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Malfitana Et Al. 2009. Sicilia Romana

Malfitana Et Al. 2009. Sicilia Romana

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FAC TA

A J O U R NA L O F R O M A N M AT E R I A L C U LT U R E S T U D I E S

Direttori: Daniele Malfitana · Jeroen Poblome · John Lund Comitato scientifico: S. E. Alcock (Brown University, R.I.) · P. M. Allison (University of Leicester) · D. Bernal (Universidad de Cadiz) · M. Bonifay (Centre Camille Jullian - UMR 6573, CNRS) · R. Brulet (Université Catholique de Louvain) · L. Chrzanovski (International Lychnological Association) · F. D’Andria (Università di Lecce) · M. de Vos (Università di Trento) · K. Dunbabin (McMaster University, Ontario) · M. Feugère (Equipe TPC - UMR 5140, CNRS) · I. Freestone (Cardiff University) · M. Fulford (University of Reading) · C. Gasparri (Università di Napoli “Federico II”) · E. Giannichedda · F. Giudice (Università di Catania) · A. HochuliGysel (Fondation Pro Aventico, Avenches) · S. Ladstätter (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften) · M. Lawall (University of Manitoba) · M. Mackensen (LudwigMaximilians-Universität, München) · D. Manacorda (Università di Roma Tre) · D. Mattingly (University of Leicester) · M. Mazza (Università di Roma “La Sapienza”) · D. Michaelides (University of Cyprus) · M. D. Nenna (Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon) · M. O’Hea (University of Adelaide) · E. Papi (Università di Siena) · D. P. S. Peacock (University of Southampton) · N. Rauh (Purdue University) · P. Reynolds (University of Barcelona) · G. Sanders (The American School of Classical Studies at Athens) · F. Slavazzi (Università di Milano) · K. W. Slane (University of Missouri-Columbia) · N. Terrenato (University of Michigan) · M. Torelli (Università di Perugia) · H. von Hessberg (Universität zu Köln) · A. Wilson (University of Oxford) · D. Yntema (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam) Consulente di redazione per la grafica e la fotografia: Giovanni Fragalà * «Facta» is a Peer Review Journal

FAC TA
A J O U R NA L O F R O M A N M AT E R I A L C U LT U R E S T U D I E S
edited by daniele malfitana, jeroen poblome, john lund

2 · 2008

PISA · ROMA
FABRIZIO SERRA · EDITORE
MMIX

n.libraweb.c. i 56123 Pisa Tel.Amministrazione e abbonamenti Accademia editoriale ® Casella postale n. ecc. sia le proprie riviste precedentemente edite con il marchio Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali®. senza la preventiva autorizzazione scritta della Fabrizio Serra · Editore®. + 39 06 70493456 · Fax + 39 06 70476605 E-mail: accademiaeditoriale. Roma.roma@accademiaeditoriale. Pisa · Roma Stampato in Italia · Printed in Italy La Accademia editoriale®. Pisa · Roma. Pisa · Roma.00 (Individuals) · Euro 115. la traduzione. Eurocard.00 I pagamenti possono essere effettuati tramite versamento su c. Proprietà riservata · All rights reserved © Copyright 2009 by Fabrizio Serra · Editore®. Pisa · Roma. Giardini editori e stampatori in Pisa®. pubblica con il marchio Fabrizio Serra · Editore®. +39 050542332 · Fax +39 050574888 Abbonamenti (2008): Italia: Euro 55. 22 del 15-ix-2004 Direttore responsabile: Fabrizio Serra Sono rigorosamente vietati la riproduzione. succursale n.it Autorizzazione del Tribunale di Pisa n. un marchio della Accademia editoriale®. 17154550 o tramite carta di credito (American Express. Pisa · Roma.p. Pisa · Roma. Ogni abuso sarà perseguito a norma di legge. Visa. www. with Online Edition) Prezzo del fascicolo singolo: Euro 140.. con edizione Online) Abroad: Euro 85. un marchio della Accademia editoriale®.it Uffici di Roma: Via Ruggiero Bonghi 11/b · i 00184 Roma Tel.00 (enti. Pisa · Roma.00 (privati) · Euro 85. compresi la copia fotostatica. anche parziale o per estratti.net issn 1971-9051 . 1. +39 050542332 · Fax +39 050574888 E-mail: accademiaeditoriale@accademiaeditoriale. la memorizzazione elettronica. Mastercard) Uffici di Pisa: Via Santa Bibbiana 28 · i 56127 Pisa Tel. Pisa · Roma.00 (Institutions. Pisa · Roma. Gruppo editoriale internazionale®. l’adattamento. che i volumi delle proprie collane precedentemente edite con i marchi Edizioni dell’Ateneo®. per qualsiasi uso e con qualsiasi mezzo effettuati. il microfilm. 8. e Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali®.

Con breve notizia di alcuni frammenti inediti del «Thorvaldsens Museum» di Copenhagen Paul Reynolds. Linear typologies and ceramic evolution Jean Bussière. Roman Sicily Project («rsp »): Ceramics and Trade. A review of Jean Bussière. Lampes antiques d’Algérie. Jeroen Poblome. Daniele Malfitana. «Rhosica vasa»: the quest continues Christian Høgel. Campanareliefs im Kontext. Cicero on Atticus serving from «Rhosica vasa» Luciana Romeri. Sherds and coins from a place under the sun. A multidisciplinary approach to the study of material culture assemblages. «Rhosica vasa» as metalwork rather than earthenware: an interpretation reinforced by philological analysis review section John Lund. First overview: the transport amphorae evidence Jeroen Poblome. Il vetrocammeo nella prima età imperiale: una sintesi. The dynamics of stone transport between the Roman Mediterranean and its hinterland Daniele Malfitana et al. Nouveaux outils de potiers africains d’époque romaine (iv e-vi e s. Ateneo e il vasellame di Cleopatra (Ateneo. New corpus of terracotta lamps from Algeria. vi 229 c1-d1) Kevin Greene. Further thoughts from Sagalassos discussion section: the «rhosica vasa» quest John Lund.. Ein Beitrag zur Neubewertung der Funktion und Bedeutung der Campanareliefs in römischen Villen Eloisa Dodero.) Ben Russell. and Lampes antiques d’Algérie ii : Lampes tardives et lampes chrétiennes Books received Instructions to authors Addresses of contributors 217 221 225 231 11 15 39 61 89 107 127 193 235 239 241 243 .SOMMARIO Editorial Preface Kristine Bøggild Johannsen. Deipn.

The contribution presents research results of the «Commessa di Ricerca» ibam . G. Malfitana and titled «Approcci multidisciplinari integrati per l’analisi dei manufatti: dalla produzione alla circolazione e all’uso» and was partially funded. E. now that you have known the entire issue of the wheat. and not least its English. sini eam vos istius damnatione reciperatis. etc. Purpura. fructuosissima atque opportunissima provincia.romansicilyproject. ii. computer scientists. and E. Also historians. Are involved in the project: G.ibam) directed by D. A. Franco. Botte (Centre Jean Berard of Naples). Di Miceli. Palazzo (University of Catania). after consul Marcel- This work is the first overview of an encompassing research project in progress. M. G. N. iam facillime perspicere potestis amissam esse populo Romano Siciliam. as well as creating the gis maps and the database that will be made available on the intranet section of the website.001 . Palazzo are archaeologists of the School of Advanced Study in Classical Archaeology of the University of Catania. Treccarichi (University of Palermo). Quid est enim Sicilia. iudices. Morgano and A. The authors wish to thank Michel Bonifay for critically reading the text and his many suggestions.ROMAN SICILY PROJECT («RSP»): CERAMICS AND TRADE a multidisciplinary approach to the study of material culture assemblages. Elizabeth Murphy for her great effort in improving this contribution.cnr. you can easily understand that Sicily is the most productive and useful of our provinces and the Roman population will lose it if you don’t . Botte is a PhD student at the University of Lyon and Centre Jean Berard (Naples). G. Morgano. archaeometrists. first overview: the transport amphorae evidence Daniele Malfitana With contributions by Emmanuel Botte · Carmela Franco · Maria Giulia Morgano Anna Lisa Palazzo Thematic map by Giovanni Fragalà Quapropter cognita tota re frumentaria. 3. Catania.. she also translated the original Italian and French texts into English. Spagnolo. by the Department of Cultural Heritage of the Regione Sicilia (Dipartimento Beni Culturali dell’Assessorato ai Beni Culturali ed Ambientali della Regione Sicilia). C.p02. N. si agri cultionem sustuleris et si aratorum numerum ac nomen exstinxeris?1 Foreword W e quote this passage from the second book of the «Verrinae» by Cicero because it testifies to the beginning of that happy and calm period. Alberti. L. the authors remain responsible for any mistake.cnr (pc. Fragalà is responsible for the Laboratory of Archaeological Photography of ibam . In Verr. 1 Cic.org). L. M. The engineer A. in its first stage. V. A special thanks goes to Carmela Franco. who helped to coordinate and collate the data from the different sections of this work. Cacciaguerra. M. are taking part in the project. its final results will be published as a Facta Supplementum containing more detailed information and all the analytical data (including gis and other databases. thematic maps and graphs) on local production and import of amphorae and table wares in Roman Sicily. Guglielmino is organising the website of the project (www. Obviously. A. 226 («Judge.

75-106. they are studying not only the handcrafts. Marc. 6 See also the recent words of M. 2007 (Poblome . xxvi. 2 There is a long bibliography on the political status of Sicily as quoted by Cicero. social and economic matrix of the first province of the Empire. its implications and its application see the editorial statement of «Facta». 29. but primarily the processes of social and ideological dynamics combined in the general concept of «culture» and the historical. Lazzaretti 2006 and Perkins 2007. . The beginning of the project coincided with the activities of the International Summer School 2007: Roman pottery. 23. social and legal aspects of Sicily during Cicero’s period. Fiorini . A Journal of Roman material culture studies». October 2007). at least during this period. Plut. in particular p.1 The calm period helped the Sicilian exiles and refugees return to their homes and properties and rejuvinate agricultural production. The main author of the article is responsible for the research unit titled «Regionalism and Internationality in Roman Sicily: a general overview of fine and common wares.Lund 2008). political. pp. social and economic situation of Sicily – which was particularly dynamic –. compared to other Roman provinces and domains. 4 The activities of this project are part of the research carried out by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (roct project led by Professors M. which can contribute to clarifying the numerous data that our team is collecting. Today we can combine. 7 Mazza 1980-1981. See also Roth 2007. 7. archaeological materials with historical reconstructions. Torelli in L.3 a multidisciplinary research project4 is in progress. 1. The essay by Mario Mazza7 is still the most complete report on Roman Sicily. La fusione. Most recently. reconquer it by condemning this man. Prag 2007 discussed historical. socio-cultural context in which these dynamics were embedded. especially of wheat destined for Rome – the capital city. A milestone for Sicily in the Roman Empire is Wilson 1990. following the objections of the Syracusans. The two superlatives used by Cicero explain very clearly and eloquently the status of Sicily. which. Afrodite. Starting with the testimonies of the material culture. 5 On the concept of «material culture». «Facta. Val. 8.Pittia 2007 (various papers). 1 Liv. however.Malfitana . What will be Sicily after the destruction of the agriculture and the category of the farmers. Torelli. better than in the past. amphorae and material culture assemblages» (2007-2013).2 Building on the contemporary political. Waelkens and J. l’emporion. circulation and use (Catania. 1-9. was focused mostly on historical evidence and not so much on the archaeological record. Methodologies for the study of production. 1. 3 Lazzeretti 2006 made a recent and exhaustive re-examination of the fourth book of the «Verrinae» (De signis) with an archaeological and historical commentary. come la grecità di Madrepatria e delle colonie d’Occidente». xxvi. Max iv.M.5 Despite the lack of relevant research and published material – and especially the «deliberate» lack of focus on Hellenistic and Roman aspects of Sicily6 – the past years have seen some attempts to draw a preliminary picture of the socio-economy and culture of Roman Sicily. Poblome). A very interesting overview is Dubouloz . 1.128 daniele malfitana et alii lus had received the island in 210 bc. 97 «… far conoscere gli umili materiali ceramici romani in terre ideologicamente refrattarie alla romanità. 32. 2007. Junior researchers specializing in the study of Roman artefacts are approaching the cultural. till the disappearing of their name?»). being 27 years after the province had been constituted and after he had given it to his colleague Levinus. seems to offer competitive and varied economic opportunities. This first attempt.

On the one hand. from Catania and from the other cities». in which he discussed the deceptions of Verres in Syracusae. amphorae and material culture assemblages» Unit (2007-2013). which works directly on the archaeological sites of the island2 – on the enormous potential of the study of crafts to draw an up-to-date picture of the economy and culture of Roman Sicily. quid Catina. quid Thermos. quid ex ceteris locis exportatum putetis. This work – even if it is still in progress – aims to give a first set of data to the scientific community directly obtained through the ceramic evidence. pp. quid Halaesa. 7 «Sicily is an Island. the scientific meeting «Old pottery in a new century. 2 See the considerations of the main author on some important Sicilian archaeological contexts which. sulla scia dei progressi altrove registrati in questo campo. remain unpublished: Malfitana 2006 a.Lund 2006. 126. having everywhere access to the sea. Sicily can be considered as one big harbour opening like a fan. from Terme. It was organized to concentrate the attention of scholars – in particular of the Archaeological Superintendence. quid ex ceteris oppidis. quid Agrigento. come il Ceramico di Siracusa condizionano la validità dei risultati. we will present the preliminarily results of this project concerning the transport amphorae. trying to recognise both the specificity and the role of the island. from Marsala.7 1 Malfitana . 6 See also the recent paper presented at the international workshop organized by the British School in Rome and by the University of Southampton. connecting anywhere in the Roman Empire. As a matter of fact. Strong appeals were launched to encourage the development and the investment in this research field. quid Lilybaeo. Innovating perspectives on Roman pottery studies»1 took place in Sicily. This meeting showed the way to new areas of research. p. assolutamente preliminari. p.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 129 In April 2004.Poblome . from Alesa. this is the particularity of the island and it is also the reason why it is a special observation place within the network of international emporia that were distributed along the coasts of the Mediterranean basin. 7th and 8th 2008). In fact.5 Both scientific platforms convinced us to gather young researchers able to gain specific competences in order to realize the research project. Cicero described the island as such. 414 and Malfitana 2006 b. and in particular amphorae. On the other hand. 110. raggiungibili in questa fase». there was the Catania workshop capturing the need for investments in this field. there is the research carried out by the Research Unit within the international roct project – Roman Crafts and Trade – coordinated by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. In the chapter of the «Verrinae». Anche qui i ritardi nell’edizione scientifica dei principali complessi.6 Surely. 3 See also the author’s considerations in Malfitana 2006 a. quid Panhormo. 4 Portale 2005. Ports Networks in the Roman Mediterranean (March. . even after many years. found in Sicily. See also note 4 on p. quid vero Messana …». from Palermo. he refers to the island as follows: «Cogitate nunc. malgrado il recente interesse volto al tema delle manifatture ceramiche. Portale (in his essay concerning the province of Sicily):4 «gravosi limiti valgono per lo studio della cultura materiale. 5 «Regionalism and Internationality in Roman Sicily: a general overview of fine and common wares. cum illa Sicilia sit. from Agrigento. In this contribution.3 The most recent one was by C. 399-421. Think about what you suppose was exported from other places. hoc est insula quae undique exitus maritimos habeat.

Likewise. which were presumably important for the Sicilian economy and society. production. and on the provision and 1 Malfitana 2004 a. a Palestinian saint from Gaza who wrote around ad 380. For example.130 daniele malfitana et alii The project In September 2002. the hagiographic testimony became an important starting point to scan the economy and the commercial exchanges of antiquity. starting with these considerations and recalling the long and lively debate about the economy of Roman Sicily. and not only of the material. the extraordinary testimony offered by the «Verrinae» was extremely useful in finding information about the status of Sicily and its cities. maybe this debate was focused too much on the organization.1 I introduced the basis to redefine the presence of amphorae and table wares in late Hellenistic and Roman Sicily. When archaeologists understood the importance of the historical data. the use of written material – even extremely important sources. 8: «In questo quadro storiografico il potenziamento del dialogo con i colleghi archeologi può rendere la Sicilia ancora territorio di molte domande che devono ricevere risposte dalla sistemazione organica dei risultati degli scavi e in una visione di sintesi sui contesti che concorrerebbe a superare i limiti della sclerotizzazione testuale». such as textile. p. concerning. I could only propose a first outline of the presence and working of the commercial network on Sicily. there is no reference study about the presence of Roman pottery in Sicily. see Uggeri 2004 (with bibliography). thanks to the more precise and numerous information available: at that time. 239-250. As previously stated. pp. When talking about the relationship between East and West we quoted some excerpta from the «Vita Hilarionis» by Saint Jerome. 4 About the portoria. but it did not provide us with precise information about other aspects. Nowadays. The research began some years ago. 3 On the fact that the Sicilian road network should be analysed in connection with the archaeological documentation. The first data were partial. in particular. such as the «Verrinae» – is not always a valid means by which archaeologists and historians can find out precisely what they are looking for. thus considered reliable and useful to develop alternative proposals. see De Salvo 1992. from a historical.2 This information has to be combined with other documentation. and agricultural products. yet primarily quantitative. wood or other materials’ manufacturing. economic and social point of view. this study is documented only for specific classes. The presence in that text of nautae and negotiatores raised many questions. In any case. for example. the different types (and quantities) of goods were exchanged. both coastal and inland. however.5 the origin and role of the commercial operators – whose presence is epigraphically attested – as well as the economic and cultural role of each city. I underlined the difficulties in the realization of this work because studies were slow and published evidence was scarce and heterogeneous. On that occasion. for the Italian stamped terra sigillata. see Malfitana 2004 b. the available epigraphic documentation can not give us information about other economic sectors. relationship between rural settlements and cities. 2 Marino 2006. the reconstruction of the ancient picture is somewhat easier. . and. such as economy. the complex road infrastructure network3 – on an island where portoria4 and markets were surely vital –. 5 Nowadays. handcrafts. during the workshop at the Danish Institute at Athens. based on a preliminary analysis of the available archaeological and historical data.

3 Concerning the Late Roman. methods and investigation approaches». its significance and its application. these areas of research in Sicily are becoming better understood.3 The main research aim is to collect all the available published material4 concerning table wares and commercial amphorae. The first and main difficulty is to systematise the information available. not only specifically related to the material analysed. Malfitana . The chronological period we analysed covered the period from the creation of the province to the beginning of the late Antiquity (i. 2008-2009. for istance thanks to the publications of Alcamo Marina.g. In recent years. . which is not completely published. or before the Atlanti delle forme ceramiche dell’Enciclopedia dell’arte antica. within the Scientific Cooperation and Research Agreement between the Italian cnr and the French cnrs. could help us not only to verify the presence or absence of some types of Roman pottery (which is our primary aim). more precisely. introduced by E. Vandal and Byzantine phase. movements.. peoples and ideas that circulated in the Sicily province. the author of the article himself and M. Botte. Some work is being done to solve this problem and to create a common ‘language’ by translating the different classification systems into an easier terminology that is comprehensible by the 1 Branciforti 2006. If to that data we add – even gradually – some other studies about important archaeological places in Sicily.Bonifay . since the Romanization process2 of the island till the Vandal and Byzantine incursions). Bonifay are carrying out a recent research project funded for the years. pp.Capelli (in press). museum catalogues. W. These investigations aim to define whether the Roman conquest was a hegemonic process rather than an osmotic process. because some were published before the establishment of typologies (e. reports.e. In Perkins 2007. We are sure that by studying material culture we can obtain a large quantity of information that. 34-35 there are more precise observations. but also to start an investigation concerning the settlements. and the social position of the artisans. titled: «Archaeological and archaeometrical problems in the African ceramic imports in Roman. properly used. Information about the same find usually diverges.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 131 the monumentalization of some urban areas. the role of producers and owners. by putting all the quantitative data in a computerized data management system that should necessarily take into account the potential differences between the published material. the local and imported table wares or transport amphorae. which are presently unpublished. some texts were published before the J. it aimed at defining and creating a clear and affordable overview – composed of concrete data – to be used in every kind of research on Roman Sicily. Vandal and Byzantine Sicily. Our research started with an analysis – in the strict sense – of archaeological documentation. exhibitions and other material connected to Sicilian archaeological contexts. See. excavation news. The unpublished data obtained by the Sicily Archaeological Superintendence or universities and research institutes studying archaeology on the island are for the moment omitted. we will finally have important means by which to reconstruct more precisely the political and economic history (by putting together for the first time all the available data as an organic whole). but also to discover contact areas. or the important case of Santa Venera al Pozzo1 in the hinterland of Catina. classica ed orientale. Status quaestionis. Hayes volume Late Roman Pottery. 2 About the concept of Romanization. 4 The operation consists of the reading of journals. 1972. 1981 and 1985). see the recent considerations of Malfitana 2006 b.

The project is based first on the observation of the areas (i. evaluating and interpreting the data. drawn by other documented areas. Here we also decided to present one particular case study of . and in particular of kilns. 174-180) that redefines the main classifications of amphora types according to the most updated typologies. which are extremely important for reconstructing economic and production patterns. due to differential rates of publication of the results or. we must use great caution. Nevertheless. even more often. These questions are: how many pottery classes are there on the island? Which are currently identifiable imports? Which are the most important stratigraphic contexts? Which pottery comes from the East. yet relevant. and why are they called «local»? What is the ratio between local and imported products? Which are the most strategically important towns in the Sicily province? Where are the production centres on the island? Which kind of archaeometric information about Sicily can provide clear guidelines to recognize local products and imitations? How was the data collected? Does it come from excavations or from surveys? What are the patterns of consumption (civil. some recurrent questions were posed to me. the production areas on the island) and second on the known ceramic typologies. Here we present the first table (Table 1: pp. while considering presences and absences within the more general and homogeneous context of the Mediterranean basin. which are difficult to answer definitively. Here I am going to repeat them because they directly relate to our main research aims. the different commercialization areas and. we will have to fill the gaps with additional information. This must be done to prevent some new ‘temporary’ terms. due to the fact that for too many years publications remained simply preliminary.e. because data is always heterogeneous. evidence. these questions are the guidelines of the entire project. Here we chose to introduce the first general observations collected and to postpone the detailed publication (currently in progress) of the existing testimonies and of the quantities found. It is not possible to postpone the collection of information about the existence of production complexes.132 daniele malfitana et alii whole scientific community and that also reflects the latest developments in the field. and which comes from the West? Which are the local products. Regardless. For these reasons we will obtain a heterogeneous ‘commercial’ overview that will still be beneficial to our project. if known. religious and military) that can be reconstructed? In which contexts were amphorae and table wares used? This is an admittedly long list of questions. then the different weight of every ceramic type and consequently the weight of the production regions outside Sicily. By reading. we want to first underline the micro and macro levels of commercialization. due to the current lack of tools and means. and only by answering them can we have a first largescale view that is perhaps still vague. but at least utilizes some complex. Questions and research aims During the various meetings I have taken part in the past few years (where we also discussed this project in advance or some specific topics). which are often coined during excavations and then maintained and which create additional confusion. In other words.

Distribution maps of chronological phases. In this paper. Map i (made by Giovanni Fragalà) and . integrating the data already known. .Distribution maps of some amphora and table ware types for identification of privilege diffusion areas. which used to also connect very distant cities through an exchange system that was based on a common Roman hegemonic policy. which is very important for the study of Roman Sicily production. the absence of an amphora type at a site has the same importance as its presence. In fact. . The tools used to observe the data will be: .roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 133 interest – that of the amphora type Dressel 21-22 of the Alcamo Marina complex. The presence or absence of a particular amphora type in an area makes it possible to discover two important features of the general Roman economy: 1) Productive specialisation: some sites based their economy on the production and exportation of one or two types of goods. it is necessary to treat information objectively from the beginning. For this purpose some distribution maps will be created using both temporal and typological perspectives. for comparison of the presence and the types of material in an area over different periods. .Presence of a specific pottery type at a site (discovered thanks to the data concerning the relationship between two sites) as the basis for understanding the commercial interests of the site. negative data is a key element.Types of goods and products exchanged in order to eventually find constant and planned exchange of raw material. which will form the basis of a precise and objective analysis of the different contexts we were interested in. 2) Merchants used to prefer some commercial networks and routes. According to this view. and they were part of a big chain. it will be useful to analyse the finds diachronically and synchronically. we decide to present a preliminary distribution map of Sicily that shows all sites at which amphorae were founded. whereby.Distribution in larger and smaller geographic areas (starting with an observation of distribution patterns in Sicily and then the observation of patterns throughout the Mediterranean basin). thereby leaving the previous historical and archaeological information aside. Daniele Malfitana The data collection In order to collect useful data for a historical-commercial reconstruction. Only after this data observation – without preconceptions and with a readiness to accept all the information that the finds might give us – will it be possible to get specific understanding about the area. which underlies the observation and collection method. For the investigative approach adopted. With these maps we can immediately make a comparison among the data we have. . it is imperative that the temporal area of interest be analysed.Diachronic gis-based maps about the finds according to a chronological distinction of the material found. The final aim of data observation will make it possible to understand: .

41. pp.Capelli 2005. For the Roman kiln and the dump attested in c. 113-124. 255-344.3 The archaeometrical analyses have recognized the local origin of the vessels. 37. recent archaeological studies in this area have traced more and more features of municipia characterized by a wide commercial movement and presence of different cultures. pp. 4 On the alum rock from Lipari. for tannery and medical use). In fact. 288. In fact. near the municipium of Lipara during the early Imperial period (Map i. It is possible that the amphorae transported alum rock.6 1 The relationship of a city/hinterland. Via Franza: Meligunìs x. 5 Village in Biviano’s property: Ancona 2000.4 an important mineral for the economy of the Empire because of its numerous multi-functional uses across the economic spectrum (e. 226. 1). Hist. pp. because every settlement is closely linked to its hinterland. especially in the provinciae. Roman Bath Complex. F2). justifying the important description of the Island as a «concentrato di mediterraneità». then we will analyse its economical implications. 199. 3 With regard to the kilns of the Early Imperial period found in Contrada Portinenti.g. Arthur 2000.2 This area is better represented in the dataset in comparison to other Sicilian districts owing to constant surveying and rapid follow-up publications. ex Terreno vescovile: Meligunìs xi. Messina 2000. 6 Meligunìs ix. 371. Plin. Iberian amphorae (Dressel 7/11) and African amphorae (African i-ii). 2 Pinzone 2002. p. 204.. This will be performed through the analysis of the existing amphorae found in several urban and rural settlements.1 The territory of Messana and the Aeolian Islands had the most significant and diversified role in this. Our extensive knowledge on the municipium of Lipara. pp. p. Funeral area. is very insightful. we will set out to investigate and unravel aspects of greater importance in order to classify the economic dynamics in the eastern part of province Sicily during the Imperial period. 2. . 355-377. suggesting an image of familiarity with the goods from the eastern Mediterranean. 77. In Lipara.134 daniele malfitana et alii built upon the Barrington Atlas map of ancient Sicily presents all known sites from which data was included in the pottery database. Nat. plays a role of particular importance as far as the phenomenon of production/consumption of goods is concerned. pp. where the presence of eastern amphorae (Cretan 1)5 is attested. Maria Giulia Morgano The transport amphorae evidence Eastern Sicily: a first overview As it is not possible to focus on every single piece of data gathered from the surveys in eastern Sicily. p. In this area the West and the East of the Empire met. sometimes these amphorae were re-used in funeral contexts. 68. we also found Gaulish amphorae (Gauloises 4). 230. Bogard in Meligunìs x. Consequently. 99-112. pp. 365. The published data underscores the presence of some amphorae production complexes. see Borgard . xxxv 184. we will discuss to the first data collected and its systematization. On the topic of alum. The most famous examples are the kilns that produced Richborough 527 amphorae (Fig. pp. 111-125 and De Salvo 2002. see the study of Ph. see Meligunìs x.da Portinenti..

The numerous underwater recoveries connected to wrecks (e. can be compared to amphorae found in Naples (Carminiello type 17. 242. Ollà in Spigo . 4 Two variants of this type of amphora have been recognised by the archaeologists: local amphora characterised by an «orlo ingrossato con sezione più o meno triangolare». see N. pp. A prevalence of amphorae of presumed Sicilian origin is attested in Lipara during the late Roman period with the presence of Keay lii and. 71-77. pp.Capelli 2006. p. Parker 1992. 3 Spigo . Calactae (Map i. 6 Local amphora with «orlo estroflesso con estremità rettilinea o lievemente scanalata». see Spigo . in the public Roman bath of the statio Agathyrnum3 situated along the ancient Via Valeria (Map i. 10). about Filicudi see also Spigo 1996. p. fig. N. Capo Graziano c wreck: Parker 1992. At this coastal landing place. pp.Livadie 1985. above all. Ollà in Spigo . Capo Graziano m wreck: Parker 1992. F1)1 offer a vivid image of a period of intense commercial activity related foremost to the African products exported through the smaller Aeolian islands. 113-124. p. . see Saguì 1998. 455. the Alberti wreck of Panarea. E2). 455.Capelli 2006. see Arthur 1998. and it seems to imitate Eastern amphorae prototypes5 and a type of wine amphora discovered in Naples and Rome (amphora cb2 type)6 (Fig.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 135 Fig. new investigations have also revealed the presence of some amphorae kilns along the coast around the Aeolian Islands.Ollà . Amphora Richborough 527 type from Lipari (after Meligunìs x. 5 Local amphora with «orlo indistinto unito al collo troncoconico». the amphorae type so-called Termini 151-354. a statio along the Via Valeria in exis1 Alberti wreck: Cavalier .Ollà . 289. p. 235.Capelli 2006.Capelli 2006. 118. 120. 9) and Rome (cb2. 302. no. Kilns have been discovered at Capo d’Orlando. 784. 1. fig. 172. considered as an imitation of a local globular amphora produced in the Eastern Mediterranean (lr2 /Berenice 2).Ollà . similar to amphora type Termini 354-151 (iv-v th century ad) and a second variant with a «collo troncoconico. p. 444-455.Ollà . 2 Messina 2000. Ancona 2000. no. orlo svasato ed estremità arrotondata». 99-112. wrecks a-c-m of Capo Graziano in Filicudi: Map i. F2). 2). p. g. no. p. pp. These kilns produced the so-called Termini amphora type 354-151.2 Recently. The production of this type of amphora is also attested in Caronia. fig. p.4 This type is oval in shape. 321. 1).

fig. .Capelli 2006. 456. 2.136 daniele malfitana et alii Fig. A selection of amphorae from Capo d’Orlando (after Spigo . p.Ollà . 4).

as well as the established site of the big pars rustica. the archaeological evidence of the kilns would confirm this production also for the following periods. (Plin. 127. Wilson 1990. Perhaps the data will turn at to correlate with data connected to the probable presence of «vasche per pescicoltura».Sudano 2007. 49. For instance. 281-295. 263 and 402.14 It is the location of the Valerii villa.Lindhagen 2002. pp. that the amphora content may be connected with a story reported by Plinius Secundus in which he mentioned the production of wine in this area at Haluntium. 5 Plin. 4 Bonanno . Antonio). three amphorae ateliers are attested.4 There. no.. H2) three important productive complexes were in use during the Late Roman period. Plinius’s sources date this production to the Early Imperial period. 10 Messana: Oppidum Civium Romanorum (Plin.. Nat.Göransson . p. 90). The excavation of those three sites produced Keay lii amphorae from 1 Uggeri 2004. within a range of 80 km. In the coastal municipium of Mylae7 (Map i. p. 8 Tigano 2003..9 found next to Riviera di Ponente (Capo S. archaeologists have found a kiln dump in a context dating back to the iii-iv th century ad. 442. pp. Nat. p. 88). About amphorae in Calacte see also Lentini .. Marco d’ Alunzio. 487-506. H2) produced oil and wine. iii 90) It is commonly identified with the modern centre of S. 442. cited by Plinius. G2). 2 Scibona 1969. 3.. as part of the wider suburban agglomerate of Pistunina13 (Map i. if not highly probable. Hist. Each of these complexes has its specialization. along the route of Via Valeria to Messana Diana. Wilson 1990. 19-20. F2) could be identified a few kilometres away from the modern centre of Caronia. hollow base or stubby foot. which was inhabited by owners. xiv. with many amphora fragments similar to the ones found in Caronia.6 It may be that Caronia represented the commercial centre and was an outlet in the wine trade. . 134. p. The presence of these vessels may signal that this production had a particularly important role in the municipal economy.. It may be possible. Nat. 149. Nat. during the Vandal invasion of Rome.. new surveys have attested the presence of an important industrial complex for the production of foods made from fish. 9 Tigano 1997. Each produced vessels that were very similar in shape and succesfully exported. the village of Gazzi11 (Map i. 97. 195-205. H2). pp. above the wine see also Portale 2006.8 The surveys have revealed an important group of transport amphorae and vessels which are currently being studied. was among the municipia created with the Augustan reform. Hist. 80. pp... 13 Bacci 2001. 442. see Bonanno . pp.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 137 tence from the Middle Imperial period. In the locality of Tonnarella in 1994.Sudano 2007. 16. H2) within the boundaries of Messana. it was perhaps connected to rural activities. 11 About Gazzi see Bonanno 2001.. G2). xiv. 12 This production has been connected to a wine called Mamertinum produced in Messina and mentioned by Plinius: Plin.12 The village of Ganzirri was situated near the Traiectus (Map i. Hist.Sudano 2007.5 The Municipium of Haluntium (Map i. Anicius Pinianus and Melania Iunior. 6 The community of Haluntium. Nat. no. has been identified1 During the Early Imperial period the kilns produced amphorae Dressel 35 similis. p. p.2 while in the late Imperial times they produced amphorae cb2 type. 7 Mylae: Oppidum (Plin. 3 Bonanno . 228. 3. p. 14 Tigano 1997-1998.3 Another workshop has been recognized in the territory of Furnari (Map i. characterized by a short. 66. Given its location. 217. and it is probable that the wine was exported as far as Carthage. In the municipium of Messana10 (Map i. p. Hist. Hist.

Hist. Some small coastal and subcoastal centres – a villa dated to the iiird century ad (Scifì-Forza d’Agrò)1 (Map i. 9 Ollà 2001.. The first phenomenon observed is that each of these territorial entities seems to play an important role in the local micro-economy by placing at the forefront particular goods for trade. Lentini . is also extremely complex. Keay lii (Figs. Lentini 2001. G3). 61-62. known for its complex of Horrea. 25. . p. Spinella type amphora from Naxos The situation of the coastal areas. on the Naxian wine see Wilson 1999. Alessio . 3. pp. even if this relationship is still not sufficiently known and understood. In the early phases. p. pp. 6-7). p. only recently a relation has been proposed between this rural basin and the amphorae attested at Naxos.Statio Palmae: Map i. Nat. On the identification of the statio see. 26-29. 2 Lentini . 268. where wine dolia have been found. Tripolitanian ii and iii. 48. 16. and later they produced a sort of Gauloises imitation (Figs. 87. pp. Ant.Monte Scuderi: Map i. (after Ollà 2001. pp. It. Catina and Syracusae were characterized by a harbour area projecting towards the Eastern Mediterranean and by a rural basin more or less placed immediately behind them inland.5 The role of the port of Naxos (Map i. 107-114. Sirena 2006. Ant. p. pp. Knossos 4/5 from the eastern Mediterranean. Lentini 1982. 6 Lentini 2001. p. Tripolitanian and in the eastern Mediterranean regions (Kapitaen ii. lra and also African i.Ollà 2001 a. G2)2 and a statio viaria (S. Lipara produced alum-rock during the first imperial period. as remembered by Plinius Secundus (the Elder Pliny). lra2). 8 Williams 2001. 8-9). 7). 39. which probably maintained a connection with the rural basin that produced wine.8 The local amphorae are of small dimension. pp. 123-129.Ollà 2001 c.. 13. the kilns produced amphorae similar to Dressel 2-4 (in the small and big module) (Figs. xiv. 2.Ollà 2001 b. 49.7 The local production has been confirmed by archeometrical analysis. 87. 5 Statio Naxos. which opened out to the Ionian Sea. 3). 163..4 must have been important..6 is connected to the activities of local amphora kilns in use from the Hellenistic to the late Roman period. and the coastal centres on the Tyrrhenian Sea produced wine. Milazzo perhaps produced salted fish. They produced amphorae designated for the transport of the local wine. 115-121 and Portale 2005. Uggeri 2004. p. p. Agorà F65F66.9 The production continued into the Early Imperial period with amphorae of the 138 1 Lentini . 4-5). It. G3). 7 Lentini 2001.daniele malfitana et alii Naxos. a late Roman settlement (Marina di Itala . G3)3 – have offered amphorae produced at Naxos (amphorae Spinella type (Fig. 3 Statio Palmae sive Tamariciae. 3. G3). 4 Plin. 20-21. The role of the Tauromenion colony (Map i. fig. 206-207. Fig. The coloniae of Tauromenion. In fact. pp.

6-7. no. p. 54.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 139 Figs. Alessio type (Fig. p. 18 and p. 16). 52. Figs. The Spello amphorae (Figs. 2 and p. fig. 10-11) have some variants: the S. fig. 12) which derive their S. Alessio type-name from the name of the wreck from . 48. Dressel 2/4 amphora from Naxos (after Ollà 2001. 4-5. Spello type. Keay lii produced in Naxos (after Ollà 2001. 2). no. 56.

48. 4).2 and in the late Roman period they 1 Ollà 2001. fig. no.140 daniele malfitana et alii Figs. 10-11. p. Flattened wine amphora base from Naxos (after Ollà 2001. Wilson confronts the amphorae found in Spinella property of . 402 no. see Ollà 2001. 53. p. 5 and p. 264. 128. 16 and above all. no. p. 49. 49.1 During the middle Imperial period the kilns produced amphorae of the mra1 type. p. and the Spinella type. Gauloises amphorae from Naxos (after Ollà 2001. which were first recovered. 2 On the production of amphorae type mra1 in Naxos. fig. Figs. no. Wilson 1990. 7 and p. p. 8-9. fig. 54. 224 and p. 55. 5).

as suggested epigraphically in reference to the production of wooden barrels for wine and as attested from the literary sources. p.g. Expos. a territory characterized by small rural settlements located between Mt.da Annunziata: Map i. for a first edition of these types see Amari 2006. not only a port. as well as building materials. but a commercial settlement for exporting local wine. 27). ggm 126. He is decidedly leaning towards of a Sicilian origin of this type (contra Manacorda in Ostia iv. 205-206. in many cases only the names have been attested (e.3 Along Via Pompeia. p. in Marsala (Tp). n. lxv. n. 7040. I thank D. pp. pp. fig. 130-232: Tripolitania.6 The nearby Naxos with some amphorae published by Riley 1981. Uggeri 2004. C2). but they are important because they suggest the presence of settlements characterized by mono-cultivation – in this case probably wine. G3). Geog. 8-9. Ant. in S. Calatabiano or c. 144. 5. 87. pp. pp. 177-179: Tunisia). and in Isola della Femmine (Pa: Map i. The kilns produced amphorae of the types Benghazi mr1. which was considered as an «estrema evoluzione»1 of the typical flattened wine amphora base produced at Naxos Naxos had to be. 6 Excavations carried out by the Superintendence of Catania. It. anCapo S.2 We know little about these places. Alessio wreck other complex of kilns for the produc(after Ollà 2001. See. Etna’s slopes and the Ionian Sea. 3.5 Keay liii and their variants (Late Roman Amphora 1). About these problems see also Bonifay 2004. 143. 147-148. 118. Riley 1981.. Uggeri 2004. p. pp. Strab. 4 Statio Acium. Vito Lo Capo (Tp). vi. mra1 type. near Santa Venera Fig. 3). (Bacci 2001. pp. Wilson finds the same amphorae in Monte Campanaio (Ag). The situation is different in relation to the southern region of Naxos. This type has been defined also as amphora S. . G3). Alessio type from al Pozzo – statio Acium – (Map i.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 141 produced Keay lii. For this amphora see. pp. p. 1 This particular type of amphora is characterized by a flat bottom and a small ring foot and had been previously defined in many ways: Forlimpopoli type i-iii (Moschella 1994).4 This complex is dated to the beginning of the iv th century ad. 5 Amphora Keay lii type by the author: see Amari 2006. 6. 2 See. 12. Alessio type by Lentini and Ollà. 118. from the presence of coins dating to Constantions the Great. Malfitana and M. Amphora S. Ollà 2001. 105-183 and Amari 2007. see also the previous bibliography. and said to be located along the inner road of Via Pompeia. 321. 2. pp. 2-3. pp. 177-179. 3 cil x. Bonifay for their remarks as mr1. tion of wine amphorae has been identified. therefore. 121-128.. 203-204 and Tortorici 2002.

g. 4 cil . 141. for the trade of goods among which lra 1. From the surrounding areas.g. 12 Picone 1994. This area had to be extended from the southern hinterland near Etna to the Margi valley and was characterized by the existence of expansive and rich private properties (e. G4). 10 Sirena 2006. 2. the property of Domitia Longina near to Ramacca). praedia Afiniana. a most important harbour city. about the settlements and findings from these sites see Bonacini 2007.da Spatinelli: Map i. il trasporto e la ridistribuzione delle merci». 89. ii-iii th century ad. 11 Cacciaguerra 2007.6 The production was most probably grain and barley.9 During the Imperial period Megara’s statio (Map i. Hist. They also had a significant production in the Early Imperial period.13 With regard to the colony of Syracusae. 14 Plin. 3 Landing site in Catania-Villa Pacini. Leonardo river. . 4. 7041. G4) along the via Pompeia a Catina Syracusis was a centre for urban settlements that probably connected to the statio.Amari 2005. Tortorici 2002. 13 Basile 1996.5 belonging to important members of the city elites (e. 3. C. x. G4) characterized by the use of spatheia as funeral equipment12 and a small rural village (Sortino. 21-26.1 We know very little about the presence of amphorae found in the urban excavations of Catina (Map i. 7 Valenti 1997-1998. Nat. in the area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i.7 In the town of Rocchicella near Menai (Mineo) (Map i. particularly.. for the history of the colonia. i-ii th century ad. pp. Ognina. in a village in the same area allows us to date back the village from the v th to the vii th centuries ad. We also have very little information about the amphorae of the middle Imperial date and that were found in the Roman quarter in the city near the hill of Montevergine. p. 272-335.142 daniele malfitana et alii harbour of Capo Mulini (Map i. which faced towards the eastern Mediterranean and which the ruling class have been interested in since the Middle Imperial period. see Molè 1999. G3) may indicate the first step of a «vero e proprio sistema integrato per lo sbarco. G4) is still undefined. Capo Mulini.14 we know about the existence of manufacturing industries since the Hellenistic period.8 This area made use of some zones. 6.. lo stivaggio.4 the rural estate of Vibius Severus. Acicastello. Acitrezza. pp. destined up to the colony of Catina. African II and spatheia amphorae were present. p. 7022 b. the presence of amphorae has been confirmed at two late Roman contexts: a funeral hypogeum (Priolo Gargallo. The goods could have been transported via the S. In the quarter of the 1 Tortorici 2003.da Giarranauti: Map i. c. 332. 5 cil x. 2 Branciforti . G4) which has given us above all North African cylindrical amphorae (Keay xxxiv type) and spatheia. 8 Arcifa (in press).10 The discovery of Keay lxii and lra2. 2. pp. 48-77. 9 La Fauci 2004. Misterbianco. 3. F4) Keay lxi amphorae have been discovered. G3) despite the importance of this great port city. 6 ae 1985.3 There is also insufficient information concerning the rural area of Catina mentioned in the ancient sources. 10. perhaps alternating with pod or olive and grapewine.2 The only exception to this poverty of knowledge is offered by recent underwater surveys carried out close to the harbour.11 The situation of Syracusae (Map i. 483.

Morphologically the coast of Syracusae is characterized by a series of small natural landing sites active during the Imperial period and connected through the extension per maritima loca of the ancient Via Helorina. Few attestations of amphorae are noted from the immediate coastal enclaves south of the colony of Syracusae.8 Despite the fact that the coast was not very wide. 183 sgg. which were connected with the surrounding areas via the Dirillo River. 89. pp. 9 It. 408.. which was later replaced by the «ceramica di Sangiuliano» and by a ceramic «a pareti sottili» (thin-walled) in the ist century ad. 95.9 The inner landscape is characterized by the Iblei plateau crossed by a Roman period road. p. Cities under a Roman administration and statute are few. 11 The settlement is situated on the route of the ancient via Helorina per marittima loca. 6. 8 Rougè 1966. 10 Uggeri 2004. Ant. 2 Fallico 1971. Hellenistic. these classes of pottery are still generally unknown. Ant. 167-180. 7 Recent research (La Fauci 2002) has taken care to organize the previous bibliography in order to offer a new comprehension of many wrecks found in the area of Capo Ognina. 204. 6 Ancona 1998. 221. that joined together the coastal area with Syracusae.4 Other amphorae come from the so-called «Piccolo Porto» or Lakkios. 581-639. p. Recent topographical surveys are more and more lending support to 1 About these problems see Malfitana 2006a. 12 In this area the existence of praedia and of the mansio Calvisana has been attested.1 However. p. p. pp. the cemetery found at Villa Maria. we observe a growth in the number of small rural villages from the iv th century ad. 136. a small repaired port.2 the hypogeum of Saint Giuliano.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 143 kerameikos there was production of a ceramic type called «a pasta grigia» (the so-called Campana C).7 Because of these attestations we have to reconsider the observations of J.. p. 156-158. Rougè. .5 We do have some information thanks to a published pottery catalogue that contains amphorae coming from an important Late Roman urban cemetery (Vigna Cassia cemetery and Vigna Cassia hypogeum). 95. according to whom the presence of three great ports along the Ionian coast of Sicily was considered excessive in relation to the geographical lenght of the coast.6 A large amount of information on amphorae produced in the Aegean area (Kapitaen i and ii and lra 1 and 2) comes from underwater discoveries. route. Unfortunately. p. E5) and Gela12 (Map i. and both seem to fall into disuse since the Augustan period. 4 Orsi 1925. which is no longer accessible due to rising sea levels. published data from the excavations of the city are scarce. Uggeri 2004. cited by It. the trade around this area was highly profitable as is becoming evident from the discoveries.3 and a small amphora dump dating to the Early Imperial period found near the necropolis of Saint Lucia (vi-vii th century ad). 3 Gentili 1956. Compared to the few sites/settlements inhabited during the early centuries of the Empire. E4). Our extensive knowledge on amphorae has been attained from excavations carried out in the late Roman cemeteries. They are often testified to by the presence of tombs and cemeteries. 5 Kapitaen 1967-1968. pp. the so-called Via Selinuntina. This river represents the natural border of the Southern coast of Sicily and a boundary of the territory of Agrigentum. for example Camarina11 (Map i.10 which corresponded to an earlier. 7.

the ancient condition of this area is still not well known. F5). p. no. There appears to have been a boom of small and medium-sized settlements (vici?) sited near ports and characterized by the presence of famous wrecks (Marzamemi’s wreck a. F5 and Ragusa:3 Hybla Heraia: Map i.. cil viii. p. a famous wine reported by painted inscriptions dating back to the Early Imperial period attested on amphorae. p.6 represent important aspects of this territory in Sicily. 269. see Portale 2006.g. 20. 94. 4 Portale 2006. 389. 6 On Tellaro villa.2 Mutyce: Map i. It is possible to connect this villa to a little rural complex found not far from S. F5) that may have controlled the surrounding rural hinterland.1 played an important role within the economical dynamics of the Late Roman period. p. . 8 Basile 1994. Marco di Avola9 (Map i. perhaps the so-called Mesopotamium.144 daniele malfitana et alii the image during the middle and late Roman periods of a territory characterized by many productive small villages. F5). p. G5. no. 268. was exported to Pompeii. 679. 234. Caucana-Punta Secca (Map i. 267. Carthage and Vindonissa. 228. no. it is possible to notice a phenomenon that characterizes this southern area of Sicily. and the villas found at Falconara di Noto and in S. During the Late Roman time. pp. The Mesopotamium. Cava d’Ispica (Map i. b. 43. no. Unfortunately. d f. 7 About the predominant rural importance of this geographical area. p. 10 On all of these wrecks see Parker 1992. Pachino (Portus Pachinus: Map i. Wilson 2005. defined also as centres of «mercati permanenti e mercati periodici». especially for ships coming from the Eastern Mediterranean (as attested by the discovery of many examples of Kapitän i-ii) and from Tunisia (African cylindrical amphorae). p. j: Map i. 22640.10 It emerges. 5 cil iv. We can distinguish hill cities (e. on S. p. p. G5). 2602. 2 Modica/Mutyca: hill-top town along the via Helorina a Mesopotamium ad Hereum. These centres of rural aggregation. 675. p. 172. see infra). 234.8. 43. Wilson 2005. pp. 1 Cracco Ruggini 2000.7 Keay lii amphorae have come from the late layers of the Roman villa in Borgellusa near Avola8 (Map i. the hinterland of Syracuse and the rural settlements of southern Sicily. 267. These small villae can be linked to coastal harbours that are characterized by small landing-stages. p. 192. The villa was productive from the beginning of the ist century ad until the v th century. All of these Roman wrecks suggest long-term use and the commercial importance of the route of the Sicily channel. see Wilson 2005. 670.4 Between the Ippari and Dirillo rivers a rural hill area has been discovered that produced a local wine. Uggeri 2004. 9 Wilson 1990. G5). 211-212. 678. k. such as Tellaro’s villa. 3 The condition of the city of Ragusa/Hybla has been considered as an example of a part of Sicily in which «flourishing urban centres were not a major feature in the landscape». the great potentiality of this geographical area. 25. Teresa Longarini. p.g. Teresa Longarini villa (iii ad?): Wilson 1990.5 Villae. which have been flourishing since the Late Roman period. 673. 269. no. p. however. therefore. Modica. 221 considers the wide and fertile hinterland close to the modern centre of Vittoria as the ancient statio Mesopotamia. p. no. G5). no. situated between the Sicily channel. on Falconara villa: Wilson 1990. oil and cereals. This phenomenon is becoming visible thanks to recent surveys and some published data coming from excavations (e. and it is characterized by the presence of structures for producing and storing wine.

the recovery of African cylindrical amphorae testifies the important relations with African provinces. as an important center for production and trade of goods along the Eastern route of the Mediterranean Sea. it is possible to discover – on the basis of the archaeological evi1 Modica: Rizzone 1997 and Rizzone-Sammito 2001. F5). This variegated data – together with the natural geomorphological features of Sicily and its overall geographic size – led to the application of a micro-areal study. 393. xxxi. De Romanis 2004. 345-347. 177. G5). 9-11 and 21. as in the case of the city of Modica and its ager (studied by V. Wilson 1990. amphora “Samos cistern type”)5 also indicate broad exchange networks. pp. 237 and Portale 2006. at the most southern point of Sicily. although it concerns the Hellenistic-Roman periods. in this case. 234-241. 9 For a summary of the new historiographical approaches and of the most recent archaeological research about Roman Sicily. From the general data presentation we can obtain summarized reflections about amphorae imports and about local handcraft production. based on the investigation of small areas. a town on the southern tip of eastern Sicily. Anna Lisa Palazzo Western Sicily: a first overview The data collected comes essentially from a range of systematic investigations and surveys made in Sicily over the last 50 years. 5 See Pelagatti 1972. At these sites.1 (Naples). 3 Pelagatti . Agnello 1953.6 In the same territory. pp. 167-183. tav. 8 Pachino: Bacci 1982-1983. pp.8 Also.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 145 We can only report some exceptions. pp. p.4 and the discovery of amphorae from Egypt (lra7) and the Eastern Mediterranean (lra1.Di Stefano 1999. p. pp. Cittadella di Vendicari (Map i. where the presence of kilns for the production of amphorae has been attested. p. 231 and Wilson 2005. The kilns were sited close to an artisanal area for the production of salted fish. Rizzone and A. M. pp. Wilson 2005. pp. the local production of amphorae could be correlated to the production of consumer goods. no. 7 Portus Pachyni. or in mere preliminary reports. 53-54. G5).9 The published data10 gives us a heterogeneous view full of discontinuities and differences. The most relevant and important data for the purposes of this discussion concerns the city of Pachino (Portus Pachyni: Map i. p. Exemplar is the critical approach of Portale 2006. 79) see Wilson 1990. About this see also Sgarlata 2005. Sammito) and the cities of Vendicari1 (Map i. 326. On salt-mines near Pachino (Lacus Cocanicus: Plin. Bacci 1982-1983. It is possible to reconsider the role of Pachino-Capo Passero. see Campagna 2003. Hist. Capo Passero: Bacci 1984-1985. 223237 proposed similarities with North-African villages inhabited in Tunisia and in Tripolitania during the iv th century ad. 232. p. 10 The majority of the research was made on occasion and the results were edited in different publications. 100 and. p. 6. and Caucana3 (Map i. Nat. 345-347. Arthur 1985. At the same time. 201-222: African cylindrical amphorae. pp. 73. 2 Uggeri 1997-1998. 5-141. G5): Arcifa 2000. pp. Castellazzo della Marza2 (Map i. . p.7 archaeologists have found another area for the production of salted fish sauce in Capo Passero. was also the site of a cemetery. which also concern the presence of amphoras on the island. for the type. but these reflections may obviously be modified later in the course of the research.. 4 Fallico 2005.. 303-312 and Wilson 2005. also known in ancient times for the evidence of salt-mines. F5). pp. 6 Wilson 1990. 253. G.

Wilson 1996. Over the last twenty years the most important surveys in Western Sicily have been carried out in areas close to the cities of the Classical period. C4). These investigations provide information about the origin of some transport amphorae. see Bonacasa Carra 1986. and in the modern town of Milena15 (Map i. 4 Wilson 1982. Canzanella 1992. 14 Di Stefano 1980. 1452. Bonacasa Carra 1990. Bonacasa Carra 1996. in 1986 there were 63 known sites. Belvedere et alii 1998 b. 13 The most recent are: Bonacasa Carra 2000. Thanks to these recent investigations we were able to obtain some general information. Lilybaeum 14 (Marsala: Map i. Molinari 1997 and other contributions in Atti delle Seconde Giornate internazionali di studi sull’area elima. Agrigento and Termini Imerese: Belvedere et alii 1998 a. 22-26 October 1994). Late Roman and Byzantine times. 729. C3). E4) and partially Panhormus13 (Map i. Agrigentum9 (Map i. the best known being Heraclea Minoa1 (Map i. C3). 18 Vassallo . Di Stefano 2002. 2 Himera iii 1. Some of them were systematically analysed. 8 Termini Imerese. there is little information about the transport containers. C4). La Torre 1994. pp. D4) and Cignana7 (Map i. C4). 310-312. Di Stefano 2002. Wilson 1996. Di Stefano 1982-1983. D3) and Entella3 (Map i. A3). Castellana-McConnel 1990. D4) in the area of Agrigentum (Map i. Di Stefano 1997-1998.146 daniele malfitana et alii dence – new information about the settlement dynamics through the Roman. Wilson 1981. Bonacasa Carra 1987. and today there are 323. 2000. the few identified towns were primarily situated along the coasts: Pan1 Wilson 1980-1981. Atti del convegno (Gibellina-Erice-Contessa Entellina 1997). Castagna5 (Map i. 14-17. Di Stefano 1984. 7 Fiorentini 1993-1994. Bonacasa Carra 2002. Information about the amphora production centres is available to us thanks to the archaeometric investigations of the pottery of Thermae Himeraeae. Few urban archaeology investigations were made systematically. For example. Segesta. 12 The most recent are: La Torre 1993-1994. p. pp. D4). their different types and their quantities. 17 Giorgetti 2006. pp. considered to be local. C4). Segesta11 (Map i. including the quarters of Campanaio4 (Montallegro: Map i. Pisa-Gibellina. D3). The previous documentation has been deeply enriched by these. Agrigentum16 and more recently Alcamo Marina17 (Map i. pp.18 However. Di Stefano 1980-1981. 11 Camerata Scovazzo 1993-1994.Tomasello 2005. Ietas10 (Monte Iato: Map i.Greco 1992. Canzanella 1988. 1478-1491. Atti del Convegno (Gibellina. 5 Wilson 1985. On the northwestern coast of Sicily there are still some aspects to clarify concerning amphorae presence and commercial exchanges during the Roman period. Wilson 1993. 9 In particular. Wilson 2000. Pisa-Gibellina. C4). Saraceno6 di Favara (Map i. C2). Wilson 1990. Philosophiana12 (Map i. 3 Entella 1988. Agrigento 1995. Canzanella 1993. for the testimonies of Paleochristian Agrigentum. First. 15 Arcifa . p. Camerata Scovazzo 1996. Spatafora 2003. 1997 and Terze Giornate Internazionali di Studi sull’area Elima. 16 Agrigento: Agrigento 1995. 2. Himera2 (Map i. A recent fundamental advance in transport amphorae study was made thanks to some specific surveys made by the Archaeological Superintendence of Palermo – started in 1990 – in order to locate all Roman sites in the province. B3). Castellana 1992. Other projects tried to determine the diachronic changes in Roman agricultural areas and villages. as we can see from different sources. 355-358. including Thermae Himeraeae8 (Termini Imerese: Map i. . Caruso 2000. 6 Castellana-McConnell 1986. B2) (in a quarter called Foggia). 10 Isler 1991.

Krueger. The collection is made up of different materials. For a distribution map of these amphorae.8 Both types of containers are attested in Italy from the second half of the vi th century to the viii th century. 19. note 9. 6 Purpura 1983. 136.6 The most recent amphora dated. p.5 In Cephaloedium (Map i. Berlin. these ports were part of a commercial network. 3. 4 Vera 1989. Soluntum (Map i.). Lebole 1998. Thermae Himeraeae (Map i. fig. this dynamism continued through time and increased in the iv th century. tab.4 In northwestern Sicily. very few amphorae were found in the urban contexts that were stratigraphically analysed.Murialdo 1991. with important findspots. the importance of the cities is very much connected to their topographical positions and to the presence of their ports. During the Late Roman period. 763-764.9 The material of the «Mandralisca collection» at the archaeological museum of the modern city of Cefalù are few. In general. and stamped amphorae. 3 Cod. but relevant. such as 1 This road served the northern Sicily coast. p.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 147 hormus (Map i. etc. Next. infra. 7 Lusuardi Siena . such us inscriptions. 117-162. note 558. p. C2).10 One of the sites with the most relevant and largest presence of ceramic material is Thermae Himeraeae (Termini Imerese: Map i. from the period analysed.1 The archaeological investigation demonstrated that these cities were economically dynamic since the Middle Imperial period.3 It is for this reason that Sicily became important to the economic interests of the Empire by becoming a support for the wheat convoys coming from Africa. 10 Garozzo 2003. 482-483. 428 sgg. In the case of Almagro 50 of Baetic origin. 9. 5. it was possible to make a precise comparison within other material for which the origin was known. in partic. Iust. E2) were located on the Via Valeria. Vera 1997-1998. and it confirms the importance of the epigraphic data in reconstructing ancient routes. the island was the supply base of extraordinary quantities of cereals to Rome. 8 Kuzmanov 1973. D3) and Cephaloedium (Map i. 192. such as lra3 and some North African spatheia. the majority of the material comprised of amphorae (spatheia.2 This is particularly the case after Constantinople obtained the right to use Egyptian wheat resources in ad 332. 2 A rich bibliography about this really discussed issue. 1877. 614. La Calduna). In fact. D2). The shipwreck is dated at the vi th century ad. see Cracco Ruggini 1982-1983. pp. To reconstruct its route. E2) almost all the amphorae found were among the cargoes of wrecks (Capo Plaia. see Uggeri 2004. 5 I am talking about the fragments of the cities of Panhormus and Soluntum. xx. Strab. vi 266. xi 2-4 (ed. 166-167. meteorological problems. p. In the wreck found at La Calduna. no. and it is called «Valeria» in Strabo. has aspects in common with both an amphora type having an umbo-shaped bottom – possibly produced in North Africa7 – and a type coming from the Black Sea and the Aegean area (Kuzmanov xx type). pp. D3).). apart from Thermae Himeraeae. see Denaro 1995. pp. at the foot of the promontory on which the urban site is set. and they were found at some sites on the Black and Mediterranean Seas. The dating was made thanks the finding of some eastern amphorae of Byzantine period. lra3) and African red slip wares. pp. For this issue. 9 For an up-to-date distribution map of these types. For the specific data. this collection is an important contribution to the circulation of stamped amphorae in Sicily. fig. Despite the impossibility of reconstructing their provenance. . p. vessels. which was connected with the route of the grain supply to the city of Rome. 138 and p. at certain times (famine.

p. the amphorae compared with the types found in Thermae Himeraeae are of the group 1. Uggeri 2004. 6 Archeometrical researches on the pottery found in Termini Imerese. 455.9 Their commerce was probably small-scale and within the regional context. p. 354 sgg. D3). 3 Vassallo in Himera iii. also produced in the Middle Imperial period). nos. and the majority of finds are African Imperial amphorae from the first half of the iiird century. «Villa di Terre Bianche»2 and «Costa Schiavo» centre. in the Messina district). around 3 km away from Agathyrnum (Map i. p. F2). Capo d’Orlando. 4 For the catalogue of the material. Wilson 1990. lamps and coarse wares. no. 460-462. 4 (“type 1” with a thick edge and triangular-sectional-shaped). The presence of the types xxxv and lxii – both with their two variants. In particular. pp. for the results. 11 See appendix by C. 84. The archaeometric analysis11 carried out on the types 1 The villa should have been a stopping place. note 35. dated to between the middle of the v th century and the first decades of the vi th century. 6. 2. Burgio 2002. Cucco 1995. The amphorae were interpreted as wine containers. 113-124. pp. 59-67 and pp.3 More precisely. as also G. . 1. Uggeri stated. 223-225. see the volume no. 9 It is desirable to identify the local amphora productions and to define the extension of the commerce of Sicilian wines during the Imperial age. the data about the amphorae4 supports the hypothesis of a long occupation at these sites are. 13).7 in the publication of Thermae Himeraeae they are called «Termini Imerese Type 151-354» (Fig.Ollà . 2. pp. Their characteristic feature is that the handle on the neck of the container frequently has artisan’s handprints. xxxva. In the same area. see Belvedere et alii 1998 A e B.Capelli 2006. a and b – prove that the commercial relationship with North Africa (Tunisia) also continued after the Vandals incursions in Sicily. 2 Vassallo in Himera iii. fig. pp. as proven by the petrographic characteristics of the fabric. probably of local production. p. Its most ancient amphorae date back to the ist century ad (Dressel 21-22 types). lxiv). In particular. in the Paleochristian necropolis of Agrigentum and in Lipara. These types of amphora were recently compared to some transport containers (types 1 and 2) of the second phase of use in the public roman bath at Bagnoli – San Gregorio10 (Map i. 192. while others date to the v th century (types Keay xxvb) or between the first half of the v th and the beginning of the vii th century (types Keay lxiia and g. see Panella 1993.Capelli 2005. The excavators think that the lra1 amphorae maybe have been a specimen for the production of the containers of Termini. «Villa di Terre Bianche» is an exemplifying case. For their results. 42 of the Forma Italiane.Ollà . 349-354. 4. important programmes of investigations – started over ten years ago – began to define settlement modalities5 and the origin of the ceramic products. 10 Spigo . spherical or ovoid amphorae with short and thin necks that seem to be imitations of Eastern amphorae.148 daniele malfitana et alii the «Villa di Buonfornello»1 (Map i. These containers were found in strata of the iv th and v th centuries in the city Thermae Himeraeae (Termini Imerese).6 This happened with the small. 5 «Carta Archeologica d’Italia Project» (1999-2001). Capelli in Spigo . in collaboration with the Istituto di Mineralogia e Petrografia dell’Università di Palermo. 7 (‘type 2’ with a slightly bell-shaped edge and rounded extremities). 7 Termini Imerese. 8 Messina 2000. This project has expanded the researches in the area of Termini and in the area of the watershed of the river Northern Imera and Southern Imera. F2. 99-112.8 The investigations carried out on the fabric have revealed that their composition is very similar to the composition of types of pottery probably produced in Sicily (eg. About this problem. pp. Ancona 2000.

.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 149 (not in scale) Fig. 850. nos. 513. 511. 13. 851). “Termini Imerese Type 151-354” (after Termini Imerese. 177. 512.

6 Denaro 1995. 152. p. 176. Neri9 this data could indicate a complete self-sufficiency of the territory of Segesta. a certain observation emerges: in strata of the iv th and v th centuries there are almost exclusively African containers. a and b – proves that the commercial relationship with North Africa also continued after the Vandals invaded Sicily. 151. 8 Proven by the finding of numerous fragments of mills made by lava stone at some inland sites in the area of Segesta. 630. The production of oil (an oil press was found in Segesta).2 Moving westward.8 From the middle Roman Imperial period until the iv th century in the area of Segesta there wasn’t any evidence of imported amphorae. 2 Termini Imerese. p. probably in the area of Segesta. both for the city and its surrounding area. the presence of the amphorae types Keay xxxv and lxii – both with their two variants. which allowed its inhabitants to be economically independent. p. According to I. 4 Cambi 2003.150 daniele malfitana et alii at Bagnoli confirmed a local production of small morphologically varying amphorae (Fig. 1452. In regards to the imports found in Thermae Himeraeae (Termini Imerese).1 The single eastern fragment belongs to the type lra4. type A of African red slip ware).7 wine and wheat has been documented for domestic consumption. In the middle of the v th century we stress a slight contraction of imports. villages flourished. p. This would confirm that. but of different types («Anfore cilindriche grandi» and spatheia). by the western part of Sicily. A similar situation is attested in the area of Segesta. The archaeometric analyses carried out on these have shown they were produced in western Sicily. p. B3) there is an limited presence of Dressel 1 amphorae4 (with few fragments represented) and a presence of some of the oldest types of Greco-Italic wine amphorae. (a similar pattern is evidenced across all of Sicily) «un’ampia diffusione non solo del vino italico. in its settlements the economy was probably based on polycultivation. 3 Cambi 2005. but quite possibly from Sicily. the settlement modalities and the data about the amphorae provide us with a different view. This hypothesis is confirmed by the presence of African Red Slip 1 Termini Imerese. 223. 3. During the Middle Imperial period the occupied areas expanded over the region and were usually provided with production establishments. although apparently at a small scale. 7 Camerata Scovazzo 1993-1994. 112. p. fig. 161. pp. p. In Segesta (Map i. supported by the ceramic findings. Bernardini et alii 2000. Type Dressel 21-22 amphorae complete the assemblage of amphorae at Segesta. 9 Bernardini et alii 2000. 199. no. . This aspect marks the difference between the area of Segesta and the other contemporary cities in Sicily.6 Between the ist and the iv th centuries ad in the area of Segesta various other wares arrived (particularly.3 In the countryside. 2). p. p. showing a lively economic activity. 109-110. 221. Cambi 2003. 5 Cambi 2003. but in the urban stratigraphies. In fact. not from the Tyrrhenian in central Italy. From the iv th century until the middle of the Byzantine period the economic situation seems to change: there is a switch from the monoculture of wheat to an exchange economy. ma anche di quello di produzione locale»5 was common.

in ad 332. which was already in decline). lxii). have yidded imported wares. B3). spatheia and other North-African amphorae (Keay xxxv. pp. From the iv th century until the first half of the v th century. By the end of that century life in the countryside of the western Sicily part «sembra languire». based on the monoculture of cereals. The need to import large quantities of oil from Africa could be a clue to the switch to the latifundia. p. in Bernardini et alii 2000. 635. See the considerations in Neri and in Molinari .Neri 2004. p. see Vera 1997-1998. 9 Giorgetti 2006. 8 Cambi 2005.7 Since the middle of the vii th century ad in the rural area surrounding Segesta. which refers to the trail of destruction the Vandals left behind them in the Sicilian countryside. there is an increase in the import of amphorae. 330-331. In addition. Lilybaeum. B3). the importance and the consequences of the Genseric’s invasion of Sicily are still discussed. The damage of the raids was so extensive that Valentinian III partially exempted the landholders (having suffered the greatest loss) from taxes. above all of «contenitori cilindrici di medie dimensioni» (Keay xxv).roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 151 wares – the latest forms of type d – and of North-African and Eastern amphorae (the later being less numerous) in some Late Roman and Byzantine centres in the area of Segesta. 1 Cambi 2005. p.was also a source for imported ceramics. Moving to the area of Drepanum (Trapani). important information comes from the quarter called Foggia in the modern city of Alcamo Marina9 (Map i. B3) and are mentioned in the Itinerarium Antonini as between Parthenicum and Drepanum. The new need is connected to the change in the political-economic situation on the Island. which caused the area to loose its economic and cultural role. numerous Sicilian centres would have survived. 4 Cambi 2005. 2 Neri. Wilson: only some cities would have consistent evidence of destruction due the barbarian violence (e. The kilns discovered – dating between the end of the ist century bc and the beginning of the v th century ad – have unusual architectonic and structural solutions that give us new information about the production methods and about the types of material produced (Fig. J. pp. B2). and some are definitively and simultaneously abandoned.4 Nevertheless. in spite of the decrease of rural settlements. After the second half of the v th century the numerous small-scale settlements spread out over the area seem to contract significantly in size. A. and Agrigentum. 13. the settlements in Ponte Bagni2 (Map i. 118. after the Egyptian wheat supplies were directed to Constantinople. 634. 14). the presence of a local production of amphorae has been identified in the area. 7 Codex Theodosianus. Recently. Rosignolo.6 as attested in the extract of the Codex Theodosianus. pp. see Wilson 1990. on the Via Valeria. xxxvi.8 and the settlement modality is represented by the progressivel disappearing villages. vii. which correspond to the statio of Aquae Segestanae (Map i. 20. p. . which was the last destination cited in the Itinerarium Antonini along the way from Agrigentum and Lilybaeum.g. 3 Neri. For instance. 633.5 Surely the island was not immune to barbarian invasions. in Bernardini et alii 2000. 117-121. 6 About the effects of the Vandalic incursions in Sicily.3 a mansio hypothetically identified as the site ad Olivam (Map i. the imports of African Red Slip wares and Eastern amphorae decreased. 58-59. 5 According to R.1 In the territory of Segesta there are several important examples of agricultural centres with imported goods. The most recent interpretations tend to exclude Vandal invasions as a possible cause.

Bejor 1986. inside the colour is reddish-brown2 (see.3 Miccina. farm used since the Hellenistic Age till the Late Antiquity. Botte). Hellenistic-Roman farm. 16). B3). 3 Town of Naro (Map i. 81. from the Hellenistic phase of Roman domination until the Late Roman time. fig. 3). The investigation showed the existence of a local production chain of Dressel 2122 amphorae over the ist century. which differ with regard to the dimensions of their mouths and total heights. C3). p. Bejor 1986. In particular. 5 Town of Menfi (Map i. 7 Town of Palma di Montechiaro (Map i. De Miro 1967.152 daniele malfitana et alii Fig.4 Bonera. Plan of the kiln discovered in Alcamo marina (after Giorgetti 2006. p.5 Cugna6 and Narasette7 (Map i. Among these are the rural settlements found in the quarters of Paradiso. At least two variants were distinguished: Alcamo A (Fig. used till the Late Imperial time. Moving to the area of the province of Agrigentum (Map i. 1299. 2 For these considerations. 483. C3) (to mention only a few). 6 Town of Palma di Montechiaro (Map i. some surveys have discovered which seem to have been used for a long time. pp. the farm of Narasette 1 Gonzales Muro 2006. Castellana 1991. The fabric is coarse and greyish-red on the exterior. p. the following contribution by E. 14. C4). Castellana 1983. During the excavation campaigns (2003-2005) about 300 fragments of amphorae type Dressel 21-22 were collected and analysed. D4). Bove 1994. D4). 15) and Alcamo B1 (Fig. p. D4). p. 183. farm constructed during the Roman Imperial time. all fragments were considered to be production wasters. 472. Bejor 1974. 124. . 482. 4 Town of Sambuca di Sicilia (Map i. La Lomia 1986. On the basis of the traces of overfiring and rubefaction. the most recent publication is Botte 2007.

483. p. 119. Tirnetta 1978. as indicated by the ceramic evidence. 15.1 Other long-lived farms were discovered in the background of Thermae Selinuntinae (Sciacca. tav. 483. 483. 169-170. 3 A Rural settlement occupied during the v-iv th centuries bc and flourished again during the Roman and Late Roman periods. Uggeri 2004. p. p. 1 Castellana 1983. . p. Dressel 21-22. pp. Bejor 1986. pp. 32). p. 2 The farm was used from the iv th century bc until the Roman Imperial period. 120. C3): in the quarters of Gaddimi. pp.2 in the locality of Montagnola3 and Scunchipani. Giustolisi 1981. 33). Dressel 21-22.7 These sites are full of fragments of red slip ware and coarse ware. which confirm that the farms were used until the Byzantine period. pp. pp. 482. p. Bejor 1986. Ciaccio 1900-1904. pp. Fig. offers a deep stratification. Bejor 1986. 158164. 107.4 in the quarter of Case Antogna. 213. Giustolisi 1981. 136-140.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 153 Fig. Map i. 107. being used until the vi th century. 483. Giustolisi 1981. p. 471. Wilson 1988. Tirnetta 1978. Tirnetta 1978. 6 A Late Roman farm. 4 A Rural settlement. 218.5 in Case Galati6 and in Case Saraceno. Bejor 1986. 413-414. 170-171. Giustolisi 1981. tav. 7 A Rural settlement used since the Roman age untill the Byzantine period. Alcamo B (after Giorgetti 2006. 5 A Rural settlement used since the Roman period untill the Byzantine period. p. p. 16. p. Alcamo A (after Giorgetti 2006. Bejor 1986.

but they restarted their activity from the iind till the v th centuries. They were dated between the last quarter of the v th century and the end of the vi th century. Saraceno di Favara3 (Map i. The statio was set 12 miles away from Sciacca and from Cena. such as the quarters of Guardabasso1 and Locogrande. 17. 8 For example. 7 The area surrounding the outfall of the river Verdura has been hypothetically identified with the statio of Allava (It. 1297-1298. Around 50 amphorae of different provenience (African and Eastern Aegean) were studied. p. In the area where they are located there are two larger settlements – Verdura7 Fig. pp. 729. These complexes were probably used to store food and imported goods. The commercialization of goods towards the interior was surely supported by the nearby presence of the Carabollace river. D4) near Naro (Map i. see Uggeri 2004.2 Between the iv th and the v th centuries some rural complexes were constructed to exploit the area (e. 154 . see Caminneci-Franco-Galioto (in press). Tirnetta 1978. 483. In the same period settlements a few miles away from each other were constructed in the quarter of Verdura5 (Map i. pp. 88. Bejor 1974. 120. 5 Parello-Amico-D’Angelo (in press). but also distributed to nearby centres in the region. 167-169.. Ceramics were probably used by the inhabitants of the settlements. For a first edition of the amphorae. p. which seem to overlap with older villae. This site was presumably a coastal fort constructed in such a manner that it was possible to moor and to load people and goods. Bejor 1974.9 in the area of the homonym river. present on the Itinerarium from Syracusae to Lilybeum. the Roman rural settlement at the outfall of the Carboj river. 1294-1295.daniele malfitana et alii In other cases. Tirnetta 1978. D4) and Cignana4 (Map i. 170-171. 6 For the first data concerning the presences of the pottery. Castellana 1992. Castellana-McConnel 1990.aa . Giustolisi 1981. Rizzo-Zambito (in press). Polito 2001. xxxv) and Eastern (lra1 and lra2) were discovered in the village in the quarter of Verdura. pp. p. Spatheia type Bonifay 3 from Carabollace and Carabollace – around which there (courtesy Soprintendenza bb. Agrigento). 6). C4) and in the quarter of Carabollace6 (Map i. pp. The complexes found in the quarter of Carabollace were probably part of a village of sailors and merchants. 165-167. 1279.cc.g. 4 Fiorentini 1993-1994. Bejor 1986. pp. D4). For the last publication. 9 Parello-D’amico-D’angelo (in press). farms were abandoned between the late Republican period and the beginning of the Imperial time. p. Ant. 2 The settlement seems to have been populated untill the v th century. C4). used to be numerous agricultural settlements. 3 Castellana-McConnell 1986.8 Some African i (Keay xxv. in Sciacca. The analysis of the amphorae 1 Bejor 1974.

roman sicily project: ceramics and trade

155

Fig. 18. Hammamet iii from Carabollace (courtesy Soprintendenza bb.cc.aa . Agrigento). Fig. 19. Keay lii from Carabollace imported in this settlement1 demon(courtesy Soprintendenza bb.cc.aa . Agrigento). strates that the site was economically pluridirectional. Between the end of the iv th and the beginning of the vii th century there were different commercial flows from northern Africa:2 Tripolitanian iii; African ii b, iic, iid, Keay xxv, Spatheia type Bonifay 1, 2, 3 (Fig. 17); Keay xxxv var. B; Keay lv; Keay lvii; Keay viii b; Keay lxii a; Keay lxii q and R/Bonifay amphora 45 var.A and B, Hammamet iii (Fig. 18), from the eastern Mediterranean (lra1, lra2, lra3), the Iberian peninsula (Almagro 50), and in smaller measure from the Italian peninsula (Calabria) (Keay lii: Fig. 19)).3 This last type is extremely important because, before discovering it, the presence of this type of amphora was attested only on the eastern part of the island.4 The North African amphorae found were produced in Byzacena (the atelier of Sullechtum), in the Sahel region, in Zeugitana (the ateliers of Neapolis and Sidi-Zahruni) and also in the atelier of Leptis Magna, in Tripolitania. Among the Eastern amphorae there are fragments of lra1 produced in Cilicia and Cyprus, lra2 fragments produced in Greece – more precisely in Boeotia,5 and, which single fragment of lra3 seems to be produced in Ephesus, because of the macroscopic character of its fabric. In the area of Agrigentum, the settlement in the town of Montallegro (Map i, C4) – near the quarter of Campanaio6 – deserves mention. It is not only a small rural site, but a large farm specialized in a wide range of activities related to agriculture. In this settlement there were both residential buildings and places to work agricultural products, such as a tank for oil. The area controlled by the centre used to produce a surplus that apparently could also enable the export of oil – although on a small scale. According to the excavator, the oil was stored in either locally produced amphorae7 or amphorae coming from different parts of the Mediterranean sea. This seems to be
1 For the study of amphorae, see C. Franco, in Caminneci - Franco - Galioto (in press). 2 Some samples produced in Byzacena (atelier of Sullechtum), in the Sahel region, in the ateliers of Zeugitana (atelier of Neapolis, atelier of Sidi-Zahruni) and in atelier of Leptis Magna in Tripolitania were found. 3 This fragment seems to have Brutian origin – on the basis of the characteristics of the fabric – is morphologically connected to some specimens found in the strata of abandonment of the Basilica Hilariana, dated back to the vi th century, Pacetti 1998, p. 200, fig. 9, no. 2. 4 For the attestation of the Keay lii type in Eastern Sicily, see Palazzo, supra, pp. 134-145. 5 Production in Tanagra or Thebes. 6 Wilson 1982; Wilson 1990, Wilson 1996, Wilson 2000. 7 «Market centre for the sale of oil of different provenience and qualities», Wilson 1996, p. 30.

daniele malfitana et alii confirmed by the 16 amphorae found, some of which belong to the Keay xxv, xxxiii and xxxv types. The majority of them were produced in Africa, but there is also a lra1 and an amphora which is interpreted as a Sicilian imitation of an Eastern type (Fig. 20). The most important case of amphorae finds coming from urban contexts is presented at the city of Agrigentum (Map i, C4). Almost all the published data concern a catacomb complex, composed of the Giambertoni necropolis, the cave of Fragapane and the sub divo necropolis, all set behind the Hill of Temples.1 In strata of the iiird-v th century ad some Italic,2 Iberian,3 North African4 and Eastern5 amphorae were discovered, but the majorFig. 20. lra 1 from Montallegro (Campanaio), ity were produced in Tunisia. Sicilian imitation (after Wilson 1996, fig. 5.12). In the area of the Sanctuary of Asclepius – where archaeological investigations were carried out between 1982 and 1989 and completed in 20006 – there are few amphora fragments from the Late Republican and Late Roman periods. The African amphorae (African ii and Keay xxv)7 were found in a rectangular cistern, north of the temple of Asclepius. Moving to South-Central Sicily, the region presents different geological characteristics – there are fertile plains with rivers, such as the Gela, the Maroglio and the Salso, and high and moderate hills. These favourable conditions have always encouraged the long-term presence of urban and rural agglomerates. From the Roman Age onwards they were located in particular along the ways pointed out by the Itinerarium Antonini and by the Tabula Peutingeriana.8 Throughout the Roman period, rural settlements were prevalent: latifundia were typically composed of the villa (pars dominica), a large or moderate number of praedia and a vast quantity of farms controlled by the villa and run by conductores, as corroborated by the stamp impressions put on bricks.9
1 Bonacasa Carra 1986; Bonacasa Carra 1987; Bonacasa Carra 1990; Agrigento 1995, Bonacasa Carra 1996. 2 Types Dressel 1B and fragments of amphorae that could be dated back to between the ist and the iind centuries that can be compared with some amphorae found in the area of Ostia. 3 Dressel 9 and Dressel 20, Keay xxiii/Almagro 51 C, Keay xix/Almagro 51 A-B (Lusitania). 4 Types: African i and ii, Keay xxv, Keay xxvi (spatheia); Keay xxxiv; Keay xxv y; Keay xlii. 5 Keay liii/lra1, Keay lxv/lra2, Keay liv/lra4 types. 6 For the edition of the excavations, see De Miro 2003. 7 De Miro 2003, p. 157, no. 202. 8 These are the internal routes from Thermae to Catina (for the reconstrucion of the route, see Uggeri 1969, pp. 162-164) and the internal routes from Catina to Agrigentum (the last publication is Uggeri 2004, pp. 251-272). 9 Fiorilla 1997.

156

roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 157 The number, the topographical distribution and the evolution of the majority of the villages are still uncertain, but some recent investigations made by the Superintendence of Caltanissetta1 on some of these villages – almost totally unpublished – have provided important information about their history and their relationships with the surrounding area. The investigation in the site of Sophiana2 (Map i, E4), started during the 1960s, attempted to clarify the relationship between the spaces of the settlement and its surrounding area.3 The ancient centre – used since the beginning of the Imperial period untill the vii th century – had thermae, Christian places of worship, and an extensive necropolis. It appears to correspond to the statio Philosophiana on the road from Catina to Agrigentum.4 The excavation campaigns carried out in 1988 and 1990 have made it possible to appreciate the importance of the village during the first Imperial period. Since its earliest occupation, some table wares produced in Africa and amphorae (in particular, Dressel 2-4) were imported. They attest to the existence of important commercial flows in the Mediterranean basin.5 During the late iiird century ad the village was downgraded to the status of subsidiary village (emporium), connected to the villa of Piazza Armerina (Map i, E4). It is likely that Philosophiana was the exit route for the latifundium surrounding the villa, and also the place in which the agricultural labourers lived. One Keay lxii variant A amphora,6 a spatheion,7 an amphora with a decoration “a pettine” on the shoulder8 and two amphorae – still partially unpublished – were uncovered in the Byzantine strata.9 During the Late Roman period, the role of this village was surely connected to the needs of the surrounding area. The village was one of the centres of the urban life in this part of Sicily, where the main economic activity was the cultivation of cereals. Not far from Sophiana, in the modern town of Mazzarino (in the province of Caltanissetta) there is a site in the quarter of Minnelli (Map i, E4). At this location, some traces of a rural settlement were recently found, and the ceramics unearthed reveal that it was populated from the iind to the v th centuries.10 Thanks to the pottery found, excavators also dated a small artisan workshop to the vi-vii th centuries ad. These finds include fragments of African red slip wares (Hayes 94, 104, 105)11 and «anfore con anse a profilo ad orecchia» attributed to a local production. These fragments were compared with the globular amphora having an umbo-shaped bottom and a decoration «a pettine» on the shoulder, found in the public bath of Sophiana.12 Archaeologists
1 For a recent data presentation about this research, see Panvini 2002. 2 Founded by August, it is set 8 km away from the modern town of Mazzarino and 5 km away from the «villa del Casale» close to the modern Piazza Armerina. About Sofiana, see Adamesteanu 1962, Bonomi 1964; Fiorilla 1990, pp. 158-166; La Torre 1993-1994; La Torre 1994; Bonacasa Carra 2002. 3 The last one publication is Bonacasa Carra 2002, pp. 101-111. 4 To the extraordinary persistence of the toponym, see Uggeri 2004, pp. 251, 253. 5 La torre 1993-1994, p. 767. 6 Unpublished. Preliminary news are edited in Panvini 2002, p. 195. 7 Lauricella 2002, p. 126, no. 36, fig. 14; Panvini 2002, p. 195, note 23 with the quoted comparison. This specimen has a slender body. 8 Amphora with a decoration «a pettine» between the neck and the shoulder, Lauricella 2002, p. 126, no. 37, fig. 15. 9 Panvini 2002, p. 195, note 22 e 23. 10 African Red slip wares A and D and amphorae, Panvini 2002, p. 196, note 28 and 29. 11 Panvini 2002, p. 197, fig. 14. 12 The fragment number 12918, coming from the room xi of the therma, Panvini 2002, p. 197, note 33.

are the Palestinian (lra4 and lra5/6) and AegeanEastern amphorae (lra1 and lra2). Sami 2002. Less frequent. A4) are a relevant exception to the absence just described. systematic surveys (1996-2001) defined the area populated throughout antiquity and found thousands of ceramic fragments. and as part of this network. The data concerning the island of Cossyra (Pantelleria: Map i. As regards the Aegadian islands. there is a complete lack of historic and archaeological documentation: the information about Roman and Byzantine complexes comes primarily from surveys and wrecks. any conclusion about them is tentative – even reckless. This is the summarized overview of the data about amphorae found in the western part of Sicily. Therefore. To solve this problem. Massa 2002. Dressel 20) and Italic amphorae (Dressel 2-4). But the typological-quantitative approach is not enough to define the complicated economic and production phenomena. there are no late antique amphorae coming from North Africa. Obviously. and therefore to analyse microregions. new research and analyses of the published data can clarify whether the differences found are real or caused by different field methods and a different depth of the investigation. Typological and quantitative information about amphorae is almost absent. the great majority also here were produced in North Africa. a historic-economic approach should be ap- 1 The piece of evidence appears even more strange when compared with the Island of Pantelleria.2 The publication of these data enriched our knowledge about the production/exportation/importation of ceramic artefacts. yet this seems to be connected to the lack of published data rather than an actual archaeological absence. which one would expect to be the types most commonly imported. investigations based on modern scientific-archaeological criterion have shown the absolute preponderance of the North African amphorae (see infra). The high frequency of finds is additional evidence of the fundamental role of Pantelleria. systematic excavation campaigns and precise publications and catalogues about the material are needed. There. studies have shown a long-range commercial exchange network. which was an intermediate storage port set on trans-mediterranean routes. Up to now. but not inexistent. much less the social behaviour and the ideologies of communities. Concerning amphorae. in addition to the continual relationship with Africa – represented also by the Late Roman presence of African red slip wares. Therefore. The most remarkable observation – at least at present – is the fact that in spite of the geographical position of the islands. 2 «Carta Archeologica di Pantelleria» («Archaeological map of Pantelleria») project.158 daniele malfitana et alii claim that these specimens are imitations of other amphorae from Chios. Pantelleria is an extremely important source of information about the history of Mediterranean commerce during Antiquity. and these data would indicate the beginning of a commercial relationship with the Aegean area. The investigation is the result of a collaboration between the University of Bologna and the Superintendence of Trapani.3 and drew a picture of the commercial relationships of the island within the commercial system of the Mediterranean basin.Tosi 1997. . Also remarkable are the few (but not absent) amphorae from Spain (Dressel 7-9. 3 Cattani . There.1 Another notable feature is the absence of Eastern amphorae (Aegean Syro-Palestinian production).

4 cil iv. vii-viii. the work that I have undertaken on this type of amphora. but only Dressel 21. Actually. which had been discovered during the construction of a new district of Rome. salted fish). s. which was buried during autumn 79 ad. .roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 159 plied to the study of ceramics – an approach. because nearly all of the amphorae were classified together under the same type. which enhances the complexity and diversity of these phenomena. see Botte 2007. Vasorum Formae. Salaisons et sauces de poissons en Italie méridionale et en Sicile durant l’Antiquité.2 Identification and names of vessels During excavations of Pompeii. The graduate thesis that I undertook in this subject enabled me to explore in greater depth the question of the vessels used for transport of food products.Borgongino 2001-2002. but also their Sicilian origin. In the two typological tables published by Albert Mau in 1909. 5 cil iv. I will not deal with the punic amphorae. Empereur.e. since their first denomination by H. he studied the painted inscriptions and the marks on the amphorae dated to the second quarter of the ist century ad. PhD under the direction of J. pp. 2 For studies dedicated to Dressel 21 and 22 Amphorae. Carmela Franco A case-study. 6 Dressel 1879. v.3 Robert Schoene drew up a typological table of the amphorae most frequently discovered and published it in cil iv. Nearly all of them are classified under type iv. Botte. the Castro Pretorio. enabled me to re-examine not only the contents (i.7 Twenty years later. defended the 2nd of July 2008 in the University of Lyon 2. who published a series of articles during the Eighties. and only a few as type xliii-xliv according to Mau’s typological table. Botte (in press) and Botte Capelli (in press).4 The type I will dealing with is his form iv. 3 On the date of eruption: Stefani . at the time of the edition of 1 E. Our difficulty is being able to distinguish the Sicilian product.-Y. pl.6 In a table presenting the various types of exhumed amphorae. 7 Dressel 1879. At the end of the xix th century. rather than levels them out. which has been considered.5 the same types carry numbers xliii and xliv (Fig. The amphorae Dressel 21 and the trade of the Sicilian salted fish in the Early Empire The production of salted fish and fish sauces in Sicily during Antiquity is a subject which has been largely overlooked. 164-175 and 194-195 for the dating of the context. Dressel in 1899. 21). Forty specimens discovered in Pompeii carried painted inscriptions by approximately eighty individuals. We owe the true «baptism» of these amphorae to Heinrich Dressel.1 In this section. as containers of fruit produced in Latium and Campania. ii-iii. The majority of the bibliography on this topic is attributed to Gianfranco Purpura. Stefani 2006. the specimen that interests us is labelled number 15. pl.

Amphorarum Formae. The handles are attached directly under the lip and quickly join the body. xliii and xliv from Pompeii. Amphorae of types iv. Dressel presents his general inventory of ceramics brought to light in Rome with painted inscriptions and/or stamps. according to Schoene (type iv) and Mau’s drawings (types xliii and xliv) (cil iv. 2. A projection (approximately 1-2 cm) is marked directly under the lip. 3 Callender 1965. i-iii).3 lumped the two types together. . He included it in the category of the amphorae produced after the iiird century ad (for reasons only known to him) in contradiction with the discoveries at Castro Pretorio and Pompeii. Form 21 has a profile similar to a shell. 2 Lamboglia 1955. The mouth is broad with a thick lip. as Lamboglia. The foot is thin and pointed. which appeared in 1965. 21. fig. Callender. in Roman Amphorae. After Dressel’s publication in 1899. 22). and the absence of a neck is its principal characteristic. He referred to them as «form 4» without facing the question of chronology and being limited to the painted inscriptions of Pompeii and Rome. pp. This is the designation by which they are today generally referred (Fig. research on this type of container was not very intensive. cil xv. Lamboglia joined together the types 212 and 22 under the type 21. 2 and p. 243.1 in which he assigned the type number 21.160 daniele malfitana et alii Fig. He then published the final version of his amphorae typological table. 13-14. 1 cil xv. N. pl.

Dressel’s table. F Along the handle. which Dressel read as ce B No inscription B has been found (until now) on Dressel 21. . Martin-Kilcher for the amphora inscriptions. 2 Peacock .4 In Pompeii. Panella on the amphorae produced in the West during the Roman imperial time3 handles the problem of Dressel 21 and 22. Zevi accepts the painted inscriptions and the previous interpretations by Dressel without criticism. p. but the article doesn’t bring to light any new elements on the type we are considering. Etienne and Fr. 4787 to 4791) are classified in following way (Fig. 1 Zevi 1966. A A shortened word of two letters.Williams 1986. pp. The other inscriptions from Pompei are extracted from cil iv. 6 Etienne . 3 Panella 2001. 344-346.6 161 According to this classification. 22. 96-97. the inscriptions may be grouped as follows: Fig.5 but there is also another system used by R. 212.and xxcv-.Mayet 2002.2 who arrange the type within their new classification under «class 7». between the handles. The recent article of C. only one amphora of this type preserved an inscription referring to its contents (inventory no: 43091). 4788 in cil xv: ciix) G A figure is also registered on the other side of the amphora. Zevi in 19661 to obtain an analysis of the whole of Dressel’s typology. between the number C and the name D. E On the side. pp. 4 cil xv. following Zevi’s article. H. nos. 222. Williams. Peacock and D. C A number ranging between lxxviii. D A name. often under the projection characteristic of this type.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade It is necessary to await the study of F. 4795-4796. 4800-4801. Mayet. 23): Letters from A to G correspond to the classification established by S. Painted inscriptions In cil xv. 4787-4793. 194. only in the inscription no. The five inscriptions read by Dressel (from no. a figure and/or a name sometimes appear (for type 1. However she presents only a brief summary of the ideas and problems discussed in the past. The issue of Dressel 21-22 is even more summarily approached in the work of D. 5 Martin-Kilcher 2002. p. p. This one is included between xxxi and xxxiix. Amphora of type 21 according to H. Dressel listed eleven painted inscriptions on amphorae of type 21. another name is registered.

without certainty. 2 I thank T. it is possible to add a fragment with the inscription cet discovered in the agora of Ephesus and whose petrographic analysis has revealed a probable Sicilian origin. Bezeczky for the information. . but he did not know which. Inscriptions 4787 to 4791 of cil xv. ce(rasa ) as cherries. indicated a fruit. the word cet should be translated as cetus . According to Dressel. He proposed. 23.2 1 Dressel 1879. In this case.162 daniele malfitana et alii Fig. p. with the E and T bound. which in Latin means «large sea fish» and also indicates a tuna of big size. To the specimens discovered in Rome and Pompeii. 172.1 I think instead that ce has to be read as cet . ce . the word registered on the first line.

some of which can qualify as either nomen or cognomen (e. 345. and their contents. salted tuna). 4789 cil xv.e. the amphorae Dressel 21.8 13.327 kg).464? 12.96 kg (either lxxviii.8 observations Handle missing Handle missing Handle missing The inscription D preserves the name of the exporter of the product contained in the amphorae. 4791 cil xv. Nº Inscr.96 cil xv. pp. 4787 cil xv. The following table presents the weights of the amphorae I analyzed in Cumae and Pompeii. Martin Kilcher calls negotiator2 and which R. that it is necessary to multiply by the value of the libra. nº 4787) or Zoticio. according to inscription G. p. 3 Etienne . G xxxi? xxxiixxxiii xxxiv xxxii? xxxiix? Weight (kg) 10. Etienne prefers to call mercator.9 17. the inscription G would correspond to the tare. a name of Greek origin (cil xv nº 4789). 214.9 11. On these last. In the inscriptions of Rome and Pompeii. and the inscription C would correspond to the weight of its contents (i. Nº Cumae 14195 25435 26005 29294 43036 43167 26026 33186 Inscription G Weight (kg) 19. between 25.Gassend 1990.13.137? 10.323 27.487 26.67 26.3 However. I became aware about the correspondence between these inscriptions and the actual weight of the amphorae which did not preserve painted inscription G. 201-204 for tables gathering all the known inscriptions · and Á on Dressel 20 amphorae. as like the inscriptions on the amphorae Dressel 20.43? Inscr. which S.e.323 26.7 and 12. 0.977 25.Mayet 2002. 1 Liou .and xxcv.118 10. C lxxxlxxxiilxxviiilxxxi lxxxxxcvWeight (kg) 26. oil). 4793 In the process of weighing the amphorae at Pompeii.791 11.43 kg (respectively xxxi and xxxiix librae. Salvius (cil xv. it is rather difficult to identify this person because we have only one name available.1 In this case.1 18 11. the inscription · indicates the weight of the empty amphora and the inscription Á its contents (i. 2 Martin-Kilcher 2002.librae). Thus. weigh between 10. 4788 cil xv. .627 10.67 and 27.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 163 I propose to interpret the inscriptions C and G like weights in librae.2 19.7 19. We have joined together in the following table the various inscriptions C and G.5 18. according to inscription C. 4790 cil xv. when they are empty.g. p. we find frequent names.

2 Etienne . (nº 4787 and perhaps 4791). S. We gathered them in the summary table. on a type Dressel 22 amphora (cil xv. its distribution and possibly the known workshop of production. Siculus. Lec F l. also indicated in librae. nº 4786). Secundio (nº 4788 but positioned at a place which could also correspond to the inscription D). It could be an intermediate merchant between the negotiator and the consumer. 4791 and no. The inscriptions D of Pompeii published in cil iv. sol . Line A C D E F G Type 1 cet 3 lxxviii. 4793. which remains enigmatic.164 daniele malfitana et alii It is possible to correlate Siculus. Lec F (cil xv nº 4793) to the inscription Favor.p .o. and the weight of the empty amphora (G). 1 Martin-Kilcher 2002. and it is perhaps written Panth.2 Within our study. S. This information is gathered in the table below. Mayet consider it the name of the producer and the number of amphorae leaving the workshop of production. these inscriptions refer to fish (A). sol (nº 4789 and 4790). Martin-Kilcher interpret the name as a representative of the negotiator who was in charge of the control of the goods before their transport. pp. In short. These inscriptions imply a corrections between the two. 4787 to no. or the purchaser/owner of the amphora. Panh (nº 4791) yet the transcription is not ensured. On the side. Ce[…]s. Secundio. Panh ciix xxxi ≤ x ≤ xxxiix The origin of the container The determination of an amphora’s area of production is carried by considering its fabric. often between the inscriptions C and D. another name (E) is registered. which are transported between the port of arrival of the containers and the consumption sites. probably tuna. In opposition to this idea. p. Lec. 345. Martin Kilcher interprets this group A the signature of a merchant and as the number of amphorae. only one amphora preserved an inscription: «ciix» which is not sufficient to determine which of the two assumptions is the best. which could be of Greek origin). the names of negotiator/mercator and the producer (D-E). its quantity in librae (C). Zoticio.≤ x ≤ xxcvSalvius. could belong as well to the Dressel type 22. R. The inscription F presents a number or a name. Etienne and F.o. 213-214. .1 The names that appear in cil xv are in the form of cognomina isolated or of tria nomina not developed: l. 3 Are gathered in this column the inscriptions in cil xv: from no.p ..Mayet 2002. because of inaccuracy of typology.

6 The site. p. 6 Lo Cascio 1990. Alaimo et alii 1997. The specimens discovered in the workshop of Alcamo present a fabric with primarily angular quartz grains and microfossil limestones. The excavations showed that there was an area with potters active from the Augustan period until the v th century. for the first results: Capelli .Gonzalez Muro . 60. The results of the archaeometric analyses were recently supported by the discovery of a pottery workshop in Alcamo Marina. p. Capelli. which concern us. but we could not carry the investigation further because the owner of the 1 The analyses were carried out by C. 3 For the results of studies on this atelier and its production. 4 The petrographic analyses were carried out by C. as well as a great quantity of micro-fossils. pp.Botte 2006. see: Giorgetti . Typically a flysch consisted in an alternation of sandstone benches. a hundred meters from the sea. in this same area. pp. and particularly pp. The petrographic analyses have already illustrated that at least part of the production was located in western Sicily. Lo Cascio published the finding.Capelli (in press).Piazza 2006. relating them instead to a late production. . 5 Flysch is a type of formation consisted in a monotonous repetition of sequences of metric and decametric thickness. if not all. while the interior is red (Munsel code: 10 r 5/8). but in his article he did not recognize the amphora type. the surface appears grey in color (Munsel code: between 5 yr 4/1 and 5 yr 5/4). The paste is characterized by the presence of round quartz coming from a Flysch numidic. For others. approximately one kilometer from the tonnara of Soluntus. It is possible to establish that these amphorae were produced there from the end of the ist century bc into the ist century ad. known in the zone of Castellamare del Golfo to be rich in quartz. many fragments of Dressel 21 amphorae were discovered. In 1990 P. Capelli. 199.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade Dressel 21 fabric 165 The fabric of the amphorae contains eolic quartz and angular limestone. 171-173 and pl.3 This workshop was discovered during excavations carried out since 2003 by the University of Bologna. Capelli on samples from Cumae and Pompeii show that the major part of the production. pp. for the results see Botte .4 Clay was extracted from beds dated to the Pleistocen. a concentration of amphorae fragments related to the Dressel 21 type was discovered. v-vi. We know the zone of San Cristoforo was very active in the manufacture of amphorae from the vii th century bc.1 For some of the specimens. Gonzalez Muro 2006. A visit to the area in 2005 ensured us that there were fragments belonging to this type of amphora. 2 Denaro 1995. is Sicilian. In one of the two excavated kilns. They begin at the base by level with big grain and finish at the top by levels with fine grain. 33-39. Another workshop is without doubt located in Soluntum. finishing to the top with argillaceous schists. is set between the railway and the modern road (ss 113). close to Castellamare del Golfo. However. 35-38 for the amphorae.2 Analysis carried out by C.5 This last element is present in Tunisia and Sicily and explains the similarity between fabrics from Sicily and North Africa. 505-516. their orange color remains identical on the surface and in their cross-section (Munsel Code: between 5 yr 7/2 and 5 yr 5/2).

Ephesus. There is not a separation between the belly and the mouth of the amphora.5 cm and 94 cm. which I divided into two variants based on the dimension of the vessel. including Pompeii. 141. The ground. but the publication by A. could be bought up to the surface. 75-76 and pl. but none of them. p. 3 Desbat et alii 1986. The visible dimensions of the ship are 16 m in length and 8 m wide. 25) The average height of amphorae of type 1a is 88 cm.166 daniele malfitana et alii property. in spite of an authorization of the Archaeological Superintendence of Palermo. A rim fragment discovered in Settefinestre in the layers dated between Trajan and Antonine periods seems to be residual.4 The published specimens show a primarily diffusion towards the western Mediterranean. The belly is marked by of a groave.12. along the road (ss 113). was dated to the first years of the ist century ad. 1 The fragments we could see were found below the ground. The maximum diameter of the belly measures approximately 22 cm. we find them in some cities of peninsular Italy. recently cleaned by rain. 67. approximately 16-18 cm from the mouth). Sicily. contained many fragments. in a context from the end of the Augustan period. narrower for type 1a and more pot-bellied for type 1b (Fig. Settefinestre and Luni. Dressel 21 correspond to type 1. it is necessary to underline the recent discovery of a wreck in Capri. 24) Lastly.Cambi 1985. The context. Ostia. Specimens discovered at Alexandria. In the second place.2 It is also necessary to mention the specimen found in an underfloor space discovered under the «rue de la Favorite» in Lyon. Cumae. p. a drain made up of two lines of amphorae laid out horizontally. Only the above mentioned can be used as a reference point. of which the cargo was made up entirely of Dressel 21 amphorae. It was the subject of a prospection campaign using an underwater robot. 2 Hesnard 1980. more precisely the northwestern region of the island. The wall is on average 1 cm thick. The maximum capacity of the amphorae is between 15 and 18 liters for the majority of the measured specimens found at Cumae and Pompeii. due to technical malfunction of the robot.3 The latest specimens are those from Pompeii and Cumae (Flaviaen dump prior to 95 ad). is the zone where amphorae of type Dressel 21 are most frequent. . pp.e. did not permit us to collect them. Jerusalem and Bodrum in Turkey (an underwater discovery) show that the distribution has also affected the eastern basin of the Mediterranean (Fig. Three levels of amphorae are visible. 4 Volpe . with a range between 84.1 Chronology of the production and diffusion area The oldest specimen comes from La Longarina in Ostia. lie at a depth of 130 m. always related to the type Dressel 21. placed on average at 1/5 of its height (i. 20. Rome. In Gaul several specimens are also known at Fréjus and Lyon. Hesnard did not present any drawing. Proposal for a new typology In the new typology of Dressel 21-22 that I have proposed. with occasional discoveries in the east.

.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 167 Fig. Distribution area of Dressel 21. 24.

while the internal diameter measures on average 12 cm. and their external face is marked by a central rib. and its lower face is slightly convex. attach under (and sometimes on) the above mentioned projection. Their length varies between 14.5 cm. The handles have an almond-shaped section and a central vein on their outside. Approximately 1 cm. Its height is between 1. As on the amphorae of the type 1a. a ridge is marked approximately 1 cm under the lip. which probably marks the limit of the handles. The end of the point is widened. this one is full.3 cm. 25. The lip has an average thickness of 2 cm. Its profile is concave. measures between 16 and 17. with a range Fig. between 86 cm. They are attached directly under the projection. while the internal diameter measures on average 15 to 17 cm.5 cm. Variantes 1a and 1b of our new typology of the Dressel amphorae 21. in height..7 and 2. The maximum capacity of the amphorae is about 28 litres. The average height of the amphorae of type 1b the is 88 cm. The bottom of the 1a type amphora finishes at a point. with a range between 11. The handles are almond-shaped in section. in height. Dressel 21 amphorae are actually containers produced in Sicily and intended for the transport of salted fish.5 and 2. The profile of the toe is concave. The characteristic groove. They are 11 to 13 cm. They are solid and the average height is approximately 5 cm.. for the largest. The bases of the 1b type amphorae are small in size. The maximum diameter of the belly measures approximately 26 cm. is placed at approximately 18-19 cm.daniele malfitana et alii The external diameter. Synthesis The notions we have had for more than one hundred years about the trade of fruits in Latium and Campania within Dressel 21-22 amphorae has to be completely rewritten. The lip is 2 cm. under the lip. high. which does not exceed 0. from the mouth.5 cm.. for the smallest specimens and 92 cm.. taken at the lip. 168 .4 and 15.5 cm. and its height varies between 9 and 12 cm. the potter marked a projection. sometimes rise above this and are stuck to the belly at the level of the groove. primarily tuna. The external diameter measures between 19 and 20.5 cm. and slightly concave on the lower face. and they join the belly at the level of the furrow. thick sometimes with a rolled rim.5 and 13 cm. It measures between 1.

Additions to this. it is common to find examples in the drains of Pompeii (Fig.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 169 Fig. indeed. and it will be necessary to consider the Dressel 21 as Sicilian amphorae intended for transport of tuna products. 27). in a latrine of Pompeii) (Fig. it is important to comment on the frequent re-use of these amphorae as pipes. This resuse was. Emmanuel Botte . 26. quite simple as it was only necessary to cut off the lower part in order to obtain an object ready for re-employment (e. it is still too early to evaluate the economic role of the Sicilian salted fish industry during the Early Empire within the broader Mediterranean trade. The reason for the errors is a general lack of interest in the subject until now. However. In fact.g. 26). it is a point that will be impossible to neglect. Illustration of the re-employment of amphorae Dressel 21 in drains of Pompeii. in the future. Considering these data.

soin Pompei (Reg. over a chronological period composed of four phases (Late Hellenistic: . and equally importantly. i. Amphora Dressel 21 employed as latrine to anyone working on the political. for istance. Both Villa del Casale and the settlement of Sophiana. eastern and western Sicily will be analysed separately. Ins. In the next phases. apart from being close to the river Gela. for a brief period. cial and economic history of Sicily (from various points of view). we shall information add about the tablewares. was a fundamental transport link for the big agricultural sites in the area of Ragusa (Modica. Monte Vago and Entella.170 daniele malfitana et alii Preliminary conclusions and future aims To draw conclusions from this first data presentation – even if they are not analytical – allows us most importantly to delineate the next steps of our work. To simplify the analysis of the data. Timpone Rasta and Logonuovo. 2). The Irmino River. was a statio of this long itinerary. In the second phase of this project. As regards inland settlements. linked the coast and inland places. This database will be extremely useful Fig. the Platani river linked the hinterland of Agrigentum. besides the data about the amphorae preliminarily presented here. By means of the initial thematic map (presented here for the first time) and an updated (2007) bibliography. were also along the road that connected Catina and Gela. Ispica and Ragusa). other maps will be added to this first thematic map (Map i). when data about fine tablewares will also became available. it is possible to draw certain preliminary observations. Sophiana. most of which were located along river routes that facilitated transfer of goods. 14. Just to mention some particular cases. Our initial research confirms an image of Sicily as an active and major island receiving significant amounts of goods from all over the Mediterranean basin. as well as some specific gis maps. 27. This work is currently being undertaken by our team of researchers and its results will provide us with a better understanding of the social and economic dynamics of Sicily during the Roman period. it will make the computerized database available to the entire scientific community. in western Sicily. The inland sites of Piazza Armerina and Sophiana are exceptions. They will help us to understand attitudes. the Arena River. The diffusion of amphorae affects mainly the coastal parts of Sicily. the Belice River used to connect Campobello di Mazara. such as Salemi. diversities and analogies of the supply systems of the Sicilian market over a specific chronological period. but starting from the material culture evidence.

the inland sites appear to be again active. In fact. early Imperial: 30-100 ad. the presence of amphorae is quite widespread. It is also important to note that the rate of publication of excavation material is critical to the expansion of this project. their role as gathering places that makes these sites a necessary focal point for commercial distribution. but also in the exchange of people. but little studied. All this shows that the inland sites and their resources participated more actively in wide-ranging commerce. they were directly interested not only in the production. Instead. Starting from the iv th century onwards. In analysing all of Sicily. even before a specific thematic map has been defined. which seems to cover more sites. we can see that in eastern regions there were fewer small settlements the economies of which revolved around the important centres. late Imperial: 300450-475 ad. consequently. I think that in the future it will be useful to carry out study of the production sites currently known in Sicily. Sophiana and Piazza Armerina.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 171 200-30 bc. It is their importance as ports and. In western Sicily this concentration is not present. During the Middle Imperial period there was a slight expansion towards the northern coast. In western Sicily. In the Late Roman period everything seems to be more complex: particularly in the area between Ragusa and Gela. the concentration around the most important towns seems to have been abandoned in favour of a more capillary occupation of the area. early Byzantine: 450/475-640-650 ad). the sites where amphorae were found are in much higher frequency. of course. and the direct relationship with Africa seems to have played a decisive role. During the late Roman period there was a big decrease in the distribution of amphorae with a limited presence at mainly coastal sites. such as Messana. as these sites are part of the route from central Sicily to the harbour area of Catina. This tendency is also reflected in the distribution of amphorae. amphorae are spread throughout this region suggesting a fragmentation of settlements and their more elaborate commercial dynamics. The beginning of a vast process of archaeo- . goods and. In addition. ideas. the western Sicilian villages do not seem to revolve around bigger and more important centres. This phenomenon has to be considered carefully. This is especially the case in the area between Gela. but the situation on the southeastern coast seems to have remained the same. and important new sites. In contrast to what seems to be happening in eastern Sicily. at least until the iv th century ad. it is important to pursue the study of the onomastics and toponymy of sites and the distribution areas in relation to Roman ceramic studies. in other words. Catina. such as Piazza Armerina and Sophiana. both on the coasts and inland. Towns. Syracusae and along the Southern coast of Sicily (around Punta Secca). During the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods. It is also necessary to focus on the social organisation analysis of the domini and officiatores already known. Without going into details. together with the parallel study of ceramics and amphorae distribution. boast ancient and well-testified histories as ports. the amphorae are mostly found on the Aeolian Islands and on the Ionian Coast – more precisely in the ports of Messana. they maintain a dynamic commercial independence. were founded. middle Imperial: 100-300 ad. and throughout the Roman period they continued to maintain their previous roles as merchant cities. Catina and Syracusae.

see the suggestions from a historical point of view by Perkins 2007. .172 daniele malfitana et alii metric analysis is invaluable as it has enabled to identify what can surely be considered ‘Sicilian’ and what is not ‘Sicilian’.1 Daniele Malfitana 1 On this topic. 49-51. pp.

The last phase previews thematic papers that will help us to define the chronological development of each archaeological evidence. Wilson. 4 Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World. Moreover. A large part of this information is taken from Wilson 1990 the remainder is yet unpublished. Dey. Princeton. 6 Map 47 has been published to scale 1.6 constitutes an instrument of great significance and absolute innovation.1 The main objective is to elaborate a series of thematic maps of Sicily during the Roman period that will be constantly updated. 3 See S. all the other thematic maps and gis maps will be published in the monographic work which is being undertaken at present by D. Alcock. Malfitana as mentioned at the beginning of this article. An update to the map of ancient Sicily of the Barrington Atlas . J. geographic and archaeological organization of the ancient world. 5 Map 47 can rely on a rich series of information that Wilson has collected in many years of study on the Roman Sicily. starting from this map. In parallel it will visualise the data. and about the contexts of province from which the data come.roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 173 APPENDIX Map i. Allows us to visualize the importance of the new data and we have already begun to realize specific thematic maps that will allow us to explore in greater depth the information. historical as well as archaeological has also been initiated in parallel to the activity of collection and acquisitions of the data. Talbert. The map.5 Therefore. L. and using the same symbols. H. 709-735. ed. collected during many years he engaged in studies of Roman Sicily. A. it seemed more opportune to rearrange the already existing instrument of «Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman world». 2001. Franco and A. 2 Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World.4 allows to visualize data. We have marked in yellow the new sites where archaeologists have found Roman pottery or amphorae. one on top of the other (also usable in the web version).3 Map 47 of the Atlas. R. It highlights. 2000. G.2 than to create a new map. the new maps will allow us to determine the specificity of every city observed from the point of view of the presence of ceramics and amphorae through a chronological approach. . A. new sites) derived from a complex bibliographic research. edited by R. pp. many papers which will make it easy to read “in transparency” for1 A part from the map edited in this article. 451-461. «Journal of Roman Archaeology». the information about the various typologies of vessels and amphorae. therefore.000 in The Barrington Atlas. To achieve this aim. 14. published and unpublished. that will be added to a database. Palazzo (see infra). Sitting down with the Barrington Atlas. The new sites after the start of the « Roman Sicily Project » Giovanni Fragalà The realization of an integrated system of thematic and gis maps that will allow a fast visualization of the many information collected. J.500. The first data have been presented in the section of the article edited by C. we are inserting new data (and. useful for understanding the historical. W. Parker. using various colours and the same symbols adopted by the Barrington Atlas and allows us to layer. as this is unanimously accepted by the scientific community as an indispensable and complete cartographical instrument. pp. presented here for the first time.

Sambuca di Sicilia. from the Late Hellenistic to Late Roman period. The sites are indicated with the modern and ancient name where possible. Montevago. Under the column «Place» I have listed the sites in which a specific amphora type has been discovered. that will be presented in a future volume as mentioned in the foreword. creating a “common language” and an easier terminology in order to avoid the often confusing amphorae name systems. Monte Pellegrino (Heirkte Mons). Therefore it will be also possible to locate the main concentrations of ceramics and amphorae that will in turn contribute to the chronology. for example after the discovery of kilns (i. in order to facilitate the reading of the map. Under the column «Form» is inserted the reference to the typological abbreviations of the amphorae that are currently used. we have chosen to connect the area to the closest city centre. it excludes any quantitative data. followed. The majority of the archaeological research carried out in the latter years are focused on the study of rural areas or on small quarters (Contrade). New sites and settlements are shown in yellow colour. Eryx. Franco and A. 2 Some of amphorae names are. However they have been included in order to give to the reader more in-depth and updated picture of Roman pottery in Sicily. in fact. L. In this case. The table is divided into three columns representing form. Terrasini. the chronological development of a specific context or areal complex. source and places respectively.2 Under the column «Source» is inserted the region of production of a specific amphora type as known and updated to 2007. Sant’Agata di Campobello di Mazara. The settlements are: San Biagio (Terme Vigliatore).174 daniele malfitana et alii mat and in total image format. 1 Map i also shows evidence of settlements not mentioned in the text. Cattolica Eraclea. to conform all the denominations.1 The symbols used for indicating the typology of the settlements (small farm. Acium. Timpone Rasta. ‘temporary’. In some cases the source of amphorae has already been cited by the editors. usually connected to modern city centres. where it is possible. with a reference to the updated Sicily Map I published here. However. Logonovo.) are the same used by the Barrington Atlas. I have tried. because usually coined during excavations and published in books and journals. Table 1. in relation to the various cases cited in text (see supra. e. Mazara. Isola delle Femmine. the case of Alcamo Marina in Western Sicily or Santa Venera al Pozzo. because the data collected is limited. Acate. that are often difficult to locate even for the specialists. Punta Raisi. Menfi. between brackets. in Eastern Sicily). the sections by C. Palma di Montechiaro. when we are unable to precisely locate the «contrade» in the Map. Punta Molinazzo. . according to the most updated typologies. General overview of transport amphorae in Roman Sicily mentioned in the text Carmela Franco This table aims at showing the main transport amphorae types attested in Sicily in the Roman period and cited in the text. villae. as are the ones in the Barrington Atlas. Palazzo). thermal bath etc.

Ganzirri and Pistunina (Map i. F2). F2) Agrigentum (Map i. Agrigentum (Map i. area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i. B3) Agrigentum (Map i. E4) Naxos (Map i. C4) Philosophiana (Map i. C4) Agrigentum (Map i. F2). Furnari (Map i. Furnari. Carabollace (Map i. F2). Gazzi. C4) Agrigentum (Map i. Agrigentum (Map i. F2) Segesta (Map i. Calactae (Map i. H2). or “cb2 type” Cretan 1 Dressel 1 Dressel 1B roman sicily project: ceramics and trade Dressel 2-4 Imitation of Dressel 2-4 type (big and small module) Dressel 7/11 Dressel 9 Dressel 20 175 . G4). Crete Sicily Tyrrhenian coastal area of Italy from Etruria to Campania. Italy Sicily: Naxos Spain Spain Spain Portugal and Spain Almagro 51 A-B Almagro 51 C Amphoras similar to “Carminiello type 17”. G2) Lipara (Map i. C4) Cephaloedium (Map i. C4). E2). Carabollace (Map i. E2). G3) Lipara (Map i. C4) Agathyrnum (Map i. C4) Lipara (Map i.Form Northern Africa: mainly Tunisia Lipara (Map i. Caronia (Calactae). C4) Agrigentum (Map i. C4) Source Place African i African ii Northern Africa: mainly Tunisia Almagro 50 Portugal (Lusitania) and Spain (Baetica) Portugal (Lusitania) and Spain (Baetica) Eastern Sicily: Capo d’Orlando (statio Agathyrnum).

Marzamemi’s wreck a. F2) Calactae (Map i. k. b.176 Form Western Sicily (Segesta?) Western Sicily: Alcamo Marina Eastern Sicily: Caronia (Calactae) France Eastern Sicily: Naxos Northern Africa: Tunisia (Northern Hammamet Gulf ) Eastern Mediterranean: the Aegean Naxos (Map i. B3). S. G3). Aquae Segestanae (Map i. d f. G5) daniele malfitana et alii Kapitaen ii Eastern Mediterranean: the Aegean. Montallegro-Campanaio (Map i. j (Map i. G3). B3) Alcamo Marina-quarter Foggia (Map i. Mansio ad Olivam (Map i. Alessio Statio Palmae (Map i. b. B2) Dressel 21-22 Dressel 21-22: Alcamo A and B types Dressel 35 similis Gauloises 4 Gauloises (similis) Hammamet iii Kapitaen i Syracusae (underwater discoveries). C4) Agrigentum (Map i. C4) Montallegro-Campanaio (Map i. E2) Source Place Villa di Terre Bianche (Map i. D3). G5) Carabollace (Map i. C4) Keay xxxiii Northen Africa: Tunisia Northen Africa: Byzacena (?) Keay xxxiv . C4). Marzamemi’s wreck a. j (Map i. Samos and the region around Ephesus. B3). C4). C4) Keay viii b Keay xxv Northern Africa «Villa di Terre Bianche» (Map i. D3). Agrigentum (Map i. Segesta (Map i. Marina di Itala-Monte Scuderi (Map i. Verdura and Carabollace (Map i. C4) Lipara (Map i. k. G3) Carabollace (Map i. G2). d f. Syracusae (underwater discoveries). Northern Africa: Southern Byzacena Scifì-Forza d’Agrò (Map i.

C4) Roman villa in Borgellusa (Map i. F4) Benghazi mr1 Southern Calabria Not specified by the editors Eastern Sicily: Santa Venera al Pozzo . G5) Carabollace (Map i.statio Acium Keay lii roman sicily project: ceramics and trade Keay lii Keay lv Northern Africa: mainly Nabeul (Zeugitana) Northern Africa: Sahel region of Tunisia Keay lxi Keay lxii Northern Africa: Byzacena and Zeugitana Area connected to Megara’s statio (Map i. E4) 177 . C4) Rocchicella near Menai (Map i. Ganzirri and Pistunina (Map i. Verdura and Carabollace (Map i. D3). G3). Aquae Segestanae (Map i. MontallegroCampanaio (Map i. B3). Scifì-Forza d’Agrò (Map i. Villa di Terre Bianche (Map i. B3). B3) Agrigentum (Map i. C4). G3). Naxos (Map i. Gazzi. Mansio ad Olivam (Map i. H2). C4) Aquae Segestanae (Map i. C4).Form Source Place Keay xxxv Northern Africa: mainly Nabeul (Zeugitana) Villa di Terre Bianche» (Map i. Alessio-Statio Palmae (Map i. Philosophiana (Map i. Mansio ad Olivam (Map i. Carabollace (Map i. Thermae Himeraeae (Map i. B3). D3). G3). C4) Keay xxxvi Northern Africa: North Western Tunisia? Northern Africa: Tunisia (North-Western region?) Keay xlii Keay lii Eastern Sicily: Naxos Lipara (Map i.Monte Scuderi (Map i. F1). S. Mansio ad Olivam (Map i. Aquae Segestanae (Map i. B3) Statio Acium (Map i. B3). Thermae Himeraeae. G3) Carabollace (Map i. Marina di Itala . G4). G2). D3).

G4). C4) Statio Acium (Map i. H2). area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i. Syracusae (underwater discoveries). G4).Aegean area Cephaloedium (Map i. G3).statio Acium daniele malfitana et alii Imitation of lra1 lra2 Greece (Argolid). Area connected to Megara’s statio (Map i. quarters of Verdura and Carabollace (Map i. H2) Kuzmanov 20 lra1 Eastern Mediterranean: Cilicia and Cyprus Gazzi. F5). Marina di Itala-Monte Scuderi (Map i. E2). Ganzirri and Pistunina (Map i. Cossyra (Pantelleria: Map i. Syracusae (underwater discoveries). C4). C4) Imitation of lra1 and variants Western Sicily? Eastern Sicily: Santa Venera al Pozzo . Agrigentum (Map i. quarters of Verdura and Carabollace (Map i. Chios and Cnidos Scifì-Forza d’Agrò (Map i. A4) lra3 Eastern Mediterranean: Western Asia Minor. C4). Ganzirri and Pistunina (Map i.178 Form Northern Africa Eastern Mediterranean Black sea . Castellazzo della Marza (Map i. D3) Source Place Keay lxiv Knossos 4/5 Gazzi. Carabollace and Pergamon (Map i. A4). G4). Vendicari (Map i. C4). the Meander Valley. Cossyra (Pantelleria: Map i. area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i. Miletos i. G4). Montallegro-quarter campanaio (Map i. G2). S. E2) Villa di Terre Bianche (Map i. G3). G5). C4). F5). C4) . G3) Montallegro-Campanaio (Map i. Agrigentum (Map i. Alessio-Statio Palmae (Map i. Caucana (Map i. Cephaloedium (Map i. Area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map including Ephesus.

G4). Thermae Himeraeae. Caucana (Map i. F5) Source Place Agorà F 65-F 66 “contenitori monoansati” lra4 Eastern Mediterranean: Palestine-Gaza lra5 Eastern Mediterranean: probably Palestine Northern Africa: Egypt Eastern Mediterranean Eastern Sicily: Naxos Aeolian Islands: Lipara Eastern Sicily: Naxos Greek Island (Samos) and Western Asia Minor Palestine and Northern Egypt (from the late fifth century ad) lra6 lra7 lra10 Mid Roman Amphora 1 Richborough 527 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade “S. F5). Caucana (Map i. A4) Vendicari (Map i. Alessio wreck Vendicari (Map i. C4) Cossyra (Pantelleria: Map i. G5). Marina di Itala-Monte Scuderi (Map i. Cossyra (Map i. G3). S. G4) Naxos (Map i. E2). G4). Alessio-Statio Palmae (Map i. S. F1) Naxos (Map i. G4). G3). A4) Area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i. Syracusae (Map i. F5). G4). Thermae Himeraeae (Termini Imerese: 179 . F5) Area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i. G3) Lipara (Map i. A4) Agrigentum (Map i. G4). G5). (Sortino.Form Coastal areas of Asia Minor. C. including the region of Ephesus Scifì-Forza d’Agrò (Map i. Alessio type” and variants “Samos cistern type” Spatheia Northern Africa Area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i.da Giarranauti: Map i. Castellazzo della Marza (Map i. Cossyra (Pantelleria: Map i. G3) Area between Agnone and Castelluccio (Map i. Cephaloedium (Map i. G2). Castellazzo della Marza (Map i.

S. Philosophiana (Map i. Ganzirri and Pistunina (Map i. Thermae Himeraeae (Map i. G3). G2). Scifì-Forza d’Agrò (Map i. B3). E4) Anfora with “ansa a profilo a orecchia” Central Sicily? . Alessio . Vendicari (Map i. D3). G3) Tripolitanian iii Northern Africa: Western Libya and South-eastern Tunisia (Tripolitania) Gazzi.Statio Palmae (Map i. H2). Castellazzo della Marza ((Map i.Monte Scuderi (Map i. D3). S. H2). Agrigentum (Map i. Mansio ad Olivam (Map i. Caucana (Map i. G5). G5). D3). Marina di Itala . A4) Mazzarino-quarter of Minnelli (Map i. G3) Thermae Himeraeae (Termini Imerese: Map i. S.180 Form Northern Africa Eastern Sicily: Naxos Eastern Sicily: Naxos Naxos (Map i. J: (Map i. Marina di ItalaMonte Scuderi (Map i. G2). G2). F1) “Termini Imerese 151-354” type Northern Sicily: Capo d’Orlando (statio Agathyrnum) Northern Africa: Libya (Tripolitania) Northern Sicily: Termini Imerese Similar to “Termini Imerese 151-354” Type daniele malfitana et alii Tripolitanian ii Gazzi. F5). G3). C4) African cylindrical amphorae of undetermined typology Northen Africa Marzamemi’s wreck A.Forza d’Agrò (Map i. F2). G5). Marina di Itala-Monte Scuderi (Map i.Statio Palmae (Map i. Alessio-Statio Palmae (Map i. G3). B. C4) Agathyrnum (Map i. C4) Spatheia “Spello type” “Spinella type” Scifì . D F. Lipara (Map i. K. Alessio . Aquae Segestanae (Map i. E4). G3). B3). Agrigentum (Map i. Cossyra (Pantelleria: Map i. G3) Source Place Map i. Scifì-Forza d’Agrò (Map i. Ganzirri and Pistunina (Map i. Carabollace (Map i.

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192 daniele malfitana et alii Il contributo presenta un primo inquadramento ed alcune preliminari considerazioni di un progetto di ricerca multidisciplinare avviato dal Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche. Tutte queste osservazioni verranno poi collocate in un più ampio contesto geopolitico e sociale costruito su una infinità di dati che verranno presto inseriti all’interno del sito web del progetto (www. Cominciano così a delinearsi primi modelli di economia regionale che contraddistingue la realtà isolana.org. .romansicilyproject. Esso ha l’obiettivo di indagare gli aspetti economici ed il fenomeno di produzione e importazione di anfore da trasporto ritrovate nella Sicilia romana. A questo obiettivo generale si affianca poi una prima serie di riflessioni sul fenomeno del commercio a lunga distanza che univa la Sicilia ad altre realtà del Mediterraneo.) attualmente in via di costruzione.

Facta 2 2008:Piantina 17/02/09 12:43 Pagina 1 .

Agata di Campobello di Mazara B3 S.da C4 Castagna C4 Castellazzo della Marza F5 Cattolica Eraclea C4 Caucana F5 Cava d’Ispica F5 Cephaloedium E2 Cignana D4 Cittadella G5 Cossyra A4 Drepanum A2 Entella C3 Eryx B2 Falconara di Noto G5 Forza d’Agrò G3 Furnari G2 Gazzi H2 Gela E4 Halicyae B3 Haluntium F2 Heirkte? Mons C2 Heraclea Minoa C4 Himera D3 Hybla Heraia F5 Ietas C3 Isola delle Femmine C2 Katane/Catina G3 Lilybeum A3 Lipara F2 Logonuovo B3 Marina d’Itala G2 Marzamemi G5 Mazara B3 . Venera al Pozzo G3 Sambuca di Sicilia C3 San Biagio G2 Saraceno di Favara D4 Scifì G3 Segesta B3 Selinus B3 Soluntum D2 Sortino G4 Syracusae G4 Tauromenium G3 Terrasini C2 Thermae Himeraeae D3 Thermae Selinutinae C3 Timpone Rasta B3 Traiectus H2 Vendicari G5 Verdura c. Alessio G3 S.Facta 2 2008:Piantina 17/02/09 12:43 Pagina 2 List of sites Mazzarino E4 Megara Hyblaia G4 Menai F4 Menfi B3 Messana H2 Milena D4 Montagna della Borrania B3 Montevago C3 Mutyce F5 Mylae G2 Naro D4 Naxos G3 Pachino G5 Palma di Montechiaro D4 Pan(h)ormus C2 Philosophiana E4 Piazza Armerina E4 Pistunina H2 Ponte Bagni B3 Portus Pachyni G5 Priolo Gargallo G4 Punta Castelluzzo G4 Punta Molinazzo C2 Punta Raisi C2 Punta Secca F5 S.da C4 Map key Acate E4 Acium G3 Ad Olivam B3 Agathyrnum F2 Agnone G4 Akragas/Agrigentum C4 Alcamo Marina B2 Annunziata di Mascali G3 Aquae Lordes C4 Aquae Segestane B3 Bagnoli di S. Marco G5 S. Gregorio F2 Borgellusa di Avola G5 Buonfornello D3 Caddeddi G5 Calactae E2 Calatabiano G3 Camarina E5 Campanaio di Montallegro C4 Capo Graziano F1 Capo Mulini G3 Carabollace c. Teresa di Longarini G4 S.

agnano pisano (pisa). pisa · roma. * Marzo 2009 (cz 2 · fg 21) . stampato e rilegato nella tipo gr afia di agnano.composto in car attere dante monotype dalla accademia editoriale.

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