapura. This occurs when government refuses to keep promises or to some extent land rights have been transferred to other parties without prior traditional meeting tempted by consumptive living style.

5. Health problems were marked by poor health management and institutions. Hospital facilities, quality service and sanitary, primarily main hospital (referred hospital) is diminishing. In 2010, Papua province government had budgeted 25 billion rupiahs to supply of special autonomy funded medicines (Obat Otsus); however, there was an indication of a growing secret trade of Obat Otsus between certain pharmacies and doctors. As a result, patients are charged with commercial medicines instead of the generic (subsidized) ones. Moreover, at the hospitals businesses are set up by supplying medicines which exceeds the actual number of patients. Consequently, the people's rights to get better health care have to be neglected. Internal conflict is another factor which linked to health practitioners' welfare which resulted in several protests. Take, for example, a demonstration staged by nurses and midwives of Mitra Masyarakat Hospital in Mimika and of the public hospital, Dok II, Jayapura.

6. The basic problem in educational sector is quality service provided by educational institution and the shifting from education for knowledge to education for qualifying certain positions. Supports for private education are almost far from what can be expected, yet such education has also given greater contribution for natural resources development in Papua. On the one hand, teachers domiciling remote areas usually have to abandon the duty for the sake of welfare and security without considerable sactions imposed. On the other hand, mechanism in the methods of promotion sometimes are not taken care properly that forces the teachers to deal with any promotional proceedings by themselves at Kota's office of education.

7. Social criminal activities like domestic violence (KDRT), traffic accidents, murders, rapes, tortures, fights, and fraud have sometimes been driven by liquors (miras). Although some kabupatens have issued regulations on banning liquor, its distribution and selling have still been maintaining illegally. Certain high rank government officials have to spare their time to fly to places (other kabupatens) which do not have regulations on liquor, so that they can enjoy liquor drinking. The Governor of Papua has promised that the government will pass a Perdasi on liquor distribution (August 2010), yet it has never been put into effect.

E. Civil Movement Conditions

1. Civil movements tend to be weakening and losing synergy. Coalition of NGOs and religious institutions is limited due to internal and external problems faced by the respective institutions. The intensity of NGOs' activities working in Legal and Human Rights is diminishing. Similarly, customary communities are not consolidated properly. The local government elections have also occupied various elements of civil society like NGOs, women groups, traditional institutions, youth groups and religious institutions activities for political agendas.

2. Several efforts toward consolidation among civil society have started to work even though it has not been quite solid. Claims which have been formulated still reflect on either side's programs which may contradict each other's and prevent negotiations at maximum level. At the same time, a lot of offers kept testing each group and figure's commitment and consistency in particular civil society.

3. Attempts to break the power which posed dilemma among civil society in Papua have still been maintained by government. Such actions include, for example, repatriation of Nicolas Jouwe from the Netherlands and making him the pro NKRI (Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia) as well as backing up IGSSAPRI actgivities. Another attempt is by publishing and campaigning the book "Integrity has been finished" (Integras Telah Selesai). The book took a writing from ALDP's blogspot without permission, pages 55-64 to counter the book "Papua Road Map" published by LIPI. Another attempt is by establishing Customary Community House to reduce DAP's power as well as campaigning and forming a forum for constructive communication to stand head to head with the concept of Papua-Jakarta Dialog.

4. Pressure for Indonesian government on foreign agencies including foreign embassies carrying out activities in Papua has created waries and disappointments. Civil society have often been used as justification. They have been invited to give presentations on problems in Papua whereas implementation of the program is conversely shifted much to governmental issues. Foreign agencies tend to choose rely on 'super

smooth' policies. In return, the foreign agencies have also contributed to neglecting real problems in Papua. Foreign agencies seem to weaken the power of civil society and support government practices of corruption. Financial control and accountability mechanism is much more transparent conducted by civil society that government. Government incorporates all funding sources in its regional budget which potential of duplicating activities from different funding sources.

5. The rate of embassies' visit to Papua tends to be high and always state straightforwardly their support on the existence of Papua within the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. These visits coincide with Papua case which is being internationalized and rolled on from the same family of Pacific countries to Asia, Europe, and America, for example, the Congress Hearing on 22-23 September 2010 in USA.

F. Dialog Discourse

1. Socialization of the Papua-Jakarta Dialog concept have continuously carried out primarily by Papua Peace Network (Jaringan Damai Papua-JDP) which actually represents civil society elements coordinated by Dr. Neles Tebay and Dr. Muridan Satrio Widjojo. yang merupakan keterwakilan dari komponen masyarakat sipil dengan koordinator Dr.Neles Tebay dan Dr.Muridan Satrio Widjojo. JDP's position has been criticized between those who are for and against NKRI. The dialog concept grows widely. People started to explore and improve what the know about the concept, for example, an awareness of the many problems which have not been settled in Papua. Besides, communication which has found its dead lock around the term "Papua" among different levels. Whether Papua which deals with ethnicity or Papua which represents common problems and interest. It shows that the PapuaJakarta Dialog concept has its academic and critical tenets.

2. When President SBY asserted that it is important to build a constructive communication to settle problems in Papua in his speech on 16 August 2010, which indicates that the dialog has progressively discussed at government levels. To certain parties, the dialog has been confronted with the idea of constructive communication. Substantially, both concepts put forward solutions to problems in Papua without violence since there are no principle grounds to exclude either concept, instead of discussing precisely collectively.

G. Government Approaches

1. Government approaches, to this day, have oriented at improving people's welfare especially through RESPEK program. In contrast, fulfillment of human rights in terms of civil political rights (freedom of expression and obtaining legal protection) as stipulated under Special Autonomy Law which include, policy coordination in Papua, National Human Rights Commission (KOMNAS HAM), Human Rights Court, KKR, Legal Ad Hoc Commission and recognition of identity such as cultural symbols and flag or local political parties have not been put into effect seriously. Civil political problems have been exploited for authorities' political reasons through military approaches which is detrimental to civil society.

2. Legal approach has still been used for the sake of reducing critical voices as part of government's unwillingness to be corrected. The law enforcers' work load, specifically the police, without better facility supports, will carry on their tasks from just one investigation process to another investigation where each investigation process will never be completed, especially when it deals with political affair. A case has not yet been settled, when another case steps in.

3. The way a correctional house take care of its problems has not been considerably changed. When there is a disturbance in a correctional house, the prison guards will lock cells, shut the power down, they enter prisoners' cells accompanied by security personel where they beat prisoners and transfer them to police detention for a relatively longer period. A good example of it is what Philep Karma and Buktar Tabuni cs have gone through. Such approach obviously violates authority of the civil authorities like Head of the Regional Office of Law and Human Rights who is apparently in charge of the prisoners or convicts at a correctional house. The proposition of granting amnesty to a political prisoner/detainee (TAPOLINAPOL) proposed by the Minister of Law and Human Rights in his viist to Jayapura has raised pros and cons from various parties. Some political convicts reject the idea. It is thought to be merely a political move and not the seriously taken. So far, such clemency has been granted to Yusak Pakage.

4. In educational sector, the joint program between Papua and Australia to send 20 teachers to the country or installing 600 hired teachers have not brought significant impact to settle educational problems in Papua such as quality of teaching and learning and avalaibility of better ficilities. As a result, the final produce of such educational process does not result in a competitive gain. Skillful practitioners have still been brought from outside Papua. Likewise, in health sector, the many joint projects and funding sources have not been able to bring significant impact on quality of health service or increasing life expectancy in Papua. The number of HIVAids cases and maternal deaths are still high as well as higher cases of particular endemic diseases.

5. The increase in the amount of the special autonomy funds can not settle the basic problems native Papuans are dealing with. SBY's promises to carry out evaluation on the Special Autonomy Law and to make efforts for the formation of UP4B have not been realized.

III. 2011 CHALLENGES AND RECOMMENDATIONS

A. CHALLENGES

1. The Special Autonomy Law will become a debatable issue even though it mostly covers topics on its implementation whereas the substantial matters will enter political areas. The debate over definition of Papuan in the Special Autonomy Law will continue and complicate a number of regulations at local level. On another angle, the demand for a wider definition of native Papuan and Papuan identity will soon be another issue. Jakarta will also put an effort to reduce the policy on identity. If so, what is special in the Special Autonomy Law?

2. Judicial Review processes and decessions at the Constitutional Court claimed by DPRP, whatever they may be will raise the tension between DPRP and the governor, after all local government election is approaching. The process of governor election has started to bring the people to be split into certain political interests, especially certain figures have been reported ready to register as candidates and have started their campaigns in various forms.

3. The special autonomy law affirms that candidate governors have to be native Papuans which then gives room for internal conflict among Papuans. The propaganda of originality between Papuans who inhabit highlands and those who inhabit coastal areas will be heightened.

4. Other political processes such as MRP member election and installing 11 chairs based on the Special Autonomy Law will prolong horizontal conflict between civil society and local government.

5. The handling of different kinds of corruption cases will face wider challenges. The challenges will come from different parties including wider support form mass media. Thus, police and attorney office will be forced to work on their maximum performance.

6. The demand for fulfillment of the basic rights as mandated in special autonomy law will be continuously brought into discussions regarding especially law and human

rights as well as the rights for better economy, education and health. Natural resources and land in particular will potentially raise conflicts, as MIFEE case, gold mining in Degewo Nabire, Nickel mining investment in Depapre, etc. Land reclamation for a number of investments will occur all over again while regulations have not been in favor of costumary community.

7. The concept of the dialog will be spread out and open to wider responses. There will probably actions toward segregation and reactions to cut through of an intention to come to status quo or to take over the concept of the dialog for particular interests.

8. Issues around security will be sensitive issues due to seberal factors a) security measures have still been kept exclusive without explanation of involvement of certain parties, for example, military involvement in a raid or other types of operation; b) the deployment of non organic troops is still in progress; c) different security and intelligence units have worked within limited coordinations and tend to pass on information within respective network which makes it difficult for the authoirity holders to obtain considerable input on security condition in Papua; the input is partial that leads to policy oriented to the respective units' carrier promotion.

9. The number of violence will still go up in various forms. A number of police failure to reveal a previous case will give wider opportunity for other parties to intensify violent actions.

B. RECOMMENDATIONS

1. The government should have be aware and recognize that fact that the Special Autonomy Law has failed to satisfy its policy to give priority, security and justice to Papuans. Such conditions require intensive revision to the law to bring improvements and other substantial changes. Policies made have to touch all aspects, not only the people's welfare but also civil political concerns which have to be taken seriously. UP4B's formation is necessary; otherwise it will face its failure as what the Special Autonomy Law has faced.

2. Any parties should enrich their VIews and understanding of others, specifically Papuans so as to avoid being trapped in misleading stigmatization and conclusions. It also includes reformulation of the definitions which have distorted views and actions taken in settling problems in Papuak for instance "Autonomy" and "Native Papuans'.

3. The government has to specifically raise its concern about human rights fulfillment especially civil political rights as stipulated in the Special Autonomy law. Concrete political attitudes and supports have to be actualized to torture victims through regulations, institutionalization, fair legal processes and other necessities. Reformation in security sector needs to be carried out as an important part of human rights implementation like revisiting intelligence and infiltration systems in civil bureaucracy, coordinated security system which involves local authority and respect other authority holders.

4. Relation among local civil governments should be redesigned and they should resettle internal problems within the respective institutions. They should stick to institutional mechanism and will to build both formal and informal communication maxicammally in an effort to strengthen civil society's consolidation.

5. Transparency and professionalism have become absolute conditions to enforce law in order to avoid power and money politic intervention into various corruption cases. Along with it, it is necessary to make improvement in correctional system in a correctional house, provisions of facilities in order to satisfy the rights of prisoners including developing productive activities.

6. Greater attention should be put in educational sector to create qualified human resources from primary to tertiary education in particular private tertiary educational system. The quality of health service has to be totatlly improved in terms of its managerial system, facilities as well as the human resources undertaking educational and health works.

7. Natural resources management and transfer of function for the interest of economic sake should be equipped with analysis of social and economic transformation by the changes the society will face. The market building for Mama-Mama Papua has to be accompanied with necessary protection regarding commodities on sale by considering the sociocultural conditions which have traditionally shaped the Mama-Mama's culture of trade. By doing so, the building will be utilized maximally and commodities on sale will not directly compete with large capital businesses.

8. The campaign for Papua-Jakarta Dialog will be intensifying in the form of supports beside political interests which will try to interfere with it. The agenda of resolution of problems in Papua without violence proposed through the dialog will widen the supports and involvements of different parties. Therefore, socialization and internalization of the dialog to various society elements need to be intensified.

9. Various foreign agencies who have pay attention to problems in Papua should also be aware that beside their support in terms of giving solutions to Indonesian government through their representatives in Jakarta, they also need to create new opportunities in order that the developed relations can be maintained synergically and it does not necessary mean exploitation of information sources and the civil society's inability.

IV. ALDP IN INSTITUTION:

1. There are 9 ALDP staffs which comprise 5 female and 4 males. Needs of office facilities and infrastructures have continued to be equipped and improved to create comfortable work place and encourage professionalism at work. To AIDP, the available human resources which consist of ALDP staffs and potential groups or individuals. Therefore, ALDP give access to students, traditional communities and women to be involved actively in ALDP's activities both internally and in different activities around NGOs and other organization on their capacities and needs. By doing so, transformation of awareness and knowledge to the potential groups can be achieved at a wider scale.

2. In the end of the year, ALDP made several strategic changes to improve and strengthen institutional vision and mission. The changes include: (a) adding new organizational structure that is Board of Management that consist of Fr. Jhon Jonga, Paskalis Kosay, Theo Van Den Broek, Weynand Watory and Poengky Indarwaty; (b) the change in the structure of the executive board namely, the Head of ALDP becomes ALDP Director which include Deputy Director; (c) the change in division under Executive Board structure. 2 program divisions namely Democracy and Justice Division, Finance Division and General Administration Division.

3. Selection of a region for a particular period of time (indicator: marginalized and violence related issues) and determining a potential group (indicator: marginalized and potential such as DAP, students and women) are main approaches when the organization carries out a program. ALDP's capacity is focused on legal assistance and community organization (including trainings). Responses are varied based on community's initiatives and needs (potential groups and individuals).

4. Chances and institutional network are widely open (locally, nationally, and international).

Meanwhile, the demand for increasing staffs' roles, professionalism and performance have also been developed through supplies, trainings, and internalization of montly meeting materials and program up to strategic changes.

5. In the middle of 2010, there was an agenda on restoring human rights institution in Papua, but it did not perfectly maintained. As a result of ineffective communication pattern and meeting cycle, every NGO has to work on its annual agenda. In the light

human rights, ALDP with such limited capacity tried to make some steps to take certain cases based on its ability which maintained through coalition and self-sufficiency.

6. Generally, in 2010, most of ALDP's activities still carry on 2009's work agenda, for example, Discussion on Cross Ethnic Peace (oriented at strategic groups in the city) by including the program Cross Ethnic Kampong Discussion (oriented at transmigration settlements and the surroundings). In addition to that, human rights institutional building as civil political rights in special autonomy law and raising awareness of women righs to prevent HIV -Aids spread as well as Anti Torture Campaign are still implemented. A number of meetings were also attended, for example psychosocial based conflict management network conducted by IRCT in Colombo, Sri Lanka. Besides, ALDP also attended the following meetings: Peace and Justice Network in San Diego, USA; Forum for Peace Reconciliation in Rome, Italy; and JDP Facilitator Training. It also joined the campaign for Papua-Jakarta Dialog and Women Group Discussion on UN Resolution Number 1325 on Women Participation in Round-Table. Moreover, it was also in coalitions for several cases such as the following cases: Wamena, 4 Oktober 2010; Flag raising in Demta, 10 Oktober 2010; religious house construction within the palm oil company, PT Sinar Mas' territory in Lereh; advocacy of the natural resources conflict in Depapre; coalition of the Anti Torture against Women Day; and various meetings at both local and national levels.

Jayapura, 10 January 2011