This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
Cierra Olivia Thomas-Williams G602 – Dr. Brenda Weber Due: December 14, 2006
The deliberate consciousness of America so fair and smooth-spoken, and the under consciousness so devilish. Destroy! destroy! destroy! hums the under-consciousness. Love and produce! Love and produce! cackles the upper consciousness. And the world hears only the Love-and-produce cackle. Refuses to hear the hum of destruction underneath. Until such time as it will have to hear. -D.H. Lawrence (1923/2003) in Studies in Classic American Literature
INTRODUCTION Rape prevention education in the United States is not a priority subject in the development and implementation of high school curricula, despite national studies which indicate that more than two million adolescents have been victimized by sexual violence (statistics from Sauders et al, 2003). Rather than focusing on adolescent sexuality1 and the prevention of violence in high schools, the federal government in 2006 gave more than $176 million toward the promotion of abstinence education in high school curricula (U.S. House of Representatives, 2004). Many high schools avoid “sex education2” altogether— where issues of rape and violence prevention might fit into curricula. Instead, abstinence only programs teach children to “avoid sexual activities” altogether (U.S. House of Representatives, 2004). Abstinence only education avoids the issue of teenage sexuality, in direct opposition to statistics that indicate up to 58% of middle school students are sexually active (Brown et al. 2006, p. 1429). In fact, there may be some correlation between early teen sexual activity and the media saturated United States culture. Jane Brown (2006), a professor of Journalism and Mass Communication at U. North Carolina, found that every young American spends about six to seven hours with some form of media per day, and although two
Teen sexuality refers to sexual activities including intercourse and other intimate relations between partners. 2 Sex education refers to programs that address issues of sexual reproduction.
thirds of television shows contain sexual content media does not teach “responsible behavior” (p. 34, 35, 36). Brown (2004) concluded there is reason to believe that high rates of media exposure correlate to “increased callousness toward women and trivializes rape as a criminal offense” (p. 40). In light of Brown’s 2006 study, abstinence only education seems irresponsible; however, a report from the U.S. House of Representatives (2004) indicates that more than “$90 million in federal funding” has been allocated since 2001 to sixty-nine grantees (electronic resource)—this averages to more than one million dollars per grantee for abstinence only high school “sex education.” Rape prevention education, on the other hand, is available outside the school environment within the programming of non profit organizations, like domestic violence shelters, with federal funding from the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). The current rape prevention campaign from the CDC, which has been adapted by many domestic violence shelters nation wide, is called "Choose Respect. Give it. Get it” (Chooserespect.org, 2006). This rape prevention campaign is a heteronormative model implying on its surface that respecting boundaries leads to personal safety: rape, then, is a result of making the wrong interpersonal decisions. Rape as perceived through the lens of the CDC reduces sexual violence to a product of partner or dating abuse ignoring structural problems altogether. Andrea Dworkin (2000) in Just Sex posits that rape is conflated with domestic partner abuse because under old rape laws “the perception that rape is real depends on injuries that may accompany but are not rape” (in Gold, p. xv).
Furthermore, current attention to rape prevention through the CDC Choose Respect prevention model masks that 86% of rape is perpetrated on women by men (Tjaden et al., p.iii). Rather than examining the roots of sexual oppression as a structural problem and making rape a gender-based violence issue, it is “treated” after the fact as a result of “disrespectful” interpersonal relationships. Catherine MacKinnon (1994) writes “All women live in sexual objectification the way fish live in water” and at all times are “under the shadow of the threat of sexual abuse” (p. 274). Current rape statistics indicating that one in four American women is raped in their lifetime (ChooseRespect.org) support MacKinnon’s observations about women. Therefore, rape prevention curricula that do not examine the ways in which women are structurally oppressed and subject to sexual violence cannot be truly effective in changing the social behavior underling rape. Andrea Dworkin (2000) writes that feminist rape prevention techniques eliminate “the kinds of rape now taken for granted as normal, natural, inevitable, [making] ‘But did he hurt you?’. . . an ignorant, unspeakable insult (p. xvi). Feminist rape prevention techniques include attention to structural forces at work in the culture at large which underscore the oppression of women, like gendered language, media, and advertising. “New activist strategies,” argues Dworkin (2000) have “a brilliant sense of possibility, and an equality-based ethic of right and wrong” (p. xvi). Feminist rape prevention education techniques highlight rape as a gender-based violence issue, rather than merely an issue of respect or even an artifact of dating violence. This special attention to cultural structures
allows for a broader characterization of prevention education that addresses a larger audience who may not necessarily be involved in monogamous heterosexual relationships. This paper compares two models of rape prevention education. The CDC “Choose Respect” national model is discussed and evaluated in comparison to a feminist rape prevention project called “Project H.O.W.—Healthy Outlooks for Women.” Information about the CDC Choose Respect prevention model is widely available on the internet and used in domestic violence shelters nationwide. The CDC Choose Respect information presented in the paper is gathered from resources available through federal organizations and domestic violence shelters’ websites and federally published documents. The information on feminist rape prevention derives from personal involvement in the design, development, and implementation of Project H.O.W.— Healthy Outlooks for Women. This paper includes media coverage of Project H.O.W.’s feminist activist projects, photographs from class session, and personal interviews with the young women who participated in the Project (Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476). Both rape and violence prevention educational models presented in the paper were developed out of the increasing need for preventative education in America. The National CDC Choose Respect Model In response to a 2003 study that indicated high incidents of dating violence among America’s high school teen population, the CDC in partnership with the Department of Health and Human Services launched a national
campaign called “Choose Respect” designed as a violence prevention educational model; in 2004, an unknown amount of federal funding was allocated toward this effort (CDC MMWR, May 2006, p. 532, 534). Slogans in the media (television, radio, magazines) promoting the CDC’s violence prevention programs range from “Choose Respect” (the media ad campaign) to “Demand Respect” (the curriculum), and “Expect Respect” (an amalgamation). In 2004 rape prevention became a focus of the Choose Respect campaign. The CDC published a guide outlining numerous ways in which prevention education can be configured and suggests organizations design Rape Prevention Education (RPE) grants to access the federally allocated funding (CDC Prevention Guide, p. 1). Ultimately, the Prevention Guide supports grant models that combine “a framework for understanding the complex interplay of individual, relationship, social, political, cultural, and environmental factors that influence sexual violence” (Dahlberg and Krug 2002 in CDC Prevention Guide, p. 1). Fortunately, this framework allows for multiple adaptations of rape and violence prevention education. Through this overarching framework for RPE models, funding is available to a wide range of organizations but has been utilized mainly by domestic violence shelters as outreach efforts. According to the CDC website, currently 27 national domestic and sexual violence organizations and 93 state organizations have funding for the Choose Respect model of prevention education (ChooseRespect.org, 2006). Once organizations have funding they can utilize the resources created by the CDC or they can generate their own programs that
follow their distinct RPE grants. Many shelters use the Choose Respect materials to deploy their RPE grants, which is evident through viewing organizational websites that are linked to ChooseRespect.org. The CDC resources available are designed and marketed toward heterosexual youth in monogamous relationships. Although the media (available at ChooseRespect.org) is “colorful”—people are multicolored caricatures indicating a special avoidance of racial issues—educational materials for teachers, posters, videos, cinema slides, radio ads, and television commercials all depict young women and men in prospectively violent always “disrespectful” situations. These CDC materials do not depict youth on the “fringes” of strict gender (male and female social behavior) and heterosexual norms, rather intimate relationships are all between “normative” young men and women. This model is a façade to protect normative cultural boundaries; many American youth do not fit into a dual gendered, monogamous, heterosexual model of prevention education. One example from the CDC media materials includes a sex (male/female) segregated pocket quiz designed to teach children the doctrine of “Demand Respect. Get it. Give it.” There are four choices teens have when presented with a potentially disrespectful or violent situation, they can “speak up, step in, talk it out later, talk to an adult,” or (not usually included in television or on posters) they can go for help if the situation calls for it (ChooseRespect.org). The “girl” version of the CDC quiz includes questions like: “You see your friend flirting with another boy just to make her boyfriend jealous. You choose to:”
“Your boyfriend is staring at another girl and it is making you jealous. You choose to:” These quiz questions all lead to the point: “You’ve got a choice. Choose to treat people the way you want to be treated and see how that choice makes you feel.” [CDC radio ad, ChooseRespect.org] These widely used media devices only allow for a narrow selection of choices geared toward a normative teen audience.
This is just one example of the “Expect Respect” campaign currently promoted by “The Body Shop” (available online at www.dvirc.org.au). While the text may imply that every type of person deserves respect, the pictures throughout the eleven page booklet all depict heterosexual gender-normative youth.
No solid statistics are available to indicate how large the American population of “non-normative” youth is, but it is estimated that more than 90% of trans-gendered youth and also lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth are subject to discrimination at school because they are “different” (Cianciotto, 2006, p. 5). Thomas-Williams 8
Federal violence prevention education upholds stringent normative boundaries based upon an idealized version of America in which young men only date young women making no room for gender or sexual variation. The sole focus on dating violence in all CDC media resources makes invisible the high incidence of rape in high school—although statistic are referred to on the ChooseRespect.org website (2006). The Choose Respect model of youth education is largely geared toward prevention of violence despite the nuance of rape in RPE funding and on the ChooseRespect.org website (2006). Sexism is not apparent in CDC media; rather, issues of domestic or partner violence prevention are centralized thus portraying “respect” as a solution for heteronormative violence, ultimately disguising structural and systemic problems resultant from sexism. Children in the Choose Respect campaign all have choices. According to this national doctrine they have exactly four choices that lead to respect; they can “speak up, step in, talk it out later, or talk to an adult” (CDC, ChooseRespect.org, 2006), indicating that these American youth are autonomous and have the agency to speak for themselves and effect change. Respect as an issue of choice is laughable, though, when ninety percent of “non-normative” youth are subject to daily discrimination due to pervasive homophobia (Cianciotto, 2006, p. 5), nor is choice apparent in the fact that one in four young high school aged women are raped (CDC, ChooseRespect.org, 2006). These two statistical references indicate that masses of American youth indeed have no choice in the manner in which they are treated. Centralizing
respect a matter of choice is dangerously close to victim blame and structural forces at work that influence children’s choices are invisible. To generalize, according to the CDC, dating violence is a matter of choice, not a matter of gender based social oppression. The “F” Word Catherine MacKinnon (1994) argues that conflating violence with choice is “always denigrating and bizarre and reductive,” because this paradigm insinuates that sexism does not exist (p. 277). Rape prevention education through the lens of feminism elucidates the structural connections between rape and oppression. Sexism is an effect of the overall “social and relational” hierarchy that is both “constructing and constructed of power” derived from “male dominance [that] is sexual” (MacKinnon, 1994, p. 258, 264, 276). The oppression of women as an issue of male dominance, however, is not widely embraced. For example, MacKinnon is famous (infamous?) for her feminism; in the the popular imagination3 she has been dubbed a radical anti-sex feminist and has often been “lampooned” by the media (Baumgardner, 2000, p. 35). The degradation of MacKinnon is understood in terms of her association with feminism and its negative meaning as “the other ‘F’ word” (Baumgardner et al, 2000, p. 50). Although feminism is a political movement for social justice, “gender equity, and human liberation” it is laden with negative connotations (Baumgardner, 2000,
Popular is defined herein in terms of Webster’s (1996) lexical meaning “widely liked” (p. 531) and used through its expression in current media that is easily available to vast amounts of people, easily interpreted (rather than theory which can be arduous to read), and produced in the twenty-first century. The term imagination in this project is derived from mythology theorist SvenErik Klinkmann (2002) and refers to the larger social patterns that emerge from a reading of certain media as they are fabricated by positioning “different subjects in relation to the chains of signification that society creates" (p. 56).
p. 50), perhaps because women’s liberation tends to signify power. Women with power are “unfeminine” and “aggressive,” and as Jennifer Baumgardner and Amy Richards (2000) argue, this myth implies all feminists desire “social upheaval” and “female superiority” (p. 52). Respectable media sources, such as the Wall Street Journal and the Chicago Tribune, participate in denigrating feminism especially in reference to rape prevention. Neil Gilbert, a professor of social welfare at UC Berkeley, wrote an article in the Wall Street Journal to counter “The Violence Against Women Act of 1993,” which would have made rape a civil rights issue, that would have delegated eighty-five million federal dollars to rape prevention education and domestic violence shelters (WSJ, 1993, p. A18). Gilbert claimed in his article that rape statistics are unsound; he wrote (1993) they highly overstate the existence of rape in the U.S. and only serve to justify the “exaggerated claims of victimization” by radical feminists (Gilbert, 1993, p. A18). The Chicago Tribune in another 1993 article argues that feminism is to blame for overstating the “rape” issue (Page, 1993, p. 21). In response to Antioch College in Ohio, which amended its sexual offense policy to include the requirement of consent at every stage of an intimate act, Page (1993) wrote a piece designed to warn (young male) college students of the inevitable storm of “crying rape” (Section 1, p. 21). Citing that laws and rules are now written in accordance with “what women want,” Page (1993) blames the “end of fun” and an “increase in judicial overreactions” and nefarious rape accusations on women’s liberation (Section 1, p. 21). Veering dangerously close to victim
blame, Page writes that “date rape is an ambiguous and misleading term”: what women need to do is say “no” and mean it (Page, 1993, Section 1, p. 21). The appearance of this article in a widely respected and distributed newspaper like the Chicago Tribune indicates the backlash that feminism spurns in its move toward gender equity. The backlash from more than ten years ago is still evident in more recent papers. Editor of Wall Street Journal Schaefer-Riley in a May 2006 issue accuses feminists of failing to teach women “what to do to reduce the likelihood of rape,” and instead solely teaches women that they are “in control of their own bodies” (p. W11). Schaefer-Riley (2006) argues feminism has duped women into a false sense of safety and as a result women are getting drunk in bars in their newfound rivalry with men and are being “take advantage of” (p. W11). Blaming radical feminists like Catherine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin for warning women that “men are evil and dangerous” when they are “really harmless,” Schaefer-Riley (2006) writes women “throw caution to the wind” in demanding equal treatment—especially in the bars (p. W11). Each of these articles valorizes men as the victims of feminism and places the blame for rape back on rape victims. Articles such as these indicate that feminism is a discredited framework for social justice movements. According to the popular imagination women have too much freedom and as Schaefer-Riley’s, Page’s, and Gilbert’s articles indicate everyone is paying the price for it. Susan Faludi (1991) reports that the U.S. Attorney General’s Commission on Pornography “proposed that women’s
professional advancement might be responsible for rising rape rates . . . [because] more women have more opportunities to be raped” (p. xii). Feminism is carried on by “crazed man-hating women” and, therefore, feminist educational tactics like violence and rape prevention are denigrated as misleading and are seen as a pollutant to Americans. Backlash against women’s social advancement may be one reason why national rape prevention programs avoid addressing rape as a gender equity issue altogether. Despite its denigrated reputation, feminism and feminist theory may provide framework for an effective and successful “cure” for the social “disease” of rape; rather than just treating rape as a “symptom” of violence and ignoring the “disease” of oppression all together, rape prevention through a feminist lens highlights rape as an institution of gender oppression. The following case study highlights one alternative rape prevention education program funded by a CDC RPE grant that uses the framework of feminist theory to teach young women about the social oppression that leads to violence against women. Project H.O.W.—Healthy Outlooks for Women Based on the premise that retention rates increase by exposing students to a concept repetitively in different ways (James, 1967), Sexual Assault Response Team Advocate Christina Martin and I created a feminist rape prevention curriculum to be articulated through the lens of feminist activism. Feminist activism goes beyond what Amy Richards and Jennifer Baumgardner (2005) call “The Generic Three” activisms: “call your politician, donate money, and volunteer” (p. 13). While each of these actions is helpful they are “minimally
effective” and lack passion (Baumgardner, 2005, p. 13). Feminist activism is a continual process—rather than a one time “good deed”—that has roots in the political system making it a prospectively more effective preventative method for rape education than the current national CDC model. Further, because feminist activism is passion based, rather than volunteering out of a sense of responsibility, it may go further and last longer than a one time project would (Baumgardner, 2005, p. 17; Holt in Gold, 2000, p. 17). As victims of repeated rape and attempted rape on our own college campuses, Martin and I had an intimate connection to our project that was fueled by passion to change systemic violence against women. We developed a curriculum in partnership with a local battered women’s advocacy organization. Project H.O.W.—Healthy Outlooks for Women was conceived of the need to expose the silent oppression of women and the epidemic of sexual assault in the United States; therefore, it was designed as a dynamic educational approach to rape prevention that addressed the representation of women in media (including music, movies, television, and the Internet); it also focused on interpersonal relationships and boundaries, body image, language, and history. The curriculum was based on feminist principles of social justice and gender equity and integrated these concepts with practice though feminist activism. Initially the pitch for the program went well and was going to be included in the area’s high school and middle school curricula; however, once administrators understood the focus on feminist activism Project H.O.W. was dropped before it launched. Martin took a proactive approach to recruiting students for Project
H.O.W. by passing out flyers in an area adjacent to the high school. The flyer was designed to intrigue students to attend an informational session, and featured pop star Gwen Stephanie’s and the famous lyric “I’m just a girl” with a giant question mark (along with the supplemental time, date, and location). This recruitment technique alone managed to draw eighteen teenaged girls ages ranging from twelve to nineteen4. During the initial class in January 2006, Project H.O.W. students were provided with definitions of healthy mutual, respectful, consensual relationships versus unhealthy relationships based on power and control. Each of the young women in attendance self identified as feminists during group introductions. The young women determined the pace of the class and developed project goals as a group rather than being presented with a pre-determined curriculum. Thereafter Project H.O.W. met one time per week until the final class in July 2006. While H.O.W. began with eighteen students the number of attendees quickly grew to more than 30 during the height of Project H.O.W. The initial five or six meetings were held in a classroom as discussion groups and focused on actively teaching about basic feminist theory through the framework of popular culture. For example, one class focused specifically on iconization and advertising. Using Britney Spears as a starting point our students spent twenty to thirty minutes in a computer lab looking for different ways that Spears was constructed as a social icon. These media focused activities
The rural agricultural location is largely conservative and Anglo dominated, therefore, the majority of our students were Caucasian girls.
inspired two Project H.O.W. sophomores to write an expose’ article for their school newspaper entitled “Is This Equality?” During the month of March 2006 Project H.O.W. moved out of the classroom and into the community. H.O.W. students were invited to the local university to organize a “talk back” panel presentation after the opening production of Eve Ensler’s play The Good Body. Project H.O.W students developed partnerships with the university Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgendered and Questioning Alliance and the Women’s Research and Resource Center and invited representatives from each organization to join them on the panel. The feminist methodology of human liberation, as articulated by Baumgardner and Richards (2000, p. 5), was the inspiration to include other marginalized groups in the “talk back” forum. One H.O.W. student said “I think that the Body Project was a very useful activity because it gave everyone a chance to talk and compare different issues and opinions” (Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476). Initially projects were organized for H.O.W. students as teaching models, but eventually the students took on the organizational roles themselves and as the students became more involved in the community, Project H.O.W. received media coverage.i Project H.O.W. students organized numerous feminist activities including: making "safe space" t-shirts which helped the girls identify each other in school and the community; a “Breaking the Silence Survivor Art Show,” which featured art created by survivors of sexual assault that was displayed at the local
university (see news article in endnote ii); The Clothesline Project, which involved many of the students at the local high school and was displayed on the high school campus for weeksii; The Guyz Project, a mixed gender talk back forum regarding media and cultural considerations of male centered violence which brought forty two teen men and women together to watch and discuss Jackson Katz’s film Tough Guise; Voices of Men, a multimedia presentation focusing on sexual assault issues that was held at the local high school and drew more than one hundred teensiii; and a “Take Back the Night” rallyiv. Over the course of the five months that this feminist activist group was in session, six of the young women identified as survivors of sexual assault: one third of the women in Project H.O.W. were survivors of rape. During the emotional final session, one young woman confessed that she had been victimized and that Project H.O.W. made her realize that she is a “survivor, and [that she] no longer had to feel like a victim”; she said Project H.O.W. taught “me how to control my energy and independence and the skill to open my eyes, and to actually be able to voice my opinion about what I want as a woman, and as a citizen of our system” (Indiana University Bloomington Study #06-11476). Baumgardner and Richards write (2005) that feminist activism “requires faith, because you are imagining something that doesn’t exist and you have to believe not only that it should exist but that it could exist” (original emphasis, p. 22). Project H.O.W. was developed from the desire to apply alternative (to the heteronormative national CDC Choose Respect model) rape and violence
prevention techniques in hopes that the feminist ideals, activism, and rape prevention education would continue after the initial H.O.W. classes were over. When asked in interviews about their experiences, the Project H.O.W. students reported:
“I am a better person because of this experience. I feel stronger and more confident. I also learned that I am not alone as a rape victim, and as a struggling survivor.” [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 0611476] “By participating in that activism we were more aware of the fact that rape happens in our communities and [to] people in our lives. It brought our awareness to a different degree and made us not afraid to share our voices about rape.” [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476] “HOW gave all of us so much more confidence and we really started to think that, hey, just because we are woman doesn’t mean that we deserve to be treated like objects.” [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476] “I know now that I will never let someone call me a ‘bitch’ or a ‘slut’ or a ‘cunt’ or any of these words ever again and laugh them off nervously just because its their idea of a funny joke. I also know the difference now between good and bad relationships AND I gained a lot of confidence in myself!” [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476] “I know that if I am uncomfortable in a situation it’s ok to say ‘NO!’ or just leave the situation. I also know that I will never tolerate sexist jokes or names, even if they are just meant to be funny. I also know that when I am dating a person to be really careful and watch for signs of someone who could potentially assault me sexually.” [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476]
Many of the young women have also continued activism in their own ways:
I did some other activism inspired by H.O.W., like weekly peace rallies and we cleaned up Riverside Park [SOLV ‘Down by the Riverside’ Clean Up]. I think we did a good job getting our point across in that tiny town and it worked.” [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 0611476] I wrote an article about the feminist view of "Girls in the Media." It was circulated throughout my college campus. [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476] “[I want to] start a feminist group. I'm planning a peaceful protest against the army recruit people who are coming to our school! I am excited. I will use what you have taught me and some of your techniques to help me.” [Indiana University Bloomington Study # 0611476]
The Project H.O.W.—Healthy Outlooks for Women curriculum was intended to satisfy CDC’s RPE grant guidelines for rural rape prevention education programming and to provide an alternative to current federal rape prevention efforts that tend to mask rape as an issue of gender-based violence. Project H.O.W. is unique in that it is a working example of a curriculum that has met federal funding requirements while placing an emphasis on analyzing the world through a feminist lens; the emphasis on violence and other contemporary cultural issues, such as women’s oppression in the media and in language, appealed to young women by providing empowering outlets for personal and interpersonal creativity in their lives. Project H.O.W. is a successful example of a CDC RPE curriculum that young women can embrace but that also has a practical application to their lives as American women subject to oppression in a myriad of ways. Luna et al. (1998) in School-Based Prevention Programs: Lessons for Child Victimization Prevention indicate that effective prevention programs have the following characteristics: they are based on a coherent theoretical basis (like feminism); they must include active skills training (like activist organizing, article and letter writing, and Internet navigation); they integrate multiple teaching and learning components (like discussion forums in the classroom, research in computer labs, or protests and rallies in the community); they promote interactive instruction methods (for example, designing personal activist projects); they must also provide individualized instruction, and more than twenty hours of exposure (in Berson, 2006, p. 45). Project H.O.W.—Healthy Outlooks for Women clearly
followed these recommendations and developed an effective and long lasting preventative model that addressed systemic gender-based violence. One student indicated that she thinks “that this program [Project H.O.W.] should be offered in schools as a required course” (Indiana University Bloomington study #06-11476). Unfortunately, Project H.O.W.’s focus on feminism will likely prevent that from happening. Conclusion D.H. Lawrence so eloquently wrote in 1923 that “the deliberate consciousness of America [is] so fair and smooth-spoken and the under consciousness so devilish,” because it fails to “listen” to its own destructive undertones (electronic resource). Rape prevention education that does not address the hegemonic underpinnings of violence against women amounts to listening to the “cackles of the upper consciousness,” rather than its destructive undertones which cry “Destroy! Destroy! Destroy!,” ignoring a wide range of gender equity issues—including homophobia (Lawrence, 1923, electronic resource). The CDC Choose Respect model of prevention education relies on methods that reproduce heteronormative behaviors that send the message to teens to “Love and Produce!” but is complicated by the fact that federal funding largely supports abstinence only education in high schools (Lawrence, 1923, electronic resource; U.S. House of Representatives, 2004). Feminist rape prevention techniques focus on the “hum of destruction underneath” the American consciousness and using feminist activism, it forces others to address
issues that are “so devilish” and insists that now is the time the American consciousness “will have to hear” (Lawrence, 1923, electronic resource) that rape is an artifact of women’s oppression not women’s liberation. Appendix: Documents from Indiana University Bloomington Study # 06-11476 1. Recruitment Script; 2. Informed Consent Statement Adult; 3. Informed Consent Statement Minor; 4. Interview Questions; 5. and local media coverage (in endnotes). Bibliography: Baumgardner, Jennifer and Richards, Amy (2000). Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism, and the Future. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Baumgardner, Jennifer and Richards, Amy (2005). Grassroots : a field guide for feminist activism. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Berson, M. (2006). Finding ways to change behaviour. In 2006 NetSafe Symposium - Cybersafety & Security Online (pp. 44-46). NetSafe. Brown, J. D., L'Engle, K. L., Pardun, C. J., Guang, G., Kenneavy, K., & Jackson, C. (2006). Sexy media matter: Exposure to sexual content in music, movies, television, and magazines predicts black and white adolescents' sexual behavior. Pediatrics, 117, 1018-1027. Center for Disease Control and Prevention (May 2006). MMWR: Morbidity & Mortality Weekly Report 2006;55 (SS-5):1–108. Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States, 2005 (http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/PDF/SS/SS5505.pdf) and from 1999-2005 http://apps.nccd.cdc.gov/yrbss/ Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2004). Sexual violence prevention: beginning the dialogue. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2006). Sexual violence prevention fact sheet. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Available online at :http://www.cdc.gov/ncipc/factsheets/svfacts.htm Cianciotto, Jason and Sarah Kennedy (October 27, 2006) Homophobia at Hell House: literally demonizing lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth. The Gay and Lesbian Task Force Policy Institute and on the World Wide Web at: http://www.thetaskforce.org/downloads/Homophobia_Hell_House.pdf Dworkin, Andrea (2000). Foreword, p. xi-xvii. Gold, Jodi and Villari, Susan (Eds.) (2000). Just sex : students rewrite the rules on sex, violence, activism, and equality. Lanham, Md. : Rowman & Littlefield. Faludi, Susan (1991). Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women. New York; Crown Publishers, Inc.
Gilbert, Neil (1993, June 29). The Wrong Response to Rape. Wall Street Journal (Eastern Edition). New York, pg. A18. Gold, Jodi and Villari, Susan (Eds.) (2000). Just sex : students rewrite the rules on sex, violence, activism, and equality. Lanham, Md. : Rowman & Littlefield. James, Leon (1967). Semantic Satiation and Cognitive Dynamics. Available on the World Wide Web at: http://www.soc.hawaii.edu/leonj/499s99/yamauchi/semantic.htm Klinkmann, Sven-Erik (Ed.) (2002). Popular Imagination: Essays on Fantasy and Cultural Practice. NNF Publications 12. Lawrence, D. H. (2003) Studies in classic American literature / D.H. Lawrence. In (Eds.) Ezra Greenspan, Lindeth Vasey and John Worthen. The Works of D. H. Lawrence (David Herbert), 1885-1930. New York: Cambridge University Press. Available on the World Wide Web at: http://classiclit.about.com/library/bl-etexts/dhlawrence/bl-dhlaw-studies7.htm Luna, R. and Finklehor, D. (1998). School-Based Prevention Programs: Lessons for Child Victimization Prevention. Durham; Crimes Against Children Research Center. In Berson, M. (2006). Finding ways to change behaviour. In 2006 NetSafe Symposium - Cybersafety & Security Online (pp. 44-46). NetSafe. Martin, Chris (2006). Personal communications via email. MacKinnon, Catherine (1994). Sexuality, p. 257-287. In (Eds.) Hermann, Anne and Stewart, Abigail, Theorizing Feminism: Parallel Trends in the Humanities and Social Sciences. Westview Press. Page. C. (1993, September 15). On toay’s campus, consent for a kiss in Romance 101. Chicago Tribune, Section 1, p. 21. Saunders, Benjamin E., Daniel W. Smith, and Dean G. Kilpatrick (April 2003) Youth Victimization: Prevalence and Implications. Research in Brief. CJ 194972. Schaefer-Riley, Naomi (2006, April 14). Taste—de dugstibus: How Feminism Wages War on Common Sense. Wall Street Journal, New York, pg W11. Thomas-Williams, Cierra O. (2006) Project HOW (Healthy Outlooks for Women) class materials, interviews, etc. Tjaden, Patricia and Nancy Thoennes (Jan 2006). Extent, Nature, and Consequences of Rape Victimization: Findings From the National Violence Against Women Survey. Available on the World Wide Web at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/210346.pdf U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services (2004). Teenagers in the United States [electronic resource] : sexual activity, contraceptive use, and childbearing, 2002. Hyattsville, Md.: U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Health Statistics,  available at: http://purl.access.gpo.gov/GPO/LPS57186 U.S. House of Representatives (Dec. 2004). The Content of Federally Funded Abstinence Only Programs. Available on the World Wide Web at:
http://www.democrats.reform.house.gov/Documents/2004120110215350247.pdf Webster’s II New Riverside Dictionary, Revised Edition (1996). “Popular,” p. 531. Boston; Houghton Mifflin Company.
Here are two newspaper articles covering Project H.O.W. activist projects or community activist projects that H.O.W. student participated in (citations omitted to protect the identity of minors): “A Stand Against Sexual Violence” on the front page of the local newspaper, features Project H.O.W. student holding the sign: “You Got A Voice, Use it to End Violence.” She participated in this project after joining Project H.O.W., while we cannot say for sure that she would not have participated in this project without the influence of her feminist rape prevention education, she admits that she applied the skills she learned in the classroom.
“Art Display Stirs Controversy” from the front page of the university newspaper features the artwork of sexual assault survivors who are members of Project H.O.W.
Photos from the planning session of The Clothesline Project, more information is available about how to organize one at http://www.clotheslineproject.org/.
Photos from the Voice of Men production, more information about the program is available at www.voicesofmen.org. More than twenty young men (in front of hundred of peers) took an oath never to participate in violence against women.
Photos from “Take Back the Night” rally, featured band performances by Project H.O.W. members.
Project H.O.W. students listened to speeches at the “Take Back the Night” event, and four were inspired to tell their own stories.
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?