‫ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺁﺫﺭ‪١٣٨٥‬ـ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬
‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﻴﺰ ـ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬
‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﺍﻭﻝ ـ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ‪---------------------------------------------------------------------------‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬
‫‪٢١‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪١٣٨٥‬‬

‫‪٨‬‬

‫‪٢‬ـ ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ـ‪٣‬ﺩﻱ‪١٣٨٥‬‬

‫‪١٤‬‬

‫‪٣‬ـ ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴـﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ـ ‪٥‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪٣٤‬‬

‫‪٤‬ـ ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫‪٤٨‬‬

‫‪٥‬ـ ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫‪١٢‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪٦٢‬‬

‫‪٦‬ـ ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪٨٤‬‬

‫‪٧‬ـ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫‪٧‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪٩٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷـﺮﻑ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩﺭﺟﻮﻱـ‪٢١‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪١٣٨٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻟﻐﻮ‬
‫ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ,‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺒﺎﺭﻙﺍﷲ‪….‬‬
‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪٨‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻠﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻔﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻢ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺋﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺯﺧﻤﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻨﺠﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖﻭﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﮋﻭﺍﻙ‬
‫ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﻱ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥﺁﺷﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﮕﺴﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺯﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻲﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻚ ﺗﻚ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻟﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻴﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ»ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺳﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻔﺎﻑ ﻣﻠﻜﻮﺕ«‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻓﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺩﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﻧﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﺵ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺩﻫﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ ‪٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬
‫‪٢٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻔﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪٦٠٠‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ ‪١٢‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﺎﺋﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺫﻳﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬
‫‪٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻼﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻧﺎﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻼﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ‬
‫‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٣‬ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺟﻪ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻊﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﮕﻴﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬

‫‪٥‬ـ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻠﻖ ـ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ـ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬
‫‪ ٢١‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ ‪١٣٨٥‬‬

‫‪١١‬‬

‫ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳـﺪﻩﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭﺍﺷـﺮﻑﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ـ ‪ ٣‬ﺩﻱ‪١٣٨٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺻﻔﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪١٥‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ‪٣٠‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ١٣٧٠‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ! ﻻﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻣﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺻﺒﺮ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻧﺠﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺑﻮﻱ ﺟﻮﻱ ﻣﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ …‬
‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ )‪ ٢٧‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ (٨١‬ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﮊﺧﻴﻢ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯﭘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻣﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻼ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ‬
‫»ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺟﺰﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺻﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻓﺘﻨﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲﻣﺎﻥ )ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﺴﻴﻦﺑﻦﻋﻠﻲ( ﺩﺭﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻣﻬﺮﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫‪١٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻭ »ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻭﻓﺎ« ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻟﻚﺍﻟﺤﻤﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻟﻚﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺮﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ‬
‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٠‬ـ‪ ١٢‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻟﺮﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٠‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﭘﻠﻲﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‬‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺩﺭ ‪٢١‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺩﺭ ‪ ٢٢‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ » ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٤‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻨﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٥‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲﻭﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٨‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩﻭﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫‪١٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻠﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬‫ﺧﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٣٧٥‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ َ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ ‪٢٠٩‬ﺻﻔﺤﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﴼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ُﻣﻬﺮﺻﺤﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪٢‬ﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺣﻠﺰﻭﻧﻲ ـ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﻳﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﮔﻢ ﺑﻪﻫﻮﺍﻱ ﻃﻮﻳﻞﺍﻟﻤﺪﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ١٧٣٧‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﴼ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ )ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺿﻤﻴﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺫﻳﺮﺑﻂ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺠﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫‪١٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺯﻫﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻳﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﮓ‬
‫ﮔﺮﮔﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻻ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺗﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺁﺏ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺯﻫﻮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺿﺪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﮒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﴼ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ )ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭﺳﻴﻪﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬
‫‪١٧‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻠﻢﻛﻼﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪١٣٧٠‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻼﻫﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٧١‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﴼ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺗﻴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٨١‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ٨١‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ٨٢‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻻ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﻌﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻋﺖﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎﮊ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻮﮊﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺫﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻟﻮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٨٢‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻼﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ٨٢‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪٨٣‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻟﻴﺰﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ ٨٢‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ‪٤٠٠‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪٨٣‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪٨٣‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻟﻮﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪ ٢‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪٨٣‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﻼﻫﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭ‪٨٣‬‬
‫‪١٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭘﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﻮﻡ‪٢١٠‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪٨٣‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪٨٤‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪٨٤‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻓﻮﻻﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺟﻴﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻮﮊ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮ‪٨٤‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ‪ ٤٠٠٠‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻮﮊ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪٨٤‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺮﻳﺘﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪٨٤‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﻞﺳﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪٨٤‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪٨٤‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻮﮊﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‪ p٢‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪٨٥‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻟﻴﺰﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪٨٥‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻟﺮﺯ »ﺍﺗﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ«ﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ »ﺍﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﻻﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻧﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﻣﺎﺭ« ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﮔﻮﺋﻴﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ »ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻄﺎﻳﻒ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ ٨‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪٴ ﺿﺪﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻏﺎﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻟﻤﭙﻦ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ »ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ« ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‪ِ -‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫‪١٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪َ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎ‪َ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺑﻴﺎ ‪...‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ‬
‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟَﻨﺘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٥٩‬ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ! ﭘﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ ٧٠‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٧١‬ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ ٧٣‬ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ،٧٧‬ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ١١‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﺮﺳﺎﻡﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ‪١٢٠‬ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺒﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻱﻛﺎﺵ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﺗﺎﻭﺍ ﺳﻴﺘﻲﺯﻥ ‪١٧‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺭﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺨﻔﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ!!‬
‫‪٢٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪٣٠‬ﺁﺫﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٣٧٧‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ّ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻲﻣﺤﺎﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ »ﺑﻤﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ…‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺖﻭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺴﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻤﻮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﴼ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻴﺾ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺿﺪﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺟﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‪٢٢‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ١٣٨١‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭﺗﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺭﺯﻣﻨﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻓﺮﺟﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ… ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺛﻨﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺷﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺒﻪﺩﺍﻧﻪ!‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‪،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻭﻗﻔﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﺗﺶ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻻﻏﻴﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺩﻫﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫‪٢٢‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻭﻣﺜﺒﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻑ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺟﻌﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ‪،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ـ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺼﺎﻑ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺮ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻄﺮ ﺟﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﺮﮒ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﺮﮒ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺿﺪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻘﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻔﺸﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫‪٢٣‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٨‬ﻣﻬﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ »ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ« ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻂﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﺿﻌﻔﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷﻤﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺘﺎﮊ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺒﻐﺐ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺞ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺗﻴﻮﺷﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ!‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻘﺒﻮﻻﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ١٧٣٧‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﻪﺧﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻘﺎ« ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﭘﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ!‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﺩﺭﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫‪٢٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻳﺎ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺿﻤﻦ ‪ ٦٠‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻓﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪٤١‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ٤١‬ﻓﺼﻞ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ٤‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ٤٢‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ٤٢‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ٤١‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺯﻫﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﭻﺩﺭﭘﻴﭻ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻲ »ﺍِﺫ ﻻ ِﻭﺭ َﺩ َﻭﻻ َﺻ َﺪﺭ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﺲ…‬
‫‪٢٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺼﺐ ‪٣٠٠٠‬ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻮﮊ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻟﺬﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭽﺸﺪ‪...‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻨﮓ ﺗﺨﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻖﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻸ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳ ِﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺜﻠﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺭﺃﻓﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ« ﻣﺪﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ »ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ« ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺟﺎﻟﮕﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻟﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻼ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺸﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ« ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻮﺙ ﻣﻴﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻻﻳﻤﻮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻒ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻓﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﺪﻻﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻔﺮﻭﺵ ‪...‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ‬
‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪٢٨‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﻃﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ‬
‫‪٢٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺮﻭﮊ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﺟﻠﺴﻪﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ‪...‬‬
‫ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺦ ﻛﺒﺎﺑﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺰ ﻭ ﻭﻟﺰ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻪ ﭼﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻒ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ! ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ َﺭﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﭼﻨﮓ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ُﺳﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺰﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺘﺮﻳﻔﻮﮊ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻏﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺸﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﺠﺎ؟ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻮﺯﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺠﺎ؟‬
‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺷﺊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺿﺪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﻴﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪٢٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻗﻀﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻀﻮﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ!‬
‫ﺁﻳﺘﺎﷲ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺷﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺫﻭﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺋﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺸﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﭘﺮﭼﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺷﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺿﺪﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺫﺭﻩﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺢ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻼﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﴼ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﴼ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺗﺤﺖﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺘﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ…‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻨﮓﺻﺒﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺳﮓ ﻫﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺳﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺼﻠﻴﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﻧﻮ ﺯﺍﭘﺎﺗﺎ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﺍﻧﻮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺍﻟﺬﻟﻪ…‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻛﺲ ﻧﺨﺎﺭﺩ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﺧﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻣﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺑﮕﺴﺘﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﻤﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺩﻛﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﮕﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻳﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻓﻀﻴﻠﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺻﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺷﻜﺮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺮﴽ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٣‬ـ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺍﺭﺝ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻢ ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺘﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﻲﺍﻧﻀﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺞﺧﻠﻘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺣﻮﺻﻠﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺪﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺰﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺟﻔﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﭙﺴﻨﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﺩ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٦‬ـ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﮋﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٧‬ـ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﭼﺸﻤﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﻬﻴﺪﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻬﻤﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٨‬ـ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻣﺮﻫﻮﻥ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٣٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺳﺘﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﻟﻴﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻀﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﭙﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺼﻴﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﺍﺷﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻫﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺷﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﺷﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪٩‬ـ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻓﻼﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑَﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٠‬ـ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺷﻤﺎ‪» ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﻥ« ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻏﺬﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﻔﺖ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑَﺮ َﺩ َﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻡ‬
‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ـ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ـ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬
‫‪٣‬ﺩﻱ ‪١٣٨٥‬‬
‫‪٣١‬‬

‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕﺑﻪﻣﻠﺖ‬

‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳـﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬

‫ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷـﺮﻑ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ـ ‪ ٥‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻻﻟﻪ ﺯﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ…‬
‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﻧﺴﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﭘﺮ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺳﺘﻢﺷﻴﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻟﺒﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻭ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻔﺮﻳﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎﻱ ‪٦٠‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻀﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻠﺘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ِﭼﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﻏﺼﻪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺪﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻞ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﮋﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٣٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻙﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻫﻢﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻤﮕﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺍ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺷﻜﻮﻓﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺬﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦﺍﺳﺖ َﻣﺜَﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺘﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺪ ﺑﺮﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺯﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻏﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻦ ﺣﻖﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻔﺮﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺷﻲ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﺸﻮﻕ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﺰ‬
‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﻬﻤﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺿﻤﻦ ‪ ٨‬ﻣﺎﻩﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ‪ ٣‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ‪ ٥٣‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻔﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﭘﻮﺱ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ١٧٤٧‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪١٥‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ‪١٢‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬
‫‪٣٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺫﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪١٣‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ‪١٢‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻛﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻛﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻫﻮﺍﻧﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ‬
‫ﺳﭙﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺫﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺷﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﻧﻚ ﻭ ﺯﺭﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻴﻜﻮﭘﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩﻳﻲ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﺒﺮ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺟﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻼﻋﻮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ١٧٤٧‬ﺑﻪﺭﮊﻳﻢ ‪٦٠‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪٦٠‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻛﻞ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪٦٠‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬
‫‪٣٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﺑﻮﺣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ »ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﴼ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٣٨٣‬ﺗﺮﻭﺋﻴﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫»ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻥﻫﻢ »ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ »ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﻪﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ‪٢٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﺝﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ‬
‫‪٣٧‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‬
‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﻨﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲﺍﺵ… ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻃﺮﺍﺣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ـ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪـ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ« )ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪.(١٣٨٣‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ »ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٢‬ﺩﻫﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻊ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻄﺎﻱ‬
‫»ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ! ﺑﻌﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻪﺩﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫»ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺟﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ!«‬
‫‪٣٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻟﻮﻃﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮ«ﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻓﻘﺮﻩ »ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻭﺟﺐ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺟﺎﻟﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺁﻳﻪﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖـ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺩﺟﺎﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟‬
‫ـ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪٥‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،١٣٥٨‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ… ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﻛﻪ( ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ… ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺘﻴﻨﮓ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺸﺪ؟‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺒﺶ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟!‬
‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻛﻴﻚ ﺯﺭﺩ« ﺭﮊﻳﻤﺶ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﺪ…‬
‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﻃﻨﭙﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ‬
‫ﻭﺗﺮﻗﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﻎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻒ ﺯﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺤﻨﻪ ﻣﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؟‬
‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ« ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺣﺮﺙ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﺵ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﻢ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻡ!‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﻪﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ‬
‫ﻏﻨﻲﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭﭼﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻠﻌﺪ؟‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ«‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ«‪» .‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ… ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺣ ّﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻭﻻًـ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﴼ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ!« ﻭ »ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺑﺰﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ؟‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﴼـ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻧﺠﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﴼـ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﻋﻮﺏﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ«؟! ﺍ ّﻻ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻱﺑﺴﺖ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ»ﺗﺎﻙﻧﺸﺎﻥ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫‪٤٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ!‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺪﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ‪٨٠‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺨﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﻨﮕﺒﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ…‬
‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ )ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ( ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺴﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤١‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﴼ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺩﻝ ﻧﻜﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﻂﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂﺁﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻨﺖ‬
‫ﭘﺲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ )ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ( ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻗﻲ‬
‫»ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﺳﺘﻮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫»ﺍﻫﻞ ﺑﺨﻴﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺪﻫﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﺒﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ»ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻮﺍ« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﻠﻮﺍﻱ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ« ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ‬
‫‪٤٢‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻛﻪ »ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ« ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻚ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻛﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻖﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻠﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻓﻌ ً‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‬
‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻝﻛﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﻡﺗﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺨﺖﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻭﺩ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬
‫ﺣﻮﺍﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻟﻐﻮﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪) ٢٠٠٦‬ﺁﺫﺭﻣﺎﻩ‪ (٨٥‬ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫‪٧‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺳﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪(٢٠٠٥‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪٦‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺋﻴﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺑﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫‪٤٣‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺶ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﻘﻀﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ!‬
‫ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﺮ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪ ٣٥‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﮔﻮﺋﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺿﻤﻨﴼ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ »ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ‬
‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻛﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺴﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻓﻊﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦﺗﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻇﻔﺮﻧﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﭘﺎ ﻧﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺵ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻚ ﺗﻚ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺿﺮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫‪٤٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬

‫ﻭ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻼﺟﻮﺍﺏ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻲﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻻﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﺼﻦ ‪٨‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﮊﻧﻮ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﭘﺎ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺪﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻭﻻً ـ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﭘﺲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺿﺪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻻ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ‪٨‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬
‫‪٣‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﴼـ ﻗﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻴﻎﻛﺸﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﴼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﴼـ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﴼ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ‬
‫‪٤٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮ‬
‫ﺩﮊﺧﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬ﻛﺲ ﻧﺨﺎﺭﺩ‬
‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﺧﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻣﺎ…‬
‫ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻛﺴﻲ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻛﻔﺶ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺎﻱ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﭘﻮﻻﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪٢٨‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺧﻴﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻭﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣـﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳـﺮﮔﺸـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻬـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺑــﻲﺩﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻫــﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻣـﺪﺗﻲ ﺷـﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻫـﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣـﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﻋﻜﺲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺟـﻬﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭼـﻬﺮﻩ ﺳـﻴﻤﺮﻍ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻠﻖ ـ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ‪١٣٨٦‬‬
‫‪٤٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨـﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫)ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪١٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪٢٦‬ﺩﻱ‪١٣٨٥‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ(‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ‬
‫َﺳ َ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍ ِﺭ‬
‫ْﺒﻰ ﱠ‬
‫ﻼ ٌﻡ َﻋﻠَ ْﻴ ُﻜﻢ ﺑِ َﻤﺎ َﺻ َﺒ ْﺮﺗ ْ‬
‫ُﻢ َﻓ ِﻨ ْﻌ َﻢ ُﻋﻘ َ‬
‫ﻮﻥ َﻣﺎ ﺃَ َﻣ َﺮ ﱡ‬
‫ﻮﻥ َﻋ ْﻬ َﺪ ﱢ‬
‫ﺍﷲ ﻣِﻦ ﺑَ ْﻌ ِﺪ ﻣِﻴﺜَﺎﻗِ ِﻪ َﻭﻳَﻘ َ‬
‫ﻮﺻ َﻞ‬
‫ْﻄ ُﻌ َ‬
‫ِﻳﻦ ﻳَﻨ ُﻘ ُﻀ َ‬
‫َﻭﺍﻟﱠﺬ َ‬
‫ﺍﷲ ﺑِ ِﻪ ﺃَﻥ ﻳُ َ‬
‫ُ‬
‫َ‬
‫ﺽ ﺃ ْﻭﻟَﺌ َ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍ ِﺭ‬
‫ِﻚ ﻟَ ُﻬ ُﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﱠ ْﻌ َﻨ ُﺔ َﻭﻟَ ُﻬ ْﻢ ُﺳﻮ ُﺀ ﱠ‬
‫ﻭﻥ ﻓِﻲ ﺍﻷ ْﺭ ِ‬
‫َﻭﻳُ ْﻔ ِﺴ ُﺪ َ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ…‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺧﻄﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ‪٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ٢٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪...‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻭﺻﺒﻮﺭﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺧﺎﻛﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻣﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺸﻴﺮﻩﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ َﻭ ُﻫ َﻮ ﺃَﻟَ ﱡﺪﺍﻟْ ِﺨ َﺼﺎ ِﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺽ ﻟ ُِﻴ ْﻔ ِﺴ َﺪ ﻓِ ِﻴ َﻬﺎ َﻭﻳُ ْﻬﻠ َ‬
‫ِﻚ ﺍﻟْ َﺤ ْﺮ َﺙ َﻭﺍﻟ ﱠﻨ ْﺴ َﻞ‪...‬‬
‫َﻭﺇِ َﺫﺍ ﺗَ َﻮﻟﱠﻰ َﺳ َﻌﻰ ﻓِﻲﺍﻷَ ْﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ َﻣﻨﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻓﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺪﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ‬
‫ُﻮﺭ ﱠ‬
‫ﺍﷲ…‬
‫ﺧﻮﻧﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳُ ِﺮ ُ‬
‫ﻳﺪ َ‬
‫ﻭﻥ ﻟ ُِﻴ ْﻄ ِﻔﺆُﻭﺍ ﻧ َ‬
‫‪٤٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﺪﺱ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻧﺴﻴﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪٨‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫‪٢‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﺑﻪﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺻﺪﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪َ ...‬ﻓ َﻮﻳْ ٌﻞ ﻟﱢﻠْ َﻘ ِ‬
‫ﺎﺳ َﻴ ِﺔ ُﻗ ُﻠﻮﺑُ ُﻬﻢ‬
‫‪٢‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﻣﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺏ‬
‫‪٥٠‬ﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺺ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ‪٢٧‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻛﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺿﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺮ ِﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ‬
‫‪٤٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡﻧﺸﺪﻩﻳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﻭﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺓ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻧﺠﻒ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ّ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ؟ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫ـ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻲﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ ـ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻃﻼﻳﻲ!‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺿﺪﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ‬
‫ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺼﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫‪٥٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺑﺪﻳﻨﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﻳﺖ ﮊﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪«...‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺪ ﻣﺘﺒﺮﻛﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻲ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ…‬
‫ـ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‪ .‬ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮ ﺿﺪﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﻭﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬
‫‪٥١‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫)ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻭﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ( ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻂ‬
‫ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﮊﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻴﻔﴼ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪...‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﻚﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺀ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﺳﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮊﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺑﻪﮔﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ«)‪ ١٥‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪.(١٣٨٣‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫‪٥٢‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻔﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﻭﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ » :‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ » ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ِ‬
‫ﻳﺪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺧﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻼﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻤﺎﻃﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮒ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ« ﻭ »ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻮﮒ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫‪٥٣‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻫﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭ ﺁﻧﺘﻲﺗﺰ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻫﻴﻮﻻ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ١٥ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮊﻭﺋﻦ‪١٩٩٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻧﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ‪٤‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫»ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲﺑﺎﻫﺪﻑﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﺅﻳﺎﻫﺎﻱﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﺷﺪﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫‪٥٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺻﺪﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ… ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺍﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ… ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻗﻔﻞﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬
‫‪٥٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﺍﻧﺴﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺷﺴﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭﻗﻔﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ‪١٢٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪٥٣‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺟﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺪ ﻭﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ« ﺩﺭ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ« ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ )ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰـ ﻣﻪ ‪.(٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ٢٠٠٢‬ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﻨﺰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺯﻣﺨﻔﻲﻛﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﺿﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺜﻠﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﮔﻮﺑﻠﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﺳﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪﮔﻮﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﻱ »ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ«‬
‫‪٥٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﻼﺡ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﺪﺭﻭﺯ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻛﺜﻴﻒ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻬﺎ )ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ( ﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ( ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺖ ﻓﻌﻞ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺧﻮﻧﭽﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻭ‬
‫‪٥٧‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺗﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ…«‬
‫ـ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺿﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻛﻪ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻧﻴﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬
‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺷﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺪﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻳﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺮﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٥٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻛﺮﺩ؟‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﺮﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪﺳﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬
‫ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺎﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﺵ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻊﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺯﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺟﺒﻬﮕﻲ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫‪٥٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺑﻪﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﺩﺭﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ُ .‬ﻗ ْﻞ ﺇِﻧﱠ َﻤﺎ ﺃَﻋ ُ‬
‫ﺍﺣ َﺪ ٍﺓ ﺃَﻥ ﺗَ ُﻘﻮ ُﻣﻮﺍ ِﱠﷲِ‬
‫ِﻈ ُﻜﻢ ﺑِ َﻮ ِ‬
‫َﻣ ْﺜ َﻨﻰ َﻭ ُﻓ َﺮﺍ َﺩﻯ‪....‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺩﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻴﺮﻩﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﮒ‬
‫ِﺪ ُﻫ ُﻢ ﱡ َ‬
‫ﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼ ْﺒ ُﺢ ﺑَِﻘ ِﺮ ٍ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺇِ ﱠﻥ َﻣ ْﻮﻋ َ‬
‫ﺲ ﱡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼ ْﺒ ُﺢ ﺃﻟَ ْﻴ َ‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﻭﺑﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍﺑﺮﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫‪٦٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒـﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ـ ‪١٢‬ﺗﻴـﺮ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ‪٨٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ« ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺗﻲ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﮔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻌﺸﻊ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺎﺭﻙﺍﷲ…‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ »ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﻓﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲﺍﺵ )ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ(‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ »ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫‪٦٢‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫»ﺑﺎ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻣﻼﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫)ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﮊﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺩﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻭﻝﺍﺑﺰﺭﻭﺍﺗﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻨﺮﺍﺷﺘﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺴﺎﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺍﻟﺪﺗﺮﻳﺒﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻳﻠﻨﺪ(‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻨﺪ« ﻭ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪﻛﻪ »ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻼﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ« ﻭ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ‪» ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﻀﺎﺣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ…«‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪٥٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ـ»ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺩ! ﻧﻨﮕﺖ ﺑﺎﺩ!‬
‫ـ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖ!‬
‫ـ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ!«‬
‫ـ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻛﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫‪٦٣‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ »ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﻤﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ »ﺁﻟﺨﻮ ﻭﻳﺪﺍﻝﻛﻮﺍﺩﺭﺍﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻳﺐﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ”ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ“ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻼﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫)ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻮﺷﻴﺘﺪﭘﺮﺱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦﭘﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻃﻼﻉﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻱ‪.‬ﻳﻮ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﺰﺭﻭﺭ(‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ ﺩﺭ »ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ»ﺑﻲﺷﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ»ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﴼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺖﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫»ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺗﻬﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻜﻼﺳﺎﺭﻛﻮﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫‪٦٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫»ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺠﻮﻡ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻞﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻸ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﴽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ‪٢٠٠٢‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ‪١٢‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﴼ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻼﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﻫﻢﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ »ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ« ﺗﺤﺖ‬
‫ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺱ‪.‬ﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫‪٦٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‪٢٥٠ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ »ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻭﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧﮕﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ…‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ‪١٠٠٠‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪:‬‬
‫‪٦٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫»ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻨﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻃﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻨﺞ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻭﻳﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺮﻭﺵ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﺁﻭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ… ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻠﺢﺟﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻫﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖﺁﻭﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﭼﺎﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩ… ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ‪١٠٠٠‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ…‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ‪١٠٠٠‬ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻤﺎﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ…‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﴼ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺬﻭﺭﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﻭﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﺮﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﻭ‬
‫‪٦٧‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺸﻜﺮﻳﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺸﺒﺜﺎﺕ ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺯﺩﻧﻬﺎﻱ »ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨﴼ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ )ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬
‫ﻛﭙﻨﻬﺎﮒ ﺩﺭ ‪٣١‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ (١٣٨١‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﮔﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻣﻨﺼﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺲ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺳﺨﻴﻒ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﻕﻭﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻮ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺨﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻤﺲﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪ« ﭼﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨـﻮﻥ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨـﺪﻱ ﺻـﺪ ﻓﺘﻨـﻪ ﻓـﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺫﺭﻩﻳﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ »ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬
‫‪٦٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻗﻄﻌﴼ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﻃﻨﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ )ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ( ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺯﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺧﻄﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ«!؟‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ!؟‬
‫ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ!؟‬
‫ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺂﻝ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪﺵ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ١٣٦٦‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﴼ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺶ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﴼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺻﻐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺩﮊﺧﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻸﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺖ‬
‫‪٦٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﴼ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺣﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ـ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺧﻄﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«!؟‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺧﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﺎﻙﻭﺑﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﻤﭗ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﻲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﮔﻴﺠﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﭻﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﺎﺯﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺳﻮﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺑﻲﺗﺮﺱﻭﺑﻴﻢ«‬
‫ﺷﻜﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻌﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻏﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪٢٣‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪١٠‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ…‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ‪١٢‬ﺗﻴﺮ )‪٣‬ﮊﻭﺋﻴﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻓﺘﺢ‬
‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺒﻪﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺐﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺗﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ…‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺎﻛﺒﺎﺯﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺻﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻴﺸﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ‪٣٠‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ…‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻭ »ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺒﻲ« ‪١٠‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻝﻭ‪٤‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻢ ﻟﺸﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻋـﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﻭ‬
‫‪٧٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ« )ﺁﻧﺪﺭﻭﻣﻜﻴﻨﻠﻲﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪.(٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ »ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻲﭘﺮﻧﺴﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺳﺮﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ« ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻻﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻠﻘﻮﻱ‪ -‬ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻳﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﮕﻪﺑﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫‪١٢‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺟﺎﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺋﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬
‫ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ (٢٠٠٥‬ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ّ‬
‫ـ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻫﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺋﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ‪٢٠٠٦‬‬
‫ﭘﺎﻙ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻪ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ »ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺭﺍﺣﻞ« )ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ (٢٠٠٥‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬
‫ﺭﺍﺣﻞ« ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺒﺮ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ِ‬
‫ﮔﻞ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ »ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ« ﻭ ﻟﺠﻦﻣﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫‪٧١‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺨﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺘﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺧﻨﺠﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﴼ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺫﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻱ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﺯ ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ »ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﻟﺸﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ )ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺆﺍﻝﻭﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﺒﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪ ﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪١٦‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﻗﻌﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٧٢‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺯﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻼﺩﺑﭽﻪ ﺗﻴﻎﻛﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﻧﺎﻡ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺸﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎﻛﻪﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪،‬ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕﺩﺍﺩﻥﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﺘﺮﻫﺎﻭﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ…‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻛﺎﻇﻢ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﭘﺮ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻭﻳﻠﭙﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪٢٤‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‪) ٢٠٠٣‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺎﻇﻢ( ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ)ﮊﻭﺭﻧﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺩﻳﻤﺎﻧﺶ‪-‬‬
‫‪٢٢‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ‪.(٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﺪﴽ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﻲﺗﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺳﺒﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ‪٣٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺩﺭ‬
‫‪٧٣‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺿﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺮﺱ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻤﺒﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٩٨٦‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﴼﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﭼﺴﺒﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ‬
‫ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺭ »ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ«‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ »ﺳﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻣﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻱ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ »ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﺎﻛﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﻄﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻥﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍ ﺣﺴﻨﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﴼ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺟﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ…‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻼﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺧﺘﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘﴼ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٧٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻌﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ »ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭﻱ« ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ! ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﻭ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻲ‪.‬ﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﺗﺎ ‪٥‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺳﺖﻛﻢ ‪٤٥٠‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻭ ّ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺭﻡ ﻭ ﮊﻧﻮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻟﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻭﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﮕﻔﺘﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﻣﺮﺣﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺗﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ‬
‫ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﻕﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺸﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬
‫‪ ٣‬ﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ؟‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻭﻧﻤﻴﺮ‬
‫‪٧٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﺷﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪﻛﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻨﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪١٠٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺂﻝ ﺟﻬﺶ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻟﺠﺎﻡﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﻲﺣﺪﻭﺣﺼﺮ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﭽﻪﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺸﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺳﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؟‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺑﺪﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ »ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺮﺧﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺟﻼﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﮊﺧﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻳﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺫﻳﻼﻧﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻤﺌﺰﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﺷﻚﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻗﻤﻪ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﻮﻛﺲ‪،‬‬
‫‪٧٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﻋﺠﺒﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻳﻲ ﺑﻪﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﻮﻥﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪٥٣‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺟﻼﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻴﻎ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺑﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻳﻚﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٣٧٧‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﮊﻳﻢ؟« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ـ »ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ »ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫ـ »ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ‪،‬‬
‫‪٧٧‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺣﺸﻴﺎﻧﻪﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﮔﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻃﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪ ١٣٧٨‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺎﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻭﻑ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﺞ‬
‫ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺗﻜﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٣٨٥‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺴﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﻼﺱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫‪٧٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻼﻙﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺣﺮﺙ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻫﻢﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻄﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﻡ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛‬
‫ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺋﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺣﻘﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﺮﺧﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻮﺭﻭﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻋﺒﻮﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻨﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺳﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻼﻳﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺧﺮﮒ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻜﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻙﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﺪ ﻧﺠﺲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫‪٧٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺏ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻟﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮊﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺗﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ؟‬
‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﴼ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻜﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻼﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻇﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﮔﻠﻮﻱ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﮊﺧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺏﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻇﻔﺮﻧﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺪﺭﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﭘﺎﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﻭﺍﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻫﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺮﻳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻳﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻱﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﺰﺀﺑﻪﺟﺰﺀ‪ ،‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻱ ﻫﺮﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪٨٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺗﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻣﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻼﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺳﺮﺷﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﻳﻲ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷﻲ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫»ﻫﻴﻬﺎﺕ«‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﺪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻭ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻤﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻚ ﺗﻚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪﻧﻔﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺷﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻋﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،١٣٧٨‬ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺶ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ »ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ«!‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬
‫‪١٢‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ‪١٣٨٦‬‬
‫‪٨١‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴـﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧـﺪﻳـﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫـﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷـﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ـ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻫﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ ﺫﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﺼﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪٤٣‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ………………………………………‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺍﻧﺪﺭﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺯﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺳﺮﭘﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻳﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺳﻪ ﭘﺨﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺏ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﻥ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨﴼ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫‪٨٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺁﻣﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ُﺧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ…‬
‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪٨٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٨٣‬ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ‪٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪٢٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪٨٥‬‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺬﺭﺗﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﺍﺯﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦﺧﻠﻖﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﻟﺸﻴﻄﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺜﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٦‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮ ﭘﻴﭻ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺕ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ…………………………………………………‬
‫ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ »ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻪﭼﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﻭ« ﻭ »ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪﻧﻜﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪﻣﻮ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺍﻟﻮﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺐﺯﻧﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻻﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻡ ﺟﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﻲ ﺷﻴﺮﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺷﻴﺪﻱ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٨٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪٤٢‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻮﺧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻬﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ… ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻬﺎﻱ ‪٤٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻠﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺴﻮﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻳﻜﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻻﻑ ﻭ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻼﻙ ﺣﺮﺙ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺟﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻘﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪… .‬ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻨﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﻠﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺘﻴﻎ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﺟﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮔﺒﺎﺭ ﺳﺆﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺧﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟‬
‫ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻩﻭﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺿﻲﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ؟!‬
‫ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺎـ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺎـ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺻﺒﺎﺣﻲ »ﺧﻮﺵﻧﺸﻴﻦ« ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻳﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟!‬
‫ﺩﻋﻮﻱ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻳﺎﻭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻦ ُﻣﻠْ َﻜﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‬
‫ـ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬
‫‪٨٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺠﺮﺕﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ )ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﺭ( ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫»ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ُﻋﺴﺮﺕ« ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬
‫ِﻳﻦ ﺍﺗ َﱠﺒ ُﻌﻮ ُﻩ ﻓِﻲ َﺳﺎ َﻋ ِﻪ ﺍﻟْ ُﻌ ْﺴ َﺮ ِﻩ )ﺳﻮﺭﻩ‬
‫ِﻲ َﻭﺍﻟْ ُﻤ َﻬ ِ‬
‫ﻧﺼﺎ ِﺭ ﺍﻟﱠﺬ َ‬
‫ﺎﺟ ِﺮ َ‬
‫ﻳﻦ َﻭﺍﻷَ َ‬
‫ﻟَ َﻘﺪ ﺗ َ‬
‫ﱠﺎﺏﺍﷲ َﻋﻠَﻲ ﺍﻟ ﱠﻨﺒ ﱢ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪(١١٧‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻲ«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻮﺷﻲ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪» :‬ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﺕ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻧﺖ«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻭﻓﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪» :‬ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳ َﻤﻦ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻱ«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻫﺪ ِﭼ ْﺒـ َﻮﺩ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺭﻩ ﺳﻼﻣﺖ«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ‪» :‬ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﻓﺖ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﻪﻛﻮﻱ ﻋﺸﻘﺖ«‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﭼﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ؟« ﮔﻔﺘﻢ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻣﺖ«‬
‫ﺻﺒﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺆﺍﻻﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ‪١٠‬ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺻﺮﺍﻁﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ(‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ‪١٠‬ﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻐﻀﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ« ﻭ‬
‫»ﺿﺎﻟﻴﻦ« ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ )ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻟﻤﻐﻀﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻟﻴﻦ(‪:‬‬
‫ُ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﻴﺜﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻖﻛﺸﻴﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺧﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﺬﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻏﻀﺐﺷﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺣﻤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻠﻮﺹ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ؟‬
‫‪٨٧‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ـ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻛﭙﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ـ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ـ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ( ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺙ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺛﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻞ ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﭽﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻬﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ‬
‫ﮔﻴﻼﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ )ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﺴﺮﻱ ﺳﺆﺍﻻﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﺗﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻔﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺗﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺿﻌﻔﻬﺎ؟‬
‫ـ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ« )ﻫﻤﺮﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﴼ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺶ؟‬
‫ـ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻟﻐﺰﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻟﭙﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬
‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻛﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻜﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﺪ؟‬
‫……………………………………………………………‬
‫ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‪٤‬ـ ‪٥‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻮﺩﻱ؟ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺮﻓﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻱ؟‬
‫‪٨٨‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ…‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﴼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‪ :‬ﻗﺪﺭ ﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﺭﮔﺮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻱ… ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻤﺶ ﻣ ّﻨﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣ ّﻨﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣ ّﻨﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ )ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻻﻭﺟﻮﺩ( ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‪،‬‬
‫َ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺻﺮﺍﻁ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﺮﺍﻁ َ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﻀﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻻ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﻟﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻌﻤﺖ َﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ِ‬
‫ﺍَ َ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﻣ ّﻨﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺫﻟّﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺸﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻟﭙﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﺟﻼﻟﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻨﺰﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺘﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺪﻳﻢ )ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺎﺋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺖ(‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮓﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ )ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫‪١٠‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ( ﻧﻪﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻲﺳﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻳﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﻔﺮﺍﺯ!‬
‫‪٣‬ـ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻼﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻮﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٠‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ٥٠‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺩﺭ‬
‫‪٨٩‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٣٥٠‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﺭﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ‬
‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ‪٣٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺗﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻧﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ‪١٠‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫َ‬
‫ﻻﺣﻮﻝ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻮ َﻩ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺷﺎﺀﺍﷲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻻ ﺑﺎﷲ »ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟«‬
‫‪٢٠‬ـ‪ ٣٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﻜﺘﺎﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﺶ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻ ً‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﻪﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺑﻪﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻴﻒ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺴﺮﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﭘﻮﭼﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﺣﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺩﮔﻲ…‬
‫»ﻭﺟﻮﺩ« ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ »ﻻﻭﺟﻮﺩ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﺘﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻌﻨﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺠﺮﻩ ﺧﺒﻴﺜﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻬﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٩٠‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﺛﻘﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺁﻳﻪ ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬
‫َ‬
‫َ‬
‫َ‬
‫َ‬
‫ُ‬
‫ْ‬
‫ْ‬
‫ﺎﻥ ﺇِ َﺫﺍ َﻣﺎ ﺍﺑْ َﺘﻼ ُﻩ َﺭﺑﱡ ُﻪ َﻓﺄﻛ َﺮ َﻣ ُﻪ َﻭﻧَ ﱠﻌ َﻤ ُﻪ َﻓ َﻴ ُﻘﻮﻝ َﺭﺑﱢﻲ ﺃﻛ َﺮ َﻣ ِﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺴ ُ‬
‫َﻓﺄ ﱠﻣﺎ ْﺍﻹِ َ‬
‫َﻭﺃَ ﱠﻣﺎ ﺇِ َﺫﺍ َﻣﺎ ﺍﺑْ َﺘ َﻼ ُﻩ َﻓ َﻘ َﺪ َﺭ َﻋﻠَ ْﻴ ِﻪ ِﺭ ْﺯ َﻗ ُﻪ َﻓ َﻴ ُﻘ ُ‬
‫َﻦ‬
‫ﻮﻝ َﺭﺑﱢﻲ ﺃَ َﻫﺎﻧ ِ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ َﺳ ِﺮﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺒﻐﺐ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻤﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺨﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺯﻕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺠﻦﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻ ً‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬
‫ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ‬
‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺘﻴﻤﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻝﺍﻧﺪﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺍﺳﻴﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ِﻴﻢ‬
‫َﻛ ﱠﻼ ﺑَﻞ ﱠﻻ ﺗُ ْﻜ ِﺮ ُﻣ َ‬
‫ﻮﻥ ﺍﻟْ َﻴﺘ َ‬
‫َﺤ ﱡ‬
‫ِﻴﻦ‬
‫ِﺴﻜ ِ‬
‫ﺎﺿ َ‬
‫َﻭ َﻻ ﺗ َ‬
‫ﻮﻥ َﻋﻠَﻲ َﻃ َﻌﺎ ِﻡ ﺍﻟْﻤ ْ‬
‫َ‬
‫ﺍﺙ ﺃ ْﻛ ًﻼ ﻟﱠ ًّﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻮﻥ ﺍﻟ ﱡﺘ َﺮ َ‬
‫َﻭﺗ َْﺄ ُﻛ ُﻠ َ‬
‫ﻮﻥ ﺍﻟْ َﻤ َ‬
‫َﻭﺗ ِ‬
‫ﺎﻝ ُﺣﺒًّﺎ َﺟ ًّﻤﺎ‬
‫ُﺤ ﱡﺒ َ‬
‫‪٦‬ـ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺳﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﺳﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫‪٩١‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻜﻪ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻗﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ )ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!!( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻜﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﻴﺮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺮﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺎﺱ َﻣﻦ ﻳَ ْﻌ ُﺒ ُﺪ ﺍﷲﱠَ َﻋﻠَﻲ َﺣ ْﺮ ٍﻑ َﻓﺈِ ْﻥ ﺃَ َﺻﺎﺑَ ُﻪ َﺧ ْﻴ ٌﺮ ْﺍﻃ َﻤ َﺄ ﱠﻥ ﺑِ ِﻪ َﻭﺇِ ْﻥ ﺃَ َﺻﺎﺑَ ْﺘ ُﻪ ﻓِ ْﺘ َﻨ ٌﻪ‬
‫ِﻦ ﺍﻟ ﱠﻨ ِ‬
‫َﻭﻣ َ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻧ َْﻴﺎ َﻭ ْﺍﻵ ِﺧ َﺮ َﻩ َﺫﻟ َ‬
‫ِﻴﻦ )ﺍﻟﺤﺞ‪(١١‬‬
‫ﺍﻧ َﻘﻠَ َﺐ َﻋﻠَﻲ َﻭ ْﺟ ِﻬ ِﻪ َﺧ ِﺴ َﺮ ﱡ‬
‫ﺍﻥ ﺍﻟْ ُﻤﺒ ُ‬
‫ِﻚ ُﻫ َﻮ ﺍﻟْ ُﺨ ْﺴ َﺮ ُ‬
‫‪٧‬ـ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻓﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﻫﺴﭙﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﭘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﺴﺮﺕﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ … .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻒ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫َ‬
‫ْ‬
‫َ‬
‫ْ‬
‫ﻚ َﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺲ ﺍﻟ ُﻤﻄ َﻤ ِﺌ ﱠﻨ ُﻪ‪ْ .‬ﺍﺭ ِﺟﻌِﻲ ﺇِﻟﻲ َﺭﺑﱢ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺿ َﻴ ًﻪ ﱠﻣ ْﺮ ِﺿ ﱠﻴ ًﻪ‪َ .‬ﻓﺎ ْﺩ ُﺧﻠِﻲ ﻓِﻲ ﻋ َِﺒﺎﺩِﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳَﺎ ﺃﻳﱠ ُﺘ َﻬﺎ ﺍﻟ ﱠﻨ ْﻔ ُ‬
‫َﻭﺍ ْﺩ ُﺧﻠِﻲ َﺟ ﱠﻨﺘِﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ٨‬ـ ‪٢٦‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،٦٠‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ‪،٦٠‬‬
‫ﭼﻬﻞ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ‪٣٠‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ…«‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻜﭙﺎﻳﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﺶ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬
‫‪٩٢‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ( ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺬﺍ… ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬
‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪٦٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻴﺮﺍﮊ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻨﴼ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﻱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺸﻴﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﻛﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻮ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻲ ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺍﻳﻦﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻠﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﺗﻮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﻳﻪﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ »ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﺘﺎﻥ«!!‬
‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺁﻣﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮒ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍُﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ‪٢٦‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪٩‬ـ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪٩٣‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻼﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻﻭﻗﺖ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﻟﻤﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﺎﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺿﺪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﻔﻈﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫َ‬
‫ِﻚ َﻭ َﺭ ِﺟﻠ َ‬
‫ِﺨ ْﻴﻠ َ‬
‫ِﺼ ْﻮﺗ َ‬
‫ِﺐ َﻋﻠَ ْﻴ ِﻬﻢ ﺑ َ‬
‫ِﻚ َﻭ َﺷﺎ ِﺭ ْﻛ ُﻬ ْﻢ ﻓِﻲ‬
‫َﻭ ْﺍﺳ َﺘ ْﻔ ِﺰ ْﺯ َﻣ ِﻦ ْﺍﺳ َﺘ َﻄ ْﻌ َﺖ ِﻣ ْﻨ ُﻬ ْﻢ ﺑ َ‬
‫ِﻚ َﻭﺃ ْﺟﻠ ْ‬
‫ﻭﺭﺍ‬
‫ِﺪ ُﻫ ُﻢ ﱠ‬
‫ِﺪ ُﻫ ْﻢ َﻭ َﻣﺎ ﻳَﻌ ُ‬
‫ﺍﻝ َﻭﺍﻷَ ْﻭﻻ ِﺩ َﻭﻋ ْ‬
‫ﺍﻷَ ْﻣ َﻮ ِ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸ ْﻴ َﻄ ُ‬
‫ﺎﻥ ﺇِ ﱠﻻ ُﻏ ُﺮ ً‬
‫ﻚ َﻭﻛِﻴ ً‬
‫ﺎﻥ َﻭ َﻛ َﻔﻲ ﺑ َِﺮﺑﱢ َ‬
‫ﺲ ﻟَ َ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻚ َﻋﻠَ ْﻴ ِﻬ ْﻢ ُﺳﻠْ َﻄ ٌ‬
‫ﺇِ ﱠﻥ ﻋ َِﺒﺎﺩِﻱ ﻟَ ْﻴ َ‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻧﻨﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺩﻳﻌﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﮔﻤﺸﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﺮﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﺗﻮ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻲ ﻣﻬﻠﺖ ﺗﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ )ﻻﺑﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻳﻲ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ(‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﻐﺰﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻛﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬
‫)ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻻﺗﺖ( ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺎﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻜﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﺺ ﻣﻦ( ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫‪٩٤‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‬

‫ﺑﻜﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺑﻠﻪ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺺ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺘﺮﺱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺍﷲ ﺍﷲ…‬
‫ﺷﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺍﺵ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ :‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﷲ ﺍﷲ…)ﻭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺗﺴﺘﺮﻱ(‬
‫ﺍﻱ ﺯﺩﺭﺩﺕ ﺧﺴـﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻮﻱ ﺩﺭﻣـﺎﻥ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻳـﺎﺩ ﺗـﻮ ﻣـﺮ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺻـﺪﻫـﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻋـﺎﺷـﻖ ﺳـﺮﮔﺸـﺘﻪ ﺑﻴـﻨﻢ ﭘُـﺮ ﺍﻣﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴـﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﻏﻤﺖ ﺍﷲ ﮔـﻮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ‬
‫َﺭﺑﱠ َﻨﺎ ﺗَ َﻘ ﱠﺒ ْﻞ ِﻣ ﱠﻨﺎ ﺇِﻧ َ‬
‫ِﻴﻢ‬
‫ﱠﻚ ﺃَ َ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤ ُ‬
‫ِﻴﻊ ﺍﻟْ َﻌﻠ ُ‬
‫ﻧﺖ ﱠ‬
‫‪١٠‬ـ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺰ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﻤﮕﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﮔﺎﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬
‫ﱡ‬
‫ﱠ‬
‫َﻭ َﻣﻦ ﻳَ ْﻘ َﻨ ُﻂ ﻣِﻦ ﱠﺭ ْﺣ َﻤ ِﻪ َﺭﺑﱢ ِﻪ ﺇِﻻ ﱠ‬
‫ﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺂﻟ َ‬
‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻥﺻﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ُﻣ َﻌ َﺬﺏ‬
‫ﻭ ﻏﻤﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؟‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺣﻤﺖ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻮﻣﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺨﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ِﻳﻦ ﺃَ ْﺳ َﺮ ُﻓﻮﺍ َﻋﻠَﻲ ﺃَﻧ ُﻔ ِﺴ ِﻬ ْﻢ َﻻ ﺗَ ْﻘ َﻨ ُﻄﻮﺍ ﻣِﻦ ﱠﺭ ْﺣ َﻤ ِﻪ ﱠ‬
‫ِﺮ‬
‫ِﻱ ﺍﻟﱠﺬ َ‬
‫ُﻗ ْﻞ ﻳَﺎ ﻋ َِﺒﺎﺩ َ‬
‫ﺍﷲِ ﺇِ ﱠﻥ ﺍﷲﱠَ ﻳَ ْﻐﻔ ُ‬
‫ﱡ‬
‫ﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻧ َ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮ ِﺣ ُ‬
‫ُﻮﺏ َﺟﻤِﻴ ًﻌﺎ ﺇِﻧﱠ ُﻪ ُﻫ َﻮ ﺍﻟْ َﻐ ُﻔ ُ‬
‫ﻮﺭ ﱠ‬
‫»ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﮔﻨﻬﻜﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻞ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻼ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺰﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‬
‫‪٩٥‬‬

‫‪٧‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺮﻉ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ّ‬
‫ﺣﻖ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻼﺋﻜﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺒﺪﻱ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﻏﻔﺮﺕ ﻟﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻮﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻭ ﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﻲ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫َﻛﺮﻡ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻒ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ‬
‫ﮔﻨﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻣﺴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻛﻔﺎﻥ ﻛﻌﺒﻪ ﺟﻼﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ُﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻋﺒﺪﻧﺎﻙ ﺣﻖ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺗﻚ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺻﻔﺎﻥ ِﺣﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻤﺎﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻋﺮﻓﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻚ‬
‫ﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻭ ﺯﻣﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻗﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻛﺸﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺯ«‬
‫)ﮔﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ(‬
‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺗﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬

‫‪٩٦‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺒـﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ ـ ‪٧‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻲﻫﻤﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﻳﻲ ﺑﻐﺮﻧﺞ ﻭ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﻔﺮﺳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻱ ﺧﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺷﻜﻮﻩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ‪٢٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﻒ ﻧﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻴﺮﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﻫﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﺯ ‪٥‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪٨٠‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﻗﻔﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﻏﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﻓﺸﺮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪٣٧٠٠‬ﻓﻘﺮﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻃﻲ ‪٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ )ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ‪٣٢‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ‪٥٣‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ‪٨٣٣١‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬
‫‪٦٩٢‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫‪٩٨‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫‪٤٩٧‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ‪٥٣‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬
‫ﺷﻴﺨﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﻨﮕﺒﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺳﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻻﺑﺪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺥ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺗﺴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺳﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻪﻧﻘﺶ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺯﻳﺮﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺒﺖﻧﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ »ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻳﻚ »ﭘﺮﻝ ﻫﺎﺭﺑﺮ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ« ﻭ »ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮﻳﻦ« ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪١٩٧٩‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﻞﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺰﺑﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬
‫‪٩٩‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺭﺿﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺮﺿﺪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ« )ﺍﻟﺠﺰﻳﺮﻩـ ‪٤‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺨﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﭼﺸﻢ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﺨﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺯﻡﺁﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﻮﻻﻱ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺸﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻫﺮﻳﻤﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺑﻪﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻬﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺵ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎﻱ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺟﺮﺍﺣﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺪ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩﻭﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﻨﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﻭ »ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﭘﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺟﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٠٠‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﴽ ﺩﺭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﻟﻮﺣﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﻧﻪﺟﻨﮓ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺂﻝ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﮒ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٣٦٩‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﺩﺍﻧﻪ« ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪١٦‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﺎﺷﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﻌﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻮﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺰﺍﻳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻜﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻳﻜﺴﻮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٠١‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬
‫××××‬
‫‪٢٥‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺿﺪﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲـ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ« ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪٤‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،١٣٥٧‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ‪١٢‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺿﺪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫»ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﴼ »ﺷﻜﺎﺭﭼﻲ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻡ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ« ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻋﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻴﻪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ »ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ١٣٧٧‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺗﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﭼﺸﻤﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻴﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﻮﺷﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲـ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ… ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫‪١٠٢‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻃﻌﻤﻪ‬
‫»ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ«‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪٨‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺰﻭﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺮﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﺸﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﺑﻪﻳﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪﺳﭙﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻋﺰﻳﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪.(١٣٧٧‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﻀﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻄﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪.‬‬
‫××××‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ١٣٧٧‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪:‬‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻃﻴﻨﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ »ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺑﺎ »ﺑﺴﻂ« ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ…‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺸﺖﺳﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻠﻌﻴﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺮﭘﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺿﺎﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺳﭙﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻛﻪ‬
‫‪١٠٣‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺑﺲ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ »ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺣﻠﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺿﺪﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪١‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪٢‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ‬
‫‪٤‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٦٧‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻠﻢ‪٤٥٠ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﺁﻣﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚ »ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ«‬
‫ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻣﺼﺮﻑ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻣﺼﺮﻑ« ﺗﻜﻴﻪﻛﻼﻡ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺑﺴﻂ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻞ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ُﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﺸﺒﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ ﺑﻪﺗﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻜﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻒ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﻗﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺳﺮ ﺑﻐﺾ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺫﻳﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﻋﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺳﻔﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺍﻋﺠﺎﺏﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪﺳﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ«! )ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪.(١٣٧٤‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﻮﺝﺳﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫‪١٠٤‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ‪ ١٣٦٩‬ﻭ‪ ،١٣٧٠‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪٨‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ… ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ« )ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥـ ‪٤‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪.(٦٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻭ‬
‫»ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ« ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﭘﻔﻚ ﻧﻤﻜﻲ« ﻧﺎﻣﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺑﺨﻮﺭ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« )ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﻼﻡـ‬
‫‪٢٣‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ .(٧٧‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯ ‪٥٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺪﻫﻲ« ﺑﻪﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ )ﻣﺠﻠﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺣﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻞـ ﺁﺫﺭ‪.(١٣٧٦‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ«‬
‫ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﻂﺍﻣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻭﺁﺗﺸﻪﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭﻩ »ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ« ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ »ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ… ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ »ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ« ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺒﻲ« ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺻﺮﻳﺤﴼ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻱ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ« )‪١٩‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ .(٧٧‬ﺩﺭﻋﻴﻦﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺣﻲ« ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ »ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ « ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ١٩٩٧‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ«‬
‫)‪٩‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪.(٧٧‬‬
‫‪١٠٥‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ »ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻋﻼﻡﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪٧‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪ ١٣٧٦‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٩‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ١٣٨٠‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ‪٧٧‬ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺮﺩﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﺴﻠﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ )ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ( ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ‪٢٧‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻼﻭﻗﻔﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺭﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ )ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪـ ‪٢٣‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ (٦٣‬ﺗﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﮔﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬
‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻋﺎﺩﻳﺴﺎﺯﻱ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺍ »ﭘﻨﺎﻩﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ )‪١١‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪ (٦٤‬ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ »ﻫﺮﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯﺳﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﻳﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ« )ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.(٦٤‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻴﺰ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ )ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ (٦٤‬ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺋﻴﻜﺎ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺄﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬
‫‪١٠٦‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﭘﺲﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﻍ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ‪ ٦٩‬ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪(٧٤‬؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ )ﻣﻬﺮ‪ (٧٦‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﺑﻪﺷﺮﻁ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﺩ‪.‬ﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﭘﻬﺎﻱ ﻏﻮﻝﭘﻴﻜﺮ ‪٣٢٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻬﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﭼﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﮊﻧﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻭﻩﺑﺮ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺍ »ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ«ﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪» ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻨﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ« ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪١١‬ﺁﺫﺭ‪ ،٧٦‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺋﻠﻪﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﷲﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻤﺎﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ٧٦‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﴼ ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؟« )ﻣﺸﻜﻴﻨﻲـ‬
‫‪٩‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪.(٧٦‬‬
‫×××‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﺭﻗﺼﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﻨﺎ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﺑﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﺁﺷﻔﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺘﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﺲ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺒﺨﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﺕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻳﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫‪١٠٧‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻮﻓﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﺶ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ« )‪٢٤‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖ‪.(١٣٨٢‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺒﻮﺣﻪ ﺷﺒﻪﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪١٧‬ﮊﻭﺋﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻴﻦﺗﻮﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٨٢‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﮎ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻭ »ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﻲﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺼﺮﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱﮐﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺮﺕ ﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ« )ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍـ ‪١٠‬‬
‫ﻣﻬﺮ‪.(١٣٨٢‬‬
‫»ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺮﻙ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ…« )ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢـ ‪ ٩‬ﻣﻬﺮ‪٤ .(١٣٨٢‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﭘﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬
‫××××‬

‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫‪١٠٨‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻛﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﻮﺍﺑﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﻎﻭﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻴﺞ ﻭ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻴﻒﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻞﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻢ ﻭ ﮔﻴﺞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ؟ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﴼ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺭﻭﻱ ﻳﺎﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬
‫‪١٠٩‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ‬
‫»ﺟﻨﮓ« ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ »ﻧﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ« ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻼً‬
‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻥ ‪١٢٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻱ ‪١‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪٢‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪٨‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﺮﻭ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺪﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ« ﺑﺎ »ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ »ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺋﻮﺋﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ« ﻭ »ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺑﻴﻦﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ« )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲـ ‪١٢‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪.(٦٧‬‬
‫ـ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ« ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻓﺘﺢ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ«‬
‫ـ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ »ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ«‬
‫ـ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ »ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ«‬
‫ـ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ »ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ« ﻭ »ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮﺧﺖ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ«‬
‫ـ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ »ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻛﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟! ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻓﺶ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺩﻣﻨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻮﺫﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬
‫‪١١٠‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺥ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻧﻴﻦ »ﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﻭ»ﻧﻪﺧﻮﺩﻱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻧﮕﻬﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ؟! ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«؟!‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ » ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ« ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺻﻠﺢﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺠﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪٨‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻌﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺣﻠﺸﺎﻥ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ« ﻭ »ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻓﺘﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺮﺍﻩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﺧﻮﺩﺷﻮﻳﻲ« ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﮔﻢﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻞ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﺭﺱ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺮﺣﻖ‬
‫ﺻﻠﺤﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺣﻠﻖﺁﻭﻳﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻸﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻏﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ« ﻭ »ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺑﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ« )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲـ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﺫﺭ‪.(١٣٨٠‬‬
‫»ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻓﺎﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ« ﺩﺭ»ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ« ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻼﺣﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬
‫‪١١١‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺩ )ﺳﺎﻧﺪﻱﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻮﺯﻭﻳﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﻟﺲﺁﻧﺠﻠﺲﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﻣﻪ‪) «( ٢٠٠٤‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕـ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪.(٨٦‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻧﺦ ﺟﺮﺛﻮﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺣﺮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪٥ .‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪٢٠٠‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺗﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪٩٥‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻲ ‪٥٦‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪﺷﺪﻩ )ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪٣٣‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪١٤‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ‪١٣‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪ ١٣٦٥‬ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﻋﻤﻴﻘﴼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ«‪٥ .‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫‪ ٢٩‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪ ،١٣٧٠‬ﺭﻓﻴﻘﺪﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻢ ﺗﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻥ‪.‬ﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﻛﺠﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺣﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻫﺮﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﭘﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫‪١١٢‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺤﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻮﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻲ »ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻲ« ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﺯﻭﺩﻱ »ﺧﻸ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫)ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩـ ‪٦‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪.(٨٦‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ )ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻬﺮ( ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺒﻚﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪﺗﻠﻮﻳﺢ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﻘﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﺧﻼﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻛﺎﭘﺸﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻠﻜﻬﺎﻱ »ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﴼ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ… ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺮﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ]ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﺍﺛﻘﺎﻝ![ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻄﺮ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﮊﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺎﺭ ﮔﻠﭙﺎﻳﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﻻﺟﻮﺭﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺨﺖ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎﻱ »ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ« ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻩ ‪١٨‬ﻣﺎﻫﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻭﻋﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺨﺖ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ »ﺷﻜﻼﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻣﺰ ﺭﻧﮓ« ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫… ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ!‬
‫ﺳﺮﺳﭙﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺿﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻨﻪﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ!‬
‫ﺗﻮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻜﺎﺩ؟‬
‫ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩ!‬
‫)ﻓﺮﺍﺯﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﻤﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﻳﻲ(‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺍﺯﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺿﺪﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬
‫‪١١٣‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ » َﻛﻠِ َﻤﻪﺍﻟْ ُﻮ ْﺳﻄﻲ« ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻤﺤﻼﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ« )ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ( ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬
‫» ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﭘﻮﺭﺗﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﺑﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻫﻤﻴﻦﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪٢٩‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻠﻘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ« ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻟﻴﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻫﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ‬
‫)ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ( ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ« )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲـ ‪ ٧‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪.(١٣٨٠‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺧﺮﮒ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻨﻲ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﻢﺧﻂ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ ﻣﻼ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺧﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡﺟﺪﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺳﺘﺮﮒ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﻪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١١٤‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊﺳﻼﺡ ﺭﺷﻴﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﻡﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻨﺪﺍﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺮﺧﺸﻤﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻴﺮﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ!‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ )ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‪٥ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪ .(١٣٧٩‬ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻁ ﻋﺠﻠﻪﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺻﺒﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ!‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﻳﺸﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻋﺎﻭﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﺠﺪﺩﴽ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ »ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ«‬
‫ﻭ »ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ! ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ‬
‫‪١٢‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!«‬
‫)ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ‪٣٠‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪.(١٣٨٢‬‬
‫‪٢٧‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﺠﺪﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺿﺪﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ…«‬
‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺟﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻣﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ« )‪٤‬ﺗﻴﺮ‪.(١٣٥٩‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺣﺎﻻ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪٢٧‬ﺳﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ‬
‫‪١١٥‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﻲﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻓﻄﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻤﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻗﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺒﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻫﺎﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻟـﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺳﺒﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﺮﻧﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻨﺠﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ« )‪٥‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ‪.(١٣٧٩‬‬
‫××××‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ‪٢٥‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ ٨٣‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ… ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺳﻨﺠﻴﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﻧﻈﺮﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻘﺶ ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫‪١١٦‬‬

‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ؟‬

‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻚ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻗﺴﺎﻣﺸﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻭﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻ ً‬
‫ﻼ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ…«‬
‫××××‬
‫ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻴﻞ »ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻦ« ﻭ »ﻣﺨﺒﺮ« ﻭ »ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭ« ﻭ »ﭘﺮﺳﻨﻞ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ«‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺪﻳﺮ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻟﻴﺴﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻫﺮﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻠﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺒﻮ ﺑﺸﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﻃﻠﺴﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﺒﺎﺽ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺘﺎﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺘﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻭ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻤﺮﮔﻴﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﻭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ!‬
‫‪١١٧‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑَ ِﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻱﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ…‬
‫ﺑﻪﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﻭﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ…‬
‫ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻠﻖ ـ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻱ‬
‫‪ ٧‬ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٨٦‬‬

‫‪١١٨‬‬