Mark e l Gude

India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow
Stephen Markel, Ph.D., is the curator and department head of South and Southeast Asian Art at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Project director for this publication and its accompanying exhibition, he has also curated numerous exhibitions and published widely on South Asian decorative art, sculpture, and painting.

Stephen Markel with Tushara Bindu Gude

is associate curator in the South and Southeast Asian Art department at LACMA and co-curator of the exhibition India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow. She received her Ph.D. in art history from the University of California, Los Angeles.
Tushara Bindu Gude


Muzaffar Alam

is George V. Bobrinskoy Professor in South Asian Languages and Civilizations at the University of Chicago.

is a professor in the department of art history at the University of Minnesota.
Catherine Asher

is a senior curator for South Asia at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
Rosemary Crill

is curator of the Royal Photograph Collection, United Kingdom.
Sophie Gordon

is an independent scholar specializing in the history of India from the eighteenth to the twentieth century.
rosie Llewellyn-Jones

teaches ethnomusicology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York.
Peter Manuel Carla Petievich ,

executive director of the Hoshyar Foundation, is professor emerita of history, Montclair State University, and visiting professor at the South Asia Institute, University of Texas. is a visual arts curator at the British Library.

India’s Fabled City

This is the first book to explore fully the opulent art and refined lifestyle of Lucknow, a cosmopolitan Indo-IslamicEuropean capital in northern India that flourished in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cultural successor to the resplendent Mughal Empire and fated to succumb to British imperial expansion, Lucknow was home to some of the most vibrant artistic expression of its time, encompassing an unusually wide range of mediums. The city fostered a rare intersection of South Asian and European traditions, as well as Persian and Islamic influences, and the court of the ruling nawabs was a showcase of sophisticated cultural diversity at its most magnificent. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow includes comprehensive introductory essays by Los Angeles County Museum of Art curators Stephen Markel and Tushara Bindu Gude, and contributions by nine additional scholars on multiple aspects of Lucknow’s cultural heritage. This beautifully designed volume features more than 250 sumptuous illustrations, including oil paintings, album paintings, illustrated historical and religious manuscripts, textiles and garments, photographs, and decorative art objects such as ornate metalwork, glassware, and jewelry. Period photographs provide an incredible architectural survey, and major essays cover the literary and musical cultures of Lucknow. A true feast for the senses and intellect, India’s Fabled City offers an illuminating account of a uniquely luxuriant and dynamic culture, which lives on today as an emblem of a lost past while serving as a cultural model and source of national pride.

India’s Fabled Cit y: The Art of courtly

Lucknow

Malini roy

Sanjay Subrahmanyam

is professor and Doshi Chair of Indian History at UCLA .

Los Angeles County Museum of Art DelMonico Books•Prestel Printed in China
www.prestel.com

^
Delmonico Pr e stel

Lucknow
front: 16. Back: 21.

The Art of Courtly

·

Mir Kalan Khan, Lovers in a Landscape (detail), c. 1760 –70 A Dancer Balances a Bottle, c. 1770

India’s Fabled Cit y

Lucknow

The Art of Courtly

1

India’s Fabled Cit y

Lucknow
Stephen Markel
with

The Art of Courtly

Tushara Bindu Gude

and contributions by Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam Catherine Asher rosemary Crill Sophie Gordon rosie Llewellyn-Jones Peter Manuel Carla Petievich Malini roy

Los Angeles County Museum of Art DelMonico Books • Prestel
Munich berlin London New York

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3

4 5 .

IV................com “A Sacred Interest”: The role of Photography in The “City of Mourning” Sophie Gordon ... 103 Lucknow’s Architectural Heritage Catherine Asher ...... Stephen. 2............................... CA 90036 lacma.....................D..... Ltd...................................264 Lenders to the Exhibition . NY 10003 Tel: 212 995 2720 Fax: 212 995 2733 E-mail: sales@prestel-usa.. a member of Verlagsgruppe Random House GmbH Prestel Verlag Königinstrasse 9 80539 Munich Germany Tel: 49 89 242908 300 Fax: 49 89 242908 335 E-mail: sales@prestel................. Additional support for the exhibition and book was provided by the Southern Asian Art Council... Lovers in a Landscape (detail)....... Rhodes and Leona B............. LACMA.....de Prestel Publishing Ltd................. 24 Lucknow and European Society Rosie Llewellyn-Jones ....................... China Jacket front: 16............. c........................... Art...... Title.......... 2010–February 27... 3......................... 1765–85 6 7 .... 4 Bloomsbury Place London WC1A 2QA United Kingdom Tel: 44 20 7323 5004 Fax: 44 20 7636 8004 Email: sales@ prestel-uk.............................. Los Angeles County Museum of Art All rights reserved.. 1810–20 Pages 4–5: 157.. ISBN 978-3-7913-5075-2 (hardcover) 1... Muzaffar.............. 12........262 Acknowledgments .................. Mir Kalan Khan.......... 243 Glossary.................................. 1760–65 Page 6: 156.de prestel...... Indic--India--Lucknow--Exhibitions.......... Tushara Bindu...... A Turkish Sultana (detail).............. 1780 Page 9: 118... Musée Guimet............ -.............................E.......... Mellon Foundation............. without written permission from the publisher........ Q... India’s fabled city : the art of courtly Lucknow / Stephen Markel ....... 14 India's Fabled City: Narratives of an Exhibition Tushara Bindu Gude . c...... c............... 2011....... 227 Music in Lucknow’s Gilded Age Peter Manuel .... Carpenter Foundation and the National Endowment for the Arts..... Musée Guimet (Paris.........]...... cm........... 2011 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Markel........... 6-July 11...... Robertson Proofreader: Dianne Woo Indexer: Kathleen Preciado Copublished by the Los Angeles County Museum of Art 5905 Wilshire Boulevard Los Angeles........... an imprint of Prestel Publishing Prestel......... N7308... 55 Hybrid Visions: The Cultural Landscape of Awadh Tushara Bindu Gude .250 Printing and binding: Toppan Printing Co.... or any other information storage and retrieval system or otherwise................... electronic or mechanical.. Suite 603 New York........ 165 Of Princes and Poets in Eighteenth-Century Lucknow Exhibition Itinerary: Los Angeles County Museum of Art December 12......... Art... Los Angeles County Museum of Art Head of Publications: Nola Butler Editor in Chief: Thomas Frick Editor: Joseph N.......54´207479494--dc22 2010027701 ISBN: 978-3-7913-5075-2 © 2010 Museum Associates...................... 69 Innovations Pious and Impious: Expressive culture in Nawabi Lucknow Carla Petievich .........................10 The Dynastic History of Lucknow Stephen Markel ........ 145 Origins of The Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh Malini Roy ......... III............................... Style of Mihr Chand.......268 Mir Kalan Khan........... 1760–70 A Dancer Balances a Bottle.............266 Index........................ 2010-Feb.. 1770 Page 2: 4........ which was organized by the Los Angeles County Museum of Art and supported in part by grants from the E.................. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means. 121 This book was published in conjunction with the exhibition India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow....................................... Jacket Back: 21... Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam. p.. Gude... Designer: Jin Son Supervising Photographer: Peter Brenner Production Manager: Karen Knapp Rights and Reproductions Coordinator: Cheryle T......8 Chronology ..................................... A Partridge and an Iris..... Los Angeles.Contents Foreword Michael Govan .............1st ed........ II....... Alam....... including photocopy............................... Indic--India--Oudh--Exhibitions.... France) V........................ Paris.. 2011 Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet..... Los Angeles County Museum of Art.... Newland.......................... Catalog issued in connection with an exhibition held Dec. Checklist of the Exhibition . 187 “This Blaze of Wealth and Magnificence”: The Luxury Arts of Lucknow Stephen Markel .co. Art and society--India-Oudh--Exhibitions...................... 27......... Women’s Dancing Party. Los Angeles County Museum of Art..........L83M37 2010 709...... 4............. Art and society--India--Lucknow--Exhibitions.......org and DelMonico Books.... recording................. with Tushara Bindu Gude and contributions by Muzaffar Alam . c...........uk Prestel Publishing 900 Broadway...... c....................... and Apr.....com prestel. [et al............ 199 Textiles and Dress in Lucknow in The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries Rosemary Crill ...252 Selected Bibliography ...... c.............................. Paris April 6–July 11..... I.... A Royal Lion Hunt at Allahabad........ 2011.................. The book was made possible in part by the Andrew W......

and courtiers migrated there in large numbers seeking security and patronage. European artists. We are proud that the Los Angeles County Museum of Art can be ranked at the forefront of world-class museums with the expertise essential for presenting the extraordinary artistic and cultural traditions of legendary Lucknow. and Images from a Changing World: Kalighat Paintings of Calcutta (1999). joined LACMA in 2006. and commercial and political agents were also soon lured to the region. The exhibition’s co-curator. As with most museum projects this ambitious in scope. the capital of the Mughal Empire’s province of Awadh. Lucknow rose in prominence to become a cultural epicenter. Associate Curator of South and Southeast Asian Art. discusses the development of its hybrid artistic traditions. including its renowned literature and music. military adventurers. Tushara Bindu Gude. and curatorial decisions regarding the structure and content of the exhibition publication. Romance of the Taj Mahal (1989 – 90). and was principally responsible Michael Govan CEO and Wallis Annenberg Director Los Angeles County Museum of Art 8 9 . In turn. and selecting potential contributors to the accompanying publication. drawings. Dr. seduced by tales of the wealth and largesse of its rulers and the beauty of the city. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow presents the full array of artworks associated with Lucknow. and explores cultural issues within the broader narrative of South Asian colonial history. Given the substantial range and diversity of the approximately two hundred works of art in the exhibition. Project director Stephen Markel. Gude fine-tuned the preliminary for devising the exhibition’s themes and organization. this beautifully illustrated volume of historical and media-based essays by leading international scholars covers a broad range of Lucknow’s distinctive humanities. prints. Accordingly. Indian artists. LACMA’s Harry and Yvonne Lenart Curator and Department Head of South and Southeast Asian Art.Foreword India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow is the first major international exhibition to focus exclusively on the vibrant artistic traditions and refined cosmopolitan culture of the northern Indian city of Lucknow. Dr. travelers. refining the exhibition concept through discussions with pertinent scholars. Dr. Markel realized that a multilayered interpretive approach to the material was required to do it justice. and photographs. Whereas the exhibition is primarily arranged thematically and chronologically. From the mid-eighteenth century until the establishment of formal British rule in India in 1858. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow required a long gestation period. In this way it has been possible to offer a more nuanced interpretation of Lucknow’s rich body of aesthetic achievements. developed the Lucknow exhibition over the course of several years by locating appropriate works of art in collections worldwide. A distinctive aesthetic vision developed in Lucknow as a result of the dynamic interaction between the Mughal courtly traditions and the diverse artistic imagery introduced by the city’s many multinational residents. selection of paintings. recommended additions. poets. the exhibition and its publication are designed to complement rather than duplicate each other. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow represents the culmination of a series of important exhibitions on later Indian art organized by LACMA’s Department of South and Southeast Asian Art: From Merchants to Emperors: British Artists and India 1757–1930 (1986 – 87). Markel selected the decorative art objects and was primarily responsible for loan negotiations. administrative matters.

1837–78 (serves as his tomb). Constructs Bara Imambara. 1736 – 47). Assembles extensive library and collection of technological rarities. who was Nawab to 1819. 1827–37 Reign of King Nasir Al-Din Haidar. thereafter King of Awadh. but he revives the declining Mughal aesthetic style to a refined level throughout the humanities. but frequently based in Lucknow as dictated by events. 10 11 . Major patron of Indian painting. 1847–56 Reign of King Wajid Ali Shah. (1741–1795) in Faizabad and Lucknow. and Jami Masjid. completed c. 1734 –70) probably migrates to Awadh during this period. mutual defense fund. French-born military officer in the English East India Company and Renaissance man who becomes the superintendent of the Lucknow Arsenal under Asaf al-Daula. Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk. pious rule. Desires but fails to restore the glory of the Mughal Empire. an Iranian Shia appointed by Muhammad Shah. Dilkusha Kothi. 1796 (serves as his tomb). Paris. Commissions several architectural projects. Rules Awadh from Faizabad. Constructs only a few structures. Constructs numerous edifices.Chronology Compiled by Stephen Markel 1759–1806 Reign of Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II. 1760 – 63) defeated by greatly outnumbered forces of the English East India Company. 1832 – 40. Shah Alam II. c. Precipitates first of four migration waves of poets. 1764 Battle of Buxar (Baksar). 1786 – 91. governor-general of India (1798 –1805). 1797–98 Rule of Nawab Wazir Ali Khan. Designs and constructs town house Lakh-i Pera. c. 1556 –1605) establishes province (suba) of Awadh. Important painter Mir Kalan Khan (fl. Designs royal regalia for Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coronation in 1819. and atlases. he continues to favor Lucknow as his primary residence until signing Treaty of Allahabad in 1765. Constructs Sibtainabad Imambara (also known as Chota Imambara. when he shifts the Awadh capital back to Faizabad and begins extensive building program. First British landscape and architectural artist to visit Awadh. Serves as Lucknow. Formally resides in permanent family home in Delhi (palace built by Mughal Prince Dara Shikoh [1615 –1659]). 1739–54 Rule of Nawab Safdar Jang. 1803 (primary residence of nawabs until completion of Qaisar Bagh in 1852). French military officer in Compagnie des Indes Orientales employed by Shuja al-Daula. 1848 – 52. Creates portraits of the nawab and family that inspire numerous copies. Important patron of Indian painting. 1771–72 English artist Tilly Kettle (1735 –1786) engaged by Shuja al-Daula in Faizabad. 1754–75 Rule of Nawab Shuja al-Daula. c. Brief. He defeats the shaikhzadas of Lucknow. and intellectuals to Faizabad and Lucknow in Awadh. 1719–48 Reign of Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah. whose collection items survive in Paris and London libraries. principally the Qaisar Bagh Palace complex. and country house Constantia (La Martinière). 1784–88 (intermittently) German neoclassical painter Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810) active in Lucknow. Constructs Shah Najaf Imambara (serves as his tomb and that of three wives). principally the royal observatory. 1845 (completed by his widow). and substantial war restitution. 1837–42 Reign of King Muhammad Ali Shah. High period of nawabi art and culture. Great patron of the arts. 1773–76 and 1780–88 Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier 1857–58 Great Uprising (also known as the Sepoy Mutiny or Rebellion and as the First War of Indian Independence). Serves only four months before being deposed for his violent anti-British views. and the nawab of Bengal Mir Qasim (r. Wajid Ali Shah exiled to Calcutta. 1805 (designed by Gore Ouseley). (1753 –1807) in Lucknow. 1739 Delhi sacked by Iranian King Nadir Shah Awadh. Serves in Lucknow first as the deputy governor responsible for the western provinces of Awadh. Scandalous reputation. photograph the sites of important events during the Uprising in order to memorialize British heroism. 1783 William Hodges (1744 –1797) in Faizabad and 1774) restores Shuja al-Daula to power in exchange for trade concessions. Residents responsible for political and financial decisions of court. c. appointed to Awadh court in Faizabad (serves intermittently to 1782). manuscripts. 1801 Richard Colley Wellesley. 1858 Local minor rajas and taluqdars (wealthy Muslim and Hindu landowners and landlords) assume nawabs’ former role as patrons of the arts in Lucknow. 1722–39 Rule of first nawab (governor) of c. including Husainabad Imambara. Short and ineffectual rule. 1773 First British Resident Nathaniel Middleton (r. Combined armies of Shuja al-Daula. 1814–27 Rule and reign of Ghazi al-Din Haidar. whose collection survives in London. Establishes dominance of the Company. His long reign suffers numerous attacks culminating in the sack of Delhi in 1739 and the disintegration of the Mughal Empire. 1580 Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. 1759 – 86). and Lal Barahdari (darbar hall later converted to coronation hall and throne room for Ghazi al-Din Haidar). 1858 Felice Beato (1832 –1909) arrives in Lucknow to Constructs Chattar Manzil. 1765 Treaty of Allahabad. 1780–82 British civil servant Richard Johnson 1814–37 Robert Home (1752 –1834) serves as court artist at Lucknow. Period of violent revolt against British colonial rule in northern and central India. Long but impotent reign. Franco-Swiss military officer and engineer in the English East India Company. including extant gateway Rumi Darwaza. Distinguished military officer and able administrator. Establishes studio headed by preeminent artist Mihr Chand (fl. 1775–97 Rule of Nawab Asaf al-Daula. 1842–47 Reign of King Amjad Ali Shah. Returns Awadh capital to Lucknow. c. and Daulat Khana. serves as his tomb). nawab authority confined to administrative and personnel matters. 1781. and London. forces Saadat Ali Khan to cede half of Awadh’s territory and its revenue to permanent British control. Numerous Residents serve until annexation of Awadh in 1856. Major patron of Indian painting and manuscripts whose collection items survive primarily in Berlin. which is forcefully repressed. 1789. artists. After becoming nawab. 1798–1814 Rule of Nawab Saadat Ali Khan. 1748–54 Reign of Mughal Emperor Ahmad Shah. prime minister (wazir) of the Mughal Empire. 1856 Awadh annexed by the English East India Company. c. 1763–75 Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Gentil (1726 –1799) in Faizabad. Serves as prime minister of the Mughal Empire. Lord Robert Clive (1725 – 1775–1800 Major General Claude Martin (1735– 1800) in Lucknow. where he continues as a patron of music and poetry until his death in 1887. and establishes nawabi dynasty. rules from temporary capital at Faizabad. During his long rule an independent style of art and culture develops in Awadh.

And after this there is morning, a new dawn, Majaz, The twilight of Lucknow’s sorrows fades with us.

Note to the Reader Published on the occasion of the exhibition of the same name, this book provides the general reader and scholarly audiences with a historical overview and interpretive discussions of the works of art featured in India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow. The checklist in the back of the book provides full caption information on the objects exhibited. It is organized by the exhibition’s themes, and checklist items are numbered consecutively. These numbers are used in page references as well as in the abbreviated checklist captions to allow for easy cross-reference. Figures, separately numbered consecutively throughout the book, are comparative, nonchecklist illustrations; full caption information for these is provided with the images. The checklist is complete and accurate as of July 28, 2010. Indian words and names have been rendered in the roman alphabet using various conventions, all with an eye toward simplicity. Preference has been given to phonetic spellings and versions familiar to English-language readers, such as the Anglicized “Lucknow” rather than the more accurate “Lakhna’u” or “Lakhnau.” Diacritical marks have not been used. When dates are given in the Islamic calendar, they are preceded by AH; as these refer to lunar years, a slash may be used to indicate ambiguity in stating their solar/CE equivalent. Dimensions given generally follow the order height x width x depth. Occasional variants include: length (l) x width (w), and height (h) x diameter (diam.).

Asrar al-Haq Majaz (1911–1955)

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The Dynastic History of Lucknow
Stephen Markel

RiveRs of wealth flowed, Riches Rained down fRom the sky . . . theRe was a pRolifeRation of pleasuRe-seeking, an excess of mateRial wealth. 1

This evocative characterization of the abundance enjoyed in the northern Indian city of Lucknow during its majestic heyday in the mid-eighteenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries epitomizes its popular conception in the minds of Indians and Europeans alike. It is also the key to understanding the motivation of myriad immigrants of diverse occupations and nationalities who came to Lucknow seeking their fortunes and often fame or power. While the story of the region’s origins begins in ancient religious lore, the later history of Lucknow relevant here began in 1580, when the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. 1556 –
1605) established the administrative province of Awadh (also known in literature by its

Sanskritized name, Avadh, and by its Anglicized forms, Oudh or Oude). Prosperous from its bountiful agriculture, Lucknow remained an otherwise unremarkable provincial capital and commercial center until political events in the Mughal capital of Delhi engendered several waves of migration to the safety and affluence of Awadh. The first exodus from Delhi was precipitated by its sack in 1739 by the Iranian ruler Nadir Shah (r. 1736 –
47). During the second half of the eighteenth century Delhi was also invaded by the

Sikhs, the Marathas, and the Afghan Rohillas, all of whose raids contributed to further instability in the imperial capital. A second and a third surge of immigrants to Awadh occurred during the rules of the nawabs (governors) Shuja al-Daula (r. 1754 –75) and Asaf al-Daula (r. 1775 – 97), respectively. A fourth influx to Lucknow followed the occupation of Delhi in 1803 by British troops and their assumption of political control over the weakened Mughal Empire. As a result of the emigration of many of Delhi’s leading cultural luminaries and intelligentsia to the blossoming court of Awadh, the region experienced a rapid rise to eminence. Constrained geographically, militarily, and politically by the growing hegemony of the English East India Company, Awadh’s rulers ultimately turned to artistic pursuits rather than territorial acquisition to assert their dynastic ambitions. The riches and political importance of Awadh lured supplicants from near and far who joined the nawabs and court elite in the cultural ferment. Local minor rajas and wealthy landholders frequently sought to curry favor from the nawabs. Numerous British and Continental visitors, many of whom became long-term residents, were also attracted to Awadh in hopes of profit for both their companies and themselves.

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MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow

Lucknow’s hereditary dynasty began in 1722 when an Iranian Shia Muslim noble named Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk (r. 1722–39) was appointed the nawab of Awadh by the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah (r. 1719–48). Although nominally in charge of the region, Saadat Khan still had to conquer the local land barons who ruled Lucknow, the shaikhzadas, in order to begin his governorship. Through able as well as devious administration Saadat Khan consolidated his control over Awadh and secured his political base and increasing autonomy. In 1739 Saadat Khan conspired with Nadir Shah to conquer Delhi but died immediately before the attack, reportedly by suicide. Saadat Khan’s
2

Mir Qasim (r. 1760–63), were decisively defeated at the Battle of Buxar (Baksar) in Bihar, in eastern India, by the greatly outnumbered British forces led by Major Hector Munro (1726–1805). Shuja al-Daula shrewdly threw himself upon the mercy of Lord Robert Clive (1725–1774), who, unwilling to take over the administration of the vast realms of those defeated and wanting a buffer zone against the Marathas and the remaining Mughal Empire, restored Shuja al-Daula to power in Awadh through the Treaty of Allahabad in 1765, this in exchange for duty-free trade concessions throughout eastern India and parts of present-day Bangladesh, a mutual defense alliance funded by Awadh, and a substantial war restitution of five million rupees.4 On his return to Lucknow, Shuja al-Daula curtailed his military aggression and relocated his capital to Faizabad. He developed Faizabad into an important cultural center and erected luxurious palaces and lush gardens,5 but it served as Awadh’s capital for only another decade, until Shuja al-Daula’s death in 1775. Shuja al-Daula’s son and successor, Asaf al-Daula, returned the capital to Lucknow
1. Tilly Kettle, Shuja al-Daula, Nawab of Awadh, Holding a Bow, 1772

nephew and son-in-law Safdar Jang (r. 1739–54) was then appointed the governor of Awadh by Muhammad Shah. After Safdar Jang repulsed several military incursions, he was rewarded by being promoted to wazir (chief minister) of the Mughal Empire. During Safdar Jang’s long rule, Awadh enjoyed a lasting peace that enabled the development of an independent style of art and culture. Both Saadat Khan and Safdar Jang regarded Delhi as their permanent family home. Consequently, they ruled Awadh from temporary quarters in a fort at Faizabad, approximately ninety miles east of Lucknow. The early nawabs and their officers often traveled back and forth between Faizabad and Lucknow, residing in the city where current events

soon after his accession, reportedly to establish his independence and escape the interference of his mother, the powerful widow of Shuja al-Daula, Bahu Begam.6 It was during the rule of Asaf al-Daula that the artistic glories of Lucknow and the Awadh dynasty truly began to flourish. Asaf al-Daula reveled in a life of courtly splendor and strove to surpass his rival potentates, the Nizam Ali Khan of Hyderabad (r. 1762–1803) and Tipu Sultan of Mysore (r. 1783–99).7 He spent lavish sums on the luxuries of royalty and built imposing palatial and religious architecture to proclaim the magnificence of his dynasty. Grand palaces, mosques, and mausoleums were erected, inspired by the architectural marvels of the great Mughals but given a European flavor through hybrid flourishes and embellishment on the interior with numerous European glass chandeliers. Asaf al-Daula and the nawabs of Lucknow also commissioned special halls called imambaras in honor of Shia religious leaders (imams) for use in the Shia observance of Muharram.8 The significance of the reigns of Shuja al-Daula and Asaf al-Daula cannot be understated. Shuja al-Daula and his primary wife, Bahu Begam, cultivated a vibrant, urbane culture for the Awadh court at Faizabad. Asaf

dictated their attention. Faizabad was closer to the eastern provinces of Awadh, whereas Lucknow was centrally located and also functioned more readily as the base of operations for activities in the western provinces. Thus, the two cities of Faizabad and Lucknow served as alternating seats of nawabi power and presence.
3

When Safdar Jang died in 1754, he was succeeded by his son Shuja al-Daula as the nawab of Awadh. Shuja al-Daula had been living in Lucknow in his capacity as the deputy governor responsible for the western provinces of Awadh, and after becoming nawab, he continued to favor Lucknow as his primary residence. Like his father, Shuja al-Daula also served valiantly and skillfully at the Mughal court, and eventually was appointed wazir under Shah Alam II (r. 1759–1806). The course of Lucknow’s history changed dramatically in 1764. In what proved a futile attempt to curb the growing power of the English East India Company,
14. Muhammad Shah and Nadir Shah, c. 1740 Pages 14–15: 2. Muhammad Azam, Nasir al-din Haidar , c. 1830

the combined but ineffectual armies of Shuja al-Daula, Shah Alam II, and the recently deposed nawab of Bengal,

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MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow

c. which in turn defined the stylistic identity for much of the dynasty’s future artistic achievement. the English East India Company (“the Company”) quickly demanded and was accorded far greater political and economic control over the Lucknow court. After the death of Asaf al-Daula in 1797.al-Daula.9 poets. when the succeeding governor-general (from 1798 to 1805). Asaf al-Daula’s chosen successor was his adopted son. Ghazi al-Din Haidar. Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coronation was an exceedingly lavish affair. The long-term practical effect of the collusion was that Ghazi al-Din Haidar and his reigning descendants became entrenched in financial and political obligations that would help lead to the complete annexation of Awadh in 1856. who in 1819 was officially crowned king of Awadh. but the crown and sumptuous garments of his imperial regalia were designed in a 36. Ghazi al-Din Haidar proudly proclaimed the fulfillment of the Awadh dynasty’s imperial aspirations. and he commissioned numerous country homes and a palace complex built in an imposing hybrid architectural style.10 musicians. singers. Wazir Ali Khan (r. Ghazi al-din Haidar .15 Another major chapter in Lucknow’s history opened with the accession in 1814 of Saadat Ali Khan’s son. 1797–98).14 Despite Saadat Ali Khan’s enfeebling loss of half his domain and virtually all his political power—or some might say because of his great loss—he proved a remarkable builder who transformed Lucknow’s urban landscape. and dancers 11 but also enticed many Britons and Europeans into long-term residences while they served at court in various military or advisory capacities. He had a broad thoroughfare constructed for European visitors so they would not have to transverse Lucknow’s notorious crowded lanes. The prosperity and patronage of their courts not only attracted numerous Indian painters. Further concessions were imposed in 1801. They in turn attracted various European artists to Awadh 13 who not only produced numerous portraits and other works in western styles but also helped stimulate a dynamic cross-cultural interaction in the arts and architecture. who was then Indian governor-general (1813–22). but he ruled for a mere four tumultuous months before being deposed for his violent anti-British views by Sir John Shore. Shore installed Asaf al-Daula’s young half-brother Saadat Ali Khan (r.16 In casting off the nominal yoke of Mughal subjugation to assert his sovereignty. he ruled until 1827. 1798–1814) as the new puppet nawab of Lucknow and forced him to sign a succession settlement ceding control of the Allahabad Fort and committing to a substantial annual subsidy to the British. modeled in ceremony and symbolic accoutrements upon Mughal empowerment rituals. Richard Colley Wellesley. Muhammad Azam. Lord Mornington and 1st Marquis of Wellesley. 1830 18 19 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow . The two nawabs also enabled Awadh to become a fertile environment for the arts. These expatriates 12 are significant in the present context because some of them became active collectors and patrons of the arts. 1st Marquess of Hastings. His assumption of an independent throne was aggressively promoted on behalf of the Company by Francis Rawdon-Hastings. nonetheless was responsible for fostering a sophisticated aesthetic vision for the Awadh court at Lucknow. especially of Indian painting. though neither praised during his life nor remembered by historians for any momentous political accomplishments. and eventually to the establishment of formal British rule over India. the governor-general of India (1793–97). forced Saadat Ali Khan to surrender even more political author- ity and to cede half of Awadh’s territory and the considerable revenue derived from it to permanent British control.

especially after the widespread retaliatory destruction in 1858 following the Great Uprising of 1857 (also known as the Sepoy Mutiny or Rebellion and the First War of Indian Independence). 179. Finally. pearls. Ghazi al-Din Haidar was free to patronize literature and poetry. Lucknow became a “must see” stop on tourist itineraries for European and Indians alike (although the emotional connotations of the sites visited certainly differed for the two groups). a tragic struggle for succession ensued. especially the six-month siege of the Residency. he was a devoted practitioner and patron of the arts. Fig. c. many of whom aspired to become gentry (179). Muhammad Ali Shah was followed briefly by his pious son Amjad Ali Shah (r. which serves as his mausoleum. from An IllustRated HistoRical Album of the Rajas and TaluQdaRs of Oudh. 1827–37). diamonds. After less than a decade of Wajid Ali Shah’s reign. 6 9⁄16 x 12 1⁄2 in. in 1856 Awadh was annexed by the English East India Company and the former king was banished to Calcutta (Kolkata). gold. continued in Lucknow well into the early twentieth century. Ghazi al-Din Haidar was succeeded by his son Nasir al-Din Haidar (r. Accordingly. 20 21 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow .21 ests of the Company. dance. and lived. p. Ghazi al-Din 19 Popular genre paintings and stock photographs were also presumably available. muted. and in scholarly publications and exhibitions such as India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow. including a walled garden for his wife Sikander Begam.8 x 32 cm). including the grand Husainabad Imambara. 1837–42) was finally installed by the British as the new king of Awadh and promptly set about restoring an effective administration and constructing numerous edifices. In consequence perhaps. The Royal Collection Three primary sources of artistic sponsorship developed to fill the void left by the forced departure of Awadh’s ruler and court.20 hybrid European style by his English court artist Robert Home (1752–1834). parts of the Moti Mahal complex. who was succeeded by his son Wajid Ali Shah (r. The principal new arts patrons were the local minor rajas and taluqdars. and cotton. He built only a few structures. Wajid Ali Shah inherited a kingship that was virtually bereft of political power. he had little actual political power under the controlling oversight of the British Resident. and jewelry. the aesthetic legacy of Lucknow lives on in the arts and crafts being produced there today. Many notable compositions were created during his reign.22 Although but a shadow of its former resplendence. and the Shah Najaf Imambara. a class of wealthy Muslim and Hindu landowners and landlords. and in arts such as music and poetry. velvet. Although the aesthetic glories of Lucknow declined sharply at this time.His most magnificent monument was the Qaisar Bagh. Because of the widespread renown of the cataclysmic events of 1857–58. 1880 Haidar’s brother Muhammad Ali Shah (r. it is not unlikely that some of the craftsmen who produced the nawabi and subsequently royal architecture of Lucknow were hired to build the many Hindu and Jain temples of Awadh that were commissioned by the wealthy Hindu nobles at court or by the city’s rich Jain jewelers and merchants. Darogah Abbas Ali. probably Lucknow. in which he is entombed. With limited governmental responsibilities. however.17 Although Ghazi al-Din Haidar expended considerable effort and expense in proclaiming his newfound kingly status. He also commissioned a number of architectural projects. including issuing appropriately aggrandizing coinage and commemorative medals. India. 22). Uttar Pradesh. enamels. as well as commission various monuments. When he died childless after being poisoned in 1837. in exile until his death in 1887. but is chiefly remembered for his dalliances and avoidance of administrative responsibility. principally the royal observatory. who was responsible for promoting the commercial inter18 A lucrative commercial market functioned as a second form of new patronage for the artists of Lucknow. sophisticated artistic expression in the media of painting. CRown PResented to EdwaRd VII when PRince of Wales by the TaluQdaRs of Awadh. emeralds. 1875. a thriving trade in Lucknow’s famed silver metalware and jewelry sprang up in the city’s main market (182. in cinema and music extolling Lucknow’s once suave sophistication. including the Chota Chattar Manzil. and poetry. especially music. (16. where he continued to patronize music and poetry. metalware. 1842–47). 1. an enormous palatial complex built between 1848 and 1852. 1847–56).

Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava. 1771 to 1772. 1765 –75. 22 . trans. Barnett. 15. figs. CO: Westview Press. Even though from this point onward the sovereigns of Awadh technically reigned as kings rather than ruled as governors. Under their rule. The Making of Colonial Lucknow. Ph. 47. 1942). and Mir Ghulam Hasan (c. especially “Origin and Growth of Ta’alluqadari Tenures in Awadh. and George Chinnery (1774 –1854). 1979). Especially Mirza Rafi’ “Sauda” (1713 –1780). 1984). 21. Studies in the Anatomy of a Transformation: Awadh from Mughal to Colonial Rule (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House. 235 – 36. 1998). 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. S. 105. 19. Francesco Renaldi (1755 –c. 1945). Lucknow became the leading center of Shia learning in India and one of the greatest in the vast Islamic world. Landlords. Ewer with Coriander Flower Pattern. 1764 –1858. until they determined virtually all governmental matters (apart from purely administrative decisions) and rivaled the nawabs in prestige and even pomp. 1735–75). Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. Abdul Halim Sharar. 2006). 1734 –70). Most notably Major General Claude Martin (1735 –1800). In strictly chronological terms. who was engaged by Shuja al-Daula in Faizabad from c. 38. p. 20. A Clash of Cultures: Awadh.” Modern Asian Studies 24:3 (1990): 419 – 58. Wynyard R. and the British Raj: Northern India in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Lucknow. the British. the Lucknow nawabs were Shia. 7. 4. 1790 –1795). 6. 1976). 11 . Faizabad. Vol. “The Resident in Court Ritual. 9. diss. Fisher. Munich: Prestel. Land. 10. especially “The Taluqdari Style of Life: A Leisured Aristocracy. 2. 1775 –onward. 1999). Whereas the Mughal emperors were Sunni Muslims. Shuja-ud-Daulah. Robert Home (1752 –1834). E.D. quoted in Carla Petievich. Such as Ghulam Rasool and his son Ghulam Nabi Shori “Shori Miyan” (fl. the grandson of the Prophet. and the Mughals (New Delhi: Mahohar.. Originally intended to advise the court on foreign and economic policies. The First Two Nawabs of Awadh. 18. c. the British. Left: 182. 3. Talwar Oldenburg. and Jean-Baptiste-Joseph Gentil (1726 – 1799).. Muhammad Taqi “Mir” (1722 –1810). Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava. and Mihr Chand (fl. see Thomas R. 170 – 89. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (1975. 1856–1877 (Princeton: Princeton University Press.” 157–76. Muharram commemorates the Battle of Karbala in 680 and the massacre of the third Imam. Metcalf. Richard E.” 341–75. 570 – 632). c. ed. 1765–1775 (Lahore: Minerva Book Shop. c. 2nd ed. and Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri. R. 93 –110. 12 . See Fisher. British Residents. 2.1. 45 – 47. Boulder. Michael H. Neeta Das. Later notable European artists who worked in Lucknow for part of their careers included Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). pp. The Shias differ from the more numerous Sunnis in that they consider an alternate historical line of religious leaders as the true followers of the Prophet Muhammad (c. Assembly of Rivals: Delhi. and the British. 17. 1735 –1786). the capital of Awadh was as follows: Faizabad. 1987). Wilkinson. Thomas Daniell (1749 –1840) and William Daniell (1769 –1837). whose death helped foster a severe sectarian split within Islam. the “nawabi period” is generally defined as continuing until the annexation of Awadh in 1856. A Clash of Cultures. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (New York: Alkazi Collection of Photography. 1860 22 23 MaRkel : The Dynastic HistoRy of Lucknow . 1600 –1900. Wilkinson. Nidha Mal (fl. Aligarh Muslim University. 1955. T. 1992). and Michael H. Abul Lais Siddiqi. “The ‘Country Houses’ of Lucknow. 16. Lucknow. A Clash of Cultures. 1799). 13. North India Between Empires: Awadh. Lakhna’u ka Dabistan-i Sha’iri (Lahore: Urdu Markaz. the Residents’ authority increased over time. Veena 21 . Lucknow. See Catherine Asher’s essay in this volume. William Hodges (1744 –1797). North India Between Empires. Colonel AntoineLouis Henri Polier (1741–1795). Fisher. c. For historical studies of the taluqdars. (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. 1754 – 65. T. Shias also do not ascribe to the authority of the Sunna.” in Lucknow: City of Illusion. 1722 – 54. Including Mir Kalan Khan (fl. 48 – 49. “The Imperial Coronation of 1819: Awadh. and Michael H.” Modern Asian Studies 19:2 (1985): 239 –77. c. 5. 8.” 73 – 81. 70. 56 – 58. Barnett. who functioned as the English East India Company’s political agents in situ. Indian Silver 1858–1947: Silver from the Indian Sub-Continent and Burma Made by Local Craftsmen in Western Forms (London: W. 215 – 43. 126. and the Mughals. See Fisher. were first posted at the Awadh court during the rule of Shuja al-Daula. Husain. 120 – 41. Sharar. and “The Land Controlling Classes in Awadh—A Study of Changes in Their Composition. Lucknow and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. 1759 – 86). 1954). The earliest and best known of the British artists was Tilly Kettle (1735 –1786). and ed. the Mughals. 14. Fisher. a supplement to the Quran concerned with Islamic law. 1980).

while paintings. and practices. rather than duplicate.India’s Fabled City: Narratives of an Exhibition Tushara Bindu Gude And after this there is morning. Asrar al-Haq Majaz (1911–1955) 1 The visual culture of Awadh. The region’s cosmopolitan culture and its complex political. The “fabled” city that is the focus of this investigation was known for many extraordinary things. traditional courtly paintings. and cultural histories—as many of the essays in this volume make clear—prevent any easy or simplistic approach to the presentation of its arts. its various essays—many of which are focused on particular media—are intended to complement. and textiles. encompassing subjects that have never before been the focus of a major museum exhibition. In order to do justice to these complexities. a new dawn. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow examines the full range of artistic traditions associated with the region of Awadh. prints. as well as present the visual material in a manner that is at once comprehensible to a general audience. encompassed a rich variety of artistic forms. While such issues are also addressed in this publication. including the richness of its Urdu poetry. the exhibition is organized along several intersecting narrative lines that allow for a consideration of stylistic developments in Awadh’s arts as well as related issues of identity. and nostalgia. memory. the organization and emphases of the exhibition. later. These were reflected in architecture. and of interest to both. The twilight of Lucknow’s sorrows fades with us. The region and its arts were thus refracted through many diverse lenses which are considered throughout this exhibition. Majaz. and. from the time of its emergence as an independent nawabi state in the mid-eighteenth century through the aftermath of the Uprising in the midnineteenth century. social. of value to a scholarly one. styles. Many such artworks circulated far beyond the political boundaries of the kingdom. and photographs by Indian and European artists working for elite patrons in the region. portraits. hybridity. An extraordinarily sophisticated and ethnically diverse community flourished in the Awadhi capitals of Faizabad and Lucknow during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. decorative arts. colonialism. Varied collections were taken to England and Europe by travelers and by officials and merchants of the various East India Companies. While such poetry was but one 24 25 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . photographs of Lucknow exposed the city to distant eyes. as well as landscapes.

heartbreak. . How should I describe the grandeur of the fort? The mountain seems to droop on seeing its height. and legacy. the multifaceted expressions contained in the region’s poetry provide apt metaphors for the ambiguous and complex political and social relationships which shaped Lucknow’s history and culture. That it seems the bricks have turned into marble. 2 How to tell you about the extent of the city? It is like Isfahan. Faizabad and then Lucknow had eclipsed Delhi to become the cultural center of northern India. appears to have modeled the city in Sihr al22. Its whiteness. as good as half the world. such an important feature of Lucknow’s culture. of their beloved native city.” describes Awadh’s relationships to Mughal Delhi. migrated to Lucknow in 1782 and wrote nostalgically of what he perceived to be his forced estrangement from Delhi: Far better than Lucknow were the ruins of Delhi: Would that I had died back there than let my madness lead me here!3 A little more than seventy years later. suggesting the multiple perspectives that informed Lucknow’s history. the story of the city—a place that promised the fulfillment of desire and fantasy—reverberates remarkably with the imagery of many Urdu verses extolling the seductive allure of one’s beloved. From the mid-eighteenth century until the establishment of formal British rule in India in 1858. furthermore.5 Whether we are referring then to Lucknow’s South Asian and Persian residents and immigrants or to European. c. My house is becoming foreign to me. and courtiers flocked to Awadh as Delhi suffered a long period of unrest that began with Nadir Shah’s sack and plunder of the imperial Mughal capital in 1739. expatriates and travelers. Other Delhi4 bred poets. his famous 1784 – 85 masnavi. anguish. wonderful to look at. thus provides India’s Fabled City with an evocative narrative structure against which the history of the region and its arts are anchored.facet of Lucknow’s elegant literary culture. Mir Hasan (1727–1787). Artists. Wajid Ali Shah poignantly couched his forced departure from the beloved city of his birth in terms of loss and death. The exhibition’s first main section. the last king of Awadh. . . flowering. 1820 Bayan (The Mirror of Eloquence).6 Utilizing imagery recalling a new bride’s farewell to her parental home or the raising of a corpse upon a funeral bier. is such. for instance. Layla and Majnun. Much of this poetry. The introduction to the exhibition is titled “Hybrid Visions” and consists of a few key artworks. especially British. dating from the mid-eighteenth through the midnineteenth centuries. Luxury and splendour always flourished there. addresses love’s attendant sorrows so that disappointment. and cruelty are also among its subjects. came to appreciate the particular charms of the Awadhi capital. Several eighteenth-century Mughal and Awadhi paintings document the manner in which the region’s cultural preeminence was initially built upon the dissolution of the imperial capital and the Several of Mir’s younger contemporaries shared his view that Lucknow could never rival the magnificence. culture. poets. One of these poets. after Lucknow itself: 26 27 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition .7 Poetry. 1775 Pages 24–25: 56. Wajid Ali Shah—a renowned poet who wrote under the name Akhtar—expressed his exile from Awadh in the following words: Father. PRocession of Ghazi al-Din Haidar thRough the StReets of Lucknow (detail). cultural or otherwise. c. and KhusRau and ShiRin. The palace here was the abode of light. and destruction following the 1857 Uprising. Four bearers are lifting my palanquin. That memories of cities themselves could inform poems of great eloquence is suggested by several verses that bracket the history of Lucknow from the time of its emergence as a North Indian cultural capital to its 1856 annexation by the English East India Company. “The Nawabs of Awadhas Sovereigns and Heirs to Mughal Glory. however. which are crucial for understanding both the sources of the region’s various artistic traditions and the forms through which the nawabs expressed their sovereignty well into the nineteenth century. Some segments of the exhibition are organized chronologically in order to chart—against this poetic narrative—Lucknow’s cultural emergence. I am leaving my home. Muhammad Taqi “Mir” (1722 –1810).

26. 35. The next three areas of the exhibition explore various thematic subjects through which the development of the Awadhi style is assessed.” where they collectively present a vision of the landscape. In certain ways. watercolors. these Awadhi copies are juxtaposed here in order to examine their differing approaches to the depiction of the built environment and their underlying sensibilities. 239. p. for instance. 4. “The Nawabs of Awadh as Patrons. The first of these. early 17th century p. 13. here it is explored in relation to more traditional manners of depiction. These sections also examine the nature of artistic and cultural interaction at Lucknow in the years before the Uprising. 30). 23. and spent a year in Faizabad in about 1771–72. p. and prints in the fourth section. The various styles of these buildings reflect the multiple sources—Mughal. and European—that were brought to bear upon the region’s to Faizullah. architecture. They join drawings. p. p. 31). Several of his portraits were copied by Indian artists. and other sights of Awadh (34. and courtly decorative arts. 23). p. Although European-style portraiture was thus a significant feature of Awadh’s artistic history. 34). Attributed Because the bulk of the surviving visual documentation for Lucknow’s architecture consists of late-nineteenthcentury photographs. indigenous. 1765 p. PoRtRait of a EuRopean Woman. as were other works by subsequent European painters at Awadh (1. 154. 17. particularly in portraiture. c. p. Awadh’s rulers articulated a continuum between the Mughals’ and their own rule through the collecting of imperial manuscripts and the adoption of other Mughal prerogatives. several examples are brought together to illustrate the city’s major religious and secular monuments. Indian and European works of art especially 28 29 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . 31. 178. architecture. the traditional approach of Indian artists—as conveyed. Photographs by both Indian and European practitioners are featured in several sections of the exhibition. perhaps not surprising given the importance of poetry among Awadhi elites—were soon formulated in the kingdom (22. “The Allure of Faizabad and Lucknow. 180). in Jean-Baptiste Gentil’s Palais Indiennes—and the stylistic synthesis evident in later Indian panoramas and watercolors by artists such as Sita Ram (107.” presenting complementary and conflicting images of Lucknow.” consists primarily of portraits that serve to introduce Awadh’s rulers—from Shuja al-Daula to Wajid Ali Shah—as well as highlight their patronage of various artists who flocked to India in the late eighteenth century in the wake of significant political gains made by the East India Company. the topographic interest of amateur British military artists. which continued to find royal favor even after the advent of photography. of various paintings and prints can be seen to continue earlier artistic practices in which painters at the Mughal court assimilated and experimented with the styles and subject matter of European artworks (13. New styles as well as the innovative treatment of subject matter—as in composite illustrations of Persian and South Asian romances. The range of the latter is conveyed by the picturesque aesthetic of William Hodges and Thomas and William Daniell. Tilly Kettle was one of the first professional British artists to travel to India.emigration of imperially trained artists. 122. for instance. A Composite of Scenes fRom PeRsian LiteRatuRe Entitled “LoveRs and Beloved.

c. other observers noted the “squalid poverty” and “wretched habitations” of Lucknow’s “swarming population. the culture of colonialism and its effects on nineteenth-century assessments of Awadhi art and architecture inform its approach to some degree. and the towers of the fairy-city gleam in its midst. cupolas. Russell: A vision of palaces. the glittering crowds. and degraded dynasty” as the architects of the “fairy-city. make a confused and very dazzling picture. the whole bewildering mixture of Europe and Asia and the air of wealth which despite bad taste and inconsistency.9 4. A Turkish Sultana. minars. and others—regarding various realms of artistic activity—persisted well into the twentieth century. A similar range of styles can be seen in Lucknow’s decorative arts traditions.” 10 In contrast to these incredulous descriptions of Lucknow. Notions similar to those expressed by Lawrence. colonnades. . terraced roofs—all rising up amid a calm still ocean of the brightest verdure. . erected by a corrupt.13 While colonial political machinations are not the focus of this exhibition. Russell. long facades of fair perspective in pillar and column. the 11 Similar sentiments were echoed some years later in My Indian Mutiny Diary. half-grecian looking houses of several stories high with pillars. written by the Irish war correspondent William H. . Turrets and gilded spheres shine like constellations. and still the ocean spreads. and more brilliant. Spires of gold glitter in the sun.14 Rosie Llewellyn-Jones has noted that the most negative assessments of nawabi architecture were directed toward those buildings that were stylistically unique in either their particular presentation of disparate European architectural elements or their commingling of European and Both Lawrence’s and Russell’s observations reflect nineteenth-century orientalist constructions of India. several examples of which are gathered together in the fifth section of the exhibition. “Courtly Opulence in Awadh. fountains and cypress trees .12 The British decision to annex the province of Awadh was legitimized in large part by both official pronouncements and sensationalistic accounts of debauched nawabi rule.” The cumulative effect of Lucknow’s built environment was described with awe. There is a city more vast than Paris. 1810 –20 writing on Muslim India. domes and minarets. altogether comes nearer to anything I have seen to realize my early ideas of the Arabian Nights and Lala Rookh. as is evident in the former’s equation of Lucknow with the romanticized East—both in literary translation (One Thousand and One Nights) and in imagination (Thomas Moore’s 1817 poem Lalla Rookh)—as well as the latter’s mention of “a corrupt. and degraded dynasty? I confess I felt inclined to rub my eyes again and again. domes azure and golden. the long vistas or arches.8 lying before us. iron railing and balustrades (entirely foreign in this country). gardens. language of oriental despotism informed much British 30 31 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . slender pillars. by Honoria Lawrence in 1843: Gilded domes surmounted by the crescent—tall. lofty colonnades. . as it seems. GeneRal Claude MaRtin’s House Constantia Set in Its PaRk at Lucknow. Look for miles and miles away. . effete. Here the sight-worthiness of the place consists not in any one building but in the architectural groups. effete.107. verandas and windows. and some derision.” As is well known. 1814 –15 architecture. Is this a city in Oudh? Is this the capital of a semibarbarous race. Sita Ram. There is nothing mean or squalid to be seen. cages of wild beasts and brilliant birds.

Increasingly through the nineteenth century.2 cm). decorative objects. and the Frenchman Major General Claude Martin (105. 18 Europe. 230). the nawab’s minister Hasan Reza Khan. and scientific inventions. and decorative arts indicates some of the ways the nawabs proclaimed a sovereign identity—articulated over the course of their rule through the integration of Mughal. and these are examined in the sixth section of the exhibition. he left his two Indian wives behind. 1786. Lucknow which depicts a gathering at Polier’s home and hints at the various pursuits that must have engaged many like men in late-eighteenth-century India—the employment of Indian servants. Polier’s and Wombwell’s adoption of Indian dress and habits are portrayed 68. (61 x 76. Fig.16 Such relationships are not without a certain degree of controversy or ambiguity. individually in other paintings. Bibi of Colonel (Later Major-GeneRal) Claude MaRtin. European critics.22 His Enlightenment-era interests were also reflected in his vast collection of natural history specimens and drawings confusion that might have been occasioned by contradictory and shifting foreign attitudes to Lucknow’s hybrid arts recalls a verse by the Lucknow poet Khwajah Haidar Ali Atish (1777–1847): On the chess-board of love Where the heart Squares off against the Beloved I’m bewildered into checkmate. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). fig. Martin’s massive country mansion and tomb. 34. portraiture. 180. Polier fashioned himself socially as a European orientalist while privately he lived as a Mughal nobleman.19 Both Polier and Martin were highly cognizant of their own cultural identities within the increasingly Britishdominated arena where they amassed their great fortunes. p. mostly British. Uttar Pradesh. La Martinière College.20 Maya Jasanoff has noted the different ways in which Polier and Martin pursued wealth and prestige at Lucknow. 228). These two men appear together with Martin in yet another Zoffany painting. 1784 – 86. the Swiss-born military adventurer Colonel AntoineLouis Polier. p. the commissioning of European oil paintings. As Europeans became familiar with more traditional South Asian architecture. c. on the other hand. Lucknow. for it must have seemed to them that any action would bring British criticism from one quarter or another. 66. 2. and the collecting of Indian artworks.” 17 European engagement with the city was not always characterized by the harsh judgments that came to be heaped upon Lucknow. Iranian Shia. both wished to return. and European visual and cultural codes—other works suggest the ways that European émigrés to Lucknow styled their lives in similarly hybrid fashion. architecture. his primary interests lay in European artworks. to their native Although they were severely constrained politically through the course of the early nineteenth century. If the examination of early Awadhi painting traditions. When Polier finally departed Lucknow. and depraved moral characters. 35.South Asian traditions. is the European visual equivalent of the nawabs’ own architectural “excess. the perceived decadence of Awadh’s architecture came to be interpreted as a sign of its rulers’ self-centered. In the late eighteenth century especially. The 15 of estates. Llewellyn-Jones writes that it is perhaps “No wonder that the response of the last three nawabs was to withdraw into the more familiar world of Muslim culture. a remarkable degree of acculturation appears to have accompanied the interactions that took place in Lucknow between its Indian and European residents. Lucknow’s buildings also came to be compared unfavorably with the Mughal monuments of Delhi and Agra. p. many of which he also supplied to Nawab Asaf al-Daula. oil on canvas. p. the constructing and maintaining 32 33 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . One of the means through which both men effected their self-transformations was through the collecting of art. Fig. ultimately. Boulone. seeing miscegenation in the building styles with which they were most familiar—and thus readily able to criticize—never once considered the parallels between Western pastiches of oriental exotica and the nawabi refashioning of European architectural forms.” The households of Polier and Martin included their Indian wives and their Anglo-Indian children—as was the case for many. 2). “A Cosmopolitan Culture. men in India prior to the early-nineteenth-century hardening of colonial policies and attitudes toward Indian and European social and sexual interactions (Fig. India. by Indian artists (106. Company officials such as John Wombwell. Fishing with MaRtin’s Adopted Son James MaRtin. Martin. Fig 26. p. the commander of his bodyguard. Colonel John Mordaunt. 24 x 30 in. Constantia (or La Martinière).” The most famous record of this period is Johann Zoffany’s Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match. emulated the elevated status of a European aristocrat.21 While Martin acquired many Indian items. as is demonstrated by two of the middle sections of the exhibition. weak. in which a lively group of competitors and spectators includes Nawab Asaf al-Daula.

After Emily Eden. 1844 left: 121. c.116. c. A Female HeRmit with Two Ascetics befoRe a Hut. The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Cheetahs and Their CaRetakeRs. 1770 –76 Right: 150. 1765 –73 34 35 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . Mihr Chand. Venus. 1773 –76 top: 34. Nilgai. c. Mihr Chand. After Emily Eden. The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Dogs and Falcons with Their CaRetakeRs. 1844 bottom: 35. Mihr Chand.

conversely. indicate the broader market in which Lucknow paintings were circulating by the century’s end (158. 134. Clear artistic relationships between a few of their paintings suggest the elite and interconnected worlds of these late-eighteenthcentury orientalists (152. Raja Anand Dev and Raja DhRub Dev. 9). Ram Sahai. 39. A Game of Polo. Deccani. Patak Chand. 136). c. 1785 Right: 153. invested considerable energy in the acquisition of Persian and 121. 1770 136. c. Several folios from Polier’s various albums are included in the seventh section of the exhibition. 38). this selection particularly highlights the direct European patronage of Indian court artists. c. p. and Awadhi paintings (116. 153). 150. 118. p. A Game of Polo.” where they join paintings acquired by other visitors to Faizabad and Lucknow. whose eight years of service in India were spent largely in the South.23 Polier. Spoonbill. c. While such collections speak to colonialism’s role in both the dispersal of Indian royal collections and the formation of national European ones. 1st Duke of Wellington. 1780 36 37 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . Sanskrit manuscripts as well as Mughal. 159. 35. “European Patrons and Collectors. p. p. p.(110). Paintings that once belonged to Arthur Wellesley. 39) and Richard Johnson (133. 1770 110. such as Jean-Baptiste Gentil (141. left: 152. It is in this section that the distinctive painting styles of Awadhi artists—many known by name—are explored.

c. Mir Kalan Khan. 1800 Right: 159. 1760 bottom: 134. Shuja quli Khan and a Woman on a TeRRace. 1770 38 39 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . c. The LoveRs Elope. c. 1770 top: 141. c. A EuRopean PRincess.left: 158. Style of Mir Kalan Khan. A PRincess Watching a Maid Killing a Snake. ShiRin DiscoveRs the Body of FaRhad. c. 1800 133.

the Relief of Lucknow. 1864 left: 176. the only European artist present in India during the Uprising— indicate the ways in which the rebellion was memorialized in terms of masculine British above: 175.” Few paintings by British and European artists document the aggressions directed at the city or its pillage (175. 176). it had entered the British popular and artistic imagination. to the imagery of Urdu poetry. “The Great Uprising of 1857: European Visions.This world of activity at Lucknow was nearing its end by the time of Claude Martin’s death there in 1800. the British rapidly gained military and political ascendency in the region during the following years. once again. in contrived and illegal fashion. William Simpson. Thomas Jones Barker. Indian soldiers and their local supporters at Lucknow joined the spreading North Indian rebellion against the East India Company. 1857. 1859 40 41 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . such as Thomas Jones Barker’s 1859 history painting The Relief of Lucknow. View of the Qaisar Bagh in Lucknow. in 1857. 1861 oveRleaf: 171. William Simpson. We may evoke the potential threat of the situation in the late-eighteenth century through reference. One year later.25 Other works. the last king of Awadh. this is explored through photography and paintings in the eighth section of the exhibition. 1857—based on the sketches of Swedish artist Egron Lundgren. Having strategically inserted themselves at Awadh when Shuja al-Daula was nawab. By the time the rebellion was suppressed in 1858. and the opportunities for such intercultural explorations gradually ceased to exist. particularly those verses in which the beloved is cast in the role of a stealthy hunter: I worry about the nightingales Now that spring has come: The hunter pitches camp Right outside the garden.24 It would take many more years before the British finally deposed. the Shah Najaf.

42 43 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition .

According to one popular retelling of this episode.27 One of these. O Anis! There is also a revolution in Poesy’s kingdom. Frederick Goodall. performances. and two thousand of the mutineers were piled together in one gory mass as a monument of our vengeance.33 44 45 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . 1858 Bottom: 172. and.30 The role of British women in the racial estrangement and segregation between Indians and Europeans was considerable. but the shock of the Uprising itself would forever alter British racial attitudes and policy in South Asia. mostly British. 1859 – 62 left: 173. presents a later.31 The gulf that came to separate two increasingly distant worlds is evoked by the much earlier verses of Shaikh Qalandar Bakhsh Jurat (1748 –1810): Now you don’t let me throw myself down even on the dust of your street. their plights— underscored by fears of their sexual violation by Indian rebels—were also the subject of several Victorian-era paintings (173).29 The public appetite for stories of the Uprising and eventual British victory was fed by various photographers as well as by popular songs. 1859 – 62. pp. Kavanagh’s assuming the clothing of an “Oriental” allowed him to escape the besieged British Residency in November 1857 in order to guide Sir Colin Campbell’s relief forces into Lucknow. women were residing in various enclaves of northern India by the mid-nineteenth century. O Heavens? For what rapture has Time exacted this revenge? Not only has a class of Lucknow been toppled. which in 1858 was ruined and bereft of its rulers: The leaf of the World’s Book has overturned in an instant. maddened with resistance and the memory of Cawnpore. large parts of Lucknow were razed. 42–43). Caught in the Uprising. but the murderers of helpless women and children at Cawnpore deserved no quarter. The Flight fRom Lucknow. they showed no mercy. Jessie’s DReam (The Relief of Lucknow). Thomas HenRy Kavanagh VC Being Disguised as a Native duRing the Indian Mutiny at the Siege of Lucknow. entitled Thomas Henry Kavanagh VC (1821–1882) Being Disguised as a Native during the Indian Mutiny at Lucknow. when Campbell’s forces came under fire from Indians at the Sikander Bagh (Secundra Bagh): They forced their way in. Abraham Solomon.26 Louis William Desanges’ paintings from his Victoria Cross series—which were displayed for many years in the Crystal Palace and photographically reproduced for public consumption—include several portraits of British soldiers at Lucknow. the bayonet did its deadly work till all was still. Alas!—and what carpets you used to spread out for my sake! Now you rub out the very name of love from your heart and make me weep—and you used to read poetry with me. both as a punitive expression of British power and in an effort to secure and regulate the city.28 above: 174. Following the rebellion’s suppression.32 The poet Mir Babar Ali “Anis” (1802 –1874) lamented the fate of Lucknow. darker side of the European adoption of Indian dress (174). 9 November 1857. while your tears flowed. 1858 A number of European. Why. Chevalier Louis-William Desanges. Humanity shudders at the remembrance of such a scene.valor and heroism (171. and myths such as those describing Jessie Brown’s sonorous dream of bagpipes in advance of Lucknow’s relief by a Scottish regiment (172). 9th November 1857.

more effervescent and serpentine.and nineteenth-century Indian and European paintings. and the teaching of social etiquette. the borders replete with pearls and precious stones . Although the term for these courtesans. In early 1859 Man Singh threw a banquet for Colin Campbell at Lucknow. 1870 52–53). textiles and jewelry (191. 186. 193. c. p. . On the British side by the Uprising’s end. organized the festivity depicted in a painting that appears in the concluding portion of the exhibition. Left: 197. She has rings in her ears and her hair is swept up and plaited across her skull. . c. .35 They were depicted by many European and Indian artists in paintings and photographs that stand in rather stark contrast to imagined views of wives and consorts in the protected domestic spaces of the zenana. mid-19th century 46 47 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . c. and the imagery of twentieth-century Indian films p. Pair of eaRRings. One of these landowners. and when she coyly. . as diaphanous as a phantom. raises her eyes to the heavens before closing them to smack her lips together. . he was rewarded with considerable properties and powers.” Through the course of the Uprising. (201. nine- teenth-century Indian photographs. . 1870 Right: 195. Finger Ring.34 Above: 193. an indication of the ways in which British victory was achieved with native assistance. sways beneath her veils. “Post-Uprising Artistic Production at Lucknow. . takes her place and sways to and fro in her turn. the radiance of which is nonetheless dimmed by the fire that burns in her eyes. Raja Man Singh. a gold anklet is seen around her shin. is inclusive of a range of female performers. writhing like a serpent in paradise until her act is over. poetry recitals. .36 Satyajit Ray’s famous 1977 film The Chess Players (Shatranj ke Khilari). and another girl. and sings verses from a sleepy lullaby. c. pp. shimmering as an airy feather. 194. 188. Negative perceptions of the importance 19th century Center: 196.That Lucknow was not left utterly barren of artistic patronage and creativity. of women and feminine themes in the courtly culture of Lucknow significantly affected British and Indian assessments of the city well into the twentieth century. 196.” which includes artworks largely commissioned by its prosperous Hindu and Muslim landowning and merchant classes in the late nineteenth century. p. 187. stretches out her arms. and who can blush at will. Respected tawaifs were even employed to sing and recite poetry at Lucknow’s Shia religious assemblies. . kissing. 48). 1870. Hair ORnament. 197). the neck and arms too bear sparkling ruby trinkets. to which Egron Lundgren was invited. Nose ORnament. 194. “Legacy of Glory: Lucknow in the Popular Imagination. is indicated in the exhibition’s ninth section. FoRehead ORnament. 195. . tawaif. almost furtively now and then exposes her foot or calf. the dancer slinks to and fro with panther steps . and decorated at the front with a brilliant ornament of rose diamonds and silver depicting two fishes rampant. their highest ranks consisted of well-educated and exquisitely mannered women who were employed by Lucknow’s elite classes for musical and dance performances. Her entire forehead is concealed by a large flashing diamond gew-gaw. His memoirs Lundgren’s painting joins several other works—eighteenth. however. 49. Hand ORnament. images that belie the latter women’s sometimes considerable political influence (185. describe in enchanted detail the dancers and their performance: The cloth of her attire is of incandescent colours and like the veil threaded with gold and silver. Man Singh shifted his allegiances between the competing factions. 48) —that are brought together here in order to examine the impact of Lucknow’s refined and highly romanticized courtesan culture upon the city’s legacy. Lundgren’s painting of the event illustrates that even at this time the legendary female entertainers of Lucknow were still to be found in the city (189. or taluqdars. . which presents the 19th century Right: 191. more supple even than her.

c. Tilly Kettle. Vasudeo. An Indian Dancing GiRl with a Hookah. 1785 48 49 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition . 1772 Bottom Right: 201. 1780 Bottom left: 188. c. Two Nautch GiRls Dancing the KuhaRwa befoRe a Nobleman and His CouRtieRs. AcRobats PeRfoRming on a TightRope. 1780 –1800 Bottom: 185. designer. UmRao Jaan. Attributed to Nevasi Lal. Noblewomen Playing Chess. 1981 Top: 186. c. film poster.Top: 187. Attributed to Nevasi Lal.

Beeton. 1988). 7. 63 –70.” Common Knowledge 11. see Durba Ghosh. see 110 – 33. G. 1857– 8. S.” in Veena Talwar Oldenburg. William Howard Russell. The cultural roles of courtesans. A painting by Lundgren (1815 –1875). 112 –13. 13 –14. For a full discussion of developments in the city in the immediate postUprising years. See Carla Petievich’s essay in this volume for further discussion of poetry at Lucknow. “More Trouble Than It Is Worth. Ambiguity. 92:102 (1970): 138 – 43. 1989). 17. “Egron Lundgren. 2003). 1972). “Democratizing Glory? The Victoria Cross Paintings of Louis Desanges.” in Gavin R. Shackle. Quoted in Mushirul Hasan. Lock. 73 – 93. 2007). Place. 1963).. Pictorial Victorians: The Inscription of Values in Word and Image (Athens: Ohio University Press. 2004). 2000). The film was based on the 1924 short story. 161– 81. 1994).1 (2000): 43 – 60. Darius Cooper. Pages 52–53: 189. Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power. 1859 50 51 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition .” in James Duncan and Derek Gregory. Thumri in Historical and Stylistic Perspectives (Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass. 57– 58. 30 – 31. 1858.” 139]. Together with Eliju Jan’s Story. See Carla Petievich. 18. Maya Jasanoff.. Forging Identities: Gender.” Common Knowledge 11. Communities. Assembly of Rivals. Culture.. 12. Nautch EnteRtainment by Man Singh in Honor of LoRd Clyde. J. trans. and cultural memory. 1 (1850. Such films are important for understanding the development of a Bollywood trope— inspired in large part by the city of Lucknow—that links courtesans indelibly with urbane Muslim culture. 59 – 63. in terms similar to those of Lawrence. 38. A depiction of Kavanagh in Indian dress was also painted by Egron Lundgren [Nilsson. and William Dalrymple. are explored in several studies: Doris M. A Fatal Friendship: The Nawabs. 23. 15.3 (2005).” Manushi 92 – 93 (1996): 41– 50. Lucknow. 39. 234. Hichberger. ed. 34. Ibid. British Library. Llewellyn-Jones. 31:2 (2008): 290 – 316. Metcalf further notes (171–77) that perceptions of India’s dirt. 3. 33. See also the account of Sir William H.’ Zobeide bets her ‘garden of delights’ against the Caliph’s ‘palace of pictures?’ I am sure this was ‘the garden of delights!’ [Emily Eden. From a longer ghazal by Jurat. 1999). 1994). quoted in D. Images of the Army: The Military in British Art. 5. Peter Manuel. A good deal of recent literature treats the subject of these women and the imagery they inspired: Pamela Gerrish Nunn. Mukul Kesavan. “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow. 4. 244 – 57. 489 – 519. and 2006)—consciously recall the city’s rich and cultivated history through the person of the tawaif. The Courtesan’s Arts: Cross-Cultural Perspectives (Oxford: Oxford University Press. Our Soldiers and the Victoria Cross: A General Account of the Regiments and Men of the British Army and Stories of the Brave Deeds which Won the Prize “For Valour” (London: Ward. or The Private Life of an Eastern Queen (London: Oxford University Press. The mention of Cawnpore (Kanpur) references the 1857 massacre there of some 200 European women and children. 1849 –1850. by the Hindi writer Munshi Premchand. ed. 24:1 (2008): 77–113.” 39 Recollections of Lucknow’s past are what inspired. 2005).s. Quoted in Anna A.” in Wimal Dissanayake. See. The more sensationalistic accounts include William Knighton’s The Private Life of an Eastern King. “Domesticity under Siege: British Women and Imperial Crisis at the Siege of Lucknow. Pakeezah (1971).s. See also.” Apollo n. W.’” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies n. 2007). Quoted in Oldenburg. Quoted in Nilsson and Gupta. and disease—to which some observers alluded in their descriptions of Lucknow—also contributed to the ideology of difference which informed British colonial attitudes and policy in India. ed. For one such collection of his paintings. “Urdu. 204 – 5]. Series 3. 1997). Phillip Rawson’s comments on the shallowness of late Mughal painting styles. 1984). including its poets from Delhi. Assembly of Rivals: Delhi. 26. The New Cambridge History of India III. and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. “Tawa’if. 75. “Poetry into Prose: The Rewriting of Oudh in Satyajit Ray’s The Chess Players. 200 –201. Oxford Art Journal 7:2 (1984): 42 – 51. “Assimilation and Transculturation in Eighteenth-Century India: A Response to Pankaj Mishra. 1995). Sex and the Family in Colonial India: The Making of Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Visions of India: The Sketchbooks of William Simpson 1859–62 (Oxford: Phaidon. 1992).” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies n. 1961). 11. Fisher. Michael Edwardes (London: Cassell.” in Zoya Hasan. 16. and the City of Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. For discussions of the film.“ one of them “so beautiful. 2001).’ 1857– 8. 30. 1867). William Simpson traveled to Lucknow in November 1860. 20. Quoted in Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 2 Vols. Osama Faruqi (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 65 – 66. Gen. Problem Pictures: Women and Men in Victorian Painting (Hants. 1998). Images of the Army. ed. after the rebellion had long since been suppressed [Mildred Archer. Ibid. filth. J. 6 – 9. Hambly. Oriental and India Office Collections. 25.and post-colonial India. 1995)]. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. 114]. 14. “The Career of Colonel Polier and Late-Eighteenth-Century Orientalism. 1815–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press.” Studies in History n. The Painter’s Eye. Patronage. The Courtesan’s Arts. March 3. 1994). Alison Blunt. Alison Blunt. Writes of Passage: Reading Travel Writing (New York: Routledge. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones et al. and the State (New Delhi: Kali for Women. Awadh. Sleeman. 31. 35. W. 10.s. Quoted in Veena Talwar Oldenburg. in a letter written to Fanny Parks from Lucknow. also speak eloquently to memories of “the unpartitioned homeland of the people of al-Hind. UK: Scolar. 122 –23]. 32:1 (2009): 46 – 62. the words of the poet Majaz with which this essay opened. 445 – 85. My Indian Mutiny Diary. 116]. Matthews and C. and Julia Thomas. 1985). Alison Blunt. reprint New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. 1921)]. eds. see Veena Talwar Oldenburg.. 230. 72. Vol. Llewellyn-Jones. first published in 1855 29..38 These can be contrasted with stereotyped filmic representations of chaste and idealized Hindu womanhood. Sleeman. The Lucknow Menagerie: Natural History Drawings from the Collection of Claude Martin (1735–1800) (London: Hobhouse. 1750 –1850 (New York: Knopf. (1858. Although Sleeman advised against the annexation of Awadh.annexation of Awadh through an indictment of its ruling elites. 36. Thomas Metcalf. 37. Claudia Klaver. 8. Assembly of Rivals. 162. Projit Bihari Mukharji. with Private Correspondence Relative to the Annexation of Oude to British India. 1856–1877 (Princeton: Princeton University Press.3 (2005): 432 – 44. 1999). 88]. his reports to Lord Dalhousie provided some of its justification [Maj. 1957). India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow was organized to convey some sense of Lucknow’s extraordinary history and aesthetic achievements as well as its unique place within the imaginative visual discourses of colonialism. Shaam-e-Awadh. Some of these controversies are expressed in an exchange between Pankaj Mishra and William Dalrymple: Pankaj Mishra. Percy Brown’s characterization of Awadhi architecture as indicative of stagnation and “tawdry pretence” [Indian Architecture: The Islamic Period (Bombay: Taraporevala. Military Musicians. O. 1981. for instance. 6. 1857. the British. It also appears to have been influenced by his own fears of losing his wealth to European taxation. as well as at Lucknow. For a study examining various dimensions of these interracial relationships. and Suranjan Ganguly. 1. 22. I could think of nothing but Lalla Rookh in her bridal attire” [Fanny Parks. 27. Don’t you remember where in the ‘Arabian Nights. also documented the looting of the Qaisar Bagh. Adrien McNeil. 2006). “Nawabi Lucknow: Through Western Eyes. M. Egron Lundgren.” Women’s Writing 8:1 (2001): 21– 58. a royal garden at Lucknow: “Such a place! The only residence I have coveted in India. and Sten Nilsson. During Four and Twenty Years in the East. Suvorova. “Egron Lundgren. Chaudhvin ka Chand (1960). 1942). 236 – 41. 2006). “Spatial Stories under Siege: British Women Writing from Lucknow in 1857. films of the postcolonial era that are set in Lucknow—for example.. 24. provides one examination of the discourse that set British masculinity in opposition to Indian effeminacy. See Michael H. 13. “Masculinity and Femininity in The Chess Players. the city would never achieve the same prominence it enjoyed in precolonial. 127–28. with Revelations of Life in the Zenana.4 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Usamah Ansari. Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. For a discussion of the poem’s evocation of the city. and Culture 7:3 (2000): 229 – 46. “The Representation of Colonialism in Satyajit Ray’s The Chess Players. 32. The Making of Colonial Lucknow.” Victorian Literature and Culture 24 (1996): 51– 54. ed. 21.’ Bollywood’s Tawa’if: Narrating the Nation and ‘The Muslim. of the same title. see Sten Nilsson and Narayani Gupta. [Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. Shaam-e-Awadh: Writings on Lucknow (New Delhi: Penguin. 55. and Piety (New York: St. Up the Country: Letters Written to Her Sister from the Upper Provinces of India (London: Virago. An Anthology of Classical Urdu Love Lyrics (London: Oxford University Press. I thank Carlo Coppola for sharing with me his research on Majaz. and Tyler.” in Violette Graf. who for some time in 1858 accompanied the reporter William Russell. 312 – 31. His verse expressed the hopes of a progressive Urdu poet for the future of the city in the years surrounding India’s Independence. “Royalty’s Courtesans and God’s Mortal Wives: Keepers of Culture in Precolonial India. H. Martin’s Press. Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque. By Atish.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. no. 19. Hichberger. 9. It should be noted that Russell’s account attempts to give an honest and fair account of the uprising and of British conduct in India... “Embodying War: British Women and Domestic Defilement in the Indian ‘Mutiny. A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1992). Bengal Inventories. 2000). 174 – 89.” The Journal of Commonwealth Literature 30 (1995): 17–24. Resident at Lucknow from 1849 to 1856. Reporter of the Indian Mutiny. 46. Emily Eden had earlier described. A Fatal Friendship. including that of Lucknow [Indian Painting (Paris: Pierre Tisné. and Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. Beeton’s book was written for young boys.. and Conquest in the East. 45 –114. and Umrao Jaan (three versions: 1971.s.. For a number of reasons. 98. 136 – 54. Lucknow: Memories of a City (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Srinivasan.” in Feldman and Gordon. 1983). The former. Painting of India (Geneva: Albert Skira. 62]. Vol. Edge of Empire: Lives. “Jessie’s Dream at Lucknow: Popular Memorializations of Dissent. in part. Quoted in Petievich. and the Tawaif: The Islamicate Roots of Hindi Cinema. both in pre. rather than return to Europe. and Class in the Heart of Empire. 1722 –1856. From Pluralism to Separatism: Qasbas in Colonial Awadh (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Joany Hichberger.” Gender. or even pre-Partition years. 125 – 43. the Commander-in-Chief.” in Martha Feldman and Bonnie Gordon. 20. eds. See the 1801 inventory of Martin’s estate. Masnavi: A Study of Urdu Romance.. “Female Agency and Patrilineal Constraints: Situating Courtesans in Twentieth-Century India. “‘There Are Thousands Drunk by the Passion of These Eyes. 30. Kestner. Regula Burckhart Qureshi. 92 –113. in their reference to the shared precolonial courtly history of northern India. and Veena Talwar Oldenburg. 2. M. and Shi’a Ideology in Pre-Rebellion Lucknow. A Fatal Friendship. 1986)]. see Vinay Lal. See also Sanjay Subrahmanyam. 28. 10. a description of Nasir al-Din Haidar’s wives as “creatures of the Arabian tales. Martin’s decision to remain in Lucknow. Other 37 [The Private Life of an Eastern King. Ibid. “Victorian Military Painting and the Constructing of Masculinity. ed. national identity. and Basil Gray’s remarks on the lifeless and superficial character of Lucknow painting [Douglas Barrett and Basil Gray. 315. Colonialism and Nationalism in Asian Cinema (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. For information on Lundgren. “The Flight from Lucknow: British Women Travelling and Writing Home. quoted in Petievich. Ideologies of the Raj. and Joseph A. 1992). 1. ed. A Journey through the Kingdom of Oude. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. A Man of the Enlightenment in EighteenthCentury India: The Letters of Claude Martin 1766–1800 (Delhi: Permanent Black. was prompted in part by Polier’s murder in France in 1795.” Journal of Historical Geography 26:3 (2000): 403 –28. reprint New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. The Painter’s Eye: Egron Lundgren and India (Stockholm: Nationalmuseum.

52 53 Gude : NaRRatives of an exhibition .

it was Constantia. Lucknow would have been saved from many rogues and rascals who preyed on the rich city. Secular buildings would have been unremarkable. would not have existed in anything like its built form. instead of the exuberant series of royal dwellings with their Palladian-style mansions. or of Lucknow itself as it emerged from the forest banks along the river Gomti to become a shining city of polished stucco and brass domes. Grecian columns. English steam engines would not have powered the garden fountains or the fish-shaped pleasure boats. Perhaps the nawabs would not have indulged themselves with so many purchases of European goods. the last palace complex. we would have much less visual evidence. the baroque palace tomb of the Frenchman Major General Claude Martin which gave the Qaisar Bagh its statues.Ros i e Lle w e lly n -Jon es Lucknow and European Society Imagine for a moment that the court of Lucknow had forbidden Europeans from entering Awadh. and quadrant-arched gate tops. More importantly. or even an iron bridge over the Gomti. How would this have affected the development of the city? Firstly. including the English East India Company officials as well as the so-called adventurers. had it not been for the European buildings that had gone before it. Nor would we have the extraordinary photographic panorama by a Frenchman taken about 1850. and they would certainly not have been persuaded into buying expensive astronomical equipment for the royal observatory. which was sent out. There would be none of the iconic portraits of the nawabs by Company-school painters. a cluster of courtyard houses (havelis) around a medieval fort. that “fatal friendship” which developed between the court and the Company would not have happened and the princely state of Awadh might well have survived until India’s Independence in 1947. The Qaisar Bagh. 54 55 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . before the Uprising/Mutiny and British revenge changed the city forever. In particular. from England. in sections. There would have been no sober British Residency with its bungalows and Banqueting Hall.

Europeans were employed by the nawabs in a wide variety of occupations—there were coachmakers and coachmen. and who didn’t hope to get nawabi money through wages (often ridiculously high). exported goods to Europe. as well as army officers. acrobats. was estimated to have an annual net income of over a million pounds sterling once all his expenses had been paid. if any. astronomers. Chinese. not only because of their political hold over the nawabs. cooks. and another minister. boastful. (137 x 183. to only a slightly lesser extent. and interpreters. in a house overlooking the river. property. c. heightened by the comparatively small number of people far from home. cast cannon and bells. He was also the richest European in India of his era. who had deserted from the army of the Compagnie des Indes in 1760 and joined that of the English East India Company when he saw it would be the victor in the battle for South India. toast.) A breakfast of tea. speaking imperfect English. formed the most influential group. was described as a “perfect Museum. and prone to gossip. During the following days there were nawabi fireworks parties on the river. the nawabi dynasty was already under a heavy financial obligation to the English East India Company. (The elephants fought on the opposite Page 54: Fig. They went as guests with the British Resident’s family to watch an elephant fight hosted by the nawab. with six of his relatives. which was beautifully decorated with swags of roses and jasmine bound with silver thread. 54 x 72 1⁄2 in. A British Resident was appointed to the court in 1774 while it was still at Faizabad. letter writers. a true polymath who could turn his hand to many things. Others served briefly. Europeans were not. another fact which probably did not endear him to his contemporaries. The English East India Company was among the first to realize and then to exploit the nawabs’ wealth. Hasan Reza Khan. sang a Persian song for him. which was then part of Turkish Arabia. Plowden’s keen eyes often picked up details that male writers thought too trivial to mention. Kolkata 56 57 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . constructed and flew hot-air balloons. funneled in from Awadh’s fertile countryside. English tutors. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier with His FRiends MajorGeneRal Claude MaRtin. But Europeans. Her husband. a British officer’s wife. which was becoming a political force while at the same time maintaining its mercantile role. commissions.” one of whom “emulated a Monkey exceedingly well. furnishings. John Wombwell. Chevalier de L’Etang. and a pantomime on the palace terrace. Victoria Memorial Hall. It must have been a grand occasion.” He was a Frenchman. librarians. Martin was an avid collector. acted as banker and moneylender to many. (Mrs. oil on canvas. and who took up a similar post in Lucknow. jockeys. was a breakfast guest at the Plowdens’ house. Col. at the nawab’s request.” The chief minister. India. and the ARtist.3 Few of Martin’s contemporaries appreciated him. because his employer. Pair of Silver-BaRreled Pistols PResented by Claude MaRtin to Lt. who were themselves out to make as much money as they could. of course. said he was mistreating the horses. and because he came from a working-class background. including the nawab. 3. It was the extraordinary wealth of the nawabs which attracted the Company and the majority of Europeans who flocked to the city during its heyday. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). cobblers. yet he was an extraordinarily talented man. There is a charming account by Mrs. and other goods in kind. he was never truly accepted into English society there partly because he was French. Captain Richard Plowden. and someone who tried to win favors with extravagant gifts to powerful Company officers (111). Lucknow.” And this unfortunately set the pattern for most European interaction with 1 evening. He farmed indigo on his Najafgarh estate near Cawnpore (Kanpur). and passion fruit was served. puppet shows. gifts.5 cm). The Resident played the harpsichord and Elizabeth Plowden. 1786 or bank. mechanical toys.By the time of Shuja al-Daula’s death in 1775. and particularly the British. grooms. architecture. Snobbery was rampant among British society. of the friendly relations with the Nawab Asaf al-Daula and his ministers during the spring of 1788. had commanded the nawab’s body2 guard. was to cement “the Friendship between the Company and the Vizier [Shuja al-Daula] and the obtaining of large Sums of Money said to be due from him.) The Plowdens also visited Claude Martin and admired his collection of medals and newly arrived prints from England. by the Europeans themselves. and his successor John Bristow. jugglers. detail below the nawabs during the next eighty years. The task of Nathaniel Middleton. with too little to do. bribes. and people from Iraq. some ninety miles east of Lucknow. It would be difficult to single out many. the Nawab Saadat Ali Khan. It was land revenue. Elizabeth Plowden. Alexander Ross in December 1786. and was an inspired amateur architect. Certainly Martin was regarded as a slightly comical figure. Afghans. All hoped to profit in some way from their proximity to unlimited riches. Iranians. Although Martin lived in Lucknow for twenty-five years. Other groups of foreigners included Armenians. Saadat Ali Khan. was dismissed after only a year. Some remained for all of their working lives and received a pension when they retired. Uttar Pradesh. and the visitors were entertained by nautch dancers and a “set of Mimics. managed the nawab’s armory. who was in charge of the royal stables at Versailles before the French Revolution. The fact that Martin had made (most of) his fortune by his own hard work was overlooked. alone in seeking work and opportunities in Lucknow. and the Plowdens thoroughly enjoyed a season of entertainments in Lucknow. It is true 111. by European art. In the early 1800s. and. that funded the capital city and its extravagant lifestyle. Haidar Beg Khan. Shuja al-Daula’s son. 1786. but because these same nawabs were fascinated by the European artifacts offered for sale. foreigners who went to Lucknow for purely altruistic reasons. experimented with electricity. gunsmiths. for the nawab was there too. musicians. so much so that his town house. like the aristocratic Ambrose Pierre Antoine. later named Farhat Bakhsh. and he also attended a dinner in the British Residency one February 1787.

so that by the annexation of Awadh some were existing on a pittance. completed after his death (109). as “Civil Engineer to his Majesty. Qui(e)ros. 109. that is.” Three sons served in the nawab’s army. although when they did get into trouble their mixed ancestry was cited in a disparaging way. Rotton. his rational treatment of the peasants on his estate. engineers. Sangster. He was initially on a salary of 1. Martin had a superior set of contacts whom he sent on buying sprees for luxury European goods. did the same. including the Qaisar Bagh. the Scottish engineer who built the Khurshid Manzil for Saadat Ali Khan also copied the moat that had originally surrounded Martin’s town house. and more. Even this ceased on annexation. 2. and painters. Similarly John Sangster. Sinclair. his irreligious beliefs. because it was so universal. and Girl Sally. imported thousands of sheets of English drawing paper. tion. Deverinne. and significantly. ended up stealing from beggars in the poorhouse. 33). these families became poorer during the nineteenth century. which were spectacular set-pieces that took weeks to prepare. were copied extensively and appear on buildings. Later Polier established his household in Lucknow. but the three friends had much in common. and which was filled from the Gomti. as well as language. It was. industrious lives. or marrying Indian women. On his return to France.500 rupees a month and in charge of the nawab’s fireworks. Unlike the transient European population.) Tilly Kettle was the first European artist in India. rather than British.that he did sell European goods to Asaf al-Daula at grossly inflated prices. Given the attitudes towards Martin. and married among themselves. Polier left all three of his wives in Martin’s care. the more colorful Europeans that one usually associates with courtly Lucknow. or an enterprising Englishman (Richard Rotton). and “Chinese crayons” for his painters. He arrived in Lucknow in 1822 to work for King Ghazi al-Din Haidar. whose father and grandfather had both worked for Asaf al-Daula. then in independent Savoy. and he left the other two poorly provided for in India. The bibis of European men were treated in the same way as upper-class Muslim women. Johannes. however. at a place he named Polierganj.. F.” having been recommended by the Marquis of Hastings. born at Chambery. (Claude Martin. in post-Uprising photographs. In attitude Martin was a product of the European Enlightenment. The children of these mixed marriages were described as “country-born” or “East Indian.” Its architectural influence on later European buildings by the nawabs was immense. Also much copied were Martin’s distinctive octagonal towers. generation after genera- 58 59 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . Some were shopkeepers.) A considerable number of AngloIndian families are recorded in Lucknow. even where the founder member was a Spanish nobleman (Don Joseph Chamois de Quiros Chevalier). molded by Indian craftsmen from local clay. The community adapted itself to changing circumstances. Their names indicate the provenance of their founders—Catania. and she had to borrow money to save herself from starvation. On his death in 1845 he left his house to his daughter Charlotte. Elizabeth Plowden wrote that after a pleasant dinner with Martin. In fact. others were soldiers. as a school for children of “any religion. The statues along Constantia’s parapets. known as bibis. Some were connoisseurs and patrons. an Irish trader (James Duhan). some invested in indigo. a French soldier (Major Jacques Maximilian Deverinne). who was only thirteen when she entered his household. La MaRtinièRe. Both Polier and de Boigne pursued careers mainly outside Lucknow. Duhan. one of whom he abandoned in England. she went into his zenana to see Polier’s family. Both Martin and Polier dictated letters in Persian. was not adopted until the twentieth century. Campagnac. The majority of these families led respectable. taking up different occupations when necessary. like the Alam Bagh palace and the Khurshid Manzil. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier was born in Switzerland. including Boulone. Francis Frith. Nazareth. after completing a number of portraits in p. but others. it was not surprising that his real friends were European. but her only income was from a pension of twenty rupees a month from the nawab. In this they were not alone—the majority of unmarried European men in eighteenth-century India took local wives or mistresses. Sinclair married and had a large family. 1870s these families lived in the city. so that each family tree weaves in and out of the others in a complicated pattern. which occur in later nawabi buildings. The initial fortunes made by the founders were used up by their descendants. from Edinburgh. and his philanthropy. Frith & Co. the court language used for formal correspondence until the death of the last nawab in 1887. who commissioned a series of natural history drawings from Indian artists. at Shuja al-Daula’s court.” (The term “AngloIndian. including some British Residents. Braganza. his favorite. De Boigne had three Indian wives. although its location has not been identified. Few Europeans at the end of the eighteenth century commented on the habit of keeping Indian mistresses. Martin had seven young Indian and Anglo-Indian mistresses. both of visiting European artists and local painters. He bequeathed Constantia. armament dealers.4 These are not names usually associated with Lucknow’s European society. The nawabs clearly found no conflict with any Islamic strictures that frowned on the representation of living forms. Another close friend was General Count Benoit de Boigne. including harems of women. described as “East Indian. they were kept hidden from view and did not mingle socially with men (Fig. and the two men first met in Faizabad. Delmerick. Munro Sinclair. shipped via Calcutta. Close relation- ships with them gave the men insights into local culture and customs.” used here for convenience. demonstrated by the books in his extensive library. One such family was that of J. In general though.

creating highly detailed images of the palaces. and the river. 62). As it is. exquisite Indian paintings. These men not only painted the nawabs. near the Daulat Khana palace. but took sketchbooks.5 Two Englishmen. Gateway to Palace. Kettle’s decision to visit Faizabad was to have important consequences. Robert Home and George Duncan Beechey. the mosques. 63. their ministers. pp. with its animalheaded pleasure barges. and priceless books became available for sale and European collectors in Lucknow snapped them up (127.the south. 1798 developed by Asaf al-Daula and embellished by his successors (53. pencils. drawn in 1832. encouraged by Kettle’s example. At one point. and probably a camera obscura out into the city. illuminated manuscripts. 229). which includes 60 61 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . Lucknow. 50. The fact that some of them. Charles Smith. his coronation robes. 138. 62). captures the spacious grandeur of this area. Polier built up a large collection of over five hundred Persian and Arabic manuscripts. there were no less than four prominent artists in residence at Lucknow—Ozias Humphry. having hoped for fat commissions from the nawabs found that actually getting their fee could take years and many applications did not seem to deter them. p. Here. as regal figures (28. Richard Johnson was appointed Assistant British Resident in 1781. then other Western artists would not have followed him. Thomas Longcroft. during the winter from 1771 to 1772 he painted Shuja al-Daula and his numerous sons. p. and is shown seated with one of them open at his elbow in the well-known painting by Zoffany. p. p. 142–43). In the break-up of the Mughal Empire. Johann Zoffany. p. and his furniture. and Thomas Longcroft (50). at court. we can re-create something of the city and its inhabitants from the work of European painters. Captain Robert Smith’s eightpart panorama. in the summer of 1786. 63. he was able to amass an outstanding collection of Mughal paintings (135. If he had not been successful with his commissions from Shuja al-Daula. 137. and Home not only painted Ghazi al-Din Haidar but designed the crown for his coronation. and although he lived in Lucknow for only eighteen months. he traveled to Faizabad. were successively employed as court artists. the magnificent gateways. and Europeans. 132. The fact that he was nicknamed “Rupee Johnson” and was a deeply corrupt and arrogant man probably had a lot to do with it. portraying them at full length.

Bahadur Singh. c. 1780 62 63 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . PoRtRait of a Mufti. StoRy of the Elephants and Rabbits. c. c. Mohan Singh. 1770 Below: 132. 1770 Right: 138. StoRy of the Elephants and Rabbits.left: 137. c. Shah Jahan. c. 1775 Right: 127. 1785 left: 135. Mohan Singh. Palace GaRden in a River Landscape.

which was designed by the architect and dramatist Sir John Vanbrugh. no matter how convincing it appeared to Europeans. had no deep or lasting roots in the make-up of the city. the nawabs themselves seemed remarkably open to exploitation. from Captain Marsack (an unidentified house). Barowen. for European trinkets was legendary. and. This was a close copy of Seaton Delaval. but he was unable to do more than report the “shocking indecencies” to the governor-general. apart from some disgruntled employees who said the nawabs owed them money. south of the city (82). The fondness. a well. particularly of Asaf al-Daula. p. 54). (It didn’t seem to work the other way around. orchestrated for a few years by his Irish hairdresser. and purchased food and drink for the royal kitchens. p. Others had done the same. velvet drapes. the “barber of Lucknow. the Company’s accountant. He also indulged his European favorite. on England’s northeast coast. 82. and four dozen bottles of brandy.Claude Martin. debauched parties. No significant buildings were erected during his reign. with the nawab “attired in the dress of an European lady!” soon reached the British Resident’s ears. King Nasir al-Din Haidar left himself open to criticism when he employed George Harris Derusett. Nasir al-Din Haidar was the most Anglophile of the nawabs. Derusett made money from goods and services bought on the nawab’s behalf. Reinventing himself and changing his name from Quigley.” to manage his social life and then the royal household. from fever in 1790. 38. comfortable house. 66). John Wombwell. from Captain Duncan McLeod (Khurshid Manzil) and from Colonel Polier. where he oversaw the French chef.6 He was responsible for fitting up the pinnace the Sultan of Oude in magnificent style. After Mordaunt’s death. a weak ruler and a man with a playboy reputation. lookingglasses. A close friend to the Nawab Saadat Ali Khan was the aristocratic Englishman Sir Gore Ouseley. Because Dilkusha was based on an English country house. shows that superficial Europeanization in Lucknow. To conclude. Scandalous stories of drunken.) But at the same time. 105. he established a tailor’s shop where his elaborate European costumes were made. Put in charge of the nawab’s wardrobe. which sailed up and down the Gomti. It was almost destroyed by some unspecified catastrophe after 1857 and is in ruins today. The lively painting by Zoffany entitled Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match— which inspired several copies—shows the relationship (which some think was homosexual) between the two men. lished by the nawab in a large. Next Derusett was employed as superintendent of the palace. but he was not untypical in retiring from the court with a fortune. with adjoining bungalows. and soon learned that the best way to get his bills paid was to present them when Nasir al-Din Haidar was drunk. Derusett was soon put in charge of the nawab’s pleasure boats. Mordaunt was soon estab- 64 65 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . and the artist himself (Fig. He paid ridiculously high prices for goods that were commonplace in the West. 3. and probably Asafi Kothi). his own tomb remains unfinished. Dilkusha was modified from its original plan. Ouseley was one of the Europeans commissioned by the nawabs to erect their Lucknow houses in “the European taste” and he complied by supervising the construction of Dilkusha Kothi. but it was never really used. at a favorite entertainment (Fig. who also collected illustrated Mughal manuscripts. who was briefly court architect to Asaf al-Daula. who was sent by the Company as an aide-de-camp. But he enjoyed his short life to the full. He was not the kind of European who added luster to Lucknow society. 228. As a result. 1855 – 66 p. Colonel John Mordaunt. The fact that other similarly commissioned “European” buildings have been demolished. and the bridges which crossed the river. how fluid were the barriers between There was considerable interaction between some of the nawabs and some favored Europeans. Dilkusha Kothi. apart from overnight stays by the nawab or his European friends.” which the Colonel had uprooted from the Plowdens’ garden. it could not easily fulfill the requirements of a Muslim court. Samuel Bourne. with teak planking. and “an extensive garden planted with the choicest Trees. or so poorly maintained as to become ruinous. though perhaps with more finesse. the nawab was said to have cried like a child at his funeral. a house in Northumberland. where the women needed separate quarters from the men. Other Europeandesigned buildings were commissioned from the ubiquitous Claude Martin (Bibiapur. symbolically. the illegitimate son of the Earl of Peterborough. and with it the opportunity for the latter to exploit the former. orchestrated by the barber.

while the earlier nawabs themselves led the way in eagerly embracing the European style. one imagines. 2006). played by bandsmen. and bagpipers. The nawabs attended Christmas parties at the Residency. There was also Biddy Timms. and A Man of the Enlightenment in EighteenthCentury India: The Letters of Claude Martin 1766–1800 (Delhi: Permanent Black. For Martin’s letter to Lt. Wajid Ali Shah deliberately retreated into a more familiar world of Urdu poetry. Ross. This panorama. 4. c. Europeans were invited by them to Indian festivals. There were very few cases of conversion. and a gem-studded turban. He also had a selection of wigs. Bengal Secret Consultations 28 December 1774. with tight white trousers and a fitted blue jacket. a welcome change. 35. drama. India Office Records. of a fashionable Persian gentleman. 5. Certainly Lucknow would have been poorer without the input from Europe.European and Indian society in Lucknow? Was there a genuine crossover of culture? A copy of a now-vanished painting by Zoffany shows Colonel Polier seated on the veranda of his house. 2003). 2000). Europeans kept harems of women. Rosie LlewellynJones (New Delhi: Alkazi Collection of Photography. and in the background are female musicians and servants (106. Nasir al-Din Haidar wore the more conventional dress of a fashionable Regency buck. 66 67 Llewellyn-Jones : Lucknow and EuRopean Society . now in the Victoria & Albert Museum. is pictured relaxing in native dress. British Library. who brought with them. from his usual restrictive clothes (Fig. Reports on their moral failings were sent to the governor-general in Calcutta. both physically and culturally. with the building of the Daulat Khana. art. 65 – 85. p. 2008). and music by these men. but this was as far as religious recognition went. As Mrs. When they went out they were driven in coaches imported from England. As the financial demands of the East India Company increased. and the arts. In return. a professor of Persian and Hindustani at the Company’s military academy in Surrey. Papers of Richard Chicheley Plowden. But at the same time it might have avoided the tragedy of annexation in 1856 followed by the Uprising a year later. which they certainly would not have done at home. 1992). the British. A Fatal Friendship: The Nawabs. 1800 surprise guests. the nawabs lived in European-style palaces. Diary of Mrs. For more on Derusett. 68). the Company accountant. John Wombwell. 88 – 89. and the City of Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Saadat Ali Khan had an English admiral’s uniform. in Mss Eur C 149 Misc. India Office Records. His flowing mustache is worn in the style introduced by the nawabs. pianists. although his new Qaisar Bagh Palace was recognizably a series of European-inspired vistas. Indian dance.” Europeans who adopted Indian dress and habits. Munich: Prestel. Elizabeth Plowden. The idea of the “white mughals. 3. a curiosity about the natural world and the flora and fauna around them. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. and Muslim women in the harems of European men were not urged to become Christians. The love affair with the West was over. 1985). Prints and Drawings Department. notably Mary Angela Short. Ghazi al-Din Haidar. or painted. Resident for much of Wajid Ali Shah’s nine-year reign. The presence of Europeans in nawabi Lucknow undoubtedly enhanced the city. A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press. to whom he gave the pistols illustrated. by the late eighteenth century. The Wasikadars of Awadh (Delhi: Rupa & Co. p. see A Man of the Enlightenment. at least two rulers of Awadh were described.” in Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press. an Englishwoman who married Hassan Ali. see Malcolm Speirs. a regimental dress. From the 1780s. quoted in Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. He is wearing a white angarkha under a gold brocade coat. Col. There was a genuine appreciation of Indian literature. surrounded by European furniture and paintings and enjoying European luxuries. wearing European clothes. City of Illusion. One or two European women converted to Islam.. after a Painting by Johann Zoffany. 6. 38 – 39. 98. who became Sultan Mariam Begam when she married 1. particularly by Sir William Sleeman. pressure was put on Awadh’s rulers to reform their administration. ed. Colonel Mordaunt’s Cockfight. is reproduced in Lucknow. including the spring celebrations (Basant) and Eid. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones’s chapter “The Barber of Lucknow. For an account of Claude Martin’s life. A hookah is by his side. Some enjoyed listening to western music. Meer Hassan Ali she spent twelve years in Lucknow and wrote a fascinating account of Muslim life there called Observations on the Mussulmauns of India. 2. For a recent study of Lucknow’s Anglo-Indian community. As we have seen. But there was a distinct change during the later years of the nawabi period. 230). and a Protestant parson’s outfit which he used to 105. British Library. is borne out by a number of portraits and descriptions from Lucknow. He is watching three dancing girls who seem to be explaining the finer points of rhythm to him. Among Anglo-Indian families it was more common to slip from one religion to the other and children would sometimes have both Christian and Muslim names.

The imagery. In this essay I address some of the complexities of artistic production in Faizabad and Lucknow through a consideration not only of the meeting that took place there between East and West but also of Awadh’s provincial Mughal history and its ruling dynasty’s own Persian Shia ancestry. for instance. 1782 – 88. 34. p. Such interactions are fabulously recorded in the arts—in paintings such as Johann Zoffany’s Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match. our 68 69 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . 106. and processes. in large part. p. the shifting political realities of the province. impressions. which situates Awadhi art within the spaces of history and memory. 70) —as well as in various histories. or Colonel Antoine-Louis-Henri Polier Watching a Nautch. have received considerable scholarly and novelistic attention. Awadh’s arts—though certainly affected by the encounters between Indian and European artists and patrons—were also shaped by other types of histories. reflects these realities only partially. and bodies of correspondence. in particular reference to the Indian assimilation of European styles and influences as well as the European adoption of Indian lifestyles and pursuits. 1784 – 86. and judgments contained in these sources follow. 228. especially the interactions between their Indian residents and European visitors. My approach is informed in many ways by recent studies concerning the geographical dimensions of art history which are apparent in.T u s h a ra B i n du Gu de Hybrid Visions: The Cultural Landscape of Awadh The cosmopolitan natures of the successive Awadhi capitals of Faizabad and Lucknow. by an Indian artist after Zoffany (Fig. relationships. Yet the term “hybrid” that is so often used to describe the arts of Awadh. I am here interested in an exploration of Awadh as a place of artistic invention. Following on the discussion contained in my introduction to the exhibition. memoirs.

opaque watercolor and gold on Library. From the mid-eighteenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries. setting. for instance. attributed to the artist Chitarman. Oxford (fig. its formal properties—compositional symmetry. in the Bodleian Top: Fig. and easily comprehend their individual stylistic characteristics. 1730. and son-in-law.7 Virtually the same likeness of Saadat Khan appears in a roughly contemporaneous Mughal painting depicting the nobleman with Muhammad Shah. the region’s distinct cultural contours were defined—by its various inhabitants and observers— in relation to Delhi.5 cm).references to regional Indian styles and in discussions of artistic centers. Colonel Antoine-Louis HenRi Polier Watching a Nautch. London. although in this instance he is shown seated with his nephew. Attributed to Chitarman.3. peripheries.8 In one such painting from Faizabad. image 16 ⁄ x 13 ⁄ (41 x 34. as it is inscribed on the verso with this date as well as the initials of 70 71 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . for instance. and Europe. into the dominions of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. but Awadh appears to have figured somewhat remotely in the concerns of this emperor and his immediate successors. in the establishment of regional autonomy by various provincial Mughal governors during the eighteenth century. now in the British Library. and the exchanges between them. 4. Although this appointment was subject to the approval of the emperor. for Saadat Khan named Safdar Jang as his deputy governor and. by which he gained the offices and power to exploit imperial weakness. as the historian Richard Barnett has shown. It was for these reasons as well that it would also be drawn into the commercial and expansionist designs of the English East India Company.4 cm). became the first Mughal subedar to designate his own successor. The late-Mughal history of Awadh was paralleled in other provinces where painting schools that were at first dependent upon the Mughal idiom went on to develop their own distinctive styles. The history with 2 which this essay is concerned begins with Awadh’s incorporation. compare late-eighteenth-century paintings from Awadh with contemporaneous works from Murshidabad and Farrukhabad. Bodleian Library MS Douce Or. c. 4 however. 1786 – 88 can be dated in the years prior to 1764. p. however.2 x 38. The historical Awadh. Awadh encompassed a cultural region of great antiquity but was first designated as a distinct administrative province during the thirteenth century under the Delhi Sultanate. 72) court historian Abul Fazl described the province in favorable terms. The impact of the last named has tended to overshadow the role of imperial Mughal art and indigenous traditions in the mediation of Awadh’s hybrid artistic forms. 6 5 That Awadh was oriented artistically toward the Mughals is well known. from which a number of artists are known to have migrated to Awadh following the Persian sack of Delhi in 1739 and the emperor’s death in 1748. as well as in later works that were executed in Faizabad. 4). Such considerations are especially relevant to 1 Awadh’s extractable revenues were then far less than those of his previous subedari of Agra—Saadat Khan managed to control various local rebellions and double the province’s remittances to Delhi. in 1580. India. (46. Iran. It continued to be recognized as such— though its exact geographical boundaries are unclear— under successive waves of Muslim rule. The importance of both Delhi and Shia Iran to nawabi conceptions of kingship are also reflected in several hybrid Awadhi works. and color palette—firmly link it to paintings of Muhammad Shah’s atelier. Awadh had emerged as a prosperous agricultural and trading region as well as an important strategic asset to an empire then facing threats from aggressive regional powers. 14 r 1 8 1 8 1 8 12 ing the centrally seated Mughal emperor is Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk. Akbar’s 3 interest of this painting lies in the emerging political configuration that it documents. who is identified by an inscription above the fan held across his right shoulder. in doing so. The exact date of the painting is unknown. c. Although his appointment was initially intended as a rebuke—for bottom: 5. the familiar figure of Saadat Khan appears yet again. Safdar Jang (5). Muhammad Shah with CouRtieRs.a.9 Safdar Jang’s own instincts for political survival. We may. c. 1730. By the late eighteenth century. fol. page 18 ⁄ x 15 ⁄ in. Saadat Khan was appointed governor (subedar) of Awadh in 1722. and Safdar Jang. Among the four men surround- paper. led to the further expansion of Awadhi territory and its consolidation as an independent dynastic state. it was one of several crucial steps. The political relationship between Awadh and Delhi is given expression in such paintings as Muhammad Shah with Courtiers. 1556 –1605) and thus into a political relationship that would greatly influence the aspirations and cultural activities of Awadh’s later rulers. For this achievement Muhammad Shah bestowed upon him the title Burhan al-Mulk (“Proof of the Realm”). The Los Angeles County Museum of Art’s painting of a prince hunting with cheetah (26. Saadat Khan BuRhan al-Mulk. 1750– 60 Page 68: 106.

Above: 26. the emergence of regional painting styles can be linked with strong local patronage and the availability of talented artists.11 Delhi-trained Lucknow artists are also thought to have contributed to the Murshidabad style under Mir Qasim. Farrukhabad painting derives largely from the Lucknow work of the imperially trained artist Faqirullah. and Orissa. In Murshidabad and Farrukhabad. The exchange of visual vocabularies between Delhi and its provinces as well as among the provinces themselves was effected by the movement of artists and patrons during these tumultuous years.12 At least one of the reasons that much work remains to be done on these and other provincial Mughal styles lies with the fact that their distance—in geographical. Attributed to Muhammad Faqirullah Khan. as at Faizabad and Lucknow. PRince Hunting with Cheetah. Thus. temporal. an area of Awadh that was for some time in the eighteenth century under Indo-Afghan rule. 1760 –70 William Fullarton. Its style—reflected particularly in the finely stippled faces with sharply delineated eyes and the short figural proportions—is typical of works produced in Murshidabad. during the rule there of Mir Qasim Khan (1760 – 63). c. a Company surgeon who was stationed in Bengal and Bihar between 1744 and 1766. A PRincess and Her Companions Enjoying a TeRRace Ambiance. and visual senses—from the Mughal imperial center at the height of its power led to 72 73 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . 1764 or earlier Right: 25. A yellow palette and figural type consisting of rather long-legged figures with faces marked by full cheeks and sharp noses and chins is common to paintings produced there between 1760 and 1770. Bihar. capital of the eastern provinces of Bengal.10 The painting A Princess and Her Companions Enjoying a Terrace Ambiance (25) belongs to a relatively small group of works from Farrukhabad.

the Awadh nawabs had adopted an imperial manner in both the substance and scale of their regional tours and hunting expeditions. went to pieces.17 Thus.20 Das (painting). a region described by Barnett and other scholars as existing “between empires. The British Museum’s painting A Royal Encampment Scene.15 While we no longer accept such judgments. and staff to supply a party’s every need over a period as long as two or three months. The wealth of the nawabs permitted comparable spectacles—visual demonstrations of dominion—that involved numerous guests. hundreds of transport elephants and pack animals. A Royal Encampment Scene. and Madhav (faces). and neither one erected any permanent buildings in Awadh. While regional political independence was built upon the dissolution of imperial control. and deployment bear closer examination. wherein painting in the Mughal provinces occupies a position inferior to those normative art forms—Mughal and European—against which it was judged. Jagan (composition) and Asir (painting). Sur century indicate that certainly by the time of Asaf al-Daula.” that is. whom they continued to nominally recognize as overlords into the early nineteenth century.”14 When. . literally “deputy” or “vice-regent/ governor. entertainers. Much recent scholarship. Both Saadat Khan and Safdar Jang considered Delhi to be their principal place of residence. 1590 – 95 74 75 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh .16 It is not difficult to see how this view is reflected in the opinions of Coomaraswamy and Brown. 7. in the late eighteenth century.19 Such temporary and movable settlements had been a feature of Mughal campaigns since the sixteenth century and are variously rendered in imperial manuscripts such as the Akbarnama (8. the royal enclosure of which is constructed of tents in a red color normally reserved for imperial use (7). Jagan (composition). the emblematic practices of Mughal kingship and authority were re-created in various successor states. the Mughal school . and the transfer of power to Lucknow and Hyderabad. for if such hybridity is considered to be one of its hallmarks. dating from about 1780 – 85. with the results that many examples of a degraded art were produced. known by their title of nawab. precedents. 1780 – 85 Historical sources from the late eighteenth Left: 8. The eighteenth century. however. Akbar Is EnteRtained by His Foster BRother Azim Khan at Dipalpur . No less a scholar than Ananda K. it was destined to become a “stagnant reflection” of western art. proclaimed of late Mughal painting that “nothing of importance is later than Muhammad Shah and hardly anything of supreme excellence later than about 1640.” 13 Much the same sentiment was expressed earlier by Percy Brown. who claimed: “On the break-up of the Mughal court at Delhi. Indian painting came to increasingly admit European influences. when these historical changes occurred. for instance. Coomaraswamy. 1590 – 95 Right: 9. c. c. the cultural authority of the Mughals was remarkably long-lived.” increasingly viewed themselves as hereditary regional rulers but were nonetheless conscious in their emulation of the Mughals. It is with this in mind that we may begin to explore the nature of hybridity in Awadh’s art. c. was once viewed as a period of severe disruption and revolutionary change in South Asia. they provide a useful vantage point from which to examine the arts of Awadh. then its sources. . and a bewildering number of servants. 9).their early characterization as weak offshoots. with provinces such as Awadh maintaining important continuities with the Mughal imperium and its forms of rule. between the declining Mughal power and the rising British colonial one. imaginatively depicts a vast camp. indicates the historical processes of the eighteenth century to have been rather more evolutionary in character. Akbar Is EnteRtained by His Foster BRother Azim Khan at Dipalpur . thousands of soldiers.18 Later Awadhi rulers.

It is one of several paintings associated with the patronage of Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier. Berlin. a task greatly facilitated by the influx of talent to Faizabad and Lucknow during the late 6. 184). c. Comparable scenes. Dublin. A Dancer Balances a Bottle. for instance. 1770. p. obscures our understanding of the many artistic sources available to Indian painters and the particular uses to which they were adapted. were rendered for Polier by the artist Mihr Chand (fl. 1780 – 85 Left: 21. such as one in the Chester Beatty Library. A Dancer Balances a Bottle. What makes A Royal Encampment Scene unique is the precision with which the artist rendered the scene according to the rules of single-point perspective. AcRobats PeRfoRming on a TightRope for a Women’s Dancing PaRty.Royal pursuits were among the most common subjects of Indian courtly paintings. c. however. under strong European influence. Polier gave an album containing similar paintings to Lady Coote. many of which he spent in Awadh. which can be attributed to the artist Faizullah or a close follower (21). These are 22 Above: 184. the Dancer painting does indeed prefigure the treatment in the British Museum Encampment Scene and related works. a Swiss-born soldier and engineer who lived in India for thirty years. from slightly earlier Awadhi works. In its vision of receding terraces. 1770 76 77 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . and enclosed gardens. c. of architectural monuments and courtly gardens. Viewing the turn toward a more scientifically rendered perspective solely in terms of an increasingly dominant Europeanized aesthetic. derives certain stylistic features from earlier Mughal paintings that must have been known to artists working in Awadh. His own album of such views is today in the collection of the Museum für Asiatische Kunst. The British Museum painting was originally presented by Polier to the artist Ozias Humphry. wife of the English East India Company officer Sir Eyre Coote (156. waterways. 1759 – 86) and his workshop. Patronage of the arts was one of the most visible ways in which the nawabs expressed their roles as inheritors of Mughal power. 21 represented by several exuberant terrace scenes. Scholars have noted that the paintings appear to represent a particular development. The Dublin painting.

suggestFigs. 1656. In the far distance. c. It should be noted at the outset that these paintings of architectural monuments such as the Red Fort and Jami Masjid at Delhi and the Taj Mahal at Agra (130. Attributed to Mihr Chand. Although differing from traditional Indian paintings that frequently depict buildings from multiple vantage points in order to stress The painting clearly continues the tradition of naturalistic portraiture perfected in Shah Jahan’s time. 6.8 cm). while various figures and activities were scattered across layered and ever-more-distant hills. 75) and comparable paintings. Paralleling the migrations from Delhi was the outward flow of imperial manuscripts and paintings. (7. 6).2 x 22. where the primary activity occurs across the lower part of the picture. this positioning allowed the artist to provide unobstructed frontal views of the most important features of the mosque complex: the entrance into its vast courtyard and the mosque itself. It is. Attributed to the Kashmiri Painter. (35. Another Faizabad painting of about 1770 in the Chester Beatty Library. In the Awadhi painting of the Jami Masjid. we might consider their relationships to earlier traditions and Walled cities and fortresses were often rendered from a bird’s-eye 78 79 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . display landscape conventions that recall various folios of the Padshahnama in their conceptualization of pictorial space and their attention to distant details. as in the two folios illustrating Shah Jahan’s visit to the shrine of Khwaja Muin al-Din Chishti at Ajmer (Figs.6 x 25. In outdoor scenes. The Awadhi interest in imperial painting of the Shah Jahan period has been recognized by Milo Beach. rarely adopt the high aerial view common to many of the Polier paintings. depicts Khwaja Muin al-Din eighteenth century. right image 13 7⁄ 8 x 8 7⁄ 8 in. for instance. many of which were acquired by the nawabs and other collectors in Awadh. One of the most famous of these acquisitions was the Padshahnama manuscript. 5.28 The latter. a fortress—a schematic rendering that recalls the images of Daulatabad or Udgir in the Padshahnama—is besieged by cannon. the thirteenth-century Sufi shaikh considered by the Mughals to be the spiritual source of their authority (10). left image 14 3⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄ 8 in.24 Much the same approach is taken in A Dancer Balances a Bottle. We might also consider the compositional balance evident in the Dublin painting. the Padshahnama artists combined the formal requirements of courtly portraiture with the desire for naturalism through their illusionistic rendering of landscapes that recede through the middle and upper parts of the pictures. although the artist—perhaps Mihr Chand—has seated the shaikh beneath an early variation of the scalloped archway that is encountered as a framing device in many Awadhi portraits and figure studies. The Dublin painting. folio 205B–A also examine the uses to which Awadhi artists applied their refinements of such techniques as linear perspective.viewpoint. 1770 ing that the Awadhi painters of such works were creatively responding to older models as well as new stimuli and patronage. p. Its landscape conventions were developments after the Flemish “world landscapes” that were adapted for Mughal painting as early as the late sixteenth century and would have been available to later Indian painters through a range of works. unclear whether the Padshahnama itself was the direct source for Awadhi works of this type. as late expressions of the formal symmetry codified in the jharoka (balcony) scenes of the Padshahnama.4 cm). an illustrated history of Shah Jahan’s reign (1628 – 58). every receding plane is punctuated by minutely rendered figures. The Royal Collection RCIN1005025. 5. India. Khwaja Muin al-Din Chishti. Shah Jahan Visits the ShRine of Khwaja Muin Al-Din Chishti at Ajmer . such as the architec- tural vistas now at the Museum für Asiatische Kunst. are of a decidedly different sort than the later architectural studies by Indian artists that are usually associated with European patronage in India. Returning to the British Museum Encampment Scene p. of course. who notes that such revivals—which occurred in other areas as well—were given distinctly local shapes. and several others 23 Chishti. which was in the possession of Asaf al-Daula by 1776 –77. 27 like it. opaque watercolor and 10. 26 gold on paper. c. asserted much more strongly in the Polier paintings. for instance. 80) 131. Mughal Empire.25 However. ambitious landscape and architectural vistas of this type are unknown from the reign of Muhammad Shah and his immediate successors. Although the hilly landscapes of the Padshahnama have been replaced by neat rows of pavilions and gardens. which also illustrate important Mughal monuments. (36.

symmetry and order—fundamental features of the site’s plan—are stressed. p.5 cm). Faizabad. India. Although he appears to have worked either from memory or a secondary source (judging from the general misunderstanding of the tomb’s upper structures). 63-Ft. for instance. translate the Indian built landscape through a language of empire. Delhi. Attributed to Mihr Chand. c. yet one that is so idealized as to reinforce the structure. Uttar Pradesh. The differences between these competing depic30 architectural studies commissioned by Gentil and largely focused on Delhi. 7. c. Od. often admiring. Est. Hodges writes. continued to maintain a considerable presence at the former Awadhi capital. His various writings also reveal an awareness of contemporaneous European political and intellectual discourses. FoRtification of Shuja Al-Daula at Faizabad. 18 5⁄ 32 x 55 19⁄ 32 in. A similar elevated viewing position.31 By the time of Hodges’s visit to Faizabad.Fig. paintings reflecting a traditionally Indian way of seeing architecture—as described by Giles H. Setting the mosque complex 29 military adventurer Jean-Baptiste Gentil (45. Jami Masjid. by an Indian architect in the employ of the French 80 81 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . dating from about 1774. Bibliothèque nationale de France. Tillotson—continued to be produced alongside them well into the nineteenth century. a fact he deduced from its decaying decoration. in addition to subtle shifts from a strict linear perspective. fol. so that his descriptions. c. which include some ground plans. that at the end of his tour to Faizabad: “I could not help viewing with a melancholy tions of architecture can be illustrated through a comparison of William Hodges’s drawing of about 1783 depicting part of Shuja al-Daula’s palace at Faizabad and Top: 130. symmetrical view divorced from contextual surroundings. 7). His memoirs describe the palace as a vast and desolate complex within a city containing the “remains of many handsome buildings. Bahu Begam.6. the artist here achieves a similar goal. written and visual.5 x 142.. Attributed to Mihr Chand. Fig. Asaf al-Daula had moved his court to the city of Lucknow. The Indian painting belongs to a series of twenty-four within a receding cityscape is an innovative turn. 1774. Hodges was clearly impressed by the elegance and scale of the palace. Other paintings from the set. watercolor on paper. (46. although his mother. 82.” 32 Hodges was appreciative. of Indian architecture and recognized its fundamentally different cultural origins from classically inspired European traditions. It shows a frontal. symmetry. Taj Mahal. describing the public audience hall as richer than its counterpart at Lucknow. allowed the artist of the Taj Mahal painting to render the river view of the tomb complex in such a way as to fully reveal the triple-arched and -domed side mosques while presenting the tomb in frontal view. Rés. and order of the Jami Masjid. here again. 1773 –76 a painting of the same structure. Although later Awadhi artists adopted the oblique views of such monuments favored by European artists working in a picturesque mode. and picturesque aesthetics. reveal similar preferences. oriental despotism. 1773 –76 Bottom: 131. R. 23 (Collection Gentil) their constituent parts and functions.

although Faizabad palace describes the structure raised by Shuja al-Daula as “certainly the most splendid monument of the arts in Hindostan at the time: it occupies a large tract of ground. Asoph ul Dowlah. where he has raised a monument of barbarous magnificence. Thomas Daniell (England. The diagonal composition. X432 /3(5) Fig. 27 3⁄ 8 x 37 1⁄2 in. 1850 – 56. and fixed the Government at Lucknow. bearing their own name.” 35 Not all European landscape artists visiting India depicted Awadhi monuments in the same manner as Hodges. was employed by Hodges in several of his drawings. offering an oblique view of the building from the river. in the present instance. As late as the reign of Wajid Ali Shah. Gate of the Lal Bagh at Faizabad. PaRt 3. The Punj Mahalla Gate. its roof chattris silhouetted against the sky—while drawing attention to their “elegiac ruination and abandonment. however.3 cm). 1783 48. Lucknow. They were followed by other amateur and professional artists whose visual descriptions of Lucknow evoke the grandeur of a city that had then become a magnet for fortune-seekers of all nationalities. 9). (69. left Fizabad. however: The great buildings in Hindostan raised by the Mogul chiefs. 8). de-emphasize the symmetry of much Indian architecture. while a large piece of the fortified embankment appears to topple away at the right.” The text accompanying his aquatints of the 33 Geoff Quilley observes that it also highlighted a building’s grandeur—note how Shuja al-Daula’s palace ascends from the banks. pp. c. c.concern the miserable appearance of all the territories which were under the absolute direction of Mussulman tyrants. Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh in the QaisaR bagh. on the demise of his father. The circa 1850 – 56 painting of Awadh’s last ruler carried in procession through his palace complex of the Qaisar Bagh reveals the persistence of this Indian way of seeing (fig.5 x 95. England.” He adds. plate 3. and to establish one for themselves. 1801 Fig. who traveled through India between 1786 and 1794. William Hodges. 1749 –1840) and William Daniell (England. This conventionally picturesque approach allowed the artist to 45. Accordingly. 9. The various paintings and aquatints of Thomas and William Daniell. appears to have been minimal. 1769 –1837). are subject to a revolution not known in other countries. their palaces in particular. for it is a principle among the great men of that country to leave the house of their fathers to ruin and decay. Indian artists—and presumably their Indian patrons as well—preferred a vision of architecture that revealed a building as completely as possible rather than from a single point of view. the present Nabob of Oud. 1801. 8. Hodges’s drawing of the Faizabad palace emphasizes its ruinous state. Vegetal growth appears on the chattri at the left edge of the drawing. A View of PaRt of the Palace of the Late Nawab Shuja al-Daula at Faizabad. 124–25. The British Library. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. 49. Thomas Daniell and William Daniell.34 their works from Faizabad and Lucknow—which they visited in 1789 —are less insistent in representing its buildings as ruins (48. Fig. Private collection 82 83 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . India. (42 x 60 cm). 16 1⁄2 x 23 5⁄ 8 in. for instance. as. aquatint in color on paper. from ORiental SceneRy. and is in many parts very beautiful. London. reveal similar aesthetic concerns. Their impact upon Indian artists in Awadh.

The artist employed European-style perspective in his depiction of this and several other buildings. The central portion of the scroll is particularly interesting in depicting the riverine buildings that would eventually become incorporated into the Bara Chattar Manzil Palace complex.54A. which was purchased by Saadat Ali Khan. The scroll is. The Shah Najaf Imambara was commissioned by Ghazi al-Din Haidar. 164). for instance. Major General Claude Martin’s former home. which was erected by Ghazi al-Din to house a venerated impression of the Prophet Muhammad’s footprints.37 Other notable structures appearing in the scroll 84 85 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . is the small shrine—few traces of which now remain—known as the Qadam Rasul. the gilded and festooned dome is clearly visible beyond the main entrance gateway. One of these. is clearly depicted. BARa Chattar Manzil with the King’s FISH-SHAPED Boat. was presumably made for the same British visitor whose handwritten notes identifying the buildings accompanied the scroll into the collection of the Yale Center for British Art. Beginning with the stone bridge. 1826 left: 164. 1858 panorama.36 He describes the structure recognizable as the Shah Najaf as the “New Imam Barah—built by his present Majesty” (54A). To its right is a European-style “folly” that was mirrored by a similar structure erected on the opposite bank of the river. Lucknow fRom the Gomti. In the Yale Top: 54B. stood an octagonal pavilion known only from late-nineteenth-century photographs which show it reduced to a single story (54. C. dating from 1826 or earlier. in fact. Felice Beato. the main shrine is depicted within its boundary walls. a fairly accurate topographical representation of Lucknow as viewed from the Gomti and a valuable guide to buildings that have since disappeared. 1826 An interesting comparison—which again highlights the different concerns of Indian and European artists and patrons while also addressing Lucknow’s hybrid architecture and its Shia history—can be drawn from two extraordinary panoramic landscapes of Lucknow. and the Bara Imambara (54B). in the middle of the river. Lucknow fRom the Gomti. To the left of the Shah Najaf. the old Jami Masjid. the complex of religious buildings near the Macchi Bhawan Palace are identified as the Shah Pir Muhammad Masjid. In between these two buildings. many presented obliquely as they must have appeared from the Gomti River. The Farhat Bakhsh. The scroll unrolls from right to left and is inscribed with various place names.

The style. include the British Residency and the Moti Mahal Palace. is typical of the many “Company-school” works—so-called for their obvious adaptations to European visual tastes—that depict Indian architectural monuments. The artist of the Yale scroll attempted to depict an accurate view of the city for his European patron. 163).7 cm). the artist has taken a completely different approach to the illustration of the Shia monuments.54D. of course. Lucknow fRom the Gomti. The Alkazi Collection of Photography Khurshid Manzil.2361. the artist was also conditioned by 86 87 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . (24 x 56. 1826 Top: 163. Felice Beato. the European-style house with moat and towers built by Saadat Ali Khan. This concern. PanoRama of Lucknow.177 In both of these. Felice Beato (Greece. The procession unfolds across several sheets of paper pasted together and presents the short journey from the Husainabad Imambara complex to the Bara Imambara. India. 10. came to be utilized in a variety of paintings for Indian patrons as well. Two-paRt PanoRama of the Husainabad ImambaRa (detail). 1832 –1909). That the artist attempted to represent the architecture along this avenue accurately can be seen by comparison with Felice Beato’s 1858 panoramic photographs showing both the Husainabad Imambara and the view from the Bara Imambara complex (fig. in addition to the style of the painting. a princess and her companions enjoying a terrace ambiance. Lucknow. 1858. 1858 Bottom: Fig. the primary figures of which are unfinished but visible through their faint pencil outlines. however. EX. 9 1⁄2 x 22 3⁄ 8 in. In showing the various parts of each complex as if experiencing them individually. Uttar Pradesh. Albumen prints. for its visual concerns and pictorial techniques are somewhat different from those in the Yale panorama. circa 1760–70. completed during Ghazi al-Din’s reign. p. Behind the last structure of the Moti Mahal stands the 38 Taken fRom the BARa ImambaRa (detail). Their depictions are informed by European techniques of perspective—evident in the oblique views of various buildings and gateways. While these secondary buildings are depicted as if in passing. It is for one such patron that a panorama of about 1848 now in the British Library was likely to have been made. 88). A domed structure rising behind one of the palace building’s walls—and now long since gone—may be the famous “moti-” or “pearl-”like dome for which this royal complex was known (54D). three towers are visible in this scroll. 10. including the enclosed building just outside the Husainabad Bazaar gateway—with its corner towers reminiscent of Saadat Ali Khan’s Dilkusha Kothi and the west facade towers of Ghazi al-Din’s Darshan Bilas—can be seen (55H. the low-lying structures.39 This later panorama depicts a royal procession of Muhammad Ali Shah. Muhammad faqirullah khan.

c. the image of which is familiar to us from photographs dating from the later nineteenth century (55G. Unfinished PanoRama of Lucknow fRom the Reign of Muhammad Ali Shah. The procession begins in the forecourt of the 63. 63).55. It includes the mosque located in the northwest corner. appears next. through which one enters the main area of the complex. Both the outer 88 89 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . This is followed by a view of its exuberant east facade. c. 1867 the reflecting pool. the building placed opposite the tomb for the sake of architectural symmetry (55B–E). the tomb of Zinat Algiya. Somewhat abruptly—and perhaps indicating a missing section of the scroll. The south gate of the forecourt. an interior view of its west gate visible in the distance (55A). which may have included an exiting view of the south gate—the east gate of the forecourt appears (55F). The buildings of the Bara Imambara are depicted in similar fashion. Husainabad Imambara. and the jawab. painterly ways of depicting architecture in India. 1848 55E 55D 55C 55B 55A 55H 55G 55F more traditional. John Edward Saché. Husainabad Bazaar Gateway. This is followed by a complete image of the interior court as taken in by an observer having just passed through the south gate and scanning the court from west to east. the imambara.

L). As such. whether through the leading of Friday congregational prayers or the declaration of jihad by any person or by the state. Shia beliefs are generally distinguished from those of Sunni 90 91 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . as well as the monumental gateways marking the second and third courts (55K. the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law. was followed by eleven descendants. as did Saadat Khan. where the ruling Safavid dynasty had propagated Twelver Shiism in the establishment of their own state. The third Imam. Twelver Shias hold the view that Ali. but Iranian nobility professing the faith were nevertheless able to rise through the ranks of the Mughal administration. the Asafi Masjid and the Imambara are revealed. “House of the Imam”) were built in Lucknow during the reign of the nawabs and speak to the Twelver or Imami Shia orientation of Awadh’s Muslim elites. as the first Imam. N). We must recall that Saadat Khan originally came to India from Nishapur.55J 55I 55N 55M 55L 55K and inner facades of the great Rumi Darwaza are shown (55I. Muslims by their insistence that the descendants of Ali. belying the fact that their immense scales prevent such an inclusive view from being captured in photographs assuming a similar viewing position (55M. Husain. their consolidation of authority was built upon wresting control Finally. J). many orthodox Shias from the late ninth century onward insisted that the absence of the Hidden Imam precluded the institutionalization of religious authority. Shias in India were largely outnumbered by Sunni Muslims. 40 Many imambaras (Urdu. who was killed in the year 680. were his rightful successors. while the twelfth and last Imam is believed by Shias to have disappeared into a mystical realm from which he will return at some future date. While the establishment of a Shia state was not a factor in his or his immediate successors’ early bids for regional independence. is especially revered. Iran.

never constituted more than a small percentage of Awadh’s urban population. is a copy of the sixteenth-century Al-Kadhimiya Masjid in Baghdad. Awadhi support for the Iraqi shrine cities and their clergies—following upon the practice of Safavid monarchs—was also expressed through generous donations of gifts and money from Lucknow’s nobility and rulers.43 The construction of the Asafi Masjid was integral to this effort as it was built in response to pressure from Asaf’s court and Usuli theologians to establish a Shia Friday congregational mosque.3230 of Awadh from local elites. which was rooted in the Awadhi rulers’ ancestral ties to Shia Safavid Iran. One of these. 1 1. It was also 44 refers to the name of the battlefield in Iraq where Husain—the third Imam— was slain. was assiduously maintained by the nawabs through their marriage alliances and administrative appointments. 11). and the liberal deployment throughout of the fish emblem that was adopted as the Awadhi royal insignia. Hussein Keshani has noted that the Bara Imambara’s integration into the administrative center of the Macchi Bhawan Palace. The Kazmain Karbala. and such structures further underscore the Shia orientation of Lucknow’s Muslim nobility. the Asafi Masjid’s visual parallels to Delhi’s Jami Masjid. 16 1 ⁄ 2 x 21 1⁄2 in. Thus. Kazmain KaRbala. “Karbala” Fig. (42 x 54.42 Structures accommodating the public mourning rituals of Muharram. had been erected in India since the sixteenth century. a two-domed structure housing the tombs of the seventh and ninth Imams (69). Darogah Abbas Ali.This identity. Shias. The MuhaRRam Festival: Asaf al-Daula. its particular configuration and form revealing the nawab’s assertion of political autonomy and religious piety. both Sunni and Hindu. however. 45 erected by a nobleman in the service of Muhammad Ali Shah. the Shah Najaf Imambara of Ghazi al-Din Haidar—mentioned above in the context of the Yale panoramic scroll— was intended to replicate the shrine of Imam Ali in Najaf. Listening at Night to the Maulvi Reading fRom the ScRiptuRes. from The Lucknow Album: Containing a SeRies of Fifty PhotogRaphic Views of Lucknow. The karbalas at Lucknow were used for burials as well as for the interring of taziyas— model replicas of Husain’s tomb—at the end of the Muharram mourning procession.46 From the late eighteenth through mid-nineteenth centuries. the sovereignty of the Awadhi expressed through architectural monuments that replicated important Shia shrines in Sunni Iraq.5 cm). remains the largest monument of its kind. the month in which the martyrdom of Imam Husain is commemorated. as well as religious converts.41 Increasing nawabi wealth and power through the latter half of the eighteenth century attracted many additional Shias to the region. built by Asaf al-Daula between 1784 and 1791. 69. The British Library Add. 1874 92 93 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . Nawab of Awadh. The latter was also commemorated in several Company-style paintings depicting Asaf al-Daula’s personal participation in the mourning rituals held at his complex (fig. Lucknow’s Bara Imambara. the Bara Imambara complex was also an assertion of the Awadh regime’s cultural and religious identity. watercolor on paper. India.47 While the cultural identity and religious affiliation of the nawabs were directly addressed through the built environment of Lucknow. 1795. though it bears little resemblance to the model but for its single dome and square plan. the synthesis of both Mughal and vernacular architectural forms in the imambara building.Or. all point to the importance of the complex in visually affirming Lucknow as Asaf al-Daula’s new capital.

RCIN408019 Later images of Ghazi al-Din as well as of his successors repeat much of the regal imagery first captured in Robert Home’s painting. was noted disparagingly by many contemporaneous observers. painted around 1830 by the Indian artist Muhammad Azam.3 x 156. 15). c. the playing of “God Save the King. Its completion was punctuated by a British gun salute.rulers was also proclaimed in other meaningful ways. the rituals and emblems associated with European kingship came to be superficially inscribed upon a fundamentally Mughal. an act of resistance as such activities boldly proclaimed the nawabs’ control of their state’s financial resources. for instance. and possession of. largely powerless overlord. It captures the visible trappings of this unprecedented proclamation of sovereignty. and were also presented alongside the many exotic and ordinary wares that filled the royal display spaces known as aina khanas (glass houses). A similar crown and ermine- trimmed robe with jeweled collar are included in Muhammad Azam’s portrait of Nasir al-Din Haidar. 12. by then. of Awadh (fig. The Royal Collection. Nasir al-din Haidar .and Shia-oriented Awadhi throne. was likely based upon an earlier painting by Home and depicts the king in his distinctive coronation crown (36. commemorates the 1819 coronation of Ghazi al-Din Haidar as the padshah. which had been seized in Delhi as plunder by Nadir Shah.51 A painting on three panels in the Victoria and Albert Museum depicting Ghazi al-Din in procession through Lucknow with a number of British and Indian guests. in fact. and based its claims of legitimacy upon the Awadh dynasty’s Shia ancestry. 12). court artist at Lucknow from 1814 to 1837. The British. and attendants may have been intended to record one aspect of the coronation day’s events (63. and canopy—all constructed of precious materials— was perhaps intended to evoke the famous Peacock Throne of Shah Jahan. worldly goods and rarities. Ghazi Al-Din Haidar. p.” and the Mughal courtly custom of exchanging articles of tribute and honor. 96–97). reflecting his efforts to also situate his sovereign claims within a widening sphere of British dominion. also thought to have been based on an as yet unidentified European model (2). 1830 Right: Fig. The ceremony—which included the British Resident and numerous Company officials—was preceded by a procession to Lucknow’s most important Shia shrine. or king. The Awadh rulers had. oil on canvas. on loan to Victoria Memorial Hall. however. Ghazi al-Din directly challenged the traditional authority of his. (241. Receiving TRibute. These collections were also a traditional prerogative of Indian kings. Ghazi al-Din’s coronation included the participation of an appointed mujtahid—who placed the European-style crown upon his head—and occurred on October ninth. The nawabi interest in collecting European artworks and objects. issuing coins bearing the name of the reigning emperor and having his name read in the Friday mosque services. 49 Home was responsible for designing much of the coronation paraphernalia. 94 95 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . The opulence of the throne.2 cm). up to this point.48 From the late eighteenth through the mid-nineteenth centuries. By declaring himself padshah. Muhammad Azam. Tracing their descent. The works of British portrait artists were incorporated into indigenous rituals of kingship. An oil portrait of Awadh’s first king. Ghazi al-Din’s crown and clothing were European in origin. always nominally acknowledged their subordination to the Mughal throne. Yet. Eventually. family members. in part. Their authority rested with the Imams whose teachings could be interpreted by the Shia theologians known as mujtahid. This was achieved through demonstrating that his family’s Shia genealogy gave them a claim to power equal to that of the Mughal dynasty.50 As can be seen in the painting. umbrella. 95 x 61 1⁄2 in. Accordingly. 1820. among other things. various assertions of sovereignty continued to be made. they were given away as gifts. Natasha Eaton has suggested that the acquisition of European items on such a magnificent scale was. India. His sovereignty could not simply be asserted symbolically. Musa al-Kazim. which drew its authoritative symbols from Mughal and European traditions. surmounted by an umbrella. Left: 2. A remarkable painting by Robert Home. including the impressive gem-studded golden throne. however. demonstrating their access to. King of Awadh. upon which Ghazi al-Din sits in the painting. the Dargah of Hazrat Abbas. encouraged Ghazi al-Din’s coronation as they wished to undermine continuing Mughal claims to power in northern India. the day Shias believe Muhammad appointed Ali as his successor and the first Imam. but had to be substantively legitimated. the Awadhi rulers viewed themselves as the true rulers of the Muslim community. pp. from the seventh Imam. Robert Home. whether Hindu or Muslim. the political power of Awadh’s nawabs was increasingly threatened by the English East India Company. c.

1820 96 97 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh .56. c. PRocession of Ghazi al-Din Haidar thRough the StReets of Lucknow.

leave to travel to Karbala and one in which he bestows honorific robes upon recent Shia converts.The appeal of the coronation regalia and emblems and their importance to Awadhi conceptions of kingship in subsequent reigns is also illustrated through two manuscripts associated with the patronage of the region’s last king. Wajid Ali Shah as a PRince with SaRfaRaz Mahal and a Female Attendant. The manu53 dated 1849 – 50 98 99 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . as he was descended from Muhammad Ali Shah. treatment of space. the painting differs from European works in its more direct emphasis on Wajid Ali Shah’s kingly nature as indicated. ensconced within rooms filled with European furniture and paintings (40). The pages of Wajid Ali Shah’s Divan. In this instance the portrayal has been interpreted through the lens of traditional South Asian manuscript painting. The Divan also contains on its opening page a portrait of Wajid Ali Shah.52 The latter was the first of its kind for an Indian ruler and appeared on the coins and commemorative medals struck in Ghazi al-Din’s name and in direct effrontery to the Mughal emperor. and in keeping with Mughal tradition whereby the emperors’ Timurid genealogy and links to their predecessors were recorded in many a painting. A similar depiction appears in the Ishqnamah. the king leaning against a bolster while seated on a carpet with his consort. the Ishqnamah contains scenes of Wajid Ali Shah’s investiture as a prince by his grandfather and his designation as heir-apparent by his father. Some depict him in settings that reveal the Europeanized aesthetic of Lucknow’s palace architecture. whose coronation in the presence of the British Resident is depicted in one of its later folios. Episodes from Wajid Ali Shah’s life as a king are distinguished in the manuscript images by the presence of the European crown on the ruler’s head. Wajid Ali Shah EnthRoned. dressed in rich Lucknowi costume. from the Isqhnamah. is adorned with the king’s distinctive coat of arms. London. for instance. The Ishqnamah details the life and loves of the king. The manuscript also contains paintings recording the succession leading to Wajid Ali Shah’s coronation. wearing the now familiar European crown and robes and seated upon the coronation throne (39). While the impact of European artistic styles is expressed through the frontal portrait. Several of the images depict Wajid Ali Shah. Amjad Ali Shah. folio 263v script provides a fascinating glimpse of Awadhi royal tastes and prerogatives in the mid-nineteenth century. as in a folio depicting Wajid Ali Shah granting several petitioners 39. Wajid Ali Shah. the brother of Ghazi al-Din Haidar. dated 1849/50 (AH 1266). And others recall the courtly scenes familiar from earlier painting traditions. by his nimbus. another collection of poetry written by Wajid Ali Shah and dated to the same year as his Divan. Accordingly. from a divan. A few paintings speak to the continuing Shia presence at court. which was a variation of the one designed for Ghazi al-Din Haidar. and slight modeling. 40. or appearing on an appropriately decorated outdoor terrace. a collection of his poetry dated 1849 – 50 and now in the Khalili collection.

Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. 1744–1797: The Art of Exploration (New Haven. Mildred Archer has noted a watermark of 1846 on the paper used for the scroll. 2:693 – 94. and 1783 (London: the author. Juan R. UK: Ashgate. 2. 30 – 31. 38. UK: Curzon. “Kerbala in Context: A Study of Muharram in Lucknow. Time and Place: The Geohistory of Art (Hants. 129]. Ibid.] A portrait of Saadat Khan with an attendant.” in After the Great Mughals: Painting in Delhi and the Regional Courts in the 18th and 19th Centuries. . 1980). cat. cat. 2001). Fisher. Drawing Books.” Ph. 46. 160 and 446. 41 . 1998). 1722–1856: A Descriptive Inventory and an Analysis of Nawabi Types (New Delhi: Vikas. Lucknow: City of Illusion (New York: Alkazi Collection of Photography.1 (1956): 10 –22. Bautze. depict architectural or landscape views. cat. Marshall (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 1987). see Robert Skelton. cat. 1998). 1971). 1770–1860. painting. 113].] For a general discussion of the imambara and karbala complexes at Lucknow. 5. 47. The original Lucknow manner which had still persisted under Asaf-ud-Daula is now dead. Jafri notes (Studies. cat. 46 – 50. 6. 1780–1910. 62 – 63. 1782. 4). North India Between Empires.” The Eighteenth Century in Indian History: Evolution or Revolution.D.and early-nineteenth-century India. ed. 49. 252 – 56.Despite its many extraordinary paintings which attest to the blending of courtly artistic traditions and precedents with nineteenth-century Lucknowi visual and royal culture. 1775 – 97. 2001). 261– 65.] Joachim K. 421. As the Ishqnamah and the other paintings discussed in this essay indicate. 1977. 48. P. 90 – 91. and Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann and Elizabeth Pilliod. 2:685 – 87.. 38. Mildred and W. 3. 69. the rulers of Awadh cultivated an image of rule that reflected their Mughal inheritance and their own distinctive religious heritage. calling it an 1826 visual record of Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s reign.” Orientations 31:9 (2000): 72. “Celestial Gardens. 1750 (Oxford: Clarendon. Michael H. 137– 41. 260. 1781. Tillotson. 32. 1725 (Johnson album 4. A Clash of Cultures: Awadh. King of the World. 18. Barbara Schmitz (Mumbai: Marg.21) [Leach. The Ehrenfeld Collection (Alexandria. S. Lucknow: City of Illusion. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. Interaction of Cultures: Indian and Western Painting. the Chester Beatty Library’s slightly later portrait of Shuja al-Daula. trans. as in the Bodleian example. [Company Drawings in the India Office Library (London: Her Majesty’s Stationary Office. 21 .” Manuscripts of the Middle East 6 (1992): 5 – 40. “Murshidabad Painting. 68 –79.” Past & Present 94 (1982): 85 –102. Indian Miniature Painting from the Collection of Edwin Binney. no. Barnett. 19 –20. 205. 2006). Archer. 1765 –1804. Ibid. 1770–1880 (London: Oxford University Press. 1773 portrait of a woman (2001. 22 . Fisher.” in Beach and Koch. 40. 101–11. furniture and wall-lamps in the worst British taste. 34. 500. 57.7). A drawing of Saadat Khan in the Museum of Fine Arts. ed. J. R.948) [Falk and Archer. A later copy is in the Royal Ontario Museum. pl. Travels in India During the Years 1780. Select Views in India Drawn on the Spot in the Years 1780. although his left hand grasps a document. 1782. “Political Marriage Alliances at the Shi’i Court of Awadh. 255 – 57. 179). India: Art and Culture 1300–1900 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. 31 . . “Towards a New Naturalism: Portraiture in Murshidabad and Avadh. 27. 163. 122 and 123.. Part VI. 1995). Boston (14. Jarrett (1927. Being a Translation of “Tahfzihu’l Ghafilin. see Neeta Das. Stuart Cary Welch. “Critical Cosmopolitanism: Gifting and Collecting Art at Lucknow. 4. a combination of views typical of many Indian paintings. 178 –79. 36 – 38. Rudrangshu Mukherjee. 16. it seems. William Hodges. 23. 13. The Archers mistakenly identify the date and subject of the manuscript. Ibid. Richard B. in the Chester Beatty Library. 43n1. 1981). 2004). Coomaraswamy was. Art Collections. The Mughal Empire.861). 8 – 9. North India Between Empires. 1953).. figs. 181– 90. . 36. 18 –19.” 69. and the Mughals. and 1783 (London: n. “The Padshahnama and Mughal Historical Manuscripts. Delhi: Low Price. which is unfinished. See. [Abu Talib. CXLIX. 138. 2000). North India Between Empires. 101]. and Peter Chelkowski. . 8. the cultural interactions which were brought together in the creation of a unique Awadhi aesthetic cannot be discussed solely in terms of a stylistic shift from an imperial Mughal-derived style to a heavily Europeanized one. 31]. 17) that through the seventeenth century.” 18. J. 3rd. A similar painting is in the collection of the British Library (Add. “The Imperial Coronation of 1819: Awadh. Jardin que fit faire Alemgir dans l’intérieur du palais pour ses femmes à Dely. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library (London: Scorpion Cavendish.” in G. Occidentalism: Islamic Art in the 19th Century.” 255. Toronto (924. Beach. Coomaraswamy.” in Beach and Koch. Coomaraswamy. 1550 to A. VA: Art Services International. Dublin (Ms. 1972). R. Percy Brown. Studies in the Anatomy of a Transformation: Awadh from Mughal to Colonial Rule (New Delhi: Gyan. Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. The manuscript was presented by Asaf al-Daula to the governor-general of Bengal. and Douglas Fordham (Manchester. Abu Talib describes some of dangers of these expeditions as well as their toll on local villages. Mildred and W. is portrayed throughout his regal routine avidly seeking with monotonous regularity the tedious company of unhappy women. For a brief description of the manuscript and its contents. The rooms are decorated with Indian portraits and British sporting prints. the measure of Awadh’s art by Mughal and European standards and the need for a more comprehensive understanding of its hybrid visual culture. 11) is illustrated in Gadebusch. “Celestial Gardens: Mughal Miniatures from an Eighteenth-Century Album. Coomaraswamy. although the fan has been replaced with a sword [Linda York Leach..D. 2004).] 37. Najaf was one of the cities visited by Sayyid Dildar Ali Nasirabadi. H. Indian Painting. The painting depicting the Red Fort at Delhi (MIK I 5005. Ibid. Indian Painting for the British. 14. Juan R.. 66. 2003). Indian Painting Under the Mughals. 15. Architecture. 2001). 1998). 125 –26.. Lucknow: Pustak Kendra. India. etc. Magazines. P.” Middle Eastern Studies 22:4 (1986): 461– 80. 34. 59 –79. 104. A. Tim Barringer. 7. Reflections of India: Paintings from the 16th to the 19th Century (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum. CT: Yale University Press. 35. 1. and. As a Shia dynasty ruling over a largely Sunni and Hindu population.. Chitra: Cities and Monuments of Eighteenth-Century India from French Archives (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 76. We have returned. Keith Guy Hjortshoj. Hoey (1885. eds. “Lucknow’s Imambaras and Karbalas. before the latenineteenth-century construction of their conjoined platform.413) [Edwin Binney. Nawab Wazir of Oudh. In the British Library painting of c. in Stephen Markel’s essay.” in Art and the British Empire. UK: Manchester University Press. The Nasser D. I. “The Imperial Coronation.5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Many artistic precedents and new influences were mediated by a court and clientele whose cultural identities were far more complex than the terms “provincial Mughal” or “Company style” might suggest. 11. “Monumental Grief: The Bara Imambara. Navy and Army.54 1. R. Leach. Saadat Khan holds a fan in his right hand. Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts. the San Diego Museum of Art’s c. 1993). Barnett. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings 2:699. [John F. cat. 10. 164 – 65. ed.12. 42 . 253. fol. decorative arts. trans.” attempts an aerial view while utilizing a rudimentary perspective to render the receding side walls of the enclosed garden. ed. 1– 52. 134 – 35. Ibid. and the ruler of Oudh. who in 1799 presented it to George III. A-in-i-Akbari. eds. 20. H. [Toby Falk and Mildred Archer. Panoramas. Milo Cleveland Beach. “‘Indian Money’ and the Shi’i Shrine Cities of Iraq. Banmali Tandan. 13.g. 54. 45. Cole. ed. as discussed in the various essays in this volume. 1781. Ithaca. 1997). 25.. North India Between Empires. Michael H. Toward a Geography of Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Raffael Dedo Gadebusch. 44. We see the garish stucco building with its shoddy woodwork and frescoes.Or. Ibid. Boston. See. 44 – 45]. The pictorial languages and styles which were employed by Awadhi artists from the late eighteenth through the nineteenth centuries likewise reflect the adaptation of various influences to a distinctly Indian vision. 1985). 24. J. “The Hierarchical Principles of Shah-Jahani Painting. For additional photographs.” in Llewellyn-Jones. Indian Painting: From Cave Temples to the Colonial Period (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. pl. Sir John Shore (Lord Teignmouth). 1955). its carpets. Abbey (London: Curwen. few high-ranking Mughal noblemen held posts in Awadh and no Mughal monuments were erected there. [Barnett. “Architecture and the Twelver Shi’i Tradition: The Great Imambara Complex of Lucknow. NY. Munich: Prestel. 2. W. 32 . 50. 1780 (64. and textiles. Catalogue. nearly replicates the stance of the above-mentioned works. Barnett. Geoff Quilley and John Bonehill. from the Library of J. Saiyid Zaheer Husain Jafri. 19. 40. and embracings. fig. cat. 125. is remarkably similar to the Dublin work and may precede it in date. This painting and a few others from the series are illustrated in Jean-Marie Lafont. I. 27. William Hodges. The Mughal administrative configuration of the province was maintained in large part until the twentieth century. 108 – 9.. Windsor Castle (London: Azimuth. North India Between Empires: Awadh. now in the collection of the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. 28 –29. 1989).143) [Milo C. “Painting and Understanding Mughal Architecture.136) [Joan Cummins.. H. 43. 52 . diss.. Delhi: Oxford University Press.. Tillotson. Losty. Surrey.” in Lucknow Then and Now. The Roots of North Indian Shi’ism. [Life in England in Aquatint and Lithography. In this volume the pleasures of the zenana. Richards.” A Contemporary Record of Events Connected with his Administration. MA: Harvard University Press. 2003). 61– 66.” 227– 33. 1785 – 88). 53.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 25:4 (1983): 593 – 616. 158. 1924). in fact. 6. “Trade and Empire in Awadh. Indian Miniatures. as the latter reveals a cursory treatment of shadows that appears in provincial Mughal paintings in the mid-1760s [Ananda K. 3rd: The Mughal and Deccani Schools (Portland: Portland Art Museum. The style of the painting is even more revealing. and the Boston Museum of Fine Art’s c. 706. Marshall. 1979). are now so feebly rendered that dignity is lost and nothing remains but a sense of all-pervading squalor. cat. 189 –204. the British. in the present volume. King of the World. [Milo Cleveland Beach and Ebba Koch. quoting Percy Brown’s condemnation of Indian artists copying European paintings and techniques (Brown. 25 –26. 33. [Cole. “Islamic Manuscript in the British Royal Collection. “Introduction. For a discussion of the differences between Indian and European approaches to the depiction of architectural monuments in late-eighteenth. now a king with a golden halo. see Muhammad Isa Waley. “Murshidabad Painting. 1930).” Marg 10. Cole.p. for instance. 2005). 6. Precedents for Saadat Khan’s autonomous governance had been established by his predecessors in the region who appointed their own administrators and also began to fundamentally alter the ownership rights of land revenues. Eight of the ten paintings in the album. formerly portrayed with voluptuous line and fevered colour. The Architecture of Lucknow and Its Dependencies. c. and the British 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. and their roles in Muharram rituals. 12 . see G. 29. the Mughals. 1775 – 80 portrait of Shuja al-Daula (1990.343]. LVIII.. to the subject with which this essay began. William Hodges.333]. Vol. 2006). 343]. Catalogue. The main architectural elements of the garden are depicted frontally while the garden and central pool are depicted from a bird’s-eye perspective. Barnett. 2007). Rosie LlewellynJones (Mumbai: Marg.” Muqarnas 23 (2006): 219 – 50. 1793). see Hussein Keshani. Natasha Eaton. music. Archer described the Ishqnamah manuscript quite disparagingly in a 1955 publication: The paintings reveal the tawdry Europeanized palace to which the journals and memoirs constantly refer. 237– 42. 36 – 44. 275 –76. 28. Mughal Painting (Cambridge. 1973). 1786 –1850. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings. An Imperial Mughal Manuscript from the Royal Library. Eventually they came to also incorporate the symbolic language of European kingship. 39. 100 101 Gude : The CultuRAl Landscape of Awadh . 107. cat. 30. . Fisher. ed. dancing.D. Michael H. Skelton. 9. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. It was previously in the collection of the book collector Major John Roland Abbey. the British and the Mughals (New Delhi: Manohar. 11 . 1770. Keshani. G.] Ebba Koch. 1997). e. Visual expressions of the political relationship between the emperors and provincial governors are found in architecture. 21. see Stephen Vernoit. c. its feasts. 158. For a discussion of the view of these two structures in this scroll and its evidence for the early appearance of the monuments. 26. Indian Miniatures in the India Office Library (London: Sotheby Parke Bernet. “Architecture and the Twelver Shi’i Tradition. One painting of the series.] Abu’l-Fazl Allami. G. 51 . The New Cambridge History of India I. 1750 – 80. P. Roots of North Indian Shi’ism in Iran and Iraq (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. for instance. 17. Paradigms of Indian Architecture: Space and Time in Representation and Design (Richmond. Geoff Quilley. pls.] For discussions of various aspects of the Murshidabad painting style and its development. For a discussion of this manuscript. cat. 23 (New York: Nour Foundation in association with Azimuth Editions and Oxford University Press. inscribed “Malab [Mahtab] Bague. 90 –102. attributed to an artist working in Faizabad. who played an important role in the establishment of Shia theological scholarship in Awadh. . The coat of arms is discussed in Fisher. See Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann. 2002). Cornell University. History of Asafu’d Daulah.. ed. King of the World: The Padshahnama. 13.” Modern Asian Studies 19:2 (1985): 239 –77.

“ran away from home” in 1775 because of strong differences between himself and his mother and grandmother. poetry and Shi’i religious scholarship and ritual performances. to a lesser extent. Awadh’s economic. dance. performance genres. Bahu Begam and Sadr-al-Nisa [Asaf al-Daula’s parents and grandmother] developed a distinguished court culture in Awadh.1 Detailed information on the court at Faizabad is extremely limited. The Awadh court poured its wealth into patronage of almost all the high arts—particularly architecture. Lucknow in English. Asaf al-Daula. These narratives generally trace the shift of political power away from Indian rulers and toward the British. cultural and political efflorescence made it the premier “successor-state” to the Mughal Empire in north India. which increased dramatically from the middle of the eighteenth century till the annexation of Awadh in 1856. Of all the high arts into which wealth was poured we are particularly concerned here with the expressive forms of literature and. Indeed. Lucknow in Urdu English discussions of Lucknow have focused on Awadh’s political encounter with the British.Car l a Pet i ev i c h Innovations Pious and Impious: Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow When the nawab of Awadh. the court (darbar) and culture (tahzib) that he established in Lucknow were to become the stuff of legend. the two are not really separate. This description of Faizabad in the 1760s suits the development of Lucknow as well: Shuja’ al-dawla. Faizabad. painting. particularly in their capital of the time. By contrast we know a great deal about Lucknow. for in them the 102 103 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . music.

who proved to be excellent bargaining chips in the perennial negotiations that took place between recalcitrant servants and their erstwhile (and still nominal) imperial overlords. That Oude is one of the most miserably-governed countries under heaven. the Awadh nobility intermarried with Mughal nobility. kings) who appear in Urdu sources as heroic patrons of the arts. but. But Asaf al-Daula and his successors were well aware that lavish cultural patronage created political authority in addition to stimulating the economy of Awadh. Layla and Majnun. . and Turkish nouns. architecture. or to support garrisons of British soldiers in Indian cities. The extensive cultural interactions and exchange between Indian and European actors at the Lucknow court are often told as the stories of the nawabs’ fascination for all things European. Knighton suggests that this sort of opulence offended conventional sensibilities. Arabic.5 but in the 1855 preface to its second edition Knighton attests to its utter facticity. The relationship between the two was ambivalent. the refugee princes enjoyed substantial allowances and were expected to behave like kings. over time the preeminent language of literature (adab) came to be Persian. and literature described in the opening quotation. but especially to a poet. exaggeration has been strictly guarded against . But the Lucknow of the English language is by and large a very different place from the Lucknow of Urdu. Much there was that was strange—much there was that was horrible about that life. Thus. no matter what their achievement in Urdu. put Persian on the shelf: Now is the time for Hindavi [Urdu]. The literati paid great attention to the incorporation of Persian lexical items into Urdu and to the ascription of gender to Persian. to him will Asaf al-Daula give). compelling political reasons to encourage lavishness. Indians trained by the British also tend to be dismissive of 7 Poetry was the form in which the Quran came down to the Prophet Muhammad and for this reason it has been especially valued in the Islamicate. I witnessed many scenes which I could not describe without offending conventional propriety. which the nawabs (and the Mughals before them) certainly understood. every one will admit. There were. even during periods which saw great developments in regional languages. conscious attempts were also made to elevate it to the same level of sophistication. and to make it the central characteristic of the “vibrant.6 From Delhi to Lucknow The Asaf al-Daula of Urdu built his new capital as a cultural center (markaz) to rival Mughal Delhi—with little or no regard for British opinion—for the Mughals had set the standard for Indo-Muslim culture. in other words. of course. which is the present focus. effeminacy. and general unfitness to rule. Such policies would. and have endeavored solely to describe the inner life of the palace as I found it. c. the language of the Quran. For their part. as we see in the following verse by the Urdu master Mushafi (Ghulam Hamdani “Mushafi.11 Thus. It lent force to the city’s growing reputation as “the place to be. As for the displaced Mughals. this book has not been written with any political object. One of the most notorious (and entertaining) works in this connection is the Englishman William Knighton’s account of the court of King Nasir al-Din Haidar. or the Orient? 3 The voyeurism ran in both directions.4 Historians view the work as largely fictitious. Who can say whether the Occident was more exotic. My task is done.” 1750 –1824): Mushafi. in Lucknow. Poets as well were accustomed to leading quasi-nomadic lives in search of patronage.British are telling their own story. while Urdu poetry self-consciously emulated Persian models. rivaling them and emulating them. was to designate that person learned. 104 105 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . as it perpetuated their own aura of majesty. as clients of refugee Mughal royals. in all that the reader will find recorded. was understood to be a necessary part of the process of elevating Urdu to the requisite level as a language of belles lettres. and KhusRau and ShiRin (detail). and competitive. including the emperor’s family. for it encapsulates very well the gist of Lucknow as it appears in English sources: I have adhered simply to the truth. To ascribe knowledge of Persian and Arabic to anyone. whereas English sources tell us about Asaf’s corpulence. featuring all the achievements in art. Its importance in India never disappeared. The philosophy of rulership is significant here. distinctive Lucknowi aesthetic” which this exhibition showcases. conversely. to be sure.8 Alongside the artists seeking asylum from the disruptions of Delhi in the latter half of the eighteenth century came Mughal nobility of all kinds.9 The nawabs were eager to host such Mughal princes as Sulaiman Shikoh. or ilm. English language sources reflect a British understanding of “responsible rulership” that was more oriented toward fiscal policies of military spending and revenue collection. but whose? The British understood it as a poor administrative choice on the part of the nawabs. Thus in Urdu we have the very famous and popular saying “Jis ko na de maula. admiring. is no secret. later. and therefore the state of the country is but incidentally alluded to in the following pages. remained the premier language of scientific knowledge. However. the very nawabs (and. I have not written a political disquisition but merely a personal narrative. Arabic.2 though of course the fascination was mutual. They could count on taking recourse in the Awadh rulers should their primary patrons’ circumstances diminish. The British wished to see Indian rulers collect land revenues and turn them over to the British to pay off war indemnities. and these erstwhile Dihlavis (residents of Delhi) were delighted to continue on. us ko de Page 102: 22. their role as patrons ameliorated their status as clients of former minions. . too. to suggest that someone was deficient in either was to diminish their intellectual stature.” Poetry: Arabic to Persian to Urdu Knighton’s “faction” makes for more entertaining reading than the drier accounts of revenue collection and troop movements. I present his apologia in detail. The Lucknow of Urdu—and by this we mean not just the language and literature of Urdu but the entire culture connected with it—this Lucknow is a city in glorious cultural efflorescence. and that it would be a blessing to its numerous inhabitants were the Indian government to do for it what it has so well done for the Punjab. Indo-Muslim rulers engaged in conspicuous consumption as a deliberate policy. known as islah-i zaban (literally “correction of language”).10 In Lucknow Persian continued to be held in high esteem. 1775 Asaf al-Daula” (He to whom God does not give. have benefited the British far more than the people of Awadh.12 This process.

pining for but a cool breeze? Urdu as a Language of Erudition and Elaboration: Lakhnawiyat Patrons prized versatility highly.Mushafi farsi ko taq pe rakh Ab hai ashaar-e Hindavi ka rivaj within the Islamicate. surrounded as they are by the enemy army and cut off from water in the heat of the desert summer: Baqir lies crumpled somewhere on the ground. excerpted from one of Anis’s best-loved marsiyas. elaboration. or “Lucknow-ness. The length of lyric poems grew to twenty-five or more. Such usages were especially encouraged by the rulers of . or nine shers. Various aspects of Muharram celebration were elaborated to new degrees. and the sense of possibility seems to have been limitless. The great story of Shiism transcended its minority position 106 107 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . The tragedy could be felt by all. the Noble One cried. and he calls his followers to arms: When the sun had passed its nightly journey and dropped the dawn’s veil to reveal her radiant face. to the most revered of Lucknow’s cultural innovations. so that more complicated meters were favored over shorter ones. however.22 but they were particularly prolific in the lyric ghazal form. Karbala is arguably the central event in Shiism.15 for it marked the point at which the Muslim community divided and the descendants of Ali became a permanent (and persecuted) minority. They were known to employ a “somewhat maverick use of symbols as influenced by their environs on the subcontinent. seven. To shed tears is part and parcel of a ritual enacted for the purpose of obtaining religious virtue. Put baldly.”23 One example of the elaboration favored by poetic masters came in the number of verses (known as shers) that they might compose for a single ghazal. . Khwaja Haidar Ali Atish (d. To attain this state through empathy and identification with the martyrs is a sign of virtue rather than resignation. At the same time.24 The length of poetic lines also grew. “Our time has come! Give praise to God.14 Matam processions drew admiring crowds from all over the city to empathize with the self-flagellators. Arise and fulfill your duties to Dawn. Such engagement beyond the realm of Indo-Muslim courts was following a practice that had long been in place in India. parched as they are. Where can the famished women convey them to safety? What fault of theirs has brought upon them this incessant storm of arrows— (surely it cannot be) the fault of the young ones. Both poets bore noble literary pedigrees. and appealed not only to non-Shias but to non-Muslims as well. The Lord of the goblet-shaped sky beheld the heavens and turning to his companions. 19 which was also important in this sociocultural milieu. Their battlefield scenes are thought to have raised the elegy to epic proportions. the following lines evoke the desperate condition of Husain’s clan. but posterity has favored Anis with greater longevity and popularity. His marsiyas are valued for their combination of emotional verisimilitude and their elegance of language. Both were prolific and much20 celebrated in the Lucknow of their time. Poets were encouraged to work within the full range of “classical” genres.13 In Lucknow the most (in) famous such expression was known as rekhti (about which more later). and Marsiya The nawabs were very conscious of their Safavid Iranian heritage and new developments in art marked this legacy especially in celebrations of Shiism. Yes. who had inherited—but did not much perpetuate—a martial tradition. This refinement. Awadh. warriors! This is our day of trial and strife. For an embattled community such as the Shias this was tremendously powerful.17 And it was Lucknowi poets of the nineteenth century who set the standard by which mourning elegies are measured ever since. Piety. Shia Imaginary. or delicacy. including the largely non-Muslim devotional poetry of Awadhi and the idiom of secluded women (see below). and to offer them water as they made their way along the procession route in the hot sun. 1838): The two greatest names in marsiya-goi (marsiya composition) were those of the contemporaries and rivals Mir Babar Ali “Anis” (1802 –1874) and Mirza Salamat Ali “Dabir” (1803 –1875). They began to incorporate Persian constructions and a great deal of Persian vocabulary into their Urdu ghazals.21 In the lines below. inventing new rituals to commemorate the birth of all Shiism’s imams. An example of nazuk khayali (delicacy of thought) in imagery can be seen in the following sher by the great Lucknow ustad. whereas pre-nineteenth-century ghazals had tended to run to five. Marsiyas were typically recited in gatherings (majalis) during the mourning month of Muharram.” 18 While the grandeur and pathos of Anis’s language is largely lost in translation. Hyder observes that the history of Urdu literature “simply cannot be written” without mention of these two masters. delicacy of sensibility. Patrons encouraged the compositions of marsiya. This is the summer—this heat and this thirst— the moon-faced children cry themselves into fretful sleep. elegiac poetry on the betrayal and martyrdom of Imam Husain and his followers at Karbala (in 680). from here will flow the blood of Muhammad’s line!” Urdu poets in Lucknow experimented with many forms of vernacular expression. Let us turn first. always with an eye to infusing the new literature with greater elegance and refinement. and versatility are all part and parcel of that distinctive quality people call Lakhnawiyat.16 The ability to transport the elegy’s audience to a state of tears testifies to the marsiya-poet’s (and the reciter’s) skill. King Nasir al-Din Haidar extended Muharram celebrations from ten to thirty days. . the dawn of Husain’s doomsday breaks. but the heroism of Husain and his followers inspired all Lucknowis. Lakhnawiyat’s elegance of expression centered around nazakat. marsiyas are recited to induce weeping in their audience. Sakina lies in a faint somewhere else. and served to reinforce Shia communal identity as much as any other ritual.

one of the great ustads of the early generation of refugees: Lord. The critique was extended to Lucknow’s culture overall. failure subtly becomes success. 108 109 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . There exists an anecdote about him that is so famous as to be almost cliché. In Urdu literary criticism (all of which postdates Lucknow’s political and cultural demise in 1856). The ghazal audience understands that to die while still striving for fulfillment in love is the ultimate achievement of the lover (ashiq). A ke sine se labon par dam atakta hai abas Therna achha nahin jab ho irada dur ka 25 cally. plenty of Lucknowis are actually happy to embrace the label of decadence. what have you done to me? Yarab shahr apna yun chhuraya tu ne Virane main mujh ko la bithaya tu ne Main aur kahan yih Lakhnau ki khilqat Ae vae kya kiya khudaya tu ne 28 The elegance of this expression lies in its euphony. but it carried the sense of “indulgence in verbiage” and suggested that elaboration was taken to extremes well beyond good taste. when there was no sense of exaggeration having outer limits. the imagery can be explicated. Atish’s contemporary and rival. In North India and Pakistan just about everyone knows the joke relating how two Lucknowi gentlemen took so much time insisting that the other board a train first that it eventually departed. The achievement of the verse lies in its bundling of imagery on top of all that. leaving them both behind on the railway platform. It features Mir requesting that a fellow traveler (a Lucknowi) on a stagecoach not speak to him lest his language be compromised during the course of the exchange. “The Chess Players” (Shatranj ke khilari).How futile. dying on his lips. Mira sina hai mashriq aftab-i dagh-i hijran ka Tulu-i subh-i mahshar chak hai mere gariban ka Such appreciation was quite muted. during the late eighteenth century. which he calls “not poetry. But there is always an overlay in such parody. Perhaps ironiPerhaps Mir’s most devastating critique comes in an equally famous dismissal of the Lucknowi poet Jurat’s ghazals.27 They would not do so if their beloved city’s so-called decadent tehzib were not based on nazakat. though they might use another term for the oft-invoked British label of effeminacy. Lucknowi politesse has been amply lampooned in anecdotes and twentieth-century literature such as Munshi Premchand’s famous short story. We can see it in the following nostalgic rubai (quatrain) by the émigré poet Mushafi. which was made into a lush film by Satyajit Ray in 1977. 1838). but descriptions of kissing and licking” (chumachati). The sigh fails to achieve full expression. this perceived overelaboration was called “paying homage to language” (riayat-i lafzi). Dawn is the time of both disappointment and release. Nasikh has managed to layer them both into an image of simultaneous agony and triumphant catharsis. Lucknow The delicacy here is in the image rather than in refined vocabulary. Delhi vs. Thus. its cadence. and it is not an accident that many of these critics are themselves identified with Delhi. however.26 Lakhnawiyat as ExcesS There were also less delicate expressions of contempt. It conveys both desire and lack of fulfillment. and this has been the source of detractors’ criticism of Lakhnawiyat. and Persianized phrasing. but the tone is restrained. its Perso-Arabic vocabulary. and the most famous source of these was the great Delhi ustad Mir Taqi “Mir” (1722 –1810). my breath rising up from my breast only to stick to my lips: It’s no good to tarry when one’s goal remains remote. was known as “the Imam of Lakhnawiyat. which is the state of the lover himself at his own death. And note the contrast in tenor from Mushafi’s rubai (above) when Mir remarks nostalgically on the move from Delhi to Lucknow: Far better than Lucknow the ruins of Delhi: Would that I had died back there than let my madness lead me here! Kharaba Dilli ka dah-chand bahtar Lakhnau se tha Wahin ae kash mar jata sarasima na ata yan 29 One person’s refinement can be another’s excess. for even non-Lucknowis admire refinement and good manners. This was not the case in its time. It is perhaps the first word we see when critics speak of Lucknow’s decadence. Though he spent the last thirty years of his life in Lucknow he never really reconciled himself to his loss of Delhi.” A good example of Lakhnawiyat in Nasikh’s poetry is: My breast is the eastern horizon Whence the wounded sun of Separation rises: The dawn of Doomsday breaks Through the rend in my collar. as the reader will have surmised from the foregoing discussion. as émigrés expressed a preference for their abandoned home (Delhi) over Lucknow. Night is the high time of both Separation’s pain and the anxious anticipation of union. While the working of the language and its effect can’t really be translated. The poet uses the narrator-lover’s sigh to symbolize his dire state overall. you’ve robbed me of my city Brought and sat me in this wilderness: What can there be between me and these Lakhnavis? Dear God. The poet Shaikh Imam Bakhsh “Nasikh” (d.

ghazal poetry took itself very seriously. Invention: Rekhti narrated in a grammatically feminine voice. not least the homoerotic. again. and that he invented rekhti as a form of tribute born of admiration for their pithy wit. masculine voice of rekhta (the contemporaneous term for Urdu ghazal). I shall beat you to a pulp! Well. When my heart faded I couldn’t help but recall the withering of a bud not yet in bloom. Rekhti is probably as much a parodic approximation as it is the actual language women really spoke. old nurse? When you don’t so much as say a word to him. apparently only their patrons did! And was there no difference between the idiom of courtesans and that of their social rivals. rekhti poets were at pains. The following ghazal displays Insha’s versatility and treats a range of themes. for what is lost in translation. to flaunt its un-loftiness. your ugly face gives me the creeps old hag.41 Don’t try to put one over on me. Even tawaifs did not compose in tawaifi zaban. Its distinctive idiom is often called begamati zaban (the language of respectable ladies) because most of the events it depicts are narrated by women of the zenana (women’s quarters of elite houses). old nurse? Rangin is credited with inventing rekhti as a poetic voice. and poets sincerely subscribed to the notion that the loftiness of their ideas and expression was ennobling. I can’t tell you the state of my shins! Why not go make offerings at the Prophet’s feet? Don’t you. They are the only two full diwans of rekhti that date from the first third of the nineteenth century.Urdu as a Language of Play.” As it happens. which was “Colorful. it often seemed. rekhti was all about the idiom in which it was expressed. you’ve gone and made enemies of all my friends: what else do you have in store for me. keep your distance. the annoyances and quotidian spats between housewives and their domestic servants. Though written almost exclusively in ghazal form. Rangin said that he had picked up the idiomatic expressions of courtesans (tawaifs) during the course of a misspent youth. too.39 He.35 Its geographic world sets its themes: the travails of burdensome husbands. Its tone is largely playful. remover of obstacles. For one.38 A close friend and rival of Rangin.and nineteenth-century courtesans was narrated in the normative. you spent the night out. at your hands I’ve been cut to the quick: I’d feed you to the vultures if I could. Don’t ask me about her fingers’ tenderness: They’ve a smoothness like the tips of mung bean shoots.31 Certainly its identity has come close to “chumachati” in popular imagination. called rekhti. As we saw in the earlier expression by Atish. and Mir’s devastating comment about chumachati might logically have been occasioned by a recitation of rekhti. whose undisguised presence in rekhti was probably the reason the whole corpus of poetry was suppressed in the twentieth century: 40 Since I’ve been facing the lane of desire I’m obliged to chant the name of Ali. may God make your mouth ulcerate! What are you muttering about? just wait till tomorrow morning— old woman.36 The normative ghazal features an always-grammatically-male narrator and revolves around his emotional universe: the largely internalized and metaphysical struggles of human longing for the divine. mocking a literary tradition that takes itself very seriously. here is an example from the oeuvre of Saadat Yar Khan “Rangin” (1756 –1834 /35): Don’t flood me with desirous words.32 but is certainly consistent with both his nom de plume (takhallus). rekhti pushed the boundaries of what could be expressed in lyric form.” and the “anything goes” milieu of Lucknow at the turn of the nineteenth century. depend on the help of Lord Shiv? Among all the literary innovations in Lucknow perhaps the most notorious was a new style in which Jurat sometimes composed. Largely playful in tone. old nurse. completed a diwan-i rekhti (collection of rekhti poems) in answer to Rangin’s. then perhaps the idiom of rekhti should have been called “tawaifi zaban” 34 rather than “begamati zaban. and the lascivious shenanigans of illicit liaisons—including within the zenana itself—form its core. don’t stare at me wide-eyed like that! Nurse.30 It was deliberately transgressive of established poetic norms. rekhti parodied the ghazal by deliberately discoursing on very different themes. extant Urdu poetry of eighteenth. Nurse! Fibs will only blacken your face. the way I ran around yesterday. With apologies. the rivalries among co-wives. too. the anti-ghazal. Mockery. Insha could also be playful and irreverent and his wicked wit often got him into trouble. From your spreading and squelching of rumors. That is arguable.33 Rekhti was male-authored poetry 110 111 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . had this ventriloquism really been the diction of tawaifs. respectably married women? Rekhti self-consciously presents itself as a parody. why do you keep mentioning Rangin’s name. old woman. or at least the ennobling sacrifice of impossible human love. Whereas the creation of images was at the core of the normative ghazal. Outrageous in diction.37 The contrast between the two ghazal styles is striking. dear— You’re skulking about all wrinkled and disheveled! I can’t bear what I’ve had to suffer at your hands: whatever you do is done haphazardly! Girlfriend. Insha Allah Khan “Insha” (1756 –1818) was another extremely versatile poet in Lucknow.

get lost. rekhti made less progress among the cheerful starvelings of Delhi. its author Muhammad Husain Azad’s manner of expression is no less flowery than that associated with the quality of Lakhnawiyat when he offers the following assessment: Miyan Rangin prepared the newest bouquets and displayed them before the people of the mushaira—that is. who is known exclusively as a composer of rekhti. can still this restless. from out of Rekhtah he produced rekhti. but not all Dihlavis were so dismissive of Lucknow’s poets as Mir was of Jurat. leave my house. dogana. and that he had only a slight acquaintance with the work of Jan Sahib. Although the original invention was that of Miyan Rangin.42 In the opening sher below he invokes the special term. my sweetheart: why not give full throat to this sitar! 43 I tell you. Nabi Bakhsh is a bad son-in-law: Please God. we cannot call it anything but buffoonery. her sweetheart: My dear one. there can be no doubt about Mir’s mastery: He who is not his follower is cut off. and the (so-called) characteristic effeminacy of Lakhnawiyat: It’s clear that luxury and enjoyment and the company of musicians and dancing girls produce the same emotional effect in such unclean matters as manure does in the growth of plants. troubled heart? Please God. We would certainly have said that the romantic poetry of India had returned to its roots. The riddles and magic spells that Sayyid Insha composed in rekhti are not devoid of amusement. or as Azad of Insha and Rangin. my sweet.48 In another ingenious utterance in the pioneering and authoritative Ab-i Hayat. who seems often to communicate a genuine sympathy for women’s experience through his representations: Shubha Nasikh nahin kuch Mir ki ustadi men. my dear! She drank and got fractious. In this connection. the Ab-i Hayat (1880). Insha. either! The Delhi-Lucknow rivalry raged on. I give up! May your eyes and knees never give out on you: don’t swear false oaths. my dear! Shall I set fire to your tricks. the wretch. I swear I’ll give my life for you. I keep faith with the words of Nasikh: He who does not follow Mir is not one of us. you wretch? OK.47 Ghalib. had said: Nasikh. He seems to have started out in Lucknow and. Ghalib apna yeh aqidah hai baqaul-e Nasikh. rekhti. acknowledged the importance of Nasikh in Urdu poetic tradition (admittedly while paying ultimate tribute to Mir. keen to locate himself within this tradition. the Delhi ustad par excellence. . courtesans. my sweet! That miserable Jan Sahib. Azad draws a line connecting music. guard my daughter’s honor when I’m gone.44 Can I express to you how much you bore me? Go. if we go by where he lived): Rekhti has pretty much been savaged in Urdu literary criticism beginning with Urdu’s earliest literary history. ap be bahra hai jo muteqad-e Mir nahin Nasikh. My rival swallowed a dagger and died. It is possible that Azad had not read enough rekhti to appreciate its array of tone.Who but you on God’s earth. The volume of Jan Sahib is present as an example of it. . ap be bahra hai jo muteqad-e Mir nahin 50 112 113 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . He published three diwans perhaps half a century later than Rangin and Insha. after 1856. my artful dogana? One might note that neither are Azad’s audacious pronouncements devoid of amusement.49 45 My Khizru’s well is neither sweet nor saline: its water is neither heavy nor light. artless dogana! Play me with open jawari. you win. and substantially more among those settled in Lucknow—except with regard to style and dress. simple. found patronage from the nawab of Rampur. and rekhti is meant only for laughter and joking among friends. too. Accordingly. which is only employed by one woman when addressing another. Even the great Mirza Asadullah Khan “Ghalib” (1797–1869). Lost even to himself. writes poetry. the invention of rekhti should be understood as one cause of the effeminacy and lack of ambition and cowardice that grew up among the common people. who was both a Dihlavi and a Lucknowi.46 Though a Dihlavi. my very soul will be wounded in the grave should my co-wife show ire to the children when I’m gone. let me see her don the bridal veil! what matters it to me to see her settled after I’m gone? By far the most prolific of rekhti poets was Mir Yar Ali Khan “Jan Sahib” (1818?–1897?). . Sir. But since previous poetry was founded on truth. even greater feminine skills were shown by Sayyid Insha. why not compose a verse yourself.

John Pemble notes that European music was in general not popular at court.60 Land revenue records attest to the prosperity of at least the most successful courtesans. The last (and ultimately deposed) king of Awadh.” From another perspective. including Mir Hasan’s Sihr-al Bayan and Gulzar-i Nasim.54 We may know more about Wajid Ali Shah than any other nawabi patron.59 where Lucknowi culture is characterized not by the term Lakhnawiyat but by “tawaif bazi” (frequenting courtesans).The foregoing examples remind us that the Delhi-Lucknow divide was not entirely straightforward. the difference in treatment is noticeable. or feeding poor Shias on the tenth day. the most famous early Urdu drama—claimed by some to be the first ever—was also based on a Hindu theme. Tawaifs Courtesans—those remarkable people (mostly women). Hansen tells of a controversy concerning whether or not the Indar Sabha was a European-influenced work: Given the absence of antecedents for theatre in the Indo-Islamic tradition. first played in Huzur Bagh in 1843. Hindi literary historians have linked the Indarsabha to the Indian folk traditions. . or holding majalis.” This is repeated almost verbatim in a 2002 article 58 and in essence as recently as 2009. and where resources. his court is depicted as one of heedless decadence in both historiography and tale. Radha kanhaiya ka qissa [The Tale of Radha and Krishna]. by far the most oft-quoted source on its cultural history is that of Abdul Halim Sharar (1860 –1926). dance and music within the visually opulent setting of Indra’s heaven. Scholars have suggested that most of Lucknow’s tawaifs were Shia. this Hindu icon. but Lucknow is known for its remarkable engagement with indigenous forms of expression. fantasy and romance. some of whom populated Wajid Ali Shah’s parikhana. Hearsay has it that Wajid Ali himself participated in these private sports in the role of Krishna. who are often far more learned than women of good repute. rather than aesthetic orientation. and he concludes that operatic influence “does seem far-fetched.52 In Urdu. and language in a form more indicative of its Indian and Awadhi origins than anything European. with the women of his parikhana (literally “fairy house”) playing the roles of Indra’s women. with [his] popular symbolic relevance to India’s Muslim kings. and rekhti and “one cause of the effeminacy and lack of ambition and cowardice that grew up among the common people. as I have argued above. As Hansen has noted.61 The perceived connections between courtesans. Treated in very similar fashion to Asaf al-Daula by British historiographers and their Indian pupils. meter. introduced into Lucknow’s court by visiting European musicians. British public health records attest to the presence of commercialized trade in female company from at least the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Replete with pageantry. [Indra]. The Indar Sabha (1853) by Agha Hasan Amanat was first staged in Lucknow. . Lakhnawiyat. which is not to say that the connection did not exist. the gatherings in which marsiyas or soz were recited. Kathryn Hansen writes: In the theatrical realm. and he maintained a parikhana (harem) for the ample provision of female artists. It happened that the particular conditions and resources necessary to cultivate this style coalesced in Lucknow between about 1775 and 1856. as many other scholars have discussed. Most of what we “know” about this connection comes in the form of fiction. [it] was a multimedia piece incorporating narrative. and on whom the passage of traditional arts has historically depended—existed wherever there was patronage. The work fuses Hindu and Muslim elements of plot. several Urdu literary historians have opined that the Indarsabha was based on Western opera. The author of Guzishta This debate is of interest to contemporary scholars who argue for a long history of composite “Hindu-Muslim” expressive culture in North India.63 (There were doubtless good incentives to convert to Shiism when one was seeking support from a patron class that emulated a Shia royal family. who invested heavily in real estate. Wajid Ali himself is said to have appeared in it as the Hindu god-king Indra.56 As long as a secondary literature has existed.57 Recall that in 1880 Azad drew a causal relation between courtesans and rekhti. Memoirs and Novels a great deal of kathak dance concerned stories about the Hindu god Krishna in his guise as a romantic hero. there was a strong connection with tawaifs. drama became an extraordinarily popular expressive form in Indo-Muslim culture during the later nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. he was an accomplished Urdu poet who wrote under the nom de plume of “Akhtar” (Star). writers and filmmakers have been particularly fond of emphasizing the connection between Lucknow and courtesans (tawaifs).62 Certainly legend tells of women of the kotha (courtesan’s quarters) standing in the street to offer water to Muharram mourners as they processed by. Specific motifs seem to be imitated from several Urdu romances [masnawis]. Wajid Ali Shah and Drama The Indarsabha set a new standard for popular drama in North India. he established a rahaskhana (drama hall) where the amorous exploits of Krishna and his female devotees were enacted. were less extravagant. and Shia identity remain strong. claiming Amanat’s play as a vital bridge between ancient Sanskrit drama and a more recent regional theatre. poetry. . Drama was not much patronized at earlier Muslim courts.51 But there was an active contemporaneous literary scene going on in Delhi: it just happened to be within the walls of the Red Fort where the British had essentially imprisoned the Mughal emperor. the Nawab encouraged the Radha-Krishna themes found in other courts.) While British revenue records have proved the most reliable to historians for reconstructing nineteenth-century Lucknow’s social history. To quote Hansen again: 114 115 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow .55 And as in the case of those other two art forms. Attracted to song and dance from childhood. Ashura. The texts of most thumris (see Peter Manuel’s essay in this volume) and 53 As in the case of kathak dance and thumri. He also penned a skit. is wedded [here] to a story of Islamic origin. and the Indar Sabha offers them fertile ground. Upon ascending the throne he adapted several Persianstyle romances for the stage and sponsored performances of them in Qaisar Bagh. Furthermore. The paris and devs belong to the dastan story-telling tradition imported from Persia. Wajid Ali was also a lavish patron of the arts. though they do not distinguish between those who might have shaped the distinctive culture of Lucknow and those who merely traded sex for money.

The Private Life of an Eastern King. 24. and Ruth Vanita and Saleem Kidwai. religious communal identity was still weak or at least not exclusivist in tone. has made this point in discussing one of Anis’s most famous marsiyas [Naim. writes about the softness of communal boundaries in his work on marsiya.68 which is how their friendship is accidentally renewed. 1966).” Comparative Studies of South Asia. Petievich. Mir Muzaffar Husain Zamir.73 Lakhnawi expressive culture did as much to contribute to the legend of nawabi Awadh as did its architectural achievements. Ab-i Hayat: Shaping the Canon of Urdu Poetry (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Three Mughal Poets: Mir. Ahmed Ali. ed. (Lahore: Urdu Markaz. 25. See Frances Pritchett with Shamsar Rahman Faruqi. Dabir was born in Delhi and moved to Lucknow early on. Both of them are poets (his takhallus is Ruswa.” The Urdu novel’s title is merely the heroine’s name. v. the Lucknow Sharar wanted—and wanted us—to remember. 1357. “The Art of the Urdu Marsiya”]. and Sumit Guha. 2002). 12 . 1. rubai no. 346. In the past decade several scholars have written about rekhti. 26. “Married among Their Companions”. 2000). Petievich. Fisher.” Indian Economic and Social History Review 46:2 (2009): 147– 82. The Golden Tradition (New York: Columbia University Press. in its first and best-known English translation it became The Courtesan of Lucknow. v.” Journal of Women’s History 16:1 (2004): 12 – 53. Andalib Shadani. 3rd ed. 1967). When Men Speak as Women. bursting from his body and emerging like the sun over the eastern horizon. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. Begums of Awadh. 1981). Khwaja Haidar Ali Atish. Ibid. The Private Life of an Eastern King. and qasida. 1967). cited by many. 1973). “Transitions and Translations: Regional Power and Vernacular Identity in the Dakhan. Classical Urdu Literature from the Beginning to Iqbal (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.” Indian Economic and Social History Review 38:3 (July–September): 223 – 48. The tropes it introduces are taken up repeatedly in a whole subgenre of “tawaif films. 420.” See the essay by Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam in this volume. 1. See Hyder. S. Africa. The literature on this debate does not address the more serious “problem” of Hashmi Bijapuri. ghazal 58. 28. 33. 1952). 489 – 513. It cannot be superseded in importance for Muslims.64 Sharar was born in 1856. 2001). n. Petievich. 2nd ed. “Rekhta ka mujid” [The Inventor of Rekhti]. ed. 21 . and Busch. A. “Doganas and Zanakhis: The Invention and Subsequent Erasure of Urdu Poetry’s ‘Lesbian’ Voice. however. For an eloquent. 4. and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. Gavin R. See Carla Petievich. 597. Siddiqi (Allahabad: Ram Narayan Lal Beni Madhav. rather. “Gender Politics and the Urdu Ghazal: Exploratory Observations on Rekhta vs. including Michael H.d. Martin’s Press. 1. Sauda. and the lover achieves temporary relief. Umrao Jan “Ada” (1905). Naim (New Delhi: Permanent Black. knowing that the process will be repeated again the next night. 1975). in Tahqiq ki raushni men (Lahore: Shaikh Ghulam Ali and Sons. Mir Hasan (Cambridge. as they represented competing social spheres. The other major image in this verse is that of the chak-i gariban. as Adrian McNeil calls it) is an early-twentieth-century Urdu novel by the writer and polymath Mirza Hadi “Ruswa. 22 . as if to underline the connection of the city with the profession. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. 31 . v. Reliving Karbala: “Readers of elegiac poetry helped create a Shi’i-tinged traditional culture in a society where. and the Middle East. Compiled for a Member of the Household of His Late Majesty King Nuseer-u-Deen. Kulliyat-i Mir (Allahabad: Ram Narayan Lal Beni Madho. Annemarie Schimmel. ed. “Nasikh ki mansukh sha’iri. 1963). See William Knighton. 1697). 5. Z. 273. “Hidden in Plain View. Anis was the grandson of Mir Hasan Dihlawi. 1998). whose diwan predates Rangin’s Diwan-i Angekhta by more than a century. Lucknow. His work in this style is strikingly reminiscent of that of the Dakani court poet Hashmi Bijapuri (d. Guha. This is a common discursive ploy of Azad in Ab-i Hayat (see note 46 below) and one of the ways in which he plays favorites among the writers he discusses. and Abul Lais Siddiqi. (Lahore: Maktaba Khayaban-i Adab. Cf.) for an example. 3. the Mughals and the British. 27. It is as though his wounded heart explodes.” Ruth Vanita. The Private Life of an Eastern King. 9. 32 . ed. draws particular attention to the free borrowing of non-elite modes of expression in discussing rekhti poetry. 1. “The Pursuit of Persian: Language in Mughal Politics. Fisher. 1969). Jurat’s poetic output was by no means confined to this style. Such izafat constructions replaced the use of postpositions in standard Urdu grammar. 2007). and this was the language plumbed most deeply to enrich Urdu poetry’s lexical expanse.” in Queering India: Same-Sex Love and Eroticism in Indian Culture and Society. A less credible theory enjoyed some currency in Urdu literary criticism several decades ago that Insha Allah Khan Insha had in fact been the inventor of rekhti. See Hyder. 1855). among the popular classes. May 2006]. and Ralph Russell and Khurshidul Islam. Shaam-e Awadh: Writings on Lucknow (Delhi: Penguin India.66 The second quintessential source on Lucknow and its courtesan culture (tawaif bazi. The night is over. Ruswa induces Ada to tell her life story. p..69 A tremendously popular work. for the importance of Persian. 2004). 1500 –1800. “Hidden in Plain View: Brajbhasha Poets at the Mughal Court. but it is Karbala that truly cemented Shiism. 3rd ed. Yet what it describes is the Lucknow of Urdu.” in connection with the Peshwas of Maharashtra. ghazal 11. “Transitions and Translations. See Fisher. See the ghazal verse by Nasikh below (mira sina hai. Barnett. 1–18. equating that moment of afflicted ecstasy with the sun emerging over the morning horizon in a catharsis. Kulliyat-i Mushafi (Delhi: Majlis-i Isha’at-i Adab. K. where he became the pupil of a great marsiya-go (marsiya composer).. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. Margrit Pernau has aptly suggested that the diction of rekhti would be better called tawaifi zuban than begumati zuban [personal communication. Sayyid Abdullah also discusses Lakhnawiyat in his essay. Extant evidence indicates that literary activity during the period of Lucknow’s heyday expanded largely in the direction of established indigenous and existing Islamicate cultures. Rekhti. too. Fisher. and Knighton. See Richard B. MA: Harvard University Press. Ruth Vanita (New York: Routledge. and was easily recognized by stringing together a series of nouns using the Persian grammatical form of izafat.65 A rich and evocative source. the beloved has not come as promised. 116 117 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . Naim. 1st diwan. 16. Carla Petievich. Arabic nouns bore gender. Ibid. 1722 –1856. vol. he must have been the genius behind this poetic innovation. “The Art of the Urdu Marsiya. M. Reliving Karbala: Martyrdom in South Asian Memory (New York: Oxford University Press. Veena Talwar Oldenburg. the year Awadh was annexed by the British. nor vice versa. the suffering has reached its peak until the next night.” Nur Naqvi. 7.71 Thus it is entirely appropriate to doff our hats to the role played by Lucknowi tawaifs in developing and sustaining extant classical music and dance forms. See Carla Petievich.” Knighton. Vanita. but Persian did not. 47– 60. vol. learned. Reliving Karbala. M.72 From the very serious marsiya to the more playful rekhti. Allison Busch. In summary. Santha.Lakhnau (lit. 17. Reliving Karbala. Cf.” When dawn finally arrives. see Hyder.” in Wali se Iqbal tak. The argument would involve the importance of Muhammad’s revelations and the formation of Islam itself. 2007). 24:2 (2004): 23 – 31. and the narrative forms masnawi. 42 – 66. 11 . a great masnawi poet who had migrated to Lucknow from the former Awadhi capital of Faizabad and who is sometimes included as one of the “Four Pillars of Urdu. for Dakani. “grace”). hers is Ada. 1. Umrao Jan has shaped the image of Lucknow and tawaifs for all of South Asia (201. royal and noble patronage of many arts in Lucknow proved to have a longlasting impact on the expressive culture of North India..67 The story is framed by a character impersonating the author. Same-Sex Love in India: Readings from Literature and History (New York: St. 28. 18.” Modern Asian Studies 32:2 (May 1998): 317– 49. 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. tawaifs 15. Pakistan. Generally considered to be the lyric ghazal and rubai (quatrain). 4th diwan. Lakhna’u ka Dabistan-i sha’iri. 2. Kulliyat-i Shaikh Imam Bakhsh Nasikh (Lucknow: Nawal Kishore. Naim. for Marathi and Persian. “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh”. Assembly of Rivals: Delhi. King of Oude. Kulliyat-i Atish. ghazal no..). ed. 1992). 20. 19. See especially Muzaffar Alam. 30.. and Syed Akbar Hyder. 8. who purports to be an old “friend” of a retired courtesan named Umrao Jan. and full treatment of the Urdu marsiya. 6. Kumkum Chatterjee. (London: Hope and Co. 10.” in In Urdu Texts and Contexts. This seems to have originated from the prejudice that since Insha was ultimately a better poet than Rangin. Nasikh draws together the bursting heart and the rend in the lover’s collar. 1972).” 70 Saleem Kidwai has pointed out how close the relationship continues to be between poets and the tawaifs who render their work musically. When Men Speak as Women. and the lover can bear the pain no more. C.” Cf.” in Urdu Texts and Contexts: The Selected Essays of C. Guzishta Lakhnau was written as a series of journalistic essays ultimately compiled into book form around 1920. 2006).” Naim. Ibid. it is still not quite contemporaneous with the period it describes. from which much of this discussion is drawn. for Brajbhasha. 7. “the disgraced”. See Rosie Llewellyn-Jones’s essay in this volume. It may be. 2. 48). “Bygone Lucknow”). 29. “Married among Their Companions: Female Homoerotic Relations in Nineteenth-Century Urdu Rekhti Poetry in India. from the very self-serious linguistic developments in islah-i zaban and Urdu ghazal to the spectacle of the Indar Sabha and its parody in the Bandar Sabha (Monkey Court). who speaks of “growing up in a Lucknow so sweetly corrupt. Mir Taqi Mir. Hambly (New York: St. 23. See Sabir Ali Khan. Here the sense is “my heart is so scarred by this separation that it is like a burning sun trapped within my bosom. that Rangin coined the term rekhti. vol. which also serves to evoke bygone Lucknow. iv. Martin’s Press. North India Between Empires: Awadh. When Men Speak as Women: Vocal Masquerade in Indo-Muslim Poetry (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 224. Furthermore. Sa’adat Yar Khan Rangin (Karachi: Anjuman Taraqqi-i Urdu. 14. Conclusion 13. preface. who speaks of a regional cosmopolitanism on the part of Bengali rulers. “Transvestic Words: The Rekhti in Urdu. even into present times. 30. 1972).” Modern Asian Studies 44:2 (2010): 267– 309. This was called Persian tartib. Cf. “Cultural Flows and Cosmopolitanism in Mughal India: The Bishnupur Kingdom. Courtesans could never be begams.” in Women in the Medieval Islamic World. the tear in his collar that the afflicted lover makes as he is driven to distraction. marsiya (elegy).. 91–104.

and will likely make little impact on the legend of the city. 44. See Pritchett. and Shi’a Ideology. 38. known as band jawari (closed). 69. rounder notes with fewer piercing vibrations. trans. It is interesting to consider how closely. “Baharistan-i naz vs. There is every reason to credit the sincerity of Sharar’s reportage. and Shi’a Ideology in Pre-Rebellion Lucknow.” Literally “may your eyes never extend beyond your knees. gives a much more faithful rendering of the original Urdu (Mashriqi tamaddun ka akhiri namuna). “Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh. 50. which was based on the famous Urdu and Hindi short story of the same title by Munshi Premchand. See also Projesh Banerji. trans. 2002: “the observance of purdah remained strict. courtesan culture is associated with economies of surplus and conspicuous consumption. Sabz Pari (emerald fairy) has been smitten by love for Gulfam (rose-hued). Peter Manuel. Patrons. 61 . Kathryn Hansen. 45. But one does notice that Guzishta Lakhnau. 1998). has already taken on the characteristic tone of nostalgia that dominates talk of Lucknow. Oldenburg. 66. But it is rather strong to call them “buffoonery. and they do so for their elite male clients. 42 . and khuli jawari. Petievich. 2003). Cf. The editor of Jan Sahib’s diwan writes (not quite technically accurately) that jawari is the name of a run[ner] (dauRa) which is bound to the top of a sitar or tamboura by which its voice opens and closes.” There are two general kinds of jawari settings. He was obliged to flee Lucknow at one point.” Seminar no. and the whiteness of her nails are like. Rampur: Rampur Raza Library. 312 – 331. 540 (2004): unpaginated.” The reference to Gulzar-i Nasim could be to either of two famous Lucknowi masnawis of the nineteenth century. Conversely. 1996). Ada means “Grace. see Oldenburg. it is not entirely so. 183) the distinctive style called Lakhnawiyat might just as accurately describe most of northern Indo-Muslim culture in the nineteenth century. a Delhi writer.” 140. 1974). Lucknow’s courtesans probably came from an extensive range of ethnicities and caste backgrounds.” This is why an English translation of Abdul Halim Sharar’s famous work. 1990). Naim for discussion of this verse. 77. Classical Hindi. The nawab of Rampur was able to purchase a huge chunk of the legendary nawabi library following Awadh’s annexation in 1856 by the British. Bezubani zuban na ho jaye (unpublished). Daniel M. 57. the narrator remarks on the delightful “waters” as she dips into her Khizru’s “well. 7. Thanks to Frances Pritchett and Syed Akbar Hyder for reminding me of this “exchange. Tazkirah-i rekhti. Dance in Thumri (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications. 59. and the poem concludes with a more normative. The concerns expressed above are for others rather than oneself (which would be standard in rekhta. eds. see Kathryn Hansen’s numerous publications on the subject. his theory will do little to detract from the soft. by 1920. fascination.” Other attempts at historiographical analysis of the Lucknow legend in the realm of literature have similarly failed to halt the juggernaut of cherished conventional wisdom. now a far cry from the ideal of the male warrior of the Mughal period. This play by Bharatendu Harishchandra is referred to in Hansen.” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 32:1 (2009): 46 – 62. Mughal and Persian Paintings and Illustrated Manuscripts in the Raza Library. an earthly prince. 67. Grounds for Play. Adrian McNeil. Barbara Schmitz and Ziyaud-Din A.. Whether or not he is right. 209. coquetry. all quotes from 75 –77. The Life of Music in North India: The Organization of an Artistic Tradition (Detroit: Wayne State University Press. As I have argued before (Assembly of Rivals. the pods at the end. Military Musicians. 37. The seventh verse speaks of propitiating both the Prophet and Lord Shiva. amorous signs and gestures. for technical help in elucidating this verse. 326 –27. by which time it had come to carry more social opprobrium than cultural cachet. 1992). blandishment.” Again. it has enjoyed a renaissance outside of India in the past half century because of its usefulness in reconstructing a glorious Muslim cultural history.. 63.” Social Scientist 21:9 –11 (September–November 1993): 173 – 96. Veena Talwar Oldenburg. Umrao Jan Ada. 72 . 1980). graceful manner on carriage. “Tawa’if. which was rare. however. the beloved’s figures are long and slender like the bean.” There are tropes about the garden. king of the gods.” in A Wilderness of Possibilities: Urdu Studies in Transnational Perspective. Lucknow. these verses show how rekhti’s content can be quite different from normative lyric poetry. Harcourt and Fakhr Husain of Sharar’s Guzishta Lakhnau. and Its Aftermath (New Delhi: HarperCollins India. Ibid. Insha’s oeuvre contains mostly normative rekhta ghazals and it is for this work that he is held in high esteem within the Urdu literary tradition. Platts. It is possible that Rangin was welcomed into the kotha (courtesan’s quarters) as a friend and not a client. charm. wherein the narrator is obsessed with his own condition). The range here includes the first verse’s piety. who sits in state encircled by fairies. 73. Kidwai. and Amaresh Mishra. the gatherings inside her home. The Making of Colonial Lucknow. M. but many women have gone on record to explain that nonpaying male company was discouraged. A. the mung bean—rather than the commonly encountered mung lentil—is a bushy annual that bears the pods near the tips of slender branches. Displeased at this infraction. Khwaja Khizr is the name of a prophet skilled in divination who is said to have discovered and drunk of the fountain of life.. self-aggrandizing signature verse to close the ghazal. “Prostitutes. Hansen summarizes Indar Sabha’s plot as follows: “The events take place in the court of the mythic Indra. 332 – 52. Do adabi iskul (Lucknow: Uttar Pradesh Urdu Akademi. The pari. 56. Military Musicians. and. Amelia Maciszewski. eventually earns her lover’s release. 55. is undaunted. Even in contemporary India many a middle-class family arranges for its daughters to be instructed in these arts. and New Delhi: Aryan Books International. 52 . Ab-i Hayat. Martha Feldman and Bonnie Gordon (New York: Oxford University Press. 2006). His descendants and the Government of India share custody of that remarkable collection to this day. Renaissance.. housed in the Raza Library at Rampur.” Casci does not offer documentation in support of this described process. 62 . According to Webster’s New International Dictionary of the English Language (2nd ed.” See also Mallika Pukhraj. raucous. Rekhta does not speak of household affairs or the mundane concerns of life. I refer here to the 1977 film Shatranj ke khilari by Satyajit Ray. after having taking a bit too much liberty with Nawab Saadat Ali Khan. As my own research has concerned mostly the work of published poetcourtesans. 40. yet wives. 69. Desai.” Azad. “Bygone Lucknow”) is titled “Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture” (see note 65 below). 39. See Simonetta Casci. first published in 1975. Kathryn Hansen and David Lelyveld (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 54.” Feminist Studies 16:2 (1990): 259 – 87. Grounds for Play: The Nautanki Theatre of North India (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. she smuggles Gulfam into Indra’s heaven. “Lucknow Nawabs: Architecture and Identity. Though misogynistic to a great degree. etc. hence he is considered as the saint of waters [John T. and Regula Burckhardt Qureshi. perhaps.” The title of the translation by E. Thumri in Historical and Stylistic Perspectives (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. “Tawaif. the lane outside the beloved’s house. and ambivalently. “The Singing Ladies Find a Voice. beauty. 41 .” Economic and Political Weekly.” for two recent discussions. published Ab-i Hayat in 1880. Neuman. 53. 1961). There is a great deal more extant evidence of interaction with Europeans in the form of visual culture. 1986). A Dictionary.. in Carla Petievich. 2006) there is the perennial favorite. 68. and Petievich. ed. I rely for much of the following discussion on the ethnographic and ethnomusicological work of others. A Dictionary of Urdu. Cf. though there are those who dismiss kathak especially as degraded because of its development at a “decadent” court by women of ill repute. Assembly of Rivals. Cf.” in Feldman and Gordon. “Female Agency and Patrilineal Constraints: Situating Courtesans in Twentieth-Century India. which is thought to give rise to more open. 2005). Husaini. See Oldenburg. Jawari is the bridge on a sitar. 223 – 50.” (Platts. It is this last theme that inspired the title of Vanita’s essay on rekhti.” 49. and Vanita. which means “circle/ing. They are also of a temporal nature. Begams were also expected to display refinement if they ever met outsiders. elegance. 60. including Delhi. and customs and cultural practices do not die out the instant political change occurs. “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow. Much has been written on this novel and there is no need to add to that literature here. 36. and English (Oxford: Oxford University Press). It remains a work of extraordinary authority in Urdu letters. rather than treating of the soul’s longing for the divine as is the ideal in rekhta. In voicing a mother’s preoccupation for her children’s 51 . Shaam-e Awadh. piercing. so it is entirely likely that Sharar witnessed in childhood some of what he reported on. I am indebted to C. 70. and the State: NineteenthCentury Awadh. sitar adept.” in The Courtesan’s Arts. or shrill sounds. and Tales: The Problematics of TwentyFirst-Century Musical Patronage of North India’s Courtesans. “Tawa’if. ed. Ali Jawad Zaidi. 64. David Matthews (New Delhi: Rupa & Co. 34. Through the intervention of Kala Devi (black genie). 118 119 Petievich : Expressive Culture in Nawabi Lucknow . of course. which is thought to elicit softer. Rampur (New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts. See Mirza Hadi Ruswa. 1942). in Shaam-e Awadh. 65. lustrous focus of Lucknowi culture that is held so dear. followed by a salacious and raciness of tone in the following three shers. 58. singing irresistible songs in the disguise of a jogin (female mendicant). “Married among Their Companions.” But see Kokila Dang. Ab-i Hayat (note 20 above). 35. welfare. See. Guzishta Lakhnau (lit. The Courtesan’s Arts. 31). Pakeezah (1972). When Men Speak as Women. Thus. the Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. among numerous others. 47. Indra grants his blessings to the couple.are valued for the refinement of manners and expression that clearly distinguish them from more commonplace prostitutes. Thus. The term derives from tauf.. but when rekhta speaks of the inhabitants of such conventional loci it is only to underline the narrator’s condition as a forlorn lover. 43. all of which are entirely appropriate for a courtesan-poet. has translated it “The Lucknow that Was. Pritchett. Kidwai foregrounds the importance of professional singers’ studied distance from the term tawaif since the late nineteenth century. and Oldenburg. a wistfulness in the second that is reminiscent of a normative rekhta ghazal. McNeil recently argued (not counterintuitively) that an increase in tawaif bazi should be read as the by-product of economic need on the part of disenfranchised women. McNeil. 71 . and the lovers are reunited. “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow.. Cf. Khushwant Singh and M.. Clearly the image here is of the dogana playing the narrator “like a sitar. 2006). 48. 494]. One notable attempt to deal historiographically with tawaifs and Lucknowi culture from the perspective of women’s participation and the impact of the feminine is Fisher. concubines and courtesans had an effeminate influence on the male identity. Petievich. Sept. The Courtesan of Lucknow (Delhi: Hind Pocket Books.” In addition to two film versions of Umrao Jan (1982. When Men Speak as Women. Tourism. 223. S. for example. One did not need to be Shia in order to participate or support the Muharram processors in this way—it was something Lucknowis of all stripes were wont to do. Mah-Laqa Bai “Chanda” et al. 46. “Married among Their Companions. Lucknow: Fire of Grace: The Story of Its Revolution. that of Nawab Mirza “Shauq” or that of Daya Shankar “Nasim. Indra casts Gulfam into a well and clips the wings of Sabz Pari. “The Singing Ladies Find a Voice. edited and translated into English by Saleem Kidwai as Song Sung True: A Memoir (New Delhi: Kali for Women. especially of Saleem Kidwai. For other fond treatments of the Lucknow we love to evoke. I am indebted to Kathryn Hansen.

and he paid tribute to them on an annual basis. It is the tomb of Safdar Jang. This sense of British entitlement led to the annexation of Awadh by the English East India Company in 1856. visitors to the royal court of Awadh early in the regime’s life (c. the nawabs were able to assert an increasing level of independence until Awadh became a kingdom in its own right. Establishing Nawabi Authority in Awadh The nawabs of Awadh were initially appointed in the eighteenth century as governors of this agriculturally rich and economically vibrant province of the Mughal Empire. For example. as Mughal power waned. Our concern here is the appearance of the built landscape of Awadh.Cat h e ri n e As h er Lucknow’s Architectural Heritage The city of Lucknow and its surrounding territory of Awadh is extraordinarily rich in its built environment. These reactions reflect the time at which they were expressed. reflecting a wealthy court and its elite. which in some measure were shaped by European models. 1526 –1858). had become firmly embedded. Safdar Jang’s domed tomb is set in a 120 121 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . who was essentially a semi-independent ruler of Awadh but continued to see himself as a vassal of the Delhi-based Mughals. before this critical date. and this is partly reflected in their architecture. they also considered it the epitome of decadence and bad taste. especially Lucknow. and in particular that of the British. The nawabs of Awadh perceived themselves as the cultural successors of the Mughal dynasty in India (r. Europeans likened the architecture of Awadh to fantasies based on the enchanting Arabian Nights. It is perhaps not surprising that the first significant monument built by the nawabs of Awadh was not in Awadh itself but in the Mughal capital of Delhi. 1722 –c. However. a reliance on Mughal prototypes diminished as the nawabs sought their own innovative forms. 1797) tended to be more impressed than later visitors who came once notions of European authority. But over time. His ties to the Mughals were expressed by his final resting place.

1555 – 56). Mausoleum of Safdar Jang. remain from this time. View of the BaRa ImambaRa Complex. This was important. pp. Since at least the twelfth century. 48. however. 1530 – 40. also could be some distance from the palace. although William Hodges. in ways that stone 52. when Shuja al-Daula was succeeded by his son and heir apparent. Awadh was far from the quarries that provided red sandstone and marble for Mughal monuments. with elaborate ornament rendered in stucco. Palaces in early modern South Asia were not a single large building but a series of pavilions with gardens. as well as Safdar Jang’s tomb. c. and it anticipates much of what we will observe in the architecture of Lucknow with its exuberant cusped arches and dominant floral design (6). under whose patronage numerous grand edifices were erected. Faizabad. also in Delhi. the tradition of structural tombs does continue in Awadh. was already a market center of considerable importance. used for royal outings. and others left us impressions of the palace and the entrance to a walled royal garden. as had the British. 1856 122 123 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . especially in its use of red sandstone and white marble trim. Samuel Bourne. The rendition shows massive exterior walls. the court was shifted from Faizabad to Lucknow. the Lal Bagh (45. The most notable monument of pre-nawabi Lucknow was a Sunni mosque (masjid) built by the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb (r. who would in the long run pose the greater threat. 6. 1864 – 65 Mughal-style garden and is the last large-scale tomb built in Delhi. often enclosed with high walls to protect the inhabitants from prying eyes. It may have played a role in inspiring the many buildings intended for worship by Luck- now’s Shia nawabs. Although European renderings of these buildings usually indicate that the stucco was left plain. Asaf al-Daula’s concern was not so much with providing religious institutions as with building within a large fortified palace complex. StReet Scene with Gateway and Mosque (GANJ AND TRIPOLIA GATEWAY). which could be sculpted with numerous designs. Safdar Jang’s tomb is modeled on the latesixteenth-century mausoleum of the Mughal Emperor Humayun (r. Delhi. p. which would have enclosed multiple buildings and gardens. as was the Lal Bagh. Asaf al-Daula. Walled gardens. The gate leading to it. is likely an indication of the once-lush garden that lay inside. Thus buildings with a brick core were covered with stucco. In 1775. located about ninety miles east of Lucknow. during the rule of Nawab Shuja al-Daula. and the city. there is some evidence that polychrome was applied. manuals intended for Muslim rulers had stated that kings must build grand walled palaces to indicate their strength and to impress their supporters as well as their enemies. It was located more centrally within the province of Awadh. cuspings. an English artist. on the riverbank. which stands on a high hill dominating the landscape overlooking the river. but a pencil-and-watercolor illustration by the uncle and nephew team of Thomas and William Daniell (49. was the capital of Awadh from 1765 to 1775. as the Mughals had taken some of the nawab’s territory. 82). situated on the Gomti River. known as the Macchi Bhawan.could not be manipulated. which would have given the architecture of Awadh an extraordinarily exuberant air. Little remains of the palace. and even royal emblems. 1820 –22 Page 120: 59. William Carpenter. 1658 –1707). However. Few buildings. 124–25) indicates that it was probably similar to the palace complex at Faizabad. including floral forms.

49. Thomas Daniell and William Daniell. The Palace of Nawab Shuja al-Daula fRom the River Gomti (THE MACcHI BHAwAN). 1789 124 125 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage .

1862 p. and even building type.Asaf al-Daula and the City of Imambaras Under Asaf al-Daula’s leadership. In Lucknow. The nawabs of Awadh were originally from Iran. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. The imambara was entered by gateways on the east and west. ornament. So. Asaf al-Daula’s Bara Imambara (also known as the Asafi Imambara) is by far the largest ever built anywhere (57. the procession of models of Husain’s tomb called taziya. too. 61. whose population was predominately Shia. which falls on the tenth day of the month of Muharram. but especially for the recitation of poetry mourning Husain. The Bara Imambara. was attached to the no-longer-extant Macchi Bhawan palace complex. Much of Asaf al-Daula’s patronage was directed at the ritual of mourning Husain by constructing imambaras. Husain is seen as the ultimate martyr and a significant spiritual force. by a Shia ruler there. p. p. not a form taken from Iran. a huge free-standing mosque and a deep step-well whose cool chambers could be used for residential purposes during the hot 126 127 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . often weeping profusely over the tragedy of Husain’s death. 62. and men in ritual procession who engage in selfflagellation in remembrance of the martyr. Imambaras (also known as Husainiya) were relatively new to the South Asian landscape and are a South Asian innovation. In any event. Women gather in a separate venue and focus on the recitation of poetry. Also part of the complex was the imambara itself. all Shia believe that the wrongful death of the Prophet Muhammad’s grandson Husain at the Battle of Karbala in 680 was a travesty on the part of the Sunni Umayyads. The Persian poetry of eighteenth-century Mughal Delhi had lamented the stagnation and demise of that capital. then holders of political authority. 59. Originally this colossal complex. 128). the gate was highly creative. although it is not clear if there is a direct link between these structures in the Deccan and those in Lucknow. although exactly how this is done varies within the Islamic world. possibly constructed as a famine relief project. The elaborate gate is among the most exuberant of all the buildings in Lucknow. appears to date between 1784 and 1791. characterized by a sense of dynamic articulation never expressed in the more orderly structures of the Mughals. architecture under Asaf al-Daula surpassed earlier structures in terms of scale. They probably first were built in the late sixteenth century in Hyderabad. 129. These are buildings intended for the storage of taziya and other paraphernalia associated with commemorative events during Muharram. Typical of the Awadh nawabs’ architecture. Husain’s martyrdom is commemorated over a multiple-day period that includes the recitation of poetry focusing on themes of mourning. 120. surely was intended as a triumphal arch not dissimilar to the one at the Mughal emperor’s palace at Fatehpur Sikri. only the west one. consisting of three courtyards and buildings that enclose them. Its triple arched entrance is surmounted by large finials that give the gateway a distinctive air. Distant View of the Bara ImamBara Complex. known as the Rumi Darwaza. while the Urdu verse of the Lucknow court was light-hearted and celebrated love and the female form. also of Iranian descent. once paired with the nearly identical one on the east side.1 For the Shia. survives. Awadhi poetry was now more often written in Urdu than Persian. While there are various sects within Shia Islam. This entrance. which was imagined to surpass that of the Mughal table. in the Deccan. 58. Awadhi cuisine became renowned for its richness. the uniqueness of Awadhi culture was further refined and became increasingly distinct from that of Mughal Delhi. 57. All Shia believers annually commemorate Husain’s murder.

THE Rumi DaRwaza AND THE FIRST COURTYARD OF the BaRa ImambaRa COMPLEX .5 cm. active 1862 – 63). The Alkazi Collection of Photography 128 129 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . 1858 Left: FIG. India. 25. 1862. albumen print. 1864 – 65 Bottom: 61. Asafi Masjid in the BaRa ImambaRa COMPLEX .2 x 37. Uttar Pradesh. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England.Top: 58. Felice Beato. Lucknow. 13. The Southwest VIEW of the BaRa ImambaRa. Samuel Bourne.

Shah Najaf ImambaRa. The complex and its decor were clearly intended to flaunt the Shia nawabs’ increasing wealth and to indicate a shifting power balance vis-à-vis the Mughal court. called the Shah Najaf. 1880 weather. 1865 – 66 Right: 66.Left: 65. 65. 3 The garden and pool in which the 130 131 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . It also was aimed at Europeans. ten of which were built by ruling monarchs and the rest by the elite. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. for example the Husainabad 67. 1862 Imambara. it had the largest vaulted hall that ever spanned an uninterrupted space. Ali. although its spatial tensions and emphasis on height recall the aesthetics of eighteenthand nineteenth-century Mughal architecture (66). Inside the compound is a tomb modeled on the Taj Mahal (1632 – 43). of the Bara Imambara. but unique in this religious context. THE JAWAB OPPOSITE THE TOMB OF ZINAT ALGIYA IN the Husainabad ImambaRa COMPLEX . the house of Awadh’s royal emblem. The Bara Imambara is decorated with fully three-dimensional floral motifs rendered in stucco and pairs of curved fish. The Shah Najaf appears austere from the exterior. Samuel Bourne. and was used as the ruler’s own tomb (68). 1865 – 66 68. The Husainabad ImambaRa. built by King Ghazi al-Din Haidar. TOMB OF ZINAT ALGIYA IN the Husainabad ImambaRa COMPLEX . At the time of the imambara’s construction. not far from the larger one (63. although its interior is ornately embellished with European glass chandeliers and a profusion of stucco adornment. was intended as a replica of the burial site of the Prophet Muhammad’s son-in-law. In Awadh there were twenty-one recorded imambaras. There European-inspired statues of tunic-clad females and animals are found. Another imambara. p. These imambaras are much smaller versions 2 Husainabad Imambara is situated is unusual for a Muslim religious setting. 66. not uncommon in secular architecture. 88. The building itself is an elegant structure with cusped entrance arches and a lacelike domed parapet. built about 1837. Samuel Bourne. who were both an increasing presence in Lucknow and a growing potential threat to Awadhi sovereignty. 67).

Martin’s will provided for his own tomb within the dwelling and for the founding of boys’ schools not only in Lucknow but also in Calcutta and in Lyon. La MaRtinièRe and the Lath. p. The Alkazi Collection of Photography 132 133 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . Martin’s most notable architectural contribution is his own sumptuous dwelling. France. but many came either as traders promoting their own interests and/or as mercenary soldiers. owing to his remarkable abilities as well as good luck. which he called Constantia (107. who arrived in mid-eighteenth-century India as a common solider. Uttar Pradesh.European-Style Architecture in Lucknow Europeans had ventured to South Asia in considerable numbers since the late sixteenth century. Constantia. 58). Some came in official capacities. A case in point is the Frenchman Claude Martin. He also provided for his Indian consorts’ welfare. He and his Indian consorts lived in this immense mansion on the bank of the Gomti. albumen print. The Lucknow school still operates in the very mansion he bequeathed. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. became extraordinarily wealthy. 14. 1862 Right: Fig. he settled in nawabi Lucknow and eventually. European men felt it was perfectly acceptable to have long-term relationships with Indian women. 30. 1870s. even though children were involved. Francis Frith. 109. the most ambitious of whom were able to make significant fortunes. In eighteenth-century India. Lucknow. (16 x 21 cm). 6 1⁄4 x 8 1⁄4 in. La MaRtinièRe and the Lath (detail). which came to be known as La Martinière. p. India. but above: 108.4 He was rich enough to lend sizable sums of money to Nawab Asaf al-Daula. 108. c. when the men departed permanently for Europe. Many of these arrangements ended abruptly.

138. 162. largely for the use of their European residents and guests. In addition to pavilions built in the European style. the highly symmetrical arrangement of the entire complex conformed to an Islamic desire for balance in architectural layout. most of which are in a ruined condition today. Awadh’s nawabs were perhaps not as smitten by European architecture for their own uses as they were by European objects of art and furnishings.Martin insured the financial stability of his favorites. as EuroAmerican observers tend to critique the desire for such objects. pp. pp. goddesses. p. 77. BARa Chattar Manzil AND FARHAT BAKHSH. very little remains of this palace. A photograph by Shepherd and Robertson dating to 1862. Martin’s mansion proved a significant influence on many of the royal buildings of Lucknow. 1862 Bottom: 72. although in a ruined condition. Dilkusha. This particular form was later emulated in some of the pavilions of the Qaisar Bagh Palace built in the mid-nineteenth century by the nawabs. Constantia’s roof’s parapet is embellished with stucco sculptures of classical gods. it was built in the European manner as an enormous single structure with multiple rooms and stories. 6 64). p. often a distance from the nawab’s administrative headquarters. 75. London. The exterior porch featured classical Corinthian columns. Notable was the Chattar Manzil. and a guesthouse for Europeans. today in the Khalili collection. All the same. in particular Boulone. which was built not far from the British Residency. domed tomb still stands on the Constantia estate. VIEW fRom the South. and other features with Indian-style domes and typical nawabi stucco ornament. They would not be seen as indications of avarice and decadence. a self-made architect from England’s elite. A structure known as the Dilkusha (Heart Pleasing). DARSHAN BILAS AND CHOTA Chattar Manzil. built his own palace estate known as the Qaisar Bagh. Its construction began about 1803. a reference to Martin’s birthplace of Lyon. a hunting lodge. windows. the Awadhi nawabs did build a number of western-style pavilions. among others. Its only surviving structure has been greatly altered over the years and today is the Central Drug Research Institute. Wajid Ali Shah. of the palace’s throne room indicates that the interior with its cusped arches and painted ceiling conformed closely to the idiom established under the Mughals and then adapted to Lucknowi taste under the rulers of Awadh (37. The last ruler of Awadh. 154–55). were palace complexes that combined Europeanstyle porticoes. While Constantia had ancillary service structures. 136–37). 139. indicates the combination of European and Indian styles on the exterior of this complex that captured the imagination of European visitors (73). 1864 – 65 p. once part of a large multipavilion complex. At the apex are arches that from a distance appear as the outline of a dome in silhouette.” 5 which for a Muslim monarch would fall into the category of luxury objects. built at some distance from the main palace yet still on the riverbank. Today many are damaged. this Lucknowi country house was modeled on an eighteenthcentury English one. Designed in about 1805 by Sir Gore Ouseley. Early photographs indicate its appearance. had multiple functions: it was a starting point for ceremonial processions. Samuel Bourne. greatly damaged in the Uprising of 1857– 58. Once a vast complex. European photographers documented its ruin in detail. and lions. Her squareplan. possibly a statement of European superiority over what was seen as a symbol of nawabi decadence (74. Top: 73. Their palaces were replete with European goods that ranged from chairs to mechanical “toys. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson. is one such building (82. 134 135 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . not far from the Chattar Manzil. which was largely destroyed in the Uprising. A watercolor by a Lucknowi artist.

37. 1850 –99 136 137 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . The Audience Chamber of the Kings of Awadh.

Bottom: 79. Qaisar Bagh. Samuel Bourne. View in the Qaisar Bagh PALACE . West Gateway of the Qaisar Bagh Palace. VineRy and Buildings. 1864 – 65 Top: 75. 1864 – 65 1864 – 65 138 139 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . Samuel Bourne. Samuel Bourne.Top: 74. Qaisar Pasand. Samuel Bourne. 1864 – 65 Bottom: 77.

not far from Chowk.12 although only nine survive and most have been rebuilt. Photographed frequently by professional and amateur photographers after it was largely destroyed in the Uprising (169). which allowed for the bountiful production of crops. who worked specially for British patrons. and similar temples. Ruins of the Residency. This same tradition indicates that Nawab Asaf al-Daula invited Jains from other parts of North India to settle in the city. rather. a Hindu minister to King Wajid Ali Shah. The most visible architecture in the city of Lucknow belonged to the royal family and the elite. also Shia. their small sizes reflect the norm for eighteenth. it reflects a style that bespeaks the sophisticated exuberance of the period which was embraced universally by the elite. where during the six-month siege in 1857– 58 British men. She built it after a dream revealing a buried image of the god and her subsequent delivery of a longawaited child thanks to the deity’s blessing. a far cry from the exuberance of much contemporary nawabi architecture. especially grain.and nineteenth-century temples found throughout North India. indicates sober buildings constructed in a Georgian style. when 8 169. a Hindu minister to Nawab Asaf al-Daula. Ram. of course. dating to the nineteenth century. Samuel Bourne. but Awadh’s population of other faiths also built in the city and in the surrounding countryside. such as palaces and imambaras. This should not be seen as an indication of these communities’ relationship to the nawabi elite. and most of them died before the Residency’s liberation. when compared with Asaf al-Daula’s huge imambara. It included a fine temple. although it would be interesting to know the extent of the nawab’s enthusiasm. A watercolor by the Indian artist Sita 7 Ali Shah.Among Lucknow’s most famous—or perhaps infamous—European-style complexes is the British Residency. and merchants. bears stucco floral motifs and cusped arches similar to that on Lucknow’s Islamic architecture.9 During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the economy of Awadh prospered largely due to the richness of the soil. rather. 1864 – 65 Nawab Shuja al-Daula agreed to have a British agent at court. This Hindu minister also built a tank for the storage of water in Lucknow. and is richly embellished with floral stucco patterns. including Benares (Varanasi). a service to the general population. The complex was commenced in 1773. Few remain today. Lucknow’s last ruler. the Muslim Queen Begam Rabia. built a temple dedicated to the monkey god Hanuman. jewelers. 142–43). In a neighborhood of Lucknow known as Aliganj. A typical temple is included in Robert Smith’s photographic panorama of Lucknow (53. women. moneylenders. Less is known about the Jains of Lucknow. of which one still survives. They also bear images of Hindu deities that would not. founded towns in the hinterlands of Awadh and provided them with temples. provided a substantial market town. By the end of nawabi rule at least fourteen Jain temples graced the streets of Lucknow. Thus the architecture of Awadh must not be thought of as being unique to Muslim patrons. which he named Maharajaganj after himself.11 Maharaja Balkishen. especially had he been able to foresee the disastrous events of the 1856 British annexation. which have been particularly well maintained. ending nawabi rule in Awadh. one of the holiest cities for Hindus. Tikait Rai. One of the finest of these Jain temples is in a neighborhood known as Sahedetganj. pp. A survey of the architecture of the various faith communities shows that decor on all building types is similar. and ornate gateways leading to the market. and to a lesser extent the nawabi elite.10 The decor on Taikat Rai’s temple in the market town of Taikatnagar. be found on Muslim religious architecture. buildings on the thirty-three-acre complex had been rarely recorded before this time. the colorful Europeans residing in the city. following much earlier traditions in which Jains were invited to Muslim courts to serve as bankers. it mostly ignores the role of the large population in Awadhi society who were not Muslims. with their tall spirelike superstructures are still seen today on the banks of the Gomti. Diversity in Awadh Literature pertaining to the nawabi period in Awadh tends to focus on the nawabs themselves. and obviously attracts the most attention. wife of King Muhammad 140 141 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . an impressive bridge. as well as others of the nawabi period. and children were trapped. The Hindu and Jain temples of Awadh tend to be relatively small especially. but local tradition claims that in the early twentieth century there were about four hundred Jain families living in Lucknow’s Chowk area.

Puran Chand Nahar. 8. Banmali Tandan. Engaging Scoundrels: True Tales of Old Lucknow (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. For Sita Ram’s illustration. 7. Glossary of Names of Acharyas. 101– 33. for historical information about the Shia tradition and the Bara Imambara. The Architecture of Lucknow. 69. ill. see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. “Monumental Grief: The Bara Imambara. 142 143 Asher : Lucknow’s ARchitectuRal HeRitage . New York: Prestel. See Tandan. 30. Philip Lutgendorf. ill. 10. 3. 11 . Lucknow: City of Illusion. 5. ed. Captain Robert Smith. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (Delhi: Alkazi Collection of Photography. 70. etc. See Peter Chelkowski. 192 – 99. “The Residency and the River.53. 219 – 50. Lucknow: City of Illusion. Part II (Calcutta: Viswavinode Press.” in Jones. Tandan. PanoRama of Lucknow.” Muqarnas 23 (2006). A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press. 2000). 114 – 45. “Architecture and the Twelver Shi’i Tradition: The Great Imambara Complex of Lucknow. For a detailed account. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 30 – 43. 11. Hanuman’s Tale: Messages of a Divine Monkey (New York: Oxford University Press. Neeta Das. Tandan. and Hussein Keshani. The Architecture of Lucknow. 244 – 45. 1832 1. 9. “The Residency and the River. 2006).” 195. 1722 –1856 (New Delhi: Vikas. 12. 2. Jaina Inscriptions (Containing Index of Places. “The ‘Country Houses’ of Lucknow. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 4.). 30 – 40. 12 . 180 – 91. see Llewellyn-Jones. 6. The Architecture of Lucknow. The Architecture of Lucknow and Its Dependencies. 1927).” in Llewellyn-Jones.” in Lucknow: City of Illusion. 1992). 2001). 2007).

This allowed photographic images to be sold. possibly surpassed in the nineteenth century only by Calcutta. the calotype process had by 1850 superseded the daguerreotype almost everywhere. and apparently permanent. who took up photography in the 1850s. Before 1857. disseminating not only aesthetically pleasing pictures but also information and knowledge in an easily accessible format. unlike any other location in South Asia. the primary market. however. and likely to fade. grainy. however. rough. What interest there was came from the British and Indian elites living within the city. Initially. principally because Lucknow offered little of archaeological interest that would attract the attention of European antiquarians. The unique. Ahmad Ali Khan. The greatest single advantage of the process was the ability to print multiple positive prints from a single negative. produced many portraits to satisfy this demand. published. and distributed widely across India and the rest of the world. at least. The architect and a functionary of the Husainabad Imambara. as well as photographing some of the royal palaces and religious buildings. positive image that was created on a sheet of highly polished silver-plated copper was sharp.So p h i e G o r d o n “A Sacred Interest”: The Role of Photography in the “City of Mourning” Photography arrived in India only a few months after the daguerreotype and the calotype processes had been revealed to the public in France and Britain for the first time in 1839. in contrast. there had been little demand for photographs. the imperial capital. Photography in Lucknow follows a distinct trajectory. 144 145 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . the daguerreotype was the more successful medium in India. The prints created from paper negatives (called calotypes) were. The events of 1857– 58 ensured that Lucknow became one of the most photographed cities in the country. clear. With chemical and technological advances.

Lucknow.8 cm).3 x 35. 1895 Fig. BaRa Chattar Manzil FRom the Gomti River . India.9 x 2. and BaRa ImambaRa Complex. G. Lawrie and Company. 12 3⁄4 x 14 1⁄ 8 in. 1850 – 51. Alexis de la Grange. AuRangzeb Mosque. Rumi DaRwaza. Canadian Centre for Architecture 146 147 Gordon : The Role of Photography GoRdon Role of Photography . Two-PaRt PanoRama Showing the Stone BRidge. (32. W. 15. albumen print. Uttar Pradesh.Page 144: 71.

Ahmad Ali Khan. which demonstrate a 148 149 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . stated that photography was already flourishing in the city in 1850 after a British member of the army taught the necessary skills to Ahmad Ali Khan. Ahmad Ali Khan. c. 42. surrounding the royal head in an attempt to evoke the tradition of Mughal painting (41). 146–47). so he is becoming an important person. Uttar Pradesh. who worked in the city before 1857. The albums function as a poignant record of the city prior to the changes that were about to take place. suggest that Khan must have been of a relatively high social status. Mumtaz Alam Nawab Qaisar Mahal Sahiba of Awadh. He is a gentleman. later.Occasionally a traveler reaching the city would produce a view as part of a series of pictures depicting various locations across India. King of Oudh. although occasionally an alternative view of the city and its culture emerges. writing in 1883. under the strictest injunctions of secrecy. In 1850 – 51. Wajid Ali Shah.4 Khan’s portraits include both formal and informal portraits of King Wajid Ali Shah and the royal family (41.1 Using Khan’s nickname “Chotay Miya. In the king’s portrait. They also provide an opportunity to examine how the city was perceived by one high-status individual. Lucknow. Bombay. 1855 While most early photographic activity in India occurred in the great imperial metropolises of Calcutta. pp. An account written much later states that he was appointed as an official court photographer: “Through Ali Naki Khan. the corrupt Prime Minister. For source. 16). domestic picture of the ruler. He made what are probably the earliest surviving photographs of Lucknow: a view of the Asafi Masjid. Mookherjee then continued: “his portrait taking was very creditable and his architectural views were in high demand. Wajid Ali Shah with His Queen Begum Akhtar Mahal Sahiba and Their Daughter Khan was known to take photographs of sitters upon request.” 5 A set of formal photographs of the king and his begam exist in the British Library.” 3 Two albums in the British Library. The majority of the images concentrated on those spots where particular scenes of British heroism or conflict had taken place in 1857. p. Initially the photographs depicted the scarred city and the extent of the destruction. permitted him to take. without any of the Fig. 1885. in the tradition of earlier artistexplorers such as Thomas and William Daniell or William Hodges. C. .” 2 surprising access to the women of this Muslim court. see note 5. c.6 In contrast. The art historian P. The albums include over one hundred portraits of prominent members of both the European and Indian communities. so one has no hold on him. fig. 1855 Right: 42. and Madras. Early Photography in Lucknow: Ahmad Ali Khan Left: 41. These remarkable studies. a delicate gold-leaf nimbus has been applied to the photograph. however. 16. India. 15. concentrating particularly on the Chattar Manzil complex and the Husainabad Imambara. the French aristocrat Baron Alexis de la Grange journeyed across India. and the King. Following the Uprising. 163. display the range of work that Khan produced before May 1857. Among the portraits of the Europeans is one of the photographer John Dannenberg.” Mookherjee also describes Khan as the architect of both the Husainabad and the Qaisar Bagh complexes. there was an unprecedented demand for images of Lucknow showing the sites where the fighting had occurred. . photographing a number of important architectural and cultural sites. the views showed how Lucknow was transformed into a colonial city following the widespread demolition and rebuilding programs. the darogah of the Husainabad Imambara. c. elaborately painted borders incorporating symbols of the Awadhi court have been added to each. formerly in the possession of The Times war correspondent William Russell. The Reverend Henry Polehampton wrote to his mother in England about his experiences attempting to obtain a portrait from Khan: “He is the only man in the station who does daguerreotypes and everybody wants them. Ahmad Ali Khan. and a two-part panoramic view encompassing the river Gomti on the left and the processional route that emerges from the Rumi Darwaza on the right (fig. and various British individuals took advantage of this in order to send portraits back to their families. and does not take pay. Wajid Ali Shah. . Mookherjee. a photograph showing Wajid Ali Shah with Begam Akhtar Mahal Sahiba and one of his daughters presents us with an informal. he was appointed Court Photographer. the likenesses of his Queen and the ladies of the Royal Harem. (copy of lost photograph). two of the most theatrical constructions in the city. as well as a series of architectural studies. there is evidence that photography reached Lucknow surprisingly early.

thus occupies a central position in the religious life of the city. the city: the British and their memories of “the Mutiny. amidst its chattris. however. 7 Khan’s architectural views present a valuable record of Lucknow as it was prior to the Uprising. 17. A number of Khan’s negatives and albums passed into the hands of British army officers and consequently made their way back to Britain. yet although they do serve as important historical documents of buildings that were subsequently destroyed. Mookherjee wrote that Khan subsequently “lost his fortune and name. Samuel Bourne.” Photography during the UprisinG. These public spaces were frequently described in religious terms. nawabi city (fig. He placed the nawab at the center of the vision. India. royal and Shia. took photographs in late 1857 and early 1858. shifted his gaze to acknowledge the new power in p. as an important Shia complex. Although known today through an early publication. C. the home of the nawabs for almost fifty years. In Lucknow. View of the Chattar Manzil Palace Complex. P. 149). but overlapping. Although the majority of Muslims in the city were Sunnis. and still is. View fRom the Chattar Manzil. By concentrating on these two structures. partially following the path taken by the royal processional route that passes through the Rumi Darwaza and the Husainabad gateway. “Mahamedoodolah Ahmud Ali Khan. binding it closely to the identity of the city. were to be comprehensively overwritten after 1857. King Muhammad Ali Shah. the photographs also function as an impression of the pre-Uprising city in the mind of one of its more prominent citizens. The Alkazi Collection of Photography Bottom: 70.symbols of royalty. associated with the Prophet’s grandson Husain are commemorated annually in the month of Muharram in imambaras around the city. it is usually because the photographer was standing on the rooftop of the Chattar Manzil. alias Chota Meah” was proposed at a meeting in Calcutta on 29 July 1862. Navigating the city via the river was the easiest and quickest way to move long distances. the nawabs were Shias of Persian origin. Ahmad Ali Khan joined his fellow countrymen and fought against the British. 17. who continued to photograph at least until about 1862. Khan highlights two different. It also serves as the burial site for its royal patron. seated on a European-style sofa (fig. Lucknow was. emphasizing the associations with the Muharram performances. When the palace does not appear in the frame. which is reflected through Khan’s photography. 16. depict the complex viewed from the riverside. and it would have been a viewpoint familiar to the royal family and members of court. Khan placed himself and the palace at the source of the outward gaze. 1857–58 Most of Khan’s photographs of the Chattar Manzil. 70). c.” 9 It is not known exactly what Khan’s fate was. 1864 – 65 150 151 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . and this continued to be a familiar viewpoint into the 1850s. Earlier artists had documented the city from the river. thus emphasizing the nawab’s role as the center of power. These two identities. c. and the public processions and commemorations served to define the Shia community. processions move through the city from one religious site to another. Even Ahmad Ali Khan. Some members of the British military. this photograph would not have been taken for public consumption.” 11 No photographs taken during the conflict can be attributed to Khan. possible conceptual maps for the original. and died a miserable man. The majority of Ahmad Ali Khan’s photographs would never have been seen outside the circle of those who commissioned them had it not been for the 1857 Uprising and the resulting looting of property. Khan’s views concentrate on the seat of royal power—the Chattar Manzil—and the most important religious structure in the city—the Husainabad Imambara. but he did in fact manage to rehabilitate himself after the Uprising to the extent of joining the Bengal Photographic Society in 1862. Following the outbreak of the conflict in Lucknow in May 1857. looking over the city from the Top: Fig. It is difficult to read these images without imposing upon them the knowledge of what is to come. albumen print.8 The Husainabad Imambara. officers often had the means and the time to learn heart of the royal seat of power. an important Shia center. and the mourning rituals 1850s– 60s). In doing so. 1856. where some of the images were subsequently published.10 The members of the society were most probably unaware that in February 1858 they had viewed at a society meeting some photographs that “were taken by the Darogah who has since gone over to the rebels. Ahmad Ali Khan (fl. Khan also photographed the Husainabad Imambara from many different viewpoints.

A contemporaneous reviewer noted that “these admirable views give us. p. capturing the chaos of the city as events were still unfolding. in fact.16 He was followed to Calcutta by his brother Antonio in July.”23 The building becomes the Beato produced over sixty images of the city. such as the storming of the Sikander Bagh and the subsequent hand-to-hand fighting. Mr Beato intends publishing them at once. while for others. to an understanding of war now. 157). mapping out a route with his camera that began on the eastern edge of Lucknow at Dilkusha and La Martinière. although the technical limitations of photography at the time made it impossible to photograph any scenes of the fighting. p. Lucknow. Beato (1832 –1909). the photographs were also shown in London at the end of 1858 at the exhibition of the London Photographic Society. then Lucknow. 154–55). The first of Beato’s several visits to Lucknow took place at the beginning of April 1858. Turkey. 1858 and in the annual exhibition of the Bengal Photographic Society.13 In early 1858. 165. who arrived in India in early 1858. this was in fact usually left to the imagination of graphic artists. Baillie GuaRd Gate. and Dilkusha Kothi. photography was part of their training in Britain. described as “a native of Corfu. Felice had traveled from Greece with hundreds of glass-plate negatives pre-prepared so he was able to leave for the trouble spots to begin work almost immediately. where he was stationed with the Madras Fusiliers. each photograph was given a title that placed it within the larger narrative of the Uprising. as it has been proven beyond doubt that he arranged the 21 followed in the wake of the troops as they proceeded through the city. By August. 37 Cossitollah [Beato’s studio]. the newspaper The Englishman was carrying advertisements for the photographs: We have the pleasure to inform our readers that M. 1858. The narrative that Beato created through his photographs presented a new conceptual map of the city: skeletons in the courtyard in order to obtain the most affecting image (166. and were purchased by soldiers and British people living in India. One particular image of the interior of the Sikander Bagh has become Beato’s most notoriously staged scene. The photographs were used by artists such as Egron Lundgren in the preparation of their own work and even as the basis for stained-glass memorial windows in the parish church of Stratfield Mortimer in England. Thus a view of La Martinière became “The Martiniere School. Captain John Milliken and Lance Corporal Jones. and other North Indian cities. a few months later. Beato arrived in Calcutta on February 13.the new technology for their own amusement. Delhi. pp. many of whom would have been directly affected by the Uprising. 19 The photographs were popular. It moved from east to west along the route taken by the relieving British troops.” 15 was a commercial photographer who began his career working in Greece. 156. as well as two remarkable panoramas that amply demonstrate his technical skills: a sequence of eight views taken from one of the minarets of the mosque in the Bara Imambara (163. as our contemporaries say. First Attack of Sir Colin Campbell in November 1857. Musa Bagh. such as the Royal Engineers. p. 167).” 20 one that was entirely focused on Lucknow as the location of the Uprising (164. taken since the siege.18 Felice traveled on to Kanpur first. and copies may be seen at No. This took the photographer along the grand processional route that passed through the Rumi Darwaza. and only a few days later attended a meeting of the Bengal Photographic Society. while Antonio later established a studio where the negatives would be printed up and sold. and ended in the west at Musa Bagh. both of the Royal Engineers. so the photographs were widely seen over a number of years. including the Sikander Bagh (Secundra Bagh). Beato also licensed his photographs for sale in 1861– 62 through the British photographer and print-seller Henry Hering. Beato 167. Second Attack. Felice Beato. just a few weeks after the British had finally regained control of the city. stopping at various sites on the way to highlight the places where events that had significance for the British had taken place. Bagh complex (162. the pictorial romance of this terrible war. and toward the British Residency. have just been brought to Calcutta.17 The expedition had evidently been carefully planned in advance. Beato’s views of Lucknow of the principal sites there. 2nd March. and the Middle East. arrived in Lucknow and each produced a handful of views showing various buildings while they were occupied by the British troops. The royal city through which religious mourners had processed now became a site of a different kind of mourning panoramic sequence taken from the roof of the Roshan al-Daula Kothi in the Qaisar In addition to being displayed at the gallery in Calcutta 152 153 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . 85.22 When for sale with Hering. His first experience of war photography was covering the Crimean conflict in Russia in 1855 – 56.12 Dr. and will be indispensable to future historians. Patrick Fitzgerald of the Indian Medical Service was probably the first photographer to work during the conflict. and a six-part backdrop to aid the act of remembering the conflict. He arrived in the outskirts of Lucknow in December 1857 and photographed at La Martinière (Constantia) and at the Alam Bagh. pp.14 The work of both men was purely documentary. The work by these military photographers makes an interesting comparison with the highly polished and often staged work of the commercial photographer Felice Beato. 154–55). They are necessary. where he exhibited his work from the Crimea and Istanbul.

1858 163. PanoRama of Lucknow. 1858 154 155 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . Taken fRom the Qaisar Bagh Palace. PanoRama of Lucknow. Taken fRom the BARa ImambaRa.162. Felice Beato. Felice Beato.

Felice Beato. 1858 Right: 166. after the SLAUGHTER OF 2. Beato’s photographs were also the first steps in the collective myth-making process in which stories of British heroism during the Uprising were recalled and held up as examples to inspire others. This persistent remembrance of the Uprising altered completely the British perception of Lucknow and indeed of India. AND THE 4TH PUNJAB REGT..and pilgrimage—that of the British tourist recalling the fate of his compatriots and the sacrifices that they made for imperial ambition. InteRior of the Sikander Bagh. while tales of Indian duplicity would serve as warnings to future generations. Above: 165. Ruins of the BatteRy in the Residency Compound. The route outlined by Beato’s photographs was to be repeated by subsequent photographers as well as in countless guidebooks to Lucknow over subsequent decades. Felice Beato.000 REBELS BY THE 93RD HIGHLANDERS. 1858 156 157 GoRdon : The Role of Photography .

immediately after the end of the conflict. 108. John Murray. p. in 1892. sold well and demonstrates the continued appetite of images of the sites associated with the Uprising. whose appearance in the city before 1857 has already been noted. c. 1858 – 59 Left: 81.”26 Years later. 13. photographing all aspects of the city. He presented the album as his own work. p. and it was accompanied by a printed leaflet quoting rich. 128) that were subsequently incorporated into the Bourne and Shepherd stock. Dannenberg was absent during the conflict. Only the Residency remained as a shell. Qaisar Pasand. empty streets and picturesque trees. . Robert Christopher Tytler and Harriet Christina Tytler. it embraces every scene of the mutiny of 1857. VIEW of the UPPER PORTION of the Qaisar Pasand. p. including Lucknow.Photography after the Uprising In 1858 – 59. Photography shows the extent of the demolitions: large areas around the Qaisar Bagh and Chattar Manzil were cleared completely (70. Possibly by Robert Christopher Tytler and Harriet Christina Tytler. with wide. “improved” and re-created as a picturesque and peaceful colonial town. The images also show how Lucknow was tidied up. from the cavalry lines at Meerut to the Residency at Lucknow. The short-lived partnership of Shepherd and Robertson (Charles Shepherd had worked with Robert Tytler in Delhi) produced in about 1862 a number of important architectural views (57.24 The husband and wife partnership of Major Robert and Harriet Tytler made a small number of views of the city (78. This appetite had been fed by a succession of commercial photographers who worked in Lucknow from the 1860s onward. where over the course of several months. 150). 127. an untouchable relic preserved forever in the British mind. The Bengal Hurkaru noted they were “a very superior collection of views taken by the collodion albumen process at Lucknow. 135. then this album of Mutiny memorials will remain a sort of incence to the heroic dead in pictorial form. . p. By March 1859. a handful of other photographers came to Lucknow. Samuel Bourne arrived in Lucknow in December 1864 and remained for a few weeks. but returned to the city in mid-1859 and prepared a series of views which were displayed in Calcutta in February 1860. 1858 The album.27 Top: 78. despite containing poor-quality copies of Beato’s photographs. fulsome reviews from the newspapers: If . places have the adumbrations of human souls still inhabiting their precincts as a sort of delicious spiritual aroma of self-sacrifice pervading the localities where noble life and beautiful human love were shed in profusion for a nation’s cause.” 25 Also in Lucknow in 1859 was John Dannenberg. A reviewer noted: “The collection is unquestionably the finest ever exhibited in Calcutta. Robert Tytler had received advice from the commercial photographers Charles Shepherd and Felice Beato as well as the amateur Dr. p. carefully 158 159 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . 132. and then the positive prints were shown at meetings of the Bengal Photographic Society. 81). The Tytlers had taken up photography in February 1858 in Delhi. Fig. many of which closely followed Beato’s compositions. although none produced work that had the same impact as Beato’s. but gradually the buildings were being either pulled down or repaired. the Tytlers had produced about 500 negatives of views in North India. The photographers captured many of the same locations that Beato had photographed. Dannenberg reprinted a handful of his Lucknow photographs and published them in an album titled Mutiny Memorials alongside doctored copies of Beato’s work. 73. First the negatives. His views of Hazratganj depict yet another image of Lucknow: the peaceful commercial center.

Darogah Abbas Ali. and the Talkatora Fig. p. Similar views were taken by John and linked to the Muharram processions. (19 x 32 cm). The book is concerned almost entirely with the events of 1857. literary. became an iconic representation of the British perception of Lucknow. also p. TalkatoRa Karbala (top) and Dargah HazRat Abbas (bottom). 160 161 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . and uses highly emotional language with strong religious overtones. The image. three photographs have been included that recall Lucknow’s Islamic associations. albumen print. 18. It contains twenty-four portraits of All of these photographers concentrated on one site above all others: the British Residency. who had established a photographic studio in nearby Nainital in 1867. often with the Union Jack flying on the tower. Abbas Ali’s conception of the city is extended further with the book The Beauties of Lucknow. India. but it was not until 1871 that he set up a permanent studio on Hazratganj. and many a tear will fall at the contemplation of some well-remembered spot. as well as sometimes Classical associations. one in English and one in Urdu. and moving in a westerly direction. which exists in two editions. p. from The Lucknow Album: Containing a SeRies of Fifty PhotogRaphic Views of Lucknow. Lawrie and Company eventually became the most important studio in the city at the end of the nineteenth century (71. 1874 sudden appearance hints that Abbas Ali may possess a different conceptual map of the city that looks back to the period when Lucknow was described in religious terms avoiding any reference to the Uprising (fig. and dramatic styles that were popular at the court of Wajid Ali Shah Although British photographers were largely responsible for the dominant vision of the post-1857 city. Samuel Bourne. first in Nainital and in 1882 in Lucknow. written in 1853. to heighten emotions. one photographer—Abbas Ali—produced a range of work in the 1860s–70s that acknowledges both the British and the Indian cities.”29 The photographs show a few of the women in theatrical costumes for a version of the Indar Sabha. Simply by incorporating the images. Photo 577/(49) Karbala are the last three images in the book (69. HazRatganj. W. employing biblical metaphors. also published in 1874 (200. and contains fifty albumen prints accompanied by descriptive text. emphasizing the role of Lucknow as a pilgrimage site for the British: [T]his album will bear a sacred interest. 1864 – 65. The photographer G. 18). states in the preface that its patrons are “the nobility and gentry of Oudh. 93). Saché took his first views of Lucknow in about 1867. and their 69. a dramatic production popularly attributed to the Lucknow-based poet Amanat Ali. and was aimed at an Indian clientele. The play incorporated many of the different musical. The shrine known as Dargah Hazrat Abbas. Abbas Ali was moving outside the boundaries of the dominant European understanding of the city. over which a sort of holy radiance will appear to linger as the book is sorrowfully closed. 162). beginning in the east of the city with the Alam Bagh. Darogah Abbas Ali women with descriptive text. which was the one view of Lucknow that every British visitor had to acquire for his photograph album. the Kasmain Karbala. The British Library. Edward Saché. 7 1⁄2 x 12 5⁄ 8 in. 144).His book The Lucknow Album was published in 1874 in Calcutta. The book. This breaks the east-west progression. Lawrie began his career in Saché’s studio before setting up his own establishment.28 The order of the photographs follows that established by Beato. Lucknow. Into this landscape of Christian mourning. The text encourages the visitor to pause for reflection at various locations. Uttar Pradesh.

5. Polehampton (London: Richard Bentley. Mookherjee in Pictorial Lucknow. contains about five pre-1857 views of Lucknow which may be attributable to Dannenberg. August 27. 18. but not the religious ceremonies. a Biographical Sketch (Selkirk: Scottish Chronicle Offices. Years later. Low. His work of other sites. but as representations of the city’s rich cultural past. 10. 29. February 22. 76 –114. “Abject to Object: Colonialism Presented through the Imagery of Muharram. where the officers for the English East India Company were trained. 21 . February 23. 1874). from The Beauties of Lucknow. 13. Gummoon Jan. Examples of Milliken’s work survive in the Canadian Centre for Architecture. and Sarnath and his ethnographic portraits of “Indian types. Journal of the London Photographic Society. 17. with drastic alterations happening within weeks. 16. about 10 x 12 inches. 1860. 185.. 1858. the Chini bazaar. Mookherjee. Beato gave a talk in London about his work. The Bengal Hurkaru.1. John Murray and Robert and Harriet Tytler. 2. 22 . 1914). 183. Politics and Consumption of Public Culture in India. The titles link the majority of the views directly to the Uprising. when he left for Malta. depending on the context. 39 – 40. Agra. including Amritsar. Bradford. Antonio Beato remained in Calcutta until December 1859.” Journal of the Society of Army Historical Research. The chronology of the photographers’ visits to Lucknow can be ascertained by examining the architectural evidence in the images. 59:237 (1981). 1858. 19. Dancing Girls. Pictorial Lucknow. the Roshan al-Daula Kothi. Brown. While the Uprising undoubtedly remains a watershed in the photographic depiction of the city. 1859. Beato During the Indian Mutiny in 1857–58. were using calotypes.18. one of the defenders of Lucknow during the Indian Mutiny 1857–8. March 2.” British Journal of Photography. London. ed. The Englishman. Low. 203 –17.. 1858). Others who photographed in Lucknow in the late 1850s–early 1860s. A “Mutiny” album in the National Media Museum. 2006). Henry S. Jones’s photographs can be found in the National Army Museum. 28.” 30 The photographs function as glimpses of this now-extinct court. Further portraits of the royal women can be found in the “Warner Album” in The Alkazi Collection of Photography (ACP 2001.. London. 9. particularly given the traditional reading of the Indar Sabha as a metaphor for the court of Wajid Ali Shah. of the Indar Sabha (right).. The changes were rapid. 1859. the most Celebrated and Popular Living Histrionic Singers. 183. 2000). Rebecca M. 51– 55. 25. or a longing for a lost cultural heritage. what was important in the 1870s was that the audience “believed they were beholding a direct link to the Awadh court and its sumptuous ambience. stated “his Indian views . 2. Khan is listed in the Bengal Directory for 1856 under the heading. his contemporaries in India. No author’s name is provided on the title page. quote on 82. 1892. L. Letters and Diary of the Rev. Kathryn Hansen. Photo 254 /1. Beato’s photographs of sites affected by the Uprising are relatively easy to locate in institutions. and a view of the Jilau Khana in the Qaisar Bagh which also appears in Dannenberg’s 1892 album. 20. but not discussed here.” is much rarer. Lucknow: City of Illusion (London: Alkazi Collection of Photography. 4.0001). A Memoir. Pictorial Lucknow (Lucknow 1883. the British Library.. 11 . The Bengal Hurkaru. and Actresses of the Oudh Court and of Lucknow (Calcutta: Calcutta Central Press. The Royal Engineers introduced photography to the curriculum in 1856. Rare Photographic Memorials of the Mutiny. A Magnificent Collection of Photographic Views and Panoramas Taken by Signor F. C. 6. Rachel Dwyer and Christopher Pinney (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Journal of the Bengal Photographic Society 1:2 (September 1862). Mookherjee. The Englishman. began teaching photography in the mid-1850s. 183. Rouse. 27. ed. As an Indian publication for an Indian (male) audience. February 23. 31 . The British Journal of Photography reported the lecture. Abbas Ali.. a “Lucknow immemorable for the Oriental magnificence of the entertainments” at the pre-1857 court. Beato was using glass-plate negatives. Munich: Prestel. P. Edward and Thomas Polehampton. 1862. preface. 8. Examples survive in the British Library (Photo 591) and in the Alkazi Collection of Photography. H. had all been taken upon plates previously prepared at Athens. Fitzgerald displayed some of his Lucknow views at the Madras Photographic Society in December 1860. the book evokes a melancholy longing for the past glories of Lucknow. 1886. “Beato’s Photograph of the Interior of the Sikandarbagh at Lucknow. whether through Shia religious associations. include the professional photographers Oscar Mallitte and Edmund David Lyon. such as Dr. Hering published a list of Beato’s photographs for sale. The British vision of the city was predominant in photographic images from the nineteenth century.31 It also suggests how an Indian audience may have read the architectural photographs of the city: not as sites linked to the Uprising. and. all the work by Khan to have survived employs either the calotype or wet collodion process. The Beauties of Lucknow. the sites of 1857 conflict. Dancing GiRl 14. Mutiny Memorials. C. The Lucknow Album (Calcutta: G. 2003). 4. 162 163 GoRdon : The Role of Photography . reprint New Delhi and Chennai: Asian Educational Services. The Beauties of Lucknow. Darogah Abbas Ali. W. prepared in advance. Darogah of Hoosunabad. 1874 15. while the origins of the Indar Sabha are still debated. 200. 1874). 141– 42. 23.” in Pleasure and the Nation: The History. Views include the Lal Barahdari.” Darogah can imply various positions of authority.. and the Late War in China. 26. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. xi. “The Indar Sabha Phenomenon: Public Theatre and Consumption in Greater India (1853 –1956). Lieutenant-Colonel Gould Hunter-Weston. printed leaflet with the album Mutiny Memorials. the Addiscombe Military Academy. Although Polehampton mentions daguerreotypes. preface. 136. (left) and Lall-PuRRee. Here it probably means a superintendent—someone with responsibility for the structure and running of the building. but the work of Abbas Ali reminds us of the multivariant ways that the city was conceptualized by its inhabitants and its visitors. Lieutenant-Colonel Gould Hunter-Weston of Hunterston .” RES 43 (Spring 2003). Montreal.. 7. Baptist Mission Press. “Respectable Native Inhabitants” as “Ahmud Ally Khan. 12 . 1858. but the work is attributed to Abbas Ali by P. eds. Lucknow has always been a city of mourning. 30. May 28. Consisting of . and the amateur Donald Horne Macfarlane. February 26. John Fraser. The Bengal Hurkaru and India Gazette. 249. 24. 3.

M ali n i roy

Origins of the Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh

While the affiliation between the Mughals and the province of Awadh began as early as the late sixteenth century when Akbar incorporated the province as part of the Mughal Empire, it is curious that a painting tradition in either a local vernacular or in a substyle of the Mughal tradition did not appear till the mid-eighteenth century during the rule of the provincial ruler Nawab Shuja al-Daula. With Delhi in turmoil, some artists belonging to the imperial atelier, which had burgeoned under the supervision of Muhammad Shah (r. 1719 – 48) in the earlier part of the century, redirected their attention toward soliciting patronage from provincial rulers, courtiers, and European officers in the cities of Faizabad and Lucknow. Subsequently the Awadhi substyle, a derivative of the later Mughal painting tradition, emerged. Several key artists including Mir Kalan Khan (fl. c. 1734 –70) and Nidha Mal (fl. c. 1735 –75) are known to have relocated to the provincial Mughal court from Delhi. As these artists disseminated their knowledge of the later Mughal style to the rising generation of artists, the emerging Awadhi style was strongly locked into the Mughal idiom. By the mid-1760s, the painterly style would gradually shift into a distinctive substyle; by reflecting on European models, artists became increasingly conscious of “imparting volume to their figures and spatial depth to their compositions.” 1 In point of fact, artists were keen to break away from the Mughal mind-set and improve preexisting compositional formats in order to include realistic landscape settings. Specifically, the widespread use of aerial perspective to create distant landscape vistas in the backgrounds, complete with mountain ranges and small rounded bushes, would become a trademark of Awadhi painting. From the outset, artists painted a few

164

165

Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh

portraits of Shuja al-Daula as well as of unidentified courtiers, ragamala paintings (visualizations of the
2

collections, further clues on nawabi patronage may yet come to light. A small number of portraits of Shuja al-Daula, which can be assigned to the first half of his rule (1754 – 64), are suggestive of sporadic patronage. In general, the lack of inscriptions, dates, and artists’ attributions make it difficult to determine the precise chronology of production. Additionally, although most portraits are not inscribed with the sitter’s identity, through the common physiognomy and costume drawn by artists one can differentiate between portraits of Shuja al-Daula, Asaf al-Daula, and unidentified Awadhi noblemen. In the first years of his rule, Shuja al-Daula is pictured as a relatively slender man with a distinctive mustache. An early portrait picturing Shuja al-Daula standing on a terrace accompanied by two attendants followed the classic Mughal model of a terrace portrait (Fig.
19).

musical modes), and terrace scenes of princes and princesses enjoying entertainments. Of course, for the art historian it is a challenge to differentiate between paintings produced at Awadh and Delhi during this intermediate phase. By the 1770s, the Awadhi substyle entered into a new phase. The arrival of British and French officers to the region brought forth momentous change; the diffusion of European culture culminated in a dynamic milieu that would affect all aspects of nawabi culture and the fine arts. As European officers lavished their attention on local artists, the Awadhi painting tradition effloresced into its most productive phase. Artists such as Mihr Chand (fl. 1759 – 86), Nevasi Lal (fl. c. 1760 –75), Mohan Singh (fl. c. 1763 – 82), and Gobind Singh (fl. 1775 – 82) were commissioned to produce portraits of Shuja al-Daula and Mughal emperors, ragamala paintings, and illustrations to literary texts. With European officers acquiring a multitude of loose paintings, illustrated manuscripts as well as albums containing Awadhi examples, which have since found their way into private and public collections, a considerable amount of information on the Awadhi tradition is revealed. Although it would be conventional to propose Shuja al-Daula as the leading patron of the later Mughal painting tradition in Awadh, in fact, there is substantial evidence that points to European patronage as the principal force that encouraged local artists to flourish particularly in the second half of the eighteenth century.
12. Style of Mir Kalan Khan, EuRopean Woman Seated on a TeRRace Smoking a Venetian-Style Water Pipe, c.

Presented in

strict profile, he holds a pink flower in his left hand and a hookah mouthpiece in the other. His attendant holds the base of the hookah. Even though the sitter’s identity is not provided, through the distinctive attire of the green khilat (ceremonial robe) trimmed with fur and the turban with a decorative crescent-shaped band, commonly worn by Awadhi nobles, the sitter’s identity is disclosed. Only the nawab of Awadh would be pictured in this particular garment. A second portrait of Shuja al-Daula (fig.
20),

which can be dated no earlier than 1759, is inscribed “Wazir al-Mamalik navvab Shuja al-Dawla Bahadur.”4 Again, following Mughal convention, the nawab is pictured standing outdoors and elegantly dressed in a floor-length white jama, accentuated by select pieces of jewelry including a feathered aigrette on his turban. In this study, the nawab has put on weight; rather than a neat mustache, Shuja al-Daula’s facial hair has developed. The portly figure, drooping mustache, and slight growth on his cheeks would appear in other studies of the nawab. In addition to portraits of Shuja al-Daula, the Awadhi repertoire included illustrations of specific episodes from literature and poetry (11, p. paintings (140,
141, 168; 24,

Scarcely any paintings can be directly linked to nawabi patronage; very few paintings are marked with seals or inscriptions that would suggest that they once belonged to the collection of the nawab of Awadh. One known example is found on the reverse of a mid-eighteenth-century portrait, European Woman Seated on a Terrace Smoking a
Top: Fig. 19. Sital Singh, An Indian pRince smoking a hookah; India, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, c. 1754; opaque

1760 –75
Page 164: 15. Attributed to Mir Kalan Khan, A PRincess Visiting a FoRest ShRine at Night, c. 1760

Venetian-Style Water Pipe (12). It is inscribed “sarkar navvab Shuja al-Dawla . . . Bahadur Sahib” (His Excellency the Regent, Shuja al-Daula the hero). Although this
3

watercolor and gold on paper, page 15 7⁄ 8 x 10 3⁄4 in. (40.3 x 27.3 cm), image 11 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. (27.9 x 21.1 cm); Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, Estampes, Rés. Od. 43, pet. fol. 18 (Collection Gentil)
Bottom: FIG. 20. Wazir al-Mamalik Nawab Shuja al-Daula Bahadur ; India, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, c. 1759; watercolor on paper, 9 7⁄ 8 x 7 1⁄ 8 in. (25.4 x 18.2 cm); Museum für Islamische Kunst I.4598 folio 19

p.

173),

ragamala

p.

183),

as well as a high number of or celebrating religious

inscription does not offer a precise date, nor indicate patronage, it clearly implies that it had passed through Shuja al-Daula’s hands. As there are countless unpublished Awadhi paintings in both private and public

terrace scenes picturing individuals observing musical performances (Fig.
21,

p.

172)

festivities. Much of this early phase of painting is undoubtedly indebted to the arrival of leading artists

166

167

Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh

from Delhi. Of the Mughal artists to settle in the region, Mir Kalan Khan and Nidha Mal were the most prolific. Despite the lack of biographical information on these artists, the number of surviving works provides an insight into the continuation of their careers. As a leading artist of Muhammad Shah’s atelier in Delhi, Mir Kalan Khan is often associated with the Awadhi painting tradition.5 Trained at the imperial atelier in the Mughal tradition, in his painterly style in Awadh Khan demonstrated a preference for eclectic compositions and experimenting with non-Mughal idioms (16, al-Daula inset within a hunting scene (157, pp.
4–5). 17).

A key painting,

which documents Khan’s encounter with the nawab of Awadh, is a portrait of Shuja Using a panoramic view of the Allahabad fort as the backdrop, Khan portrayed Shuja al-Daula dynamically slaying a lion. The nawab’s identity is readily discernible; Khan opted to render the nawab’s physiognomy complete with drooping moustache and beard that was similar in style to

Left: 17. Mir Kalan Khan, ChRist (Jesus) as a Child in the Temple, c. 1760 Right: 11. Mir Kalan Khan, A DRowning Man Saved fRom MaRine MonsteRs by a PRincely Boat, c. 1750 – 60 Opposite: 16. Mir Kalan Khan, LoveRs in a Landscape, c. 1760 –70

168

169

Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh

21. Mir Kalan Khan would mix these various ideas within a single composition. Nidha Mal notably adopted a striking color palette consisting of shades of bright orange and yellow-greens.Along with his forte in portraiture. Awadhi nobleman accompanied by ladies of the harem watching entertainments. Not only would these paintings become paradigms within the Awadhi tradition. 172).6 In some instances. Nidha Mal. p. It is often unclear whether the artist intended to embellish a story or simply used characters from various literary texts to create whimsical theatrical scenes. figural depictions from Rajput or Safavid paintings (16. 76. the collections amassed by European officers testify that additional sources of patronage were available to Awadhi artists. 173). In particular. 1755 – 65 170 171 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . including Italianate and Flemish styles of landscapes (18). but Mir Kalan Khan’s approach would more often result in an unexpected aesthetic harmony. one of the rising stars in the Awadhi art scene during the 1760s and 1770s. From the mid-1760s. 172). would radically transform terrace scenes into confections of multilayered “idealized palaces surrounded by formal gardens” that would recede to the horizon (21. Nidha Mal brought to Awadh his shrewd awareness of spatial conventions. One might expect that his paintings have a pastiche appearance. These grandiose illustrations were painted with 18. p. c. they were symbolic of the flourishing courtly life in the cities of Lucknow and Faizabad. In spite of the lack of information substantiating nawabi patronage. Nidha Mal painted several noteworthy portraits of Muhammad Shah accompanied by his courtiers. 169). 172). A second major Mughal artist to have an impact on the rising generation of Awadhi artists is the painter Nidha Mal. p. lush gardens with birds. Drawing on existing Delhi paintings. and candelabra to illuminate night scenes. This experimental phase embraced a variety of painterly modes. they incorporated fireworks. lanterns. 21. though the subject matter is not always immediately comprehensible. 20. Village Life in Kashmir . Mir Kalan Khan. p. is representative of his later style (fig. juxtaposed with brilliant white. Khan had a tendency to paint within a single composition specific vignettes or episodes from a variety of literary texts. p. his pictorial style of terrace scenes. Faizullah.” One of his paintings. Mir Kalan Khan’s genre scenes are also particularly interesting.8 These highly stylized paintings were filled to the brim with multiple vignettes of harem entertainments. During the height of his career in Delhi. 24. of an unidentified 7 precision. or even Bijapuri models. and armies fighting battles in the far distance. Both the concept of lavish terrace scenes and this combined color palette would appear in works by Nidha Mal’s contemporaries (3. and a “partiality to the color white (20). Awadhi artists developed a partiality toward painting nighttime terrace scenes that pictured women celebrating festivals or playing games. p. An Awadh Nobleman Reclining on a Couch by Moonlight. officers affiliated to the French Compagnie des Indes Orientales and the English East India Company were stationed in The rising generation was directly influenced by the models introduced by artists such as Mir Kalan Khan and Nidha Mal. pavilions are strategically placed on the terrace and adorned with colorful textiles and women are dressed in flowing garments (fig. 1760 the work of his contemporaries. For this composition. c.

Field. (26.FIG. Bensky H. and Mrs. PRincess Zib an-Nisa Watching FiRewoRks. An Awadhi Nobleman. L. c. CelebRating Shab-i BaRat. 22.5 x 37.2004 Above: FIG. 10 3⁄ 8 x 14 3⁄4 in. An Al FResco EnteRtainment for PRinces. The Women of Egypt Cut Their FingeRs Peeling ORanges when FiRst Seeing YUSUF’s Beauty. 1768 Opposite: 24. opaque watercolor on paper. India. promised gift of Mr. PRobably Shuja Al-Daula. Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. 1770 172 173 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh .4596 folio 23 Right: 3. Museum für Islamische Kunst. Nidha Mal. 1755 – 65. c. Lucknow or Faizabad. with Five Ladies of the HaRem Watching EnteRtaineRs in a Water GaRden. opaque watercolor and gold on paper.10. India. I. 21. c. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh.5 cm). Uttar Pradesh. 1754 –75. Faizullah. c.

1770. 15 1⁄ 8 x 21 1⁄2 in.” 14 Gentil’s manuscripts were filled with informal vignettes that were either imbedded within the text or painted on the periphery of maps. focal point of Gentil’s collection was a series of illustrated albums. In particular. (38. Nawab Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons. Of the artists affiliated to Gentil’s studio. from A “Gentil Album” Depicting ManneRs and Customs of People of India. In the period leading up to Shuja al-Daula’s death in 1775. 4039 folio 19r Top: 29. 81).4 x 54. artists pasted multiple sheets of paper in a horizontal format in order to picture an entire façade of a building. Antoine-Louis Polier. Of the major connoisseurs in the region. p. 1774 Mughal Empire. The PRovince of Awadh. Leaving the French company. In addition to the illustrated volumes. the collections amassed by Jean-Baptiste Gentil. Gentil enlisted several artists to produce a wide range of illustrations that would be incorporated into several volumes. While the delineation of figures and objects remained in the traditional Indian style. Gentil’s career in India commenced with the Compagnie des Indes Orientales from 1752 through the early 1760s. these works are more often described as products of the socalled Company school. Add. TReaty of the Nawab with the BRitish at BenaRes in 1765. watercolor and ink on paper. AFter a Painting by Tilly Kettle. JeanBaptiste Gentil (1726 –1799) was the earliest to establish a small studio in the city of Faizabad. 1774 Bottom: 27. owing to the time constraint imposed by Gentil the artists were only able to produce hastily drawn illustrations that were accentuated with watercolors. Faizabad. Various Indian artists including Nevasi Lal and the region. Nevasi Lal. 7.12 as well as a manuscript depicting native people (27). including a volume containing individual maps Gentil’s memoirs also account for another major project: during the winter of 1774 –75.13 Although artists trained in the Mughal style drew the illustrations. At the 9 of the Mughal provinces (fig.FIG. a volume on Indian coins. This term is used to categorize “a special type of Indian painting which was produced for Europeans and was heavily influenced by European taste. enormous numbers of paintings were produced in the second half of the eighteenth century. and Richard Johnson are central to understanding the Awadhi tradition. Within this series we find an illustration of Shuja al-Daula’s palace in Faizabad (Fig. Gentil commissioned a series of large-format architectural drawings of buildings in Faizabad and Delhi. Gentil opted to take up a private post as the aide-de-camp for Shuja al-Daula by the mid-1760s.15 To paint this series of illustrations. from Jean-Baptiste Gentil’s Atlas of the Mughal EmpiRe. The British Library. these collections reveal particular details surrounding the establishment of minor studios by European residents as well as the names and some biographical information on a number of artists who flourished in both Faizabad and Lucknow. Or. 23.5 cm). These decorative illustrations were painted in a water-based medium and did not include the surrounding landscape. only Mohan Singh and Nevasi Lal have been identified.10 a history of the Mohan Singh. APAC. As a direct consequence of their collective patronage. 11 23). these men would solicit examples of Indian paintings from local artists. he entrusted his 174 175 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh .

the majority of album leaves were decorated with double. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. 124). 178). Mihr Chand and the members of the studio were responsible for producing at least twelve exquisitely bound albums containing examples of Awadhi paintings as well as examples of seventeenth-century Mughal and Deccani works. from which they could produce their own versions. in both the cities of Faizabad and Delhi. Within months of his arrival. folio 40 Particularly noteworthy. (19 x 19 cm). Within these albums. Polier’s studio ensured symmetry throughout the collection by including similarly designed frontispieces in each of the albums with either a sunburst-shaped medallion or rectangular cartouche that would be inscribed with details of ownership and the contents of the particular album (Fig. 24. to serve in the capacity of chief engineer and architect. 180). 1776. 24. 1774. Awadhi artists would become aware of new portraiture conventions as well as an updated physiognomy of the nawab. 154. Switzerland. Polier established a small studio that was headed by the preeminent artist Mihr Chand. both Nevasi Lal’s contemporaries and later generations of Awadhi artists would often compose portraits of Shuja al-Daula in the style of Tilly Kettle. including Sir Robert Barker. the British portrait painter. p.studio to produce copies of Tilly Kettle’s portraits of Shuja al-Daula. painted a portrait of Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons that was based on an original by Kettle (29. On arriving in Madras in 1758. 174). Uttar Pradesh. In 1772. the artist’s repertoire included portraits of Mughal emperors (115. p. 1765 –76 Shuja al-Daula (31.17 FIG. Polier was assigned to the court of Shuja al-Daula in Faizabad. Polier started his career by enlisting as a cadet with the English East India Company. it is curious that he sold off the majority of albums either during his final months in India or after his return to London in 1788. Deva GandhaRa Ragini. Kettle’s portraits had a pronounced impact on Awadhi artists. A DeRvish Receiving a Visitor . p. another major connoisseur in the region and contemporary to Gentil. Museum für Islamische Kunst.18 Polier’s collection was extraordinary.4594. and was promoted to chief engineer in charge of reconstructing Fort William in Calcutta (Kolkata). As Nevasi Lal’s works are generally unsigned. I. p. p. Tilly Kettle (1735 –1786). including group portraits of the nawab accompanied by his progeny or British officers. and courtesans as well as drawings of 176 177 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . Mihr Chand. several of these appear in the collection of Antoine Polier (31. Top: 124. Polier was actively engaged in campaigns. without Gentil’s note on the reverse of this work. c. Shamsa page. worked in the capacity of surveyor. was a native of Lausanne. Nevasi Lal. Although additional versions of Kettle’s portraits produced by Gentil’s studio cannot be accounted for. p. Indian artist. Lucknow. As Kettle painted several full-length oil paintings of Shuja al-Daula. “painted at Faizabad by Nevasilal. c. dark blue borders and distinctive multicolored floral marginal designs. 177). Antoine-Louis Polier (1741–1795). who was one of the preeminent artists to flourish in the region.16 Over the course of the next thirteen years. While Polier endeavored to build up his collection in India.” it would not have been possible to identify Nevasi Lal’s hand. as it featured the majority of the known paintings ascribed to the artist Mihr Chand. was invited to Faizabad. only a few portraits of Shuja al-Daula following the common physiognomy as pictured in figure 20 are dated to the early years of his rule. as of this date only one copy by a member of Gentil’s studio has been located. In addition. together with specimens of calligraphy (117. Even though Gentil’s memoirs state that he commissioned his studio to produce copies of four portraits by Kettle. inner field 7 1⁄2 x 7 1⁄2 in. 1780 Bottom: 117. one of Gentil’s leading artists. 239. India. where he received commissions from both Shuja al-Daula and British officers. 239). circa 1772.

Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Polier’s connection to Mihr Chand is substantiated through a series of personal correspondence sent to the artist in this period. (25 x 20. 178 179 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . such as European engravings and earlier Mughal. Fol. c. for the first time in the history of later Mughal painting. c.20 As Polier’s letters have been recently translated from Persian to English and published. c. The Mughal PRince MiRza Jawan Bakht. it has become possible to determine the extent of the working relationship that was formed between the artist and patron. page 15 7⁄ 8 x 10 3⁄4 in. 24 (Collection Gentil) Top Right: 123. Od. 25. Mughal landmarks and subjects of Hindu mythology. 1765 –73 Bottom Left: 149. The Mughal EmpeRor Shah Alam II on a Palace TeRRace in Allahabad. Female Musician. Paris. 149). Visit of the Qawwal Shir Muhammad with Abul Hasan Qutb Shah. 123. Although scholars have known that Mihr Chand appropriated heavily from Tilly Kettle’s works to produce his own portraits of Shuja al-Daula. Rés. 1760 Bottom Right: 148. Mihr Chand. pet. 25. Est.Left: 122. image 9 7⁄ 8 x 8 1⁄ 8 in. Persian. Mihr Chand. c. 1765 –73 In addition to the visual evidence. it has recently been discovered that Mihr Chand also directly copied existing paintings that he found in Gentil’s collection (Fig. India.3 cm). Female Musician. Style Of Mihr Chand.3 x 27. 43. and Rajput paintings. we have first-hand documentation on the patronage of artists. opaque watercolor and gold on paper.7 cm).. that were readily available to artists in Awadh. 1786 Right: 115. c. 148. (40. the stylistic nuances of a single artist. The Qawwal Sheikh Shir Muhammad Debates with His FolloweRs. this resource assists in understanding the impact of European patronage on local artists. 1759 Top Left: Fig.19 c. Mihr Chand. 1720. Of immense significance. Mughal. as well as providing an idea of the resources. As the finest examples of Mihr Chand’s oeuvre were integrated into Polier’s collection.

Uttar Pradesh.21 This social commentary authenticates Polier’s patronage of the artist as well as indicating the style of paintings that appealed to European clientele. 11 5⁄16 x 15 7⁄16 in. Although scholars debate the sitter’s identity. 27. 27). Mihr Chand. there is limited information on this nawab’s patronage of Indian artists. artists had no option but to follow in his lead. Aside from a few portraits of the rotund Asaf al-Daula receiving courtiers (figs. only a few portraits by other artists. For an overview of the continuation of the Awadhi painting tradition through the end of the eighteenth century. India. p. 239. he turned to Tilly Kettle’s oil paintings for inspiration. 1774. Mihr Chand was also asked to produce a series of portraits of Shuja al-Daula that would be assimilated into new albums bound for Polier and that could be presented by Polier to his acquaintances (31. Mihr Chand’s portrayal of the European wearing traditional Awadhi garments and enjoying a dance performance is without doubt Mihr Chand’s notable patron Antoine Polier. c. (33. 26. 26). the Left: 154. 183).3 x 23. 28. Attributed to Mihr Chand. I. Museum für Islamische Kunst. after a PoRtRait by Tilly Kettle.23 Appropriating heavily from Kettle’s work. Although his eldest son and successor. opaque period.Within Polier’s collection.22 As Mihr Chand’s multiple portraits are dispersed through Polier’s collection and also found elsewhere. 154). 29. 1780 Right: 155. Mihr Chand’s finest painting is that of Colonel Polier Watching a Nautch (fig. Uttar Pradesh. Asad Khan anD Alamgir . portraits of prominent European residents including John Wombwell. and Richard Johnson were also painted by Mihr Chand’s contemporaries. and Two PictuRes of Beauties. it is only possible to rely on the evidence of European patronage. 1780 Awadhi tradition persevered through the continued patronage of European residents and officers in the region. transferred the nawabi court from Faizabad to Lucknow. (19 x 28 cm). FIG. Collection of Princess Sadruddin Aga Khan Shuja al-Daula’s untimely death in 1775 had no direct repercussions on the Awadhi painting tradition. 1773 –74. Nawab Shuja al-Daula. Asaf al-Daula. As Mihr Chand may not have been afforded the opportunity to compose portraits of the nawab in situ. Nawab Shuja Al-Daula and His Ten Sons. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. as well as a version of Shuja al-Daula with his ten sons (fig. c. 13 1⁄ 8 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. Colonel Polier Watching a Nautch. bust-length portraits. including Nevasi Lal’s Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons. also date to this FIG. Particularly the efforts of Richard Johnson 180 181 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . Warren Hastings. watercolor and gold on paper. Mihr Chand. Through the end of the eighteenth century. Faizabad. Mihr Chand created full-length portraits of Shuja al-Daula standing outdoors. it suggests that the artist had cornered the market during the final years of the nawab’s rule.4596 folio 18 p.2 cm). At Polier’s behest. Faizabad. c. India.

image 13. there are isolated paintings that suggest the patronage of the rulers of Awadh. Illustrations by artists including Ghulam Reza’s. Uttar Pradesh. Artists affiliated with Johnson’s studio include Mohan Singh. c. Hasan Reza Khan PResents a Request to Asaf al-Daula. which picture the Hindu deity Shiva. Haidar Beg Khan. however artists faced hardships in obtaining patronage from Shuja al-Daula’s descendants as well as from the European residents. 29. Awadh. Sital Das. Ragamala paintings. Although Johnson primarily commissioned new ragamala paintings and illustrations to literary texts. commission Awadhi paintings from local artists. as seen in his delineation of Bhairava Raga and Bhairavi Ragini. had transferred to Lucknow by 1780. 1780 – 82 In addition. Mss. page 18. 182 183 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . (34. c. Within a short time. 10 1⁄4 x 14 1⁄4 in.5 cm). p. he had sixty-seven albums. later Mughal paintings from Murshidabad. Ghulam Reza. Johnson’s collection holds paintings ascribed to multiple artists who flourished in Awadh from 1780 to 1782. 6523 Top Right: FIG. 140). Paris. Top Left: FIG 28. by modifying their choice of medium from a heavy gouache to watercolor. This vast resource constitutes the majority of known Awadhi paintings that are held within a single collection.7 x 28. we find many Lucknow versions of the portraits of Asaf al-Daula and the Mughal Prince Jawan Bakht that were originally painted by Zoffany and other European artists at Lucknow (122. BhaiRavi Ragini. Rather than producing fully executed paintings. As a result. opaque watercolor on paper. The Awadhi tradition of painting did not cease at the end of the eighteenth century. Or. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. 178). Further causing complications for the local community was that they faced competition from European artists. No. In Calcutta. and Ram Sahai. Typical sets of ragamala painting include thirty-six ragas and raginis..(1753 –1807). (26 x 36. (47 x 32. he would continue to expand his collection and. who worked for Jean-Baptiste Gentil during the 1770s in Faizabad. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Although Johnson was in Lucknow only briefly. more importantly. they consciously adjusted their style for the preferred “Company” idiom in order to attract a wider audience. depictions of Hindu deities. artists were able to rapidly execute sets of illustrations on topics such as portraits of Mughal emperors or on the occupations of the native people for European consumers to take home as souvenirs. Compared with the collections assembled by Gentil and Polier. the personification of the various Indian classical modes. Johnson collected Mughal and Deccani paintings. Collection of Shawn Ghassemi Bottom Left: 139. Muhammad Ashiq. India. late 18th century. By the time of Johnson’s departure back to England.5 cm). Gobind Singh. his collection included topographical views and portraits that he had purchased from artists in Lucknow.5 x 12. c. Richard Johnson arrived in Calcutta in 1770 and took up the post of a writer in the Bengal Civil Service. where he served in the capacity as the assistant to the British Resident Nathaniel Middleton. Of course.24 From this list it is evident that Mohan Singh. which predominantly feature works of one or two named Awadhi artists. his achievements were recognized and he was promoted to the post of assistant to Governor-General Warren Hastings. Udwat Singh. During the period 1780 – 82. a British civil servant. for Asaf al-Daula’s fleeting attention. including Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810) and Ozias Humphry (1742 –1810). 1775. are a testament to the artistic accomplishments of Awadhi artists (139. India.8 in. Uttar Pradesh. deserve recognition. feature prominently within Johnson’s collection. Ghulam Reza.2 cm).7 x 11. Johnson’s atelier produced either nim-qalam (grisaille) illustrations or colored drawings of the various modes. these were sold to the East India House Library in 1807 and currently are held by the British Library in London. and Other CouRtieRs. Smith-Lesouef 249. 1780 – 82 Bottom Right: 140. Asaf Al-Daula Receiving Hasan Reza Khan. Johnson was assigned to Lucknow. as well as Sanskrit and Persian manuscripts. Ghulam Reza. BhaiRava Raga. Lucknow. his artists were challenged to produce multiple sets of ragamala paintings. In Lucknow.2 in. and manuscript illustrations.

it is very likely that other artists were part of Gentil’s studio. 12 . 27. The British Library. Wajid Ali Shah held the most promise as patron of art. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient. Lucknow.4599) and at the Museum for Asiatic Art in Berlin (MIK I 4063 and 5005). c. BL. ed B. 20.72. 281.Or. Son of Ganga Ram (fl. see Losty. 132 – 33. 15. 13 1⁄2 x 18 3⁄4 in. 1992).” Burlington Magazine 143 (2001). British Library (hereinafter BL). Antoine Polier. Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 4. 26. The inscription on the verso was transcribed (sarkar navvab Shuja’ al-Dawla.” South Asian Studies 26:1 (2010). Losty. J. IS 25 -180. India.5 cm).” Apollo (1972): 96 –106. no. the frontispiece is inscribed with the names of Nevasi Lal and Mohan Singh. For further information on Khan’s style in Awadh. BnF. Add. Add. 25 16. M. Add. 26. “Mughal Painting during the Reign of Muhammad Shah. 20. “Some Unexpected Sources for Paintings by the Artist Mihr Chand. Ms.63. 1815 6. and Wajid Ali Shah in darbar with Lord Hardinge. Abrégé historique des souverains de l’Indoustan. P. “Towards a New Naturalism. Schmitz (Delhi: Marg. 8. which chronicled the author’s life in Lucknow and his passion for women. Alavi (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Alam and S. 11. 21–29. Windsor Castle.5. Mughal Paintings for the British Library (London: Indar Pasricha Fine Arts. 14. “Towards a New Naturalism. ed. As an accomplished poet and aficionado of the Awadhi painting tradition. Losty. Polier. Bibliothèque nationale de France (hereinafter BnF). “Tilly Kettle and the Court of Oudh.” 49 – 51.” in After the Great Mughals. This beautifully executed compilation would have been the final opportunity for Awadhi artists to revive the later Mughal painting style that had flourished during the second half of the eighteenth century and to be offered such a major commission from a member of the Awadhi ruling family. Mildred Archer. Ms. R9) 17. reprint New York: Prestel. Losty and L.fr. B. ed. 13. the British Museum. McInerney. Shuja al-Daula was appointed as wazir of the Mughal Empire by Shah Alam II in 1759 – 60. V&A. Mildred Archer and Graham Parlett. Company Paintings: Indian Paintings of the British Period (London: Victoria and Albert Museum. 1750 – 80. P. APAC. Losty. Lucknow or Faizabad. Schmitz (Delhi: Marg.5 x 47. he commissioned 103 illustrations to accompany a volume of his poetry entitled the Ishqnamah. Of all the later Awadhi rulers. For details regarding Mir Kalan Khan’s early career in Delhi. Roy. 1759 – 86). 9. 2002). Losty. J. 11 . 19. 26 18.Or. 1997). 21 . R. these artists flourished during the period 1780 – 82. Although only these two artists have been named. “Towards a New Naturalism. Leach.” 25. 7.88. Painting in Delhi and the Regional Courts in the 18th and 19th Centuries. Polier. 2001). 2003). c. 5. Painting in Delhi and the Regional Courts in the 18th and 19th Centuries.Bahâdur Sâhib) and translated by Prof. 23.4039. 1820 –22.” in After the Great Mughals. 3. “Towards a New Naturalism. and the Achenbach Collection for Graphic Arts in San Francisco. India: Art and Culture 1300–1900 (1985. gouache on paper. 35.fr. trans.” 51– 52. BnF. “Mughal Painting during the Reign of Muhammad Shah.” 49 – 51. Inside an album held by Victoria & Albert Museum (hereinafter V&A) (IS 25 -180).742 Royal Collection. 1998). with the high number of illustrations produced for Gentil’s various projects.. The majority of albums commissioned by Antoine Polier are found in the Museum for Islamic Art in Berlin (MIK I 4593.. M. 25. P. Other albums are held at the British Library. Od.” in Lucknow: Then and Now. c. Receuil de toutes sortes des Dessins sur les usages et coutumes des peuples de l’Indoustan ou empire Mogol. Empire Mogol divisé en 21 soubahs ou gouvernements tiré de differens écrivains du pais en Faisabad en MDCCLXX. “Archibald Swinton: A New Source for Albums of Indian Miniatures in William Beckford’s Collection. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient: The Ijaz-i Arsalani (Persian letters 1772–1779) of Antoine-Louis Henri Polier. Histoire des Pieces de Monnayes qui ont été frappé dans l’Indoustan. J. RCIN 1005035. Wheeler M. Lucian Guthrie Harris. 22 . Fig. 1760 –75. 360. Aside from Mohan Singh. 30. “Painting at Lucknow.25287. 24. Stuart Cary Welch. 37a. fol. Uttar Pradesh.27 1. 24219. Ghazi Al-Din Haidar EnteRtains LoRd and Lady MoiRa. 10. Portraiture in Murshidabad and Awadh. European Woman Seated on a Terrace Smoking a Venetian-Style Water Pipe. 2. Llewellyn-Jones (Mumbai: Marg. APAC. Thackston. (34.including a commemorative scene of Ghazi al-Din Haidar entertaining Lord and Lady Moira at a banquet (fig. see Terrance McInerney. Or. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient. M. 184 185 Roy : Late Mughal Painting Tradition in Awadh . 2002).

2 A patriotic denizen of the town. many of whom were obliged for economic and more general material reasons to migrate from Delhi to these newly prosperous centers of power. as far as the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. 1761–1806). the brother of the hero and god 186 187 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . using the folk etymology that linked Lucknow (Lakhnau) to Lakhan (or Lakshmana). as seen through the eyes of some princes and poets who flocked from Delhi to Lucknow in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Lucknow truly emerged into prominence in the latter half of the eighteenth century—when the Mughal Empire as a political structure was entering into a phase of decline and decentralization under the long rule of Shah Alam II (r.M u z a f far Alam An d San jay Su b rah m an yam Of Princes and Poets in EighteenthCentury Lucknow Though it had been a garrison and administrative center of some importance through much of the Mughal period in northern India.1 In this respect it was like a number of regional courts and urban centers (Murshidabad. This brief essay is largely concerned with the nature of the tensions that were inherent in this process. Bhopal. and Hyderabad also come to mind) which profited from the considerable reorientations of the eighteenth century in order to construct or consolidate their own profiles. The fact that they did so at the expense of the declining imperial center at Shahjahanabad-Delhi lent this process a bittersweet taste to a number of contemporary observers. he traced its past back to distant antiquity. The memoirist Abdul Halim “Sharar” (1860 –1926) famously described Lucknow as the “last exemplar of eastern culture in Hindustan” (Hindustan mem mashriqi tamaddun ka akhiri namuna) in the nostalgic essays that he published in the journal Dil Gudaz between 1913 and the early 1920s. Arcot.

Even though I left the place. which he much prefers. What shall we do if the place itself is bad? 13 Two of the great poets of Delhi.3 Despite the prestige of Lucknow. His rather imaginative early history of the town also tied it to the activities of the legendary warrior-saint Salar Masud in the eleventh century. where he describes the splendid reception given to Warren Hastings by Nawab Asaf al-Daula in 1784 in the most fulsome terms (glossing over the fact that the same period was one of famine and misery in northern India. the Masnawi sihr 188 189 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . In turn. and create a new dispensation based on a deeper fiscal penetration into the countryside and its resources. his earlier writings such as the Masnawi gulzar-i eram completed in 1779 (AH 1192) give a rather different impression. were however not amongst the first wave of migrants but rather belonged to a second moment. However. which had by now also acquired a significant presence of learned ulama in centers such as the celebrated Farangi Mahal (itself consolidated in Aurangzeb’s reign). When I arrived in the land of Lucknow I saw no pleasure (bahar) in that town. a combination of regular access to the good things of life such as snacks and sweetmeats. alongside a relatively brief description of Lucknow. who also built up the site of Faizabad to a considerable degree after having initially preferred Lucknow. Mir Muhammad Taqi “Mir” and Mir Hasan. and thousands came and settled there. and indeed the heading of that particular section is bluntly indicative of this: “Arrival in the prisonhouse. That image is still present in my eyes.9 It is one of his later writings. Grief had so besieged my soul. when Asaf al-Daula had moved the center of affairs to Lucknow a decade later. Most of the eminent people of Delhi bade farewell to their domiciles and turned towards the east. and this continued under the rule of his son Nawab Shuja al-Daula.12 Gradually. He writes: As soon as it was known that Shuja-ud-Daula had decided on Faizabad for his headquarters [in 1765]. craftsmen. for example. titled Safdar Jang.” A crucial figure in his account is that of a certain Shaikh Abdur Rahim Bijnauri. and a paradise for infidels” (Rasidan be-sijn wa wazih shudan maani-yi: “Al-duniya sijnun-lil-muminin wa jannatun-lil-kafirin”). and it was difficult to be separated from it. and by the time of its writing. Burhan al-Mulk chose to center his activities further to the east. Here is how the poem begins: Since the time Hindustan was shattered. the tone of derision resumes as soon as he arrives in Lucknow. Night and day people kept coming and caravan after caravan arrived to stay and become absorbed into the environs of Faizabad. Even if there are many pious people here. Here he writes: O cup-bearer! Bring a jade-colored goblet Place more precious stones at its rim. His verse-account thus continues: spread over several texts from his pen. like a stone embedded in a goblet.” After passing through the important Jat center of Dig. Of the two. are depicted by Sharar as the great local power-holders in the area for much of the high Mughal period until the early eighteenth century. individuals of every rank and class had gathered there. indeed a form of bitter exile. literary men. in the mid-1770s. Sharar’s account is very evocative of this change. In no time persons of every race and creed. it is clear that Mir Hasan had reconciled himself to Lucknow. that “on the pretext of having left my homeland behind / I turned the jungle into a river with my tears.7 It is thus clear that Mir Hasan saw his departure from Delhi as something to regret.11 powerbroker by his son-in-law Muhammad Muqim Nishapuri. His presence in the area appears to have increased the Shia flavor to Muslim settlement there. I felt I could never take to this place. The entire population of Delhi seemed to be making preparations to move there. AuRangzeb. soldiers. I have travelled in a carriage helplessly trapped like a bird in a moving cage Though I moved from one stage to another. merchants.10 This long text concerns Mir Hasan’s departure from Delhi and arrival in Lucknow via Makanpur. that of Nawab Asaf al-Daula and then eventually in that of Nawab Saadat Ali Khan. in a town that came for a time to overshadow Lucknow in the region—namely Faizabad. and he claimed that “a large population of Hindus and Muslims were settled there before Akbar’s reign.6 Faizabad and Lucknow had certainly managed to attract a number of migrants from Delhi by the middle decades of the eighteenth century. some of Afghan origin. a fact that did not escape an embarrassed Hastings). crowds flocked in that direction. Mir (1723 –1810) is uncharacteristically tactful regarding Lucknow in his usually quite acerbic memoir Zikr-i Mir. c. there is a far more extensive section on Faizabad. and some amorous adventures seem to have assuaged his bitterness somewhat while on the road. However. His descendants and other shaikhzadas. my Destiny took me to the East My heart was attached to an idol there [Delhi].Rama. which he assimilated—whether literally or as a mere poetic device—to separation from a beloved.5 The balance was definitively redressed away from Faizabad and in favor of Lucknow only during the following reign. 1780 Mir Hasan saw the problems of Lucknow as partly associated with the physical site of the town itself. as well as the fact that it seemed quite disorderly in its construction to him in evident comparison to the greater orderliness of Delhi. Burhan al-Mulk was succeeded as the chief regional 4 al-bayan. which has attracted less attention.8 The account of the region by his younger contemporary Mir Hasan (1736 –1786). he eventually joined a procession to the town of Makanpur in honor of the heterodox saint Shah Madar. the Shia culture of which would eventually be fervently defended by his grandson Mir Anis. The central task of Burhan al-Mulk was thus to rein in the pretensions of the shaikhzadas. my heart was left behind at each station. still the fact of separation tortures me. is Page 186: 128. that has been most frequently cited. He notes. and my understanding the verse: The world is a prison for believers. who he stated made his residence there and was granted lands and revenues by the Mughals at the very end of the sixteenth century. when the major Iranian noble Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk decided for his part to make his power base in the area.

It is one of the exemplars of Hindustan. while their wells are like tiny specks with water oozing out like pus from a wound in the chest. Some houses are up near the sky And the huts of some are almost underground. If Lucknow is chaos then. May Asaf al-Daula be kept safe forever. the place had an ancient past going back practically to the time of the legendary Decius. Like sweat from the body of an Ethiopian. but because of this age. He put an end to all the dirtiness here. “It’s not Lucknow. Take my boat across to the other side. and the recollections of friends. culinary. and sometimes it rises up. by way of constructing great public buildings and imposing some order on what was otherwise a rather chaotic situation. If the poet sees Lucknow as a “cruel city” (shahr-i bedad). He laid foundations for such buildings here. what with flowers. Mir Hasan attempts for a time to soften the tone of his criticism somewhat. May God protect him and that abode. That even the wind cannot pass through. whose dresses are often revealing of their breasts. For he made the plans for his stay in this place.” O cup-bearer! Fill my goblet rapidly. There is also a vast number of occasions and locations for sociability. he also concedes that the Nawab-Wazir Asaf al-Daula has begun to effect great improvements in the town. sweetmeats (phirni and faluda) as well as many other products including kebabs of different varieties. Rather. with jewels. The Shia Mir Hasan even compares Lucknow to Kufa near where Imam Husain was killed. There’s water all around. And gave a real shape to Lucknow.” We blame this age for no fault of its own. As soon as I entered that town. whether in the coffee shops. One of them was a certain Khwaja Basit. Houses begin to drown like bubbles in a stream. it is evident that the commercial prosperity of Faizabad impresses him no end. Songs in an assembly. sugarcane. No wood can be found. Faizabad for him is no less than a “flower-garden. But if there’s one place. Mir Hasan waxes eloquent in several passages regarding the dresses and ornaments worn by the people. Quite in keeping with the Khwaja’s status. however. money changers (sarrafs). Bravo! See the tastes and desires of lovers. was in the poet’s words full of “open bazaars and wide-open streets / like lines on a white piece of paper. he also has extended passages in the same masnawi where he makes evident his own strong preference for Faizabad. fruits. complaining in turn of the miserliness of its people. O God! May this leader live forever. And each hill here is like a rock on my chest. or in establishments where female prostitutes (randiyan) as well as young boys (launde) from Kashmir and elsewhere preen themselves. This town is so crowded together. and the fact that its river—the Gomti—overflowed its banks practically every year. The paths and customs here are all dirty. it is clear that Mir Hasan’s distaste for Lucknow does not stem from the comparison with Delhi alone. The sludge in the lanes is black with mud. For here it is the symbol of Delhi. it is Khwaja Basit’s. He notes that at least a few generous patrons have settled in the town. and especially the women. cloth merchants. So that its paths wind all up and down. but its lanes were labyrinthine.This country is settled on bumpy ground. Faizabad for the poet is a commercial.16 190 191 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . of Faizabad. To be sure. as well as other bazaars. the seat of power built up by Shuja al-Daula. Each lane is so narrow here. even if most of them have their origins in Delhi. and erotic paradise. It is a page from that wonderful album.19 In later passages. who made the town of Lucknow into a garden. I am now fed up with the narrowness of this place [Lucknow]. When we say. When I saw this condition of the place. As for what transpires here during the rains. A wave came one day over my breast: Why not make a trip to Faizabad? And so I raised up my heart and left. its vulnerability to attacks by wild animals like wolves. These include flirtatious women covered with perfume (itr) and sandal essence. which he portrays in the most glowing terms. That it’s scarcely possible to take a breath. nor logs for a fire. and grain is dear. It felt as if heaven’s door had opened. He complains that the houses are far too small.” He rejoices in the extended description of the Tripuliya quarter. That their spectacle had the whole world in raptures.17 At the same time. Indeed. and metalworkers.18 The denigration thus continues in verse after verse. There’s so much water in the place. 15 This town.14 In a more politic vein. At times it’s low. What can I say about its horrors? When the Gomti rises all round. and even the crossroads were so narrow that it was hard to take a horse through them. That it’s not a town but a water-pot instead.

Azfari was initially far from impressed. land. Know the truth. As if instead of a kiss of affection. The streets were narrow. which he had already visited. asks Mir Hasan rhetorically. A slip. My face had been bitten at first inspection. So you walk as if only tiptoes existed. The Mughal prince proceeded cautiously however and only left Rampur after a few months.21 above. With the sludge from it spreading everywhere. but it seemed that the town’s very foundations and temperament (uftad-i 192 193 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . and made his way to a variety of courts in Rajasthan where he pleaded with their rulers to support him in a bid for the throne. So thin the sun burns through all day long inside. Humiliated and constantly assailed by heat. has a strange quality. what poetry can one write. Close the door to the house where you dwell. In this endeavor. there’s a lesson to be had. That helpless water: where can it go? It too must return to its own abode. two dusty wooden shutters. This was Mirza Ali Bakht “Azfari. Everyone is in peril day and night. While a thatched roof over it leans. If you laugh at it all.24 Eventually. so I’ve debated? The people in it are always annoyed. On his arrival in Lucknow in the early 1790s. And like the ants. Fortunate that man. But if not. At every breath. and we shall cite the opening passages to give the reader a flavor of its contents. he wrote letters from there to the Nawab-Wazir (that is. bazaars. Maharaja Jhao Lal greeted him and had him stay at Gau Ghat. As a curtain. disappeared in the sod. Asaf al-Daula had built matchless buildings there.23 A decade or so after Mir Hasan’s salvos.22 But the reality seems to have been far more complex than the dark picture painted by Mir Hasan in these verses. What shall I say of its courtyard all bare. if the door is shut Someone must be sitting on the pot. My cheek threw up a dreadful swelling. I entered it and got a feverish malady. his deputy. I found. And thinks: well. The house. and the scourge of thousands of ants who seem to swarm all around Lucknow. he complained. and nothing’s straight. the poet’s life in the town is described in this poem as a veritable purgatory. Azfari decided to try his luck with Asaf al-Daula in Lucknow. For a rent of two rupees a year. And took the earth to be his abode. and it’s your death from a height. some simply gloomy and some bitingly humorous. and a certain notable called Maharaja Jhao Lal explaining his situation to them and received positive responses with promises of good treatment. So that a guest arriving there by chance. he met with very limited success and was eventually tempted by the prospect of migrating to the Asaf Jahi court in the Deccan. Just four cots can be spread out there. since the world was created. bylanes. Azfari—like many of his cousins who were in a similar situation—managed to escape by profiting from a breach in the city walls. seen such a house. of rough bamboo. perhaps. dust.20 This is written in a far more humorous tone than the poem we have cited And when you need to relieve yourself. In the fact that it goes up and down. A veranda made of nine or ten spare beams. And if your skirt gets caught up in that bamboo. we get a somewhat different view of Lucknow under Asaf al-Daula from the pen of a princely Mughal writer who also resided there for a time. The chief quality of that yard can be found. gave up the ghost. It’s not a house but a mortal killjoy. The fate of the poet and writer in Asaf al-Daula’s Lucknow is thus seen as anything but joyous. and buildings of Lucknow were in his view all still in rather poor shape. As if I’d been butted by that dwelling. Ever since I took on a house here. just lies around. and the ground was all up and down so that the town compared in his eyes unfavorably to Jaipur. as a sort of elite prisoner.25 Making his way to the Rohila principality of Rampur. An old ladder just to clamber up and down. From the closed door divines at a glance. the “Poem Denigrating His Mansion” (Masnawi hajw-i haweli. Its notches tear your clothes quite in two. With one’s nostrils full of mud. the lanes. who from disgust at the troubles of the world. A thatched roof about five planks wide. or even a privy space. In midcourtyard is a plain raised square. your foot may be twisted. As if there were no such habit in this place. some Muslims such as Mir or Mir Hasan. it might seem not so sad. Has anyone. it’s plain enough to state. There’s no kitchen. That will soil the hands of the man who enters.” a direct descendant of the Great Mughals who had grown up in Delhi and remained there until about the age of thirty. Like Mir Hasan. Conversely.Lucknow also comes in for some rather harsh criticism in another of Mir Hasan’s texts. and others Persianized Kayasthas and Khatris. The courtyard’s slope is made so cunning It’s into the house the water’s always running. When this proved too difficult. from 1775/76 [AH 1189/90]). Asaf al-Daula). For many poets in both Persian and Urdu can be listed in Lucknow in these times. It’s all crooked here.

He was thus able to show off his extensive erudition not merely in Persian. whenever Asaf al-Daula was visited by Azfari he always made it a point to stand and to seat the Mughal prince next to him. To make his point. he then extemporized a verse. As an instance of the culture and refinement of the court. He writes in his memoir. paying them a proper stipend each month. after a few years. but little by little picked up these manners over the years in Lucknow. when the prince came back to Lucknow. since they were also after all of Timurid descent. Azfari then adds sarcastically that the people here were so perfect. it seems. 194 195 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . its people. the morchals would also be in accompaniment.000 rupees for his household expenses. Eventually. he thus seems to have decided that he would settle there in a more permanent way. and others were so diligent in their service to him that he eventually remained in the town for all of seven years and two months. When Timur’s family came to seek your shelter. However. it appears that Azfari warmed somewhat to the place. Azfari stated that it did not behoove the nawab’s quality and justice to treat his cousins as he did. who. 26 he wished to do well in the all-too-polite high society of Asaf al-Daula’s court. it was only when Nawab Saadat Ali Khan came to power that he had took back the grants (wazifa or maash) from them. it was now well populated and many accomplished people from the different arts were living there. but in Arabic and Turkish. Madar al-Daula apparently still was in possession of a great estate with horses. We learn from the Waqiat that over the years a number of other Mughal princes from Delhi had taken refuge in Lucknow. He also grew to appreciate that court culture in Lucknow had its own rhythms and values. The Mughal prince reflects for example on an episode that took place at the time of the Holi festival. both real and perceived. Your glory lay in making them rich and contented. from then on he would pay greater attention to the Mughal princes. But what have their cousins done to deserve humiliation (zalil-o khwar)? For it is far from justice that two breezes blow through the same roof. He commanded that an ordinary handkerchief (rumal) be used to swat flies for him. Asaf al-Daula’s cautiousness with regard to the use of the symbols of royalty is emphasized by Azfari in the following anecdote. After a year in Lucknow. reminding the nawab that “etiquette and regard and respect for elders are all set aside in playing Holi. had earlier fled Delhi for Lucknow and had developed a close friendship for a time with Asaf al-Daula to the extent that the latter had set aside 50. Several times I have been to his palace and also visited the house of Hasan Raza Khan with him. It would appear however that the treatment received by Azfari in Lucknow was better than that meted out to the run-of-the-mill Mughal prince. the Waqiat-i Azfari. the Mirza left for Delhi without the consent of the nawab to bring his relatives from there. rather rudely threw a ball full of water on his back. in the season of the Holi festival. that one needed God’s protection from them. a fact that stuck somewhat in Azfari’s craw. It so happened that not long after his arrival. Azfari’s time in Lucknow also brought him into contact with other Mughal grandees such as Nawab Madar al-Daula. he reports. and in some instances was less attuned to West and Central Asia than that of Delhi. However. in the procession. but the elephant upon which he rode did not itself have a morchal. and would seat him at his side. Azfari thus notes that he was initially not given to such courtly habits. The faux pas offended the nawab considerably. although he did use a large fan (badkash). the nawab called him to witness the music and dance (raqs-o surud) at the court. Indeed. a courtier and cousin of Sarfaraz al-Daula. but he never sat on a throne (masnad) in front of me and he did not use a morchal to whisk away the flies.an balda) were somehow asymmetrical (na-mauzun). The following anecdote which he recounts is illustrative of this. However. He never allowed a fly-whisk (morchal) to be used above his head. Mirza Jawan Bakht Jahandar Shah. his deputy (naib) Sarfaraz al-Daula. for this assurance continued to be upheld for quite some time. I heard that one day that he said to the princes who had come from Delhi. Azfari thus seems to have experienced both unease and an occasion to develop his own not inconsiderable self-esteem. Other Timurid princes who were present in Lucknow at the time included Mirza Sulaiman Shikoh. camels. but he also insisted that it was the latter who had a higher status since he was a direct descendant of the emperor Jahandar Shah on his mother’s side while Madar al-Daula himself was not (man az nasl-i Timuriyya nistam). Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh. and hence sent for his own family from Delhi. His social interactions with these aristocrats are described as excellent. At the same time. and elephants and had a large family with many wives. and grew so influential that he arranged a number of important marriages amongst the Mughal elite in Lucknow. However. “I feel embarrassed that I used a fly-whisk in the presence of such high-statured people such as yourself. the nawab was also himself sensitive to slights.28 He reports that on hearing this Asaf al-Daula smiled and said regretfully he had been too busy with his own household and their sustenance (maash). though he was only loosely a member of the Timurid clan. even on one occasion when the nawab was suffering as a result of a fall from a horse. and Azfari himself had to intervene in order to defuse the situation. when a certain Sharaf Ali Khan. Eventually. 27 I lived in Lucknow for seven years and saw the procession of the Nawab a thousand times.” He therefore stopped using it. It was through Madar al-Daula. Asaf al-Daula respected him so much that—despite certain persisting tensions between the two—he would stand up from his throne when he entered. even if Asaf al-Daula generally remained mindful of the proprieties and did not overly abuse etiquette. still commanded great respect. and Mirza Husain Bakhsh.” Over the years he spent in Lucknow. the nawab used an occasion for the exchange of witticisms to humiliate Jawan Bakht to the point that the latter left for Benares (Varanasi). His dealings with Azfari were courteous. he noted. Still. On the other hand. and especially to the court of Asaf al-Daula. Azfari counts his intervention in favor of his cousins something of a success. over the amaris and haudas [types of seats] of around twenty elephants. that Asaf al-Daula. On this occasion. Azfari notes that he used to engage in archery (tir-andazi) but that Asaf al-Daula was such a great archer that Azfari and his cousin Mirza Jalal al-Din became his disciples. that Azfari eventually came to understand that he would need to modify his somewhat abrupt manners if The degree of courtesy shown to Azfari by Asaf al-Daula was also not necessarily reflected in the attitude of all those in his court. over the years Asaf al-Daula had ceased to pay too much attention to some of them (especially the minor princes). Azfari reports for example that one of his cousins. never to return. and this offended Asaf al-Daula.

ed. My real brother is enjoying appropriate hospitality even from the deputy wazir and is honoured and safe there. one Shah Husain who was fresh from abroad (wilayat). 153 – 69. in the final analysis.” in Mir Hasan. 31. however. 27. “Masnawi hajw-i haweli. They are all living in peace. 19. 16 – 31. In this brief essay. the Mughals. 175 –212. When this harsh remark of the Nawab reached Shah Husain. 13. Dih Majlis. Ibid. T.. wisdom and honor and may they enjoy a long natural life. 169. 25.” The Nawab replied. and the British. All this however was not enough. 1968). we have attempted to add some further voices and perceptions to those that are normally encountered in the historiography. even we can enjoy this beautiful voice. himself) is totally illiterate in this art. 28. Ibid. 118. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. 20. 17. Mir Hasan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. and also sang several maqams well from the music of wilayat. 121–24. Ibid. Francis Robinson. 14. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. see Waqi‘at-i-Azfari. This banda (meaning. Osama Faruqi (London: Routledge-Curzon.” AH 1189/90. C. E. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. We hope elsewhere to extend the analysis of Mir Hasan and Azfari presented here in a relatively brief form. (Persian text). Masnawiyat-i Hasan. Muzaffar Alam. see Ralph Russell and Khurshidul Islam. Mir Hasan’s presentation of the “public sphere” is briefly discussed by Farhat Hasan. captured in fiction by Munshi Premchand in a celebrated story and then committed to the screen by Satyajit Ray as The Chess Players (Shatranj ke khiladi). Masnawiyat-i Hasan. R..” in Civil Society. to keep Azfari in Lucknow. Sharar. 186 – 87. came to the court.” Evidently. trans. We are grateful to C. Here we see a Lucknow that has become effete and depleted of creative energy. his family connections with Lucknow remained intact even after his departure in 1796. ed. 177. 2001). 6. 31 9. On Azfari. Chandrasekharan and Syed Hamza Hussain Omari (Madras: Government Oriental Manuscripts Library. he was fully accomplished. Harcourt and Fakhir Husain (1977. A second moment is that of the end of the nawabi regime in the 1850s. 97. 21. 107. Barnett. he became uncomfortable.. 186. Muhammad Husain Mahvi Siddiqi (Madras: University of Madras. For this text. 191. 84 –105. Mirza Ali Bakht Azfari. “Masnawi gulzar-i eram. Hurst. Awadh ke farsi-guh shu‘ara (1134–1273 Hijri/1721–1856) (Delhi: Maktaba Isha’at al-Qur’an. Hindustan mem mashriqi tamaddun ka akhiri namuna ya‘ni Guzashta Lakhnau. 1966). Hindustan mem mashriqi. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. S. ed. Waqi‘at-i Azfari (Persian text). Ibid. 1997). “Masnawi hajw-i haweli.” in Graff. 15. This moment is usually thought of as embodying a particular style of cosmopolitanism. 2. After spending the greater part of the 1790s in Asaf al-Daula’s court. 1971). When he heard Indian songs. 96. Naim for his helpful suggestions and indications while we were planning this essay. (Persian text). he did not listen carefully to the songs of Hindustan and he gave preference to the songs of wilayat over those of Hindustan. Muslim Saints of South Asia: The Eleventh to Fifteenth Centuries. the Nawab was weary of the recitation. “Envisioning Power: The Political Thought of a Late Eighteenth-Century Mughal Prince. Shah Husain was considered to be peerless as nobody like him had come to Lucknow before. For the standard account. the Mughals and the Countryside. One is the early phase under Asaf al-Daula. The received wisdom on Lucknow tends to highlight two moments. Ibid. 11. 16. Lakhnau ka dabistan-i sha‘iri (Delhi: Maktaba-yi ‘ilm-o-fan. On Shiism in the region. 12. 43:2 (2006): 131– 61. On Mir Hasan. Ibid. Muhammad Husayn Nainar. Ibid. On Shah Madar and Makanpur. 23. ed. the English translation is Abdul Halim Sharar. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. “Masnawi hajw-i haweli. 3. 24. Naim. we hope to have contributed—in however modest a way—to an understanding of the significance of the rise of Lucknow in a context that included its two great rival cities: Delhi-Shahjahanabad and Faizabad. In so doing. (Persian text). The point of this response was that he did not approve of the recommendation even if it had come from his own mother. Abdul Halim Sharar.. However. 2 vols. on Urdu poets. 44 – 45. See Violette Graff. 104 – 5. 2:48 – 49. 5. Sharar. He is an expert of the art.. and eventually made his way after considerable travails to Madras (Chennai) and Arcot. usually associated with the activities of European savants and collectors. when East and West came together. The Nawab has treated them generously. 4. M. 171–77. Zohra Farooqui. “The Awadh Regime. Zikr-i Mir: The Autobiography of the Eighteenth-Century Mughal Poet: Mir Muhammad Taqi “Mir” (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Sauda. Rajeev Bhargava and Helmut Reifeld (New Delhi: Sage. and later he told me.In a private meeting. Lucknow: Memories of a City. 7. in the practice of his own wilayat.. see for example Abu’l-Lais Siddiqi. in Mir Hasan. 1999). 2005). see the important analysis in J. Roots of North Indian Shi‘ism in Iran and Iraq: Religion and State in Awadh. I. 26. Ibid. see Mir Hasan. M. 189. may God bestow upon them knowledge. 1940 – 44). The ‘Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic Culture in South Asia (London: C. 1722–1859 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Three Mughal Poets: Mir. 16 – 48. trans. the elder son being named Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh and the younger Mirza Izad Bakhsh. 31. (Madras: University of Madras. eds.” in Mir Hasan. 2003). see Richard B. was a good reciter. Rashid Hasan Khan (New Delhi: Maktaba Jamia. He therefore departed for Benares and Calcutta (Kolkata). Sources of the History of the Nawwabs of the Carnatic: Sawanihat-i-mumtaz by Muhammad Karim. even if I am chained. Cole.” in Mir Hasan. M. 153 – 55. Delhi: Oxford University Press. He has two sons and two daughters.” Indian Economic and Social History Review. “Masnawi gulzar-i eram. One of the courtiers in a tone of appreciation addressed the Nawab: “Do listen to the beautiful and attractive voice in which the Shah is reciting.” in Mir Hasan. “Now. In the meanwhile all my brothers and cousins arrived in the Lucknow of Nawab Asaf al-Daula and are safe there. 1965). 190. For an Urdu translation. It is so good that such a distinguished person visited your court in your period and because of you. trans. Lucknow: Memories of a City (Delhi: Oxford University Press. When he arrived here. where he settled under the Walajah nawabs. S. Ibid. 196 197 Alam and SubRahmanyam : Of PRinces and Poets . 30. Public Sphere and Citizenship: Dialogues and Perceptions. 22. Wahid Qureshi (Lahore: Majlis-i Taraqqi-i Adab. 1989). (Persian text). 10. 29. 1980). men such as Claude Martin and Antoine-Louis Polier. In actuality. 1988). North India Between Empires: Awadh.29 1. 1937).” and he did precisely that. 1957). 95 –119. 18. There is no match for him perhaps even in wilayat. 1720–1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 2004). see Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam. “Forms of Civility and Publicness in Pre-British India. in my presence. Waqi‘at-i Azfari. He came to the court and started reciting the book. “Perhaps you say this on account of your knowledge. trans. see Anna Suvorova. Masnawiyat-i Hasan. an overripe fruit waiting to be plucked by the greedy hand of the colonial power. he liked them very much and accepted that the real music is what the people of India sing. Azfari. I will not stay in Hindustan. Azfari decided eventually to seek his fortune elsewhere. 8.

Lucknow was not only the wealthiest and largest city in all of India. Whereas the Mughals preferred a single flowering plant 198 199 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . and wealthy landowners (taluqdars) in the post-nawabi era following the annexation of Lucknow by the English East India Company in 1856 and subsequent exile of King Wajid Ali Shah. but it has been estimated that two-thirds of its population were artisans. delicate jewelry. leading resident Europeans. . as well as adorned glassware. The best known of these artistic splendors is Lucknow’s famed silver and gilt silver metalware embellished with brilliant blue and green champlevé and basse-taille enameling (91).2 While much of Lucknow’s imposing palatial architecture perished in the tragic destruction of 1858. the Reverend William Tennent aptly characterized the ostentatious grandeur of the Awadh court and Lucknow cityscape. .” 1 In expressing these words of awe in 1798.4 This essay discusses the development of Lucknow’s decorative arts to demonstrate how the choice of motif and medium was used to achieve a unified aesthetic vision heralding the self-fashioned identity of Lucknow’s ruling nawabs. Just as a codified floral imagery was developed to identify and proclaim the dynastic origin of a wide range of artworks created for the celebrated Mughal emperors and members of the nobility in the seventeenth century. and ornate weaponry. but sophisticated metalware made in other techniques and media was also produced. a distinctive style of floral decoration that evolved in Lucknow was extensively employed for similar conceptual purposes.St e ph en M ar k e l “This Blaze of Wealth and Magnificence”: The Luxury Arts of Lucknow “This blaze of wealth and magnificence . significant numbers of its sumptuous decorative art objects survive as immutable testaments to the masterful accomplishments of Lucknow’s generally anonymous artisans 3 and to the life of luxury they enabled the city’s elite to enjoy. By its zenith in the mid-nineteenth century.

rosettes. Faizabad and then Lucknow were consciously and increasingly promoted as centers of artistic patronage in order to lure the leading cultural luminaries and intelligentsia of Delhi and beyond: Various classes of people from different places. Safdar Jang provided lavish gifts to the bride’s family that included “large numbers of vessels. the predominant ornamentation consists of stylized irises. late 18th–early ing branches with perching birds rising from meandering The newly envisioned culture of Lucknow was manifested in the decorative arts primarily through the creation and “branding” of myriad works with a distinctive ground lines (99. especially from Delhi. lilies. the luxuriant floral motifs favored in Lucknow during the latter eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries are generally less staid and more exuberant.13 Variants of the mature style feature flower203) Left: 87. .6 which may have facilitated his contact with artists. The close stylistic relationship of Lucknow’s early floral imagery to Mughal artistic traditions is to be expected given the many years of high-level service at the Mughal court by the early nawabs of Lucknow and their adoption of Mughal royal symbolism and patronage patterns. An enameled silver betel box (pandan) (87) and an enameled glass huqqa base (98) 5 are similarly emblazoned with a riot of open blossoms (poppy and lotus. and other blossoms both real and imaginary. Individual flowering plants in the Mughal style occasionally still appear. Asaf al-Daula sought to surpass them all. the aesthetic traditions of the Deccan were another fertile source of artistic influence. but their botanical structures and the overall decorative programs of Awadh objects are much busier in composition than on Mughal precursors (90). Water Pipe Base. artisans. 204). for the extremely costly and elaborate wedding celebration of his son Mirza Jalal al-Din Haidar. the early decorative arts of Lucknow drew creative inspiration from the works of Delhi and other important centers of artistic production. This is particularly true during the rules of Safdar Jang and his son Shuja al-Daula. Water Pipe Base. artists and poets flocked to the city to diminish the glories of Delhi and to enhance the richness of Faizabad. 96. During the rule of the first two nawabs. . Architects. Water Pipe Base. Not only are certain Lucknow paintings known to be based on Deccani antecedents. both of whom rose in rank to the exalted post of prime minister (wazir) of the Mughal Empire. Betel Box. In late 1745. dishes and crockery of various shapes and workmanship. early 18th century Right: 98. Conspicuous among these were more than a thousand silver vessels enamelled with gold. engineers. respectively) atop thin vertical stems flanked by green leaves. pp. The vibrant. or a rich organic pattern of flora and fauna spreading over the surface of an object p. c. Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk and Safdar Jang in the second quarter of the eighteenth century. and enameled metalware in particular. p. Two works in different media. Moreover. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier (119. The very seat of Muslim culture and civilization at Delhi was thus eclipsed by the emergence and rise of a new centre of culture at Faizabad. all bursting into bloom on scrolling vines (95. but both attributed to the first half of the eighteenth century. such as cups. Similar foliated creepers are also found as border decoration of contemporaneous Indian paintings commissioned by a preeminent European patron of the arts residing in Faizabad and Lucknow. flowing floral imagery of Lucknow transmuted the orchestrated severity of Mughal flowering plants to produce a vitality of form and spirit far removed from the somber products of the Mughal ateliers. poppies. are rare examples from this formative period. often demarcated by elegant cartouches. 1700 – 50 Page 198: 91.12 90. in 1752 Safdar Jang assumed the authority to appoint the supervisors of the imperial workshops. p.” 9 Under Shuja al-Daula and his wife.7 but there is also a close stylistic and technical relationship between the enameling of Hyderabad in the Deccan and that of Lucknow. Whereas the denseness of the Mughal-inspired flowering plants bespeaks a post-seventeenth-century date.8 There is literary evidence for significant quantities of ornate decorative art objects. Not content only to match the faded glories of other capitals. . late 18th or early 19th century style of lush floral imagery and select motifs. physicians. roses.10 and even more so under his son and successor Asaf al-Daula. but several other genera as well as hybrid and fantastic creations) or series of floral sprays formally arranged against a plain background. 202). the verticality and repetition of the motifs belie their placement within the distinctive corpus of Lucknow’s mature floral decoration that bloomed in the late eighteenth century. 202–3.(often the ubiquitous poppy. in use early in the nawabi period. (86. who would rule as Shuja al-Daula. In addition. 203). began pouring into this area [Faizabad]. 19th century 200 201 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . p. 11 Asaf al-Daula patronized a new generation of artistic performers and courtiers who took established forms further and created a new Lucknow school of cultured expression. the Bahu Begam. In the mature Lucknow style of decorative art that developed during the rule of Asaf al-Daula.

detail to left 202 203 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . Detail of floral border on Shah Jahan. detail bottom: 95. Water Pipe Base.Right: 96. 1780. 1780 Top Right: 99. Chape fRom a SwoRd ScabbaRd. c. 1780. c. two details Top Left: 127. 1775. c. TUREEN with cover . c.

it is likely that the distinctive styles of decorative floral imagery that arose in Awadh during this period drew from a variety of sources. 18th century. an international cadre of artists. and an abundance of imported works of art present in Lucknow. details of scabbard 204 205 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . c. 93. SwoRd and ScabbaRd. tray of betel box The verdant vistas of vegetation are sometimes interspersed with architectural vignettes (93).14 Given the cosmopolitan artistic interests of Asaf al-Daula. 1780. Betel Box in the FoRm of an Ogival Dome. This creative process of hybridity and synthesis was paralleled throughout the humanities in Lucknow.86. which perhaps reflect related compositions found in chinoiserie designs widely popular in Europe and England during the eighteenth century.

as they appear in the Buddhist art of ancient Gandhara (present-day Pakistan and Afghanistan) in the first few centuries of the Common Era. 1750–1800 Left: 89.An important submotif of Lucknow’s floral/vegetal imagery is the split acanthus leaf. occasionally. an animal motif (89. 212). p. both designed to highlight a floral or.16 Top Left: 94. The Mughals used both the full acanthus leaf and the split (or half) acanthus leaf in their repertoire of design elements. Basin. 205). the acanthus bract (a modified leaf growing on a stalk) is also often found adorning Lucknow’s decorative arts (88. detail opposite 206 207 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . late 18th century Top Right: 97. whereas the split acanthus leaf was typically used to form a curvilinear border or edge design. KATAr SHEATH. 94. They have a long history of being assimilated into South Asian artistic traditions. in Lucknow’s decorative arts the split acanthus leaf was frequently used in a distinctive manner as an elegant framing device in which a series of split acanthus leaves linked end-to-end to form an ornamental cartouche or as an undulating vine festooned with split acanthus leaves.15 In Mughal decorative art a full acanthus leaf often appeared as either a flush or a bas-relief motif or to provide a three-dimensional form for a projecting handle. 93. and then again during the Mughal period. Acanthus leaves were used as decorative motifs in western art as early as the seventh century BCE on Corinthian capitals. In addition to the split acanthus leaf motif. SwoRd BELT FITTING. In contrast. p. late 18th or early 19th century.

Two Pieces fRom a Water Pipe. 1725 –75 Opposite: 83. late 18th or early 19th century Bottom: 100. Water Pipe. Water Pipe Base.Top: 92. late 18th or early 19th century 208 209 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . c.

1848 – 56 210 211 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . late 18th or early 19th century Top: 178. Shield pResented to EdwaRd VII when PRince of Wales by the MahaRaja of Kashmir duRing the winter of 1875–76. late 18th century bottom: 161. Rosewater Casket. CeRemonial Mace of Wajid Ali Shah.Top: 177. early 19th century Bottom: 43. Betel Set belonging to edward clive.

Sir William Henry Sleeman. Given the fish emblem’s ubiquity in the arts of Lucknow. The prevailing assumption by scholars is that the fish emblem represents an idiosyncratic Lucknow artistic rendition of the Mughal insignia of exalted rank known as the mahi-ye maratib (Fish of Dignity). and mounted on long poles. Sharar thus speculates that: Either because Shaikh Abdur Rahim had been awarded the title of Mahi Maratib at the Imperial Court or because on the twenty-six arches on one portion of the fort the architect had engraved two fishes on each arch [in the spandrels]. this fort became known as Machi Bhavan. and the Mughal emperors. but from Bahadur Shah (r. generally arranged head-to-head with their curved bodies forming a circle (192). this supposition should best be relegated to the quently. the symbolism of the fish and globes was originally ordained by Khosrau II: When he ascended the throne the moon was in the constellation of the Fish. he is commonly believed to have built a fort known as the Macchi Bhawan (Palace of the Fishes) on a hill near the bank of the Gomti River in Lucknow.21 Nonetheless. meaning ‘fifty-two’. the circumstances of its adoption are shrouded by the veils of history. including the Delhi sultans. it was to be awarded in recognition of valorous service by Muslim rulers in South 212 213 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . which were to be called Kaukabas (planets). The decorative motif par excellence used throughout all the arts of Lucknow is a pair of fish.it.19 The fish insignia has a long heritage in pre-Islamic and Islamic cultures of the Middle East and South Asia. but the motif is characteristically represented in a regularly spaced diamond grid pattern on a gold ground. Regrettably. and before the prime minister. 23 The mahi-ye maratib was represented in physical form as a golden or gilt fish (or elongated fish head) and two gilt or steel globes. During the reign of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. as well as meaning ‘fort’. who was appointed governor (subedar) of Awadh province by Akbar in 1580. decorative pattern. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. c.27 the author postulates two Another important motif. the Islamic sovereigns in the Deccan. set dramatically against a gold background (88). These two planets. Woman’s Head ORnament. 1556 –1607) the mahi-ye maratib was judiciously granted.18 Its importance in an art-historical context is that its presence corroborates a Lucknow attribution to the decorative object or painting on which it appears. the direct descendants of the mahi-ye maratib awardees seem to have been eligible to inherit its honorific status. important motif as the symbol of the Lucknow rulers. making a total of fifty-two fishes. appearing in the luxury arts of Lucknow features enameled green lotus leaves. and the lotus leaves are at other times replaced by small flowering plants with red petals and green leaves. This distinctive motif is found on both extant decorative objects and on their representations in painting. were ordered to be carried in all regal processions immediately after the king. and he gave orders to have two balls made of polished steel. either fan-shaped or pendant on a thin stalk. Subse20 late 18th century. The word bhavan.24 all borne on individual standards displayed at royal functions and carried in royal processions and in the retinue of nobles who had been awarded Whether there was confusion between the two similar words cannot be resolved by historical inquiry. 1707–12) onward its bestowal was reportedly less discriminating.17 The green lotus leaves are sometimes graced with small adjacent blue-and-white blossoms (other minor variations in detail exist). TRay and Matching Box with Four Scent Vials.25 According to Sleeman. it remained a prestigious distinction and was accorded only to the Mughals’ highest-ranking military commanders. could be a corruption of the word bavan. or more properly. After his appointment.22 As was the case with Mughal hereditary titles.28 Asia. relates the belief apparently current during his time in India that the mahi-ye maratib was thought to have been first instituted by Khusru Parviz (now known as Khosrau II) at the time of his accession as king of Persia in 590. Both concern Shaikh 192. with large fish made of gold. upon a third pole in the centre. An examination is therefore warranted into factors possibly contributing to the selection of this 88. a single vial pre-nawabi era possibilities for the origin and promotion of the fish emblem in Lucknow. Consequently. In Abdul Halim Sharar’s classic homage. Shaikh Abdur Rahim was from the family of hereditary but impoverished rulers of Awadh. one might expect that its impetus and perhaps even a formally decreed rationale leading to its inauguration would have been recorded for posterity.26 The distinctive Lucknow emblem of paired fish was used specifically to proclaim the Lucknow royal image and serve as the leitmotif of the Lucknow nawabs. the shaikhzadas. 1800 – 50 Abdur Rahim. who served in the British army in India and Nepal from 1809 to 1856 and as Resident in Lucknow from 1849 to 1856.

IS 6 -1991 214 215 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow .33 The following month he was awarded the mahi-ye maratib for his role in suppressing a rebellious insurrection. Regardless. Victoria and Albert Museum. the primary extant sources of documentation for the use of the royal insignia are the coronation Top: 38. wood. 1133-H. so it is unlikely that he was able to incur sufficient imperial favor to receive the prestigious award. 34 Another possible contributing factor in the adoption of the fish emblem by the Lucknow nawabs is the tale of a fish omen that appeared to Saadat Khan. The honor of the mahi-ye maratib continued to be conferred in Lucknow following the rule of Saadat Khan. beginning with Ghazi al-Din Haidar in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. Bahadur Jang (brave in battle) and was granted the Mahi and Maratib. upholstered seat. c. Instead of depicting Uttar Pradesh. (89 x 61 x 61 cm). during his visit to Lucknow in 1827 (fig. 32). such as an elegant throne chair probably designed by Home and given by Ghazi al-Din Haidar to Lord Amherst. Finally. 1819.” Saadat Khan 32 had risen rapidly in military service under Emperor Muhammad Shah (r.). Lucknow.31 The controversy over the identity of the Macchi Bhawan’s original patron notwithstanding. the fish emblem had become so ingrained as a symbol of Lucknow’s nawabi dynasty that Home chose it as the primary element for the new king’s coat of arms.37 The coat of arms on Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coinage displays a variation of Home’s original design. back.000 men.9 cm). Bottom: Fig. Victoria and Albert Museum. He had received promotions in honor of his resounding success in several important battles. 31. he left Farrukhabad with his troops bound for Lucknow and crossed the Ganges River during the rainy season: It is said that when his boat reached the middle of the river. 1819 Fig. states that Shaikh Abdur Rahim’s rank was merely “commander of 700 [men]. and arms. Shaikh Abdur Rahim had been “rebuked and excluded from Court” by Akbar for drinking alcohol. E. Akbar’s official court chronicler. that the fish emblem achieved its most profound significance in the city’s arts. 32. as is the idea already mentioned of suggestive wordplay inherent in the Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coat of arms was proudly displayed as his royal emblem and incorporated as a decorative motif in works of art made during his rule. According to this legend. PRoposal for Coat of ARms. 1524 –1943 gilt. and in September 1722 he was appointed governor of Awadh.7 x 45. 1719 – 48).36 But it was during the later reigns of the kings of Lucknow. Saadat Khan was honoured with the title of Although this may be a mere fish story. While the presumed plethora of palatial objects embellished with Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coat of arms has not survived. (25. drawing on paper. a punch dagger (katar) (fig.35 rank.” which is far short of the required rank of 6. even Sharar’s account of Shaikh Abdur Rahim’s 30 biography and his reputed patronage of the Macchi Bhawan have been questioned by recent scholars. India. and was elevated to the rank of commander of 6. Medal of Ghazi al-Din Haidar . 1820. Lucknow. with gilt brass and gilt gesso mounts. in which a pair of curved fish are innovatively combined with another idiosyncratic Indian visual form. ThRone Chair . 10 1⁄ 8 x 18 1⁄ 8 in.realm of popular lore. its skeleton remaining with his descendants till the fall of his dynasty. it does provide anecdotal support for the strong symbolic linking of fish to the early history of Lucknow and the creation of its royal imagery. 31). Abul Fazl. literary evidence discounts the likelihood of Shaikh Abdur Rahim being a recipient of the mahi-ye maratib. besides his low 29 name of the Macchi Bhawan. Uttar Pradesh. Considering it to be a good omen. he treasured the fish carefully. Moreover. c. 35 x 24 x 24 in. a fish leaped into the Nawab’s lap. India’s governorgeneral (1823 –28). It is preserved in popular lore. after Saadat Khan had been appointed governor of Awadh by Muhammad Shah but before he had conquered the ruling shaikhzadas and assumed control of the province. medals and coinage issued by the new king (38). India. Robert Home.000 men and appointed governor of Akbarabad (Agra) province in October 1720. When the Lucknow court artist Robert Home (1752 –1834) designed the royal regalia for Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s coronation in 1819. a causal relationship between the fish appearing on the Machhi Bhawan and the later adoption of the fish emblem by the nawabs of Lucknow must be regarded as tentative at best. Of far more direct relevance (recognized for the first time herein) was Muhammad Shah’s conferring of the mahi-ye maratib to Saadat Khan in 1720: “on the 20th November (20th Muharram.

This distinctive coat of arms was used extensively to decorate Wajid Ali Shah’s palatial arts and architecture. Even after nawabi rule ended with the annexation of Awadh in 1856. nobles. such as a grand silver presentation cup (44) and the gateways of the Qaisar Bagh palace. copper. Coinage issued by the subsequent kings of Lucknow all employed variant heraldic forms of the fish emblem. In the plentiful “Anglo-Indian” style silver vessels made in Lucknow during the later nineteenth century.38 In the mid-nineteenth-century coat of arms of Wajid Ali Shah. The ensemble is flanked by a pair of English-inspired heraldic lions. the fish are transformed into honorific mermaids bearing flag standards. 181. or perhaps decorative motifs inspired by his coat of arms. 219). such as on a delicate chikan textile (102). p. The traditional fish emblem is often used as the primary design in a specifically Lucknow style of bidri-ware (made of a zinc. The crowning elements of the coat of arms are a royal parasol surmounting a crown of the lobed form in vogue during Wajid Ali Shah’s rule. 218). a sophisticated tradition of gemstone and hardstone carving (technically “abrading”)43 and an extensive market network for raw stones and the finished products flourished in South Asia.39 Iconographic variations of Wajid Ali Shah’s coat of arms.40 This is particularly true in the case of metalware.the pair of fish encircling the punch dagger. p. the fish emblem continued to enjoy frequent expression in the arts of Lucknow patronized by the wealthy landowners and made for western visitors. In the sixteenth through mid-nineteenth centuries. the dagger surmounts the fish and is itself topped by Ghazi al-Din Haidar’s pointed crown. The mermaids flank a pair of swords and a shield or two shields in place of the earlier punch dagger. sometimes also appear on what may be nonofficial or later works.44 The nawabs.42 A hitherto little-examined aspect of the decorative arts of Awadh is its lapidary arts. p. particularly in the Mughal realm and the Deccan. fish function in various compositions as a decorative motif imbued with a generic symbolic association with Lucknow rather than as a dynastic emblem (183. Shawl with Chikan WoRk (detail). and elite foreign residents of Lucknow and Faizabad were among the primary consumers of such 216 217 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . and lead tin alloy) adorned with distinctive raised (zarbuland) ornamentation (180. PResentation Cup with Coat of ARms of Wajid Ali Shah. 41 Above: 102. early 19th century Left: 44. 1848 – 56 219.

Wine Decanter . 1880 –1900 Bottom: 180. c. c. 1880 218 219 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . c. Plate with 181. 1880 Emblematic PaiRs of Fish.Top: 183. Bowl with Fish Designs.

Stone. Identified here as a Lucknow work for the first time. Second. The finest and most important such work is an exceptional sword hilt made of white jade inlaid with rubies and emeralds in distinctive gold settings (112). a typological spectrum of this extent and the evident size of the largest objects would be much more likely to accord with works made of jade than of agate. yashm.46 The emerald seal can be directly associated with Awadh not only on the basis of its well-known patron. 33). but Polier is additionally known to have engaged a lapidarist renowned for engraving seals and inscriptions on rubies and other gemstones. their contemporaneity can be corroborated by stylistic analysis. India. rubies. A green nephrite jade mirror back FIG.673a. the split acanthus leaf is used as a design element in the mode typical of Lucknow decorative art as previously discussed. 33.49 few documented examples survive. The sword blade is inscribed in gold as being presented to Claude Martin by Asaf al-Daula in 1786/87 (AH 1201). Lucknow.48 Even though the presence in Lucknow of works of art made of nephrite jade and other hardstones is attested by historical records. SwoRd PResented to Claude MaRtin (detail). A recent discovery adds significant new evidence confirming Claude Martin’s collecting and perhaps even his patronage of jade objects. Bequest of George C. “agate” was reportedly the standard English word used to translate the Persian term for jade. and the acanthus bract is also used on the hilt in the Lucknow fashion. EmeRald Seal Belonging to Antoine-Louis Polier . blade: steel.47 The continuity of fine seal engraving being produced for Lucknow patrons through at least the mid-nineteenth century is evidenced by an exquisitely inscribed agate accession seal of Wajid Ali Shah dated 1846/47 (AH 1263) that recently appeared on the London art market. including a “Tulwar [talwar/ sword] Agate Handle given by Sujah Dowlah [Shuja al-Daula]. It can thus be regarded as a key benchmark of later South Asian jades. there is an extremely wide range of object types. Claude Martin’s ownership of numerous hardstone objects and works of art is 160.50 Despite the problematic potential for mixing and matching the hilts and blades of South Asian swords and daggers.45 An elegant emerald seal inscribed with the name and titles of Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier and the date 1774 /75 (AH 1188) exemplifies the high quality of Awadh’s lapidary arts (160).54 Thus. c. First. dated 1786/87 220 221 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . and emeralds.8 cm). which begs the question of whether the Claude Martin– inscribed sword blade and its current jade hilt should be assigned the same attribution. in May 1800 prior to its sale at public auction in Calcutta in January 1801. 1785. named Muhammad Salah Khan. Uttar Pradesh. 36. This renders any significant disparity in temporal or geographic origin highly unlikely. (36. The Lucknow origin of the jade hilt on Claude Martin’s inscribed sword is therefore fortified. Martin’s estate inventory provides evidence not only for the existence of numerous jade works of art among his own personal effects but also for their presence in the nawab’s royal collection.”53 Based on the extant corpus of South Asian hardstone objects. gem 1774 /75 (AH 1188) recorded in the inventory of his estate prepared by his executors. Hamilton and Aberdeen. 1936. it bears a similar design composition of the inlay and also features the motifs of the split acanthus leaf and acanthus bract.25.luxury goods. hilt: white nephrite jade inlaid with gold. A stylistically related but less finely executed jade dagger hilt also survives (fig. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. On both the blade and the hilt. length overall: 14 1⁄2 in.b Left: 112. he lived in Faizabad and also traveled with Shuja al-Daula’s court entourage. at the time of the compiling of the Martin estate inventory. Dagger (detail).51 The preparer of the inventory describes the vast majority of the hardstones as “agate.”52 but two factors make it extremely probable that these objects were actually made of jade.

The metal wares were technically sophisticated and varied. the luxurious arts of Lucknow may be regarded among the pinnacles of artistic expression in the long and rich history of South Asian art. bears a faintly engraved ownership inscription reading. exhibit an elegance of form and material sumptuousness rivaling those produced during the heyday of the great Mughal emperors in the seventeenth century. 1782 (113). Thus. . including arms and armor.”55 A tantalizing reference in the Martin inventory to a “Looking Glass [mirror] with a [sic] Agate Frame” might be linked to this inscribed mirror. The awestruck description of a tapestry in the Claude Martin Estate Inventory is equally apropos for the myriad other splendors of the age: the Extreme Brilliancy of the Colours and the Richness of design have never been Equalled by any thing Seen in this Country . The decorative arts of Lucknow and Faizabad. especially those made during the reigns of Shuja al-Daula and Asaf al-Daula. Lucknow. 113. detail left 222 223 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . Sundry glassware was fashioned. Claude Martin’s inscribed mirror. A wide variety of ornate metalwork was produced. and his previously discussed sword and dagger hilts.1.with multicolored enamel-and-gold floral decoration. MiRRor That Belonged to Claude MaRtin. dated 1782. or at least one similar. provide tangible confirmation of sophisticated jade working being both produced and collected in Lucknow. now in the Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia (2008. much of which was embellished with painted and gilded decoration. palatial tableware. Given the sophistication of craft and medium. it is impossible to describe their beauty. European glassware was also imported in significant numbers. . Finely worked silver and gilt silver objects were adorned with brilliant enameling and inlaid with gemstones. especially chandeliers.14). and elegant jewelry. “Colonel Claud[e] Martin.

Shuja al-Daula’s coronation robe was embellished with flowers made of rubies.. WI: Krause Publications. Simon Ray: Indian & Islamic Works of Art. the British. no jade objects are specified as such. 2008). 1939). Alam and Alavi. K. see Christie’s. LAG/34 /27/24. 24. “Mughal Jades: A Technical and Sculptural Perspective. 2007. 35. 1999). E. 82 (46/1980) www. Bruce II et al. 2003). and the Mughals (New Delhi: Manohar. 18. The First Two Nawabs. 26. and M. Ali. 193. London: 90 – 91. Delight in Design: Indian Silver for the Raj. H. belt buckles. 15. 39. 1. Polier’s emerald seal was later remounted as the bezel of a diamond set gold ring by Cartier (per maker’s inscription.dk/ assets/345/20. Vol. “Bidri Ware with Special Reference to Its Collection in the State Museum.” See Muzaffar Alam and Seema Alavi. www. 2:409. 28. 197). Kuwait National Museum. and Shahir M. 1773–1779) of Antoine-Louis Henri Polier (New Delhi: Oxford University Press. reprint New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. and Francesca Galloway and Michael Spink. ed. 2009). see Stephen Markel. 107. Carla Petievich. For example. 2001).000 or 7. Hamid Afaq Qureshi (1889. “Mughal Jades: A Technical and Sculptural Perspective. 14. no.” 119. Rambles and Recollections. 1985). exhibition catalogue (Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing in association with Timeless Books. bracelets. Art from the World of Islam. 157 (now in the Khalili Collection. Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava. For a recent assessment of the historical development of the Macchi Bhawan and the Panch Mahalla royal residence built later within its grounds by Safdar Jang and Shuja al-Daula. 41. ed. 2nd ed. 263 n64. I am indebted to Wynyard Wilkinson for his detailed stylistic analysis and photographic details of the Lucknow tureen (95).” Journal of the Numismatic Society of India 3:2 (December 1941): 113 –14. Munich: Prestel. and ed. no agate hookah bases from South Asia have survived. 53. Paris. 31– 37. Athar Ali. “The Coronation Medal of the First King of Oudh. reprint New Delhi: Cosmo Publications. 49. see Markel. Sharar.” in Lucknow: City of Illusion. 1:165. The Awadh begams were major patrons of the arts.000 men. reprint. see Irvine. The Army of the Indian Moghals: Its Organization and Administration (London. For a painted and extant examples of mahi-ye maratib. Srivastava. For a discussion of this motif’s clear affiliation with the arts of Lucknow. no. 2:700. 4. For an explanation of the Mughal military ranking system. 40. Artists seemed to have painted types of objects rather than actual specific objects. 48. Bengal Inventories. sale catalogue (London: Spink & Son. Delhi: Low Price Publications. Part – 1. See Llewellyn-Jones. the year of 1201 of the hijra (1786 –7). See also the discussion of such “paysages” in Keene. Acting Head Curator.. massive jade bowls were recorded as being destroyed by British soldiers during the looting of the Qaisar Bagh Palace. 569 (32 /1980). 12. 55. Manuel Keene. Hamid Afaq Qureshi opposes Shaikh Abdur Rahim’s traditional biography on genealogical grounds and offers indirect reasoning against his association with the Macchi Bhawan. For example. that Muhammad Ilich Khan. “looking glasses” [handheld mirrors]. 29. no. a selective realism was employed that was dependent upon the hierarchical importance of the subject being portrayed. from Siena.” 122 –23 n63. H. For a discussion of the related depiction of the acanthus bract in European. www. Ibid. For paintings.” I am indebted to Lucien de Guise. Islamic Art from India. Ibid. 5 – 9. reprint Delhi: Low Price Publications.” Journal of Indian Museums 36 (1980): 101–7. but very few examples of Lucknow’s decorative arts can be directly associated with an individual artist or craftsman. A Man of the Enlightenment in Eighteenth-Century India: The Letters of Claude Martin 1766–1800 (Delhi: Permanent Black. 3 –11. “Non-Imperial Mughal Sources for Jades and Jade Simulants in South Asia. For enameled daggers with this motif. New York (2003. 2005).davidmus. who briefly served as Asaf al-Daula’s viceroy (naib). D. see Markel. trans. an even more compelling reason may be the common discrepancy between object and image in Mughal and later South Asian art.” Arts of Asia 23:2 (March–April 1993): 108 –20. 53. 1987). Splendeur des armes orientales. The inventory list of “agate” objects includes sword and dagger hilts. Moreover. 140. 231. 131– 34. 197. 41 . C. Sleeman.. “A Metallic Mirror: Changing Representations of Sovereignty during the Raj. 1:524 (Book 2. 38. ed. 2006). Ibid. The works of many Indian painters active in Lucknow have been identified. 17. 38 – 43.46 -1980 -Miniature-Paladshaver. A Clash of Cultures: Awadh. 32 n 2. see von Folsach.” Rev. 202. 1990). The First Two Nawabs of Awadh.. S. trans. 33. The A’in-i Akbari by Abu ‘l-Fazl Allami. Markel. no. Phillott (1871. 2nd revised ed. 2004.com/articles/markel/ index. eds. see Linda York Leach. 2001). Lucknow. only the fish standard is generally shown without being accompanied by the twin globes.” Jewellery Studies 10 (2004): 99 –126. reprint Lucknow: New Royal Book Co. For a survey of Lucknow’s decorative arts by media. Indian Recreations (London. 8. For a discussion of this issue. 47. see Memoirs of Faizabad. 31 . 347. 6. See Llewellyn-Jones. Smith (Westminster. Tennent’s disparaging praise is in accordance with the frequent reaction of Europeans to the ostentatiousness of Asaf al-Daula’s court compared to the stark poverty of the general population. 2:252 – 53. “Correlating Paintings of Indian Decorative Art Objects with Extant Examples: Correspondences and Issues. and 428a). 51 . no. 2006). William Tennent. cups. 1992).. 343. 1:165. Veena Talwar Oldenburg. 43. had been “honoured with mahi maratib. Numerous literary accounts and pictorial depictions document the sumptuous ornaments and accoutrements enjoyed by the Awadh aristocracy.com (February 2003).. 3. Bidri Ware: Inlaid Metalwork from India (London: V&A Museum.” Jewellery Studies 10 (2004): 68 –75. “The Royal Palaces.metmuseum. Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. 1903. I. 7. A European Experience of the Mughal Orient: The I’jaz-i Arsalani (Persian Letters. 27. Facsimile of Claude Martin Estate Inventory obtained from the British Library (India Office Library. no. Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official. 21. and Howard Ricketts. as far as I am aware. Indian gemstones were frequently reworked into jewelry by famous European firms such as Cartier and Van Cleef & Arpels in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. 1966).. The full quote is. Rock crystal objects are also listed. 16. 1981). Wilkinson. numerous boxes and containers (some “mounted” with gold). Sir Richard Burn. “Luxury Arts of Lucknow. Shuja-ud-Daulah. William Irvine. Therein are cited dictionaries published in 1810 and 1852 in which “yashm” is translated as “agate. 36. Naqvi. Indian Silver 1858–1947. See Memoirs of Faizabad (1772–1781/82): Being a Translation of “Tarikh-i-Farahbakhsh” of Muhammad Faiz Bakhsh. 76.” 115. 6. see Stephen Markel.3. and Oliver Impey.. 97. 376.” Asianart. 87– 88. and Gordon Sanderson. See Susan Stronge. 110. 3:545 (Chapter 64. Philippe Missillier (Paris: ACTE-EXPO. 15. Barnett. Personal communication via Indar Pasricha Fine Arts. trans.” Ricketts. “By the order of His High Excellency Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula. 1754–1765 (Calcutta: Midland Press. In painting. Zahir Uddin Malik. and the British. Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah. 3.” I am indebted to Saqib Baburi for the correct spelling of the term and for sharing several historical literary references. “The Enamel Road. “Amidst all this blaze of wealth and magnificence. S. 10. Lucknow. XII. Part – I. See Memoirs of Faizabad. A Very Ingenious Man: Claude Martin in Early Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press.com/articles/markel 2 /index.html. 50. Vol. Sleeman. 23. hookah “bottoms” [bases] and mouthpieces [mukhnal]. see Kjeld von Folsach. and their demolition in the late nineteenth century. the Mughals. and the City of Lucknow (Delhi: Oxford University Press. Begums of Awadh (Varanasi: Bharati Prakashan. Part – II. www. and Richard E.html#2. 97. Indian Silver 1858–1947: Silver from the Indian Sub-Continent and Burma Made by Local Craftsmen in Western Forms (London: W. and to Rosie Llewellyn-Jones for discussing the inscription’s historical context. 1700 of The Emperor Aurangzeb at a Royal Hunt in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 132 – 33. National Museum Collection: Bidri Ware (New Delhi: National Museum. trans. Variants of the term appear in modern literature as mahi-maratib and mahi-o-maratib. 175. 125 –26. 24 April–10 May 1980). particularly Deccani. 22 .asianart. ed. April 17. For example. and 376 (folios 5b. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. 1980). see Stephen Markel. sale cat. For a discussion of the LACMA huqqa base’s Lucknow origin. The Making of Colonial Lucknow 1856–1877 (Princeton: Princeton University Press. Santha. 106. A Fatal Friendship. Assembly of Rivals: Delhi.jpg. 1977). 2001). Krishna Lal.” 115 –16. “Luxury Arts of Lucknow. by Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. and Vidya Dehejia et al. Part – II. 1804). A Fatal Friendship: The Nawabs. Although this may be due to artistic license or misunderstanding. 5. 1939.1. 9. 33. 23. 1980). The mahi-ye maratib was not granted to nobles below the rank of commander of 6. 224 225 MaRkel : The LuxuRy ARts of Lucknow . 52 . salvers. London). no. 13. (1902 – 39. fig. Henry Beveridge. Splendeur des armes orientales. 32 . Abu’l-Fazl. Mughal and Other Indian Paintings from the Chester Beatty Library (London: Scorpion Cavendish. It has also been translated loosely as “Fish and Dignities” or “The Honor of the Fish. T. 371). For a late-eighteenth-century Delhi set of fish and other ensigns of royalty in the former royal collection of Gwalior. 1993). V. and to Rosie Llewellyn-Jones for generously discussing the history and use of the Lucknow fish emblem. 138 – 39.. Rambles and Recollections. Significantly. reprint Delhi: Low Price Publications. Blochmann. There is often an apparent lack of correlation between painted and extant representations of the mahi-ye maratib (see examples identified in note 25 below). See also Ashirbadi Lal Srivastava. M. and diamonds. 2. Himanshu Prabha Ray (Mumbai: Marg Publications. The Arts and Antiquities of India: An Illustrated Selection (1910. For example. 45. 2001). 37. 20. 1. 1984). ed. T. for bringing the previously unpublished inscription on this important object to my attention. Personal communications. 317. and Shailendra Bhandare. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (New York: Alkazi Collection of Photography. 171. 54. Michael Fisher. 11 .” For a discussion of non-Mughal. 12 .430). and Sleeman. 1:61– 62. 3 vols. Jade Collection in the Salar Jung Museum (Hyderabad: Salar Jung Museum. 1979). 221. The Army of the Indian Moghals. The Mughal Nobility. Abdul Halim Sharar. 94. 1720 –1801 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.” Asianart. 8. 40. 37. 1992). Quoted from Rev.. Colin R. 25. 1994). Art from the World of Islam in The David Collection (Copenhagen: The David Collection. see a Kishangarh painting from c. see Stephen Markel. South Asian Coins and Paper Money Since 1556 AD (Iola. 1988). 1985). see Anna Jackson and Amin Jaffer with Deepika Ahlawat. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (London: Elek Books. 9. 1893. A European Experience. 33. 1954). 126. Chinoiserie (London: Phaidon. The Mughal Nobility. pl. London and Lisbon. 1989). Aligarh Muslim University. see Dawn Jacobson. 1995). North India Between Empires: Awadh. A Fatal Friendship. Personal communications. and engraved “pieces. Manuel Keene with Salam Kaouki. 21 . For several examples of acanthus leaves found on Mughal jades. 1:166. to be given to General Martin of the East India Company. 76). The First Two Nawabs..org/ toah/hd/mugh_2 /ho_2003. W. Wynyard R. Treasury of the World: Jewelled Arts of India in the Age of the Mughals (London: Thames & Hudson in association with The al-Sabah Collection. 29. A. 19. (Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Co. Abu’l-Fazl. but the extant representations of the mahi-ye maratib do have the accompanying globes. no.30. 2 vols. com (July 2008). Srivastava. For example. “The Enamel Road. the British. 34.” The typical size of hookah bases also suggests that the Martin collection examples were actually made of jade because. Nigam. Vol. “The Enamel Road.430/htm. there are also depicts of mermen and boys with fish. jade working. R. In addition to the Mermaid Gateway at the Qaisar Bagh. see Keene. 1995). 396b. 1983). Chinoiserie: The Impact of Oriental Styles on Western Art and Decoration (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.” in Coins in India: Power and Communication. no. 2 vols. London.asianart. Simon Ray Ltd. November 2008.. and Lucknow art. Wilkinson. 141. Maharaja: The Splendour of India’s Royal Courts (London: V&A Publishing. 1:i–iii. “Luxury Arts of Lucknow. and the Urdu Ghazal (New Delhi: Manohar. no. lot 179). emeralds. The Reign of Muhammad Shah 1719–1748 (New York: Asia Publishing House. Wilkinson. 77. 1975). 72. Lucknow. William Hoey. and Ali. The Akbarnama of Abu-l-Fazl. The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb (Aligarh: Department of History. Deccani. 46. 30. thousands of poor wretches are seen on the road to all appearance in real want. fan and crutch handles. Also see discussion in Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. trans.. Art of the Islamic and Indian Worlds. 1977). 44. L. 1776. Antoine-Louis Henri Polier records in a letter dated June 21. leads to Lucknow. see Sophie Gordon. and Rosie Llewellyn-Jones. 42 .

The prevailing aesthetic influence at the Awadh court was basically Mughal. mainly by western observers. We are fortunate that several different types of contemporaneous and later sources inform us about dress in Awadh. gold-embroidered dress and furnishings that were popular after European influence became dominant in Awadh in the first half of the nineteenth century. The Persians. These include paintings. 226 227 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow . 154. written accounts. and were looked to as inspiration for several aspects of Awadhi court culture. p. a Persian element was added to the mix.Ros e m ary C r i l l Textiles and Dress in Lucknow in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries The court of Awadh was well known for the flamboyance of its furnishings and the extravagance of its dress. 229. photographs of rulers. Two apparently contradictory aspects of the Awadhi style are typified on one hand by exquisitely light jamdani weaves and chikan-work embroidery. leading to the use of Persian-style head-wear and fur-trimmed coats and boots (30. nobles. and courtesans. and. While both men and women adorned themselves with elaborate costumes involving huge amounts of lavishly decorated cloth. exquisite embroidered or woven cottons in shades of cream and white were still used on informal occasions and continued to convey a sense of coolness and elegance. like the Lucknow rulers. but overlaid on this were certain idiosyncratic elements that had been developed in Lucknow. and in particular the Mughal style as worn at Delhi. from the later nineteenth century onward. were adherents of the Shia sect of Islam. From these we can form an impression of the different styles that prevailed over the period between about 1750 and 1880. In addition. by both Indian and western artists. p. 180). from literature to dress. particularly during the later eighteenth century. who were of Persian descent. and on the other by the heavy. unlike the Sunni Mughals.

western men are mostly wearing European dress with few concessions to the local climate or culture. Some (like Colonel Mordaunt himself) are dressed in white cotton cloth. but beyond that it is impossible to distinguish quite what these garments are. The which he wears a Persian-style coat with fur tippet. and he wears around his turban the Lucknow style of turban band or goshpech (30). while others have stuck to their heavy-looking woolen coats. India. is wearing a small cotton cap. the central Indian male figure. His portrait of the nawab in 1772 (28) shows the ruler in a Mughal-style jama. seems to have been popular around 1750 –75. Tate Britain. fine muslin. for example. is shown in at least two paintings in full Indian dress. 34). at least in their homes. 34. 180). Headgear at this gathering is usually a colored or white.T06856 Page 226: 84. support: 103. the nawab. MiRza Amani.Much of the information about eighteenth-century dress in Lucknow comes from paintings by western artists who were either residents of or visitors to Lucknow. 228 229 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow . 1784 – 86. Water Pipe Mat. p. or of patterned fabric. painted several portraits of Nawab Shuja al-Daula that illustrate the courtly fashion of the time. either of plain white cotton like the robe itself. 1800 – 50 complete with turban and turban band. He is shown in a white muslin jama. which would quite likely be of Kashmir-shawl fabric. as on the figure in the red turban in the foreground of the scene. Most of the visible male waists in the painting are wrapped with a “cummerbund” (kamarband or “waist tie”). but in eighteenth-century Awadh the fashion was evidently for ankle-length jamas. It was not unusual for western residents of Lucknow in the eighteenth century to adopt Indian Fig. The Indian men (like the nawab in the center of the painting) are wearing white muslin jamas: the classic tailored robe of Mughal India. Polier is more likely to wear western dress 68). Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. When in the company of his European male friends. over painted in 1784 – 86. 1994. the jama has been worn at various lengths. Throughout its history. the other major European artist working in Lucknow in the eighteenth century. which they were likely to share with Indian wives or bibis. gathered skirt. while he watches a nautch or dance performance at his home (106. Nawab Shuja al-Daula with the Heir AppaRent. Zoffany’s well-known painting Colonel Mordaunt’s Cock Match (fig. usually tied at the side of the chest and waist. in paintings done in 1773 and the 1780s. The few female figures in the painting are wearing wrapped garments of colored. p. Tilly Kettle. but always with a well-defined waist and full. later Asaf al-Daula. c.9 x 150 cm. wrapped cotton turban. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810). The Persian-style coat (sometimes worn also with boots) (154. however. 1800 Bengal. Tilly Kettle. and West dress to some degree. TuRban Band (detail). Elaborate sashes are tied around his waist. Calcutta. oil on canvas. Colonel MoRdaunt’s Cock Match. Colonel Antoine-Louis Polier. Works by Tilly Kettle and Johann Zoffany in particular show both Indians and Europeans in formal and informal dress. 1772 Bottom: 30. or sometimes at the front. Top: 28. is a superbly observed depiction of a gathering of European and Indian men (and a very few Indian women) from all levels of Awadhi society.

and courtesans who appear in paintings and. The outfit. 1790. 1970 -T. It is possible that it was made specifically for the exposition rather than belonging to a real person. a front-opening long-sleeved robe. Lucknow. and a large rectangular head-cover. 54). India. The most characteristic of the flamboyant garments used at the Awadhi court in the nineteenth century are probably the immensely wide trousers known either as farshi paijama (literally.36 (Fig.5 cm). The costumes (and the word is appropriate to the theatricality of much of the dress worn there) of the court females. “spread-out” trousers) or kalidar paijama (“paneled trousers. also chose to have his portrait painted on at least two occasions in full Indian dress accessorized by a hookah (fig. c. and it is not clear what the circumstances were that led to its being sent to this exhibition. Institut Neerlandais. Pair of ear ORnaments. 1850 Bottom: 198. Top: 199. Frits Lugt Collection. consisting of wide trousers. 1775 –1800 Left: 190. John Wombwell. dancing girls. PoRtRait of John Wombwell. a rare survivor of a full court costume of the mid-nineteenth century is the so-called “Queen of Oudh’s dress” in the Victoria and Albert Museum. a sleeveless tunic. Both male and female dress developed in ways that were particular to the Awadhi court. 35. Although much of our information about this type of dress comes from pictorial and written evidence.” mid-19th century 230 231 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow . Another European resident. FoRehead ORnaments. but it does seem to have signs of wear. 12 3⁄4 x 11 1⁄4 in. p. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. These voluminous garments were supplemented with large (although usually lightweight) shawls or head-covers called dupatta (literally “two pieces”). the nineteenth century saw huge changes in style in Lucknow. in Indian DRess and Smoking a Hookah. was acquired from the Exposition Universelle held in Paris in 1855. While fine white or colored muslin appears to have been the most popular fabric for both male and female dress in the eighteenth century. Uttar Pradesh. c. 35). photographs are some of the most elaborate and apparently cumbersome of any Indian dress.” which have straight. 3. a bodice.3 x 28.Fig. (32. Paris. The Gown of the “Queen of Oudh. c. latterly. London (190). wide legs rather than the flared shape of the farshi).

Such trousers usually had deep borders called gote. goolbudden [gulbadan. high-waisted. The jama was the other main type of robe: while this is usually associated with the side-fastening robe worn at the Mughal court. and could if necessary be tucked into the waistband of the trousers to secure it. rectangular veil or shawl called an odhni. by which this part of the dress is confined at the waist. Dancing GiRl fine chintz. swirling skirt of the peshwaj gave the from the Ishqnamah. some are of gauze or net. Pl. a satin-weave fabric with silk warps and cotton wefts. however. down to the white calico of the country. but other examples.—English manufacture having the preference. Her firsthand description of female dress is so informative that it is worth quoting at length: The ladies’ pyjaamahs are formed of rich satin. which tended to have less excess length than the farshi type. a very broad silver riband binds the top of the pyjaamah.” a woven silk fabric often with ikat patterning]. One universal shape is adopted in the form of the ungeeah [angiya] (bodice). and these would form a sort of pool of fabric spread out around the wearer’s feet when she was standing: hence the name farshi or “spread out” for this style. Under the peshwaj or jama. is usually used for a very different and much less figure-hugging robe in most other parts of North India. 18. By the most fashionable females they are worn very full below the knee. dated 1849/50 (AH 1266). Dancing GiRl of Biba Wali (Pl.2 the letters were obviously intended for publication. which is.. They are full of fascinating information which would have otherwise gone unrecorded. folio 317r 232 233 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow . from The Beauties of Lucknow. the more transparent in texture the more agreeable to taste. covering subjects ranging from architecture to styles of ladies’ slippers. 40. the selfstyled “pilgrim in search of the picturesque. much varied in the material and ornamental part. or “rose body. Meer Hassan Ali. which extend below the knees: for full dress.wearer freedom of movement and also allowed the legs to be seen. a lady about whom few personal details are known except that she was an Englishwoman who was married to an Indian and who lived for a number of years in Lucknow. and reach to the feet which are partially covered by the fullness. Paintings and photographs of the period of Wajid Ali Shah show court ladies or dancing girls wearing only a sheer dupatta (scarf) across their 200. this being double has a zarbund (a silk net cord) [ezarband] run through.” quotes one of her “amusing and novel” letters in her own work). like those seen in Company paintings and photographs such as those of the Beauties of Lucknow (200. suited to the means of the wearer. and full-skirted robe often worn over the paijama was usually of the type called a peshwaj (“open front”) or choga. The paijama of the V&A’s costume has a flat rectangular front panel and sixteen tapering panels (kali) in each leg. these tassels are rendered magnificent with pearls and jewels. although this term. or gold cloth. the excess cloth would be gathered up and thrown over an arm (40). or mussheroo [mashru. the extremity finished and the seams are bound with silver riband [gota].—silk and cotton ginghams. If she needed to move about. 18). usually of satin with trim of woven gold-thread ribbon or gota work. Husso Jan. muslin. curiously and expressly made for this purpose.—in short. While it is unlikely that it ever belonged to a queen of Awadh. or at the Mughal court) rather than a sari. where the usual garb consisted of skirt or trousers and bodice (as in Rajasthan. it was also used as the name for front-opening garments in Lucknow. not the large head-cover. Darogah Abbas Ali. Head-covers like this were worn in many parts of India. The full-length. It is made (Pl. left) and Ameer Jan. 17. are made of slightly more manage- able material.1 A resident of the city from 1816 until 1828. tight bodice called a kanchli or angiya. and a circumference at the hem of each leg of 391 centimeters (154 inches). This particular paijama is made of a fine silk overlaid with a fish-scale pattern in gota work (couched gold strips). etc. she wrote a series of minutely detailed letters describing various aspects of life in Lucknow. light. One of the most informative observers of the Lucknow scene in the early nineteenth century. was Mrs. and in particular that of the world of women. usually by men. was the kalidar or kaliondar paijama. 1874 upper bodies (200. augmented by inserts. often striped and also often with ikat patterning] (striped washing silks manufactured at Benares). Mah-i Alam stRikes a watchman with a golden whip in the PRince’s pResence as penalty for making a false accusation. Equally voluminous but cut with straight panels in the leg. it could have been made for one of the betrothal ceremonies of a very young bride connected with the court—the size suggests that she would have been only about twelve years old. Ostensibly written to friends (and indeed Fanny Parks. The whole outfit would be topped by a large. women wore a hip-length sleeveless tunic called a shaluka or kurti (“small shirt”) over a short. The ends of the zarbund are finished with rich tassels of gold and silver. which would cover the head (but not the face) and fall down the back. For these reasons they were particularly favored by dancers and courtesans. and all are more or less ornamented with spangles and silver trimmings. right). of Central Asian origin. The full. all such materials are used for this article of female dress as of sufficiently firm texture. Pl. 17).

Ali was a striking feature of much court wear in Lucknow. Other decorations like seed pearls and glass beads would also contribute to the lavish effect. trimmed with sable. Another redoubtable observer of the Lucknow scene. she experienced “some suffering from the heat. and always worn down at the heel. shawl kerchiefs. etc. as dressing slippers. one end partially screening the figure. as well as in others. literally “star”) or small domed sequins (katori. This could come in many forms: gilt-metal strips (badla) that would usually be crimped into a serrated form before being couched or stitched onto the cloth of the garment. coats].8 The lavish use of gold embroidery (zar-dozi) and other “trimmings” as described by Mrs. unless its beauty fades earlier. with gold and silver spangles. The same style of shoes are worn by the males as by the females. . English crape. These are the usual articles of value given in khillauts to the most exalted favourites. The depattah is worn with much original taste on the back of the head. the quality depends on choice or circumstances. were usually embroidered with metal-wrapped thread or 1800 – 50 234 235 CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow . Fanny Parks. which was often used as a facing for a skirt or jacket.” 6 Although it is not clear if Mrs. pieces of fine embroidered muslin for shirts. in pieces. the other thrown over the opposite shoulder. shawl-stuff labaadahs (pelisses) [i. Water Pipe Snake Cover . In shape and size. used to decorate the edges and hems of garments. sometimes it is genteel to have smaller points to the shoes.” This same man received a jeweled turban. which were all put upon [the recipient’s] person one over the other. shawl lahaafs (counterpanes). Benares silks. literally “cup”) that would be sewn directly onto the cloth. gold and silver muslins. always in pairs. it is crossed in front.—this is called shubnum [shabnam] (night dew) from its delicate texture. of more or less value.5 Mrs. or some equally expensive article. and falls in graceful folds over the person. and shawl stuff. the less opulent condescend to wear tinsel work. about the walking length of an English dress. 85). the sleeves are very short and tight.. some depattahs are formed of gold-worked muslin. the points are long and much curled. and is procured at great expense. Meer Hassan Ali describes khilats which include: embroidered or cloth of gold chupkunds [chapkan: a type of tailored coat]. lengths of fabric woven with fine strips of silver or silver-gilt as the warp threads (gota). In another passage. and will strive to have a little finery about them. the depattah (drapery) is made to correspond. The whole dress is trimmed very richly with embroidered trimming and silver riband. and was frequently decorated with impressed patterns in the cloth created by stamping with heated wires (uttu or uttusazi). was a common practice at the Lucknow Shoes 85. when standing. Even the women servants pride themselves on pretty ungeeahs. gold cloth. coloured gauze. but on gala days. On ordinary occasions ladies wear them simply bound with silver riband. 226. which bounds their view and their walks. The ladies never wear stockings. as is also fine India muslin manufactured at Decca [Dhaka]—transparent and soft as the web of the gossamer spider. Mrs.4 court. Meer Hassan Ali then recounts how she attended a marriage ceremony and was persuaded to wear a full Awadhi costume of “gold dress and glittering drapery” for the occasion—which she wore on top of her usual clothes.—they are splendidly worked in many patterns. I have seen some young men with green shagreen slippers for the rainy season. the skirt is open in front. or as soft fringes made of finely cut metal strips. . at another. as at Delhi. flat metal sequins (sitara. the least costly for their every-day wear are of gold embroidery on velvet. some nearly reaching half way to the knees. but they still retain the preference for pointed shoes whatever be the fashion adopted. The fashion of shoes varies with the times in this country. while the lowest possible number of pieces was five. tells us of an occasion in 1831 on which King Nasir al-Din Haidar presented “four or five dresses of honour. They are never removed at night but continue to be worn a week together.. variously-coloured small seed beads and embroidery—the whole one mass of glittering metal. the bestowal of clothing as gifts. and finished with some fanciful embroidery or silver riband. p. Nevertheless. which is productive of much emulation in zeenahnah life. or the ornamental parts tarnish through extreme heat. but for dress they are richly trimmed with embroidery and bullion fringes. for it was at the very hottest season of the year. and to fasten behind with strong cotton cords.3 . made of thick Benares gold and silver kimkhwab. The same style of embroidery was also used for decorative domestic furnishings like the mats and coverings for hookahs (84. which add much to the splendour of the scene. there is a fashion and taste about the ladies’ shoes. made of silver tissue. a necklace of pearls and precious stones. khilat. Meer Hassan Ali was expected to keep these clothes or not. or rich satin for trousers. and the meanest servants yellow or red cloth with silver bindings. and contains about twenty breadths of the material. a large sheet will convey an idea of the depattah’s dimensions. . each being sufficient to form a dress. even in India. shawl cummerbunds (girdles). when two or three hundred females are collected together in their assemblies.. turbans of shawl or muslin. shawls.—they are made with sharp points curling upwards. however coarse the material it is formed of may happen to be. embroidery or couching in silk thread wrapped with a thin coil of flattened gilt-metal strip (kalabattun). Not surprisingly. Meer Hassan Ali describes a bridal outfit: The dress for a bride differs in one material point from the general style of Hindostaunie costume: a sort of gown is worn. and only cover the feet with shoes when pacing across their court-yard. With the ungeeah is worn a transparent courtie [kurti] (literally translated shirt) of thread net. the preference is given to our light English manufacture of leno or muslin for every-day wear by gentlewomen. the seams and hems are trimmed with silver or gold ribands. and “over all these dresses of honour were placed four or five pairs of Cashmere shawls. Mrs. this covers the waistband of the pyjaamah but does not screen it. these are made with a high heel and look unseemly. and the most graceful part of the whole female costume. The depattah [dupatta] is a useful envelope.e.to fit the bust with great exactness. gold and silver gauze tissues are in great request.” 7 Khilats could include up to 101 pieces. a tight body and long sleeves.

was in complete contrast to the heavy gold embroideries worn for formal events and dances. The exact origin of chikan embroidery is not known, and even the etymology of its name remains mysterious, but it is thought to have originated in Bengal, probably in Dacca (Dhaka), in modern Bangladesh, during the later Mughal period. The art, and presumably some practitioners, moved to Lucknow probably no earlier than the mid-eighteenth century, and it became extremely popular under the nawabs. Its delicacy, and especially the fragility of the muslin on which it is usually done, has meant that little early chikan work has survived, and indeed no

surviving pieces seem to predate the mid-nineteenth century. William Hoey notes in 1880 that chikan embroidery is one of the few industries in Lucknow still to be thriving at that date, and states that it “is in great demand and the export of it to Calcutta, Patna, Bombay, Haidarabad [Hyderabad] and other cities is an important trade.” He suggests that chikan embroidery was a “not irksome means of supplementing small incomes” and a “natural vent for the labour of persons thrown out of employ by failure of other trades.” 10 Hoey probably underestimates the very high level of skill required for good chikan embroidery, but no doubt he was right in

102. Shawl with Chikan WoRk (detail), early 19th century

101. Man’s GaRment with Chikan WoRk (detail), 19th century

metal strips. Slippers with extravagantly curling toes were popular with both men and women at court, either with pointed toes or with broad or splayed ends. Although Wajid Ali Shah is shown wearing these broad-toed slippers in the Ishqnamah, completed in
1849/50, (40, p. 233), they had evidently fallen out of favor with fashionable society by the

time William Hoey was making his survey of the crafts of Lucknow in 1878 –79. Hoey writes of this “peculiar pattern of shoe” (called kafsh) that it is “broad at the toes, which are curled up in fantastic style, and is very narrow at the heel which is very high and protected by an iron tip round the rim. It is exceedingly difficult for one unaccustomed to walk with kafsh to move steadily while wearing them. They give that shaky movement to the wearer which is characteristic of old age. It may be for this reason that they are worn chiefly by sanctimonious maulvis [clerics] carrying long walking sticks.”9 A complete contrast to the heavy, gold-embellished embroidery used on many garments was provided by the delicate and often incredibly finely worked embroidery known as chikan or chikankari. This is worked on cotton, using cotton thread with occasional highlights in natural light-brown or golden tussar silk. Chikan embroidery (chikandozi) was popular with both men and women in Lucknow, where it was made by both male and female professional embroiderers. Used for caps, kurtas, angarkhas, and small domestic items like tray covers, chikan is characterized by small, complex floral designs in white on white, and gives a supremely cool and airy effect to a garment (101,
102).

Even if densely

embroidered all over a cap or robe, the subtlety of the monochrome palette and delicacy of the materials and stitching gave chikan work an air of quiet understatement, which

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suggesting that it could be taken up by men and women (and even children) looking for work. Chikan work is still a thriving cottage industry in Lucknow, where the traditional stitches (although usually worked to a less high standard) are embroidered onto kurtas and for furnishing fabrics which are sold throughout India and abroad. The woven equivalent to chikan embroidery in lightness and fineness is a cotton fabric called jamdani, which also appears to have originated in eastern India, with Dacca as its main center. It has been suggested that weaver families from Dacca were given grants enabling them to settle at Tanda and Jais near Faizabad under Nawab Shuja al-Daula in order to weave fine muslins for the Awadhi court and elite.11 Fine muslin was certainly being produced at Tanda by the 1770s, when Polier records ordering lengths of it.12 Jamdani is woven in a supplementary weft technique, which involves adding the isolated designs (usually stylized floral elements or botehs) into the weave by hand using small spools of thread to weave under and over the warp threads to achieve the desired pattern. C. A. Silberrad, in his 1898 Monograph on Cotton Fabrics Produced in the North-West Provinces and Oudh, describes the jamdani weaving technique as used at Tanda as somewhat different to that of Dacca, in that at Tanda the designs were inserted using thread stored in spools hanging from the warps, while at Dacca, separate cut pieces of yarn were used to insert the designs.13 Diaphanous garments such as angarkhas and kurtas were especially suited to both the jamdani and chikan techniques, both sometimes being embellished with strips of silver (called kamdani work) or with metalwrapped thread embroidery. Both woven jamdani and chikan embroidery were worn by nawabs and court women throughout the nineteenth century, and the well-known images of Wajid Ali Shah in a white angarkha and jauntily placed cap (the small two-sided cap called a dopalri) reflect this popularity. The mainstream later Mughal style prevailed throughout the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The angarkha, a calf-length robe with an unusual semicircular opening behind which a panel conceals most (but rarely all) of the wearer’s chest, was by far the most popular type of male dress (101, p.
236)
Left: 32. Possibly by Mihr Chand, Shuja al-Daula, Nawab of Awadh, After a Painting by Tilly Kettle, c. 1775 Right: Fig. 36. Johann Zoffany (1733 –1810), Asaf Al-Daulah, Nawab of Awadh, Lucknow; India, Uttar

Pradesh, Lucknow, 1784; oil on canvas, 50 x 40 in. (127 x 101.5 cm); The British Library, London, F106
Bottom Left: 103. CRown, c. 1850 Bottom Right: 104. Minister’s TuRban, c. 1850

and occurs in many illustrations of

the nineteenth century. It was worn with a sash around the waist or, in the case of Wajid Ali Shah, a larger shawl-like textile wrapped around the hips and tied in front (40, p. 233). Servants, musicians, and other non-elite males wore flat turbans. Accessories like the turban band (goshpech) became popular: the goshpech was a long, narrow band, usually embroidered and often embellished with pearls or sequins which was wrapped around the turban and tied at the front. It appears in portraits of Lucknow nobles during the 1770s and, to a lesser extent, the 1780s (31,
fig. 36).

It seems to have enjoyed a revival under

Wajid Ali Shah, as some attendants in the Ishqnamah are seen wearing them wrapped around flat turbans rather than the Mughal-style headgear of the previous century. Head-wear became a focal point of Lucknow inventiveness (104). As Abdul Halim Sharar explains in his informative account of Lucknow, this was partly because turbans became smaller and smaller at the Mughal court and the caps worn underneath them therefore were obliged also to become small.14 Eventually, people gave up wearing pagris (turbans) altogether, and focused on creating new types of cap and other headgear. There was a four-sided cap called a chaugoshia, a dome-shaped cap with four or five sections which was produced in Delhi but which influenced Lucknow styles; the mandil, which

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Sharar describes as “a round cap like a tambourine”;15 the ever-popular dopalri, which was made up of two flat half-moons joined along the curved sides, and the more pointed version of this cap, called the nukkadar, which was often embroidered in gold and silver thread. Some extraordinary new shapes of hat were created, often out of gold-embroidered fabric and sometimes in styles based on western models, especially crowns. The enthusiasm for crownlike hats was almost certainly inspired by the bestowal of the title “king” on Ghazi al-Din Haidar in
1819 and Nasir al-Din Haidar in 1827, and both can be

Although the splendor of the courts of the flamboyant nawabs and kings of Awadh such as Wajid Ali Shah may have declined in the later nineteenth century after the events of 1857 and British annexation, it is clear that Lucknow continued to be a major center of craft and textile production. William Hoey’s survey of trades and manufactures lists an astonishing number of textilerelated crafts that were still being carried out in 1879 – 80, even though he laments the fact that “the weavers of Lucknow have been ruined by the import of European goods.” Silk-weaving seems particularly to have suffered, and he writes that the local silk products have been “quite crushed out by the import of European silks and Indian silks from other seats of manufacture.” Hoey also reports that even the fine cotton weaving for which Lucknow and its environs was so well known is “at its last gasp.” In spite of this sad state of affairs, chikan embroidery, dyeing, printing, dari weaving, silk-weaving, turbanweaving, cotton-weaving, gota border–weaving, cord-making, shoe-making, blanket-weaving, carpet-weaving, darning, shawl-weaving, and gold embroidering are all listed as trades actively pursued at the time in Lucknow.17

seen sporting fanciful crowns in contemporaneous paintings (2, p.
95; 36,

p.

19; 103,

p.

239).

Western styles infiltrated other aspects of male dress as the nineteenth century progressed. Wajid Ali Shah’s illustrated romance, the Ishqnamah, shows some remarkable outfits clearly based on western military styles, with elaborate frogging and gold braid epaulettes. Later photographic albums like An Illustrated Historical Album of the Rajas and Taluqdars of Oudh (1880) show men dressed largely in a recognizably Lucknow style, often with the elaborate headgear just described, including tinsel “crowns,” turbans made of Kashmir-shawl material, caps such as the four-sided chaugoshia, the pointed nukkadar, and the large, round mandil
(179).

A notable

1. 2.

exception is one Rampal Singh (upper right), who chose to be photographed for the album in western dress with no hat or turban. He is described in the text as “an English scholar” who has “imbibed the manner and customs of the West by a long residence in England.” 16 The interiors in which these outfits were worn also follow the same trajectory from Mughal relative simplicity to western-inspired excess. The halls and terraces in which Polier is seen watching nautch parties in the 1770s and
1780s (106, p. 68) appear sparsely furnished with the

On Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, née Biddy Timms, see Rosie Llewellyn-Jones’s essay in this volume. Fanny Parks, Wanderings of a Pilgrim, in search of the picturesque, during four-and-twenty years in the East; with revelations of life in the zenana, 2 vols. (London: Pelham Richardson, 1850), 87. Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, Observations on the Mussulmauns of India descriptive of their manners, customs, habits and religious opinions made during a twelve years’ residence in their immediate society (1832). 2nd edition, ed. W. Crooke (London: Oxford University Press, 1917), 106 – 9. Ibid., 111–12. Ibid., 357– 58. Ibid., 361. Parks, Wanderings, 190. Ali, Observations, 148 – 49. William Hoey, A Monograph on Trade and Manufactures in Northern India (Lucknow: American Methodist Mission Press, 1880), 127. Ibid., 28. R. C. Sharma, K. Giri, and A. Chakraverty, eds., Indian Art Treasures: Suresh Neotia Collection (Varanasi: Jnana-Pravaha, 2006), 250. Ibid., 251n3. C. A. Silberrad, Monograph on Cotton Fabrics Produced in the North-West Provinces and Oudh (Allahabad: Government Press, 1898). Abdul Halim Sharar, Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture, trans. and ed. E. S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (London: Elek, 1975), 171. Ibid., 172. Abbas Ali, Haji Darogah, An Illustrated Historical Album of the Rajas and Taluqdars of Oudh (Allahabad: North-Western Provinces and Oudh Government Press, 1880), 66. Hoey, A Monograph, 28 –196, quotes on 28.

3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11 . 12 . 13. 14. 15. 16.

usual floor-based furniture of daris or satranjis (flatwoven cotton rugs), floor-spreads and cushions (although we know that Polier also possessed a western-style sofa, as shown in the painting in [Fig.
26,

p.

180]).

These

furnishing textiles would usually be of embroidered velvet or plain white cloth for simpler occasions, just as at Delhi,
179. Darogah Abbas Ali, from An IllustRated HistoRical Album of the Rajas and TaluQdaRs of Oudh, 1880

but by the middle of the nineteenth century, Wajid Ali Shah was imitating Victorian interiors with chairs, tables, and chandeliers.

17.

240

241

CRill : Textiles and DRess in Lucknow

cuisine. Music and dance played preeminent roles in this cultural efflorescence. some forms of nawabi-period song and instrumental style were perpetuated more or less faithfully by twentieth-century musicians and constituted direct sources for other. the sounds of “Lakhnavi” or Lucknowi-era music are largely lost to us. unparalleled not only in its exquisite elegance but also in its sheer amount of creative activity and output. in the absence not only of recordings but also of musical notations like those in the West. and the good life in general. written in 1856 by Mohammad Karm Imam. more modern stylistic developments. The visitor to Lucknow today can admire the joyously flamboyant imperial gateways and imambaras built by the nawabs.Pet er M an u e l Music in Lucknow’s Gilded Age In the nineteenth century Lucknow came to host an urban culture of extraordinary sophistication and richness. Further. Perhaps more substantially. Lucknow in the nawabi period constituted the primary center for music patronage in North India and hosted a music culture of unique refinement and expressive charm. ardently patronized by elite epicurean aesthetes for whom the fine arts constituted an indispensable concomitant to refined dress. we are able to learn much about the epoch’s music culture from contemporary chronicles. Madan al-Mausiqi (Mine of Music). a 242 243 Manuel : Music . Although twentieth-century music historians have written with ambivalence about the era’s sybaritism and alleged cultural shallowness. Lucknow played an essential role in sustaining and even reinvigorating the fine arts. However. Nevertheless. the dynamic innovations it fostered provided much of the foundation for the lively flowering of Hindustani music in its modern era that can be said to have commenced in the early 1900s. One of these is a treatise on music. language. especially two works in Urdu. In a period in which artistic patronage suffered from the disruptive effects of the Uprising (1857– 58) and the dramatic decline of the feudal nobility. and aficionados of Urdu literature still savor the ghazals penned by the era’s poets.

While Delhi was declining. and the latter’s son Nasir al-Din Haidar. and “Company” paintings—especially of dance performances. As a patron of the fine arts. The Rise of Lucknow The city of Delhi served. and a series of invasions. and containing informative chapters on music.2 housing them in a palace called the “Fairy House” (Pari Khana). poets. dance. or conversed with anyone but musicians. Fath Chand. This sensationalist book. and chaos resulting from his tendency to award high administrative and even military posts to low-caste musicians (of the dom and dhari castes) and especially to a sitar player named Ghulam Raza Khan. the puritanical Saadat Ali Khan. artists. drama. poetry. and musicians migrated from Delhi and elsewhere to Lucknow to bask in the patronage of the new gentry. slept. whether in architecture. Allowed by the newly empowered British to rule as irresponsibly as they wished while paying a heavy tribute. Wajid Ali had no patience for the tedium of administrative affairs. the empire disintegrated rapidly. had been allowed to spend his youth primarily in the company of courtesans and performers. While most of this work consists of a fairly conventional rehash of traditional Sanskritic music theory. Awadh’s musical efflorescence dates from the 1750s. whose names are extensively documented by Karm Imam. Lucknow became the wealthy capital of the province of Awadh. translated and published in English as Lucknow: The Last employers of performers. and massacres undermined the city’s ability to sustain patronage of the fine arts. At the apex of the patronage system were. orientation and background of its patrons. except for passing interludes. as Sharar wrote. Wajid Ali represented the epitome of despotic decadence. Allyn Miner’s Sitar and Sarod in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries is particularly astute and thorough. Haidar was poisoned and replaced by the elderly and sober Muhammad Ali Shah. After the brief subsequent (mis)rule of Wazir Ali Khan. and upon his death the throne passed to his son Wajid Ali. whose courts could constitute by far the largest single c. innovative. Both the amount and character of Lucknow’s musical activity were conditioned by the Page 242: 19. Perhaps most outstanding was his contribution to music. two hundred miles to the southeast the city of Lucknow was emerging as the political. and poetry. The British resident. economic. recollections of elders. and his indifference to administering his kingdom. At the same time. Wajid Ali Shah Phase of an Oriental Culture. Further. nawabi patronage rebounded under the energetic support of his son Ghazi al-Din Haidar (d. having not been the heir-apparent. his decadent extravagance. when not cuckolding and robbing the nawab. and other observers were dismayed by Wajid Ali’s indifference to governing and the fact that he rarely ate. Asaf al-Daula set the tone for the later rulers with his luxurious lifestyle and his neglect of administration. Sir William Henry Sleeman. reverted to the voluptuous lifestyle of Nasir al-Din.” By the early nineteenth century. pillagings. 1750 – 60 244 245 Manuel : Music . displayed what can be described as a sort of manneristic. he was himself an avid and reportedly skilled singer. as the imperial capital of the Muslim dynasties that ruled northern India from the twelfth century to the early eighteenth century. Among the works by modern music historians that have synthesized such data. of his many light refugees from Delhi. the 1905 novel Umrao Jan Ada about a courtesan. 1827). In this period. which. To a dour observer like Sleeman. and instead devoted his energies and expenses to sponsoring and personally mastering the arts of music. rococo sophistication of exquisite refinement. especially his barber. the culture of Lucknow had begun to acquire a flavor of its own. the nawabs—at once protected and rendered impotent by British firepower— found patronage of the arts to be one of the few arenas in which their court could achieve renown. Wajid Ali enthusiastically employed and sustained many of the North’s most gifted classical artists. however. who became his closest adviser (while energetically defrauding the nawab at the same time). The other outstanding Urdu source is a series of articles written in the early 1900s by Abdul Halim Sharar. Formerly a sleepy provincial town of no particular distinction (and of which no particular musical activity has been documented). so that. and percussionist.courtier of Wajid Ali Shah’s. “Lucknow’s lamp was lit by that of Delhi. Like several of his predecessors. Asaf al-Daula. His successor. the nawabs themselves. and cultural center of the North. innumerable courtesans. concubines. whose frivolous lifestyle was publicized through an 1855 British exposé entitled The Private Life of an Eastern King. His energetic patronage extended to folk music and theater as well as classical fine arts. When his successor. which enjoyed considerable popularity in Britain. a task that he delegated to a set of European mountebanks. and his court became the primary crucible for the flowering of kathak. Amjad Ali. mischief. Wajid Ali had more than two hundred concubines trained in music and dance. the author noted that Haidar’s court was the most brilliant in India and his court performers the best. his dance-dramas (called rahas) sparked the emergence of folk music theater and modern urban Urdu drama. His Urdu and Braj-bhasha Hindi poetry is engaging. when scores of professional musicians went to Faizabad and Lucknow to benefit from patronage provided by Nawab Shuja al-Daula. disparaged the nawab for his transvestism. providing. and influential. After the barber fled with much of the treasury. Todi Ragini. As a result. however. and eunuchs. After the death of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb in 1707. as do other miscellaneous texts. Even the wily Ghulam Raza Khan. Wajid Ali Shah was extraordinarily energetic. or music. and the musically quiescent period of his successor. who died in 1842. the North Indian classical dance style. while lacking the depth and grandeur of Mughal arts. moved the Awadh capital from Faizabad to Lucknow in 1775. Passing references to music in the writings of British chroniclers provide different sorts of perspectives and information. the most prominent Lucknow musicians were 1 Wajid Ali Shah’s nine-year rule (which ended with annexation by the British in 1856) constituted a zenith of fine arts activity. was developing and popularizing a sitar style that would form much of the basis of modern instrumental playing. he established an extensive retinue of court performers there. of course. in one chapter—felicitously translated into English and published in 1959 – 60 —the author presents a detailed and engagingly opinionated survey of musicians of his era. a mine of data for music historians. whose substantial agricultural surplus came to sustain the rise of an opulent and sophisticated elite. Most disturbing were the corruption. composer. who. an ardent music lover. indeed.

rag-oriented genres. a desire to appear sophisticated. As he wrote. however. and there were neither mass media nor regular public concerts to expose subalterns to the fine arts. accompanied by male instrumentalists. Karm Imam’s Madan al-Mausiqi and other sources document the presence of several dhrupad performers in nawabi Lucknow. Thumri and ghazal performances could also incorporate dance. Further. thumri had been an obscure regional dance song. many aristocrats would have been assorted princes or other dignitaries associated in one way or another with the court. as well as in etiquette. Prior to Wajid Ali Shah’s time. lacked a broad-based bourgeoisie that could have bridged the social gap between rich and poor. Moreover. From the early 1800s. although he may not have devoted his days to administering his kingdom. The preeminent vocal music genre of the Mughal era. and other ragas with such excellence that those who heard them were entranced and the greatest singers envied them. as a singer—whether seated or standing—might mimetically enact the action or sentiment of the lyric. and the alleged musicality and refinement of ordinary urbanites. Nawabi Lucknow. a sophisticated verse form typically about unrequited love. and there is less emphasis on either virtuoso display or sober. Nevertheless. with drum accompaniment. sensual styles they were more typically associated with courtesans (or tawaifs). which allowed greater scope both for leisurely elaboration of a rag as well as display of virtuoso technique. it seems evident that he was in his way a sophisticated connoisseur. were semiclassical vocal genres. and even sponsored by British officers. or villainous. however. a relatively austere genre in which a solo singer. However. Dhrupad could also be rendered instrumentally. Umrao Jan Ada. khyal has been the standard idiom of North Indian classical (“Hindustani”) music. Khyal performers were also well represented in Lucknow. dhrupad was being replaced by khyal. Elite Patronage outside the Court behag [classical rags or melodic modes]. and since the early twentieth century. would perform for private audiences. especially on the bin. a prodigious and probably more extensive amount of musical activity went on outside the court.5 The Urdu ghazal. Courtesans had been While Wajid Ali Shah’s court would have constituted the single most substantial and best documented source of Lucknow’s fine arts patronage. evidence suggests that access to and fondness for semiclassical music extended well beyond the mansions of the rich. nawabi Lucknow can be seen as a stage of dynamic transition between the Mughal era and the modern period commencing in the early twentieth century. as might befit an energetic Minister of Culture. especially the homes of the aristocracy and the salons of the city’s courtesans. with instrumental accompaniment. he evidently spent many if not most of them not in a drunken stupor but rather in vigorous fine-arts production and promotion. a singer struggling to negotiate the perversities of ephemeral successes and ardent lovers who are variously noble. a song-anddance session in which courtesan vocalists and dancers. and refined culture in general. had been dhrupad. 246 247 Manuel : Music . attended. or the homes of the elite. rather than being essentially ignored as in the serious. Aside from the nawabs themselves. the hereditary zamindars were being replaced by a new class of protocapitalist landlords called taluqdars. also enjoyed phenomenal popularity during this period. like the rest of contemporary India. which under the British were becoming ever more onerous. and prior to the Uprising were often enjoyed. especially as flourishing in Delhi and Gwalior. linked to the concurrently developing kathak dance. While the serious classical styles khyal and dhrupad held their own in Lucknow. considerably more popular. to this day. both as sung and as a purely literary genre. that is. Hence thumri and ghazal were the mainstays of the “nautch” (nach). fine arts performances took place in a variety of contexts. Nautches are depicted in several paintings of the era. impecunious. meditative alap. segueing to a metered section based on a precomposed song. the courtesan salon. Many performers of thumri and ghazal were male. While the institution of public concerts for paying audiences did not emerge until after 1900. romantic. paints a colorful portrait—at once melodramatic and realistic—of the courtesan milieu and the book’s heroine. The 1905 Urdu novel by Mirza Ruswa. a stick zither with two large resonating gourds. especially thumri and ghazal. suggesting that the genre still enjoyed prestige and patronage. Sources like Sharar’s writings attest to the Lucknow Muslims’ zeal for education. sang an improvisatory alap in free rhythm in a given rag or melodic mode. genteel conversation. as patronized by the elite of the city and its environs. in somewhat differing styles. While he clearly preferred the emerging. arts patronage at his ersatz court continued to be munificent and laid the foundation for Calcutta’s musical preeminence in subsequent decades. Increasingly. including Wajid Ali Shah himself. but as cultivated in Lucknow it rapidly evolved into a sophisticated semiclassical art. as light. some of whom acquired considerable wealth and fame as singers or dancers. Another category would comprise the remnants of the Mughal feudal landlords—the zamindars—who lived off the revenues of land granted to them generations earlier. “Sometimes bazaar boys have been heard singing bhairvin. Lucknow became renowned for the sophistication and talent of its courtesans. many of whom also patronized the arts. Even after his exile in 1856 to Matiya Burj in Calcutta. As such. whether in court. semiclassical genres to the hoary and austere Mughal ones. is foregrounded as the singer brings out expressive nuances by subjecting the text lines to melodic variation and elaboration. either while singing or during percussive interludes between verses. whether out of genuine interest. professional female entertainers who were trained in these arts. 3 Lucknow’s gentry in the nawabi era was in some respects diverse.classical compositions. sohni.”4 Music in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Lucknow In North Indian classical music history. which remain popular. the sentiment of the song lyrics. his thumri “Babul mora naihar” remains one of the most popular songs in the genre (although its modern form of rendering may be quite distinct from its original style). this social class in Awadh and elsewhere was being increasingly bankrupted by a British land tenure system which effected the summary eviction—rather than a traditional mere harassment—of landowners who failed to pay their taxes. Thumri and ghazal are “lighter” in the sense that the rag may be maintained in a casual and flexible manner rather than a scrupulous one. or a sense of noblesse oblige.

due in great part to the vigor of the Lucknow period. Sharar. especially thunderous tassa drum ensembles with their virtuoso percussionists. were also invigorated with music. while several basic aspects of modern tabla playing clearly evolved in tandem with these instruments. musical renderings of Urdu verse typically lamenting the martyrdom of the Shia saints at Karbala. a courtier of Wajid Ali Shah of Lucknow. Lucknow. 5. they have generally disparaged the incommensurate orientation toward the lighter. quotes an elderly music purist lamenting the great “harm” done by the captivating thumris of Lucknow composer Kadar Piya. Sangeet Natak Akademi Bulletin 11–12 (1959): 21. Sufi qawwali. however. singing elegant Urdu love lyrics while staring him in the eye. “Melody through the Centuries: Being a Chapter from Ma’danul Moosiqui written in 1856 by Hakim Mohammad Karam Imam. with thumri and ghazal at its core. and daily social gatherings of the city’s most urbane aesthetes. far from being ancient. as later bowdlerized in several Bollywood films. 3. . 134. Perhaps equally problematic is the complaint. decadent kings and princes.a fixture of urban Indian society for millennia. along with members of the less prestigious hereditary dom and dhari musician castes whose primary occupation was teaching and accompanying tawaifs. Thumri in Historical and Stylistic Perspectives (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas. since. All three instruments. the secularization of Hindustani music’s aesthetics may have facilitated its remarkably successful adaptation to modern patronage. trans. Even the fast-tempo section of modern khyal evolved hand-inhand with the closely similar Lucknow thumri style. Hakim Mohammad Karm Imam. . Lucknow’s courtesan culture. for one thing. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain (London: Elek. were sophisticated and rich in their own way. 1970). Processions of various sorts. which recurs in modern Indian music historiography. 8. in contrast to the more philosophical verse of earlier poets like Mir Taqi “Mir. Intrinsic to the success of such reformists. took their modern shape in the 1800s. 137. rather than attempting.7 The colorful Ghulam Raza Khan was evidently a founder of the emergent modern sitar style. with its lively and rhythmic renditions of mystical Urdu poetry. Hence. 6. N. concerts. The most popular instruments in modern Hindustani music have been the sitar. it is difficult to empirically assess such criticisms. on the whole secularized it. also thrived in Muslim shrines and other contexts. Abdul Halim Sharar. lavishly praised some of them. Instrumental music also flourished in Lucknow. See Allyn Miner.8 In retrospect. (1905. Perhaps most important in the historical perspective was the extent to which the bases for modern Hindustani instrumental music were laid in nineteenth-century Lucknow. Paluskar successfully campaigned to persuade the emerging Indian bourgeoisie to patronize Hindustani music. 2. turning it into a vulgar “fleshly” art for the diversion of hedonistic. Lucknow. appears to have developed along the same lines. Imam enumerates many exponents of instrumental dhrupad. with poetry readings. and it appears that both their organological as well as stylistic evolutions were to a large extent centered in Lucknow. for example. as well as the pakhavaj barrel drum accompanying them—were gradually being upstaged by instruments more suitable to khyal style. D. 1993). which are serious classical idioms never destined for mass popularity. but the extent of their renown and prominence in nawabi Lucknow seems to have been unprecedented. Salons of leading courtesans— many of whom amassed great wealth—were centers of the high culture of the era. Hadi. . such as were connected with weddings or Muharram. 7. nawabi Lucknow hosted a variety of genres which might today be categorized as “folk music” for their lack of abstract music theory and because of their accessible nature. sarod. the extraordinary vogue of thumri and ghazal may not have been at the expense of khyal and dhrupad. Nobles wooed them and sent their sons to the tawaif’s salons to learn cultured habits. The dhrupad instruments—especially the stringed bin and the rabab. Even the opinionated and conservative critic Imam. It is true that the Muslim rulers of North India. to Islamicize it. Several such genres. 1975). Particularly dynamic under the patronage of the Shia royalty was the art of soz khwani. much less ban it. Tarikh-e-Avadh. as are their latter-day counterparts. which are louder and brighter sounding than their predecessors and more suitable for pyrotechnics. saying of one Bi Rehman Bai that she “sings better than any male singer of the age. Aside from classical and semiclassical fine arts. Khushwant Singh and M. enjoyed extraordinary renown. 4. and tabla drum pair.” Hence Sharar. which derived less from dhrupad than as an adaptation of up-tempo contemporary thumri compositions to sitar. The turn toward the sensuous and sentimental in music can be seen to parallel the prevailing orientation of Lucknow Urdu poetry. was the fact that the music itself had remained vital. more sentimental genres of thumri and ghazal rather than the serious classical dhrupad and khyal. trans. A. in ardently patronizing the largely Hindu-oriented fine arts culture they inherited. 139. for example. Zaki Kakorvia (Lucknow: Idara-e-Farogh-e-Urdu. he was evidently inspired less by a Hindu religiosity than by a purely aesthetic fondness for the arts.”6 Ruswa’s novel Umrao Jan Ada depicted a private performance in which the heroine effectively used her ghazal-singing to ensnare the heart (and purse) of a young nobleman in the audience. Mirza Mohammad Hadi Ruswa. See Peter Manuel. and to divest that music of its associations with the backward world of courtesans and effete feudal nawabs. Sitar and Sarod in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Wilhelmshaven. Delhi: Hind Pocket Books. Germany: Florian Noetael. as cultivated by his contemporaries. Indeed. Lucknow: The Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. 248 249 Manuel : Music . The Musical Legacy of Nawabi Lucknow Indian writers on Hindustani music history have tended to regard the Lucknow period with deep ambivalence. 526. Govind Vidyarthi. ed. In fact. Early-twentieth-century reformers like V. E. S. I have never heard any ustad [maestro] who could equal her. representing the zenith of the Indo-Muslim aesthetic epicureanism. Sarod playing. 1979). with its greater expressive range and its scope for virtuoso display. however. Sharar. Mohammad Najam Al-Ghani Khan. while at certain points disparaging tawaifs and their male teachers. 1989). that the nawabs and even the Mughals before them had vitiated and profaned music by depriving it of its (Hindu) spiritual orientation.” trans. While acknowledging the prodigious amount of musical activity and patronage in the nawabi era. Bhatkhande and V. if Wajid Ali Shah wrote verses about Radha and Krishna and staged dance-dramas in which he himself played the role of Krishna. The Courtesan of Lucknow (Umrao Jan Ada). 1.

Variant forms were employed over time. from 661 to 750 CE.” A building within an architectural complex that serves as a symmetrical double to another like structure. zardozi: literally. wazir : chief minister. kothi: a palatial residence or house. nawab: deputy or vice-regent/governor. adventure. a mystical tradition which seeks union with God as its ultimate goal. Sikh: an adherent of the Sikh faith. chattri: an umbrellalike dome or a pavilion with such a dome. and Hindi vocabulary. literally “flower. and courtly life.” Refers to the Muslim followers of Ali. jawab: literally. soz khwani: the recitation of poetic laments. Also a name given to a type of building where the model tombs (taziyas) that are carried in procession during the mourning rituals of Muharram are interred.” mahi-ye maratib (also mahi-maratib or mahi-o-maratib): literally. rahas khana: a building constructed by Wajid Ali Shah for theatrical entertainments. sarod: a type of plucked string instrument. found especially on textiles. after the annexation of Awadh.” Embroidery using metallic thread. The ragas are personified as archetypal heroes and heroines and are depicted in various settings and situations. Generally defined herein as the time span from the appointment of Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk (ruled 1722–39) as the nawab of Awadh until its annexation by the English East India Company in 1856. historically engaged in administrative. Written in Perso-Arabic script. mufti: a Muslim cleric or expert in Islamic law. Pari Khana: literally. manzil: palace or house. in southern India. Many converted to Islam during the period of Muslim rule in northern India. one important school of which is associated with Lucknow. A type of pipe in which tobacco smoke is cooled and filtered by passing through water. Husain.” Generally refers to the leader of congregational prayer within a Muslim community or at a particular mosque. They may also serve as tombs. or writing occupations. Japanese. masjid: mosque. chowk: marketplace or square. Successive firings are needed because of the different melting temperatures of the various enamel pastes. considered lighter and more ornate than the genre of dhrupad. and had attacked Delhi. awarded by Muslim rulers as a sign of favor. 1556–1605). chinoiserie: the European adaptation of Chinese. meaning dance. including an elite class of women trained in the arts. From the late eighteenth century. Mughal: a Muslim dynasty founded in 1526 by the Timurid Prince Babur (1483–1530). Rohilla: from Roh.” A series of paintings illustrating a standardized grouping of ragas. “gold embroidery. rahas: a theatrical dance performance with themes deriving from the exploits. Muharram: the first month of the Islamic calendar. A Muslim place of worship. Sikhs maintain the existence of a universal God and follow the teachings of Guru Nanak and his successors as compiled in a text known as the Adi Granth. ustad: a title of respect. it is associated with the classical musical genre of dhrupad and rose to prominence during the reign of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (r. encompassed lands extending from Spain to Pakistan.” Model tombs that are carried in procession during Muharram. which referred both to the land beyond the Indus (ancient Sindhu) River (located in present-day Pakistan) and to the Persian-Indian frontier zone of Sindh in which it was located. taluqdar : a landowner or landholder belonging to an originally rural. dhari: a class of musicians who often performed as accompanists to dancers. known for its austere style. a spiritual master. dev: also deva. Vasanta): the season of spring. or house. of the Hindu god Krishna. Khatri: a predominantly Hindu caste and community historically associated with the region of the Panjab in northwestern India and Pakistan. hauda: also howdah. Whether public or private. Ragamala: literally. or Twelver. The name of the dynasty refers to its rulers’ maternal descent from the Mongol Chingiz (Genghis) Khan. and Indian–inspired designs and motifs for use on a wide range of goods. rarely. usually Muslim. or Hindustani. ghazal: a genre of Persian poetry and song dealing largely with themes of spiritual and worldly love. tassa: a kettle drum or an ensemble containing such drums. where the tradition was especially popular in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. goshpech: a decorative band of cloth wrapped around a turban. especially for the recitation of poetry during Shia Muharram observances.” Refers to Muslims who recognize the caliphs—leaders who were elected by the Muslim community—as the legitimate successors of the Prophet Muhammad. such structures are used to store and display the model shrines (taziyas) carried in mourning processions. historically known for their agrarian lifestyles and martial natures. Timurid: Turko-Mongol dynasty. Popularized at Lucknow during the reign of Wajid Ali Shah. A god or divinity. wazir al-mamalik: literally. nautch: Anglicized version of the Hindi term nach. and culture.” A construction associated with the Shia Muharram mourning ceremonies. music. odhni: a large veil worn by women as part of a more elaborate clothing ensemble. first cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad. the term was frequently used to refer to the female companions—Indian or European—of European men. bibi: wife or lady.” A technique for rendering lightly colored drawings. referring especially to a courtesan’s residences and salon. especially amatory. with a semicircular opening at the chest revealing an inner cloth panel. diwan: a collection of poems. raga: a melodic mode that serves as a framework for musical and vocal compositions. and romances. subedar : governor. marsiya: elegiac or heroic narrative poetry. gold. “leader. “half pen. kalidar/kaliondar paijama: trousers with especially flared lower legs. a South Asian religion founded in the Panjab region of northwestern India and Pakistan by Guru Nanak (1469–1539). sitar : the primary plucked string instrument of classical Indian music. especially denoting a master of music or poetry. Arabic. Ruled from their capital at Damascus. bidri: decorative metalware made from a zincand-lead alloy. masnawi: a Persian verse form associated with a range of genres including literary epics. Tied usually at the side of the chest and waist. basse-taille: an enameling technique featuring low-relief. a palace dwelling for women especially trained in dance and music a Sufi devotional song often sung at dargahs. and ornamented with inlaid or overlaid sheets of precious metals and/or strands of wire. The term came to be used as a royal title by the Muslim rulers of Hyderabad. “Fairy House.Glossary alap: the introductory portion of a classical Indian musical or vocal recital in which the performer expounds the features of the raga. in the case of mystical orders. zenana: women’s living quarters within a royal or noble household. “house of the imam. pakhavaj: a large barrel-shaped drum often played as an accompaniment during dhrupad performances. maharaja: literally. cut or hammered designs visible beneath transparent enamel pastes. and assessed revenue–collector within the Mughal administration. for the ensuing composition. “Garland of Ragas. bagh: garden. Sunni Muslims recognize Ali. ganj: a marketplace or a town with a considerable market or commercial nature. pari: fairy. qawwali: Sunni: literally. referring to a mountainous terrain of Afghanistan and Pakistan. takhallus: a pen name. dastan: a genre of Persian narrative poetry focused largely on themes of heroism. Islamicate: a term referring to the cultural and social dimensions of diverse Muslim communities. record-keeping. Heralds the beginning of the mourning period observed by Shia Muslims for the third Imam. ulama: a class of Muslim religious scholars. denoting twelve designated leaders of the Muslim community who include Ali—the Prophet Muhammad’s son-in-law—and several of his descendants through the late ninth century. or Hindustani.” A royal insignia of Persian origin. the month of fasting. was adopted as a state emblem by the nawabs of Awadh. “one of the path. “answer. furnishings. In the eighteenth century. Kayastha: a Hindu caste. Continued in a modified role under British colonial rule. Shia: literally “partisans” or “followers. angiya: a sleeveless. tabla: pair of hand drums. shaikhzada: literally. imambara: literally. and his fellow martyrs at Karbala. or jinas (“conquerors”). nim qalam: literally. raja: king or prince. “chief minister of the kingdom. khilat: a robe of honor or set of garments ceremonially bestowed by a ruler. the term came to refer to the Indo-Afghans of Rohilkhand. a region to the northwest of Awadh. often arranged head-to-head with their bodies forming a circle. A pair of curved fish. 250 251 . tawaif: a courtesan. Urdu: South Asian language combining Persian. Husain. begam (also begum): term used to denote a woman of high or noble rank. Popularly known as paisley. angarkha: a calf-length long-sleeved robe worn by men. kotha: house or mansion. imam: literally. To Imami. Sufi: a practitioner of a Sufi path. Basant (also Vasant. Umayyad: the first Muslim dynasty which. It was the primary language of the Hindu devotional literature of northern India from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries. which today constitutes the primary percussion instrument of classical Indian music. dargah: a Muslim shrine often associated with the tomb of a saint or with an object of veneration. or melodic framework. Many converted to Islam during the period of Muslim rule in northern India. They assumed primary patronage for the arts following the end of the nawabi period in 1856. composed by men. Syria. mirza: Persian title designating a prince or honorifically denoting a high-ranking or esteemed male. particularly northern India. By the late eighteenth century. Oude/Oudh: Anglicized terms for the region of Awadh. jamdani: a weaving technique used to produce figured muslin cloth. darwaza: gateway. In South Asia the term designates a range of professional female entertainers. The dynasty ruled over various regions of South Asia. Shia Muslims. boteh: also buta. usually by one poet dom: a class of hereditary musicians who provided dance and musical entertainment. taking the form of a teardrop with a curled tip. khana: house. darogah: a title denoting a position of authority. and based upon the belief that liberation from the cycle of existence can be achieved through strict asceticism and meditation. frequently honoring the martyrs of Karbala. Jain: a South Asian religion founded in the sixth century BCE focused on the veneration of twenty-four teachers. Eid: Abbreviated form of Eid al-Fitr. rather than the religious. the term has special importance. Quran (also Koran): the sacred book of Islam. descendant of the shaikh (elder or chief).” At Lucknow under Wajid Ali Shah. class of Muslim and Hindu merchants and speculators that emerged to prominence in Awadh in the early nineteenth century. An administrative area within the Mughal Empire. rabab: a type of plucked string instrument. The designs are filled with a paste of powdered glass and the particular metallic oxide used to produce the desired enamel color. its sovereigns ruled as kings rather than governors. whom Shias regard as the Prophet’s legitimate successor. rekhta: classical Urdu ghazal. where they died on the tenth (Ashura) of Muharram. braj-bhasha: a Hindi language associated with the region of Braj in northern India. then urban. descended in part from the rabab. They were subdued by the British in the early nineteenth century. jama: a tailored robe with fitted waist and full skirt. rekhti: a genre of Urdu poetry. tight bodice worn by women beneath a covering scarf or robe. chikan (chikankari. mujtahid: Shia Muslim scholars possessing the authority to interpret religious law. as the fourth Caliph. nizam: deputy or governor. taziya: literally. “great king. “fish of dignity. didactic poetry. shaikh: Arabic and Persian title primarily designating a learned scholar or. typically at religious gatherings held during Muharram. established by the chieftain Timur (1370–1405). Karbala: site in Iraq where the third Imam. Also the name of various festivals celebrating the spring. kathak: a classical North Indian dance tradition. or First Book. nawabi period: 1722–1856. majalis: a gathering or assembly. champlevé: an enameling technique in which designs are engraved or ground into a metal surface. al-Hind: Arabic term for India. Jat: name of a diverse community of peoples residing across northern India and Pakistan. subedari: from suba. until 1858. A predominately Sunni landed agricultural community who controlled the region of Lucknow before being defeated in 1722 by the new Mughal governor (nawab) of Awadh. farshi paijama: wide-legged trousers. mahal: palace. Today the term is inclusive of a broad community of hereditary musicians. vocal music. thumri: a semiclassical vocal genre of North Indian.” A decorative motif. khwaja: an honorific title denoting respect. adapted from the Persian word Hind. and his followers were slain in battle in 680 CE. matam: a song or poem expressing lament. at its greatest extent. Lucknow bidri ware often features raised designs with carved motifs and a thin overlay of silver or. khyal: a genre of classical North Indian. each of different size and musical tone. A type of seat or conveyance used atop elephants. Deccan: the central plateau region of southern India. Safavid: Persian dynasty of Shia Muslims who ruled Iran and its border regions from 1502 to 1736. written in a male voice. when Ghazi al-Din Haidar was crowned king of Awadh. In India. Maratha: a term describing various Hindu states that rose to political and military prominence in the region of present-day Maharashtra state during the seventeenth century. or Hindustani. the Marathas had extended their control into Gujarat and north-central India. chikandozi): embroidery employing white thread of cotton or silk on fine white cotton cloth. etiquette. royal apartment. sometimes also employing embellishments such as mirrors and gems. Its recitation during the mourning rituals of Muharram is accompanied by a beating of the chest. music. or province. bin: a type of stick zither with two gourd resonators. huqqa: also hookah or water pipe. Technically. Also known as the rudra vina. the kurti being shorter in length. kurta/kurti: a loosely stitched tunic.” zamindar : a hereditary landholder. but written in a feminine voice. Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk. the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad. dhrupad: a genre of classical North Indian. and architecture. “consolation. Controlled vast territories extending from Turkey into India until its collapse in 1506. Usuli: A school of Shia Muslim scholars who advocated the role of intellectual reasoning and the authority of mujtahid in the interpretation of Islamic law. the Muslim festival marking the end of Ramadan. Thai. beginning in 1819. Jami Masjid (also Jama Masjid): a congregational mosque where official Friday prayer services are conducted. dupatta: an unstitched length of fabric worn over the upper body in the manner of a scarf or shawl.

23 7⁄ 8 in.4 x 11.4 cm). 1590–95 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 12 3⁄4 x 7 1⁄4 in. Lucknow. 1770–80 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Approx. Uttar Pradesh. John F. c. Craven.12 p. 1820–22 Watercolor on paper 20 11⁄16 x 2815⁄16 in.63. (27. 50/1981 p.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Creel. (10. Charles Gleaves. 72 31. Nawab of Awadh. 1772 Oil on canvas 50 1⁄ 8 x 40 1⁄ 8 in.3 cm) Cynthia Hazen Polsky LACMA only p. 169 17. c. (42. (46.159 p.5 x 23.2 x 18.48 p. (47. Paris. c. 70 5. 1774 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 181⁄4 x 15 1⁄2 in. image 13 x 10 in. Pierre Andreae. c. (28. 3 LACMA only p. Faizabad. Uttar Pradesh.6 x 19. 35571 p. M.85-1988 p. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 3⁄ 8 x 9 1⁄ 8 in.3 cm). Scott.8 cm) Collection Frits Lugt. (34.9 x 19.3 x 34. c. Uttar Pradesh. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 14 x 19 3⁄4 in.7 cm). image 8 x 5 3⁄4 in.180 p. 1584–95) painting Akbar Is Entertained by His Foster Brother Azim Khan at Dipalpur Left side of a two-page composition from an Style of Mir Kalan Khan European Woman Seated on a Terrace Smoking a Venetian-Style Water Pipe Folio from an album that belonged to Shuja al-Daula India. Nawab of Awadh.6 p. Lucknow.7 x 24 cm) The Chester Beatty Library.90. AC1997. Lucknow or Faizabad. 174 27. B1976. c. c.3 cm) Mohammed Rezai Collection p. (38 x 27. (64. 33. c. Barbara A. Lorna Andreae Craven.5 x 22.5 cm). 1990:0413 LACMA only p.19 pp. Or. Uttar Pradesh. RCIN 1005068. Sur Das (fl. Engelhardt and Lawrence E. after a Painting by Tilly Kettle India.6 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.2 cm) The Chester Beatty Library. Faizabad. C: Regional Painting Traditions and Themes (Awadh. Or. 24. 34 After Emily Eden (England.2:94-1896 p. c.76 Guimet only p. Awadh. (38. Mihr Chand (fl.1 cm).8 cm). c. Paul Mellon Collection. f33r p. London.8 cm) Yale Center for British Art.5 x 22. image 111⁄4 x 131⁄16 in. Museum Associates Purchase. opaque watercolor and gold on paper. IS. 76 22. 34 35.6 x 31. c. B. Tilly Kettle (England. Uttar Pradesh.2 x 15. 1735–1786) Shuja al-Daula. 1765 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 16 1⁄4 x 115⁄ 8 in. (34. Uttar Pradesh. (27. 1760s–70s) The Women of Egypt Cut Their Fingers Peeling Oranges When First Seeing Yusuf’s Beauty India. (55. Irmgard Johnson. 1770 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 18 3⁄ 8 x 12 7⁄ 8 in.7 x 54. 1830 Oil on canvas 361⁄4 x 28 3⁄ 8 in.105. Lucknow. 1844 Hand-colored lithograph on paper 22 x 171⁄2 in. (26. Later Asaf al-Daula India. 1844 Hand-colored lithograph on paper 22 x 171⁄2 in. Uttar Pradesh. (127. 168 18. image 11 x 7 1⁄2 in. 30. c. Malvern. image 8 1⁄4 x 6 in. Lucknow. Mughal Empire. Add. 1830 Oil on canvas 36 1⁄4 x 28 3⁄ 8 in. (55. c. c. lacquered binding Book 161⁄2 x 11 in. Uttar Pradesh. image 71⁄2 x 3 3⁄4 in. Lucknow.4 cm) Asian Art Museum. Mary Jeanette Householder. (22. Faizabad. Uttar Pradesh.7.1 cm) The Royal Collection. (41. 73 26.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Mirza Amani. 229 (detail) 36. Walter and Nesta Spink. c. 1774 Watercolor and opaque watercolor on paper Album 14 7⁄16 x 20 7⁄ 8 in. 1759–86) Khwaja Muin al-Din Chishti India. Lucknow.3 x 29.4 x 18. c. Uttar Pradesh. 1582–1605) composition.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1750–60 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 x 10 7⁄ 8 in.25-1980 (1-58) p.4 p. Uttar Pradesh. (31. 164 16. c. Lucknow. A Turkish Sultana India. Delhi or Agra. and Khusrau and Shirin. INV 10053.83.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. c. Prince Hunting with Cheetah India. Faizabad or Lucknow. Austin B. Murshidabad. c. Uttar Pradesh.63. M. (35. c. Jr.4 cm) San Diego Museum of Art. Uttar Pradesh. (44. Lucknow. Ward. 1750–60 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 18 5⁄ 8 x 13 3⁄4 in. 172 3.4594. 2000-12-8. Various Indian artists including Nevasi Lal (fl. Uttar Pradesh. 1760s–70s) A Composite of Scenes from Persian Literature entitled “Lovers and Beloved” India. Awadh. 1760–70 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 16 x 11 in.6 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Carlotta and Peter NeSmith. Purdy.5 x 21. image 9 1⁄ 8 x 16 1⁄4 in. (41 x 29. 7. Uttar Pradesh.3 x 101. (32. c. 239 32. A Royal Encampment Scene India. Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl.4 x 25. IS. 25. Awadh. c. (39. Herbert H. Faizabad. 2. 173 Nevasi Lal (fl. (31.2 x 55. Lucknow. Mir Kalan Khan (fl. (26. 16 x 20 in. 1735–75) An Awadh Nobleman Reclining on a Couch by Moonlight India. purchased with funds provided by the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection.3 x 14. (24.2005.6 cm). 28. with funds provided by the Southern Asian Art Council. (40. 1971-T. 1582–1605) composition. 75 Jagan (fl. 1760–75) Nawab Shuja al-Daula with His Ten Sons. c. 28 23. 1584–1605) painting. John and Thanomchit Listopad. c.01 p.5 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Farrukhabad. purchased with funds provided by Dorothy and Richard Sherwood. 1764 or earlier Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 14 1⁄4 x 213⁄4 in. image 61⁄2 x 4 3⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. no. Portrait of a European Woman Folio from an album containing specimens of Persian calligraphy and Indian paintings India. Mark Zebrowski and John Robert Alderman. 95 19. (35 x 25. The Nawabs of Awadh as Patrons of European and Indian Artists Possibly by Mihr Chand (fl.5 x 25 cm). Janice Leoshko. 174 29.1 cm).1 x 72.3 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Art Museum Council Fund.1 cm) The San Diego Museum of Art.2 x 27. 1734–70) Christ (Jesus) as a Child in the Temple India. (47. Illustrations of Themes from Persian Poetry India. 3rd. folio 38 Guimet only An Al Fresco Entertainment for Princes India. 1750–60 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 111⁄4 x 71⁄2 in. 242 20.72.7 x 17 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. (20. Lucknow. 1768 Opaque watercolor with gold and silver leaf on paper 231⁄4 x 173⁄ 8 in. West Bengal. LP 6412 p. 1775 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 151⁄2 x 10 1⁄ 8 in. 12. Goswamy.9 x 44. 1759–86) Shuja al-Daula. IS. 1590–95 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 12 3⁄4 x 71⁄4 in. c. R. N. (46 x 32. Faizabad or Lucknow. Jagan (fl.22 pp.Checklist of the exhibition 1. 1770 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 10 3⁄4 x 7 3⁄4 in. 166 Layla and Majnun.5 x 31. inv. image 93⁄4 x 51⁄4 in.6 cm). c. 14–15 (detail). 1974 6-17 05(1) p. 31 4. (92. Myra L. (45. 17 2. John L. Faizabad. Edwin Binney 3rd Collection. after a Painting by Tilly Kettle India.5 cm) Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection p. Institut Néerlandais.6 x 32. (38.7 x 13. Lucknow. (16. Jay and Kathleen Craven. Mughal Empire. (28. 1760 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 15 3⁄ 32 x 213⁄16 in.2004. image 10 11⁄16 x 77⁄16 in. 1810–20 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 173⁄ 8 x 131⁄2 in.6 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. MV 3888.6 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Aziz and Deanna Khan p. no. c. Nidha Mal (fl.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 229 Mausoleum of Safdar Jang. 4 1⁄4 in.8 cm).4 x 19. c.6 cm). M. Awadh.2:95-1896 p. 1759–86) Shuja al-Daula India. c. Copenhagen.1 cm) Collection Drs.1 p. 29 13.1 cm). Mir Kalan Khan (fl. Lucknow. Lucknow. Tilly Kettle (England. Muhammad Shah and Nadir Shah India. Uttar Pradesh. Edwin Binney 3rd Collection. Uttar Pradesh.2 x 34. Mughal Empire. c. an anonymous donor. c.9 x 44. M. Hiram and Avonell Williams. IS. c. (59 x 44 cm) British Museum. 1800 Silk with metal ribbon ornaments L. 1990:0415 LACMA only 34. (18. Mir Kalan Khan (fl.8 x 26. 1998.9 x 33. Faizullah (fl. Bequest of Edwin Binney. Uttar Pradesh. Add. 168 11. Paris. London.5 x 28 cm). c. (23 x 16. 171 3. I..6 cm). Attributed to Mir Kalan Khan (fl. Faizabad. Uttar Pradesh. Second Wife of Hindola Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India. 2 (detail). 75 9. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 x 10 7⁄ 8 in. Toby Falk. 1734–70) A Princess Visiting a Forest Shrine at Night India. 1780–85 Opaque watercolor on paper 211⁄4 x 30 in. image 9 x 131⁄ 8 in. Turban Band India. and Dharini Charudattan.1 cm) Collection Drs. c. Mir Kalan Khan (fl. 1763–82) Treaty of the Nawab with the British at Benares in 1765 Folio from a Gentil Album Depicting Manners and Customs of the People of India India. image 51⁄2 x 3 in. Stephen Barry. Uttar Pradesh.8 cm) Museum fur Islamische Kunst. In 69. Claire and Earl Hale.5 cm) Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection p. London. 1734–70) Village Life in Kashmir India. image 10 1⁄2 x 611⁄16 in. 1760–70 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 161⁄ 8 x 113⁄4 in. Holding a Bow India. (14 x 7. Museum Associates Purchase. image 131⁄2 x 8 7⁄ 8 in. Delhi India. and Asir (fl. Fath Chand (fl. A Dancer Balances a Bottle India.5 p.11 p.4 x 36. The Kapany Collection 1998. Uttar Pradesh. c.1 x 72. 1582–1605) faces Akbar Is Entertained by His Foster Brother Azim Khan at Dipalpur Right side of a two-page composition from an Akbarnama manuscript India. Attributed to Faizullah (fl. c. FarRukhabad and Murshidabad) 21.5 x 73. (92.15 p. Uttar Pradesh. c. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. (54 x 76 cm) British Museum. (37. Akbarnama manuscript India.2 cm) The David Collection. 79 B: Painters from the Court of Muhammad Shah and the Development of Painting at Lucknow 14. Uttar Pradesh. 122 6. 1797–1869) The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Dogs and Falcons with Their Caretakers. image 131⁄4 x 91⁄2 in.30.1 x 28.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet.6 cm) The British Library. Uttar Pradesh. 1735–1786) Nawab Shuja al-Daula with the Heir Apparent. w. Faizabad. c. Uttar Pradesh. Aziz and Deanna Khan pp. Uttar Pradesh. (40. 19 252 253 . image 14 3⁄ 8 x 87⁄ 8 in.88. Stephen Markel. 1810 p. c. M. and Madhav (fl. Hasan Reza Khan India.4 x 39. (235 x 165 cm) Musée National du Château de Versailles et de Trianon. from Portraits of the Princes and People of India England.6 x 50. 1797–1869) The Nawab of Awadh’s Hunting Cheetahs and Their Caretakers. Muhammad Azam Nasir al-Din Haidar India. purchased in memory of Emeritus Professor Roy C. Uttar Pradesh. and the South and Southeast Asian Acquisition Fund. Mughal Empire. MA 12243 p. The Kapany Collection. London. (22. 1775 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 14 5⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄2 in.141. 1720–70) A Princess and Her Companions Enjoying a Terrace Ambiance India. In 34. 1734–70) A Drowning Man Saved from Marine Monsters by a Princely Boat India. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 1811⁄16 x 12 5⁄16 in. Ruth and Bill Beesch. from Portraits of the Princes and People of India England. c. Diane Maxwell. 1772 Oil on canvas 92 x 64 3⁄ 8 in. c.4 cm) Asian Art Museum. Attributed to Muhammad Faqirullah Khan (fl. c.4 x 18. (37 x 53. Arthur Funk. 10. (27. c. 1740 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 12 3⁄ 8 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. c. In 69. Paris MA 3544 p. 1755–65 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 10 3⁄ 8 x 14 1⁄2 in. (36. image 18 x 127⁄ 8 in. Marjorie and Paul Burdick. c. 16 15. 1734–70) Lovers in a Landscape India. Faizabad. (46. 1750–60) Todi Ragini.3 cm). (52. 1760–75) and Mohan Singh (fl.5 cm) The British Library. early 17th century Illuminated manuscript. Berlin.9 cm).8 cm). Paris.9 x 9. (32. c.8 cm) The Chester Beatty Library. 75 8. 170 Muhammad Azam Ghazi al-Din Haidar India. Luke. Kenneth and Sarah Kerslake. 102 (detail) After Emily Eden (England. Introduction: Hybrid Visions 1. 26.8 x 33. The Nawabs of Awadh as Sovereigns and Heirs to Mughal Glory A: A Mughal Province Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk and Safdar Jang India. (36. 1760–75 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 181⁄ 8 x 12 3⁄4 in.

5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 127 Samuel Bourne (England. 82 William Carpenter (England.L9 A5 pp. folio 24 (Collection Gentil) LACMA only 46. 1834–1912) Qaisar Bagh. 84. 24–25 (detail). Lucknow. 63-Ft-6.5 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. (43 x 56 cm) (each section) Victoria and Albert Museum. Lucknow. Lucknow. bloodstones. 120 Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. Samuel Bourne (England. (6. 1855 Photograph mounted on card decorated with opaque watercolor and gold Page 113⁄4 x 8 1⁄2 in..9 x 30. Lucknow. Add. Uttar Pradesh.5 x 67.4 cm) The British Library.83. Est. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄4 x 115⁄ 8 in. C: Architecture and the Romance of Faizabad and Lucknow 53. 1850–1899 Watercolor on paper Page 14 13⁄16 x 27 19⁄ 32 in. opaque watercolor and gold on paper Book 18 x 117⁄ 8 in. bound Page 16 1⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄ 8 in. Faizabad. image 4 3⁄16 x 5 19⁄ 32 in. 138 Ahmad Ali Khan (fl. D. active 1862–63) Distant View of the Bara Imambara Complex India.3 x 35 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum.8 x 36 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. 124–25 49. 1874 Albumen prints bound in book Book H. 9 x 12 in. AP 15447 75. 1744–1797) A View of Part of the Palace of the Late Nawab Shuja al-Daula at Faizabad From 90 original drawings for Choix de Vues de l’Inde (vol.16 LACMA only p. image 12 13⁄ 32 x 26 7⁄ 32 in.9 x 30. 215 38. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 74. Uttar Pradesh. 89. (24. (26 cm) Getty Research Institute. 129 61. Uttar Pradesh. (20. (22. active 1862–63) The Jawab Opposite the Tomb of Zinat Algiya in the Husainabad Imambara Complex India. c. 1848–56 Repoussé silver Overall 16 5⁄16 x 14 3⁄4 in. London. Lucknow.83.5 x 29. 1858–59 Paper negative 15 3⁄ 8 x 20 7⁄ 8 in. 21⁄2 in. Uttar Pradesh. The Audience Chamber of the Kings of Awadh India. 1818–1899) Street Scene with Gateway and Mosque (Ganj and Tripolia Gateway) India.18 LACMA only p.2 cm) The Royal Collection.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 138 78. Uttar Pradesh. (22. Uttar Pradesh. 136–37 44. London. L 500 (8vo) pp. 144 Samuel Bourne (England.M. Gift of Mr. Philip Feldman. Lucknow. Samuel Bourne (England. c. c.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 129 65.9 x 30 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. I. 1769–1837) The Palace of Nawab Shuja al-Daula from the River Gomti (the Macchi Bhawan) India. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄2 x 115⁄ 8 in. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. (27.17 p. ST1998. WD 189 pp. (10. (22. 1862 Albumen print 10 3⁄4 x 14 5⁄ 8 in. Gift of Mr. Samuel Bourne (England. RCIN 1005035 pp. 1834–1912) View of the Bara Imambara Complex India.6 cm) The British Library. Paris.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. (59. fl. (23. 135 59. 86 55. London. Lucknow. c. Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. 1864–65 Albumen print Image approx. (46. X432/3(3) p. 63-Ft-6. 1834–1912) View of the Chattar Manzil Palace Complex India.0348. dated 1849/50 (AH 1266) Illuminated manuscript. c. Shah Najaf Imambara India. 9 x 12 in. (123 x 161 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1848–56 Agates. (26 x 37. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. 1798 Pencil and ink on paper 16 x 261⁄2 in. (30. Lucknow. Or. 1832–1909) Southwest View of the Bara Imambara India. Lucknow. Unfinished Panorama of Lucknow from the Reign of Muhammad Ali Shah India.1 p. IM. 159 254 255 .8 x 21. Philip Feldman.5 x 70 cm). Lucknow.43. Est. (49. 149 42.2 cm) Nasser D. Uttar Pradesh. (25. (46.302. Lucknow. 1880 Photographic print 8 5⁄16 x 10 13⁄16 in. c.. c. Paul Mellon Collection. Thomas Longcroft (England.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet.9 x 30.2 x 26 cm). Lucknow. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx.4 cm) The British Library.6 cm) Kenneth and Joyce Robbins p. AP 15366 p. 1819 Silver Diam. Faizabad. c. Lucknow. IS. 51. 1820 Opaque watercolor on paper. Uttar Pradesh. (27. Paris. B1978. 88. London.83.3 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. 1828–1907) Qaisar Pasand India. Lucknow. WD 1713 pp.302. 23 3⁄ 8 in. 1848 Opaque watercolor on paper 14 x 366 in. (25. 71.6 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. Thomas Daniell (England. Philip Feldman.1 x 29. (46. and Mrs. (37. WD 4217 58. 1809–45) Panorama of Lucknow India. 1850s–60s) Wajid Ali Shah. 233 40.8 x 21. Presentation Cup with Coat-of-Arms of Wajid Ali Shah India. active 1862–63) Bara Chattar Manzil and Farhat Bakhsh. Photo 1205(1) p. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. Darogah Abbas Ali (fl.1742 p. 90. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. active 1862–63) The Asafi Masjid in the Bara Imambara Complex India. 1824–1882) Husainabad Bazaar Gateway India. and graphite on laid paper 19 3⁄ 8 x 26 1⁄ 8 in.302. 211 43. Uttar Pradesh.3 x 66 cm) Yale Center for British Art. AP15369 p. 1832 Pencil on paper (8 sketches) 17 x 22 in. 130 67.5 x 142. 1789 Pencil and watercolor on paper 111⁄4 x 18 1⁄2 in. 1864–65 Albumen print Image approx. Samuel Bourne (England. 48 1⁄2 x 63 3⁄ 8 in.9 x 30. Lucknow. Lucknow. plate 3 England. 1834–1912) Hussainabad Bazaar Gateway India. King of Oudh India. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. (22.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. c. 1798 Pencil and ink on paper 81⁄2 x 19 1⁄2 in. 1862 Albumen print 101⁄ 8 x 14 1⁄ 8 in. Procession of Ghazi al-Din Haidar through the Streets of Lucknow India. 82 48.37. Uttar Pradesh. 1801 Aquatint in color 16 23 ⁄ 32 x 23 13⁄16 in. AP 15367 Guimet only 77. 91 56. Samuel Bourne (England. 93.5 cm) The British Library. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx.9 x 30. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. folio 22 (Collection Gentil) Guimet only 47.182 to 189-1891 pp.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 1834–1912) View in the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. 142–43 54. (123 x 483 cm). Medal of Ghazi al-Din Haidar India. 12 x 240 in. London. 53163 p. London. Uttar Pradesh. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. Lucknow. Gift of Mr. William Hodges (England. 9 x 12 in.5 cm) The British Library. c. London. (42. 64. 57. Samuel Bourne (England. Paris. Photo 500/(1) p. c. (22.2 pp. 1760–1811) Gateway to Palace.5 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. M. Lucknow India. (40. 1855 Photograph mounted on card decorated with opaque watercolor and gold Page 113⁄4 x 8 1⁄2 in. 1834–1912) The Rumi Darwaza and The First Courtyard of the Bara Imambara Complex India. 1834–1912) View of the Bara Imambara Complex India. Uttar Pradesh. 161 70. 1818–1872) and Harriet Christina Tytler (England. Awadh and the Capitals of Faizabad and Lucknow A: Faizabad 45. (41. (22.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1862 Albumen print Approx.4 x 37. I. B: The Allure of Lucknow Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow from the Gomti India. Felice Beato (Greece.120-1922 p. (22. Lucknow. Od. DS486. pen and black ink. 1895 Gelatin silver print 8 7⁄ 32 x 11 13⁄ 32 in. Faizabad. 1769–1837) Gate of the Lal Bagh at Faizabad.1 x 27. Rés. 1826 Watercolor on paper Approx.3 x 60.3 cm) The British Library. c. 1860s–70s) The Lucknow Album: Containing a Series of Fifty Photographic Views of Lucknow India. 739 pp. 4. 9 x 12 in. active 1880–1920) Bara Chattar Manzil from the Gomti River India.83. dated 1849–50 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper.302. from Oriental Scenery. Lucknow. 1858 Albumen print 10 1⁄4 x 117⁄ 8 in.7 cm) The British Library. Photo 50/2(119) p. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. Ceremonial Mace of Wajid Ali Shah India.9 x 30. cornelians H. 1749–1840) and William Daniell (England. Uttar Pradesh. Gift of Mr. (25. SFMOMA.5 cm) Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection LACMA only p.5 x 66. 10 1⁄4 in. 9 x 12 in. 1774 Watercolor on paper 18 5⁄ 32 x 55 19⁄ 32 in. Photo 500/(4) LACMA only p. Od. 149 41. Uttar Pradesh. 216 Thomas Longcroft (England. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. Uttar Pradesh. Paris. 85. (29. folio 21) India. MSS 916 p. 69.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. London. 135 73. 1783 Gray wash. 1865–66 Albumen print Approx. c.9 x 30.5 cm) The British Library.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. and Mrs. AP 15370 p.6 x 929.187-1881 p. Paris. (35. View from the South India.2 x 30. M. Uttar Pradesh. (23.2-1909 pp.5 x 37. c. Residence of Shuja al-Daula at Faizabad India. Lucknow. Paris. (20. Uttar Pradesh. 130 72. Lucknow. AP 15361 p. c. (31. 1760–1811) Shuja al-Daula’s Palace at Lucknow India.1 x 53 cm) Collection of the Sack Photographic Trust. (22. (41. Rés. (21. London. Uttar Pradesh. Ahmad Ali Khan (fl. 1834–1912) The Husainabad Imambara India. 1834–1912) Darshan Bilas and Chota Chattar Manzil India.9 x 30. Lucknow. 1862 Albumen print 10 1⁄4 x 17 7⁄ 8 in. and Mrs. Lucknow. Possibly by Robert Christopher Tytler (England.15 p. Paris.9 x 45. Lawrie and Company (Scotland. Fortification of Shuja al-Daula on the Gogra River at Faizabad India. MSS 941. Lucknow. Paris. Part 3. restored and mounted on canvas in 3 sections Overall 48 1⁄2 x 190 in. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄ 8 x 117⁄16 in. 1864–65 Albumen print 9 1⁄ 8 x 111⁄2 in.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 1867 Albumen print Approx.2 x 29. Uttar Pradesh.1 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1749–1840) and William Daniell (England. c. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. AP 15358 Guimet only G. 130 66. Samuel Bourne (England. (22. Lucknow. 9 x 12 in. Thomas Daniell (England. 9 x 12 in. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 62. (22. 1845–55). Uttar Pradesh. 1856 Pencil and watercolor on paper 10 x 13 5⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. Samuel Bourne (England. and Mrs.5 x 142.5 cm) Elizabeth and John Sequeira p. 96–97 John Edward Saché (probably Prussian. each panel approx. AP15429 Guimet only 60.3 x 48. 9 x 12 in. Lucknow. 1865–66 Albumen print Approx. Paris. Lucknow. 131 68.6 cm) Yale Center for British Art. 88 63. 139 76.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 60–61 50.2 x 29. 98 39. W. The Ishqnamah of Wajid Ali Shah India. 9 x 12 in. Lucknow. (39.9 x 30.5 cm) Nasser D.7 x 14. calligrapher Wajid Ali Shah Enthroned Opening folio from a Divan of Wajid Ali Shah India. 1834–1912) West Gateway of the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. 9 x 12 in. (23. Paris. Uttar Pradesh. M. Uttar Pradesh. 1834–1912) View in the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. M.9 x 30. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. Lucknow. Lucknow. Paul Mellon Collection. Uttar Pradesh. (29. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh.5 x 609. Hasan Riza ibn Ali Riza Khan (fl. 1774 Watercolor on paper 18 5⁄ 32 x 55 19⁄ 32 in. Philip Feldman. Lucknow.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Samuel Bourne (England. c. Uttar Pradesh.8 x 29 cm) The British Library. Captain Robert Smith (England. 1850s–60s) Mumtaz Alam Nawab Qaisar Mahal Sahiba of Awadh India. 150 Samuel Bourne (England. 1834–1912) Tomb of Zinat Algiya in the Husainabad Imambara Complex India. 99. Vinery and Buildings India. 123 52.

2003. The al-Sabah Collection.9 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. and purple enamels H. diam.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Lucknow. purchased with funds provided by Harry and Yvonne Lenart.7 x 13. no. Museum Associates Purchase. cover. 77⁄ 8 in. Museum purchase: given in honor of the 30th anniversary of the Art Museum Docent Program. and Bequest of Reuben Springer. Uttar Pradesh.8 cm) Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. (9. (6. Uttar Pradesh.21 p. (12. light green enamel on the interior 8 x 71⁄4 in. IS. chased and engraved H.2 LACMA only p. 37⁄ 8 in.76. Kuwait LNS 1124 M p. pierced and partly gilt. Water Pipe Snake Cover India.5 cm). Paris.1-1999 p. 19⁄16 in. (21 cm). 20 9⁄ 32 in. late 18th or early 19th century Parcel gilt silver inlaid with blue. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. 97. 1818–1872) and Harriet Christina Tytler (England. Charlene S. (20 cm).30-1912 p. 93. 206 (detail). (22 cm) The Collection of Julian Sands pp. 191⁄4 in. M. 33 in.49 p. h. (28 cm). partly gilt. 77⁄ 32 in. Samuel Bourne (England. (49 cm) Indian Museum. Lucknow.4 cm). (99 cm) Lent by: Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah. 226 Water Pipe Base India.2005. 1800–1850 Cotton ground and silk velvet with metal thread embroidery Diam. 1800–1850 Silk velvet with metal thread embroidery L. Samuel Bourne (England. 77⁄ 32 in. Museum Associates Purchase. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 3 5⁄16 in.9 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow.3 x 10. late 18th century Enameled silver inlaid with foil-backed pastes 4 7⁄ 8 x 10 1⁄ 8 x 8 in. 207 Chape from a Sword Scabbard India. 1865–66 Albumen print 9 13⁄ 32 x 11 19⁄ 32 in. Water Pipe Base India. Lucknow. 204 87. Lucknow. 1700–1750 Clear glass with polychrome enamel and gilding 71⁄ 8 x 6 1⁄4 in. c. Courtly Opulence in Awadh Water Pipe India. 200 5. 89. 1858 Albumen print from a paper negative 15 13⁄ 32 x 20 3⁄ 32 in. London.5 cm). Basin India. Lucknow. Copenhagen. Uttar Pradesh. enameled H. c.5 x 8. 205 Water Pipe Base India. enameled and gilded L. 1834–1912) Dilkusha Kothi India. ST1998. Uttar Pradesh. 13⁄16 in. Lucknow. 1991. 82.2 x 1. 9 3⁄4 in.28 p. Uttar Pradesh.3 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.5 cm). 202 Water Pipe Base India. 1834–1912) Qaisar Pasand India. w. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. 11 in. 12931. Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. (84 cm). from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. Lucknow. partly gilt. 811⁄16 in.7 x 10. and Dr. (12. Lucknow. Dr. Pratapaditya Pal. and opaque yellow and white H. Photo 32/(10) p. 80. s.4 cm) Collection of the Sack Photographic Trust. (18. c. SFMOMA. 12 5⁄16 in. 203 99. cast. 1828–1907) View of the Upper Portion of the Qaisar Pasand India. diam.10 p. 211⁄ 32 in. 1834–1912) Qaisar Pasand India. (8.7 x 20. IS. late 18th or early 19th century Silver. 212 88.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.76. diam. partly gilt. 159 81. 207 95.3 x 18. with champlevé enamel in translucent green. (24 x 29.1. 254/2(16) p. w.13 p. (13. Lucknow. AC1993. Uttar Pradesh. (24. (9. Two Pieces from a Water Pipe India. late 18th century Parcel gilt silver (velvet lined interior) L. Uttar Pradesh. Gift of Dr. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. IM. 1750–1800 Silver 51⁄4 x 4 x 1⁄2 in. 100. Gift of The Fleischmann Foundation in memory of Julius Fleischmann. h. Uttar Pradesh. 200 94. 143 p. Kornblum in honor of the museum's 40th anniversary and in honor of Amy Poster. Uttar Pradesh. 1780 Parcel gilt silver L. Lucknow. 1775 Parcel-gilt silver. Lucknow. Tureen with Cover India. late 18th–early 19th century Gilt enameled silver H. (39 x 51 cm) The British Library. Uttar Pradesh. (38. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. Betel Box India. M. Lucknow. (19. Uttar Pradesh. c. (52 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum.1-.8 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. (14 cm). Lucknow. c. Uttar Pradesh. green. 209 83. 1725–75 Clear glass with polychrome enamel and gilding 71⁄ 8 x 6 1⁄4 in.76.1 x 15. M. (6 cm) Private collection p.3535 p. Uttar Pradesh. enameled with blue and green Bowl. 139 Los Angeles County Museum of Art. late 18th or early 19th century Silver.2. AP 15362 Guimet only Robert Christopher Tytler (England.9 x 30.4 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.8 cm). 202–3 96. 207 98. (including fringe) 33 5⁄ 8 in. Dr.2007. diam. 311⁄16 in. Lucknow.3 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. 1864–65 Albumen print 151⁄4 x 2113⁄16 in. Lucknow. Museum Associates Purchase. (18. Katar Sheath India.2.4 x 25. Robert Brown. 9 x 12 in.50 p.27a-k p. diam.3 cm) The David Collection. purchased with funds provided by the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. S. Water Pipe Base India. Water Pipe Mat India. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx.3 cm) 256 . Museum Associates Purchase. 208 Betel Box in the Form of an Ogival Dome India.137. (31. 64 Tray and Matching Box with Four Scent Vials India. by exchange. Uttar Pradesh. 86. (22. Lucknow. (1.79. Museum Associates Purchase. (4 cm) The Cincinnati Art Museum. Kolkata. 201 90. 198 91. early 18th century Silver. London.0348. Uttar Pradesh.2 p. Sword and Scabbard India. 84. Lucknow. c. (overall) 39 in. Lucknow. 1780 Dark green glass with gold. late 18th or early 19th century Silver.1 x 15.76. 1780 Enameled silver 5 x 51⁄4 in.7 x 55.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Uttar Pradesh. M.2. diam. 122-1886 p. Sword Belt Fitting India. M. 5 23⁄ 32 in. Stephen Markel. Lucknow.2. (20.95 p. cobalt blue. 18th century Silver.4 cm) The British Library. (85. 71⁄2 in. Samuel Bourne (England. with champlevé enamel 2 5⁄ 8 x 4 1⁄ 8 x 31⁄2 in.9 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. (18. Lucknow. 208 92. 81⁄4 in. w. 235 85. (18. M. 73/1980 pp.

105. (22. 132 108. after a Painting by Johann Zoffany India. w. (9. (18. 1765–75 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 9 3⁄ 8 x 10 in. 1759–86) Venus (small version) India. 50 in.2 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. 1770–80 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 7 7⁄ 32 x 5 3⁄16 in. 1870s Albumen print Approx.7 x 18. Mirror that Belonged to Claude Martin India. Mihr Chand (fl. c. 2008. Uttar Pradesh. 1780 Opaque watercolor on paper 24 7⁄ 8 x 18 7⁄ 8 in. Lives. c.8 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Faizabad or Lucknow.202. Lucknow. 7. (48 x 32 cm) The British Library. 19th century Cotton muslin with embroidery and appliqué L. 221 (detail) 113. 7 in.1 x 104. Lucknow. 1850 Red fabric. Colonel Mordaunt’s Cockfight. 35 116. Museum Associates Purchase. Welch in memory of Stuart Cary Welch.3 cm) Lieutenant General Sir Philip Trousdell p. I. after a Painting by Johann Zoffany India.. Faizabad or Lucknow. 103. c. IS. (38.9 x 30. 1765–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 10 1⁄4 x 7 1⁄2 in.5 x 1 cm) Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. Colonel Antoine-Louis Henri Polier Watching a Nautch. (18 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 36 111. and sequins H.0339 p. active 1862–63) La Martinière and the Lath India. 239 104. 237 (detail) Charles Shepherd and Arthur Robertson (England. blade: watered steel inlaid with gold L. Faizabad.14 pp. 217 (detail). Berlin. approx. and tinsel H. (44. Uttar Pradesh. Faizabad or Lucknow.7 x 66.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet.4594. Lucknow. folio 30 LACMA only Mihr Chand (fl. from the Nasli and Alice Heeramaneck Collection. folio 27 LACMA only p. Sita Ram (fl. (127 cm). c. Gift of Edith I. Shawl with Chikan Work India. 1759–86) Vishnu and Lakshmi on Garuda India.4595. Berlin. AP 15364 p. 223 118. 1786 Silver lock plates carved with foliage and engraved. Berlin. (18 cm).3 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. folio 40 LACMA only p. 1810–22) General Claude Martin’s House Constantia Set in Its Park at Lucknow India. c.225 p. Sword Presented to Claude Martin by Asaf al-Daula in 1786/87 India. Uttar Pradesh. 109. Sackler Museum. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 313⁄16 x 5 29⁄ 32 in. Allahabad. 257 . Lucknow.4 x 37. Col. Alexander Ross in December 1786 India. European Patrons and Collectors of Indian Painting at Lucknow A: From Polier Albums 114. c. c. 1759–86) A Dervish Receiving a Visitor India. (99 cm) Private collection by courtesy of Howard Ricketts p. (16.4594. Lucknow.1 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art.4595. Uttar Pradesh. 68 Pair of Silver-Barreled Pistols Presented by Claude Martin to Lt. (at shoulder) 15 in. Man’s Garment with Chikan Work India. 30 107. Uttar Pradesh. tinsel. Uttar Pradesh. 9 x 12 in. Lucknow. Berlin. 66 106.4595. folio 22 Guimet only 120. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 5 7⁄ 8 x 9 1⁄ 8 in.1 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Uttar Pradesh. 1822–1898) La Martinière India. Minister’s Turban India.20-2008 p.3 x 21. Uttar Pradesh. (24. Uttar Pradesh. 239 Mihr Chand (fl. 1814–15 Watercolor on paper.2 cm) Harvard Art Museum/Arthur M. (21. IS. Crown India. approx. 1786–88 Opaque watercolor on paper 9 13⁄16 x 12 5⁄ 8 in.4 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. (15 x 23. 1759–86) Venus India. folio 17 LACMA only p. embroidered with gold thread. 2005. (34. Lucknow. folio 35 Guimet only 119. 1850 Satin. Uttar Pradesh. c. (26 x 19. 1862 Albumen print 91⁄4 x 14 3⁄4 in. 71⁄ 8 in. Style of Mihr Chand A Partridge and an Iris India. A Cosmopolitan Culture: Personalities. in bound album Album: 1815⁄16 x 12 3⁄4 in. Lucknow. c. c. I. (466. Uttar Pradesh. diam. 177 112. 6. 58 110. Shamsa page India. diam. 131⁄2 in. Museum Rietberg. Uttar Pradesh. 1759 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 93⁄4 x 71⁄ 8 in. I. Francis Frith (England. dated 1782 Green nephrite inlaid with multicolored enamel and gold 8 3⁄ 8 x 51⁄4 x 3⁄ 8 in. early 19th century Cotton and silk embroidery and pulled-thread work on cotton plain weave 1831⁄2 x 41 in. Faizabad or Lucknow. Zurich. approx.4 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. walnut half-stocks inlaid with silver wire L. folio 32r LACMA only p. Lucknow. I.1 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. 57 Mihr Chand (fl.83. 11 in. I. 178 115. Or. Lucknow.1 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Berlin I. Faizabad or Lucknow. c.1. 236 (detail) 102. (21.0335 p. Uttar Pradesh. (28 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Uttar Pradesh.2 x 13. 9 Mihr Chand (fl.83 p. (18 cm). M. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 1776 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 8 3⁄ 8 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. Add. Paris. c. 222 (detail). 71⁄ 8 in.4594. 1800 Opaque watercolor on paper 175⁄ 8 x 26 1⁄16 in. 2009.7-1955 p.4596. Uttar Pradesh. Frith & Co. (63 x 47. Berlin.7 x 15 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. and Pursuits in Late-18th-Century Lucknow 105.1 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst.27 pp. Spoonbill India. silver thread. Lucknow.3 x 13. Uttar Pradesh. c. Berlin.3 x 25. (23. IS. 38 5⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. 117. Uttar Pradesh. 1759–86) The Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II on a Palace Terrace in Allahabad India. c. IS. F. 4750 p. Lucknow.101. The Stuart Cary Welch Collection. (25 x 32 cm) Bequest of Balthasar Reinhart. dated 1786/87 Hilt: white nephrite inlaid with rubies and emeralds set in gold. London. I.

folio 2 Guimet only p. c.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. Museum 161. 1759–86) A Female Hermit with Two Ascetics before a Hut India.2 p.2 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Patak Chand Raja Anand Dev and Raja Dhrub Dev India.7 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. 152.2. 1759–86) Taj Mahal India. 62 137. Mohan Singh (fl. Ghulam Reza (fl. and Mrs. C: from Gentil albums Attributed to Bahadur Singh (?) Yusuf Goes to Meet Zulaikha India.1.5 cm) The British Library. Od. c. Rés. folio 29 Guimet only p.8 cm). Est. Kornblum p. folio 10 p. 1800 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 17 x 121⁄2 in. (45.9 cm) The British Library. Est. Uttar Pradesh. (45.4 cm) The British Library.8 x 8.8 x 28. Berlin. Berlin. Uttar Pradesh. 63 142.7 cm). Faizabad or Lucknow. 38 159. (32. London. c. Faizabad or Lucknow.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. 1760–90) Portrait of a Mufti India.3 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst.2 cm). 1770–76 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 101⁄2 x 7 in. (1. Faizabad. c. 179 123. 179 Shuja Quli Khan and a Woman on a Terrace India. (51. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. Awadh. Lucknow (?).9 x 27 cm).4594. (21. Od. Khambhavati Ragini Folio from a Ragamala album India. London. Est.4. (22. 44. Uttar Pradesh. 1759–86) The Qawwal Sheikh Shir Muhammad Debates with His Followers India.2 cm). Od. 1780–82 Ink. (21. 1785 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in. 1770–82) Story of the Elephants and Rabbits Folio from an Iyar-i-Danish manuscript India. and gold on paper Page 1711⁄16 x 24 1⁄ 8 in. Lucknow. 1982. Uttar Pradesh. (39. c. (43. ring/setting: Cartier early 20th century Emerald.1. (27. 1780 Ink. image 1113⁄16 x 121⁄2 in. c. 1759–86) Female Musician India. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 159⁄16 x 1017⁄ 32 in.8 cm). Bonnie Sturner in memory of Peter Silton p. J. foiled glass. 62 138. image 8 1⁄2 x 51⁄2 in. 1982.2 x 20. 35 purchase.2 cm). Faizabad or Lucknow. 132. Uttar Pradesh.4 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. folio 16 Guimet only 147. Uttar Pradesh. after a Portrait by Tilly Kettle.7 x 20.1. Faizabad. 63.1 cm). 1765–73 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 8 5⁄ 8 x 5 7⁄ 8 in. 18 LACMA only p. Mihr Chand (fl. c.5 cm). Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund. 203 (detail) Style of Mir Kalan Khan A European Princess India.2 x 36. Lucknow. 150. Uttar Pradesh. 35568 Guimet only 151. Uttar Pradesh. Muhammad Shah Folio from a portrait album India. Faizabad. I. Faizabad.8 x 38 cm) The British Library. 1800 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 17 x 121⁄2 in. 44.6 x 19..7 x 14. Uttar Pradesh. Polier album I 5062.8 x 14. Lucknow.5 cm) Powis Castle. West Bengal. image 101⁄2 x 15 in. Uttar Pradesh.6 cm). (45 x 61. (19. folio 1 Guimet only p. Allahabad. 37 153. 183 139. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 14 5⁄ 8 x 191⁄2 in. 186 129. I 5005. c. I 5005. (32. Deva Gandhara Ragini Folio from a Ragamala album India. Faizabad or Lucknow. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in.5 x 12. London.5 x 35 cm).3 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France.3 x 16. Uttar Pradesh. Berlin. Uttar Pradesh. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 1⁄2 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. Attributed to Bahadur Singh (?) Voyage of Zulaikha India. 1770 Ink on paper Page 19 x 14 3⁄ 8 in. c.8 cm).5 x 37 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. 32. (26.2 x 13. c. folio 20 (Collection Gentil) LACMA only p. image 8 x 5 in. image 51⁄2 x 3 3⁄4 in. Faizabad. E: from The Eyre-Coote Album Shah Jahan Folio from a portrait album India. image 107⁄ 8 x 73⁄4 in. Mihr Chand (fl. 124.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Mihr Chand (fl. 29 p. Polier album I 5062. Faizabad or Lucknow. 1780 Ink. I. (39. Berlin. 1780–82 Ink.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. gold. 27 p. Lucknow. I 5005. c. c.5 x 36. folio 11 p. (31. c. Uttar Pradesh. folio 8 p.4 x 15 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. 6 7⁄16 in. folio 39 Guimet only 145. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh.2 x 10.2. (26. image 9 7⁄ 32 x 7 in.6 cm) The British Library.7 x 23. and gold on paper 87⁄ 8 x 51⁄2 in. c. Faizabad. Uttar Pradesh. London.70. Od. 1774/75 (AH 1188). image 77⁄ 32 x 71⁄ 32 in. and Johnson 148. S. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 1315⁄16 x 713⁄16 in. Uttar Pradesh. (45. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 11⁄16 x 111⁄ 8 in. London. c. John D. c. Muhammad Visited by the Archangel Gabriel India. Lucknow.7 x 23. 51 no. c. image 8 3⁄ 8 x 5 3⁄ 8 in. Faizabad or Lucknow. folio 3 LACMA only Dipaka Raga Folio from a Ragamala album India. c. Uttar Pradesh. Polier album I 5063. Uttar Pradesh. 4–5 157. Betel Set Belonging to Edward Clive. 80 131. Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl. (21. Lucknow. Faizabad or Lucknow. c. 1780–82) Bhairava Raga Folio from a Ragamala series India. c. Berlin. (21. (19 x 13. J.8 x 31. Uttar Pradesh. black ink highlighted with slight colors Page 113⁄ 8 x 75⁄ 8 in. Gentil. Uttar Pradesh. Faizabad. I.7 x 23. 135. Uttar Pradesh.1 x 20. Uttar Pradesh. (14 x 9. Berlin. Palace Garden in a River Landscape India. (16.8 cm) The British Library.121.7 x 62. 1773–76 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in.42. (17. 1775 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 19 7⁄ 8 x 133⁄4 in.5 x 18 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. 62 Mohan Singh (fl.2 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst.8 x 25. 4 LACMA only p.8 x 28. J.1.5 cm).9 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst.5 x 14 cm) The British Library.2. (31. partial gift of Mr. Faizabad or Lucknow. (39. (44. Bahadur Singh (fl. 1982.3 p.7 x 62. B: from Johnson albums Mir Kalan Khan (fl. transparent and opaque watercolor. c. Style of Dip Chand Shuja ud-Daula Receives the Emperor Shah Alam II Right side of a two-page composition India. folio 28 127. image 6 3⁄4 x 41⁄4 in. 39 141. transparent and opaque watercolor. c. diamonds. A Game of Polo India. image 611⁄16 x 4 7⁄ 8 in. Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund.2 x 31. Governor of Madras India..4595. c. Lucknow.70. 210 258 259 . c.6 x 17. (45 x 32 cm). (45 x 32 cm). Est. Mihr Chand (fl. (72 x 84.2 x 62.54. 126. Od. London. (45 x 32 cm). c. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 5⁄ 8 x 8 in.12. Berlin. Od. Uttar Pradesh. folio 2 p. 180 154. (20. Lucknow. The Lovers Elope Folio from the Wellington Album India. 1785 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 18 x 24 19⁄ 32 in. 44. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 7⁄ 8 x 10 3⁄4 in. (17. image 8 5⁄16 x 6 9⁄16 in. Paris. c.1 p. J. folio 9b pp. c. Awadh. c.3 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. (21.7 x 13. Faizabad or Delhi. Paris. J.8 x 28. J. Paris. 180 156. Od. Berlin. and silver on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in.4597. folio 16b Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl. diam. and gold on paper Page 173⁄ 8 x 24 1⁄ 8 in.15.3 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst.1 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. 38 H: Decorative Arts: Polier and Clive 160.7 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Uttar Pradesh. folio 29 LACMA only Style of Dip Chand Shah Alam II in a Palanquin Left side of a two-page composition India. Lucknow. 1765 Opaque watercolor on paper 20 1⁄4 x 14 1⁄2 in. 1780 Ink. partly gilt and enameled. Od.2 x 31. Delhi India. Berlin. folio 2 LACMA only p. c. 1734–70) A Royal Lion Hunt at Allahabad India. 1759–86) Nawab Shuja al-Daula. (30 x 32 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. no. Uttar Pradesh.54. image 71⁄2 x 51⁄4 in. Uttar Pradesh. folio 15 Guimet only Ram Sahai A Game of Polo India. 177 Attributed to Mihr Chand (fl. and turquoises Casket (largest component): h. (50.3 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Female Musician India. Lucknow.4594. 32. c. image 81⁄2 x 131⁄2 in. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in. Rés. Uttar Pradesh. London.7 cm) Dr. 1765–73 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 12 5⁄ 8 x 8 in.2 x 10. Lucknow. Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. The Powis Collection (National Trust) pp. Polier album I 5063. c. G: from The Wellington Album 158. 44. 220 Asad Khan and Alamgir Page from the Lady Coote Album India. c. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 1⁄2 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. London. Faizabad. image 1113⁄16 x 121⁄2 in. 178 122.5 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. (28 cm) Powis Castle. (27. Est. J. c. (17 x 12.4596. c. 20 LACMA only p. and gold on paper Page 177⁄ 8 x 24 3⁄4 in. Uttar Pradesh. folio 13 Guimet only p. Uttar Pradesh. Faizabad or Lucknow. 37 Mir Kalan Khan (fl. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 11⁄16 x 111⁄ 8 in.4 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. 1759–86) Jami Masjid.6 x 19. c. (37. D: Polier. 1770 Opaque watercolor. Rés. image 7 19⁄ 32 x 4 5⁄16 in. folio 10b p..9 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. 1759–86) Nilgai India.9 cm) The British Library. 1760 Drawing. c. Berlin.6 x 17. 80 130.3 x 27. (30 x 32 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. Faizabad. t. (18. I.8 cm). Style of Mir Kalan Khan Ibrahim Adham Served by Four Angels India. c.7 cm) Museum für Asiatische Kunst. Est. c.70. 6 F: from The Clive Collection Style of Mihr Chand The Mughal Prince Mirza Jawan Bakht India. (31. Ghulam Reza (fl.7 x 62. c. 39 134. 1734–70) A Princess Watching a Maid Killing a Snake India. A Female Hermit with Two Ascetics before a Hut India. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 1213⁄16 x 101⁄16 in. Faizabad or Delhi. 1780–82) Bhairavi Ragini Folio from a Ragamala series India.9 x 13.3 x 11 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. Berlin. Murshidabad. 183 140. folio 18 125. Polier album I 5063. Emerald Seal Belonging to Antoine-Louis Polier India. image 8 x 6 in. image 107⁄ 8 x 73⁄4 in. Est.2 x 20. Berlin.8 cm) Collection of Galerie Minerva. c.. J. Polier album I 5062. Rés.2 x 61. London. c.7 x 1. (45. Aurangzeb Folio from a portrait album India. (43. J. 179 149. c. (45. (12. 146. I. Shirin Discovers the Body of Farhad Folio from the Wellington Album India. 1765–73 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 7 13⁄ 32 x 5 5⁄16 in. Uttar Pradesh.. (23.. (32. Faizabad or Lucknow. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 15 11⁄16 x 111⁄ 8 in. (20. watercolor. Uttar Pradesh. 155. (39. c. 1760 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 173⁄4 x 121⁄2 in. The Powis Collection (National Trust) p. 43. 1770 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 5⁄ 8 x 8 in. Zurich p. 1786 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 5 x 3 1⁄2 in. Berlin.3 cm). Rés. and gold on paper 9 x 5 3⁄ 8 in.. I 5005. 1760–65 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image 28 3⁄ 32 x 3315⁄16 in. c. Faizabad. Berlin. (35. Faizabad.7 cm) Dr. c. image 6 3⁄4 x 41⁄ 8 in. 39 133. 8 p. late 18th or early 19th century Silver. Museum purchase.42. folio 6 (Collection Gentil) LACMA only p. (29 x 19. 26 p. Uttar Pradesh. (22.6 p. t. (32. transparent and opaque watercolor. (40. (45 x 32 cm).1. with silver filigree.5 cm) Museum für Islamische Kunst. Uttar Pradesh.8 cm) The British Library. 1765 Opaque watercolor on paper 201⁄4 x 14 3⁄ 8 in. 35 128. folio 16 p. MacDonald and Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund. Uttar Pradesh. c. and gold Emerald: 11⁄16 x 23⁄ 32 in. Faizabad. folio 2 LACMA only 143. 1770–82) Story of the Elephants and Rabbits Folio from an Iyar-i Danish manuscript India. Estampes.7 x 62. (18. Charlene S. 144.1 p. watercolor. Berlin. (51. 1780 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Page 12 1⁄2 x 9 1⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. 37 136. Faizabad or Lucknow.2 x 49.6 cm). (48. Women’s Dancing Party Page from the Lady Coote Album India. 11 in. and Two Pictures of Beauties Page from the Lady Coote Album India.

(48. 1981 Color lithograph on paper 32 x 22 in. Awadh. 1980–90 Color lithograph on paper 421⁄2 x 321⁄4 in.K. Lucknow. (13. London. (23.03209 p. Uttar Pradesh. 1880 Albumen prints Each 31⁄4 x 2 in. c. w. 47 195. Hair Ornament India. Thomas Jones Barker (England. 21.133 p. (106 cm). 49 170.5 x 5. Uttar Pradesh. 8 x 10 x 2 in. Lucknow. 24 x 36 in.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Faizabad. 1735–1786) An Indian Dancing Girl with a Hookah India. Forehead Ornament North India. 153 Chevalier Louis-William Desanges (1822–1887) Thomas Henry Kavanagh VC (1821–1882) Being Disguised as a Native during the Indian Mutiny at the Siege of Lucknow. c. Abraham Solomon (England.19 LACMA only p.4 x 5.” Pilgrimage. Paris. and with strings of pearls and red glass beads Length of coiled pendants 915⁄16 in.3 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1858 Albumen print 101⁄2 x 113⁄4 in. purchased with funds provided by Kiran Wadhwani Samuels in loving memory of Mulchand Navalrai Wadhwani. B1975. M. 1772 Oil on canvas 76 x 47 in. Epilogue: Post-Uprising Artistic Production at Lucknow B: Imagining the “Mutiny”: Paintings for the British Public Felice Beato (Greece. 48 202. Frederick Goodall (England. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx.9 x 57.5 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Uttar Pradesh.F.5 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 231 260 261 .000 Rebels by the 93rd Highlanders. Ewer with Coriander Flower Pattern India.5 cm) Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection LACMA only p.5 x 177. (5. 173. 9 x 12 in. 41 Egron Lundgren (Sweden. 1880–1900 Silver 61⁄4 x 8 3⁄ 8 in. 47 196. (193 x 119 cm) Yale Center for British Art.4 cm) Council of the National Army Museum.7 cm) Richard Milhender p. 48 Hand Ornament North India. consisting of twenty-four selected photographed portraits.3 cm). Raj Tilak. 1858 Oil on canvas 315⁄ 8 x 48 in. (19.6 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 154–55 169. director Umrao Jan (excerpt) India. 1977 Distributed by Shemaroo Video Pvt. Awadh. depth with hoop 11⁄ 8 in.2 x 29. Southern Asian Art Council in memory of Ranjit and Aruna Roy. Felice Beato (Greece. Inv. 176. c. 1780–85 Ink. (25 x 20. and rock crystal 2 x 13⁄4 in. folio 15 Guimet only Watercolor with gouache over graphite on paper 14 3⁄4 x 20 7⁄ 8 in. and green glass H. Acrobats Performing on a Tightrope for a Women’s Dancing Party Page from the Lady Coote Album India.2006.385 p. Uttar Pradesh.0 p. Ltd. 19th century Gold. 1832–1909) Panorama of Lucknow. Darogah Abbas Ali (fl. designer Film poster.4 x 30. 156 165. (26.8. 1775–1800 Gold. 18 23 ⁄ 32 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1858 Albumen print Approx. Uttar Pradesh. 49 186. pearls.4 x 121. Satyajit Ray (1921–1992). brass and iron wire. 1834–1912) Ruins of the Residency India. diam. 219 Tilly Kettle (England. Uttar Pradesh. Bowl with Fish Designs India. c. 1858 Oil on canvas 24 x 18 in. 175.2 cm). RL 19185 pp.3 cm) Lent by the National Portrait Gallery. Shield Presented to Edward VII When Prince of Wales by the Maharaja of Kashmir during the Winter of 1875–76 India. 1834–1912) Ruins of the Residency India. Felice Beato (Greece.83. after the Slaughter of 2.5 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection pp. 52–53 189. c. (24 x 237. 9. Samuel Bourne (England. Umrao Jaan (1981) India. mid-19th century Silk with metal ribbon ornaments peshwaz–length 4111⁄ 32 in. Maharashtra. 231 190. 28. 47 192.1 cm) Museum für Asiatisches Kunst. Lucknow. 10 x 12 in.8 x 68.8 x 29.5 cm) Bibliothèque nationale de France. Acrobats Performing on a Tightrope India. Uttar Pradesh.7 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. VH 271. 11⁄16 in. Jorden Electronics. Bombay (Mumbai). Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow. 1815–1882) The Relief of Lucknow. 40 177.12 LACMA only p.4 x 60. London p. William Simpson (Scotland. 1858 Albumen print 9 5⁄ 8 x 697⁄ 8 in. (106 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Felice Beato (Greece. (61 x 91.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Awadh. (23 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1823–1899) View of the Qaisar Bagh in Lucknow India. (81. 2004. Forehead Ornament India. of the most celebrated and popular living histrionic singers. (14. No. 198. (9. 85 164. blue stones.1050-1883 pp. Lucknow. 1834–1912) Baillie Guard Gate India. 10. 211 178. 5851 pp. Lucknow. L. Legacy of Glory: Lucknow in the Popular Imagination 184. (8. Maharashtra.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. B1981. Wine Decanter India. 1800–1850 Repoussé silver 513⁄16 x 4 3⁄ 8 in. 1832–1909) Baillie Guard Gate India. 162. 1864 Watercolor on paper 14 x 10 in. Lucknow. 1870 Glass beads.7 cm) The Royal Collection. 1874 Albumen prints Album approx.2 x 56 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. 1760–75) Noblewomen Playing Chess India. 1981 Distributed by Eagle Video. 9 3⁄16 in. 1832–1909) Panorama of Lucknow. brass and iron wire. 11⁄4 in. Nose Ornament North India.5533 p. 45 174. Woman's Head Ornament India. Lucknow.0.3 x 25 x 5 cm) Kenneth and Joyce Robbins pp.9 cm) Sheffield Galleries and Museum Trust (U. 47 197. 9 x 12 in. Lucknow. (34. 1870 Glass beads and brass 5 3⁄ 8 x 21⁄ 8 in.7 cm) Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Uttar Pradesh. Varanasi (Benares). Taken from the Qaisar Bagh Palace India. (4. and pearl H. Lucknow. Vasudeo. 45 Plate with Emblematic Pairs of Fish India.25.1-1976 p. Uttar Pradesh. 1785 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Image: 9 3⁄ 8 x 14 11⁄16 in. Uttar Pradesh. Darogah Abbas Ali (fl. MA 6772 p. IS. wrapped with silver foil Diam. 154–55 163.262 p. Lucknow. 1860s–70s) Gummoon Jan. (15. 1972 Distributed by Shemaroo Video Pvt. 1860s–70s) An Illustrated Historical Album of the Rajas and Taluqdars of Oudh India. (23. (13 cm) Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya (formerly Prince of Wales Museum). Awadh. 1156-1869 p. 47 199. 22 183. Lucknow.9 x 21. c.3. Awadh. (61 x 45.1891. and Memory 162. IS. 19th century Gold. early 19th century Silver-gilt. Inv. Uttar Pradesh.5 cm). Paris A 12112 p. 1860 Parcel-gilt silver with cast and applied palmettes and heads 73⁄4 x 5 in. Uttar Pradesh. 210 191. IS.6 x 25. (24.302. c. bound album approx.2001. 1850 Gold and silver set with diamonds. Attributed to Nevasi Lal (fl. No. Mumbai. 1780–1800 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper 181⁄2 x 24 1⁄2 in. 1096-1872 p.11-2001 203. 1944). Uttar Pradesh. c. designer Film poster. New Delhi 205. (80. 140 Samuel Bourne (England. Berlin.3 x 30 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p.100 p. 1983. 1859 Watercolor on paper Page 13 3⁄4 x 22 3⁄4 in.7 x 12. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 231 200. Samuel Bourne (England. 1880 Bidri ware H. c. ruby. Lucknow. c. c. M. I 5005 folio 14 Guimet only p. Uttar Pradesh. 1586 p. dancing girls and actresses of the Oudh Court and of Lucknow India. 1858 Albumen print 91⁄4 x 117⁄ 8 in. diamond. 87 (detail). 1832–1909) Bara Chattar Manzil with the King’s Fish-Shaped Boat India. 240 Felice Beato (Greece. 1832–1909) Interior of the Sikander Bagh. Uttar Pradesh. Pair of Earrings India. 9 November 1857 England. and gold on paper Page 171⁄2 x 24 in.4 x 30 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection p. 48 187. 218 181.3 cm) Richard Milhender p. 1⁄2 in. 219 180. MA 6764 p. c. Rosewater Casket India. 182. Awadh. IS. 188. (8. c. 1832–1909) Ruins of the Battery in the Residency Compound India. (48 cm) The Royal Collection. diamonds. Najma (1943) India. (17. Uttar Pradesh. diam. Lucknow. 179.2 x 4. 1859 Oil on canvas 411⁄2 x 713⁄ 8 in.).7 cm) Private collection p. 77 185.8 x 37. (35. M. 1864–65 Albumen print Approx. Muzaffar Ali (b. 1079A-1872 p. Paris. Ltd. (23. 1870 Glass beads. 47 194. c. c. (7. (20 x 6 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Taken from the Bara Imambara India. 10 x 8 in.12 p. published in Allahabad. (2. 213 193. 42–43 171. kaliondar paijama–length 4111⁄ 32 in. 0645 IS (peshwaz). Museum purchase. Uttar Pradesh.112-1986 p. Uttar Pradesh. Lucknow.5 cm) Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection pp. 1824–1862) The Flight from Lucknow England. (23. enamels. Uttar Pradesh. (105. Uttar Pradesh. (20. Département des Estampes et de la photographie. 232 201.12. (25. Lucknow. 1880 Bidri ware H. 1646 IS (kaliondar paijama) p. 1822–1904) Jessie’s Dream (The Relief of Lucknow) England. 1858 Albumen print 10 x 117⁄ 8 in. Uttar Pradesh. 1780 Opaque watercolor on paper 193⁄16 x 271⁄16 in.4 x 181. 45 172. emeralds.13. diamonds. Bombay (Mumbai). 1859–62 Oil on canvas Approx. Lucknow and the Great Uprising of 1857: European Visions A: “Mutiny.5 x 12 x 8. John MacDonald and Achenbach Foundation for Graphic Arts Endowment Fund.2 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. Lucknow. (108 x 82 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. RCIN 11278 Guimet only p. Kamal Amrohi (1918–1993). and Mrs. 1858 Albumen print 91⁄2 x 931⁄2 in. the Commander-in-Chief India. Lucknow. excluding pendants Victoria and Albert Museum. pendants of seed pearls. (25. 157 166. Lucknow. and lac Diam. Uttar Pradesh. and diamonds. Gift of Mr. (with pendant pearls): 27⁄ 8 in. 5 3⁄ 32 in. Lucknow. mid-19th century Gold set with rubies. (22. c. c. Uttar Pradesh. Paris. 1815–1875) Nautch Entertainment by Man Singh in Honor of Lord Clyde.5 cm). (37. India. 167. (1.5 cm). Paul Mellon Collection. Dancing Girl From The Beauties of Lucknow. and Mrs. 168. AP 15357 Guimet only William Simpson (Scotland. 1760–75) Two Nautch Girls Dancing the Kuharwa before a Nobleman and His Courtiers India. 61⁄2 in. Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh. and the 4th Punjab Regt. Uttar Pradesh. Finger Ring India. IS. (47 x 62 cm) Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. Pair of Ear Ornaments India. 31⁄4 in. Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh. 1857 England. Felice Beato (Greece.4 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. c. wrapped with silver foil Diam. Paul Mellon Collection. Mumbai 204.8 x 11.5 x 53 cm) Yale Center for British Art. 1864–65 Albumen print 91⁄ 8 x 111⁄2 in.9 x 30. 1861 The Gown of the “Queen of Oudh” India.2. cabinet size. director Shatranj Ke Khilari (The Chess Players) (excerpt) India.5 cm) Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. Lucknow. late 18th century Gilt silver 4 x 4 3⁄4 x 31⁄4 in.03254&A p. 1091&A-1872 p. partial gift of Mr. director Pakeezah (excerpt) India. 1823–1899) The Shah Najaf India. (16. (22. and pearls 77⁄ 8 x 2 3⁄ 8 in.3 cm). IS. (3 cm) Victoria and Albert Museum. brass. 6 3⁄4 in. Attributed to Nevasi Lal (fl. c. Philip Feldman.7 cm) Leicester Museums and Galleries: New Walk Museum and Art Gallery. watercolor.. Uttar Pradesh. c.9 x 30.2 cm) Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Lucknow. (44.

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John Hirx. Bowles. at the National Media Museum. at the Centre Canadien d’Architecture. Ministry of Culture. and Barbara Pope (formerly). curator Robert L. Los Angeles. Elaine Wright. at The Royal Collection. at the University of California. intern Jessica Farquhar. Amin Jaffer. J. Budour al-Qassar. Francesca Galloway. Joseph M. in Switzerland. Director David S. at the Rijksmuseum. and Holly Robbins. database specialist Robin Chung. Director Albert Lutz. at The Alkazi Collection of Photography. In Exhibition Design. senior curator Simon Lake. in Art Preparation and Installation. Gillian Forrester. In India. Karina Corrigan and Christine Michelini. at the Museum Rietberg. and Juliet McConnell. and Manuel Keene. Dye III and Mary Sullivan. Jill McNaught-Davis. at the Museum of Photographic Arts. In Music Programs. Susan Stronge. the al-Sabah Collection. In Finance. Sophie Clark. supervising photographer Peter Brenner. Irvine. at the National Army Museum. In Publications. and Philippa Kirkham. Rosemary Crill (author and curatorial consultant). Catherine Asher. Dean Baylis. J. Joost van den Bergh. Irene Martín. Director Syed Albukhary and Lucien de Guise. and coordinator and editorial assistant Monica Paniry. at La Martiniere School for Boys. Cindy Herron. In Graphic Design. at the Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya (formerly the Prince of Wales Museum of Western India. administrative assistant Nancy Lawson Carcione. Donald J. Catherine Benkaim. Newland (editor). Kimberly Masteller (formerly). Losty. in Ireland. Glenn Markoe. Sridhar. at The Chester Beatty Library. Christine Barthes and Nicholas Twarog. in France. at the Musée national des Château de Versailles. and Mary McWilliams. senior conservators Joseph Fronek. Scott Davis. Stadtner. Kenneth X. and Sarah Tinsley. and former curatorial administrator Deanna Kashani. at the San Diego Museum of Art. Peter Funnell. New Walk Museum & Art Gallery. at the Yale Center for British Art. James Bennett. at the Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet (the second venue of the exhibition). In the United Kingdom. special thanks must be given to the following: in Australia. Forrest McGill. Janice Leoshko and Carla Petievich (author and linguistic consultant). Director Thomas W. at the University of California. Elisabeth Fairman. Supriyo Dhar. at the Leicester Museums and Galleries. at the Government of India. and Saleema Waraich (formerly). Museums and Exhibitions Unit. collections. former assistant curator Rochelle Kessler. Richard Blurton. and Arlette Swart. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. Gloria Katz and Willard Huyck. at the Fondation Custodia. In Advertising and Promotion. In the South and Southeast Asian Art department. at the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Jan van Campen. at the Aga Khan Trust for Culture. and Christa Kienapfel. former editor Tom Drury. Director Kjeld von Folsach and Mette Korsholm. at the Harvard Art Museums. Maxine and Ron Linde. Sheila Canby. at the University of Texas. and senior collections administrator Eve Schillo. Allen F. senior conservation photographer Yosi Pozeilov. In Registrar. and Céline Morisseau. Laura Fielder. Chief Financial Officer Ann Rowland and budget and investment officer Mark Mitchell. Julian Sands. Abdulkareem al-Ghadban. Sarah Murray. at the Royal Ontario Museum. John Monahan. Erin O’Toole. vice president. Lady Roberts. at the Art Gallery of South Australia. administrator Fionn Zarubica Lemon. assistant conservators Silviu Boariu and Chail Norton. Emily Dodd. associate registrar Alexandra Moran. at the Victoria Memorial Hall. In Risk Management and Collections Information. Barbara O’Connor. at DelMonico Books– Prestel. at The David Collection. and former curator Dale Gluckman. but we wholeheartedly acknowledge their collective and invaluable support. at the Peabody Essex Museum. Philippe Missillier. Rahaab Allana.acknowledgments As with any exhibition of this magnitude (more than two hundred works of art. In Development. Abigail Armistead. Peter Boyden. junior communications associate Annie Carone. Marie-Helene Petitfour. at the National Trust. department head and curator Britt Salvesen. Director Stefan Weber. Nahla Nassar. at the Galerie Minerva. which enabled this project to be transformed from a mere gleam in the curator’s eye to a successful reality. Claire Cooper. Julia Marciari-Alexander and Sonya Rhie Quintanilla. Director General Pierre Arizzoli-Clémentel and Frédéric Lacaille. in Portugal. and Mellon Fellow Erin Jue. in Audiovisual: manager Elvin Whitesides (deceased) and Megan Mellbye. Basa. Rhea Sylvia Blok. chief curator Amina Okada. at the Ali Akbar College of Music. Charles Greig. and manager of contemporary public programs and new media Amy Heibel. In Education. Janice Mae Schopfer. and Atreyee Gupta. Jody Butterworth. and Martina Stoye. and Malini Roy (author and curatorial consultant). at the Paul Sack Collection. director of government and foundation grants Stephanie Dyas. Catherine C. associate conservators Natasha Cochran and Soko Furuhata. Thomas Cazentre. Collection Frits Lugt. at Powis Castle. vice president of development Terry Morello. Louis Désy and Nathalie Roy. Elizabeth and John Sequeira. Deputy Director. Finally. Joseph N. Benoit Junod. McLean. and Cécile Tainturier. registration administrator Jennifer Smith. Martin Chapman and Maria Reilly. To be commended in particular are Chief Executive Officer and Wallis Annenberg Director Michael Govan. Karoline Mansur. Jerome Ghesquiere. Brown. at the Calouste Gulbenkian Museum. at Christie’s. and K. at the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art. Justin Addington. Princess Catherine Aga Khan and Nicolas Sursock. Cynthia Hazen Polsky and Taryn Adinolfi. Peter Manuel (author). Austin. In the United States. Margaret Gray. at the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco. Deputy Director Nuno Vassallo e Silva. Howard Ricketts. In particular. in Malaysia. secretary and curator Chittaranjan Panda. Ruth Kitchin. Maria Naula. senior exhibition designer Victoria Turkel Behner and exhibition designer Eileen Dikdan. and Scott Wilcox. head of conservation Mark Gilberg. In Gallery Services. librarian and curator of the print room the Hon. and many years in the making). P. the Stuart Cary Welch family and Jude Ahern. Sugata Ray. Wheeler M. assistant director. Director Mària van Berge-Gerbaud. Mary DelMonico. and systems manager Diana Folsom. Sharon Steckline. Andrew Topsfield. in Communications and Marketing. communications. Laura Pfenninger. India’s Fabled City: The Art of Courtly Lucknow required the participation and assistance of numerous institutions and individuals. at the Dar al-Athar al-Islamiyyah. Stephen Markel Tushara Bindu Gude 264 265 . Hunter. coordinator Jonathan Alfi. and Francoise Simeray. Paul Getty Museum. Gisela Helmecke. Peter Marshall. Theresa-Mary Morton. Erin Garcia. Michael Barry (formerly). In Rights and Reproductions. at the National Portrait Gallery. associate vice president Diana Veach. In Exhibition Programs. In Germany. almost fifty worldwide lenders. Wynyard Wilkinson. director Mitch Glickman. At the Metropolitan Museum of Art. In Film Programs. Susan Ollemans. Our thanks to all. at the Musée du quai Branly. Edward Gibbs. at the University of Minnesota. In Conservation. special thanks must be given to the professional staff and volunteers of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. In the Photography department. Robertson and assistant Piper Severance. Caroline Arhuero. Jassi Cheema. former director ClausPeter Haase. at the Huntington Library. and senior grant writer Amanda Lipsey. Nancy Thomas. at the Getty Research Institute. head of publications Nola Butler. and Emma Stuart. and Virginia Rasmussen. Donald M. Sarah Minnaert (formerly). in the Netherlands. David McNeff. Jennifer Howes. Thomas M. and Andrea Kuprecht. and Brian Liddy. Karen B. Lentz. Nick Barnard. President and Chief Operating Officer Melody Kanschat. at The British Museum. at the Nasser D. Director Kishor K. Director Amy Meyers. Muzaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (authors). and administrative assistant Breanne Sallee. at the Museums Sheffield. Pauline Lunsingh Scheurleer (formerly). Charlotte Cotton. chief curator Raffael Gadebusch. Roberts. head registrar Nancy Russell. (author). served as the Indian “Nodal Agency”). Tom Callas. Angus Trumble. at The British Library. Almut von Gladiß. vice president of education Jane Burrell. Olivier Loiseaux. at the Bibliothèque nationale de France. and Joyce Robbins. Divia Patel (curatorial consultant). assistant curator Julie Romain. Simon Ray. in Indonesia. Chief Executive Nick Dodd and Liz Waring. Amy Catlin. curatorial administrator Nancy Fox. former president Jean Francoise Jarrige. Rosie Llewellyn-Jones (author and primary historical consultant). at the Museum für Islamische Kunst. curator Kaye Spilker. Thackston (translations). Guy. who have executed myriad responsibilities with their customary diligence and enthusiasm. Secretary Jawhar Sircar and Joint Secretary Vijay Madan. Del Bontà. and Daniel Walker (formerly). senior photographer Steven Oliver. Director. department head Ian Birnie and coordinator Bernardo Rondeau. assistant director Renée Montgomery. Anastasia Phillips. In Photographic Services. associate director Amy McFarland and senior graphic designer Jin Son. and Mary Nooter Roberts. LaRocca. Indar Pasricha and Taimur Palanpur. at the Brooklyn Museum of Art. at the Cincinnati Art Museum. Julia Gonella. and financial analyst Marciana Broiles. and Anne Lyden. Robert J. Director A. Katia Mollet. in Denmark. at the Museum für Asiatische Kunst. associate vice president Chelsea Hadley. Anne Lacoste. Director Sabyasachi Mukherjee. John H. in Canada. editor in chief Thomas Frick. at the Asian Art Museum. Bruce Barker-Benfield and Gillian Evison. at the Indian Museum. Asian specialist Kristin Bengtson. It is not possible here to thank everyone for their specific contributions to the exhibition and its accompanying publication. and Nick Gordon. and Vice President and General Counsel Fred Goldstein. Director Sandy Nairne. senior curator and department head Sharon Takeda. senior assistant registrar Amy Wright. Director General Sheikha Hussah Sabah Salem al-Sabah. at the Bodleian Library. Nazir Jairazbhoy (deceased). Barbara Pflaumer. director of special projects Erin Wright. Katherine Israel-Koedel. associate curator Edward Robinson. manager Jeffrey Haskin and Jeffrey Ono. Sophie Gordon (author and curatorial consultant). Irene Lotspeich-Phillips and Fran Terpak. Katherine Drake and Allison Whiting. John Falconer. manager Cheryle T. Daniel Thomas (formerly). Deepali Dewan. in Kuwait. Navina Haidar. Robin Sukhadia. Director Wim Pijbes. Vandana Prapanna. curatorial administration. and Deborah Swallow (formerly). head of exhibitions Zoë Kahr. Melissa Bomes. at the Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. at the J. database manager Delfin Magpantay. Acting Director David Bomford. Timothy Goodhue. Zeidberg and June Li. Jorrit Britschgi. Carlo Coppola. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. President Jacques Giès. and Laura Benites (formerly). In the Costume and Textiles department. Leonard and Alka Patel. at the Victoria and Albert Museum. manager of construction William Stahl. Amy Poster (formerly).

62 top right and left. Charlene S. 38 right: photo courtesy of Dr. 135 top. Getty Research Institute. Paris/Art Resource. 39 right and bottom left. Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. 92. 129 bottom right. USA (Rare Books & MSS. 77. Kuwait The David Collection. 85 bottom. NY p. 6 (detail). on behalf of private collection (L. 82 top: photo © Yale Center for British Art. 72. 120. © Pernille Klemp 2010 Back cover. The British Library Board. 88: photo courtesy Catherine Glynn Benkaim Collection p. United Kingdom Richard Milhender Musée national des Arts asiatiques–Guimet. 150 bottom. 211 bottom. S. 208 top. 60–61. The Powis Collection (National Trust). 144. 214. Kolkata p. S. 166 bottom right. 48 bottom left. 45 bottom: photo © Sheffield Galleries and Museum Trust p. 73. Front cover (detail). 168 left: photo courtesy Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection p. 48 bottom right: poster © Mehboob Film Studios. 16. © Museum Associates/ LACMA. 96–97. Aziz and Deanna Khan Dr. Montréal p. 180 top: photo courtesy the collection of Prince and Princess Sadruddin Aga Kahn p. 80 bottom. Los Angeles. 202–203: photo courtesy of Mr. 52–53. The publishers would appreciate notification of additional credits for acknowledgement in future editions. 226. Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Zurich National Army Museum. 130 top left and bottom. 242: photo © 2010 Museum Associates/LACMA. Bonnie Sturner. 66: photo © 2010 President and Fellows of Harvard College p. 138 top. 54. France Museum für Asiatische Kunst. 29. 70 bottom: photo © Mohammed Rezai Collection. 200 right. 24–25 (detail from center panel). Kornblum. NY pp. 64–66. NY pp. 198. 128–129. 40. United Kingdom Sack Photographic Trust of the San Francisco Museum of Modern Art San Diego Museum of Art. 171: photo courtesy Collection of Cynthia Hazen Polsky p.2004) p. 208 bottom. NY p. Inc. Special Collections. Los Angeles Harvard Art Museums/Arthur M. p. 20. 62 bottom. United Kingdom Dr. Paris/Réunion des Musées Nationaux. 170. Lucknow p. 63 right. 138 bottom. 203 center left (detail) and top right. 82 bottom right. Museum Associates/LACMA. 207 bottom: photo courtesy The David Collection. 82 bottom left. 157: photo courtesy of Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection. 161: photo © Research Library. Inc. 172 bottom right: photo © 2010 British Museum Images. 210. 202 top and middle (detail): photo © 2010 Cincinnati Art Museum pp. 130 top right. 14–15. p. 87 bottom. 1914 p. © Museum Associates/ LACMA. Inc. NY p. 219: photo courtesy Richard Milhender p. 239 bottom left and right: photo © V&A Images. NY 266 267 . 28. Kolkata Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia. 215 top (recto) and middle (verso): photo courtesy the Collection of Kenneth and Joyce Robbins p. p. NY p. © Museum Associates/LACMA. 79: photo © The Trustees of the Chester Beatty Library. 149 top left and right. and Mrs. 239 top left: photo © Museum für Islamische Kunst. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II pp. Germany/Art Resource. 4–5 (detail). 174 top. 177 left and bottom right. 57. 124–125. 81. All rights reserved. 183 top left: photo © Bibliothèque nationale de France 2010 pp. 168 right. 221 right (detail): photo © 2010 The Metropolitan Museum of Art/Art Resource. The Clive Collection (The National Trust). Julian Sands. 9. 88–91. London The Chester Beatty Library. 70 top: photo © Bodleian Library. 235. 164. p. 87 top. p. 174 bottom. 221 left (detail): photograph courtesy of private collection. 240: images © British Library Images. 135 bottom. Connecticut and several private collections Illustration Credits Most images are reproduced courtesy of the creators or lenders of the material depicted. 169. Germany/Art Resource. 139 top. Berlin/ Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. San Francisco pp. 127. USA/Bridgeman Art Library. 39 top left. 38 left: photo courtesy of Dr. L. India pp. 139 bottom. California The Collection of Julian Sands Elizabeth and John Sequeira Sheffield Galleries and Museum Trust. 47 top left and right. 202 bottom. 231. © Museum Associates/LACMA. Paris Musée national des Château de Versailles et de Trianon. 213. Institut Néerlandais. 58. 159 bottom.10. 149 bottom: as reproduced in W. 183 top right: photo courtesy private collection p. London pp. 215 bottom. 76. The al Sabah Collection. Copenhagen. Board of Trustees. London National Portrait Gallery. L 500) p. Charlene S. 93. 207 top left: photo © 2010 Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Sackler Museum. 206 (detail). 211 top. 216: photo courtesy of Elizabeth and John Sequeira. 233: photo The Royal Collection © 2010. 49 bottom. 183 bottom left and right. 203 top left (detail of border): photo © Museum für Asiatische Kunst. by Thomas DuBrock p. 236. 49 top. by Paul Highnam p. by Katherine Wetzel p. All rights reserved. 26. 173: photo © Musée national des Arts asiatiques Guimet. Bonnie Sturner Lieutenant General Sir Philip Trousdell Victoria and Albert Museum. 177 top right. 48 top. 166 left. Aziz and Deanna Khan. 178. Inc. 75 bottom left and right. 200 left. 132. New Delhi. 217. 47 bottom right. 205: photo © 2010 Kuwait National Museum p. California pp. Zurich Getty Research Institute. 45 top left: photo © Leicester Arts & Museums p. 19. 75 top. Berlin Museum für Islamische Kunst. 42–43: photo © National Portrait Gallery. 136–137: photo courtesy Nasser D. Zürich p. 179 top and bottom right. For some photographs we have been unable to trace copyright holders. © Museum Associates/LACMA. 232. 156: photo © CCA. Institut Néerlandais. 31. All rights expressly reserved. Kornblum Leicester Museums and Galleries: New Walk Museum and Art Gallery. 35. 223: photo © Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia p.lenders to the exhibition Asian Art Museum. 78. Lieutenant-Colonel Gould Hunter-Weston of Hunterston. 84–6: photo © Yale Center for British Art. Richmond. 22: photo © 2010 President and Fellows of Harvard College. London Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. Paris/Art Resource. London The British Museum. 207 top right. San Francisco Catherine and Ralph Benkaim Collection Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection Bibliothèque nationale de France. 123. Paris Galerie Minerva. 210 bottom: photo courtesy Powis Castle. Massachusetts Indian Museum. 186. 150 top: digital image © Alkazi Foundation for the Arts. 229 top: photo © National des Château (et des Trianons) de Versailles//Réunion des Musées Nationaux. Berlin/Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz. United Kingdom Private collection by courtesy of Howard Ricketts Mohammed Rezai Collection Howard and Jane Ricketts Collection Kenneth and Joyce Robbins The Royal Collection. 201. Low. Dublin pp. 181: photo © Museum für Indische Kunst. 220: photo © Christie's Images Limited p. Paris p. 219 bottom. 133. London pp. Sanford Kornblum and Mrs. 184. 47 bottom left and center. 98. 64. Mumbai The Cincinnati Art Museum Dar al Athar al Islamiyyah. 21. Cambridge. Khalili Collection p. Inc. 140. 142–143. Berlin Museum Rietberg. 45 top right: photo © 2006 National Army Museum (NAM) p. Inc. 204. by Gary Ombler pp. Dublin Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya. 239 top right:. Copenhagen Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco Collection Frits Lugt. 95 right: photo © Victoria Memorial Management. 179 top and bottom right. 30. Staatliche Museen. London Cynthia Hazen Polsky Powis Castle. 37 top left. 175. Germany/Art Resource. 159 top: digital image © 2010 SFMOMA pp. Paris The British Library. 229 bottom (detail). 17. 33: photo © La Martiniere College Collection. pp. 63 left. 237. India p. 172 bottom left. pp. 41. courtesy Museum Rietberg. 34: photo © Asian Art Museum. 131. 129 top. 160. 68: © Foto Rainer Wolfberger. 209: photo © The Indian Museum. Richmond Yale Center for British Art. p. Selkirk. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art Collection of Drs. 2 (detail). The British Museum pp. 153: photo courtesy Catherine Benkaim and Barbara Timmer Collection p. 95 left: photo courtesy Collection Drs. 37 top right and bottom. 36. London p. 122. 218: photo courtesy Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalaya p. 166 top right. 162. courtesy of Richard Milhender pp. 212. Victoria and Albert Museum. Kuala Lampur Nasser D. 99. 228: photo © 2010 President and Fellows of Harvard College p. New Haven. 146–147. 172 top: photo courtesy of Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. University of Oxford p. 102 (detail). 230: photo Courtesy Collection Frits Lugt. 154–155. 180 bottom left and right: photo © the Fine Arts Museum of San Francisco p. 222 (detail). 83.

126. William. 190. 215. 124 –25. 228. 23n13. 57. 204. 94. 67 begamati zaban. 148. 214 Agra. establishes Awadh province. 229. 14. Dihlavis. and Europeans. work possibly by. 188. 78. 224(nn19. work by. 246. 213 Bahadur Singh. 92. 71. 23n13. battle of. 106. 182 Husain (third Imam). 178. 181. 73. 188 Hazratganj. 233. Muhammad. 146 – 47 Lakh-i Pera. 131 Ali Khan (Nawab wazir).. Khwaja. Husain. 75. 151. 116 J Jagan. 153. Lal Bagh Gate. 109–10. 241. 126. 152–58. 99. 65 Meer Hassan Ali. 92. 95. 106. 84. 152. 95. 10. 152. 229. work in style of. 254. 10. 193. 10. Henry. 17–18. 193–96 B Bakhsh. 21). 248. See Constantia McLeod. 33. 188. 244. 252. 158. procession of. 56 British: anti-. 165 Alam Bagh. 158. by. 142 – 43. 92. 74. 175.Index Numbers in BOLDFACE indicate illustrations. 206 Gentil. 227. 185n9 Ghalib. 134. 119n71. 28. 248. 181. 132. 151. 55. 241. Gentil and. 65. work attributed to. Residency. work attributed to. 86. Thomas. 94. John. 72. 257. 252. 260. 100n15 Buddhist art.. 237. -shawl fabric. 132 . 146 – 47. 86. 249. 56. 20. 167. 148. 141. 229. Frederick. 160. 113. 90. 92. 111 Benares. 109. 91. Sibtainabad Imambara. 153. 105. 168. work by. 157. odhni. Honoria. 165. 214. 194. 126. 91. 18. 118n43 Jawan Bakht Jahandar Shah. See also tawaif. 258 jharoka scene. 44. 214. 148. 93. 117n32. 86. Sikander. 39. 194 Jami Masjid. Richard. 71 Chota Chattar Manzil. 253. 76. 36. turban. Akbarnama. work in style of. 181. 168. 171. 11. 18. 112. 247. 89. 105. female musician. 23n11 Ghulam Raza Khan. 163n23 Hindu. 11. royal procession of (unfinished panorama of Lucknow). W. 258 Chand. 237. work by. 156. 182. 126. 20. 154 – 55. 95. 77. 258 Chattar Manzil. 182. albums. 44. 253. 230 F Baghdad: Al-Kadhimiya Masjid. god. 182. crown. 257. 51n20. 224n31 Abul Fazl. 31 Mordaunt. 250. 94. 101n28. caste. 161. 259 Chand. 224n31. 17. 61. 250. 55. 11. 251. 20. 174. 152. remittance to. 152. 255 Asafi Masjid. William. 213 Derusett. 238 Jalal al-Din. 10. mandil. 14. 93. 51n14. 58. 74 Coote.. 260 chikan textile. 73. 50n13. Donald Horne. 200. See also Company-school painter. 70. 121. 161 Karm Imam. Bara (Asafi. 182 Milliken. decline. 258. 95. 163n13 Frith. 64. 17. 260. 258 Gobind Singh. 220. 75. Daulat Khana. 141. 93. 113. 87. 72 G Haidar Beg Khan. 248 Bourne. 27. Robert. 260 Bristow. Captain. 84. 107. 124 –25. 11. 134. 160–62. 170. 161 Ali (first Imam). 253. 268 269 . 148. 50n13. fortification. 121. 244 Constantia (La Martinière). 131. 123. 250 Jais. 151. 148. 84. 78 kathak dance. view from. 20. 79. 175. 115. 252 majalis. Robert. work by. 118n33. 149. 82. criticism of. 29. Biddy Allahabad: fort. 253 Farangi Mahal. 11. Warren. 10. 175. 17. composition by. 214. Claude. 188. 122. 92. 247 Kashmir. veil. 229. 239. music. work by. 260. Claude. 11. 150. 23n10. Muhammad. collection. 93. 92. 206. 120. 27. 164. shield presented by Maharaja of. sultan. Samuel. 100n8. 74. and Company. 258. 276 Abdur Rahim Bijnauri. 86. 88. 13. poet. 160. 32. palace of Shuja al-Daula. 148. Mrs. 175–76. 251. 260. the Commander-in-Chief. 75. (Lance Corporal). 181. 10 Darshan Bilas. 201. 255. 10. 242. 245. 40. 251. 77. 146 Awadh: annexation of. 232. 18. 129. 160. 59. 81. 120. 255. as patron. 237 (detail). 251. 45. 126. 182. 245. 64. 235 kamarband. 103. 86. 84. Khwaja. C. 171. 152. 65. 100n4. 11. 122. 149. 166. 181. 215. work by. 77. 116. 4 – 5. 61 begam. 82 . 71. 260 gota work. 32. 129. 23n8. 14. 221 (detail) Asaf al-Daula. 224n25. 51n35. Bahu. 23n3. 106. 233–34. 57. 124 –25. 11 La Grange. 257. 86. 14. 119n67. 86. 11. 175. 19. 21. John. 10. 163n21. 67 Ghazi al-Din Haidar. 163n24 Man Singh. gateway. 51n28. Mir Babar Ali. 141. work attributed to. 134. 258. 183. arsenal. 233. 228. 10. 145. 11. 23n10 Mir Muhammad Taqi. goshpech. 245. 45. 241. 255. 145. 41. shrine in Najaf. 83. work by. E. 215. 126 fish emblem. 250 Bollywood. 11. 50n9. 151–53. 262 Marathas. 251 Asir. 85. 59. 86. work attributed to. 131. 121–22. 84. 27 Azad. 116. Patak. Alexis de. 224n1. 131. Ghulam Hasan. 185. 176. floral imagery. 58. 84. Abbas Ali. 255 Husainabad Bazaar Gateway. Bara Imambara. 115. 161–62 Amjad Ali Shah. 250. 40. 71. 241. Taj Mahal. 123. 79. 55. 11 Anis. 133. 232. 75. 16–17. 126. 190. 42 – 43. 105. 151. and Jains. 162. 161. 228. 244. 115. 259. 233. 72. 11. Colin. 245 Ali Khan (Nizam of Hyderabad). 153 Longcroft. 230. See also Company-school painter. 220. 251 Husainabad Imambara. 72. taiwaif bazi d Dacca. 21). 44. 117n22. Allyn. 94. 181. 14. 243. 10. 153. Darshan Bilas. 131. 257. 86 Knighton. 59. W. 233. 233 Karbala. 10. 158. 23n12. 215. 9. 247. 188 Farhat Bakhsh. 84. 61. 93. 33. Mir Kalan. 112. 124 –25. 18. 118n46 Azam. 255. 249. 167. 117n12 Asaf al-Daula. and East India Company. 148. 182. 238. 176. work by. 40. 58. 135. 112–13. 238. 22. treaty. 150 East India Company. 32. 261 courtesan. 258. 168. 213–14. 21. 250 islah-i zaban. 134. Robert. 24. 99. map of. 252. 150. 62. 23n10. 15. 61. Husainabad. 33. 258 Jan Sahib. 162. 171. 276. 67. 255 Ghulam Rasool. 56 Arabic. 182. 255. wife of. faces painted by. Talkatora. 58. 93. 24. 215. 61. 17. 10. 188–89. 105 Marsack. 17 c Company-school painter. 191. 115. 92. 161. 29. crown. 17. 253 Hastings. 235 Kavanagh. 79. 152. 130. 236 (detail).” 67 Muhammad. 132. 8. 151 Moore. 153. 215. military academy (Addiscombe). 71. 129. 56. 20. dupatta. 247. destruction of. 260. 248 Ghulam Reza. 46. land-tenure system. 10. 201. 182. 39. 10. 153. 35. 106–7. mistress of. 134. 253 Faqirullah Khan. pistols presented by. Oscar. 71. medal. migration to. 126. 117n33. 247. Muhammad. 20. 141. Macchi Bhawan. 108–9. 31. 131. 141. 36). work by. moves capital. 153. 144. See Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk Buxar. sack of. 127. 254 Cartier. 71. 126. 245. 148. 58. 46. Village Life in Kashmir. 17 Amanat Ali (Agha Hasan Amanat): Indar Sabha. 11. Louis-William. studio. 201. 229. 115. Thomas Jones. Lakhnawiyat. 238. 255. 238. migration from. 188–93. 131. 182. 252 Atish. 235. 214. 122. 11. 37. work by. 236 kalabattun. William. work attributed to. P. 250 Fitzgerald. 50 Mallitte. Mir. 232. The. 59. 175. 89. 44. 129. 23n16. 260 Dilkusha Kothi. 238. 106. 174. 238 Chinnery. 121. 99. 158 bibi. 79. 158. 32. Residency. 126. 201. Lucknow Album. 59. 141. 114. 114. 122. 212. 251 I Kadar Piya. Great Imambara). 149. 92. film set in. 41 – 42 . work by. Paris (1855). Duncan. 220. 115. 10. 169. 87. 245. 141. 258. 167. panorama taken from 87 (detail). 168. 214 Humphry. 44. 79 Beato. 103. destruction following. 40. 217 (detail). 58. English. 123. 251. 188. 126. 33. 11. Nathaniel. 117n201. 90. 71. 176. 178. 45. 79 Johnson. 61. 81. 58. 131. Ananda K. 258. 92. memoir. Palais Indiennes. 93. Ali Bakht. 217. 105. 185n9. 217. 81. 222. 148. 259 Khizr. Eyre. 61. 84. 20 Clive. 178. 153 Carpenter. 252 Jahandar Shah. 118n44 Khosrau II. insignia. 254 Lucknow: Aliganj. 10. 51n14. 126. 167. 77. 253. 27. sword presented by. Jami Masjid. 104. 41. Resident Eden. 132. 52 – 53. 14. 179. 233 Hering. 156. 123. 20. 84. 82. 14. 148. 259 Chand. 141. masjid). 65 Martin. Muhammad. 23n13. 11. 80. 18. collection. work by. 73. 23n9. 11. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Chota Chattar Manzil. 61. 162. 84. 44. 195 Home. 21. 20. Mihr. collection. 151. 257. 23n9. 233. Emily. 117n8. 195 Bara Imambara (Asafi Imambara. 77. Akhtar Mahal Sahiba. Sahedetganj. 190 Barker. 151. 21. 140. 235 Bengal Photographic Society. 20. 96 – 97. 115. 20. 258 Mookherjee. 17. 11. 259 Baillie Guard Gate. 61. 92. 114. work by. temple. 74. 72. 239. 222. 27. 250. 141. 27. 93 Bahadur Shah. Percy. Shah Najaf. 213. landowner and merchant. 254 Dannenberg. 241. 27. 182 Goodall. 252 Kashmiri Painter. 238 Daniell. 252. 11. 84. 91. 24. 126. 148. 33. Short. 10. 255 Hyderabad. 123. 254 Macfarlane. 144. 176 Campbell. 92. 120. See Timms. 109. 17. 40. Fath. Qadam Rasul. 57. 175. 149. 163n14 Jurat. 151. 161. 17. 254. 254. 107. 122. work attributed to. 11. 30. 253. 255. 253 Chand. 21. 46. 11. 25. 250. work by. 65 Desanges. 103. 32. Asadullah Khan. la. Asrar al-Haq. 259. 225n53. 57 Faizabad. 111–13. 255. 52 – 53. Ambrose Pierre. work by. 178. 80. 21. estate inventory. coat of arms. 127. 252. 173. 152. 44. 29. 260. 114. 183. George Duncan. 92. 23n8. 110 Aurangzeb. 151. 20. Rabia. 126. 201. 141 Hodges. 18. 153. 33. 71. 41. military. 133. 34. 20. 252. Jean-Baptiste-Joseph. 50. 10. 131. 131. 253 Fatehpur Sikri. 10. Ilahi. throne given by. 148. Allah Khan. 113. 100. 187. William. 63. 79. 31 Lawrie. 213. 86. 214. 104 kotha. 83. 59. work by. 74. 199. East India Company. 163n4 Lawrence. 215. 46. 10 Akbar. 118n62. 104. 172. 81. 99. 152. 107–8. 28). 211. 190 kurta/kurti. work by. 233. 118n50. 175. 180. 87 (detail). 106. 186. 156. 150. 78. 45. 92. 182. 79. 61. 31. 195. 89. 10. 89. 203 (detail). BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Constantia (La Martinière). Flight from Lucknow. Beauties of Lucknow. 194. rule. 122. 255. 238. 194 Jain. 4 – 5. 259 Muhammad Ali Shah. 194–96. 251. 236–38. 117(nn20. 249 kafsh. 11. 163n24 Madar al-Daula. 250. atlas. 48. 86. 45. 46. 67. 257 Moti Mahal. 245. 65. 151. 177. Sibtainabad. 86. 250. 161. 94–95. 243. John. 133. 10. 153. 56. 17. 86 Daulat Khana. 61. 122. 254 Lal Barahdari. 54. 212–13 Khurshid Manzil. 152. 82. Mir Yar Ali Khan. 58. 131. 238. 255. 73. mirror belonging to. 257. 182 Ashura. 129. 94. 110. 183. 32. 79. 69. dress. 65. George. 170. Tilly. 113. 250. 244. 191–93. as patron. 129. 131. 10. 223. 92. 250 Kufa. 163n12. 250. 163n21. 126. 14. Shah Najaf (imambara. 92. George Harris. mahi-ye maratib. Relief of Lucknow. 187. 246. 170. 254. 241. 262 Lyon. 188. 170. 255. 59 Delhi. Mary Angela (Sultan Mariam). 250. 75. subsidies to. 188. 81. 241. 153. 44. 261 Khan. 255. decadence. 132. 103. mosque of. 189 Antoine. 90. 146 – 47. G. 46. 135. 10. 11. 243. 250. 105. work in style of. 36. 111. 71. 229. 163(nn17. 254 Hoey. 149. 131. Felice. 161. 247–48. 224n10. 100. 131. financial control. 67. 112–13. 248. 194 Madhav. 50. 260. 92. 201. 11. 240. coronation. Edmund David. 244. 246. Thomas and William. 126. 225n46. 118n56. 118n38 Iran. 132. 182 Jones. 250 L Gandhara. 151. mausoleum of Safdar Jang. Great). BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Asafi Masjid. 17 Ali. 44. 256. The. 18. 86 Mughal: architecture. 236. 130. 261. 18. 89. 10. 30. 251 Martinière. 84. Martin and. 165. 23n8. 175. 254 Faizullah. 107. 20. 255 London Photographic Society. 241. 30. 110. 11. 32. 123. 118n42. 237. 80. 244 Mir. work by. 61. Mrs. 59. 148. 243 H Insha. 152. second attack of. Fort William. 67 De Boigne. 245. 220–21. 221 (detail). 152. 241. Prophet. 212–19. 154 – 55. 196. 29. Lady Coote Album. Macchi Bhawan. 255 Ashiq. 254 Ahmad Shah. 100. 191. 115. 260. 46. 233. 160 head-wear: chaugoshia. 181. 33. Moti Mahal. 152. 135. 10. work by. 50. 162. 189. 116. 58. 18. 132 Martin. 120. 163n14 Miner. 250. 79. 140. 50n10. 141. 60 – 61. 244. 253 Exposition Universelle. 215. 11. Patrick. 33. 251 Karbala buildings: Kazmain. 84. 260 Beechey. 175. 20. Egron. Ozias. 148. 71. Chowk.. 257 Coomaraswamy. Jessie’s Dream (The Relief of Lucknow). work by. 56. 81. 175. 178. 77. Francis. Great Uprising. sword presented to. 215. 167. 196 Bakhsh. 122. 236. work by. 175–76. 80. 56. 259 Compagnie des Indes Orientales. 25. 29. 257 Fullarton. 260 Beach. 252. 132. 251. 254. 105. 129. 21. 20. 213. 250 katori. 222 (detail). 245. 92. depicted. 74. 33. 82. 21. 23n13. 255. 114. 93. John. 81. 56. 130. 245. 188. 58. 129. 107–11. 72 Mohan Singh. 65. 255 Farrukhabad. painting style. 90. 188 Iraq. 11 matam. Meer Hassan. Lakh-i Pera. 251 markaz. 78. 217. 153. 249 Mir Qasim. 17. painting by. 11. 244. 212–13. 138. 234. culture. 165. 67. 55. Nautch Entertainment by Man Singh in Honor of Lord Clyde. 126. 67. 141. 134. 141. 158. 241. 229. 250 children. 11. 182. 259. 229 kanchli. 239. Colonel Mordaunt’s Cockfight. 89. 115. 235. 141. 29. 95. 244. 81. Farhat Bakhsh. 57. 101n23. 148. 33. 179. 11. 232. depicted. Resident Brown. 131. 235 Middleton. Benoit. 260 Kettle. 260 Basit. 255. 145. 123. royal lion hunt at. 195. 146 – 47. 85. imambara. 250 Majaz. 84. 71. 117n30 K 153. 224n31. work by. 141 Lundgren. Thomas. 17. “white mughals. 176. 139. 17. 94. 163n4 Dara Shikoh. 92. Qalandar Bakhsh. work by. 259. Milo Cleveland. 180. 51n2. Thomas Henry. 206 Burhan al-Mulk. 58. William. 167. work. work after. 175–76. clothing. 250. 11. 57–59. 99. 57. 51(nn25. 178. work by. 151. Muhammad Husain. 113 ghazal. 93. 249 Ghazi al-Din Haidar. 241 Holi festival. 40. 258 Ahmad Ali Khan. Rumi Darwaza. 135. 241 Great Uprising. 167–68. Red Fort. 134. 148. 81–83. 195. 213. 191. 176 Barker. 215. 234. 152. 197n19 Hasan Reza Khan. 116. Khwajah Haidar Ali. 20. 229. will. 10. 168. The. 145. 11 Lal Bagh Gate. 217. 86. 23n13 Chitarman. nukkadar. 253 Azfari. work by. The. 163n24 M Calcutta. 183 Hasan. dopalri. 44. 93. 256 E 81. 61. Dip. 117n15.

86. 23n8. William H. 114. 248. 182 Sita Ram. 131. 182. 111. 83. 134. 138. 241 trousers. 126. 65. 84. 239. Ghulam Hamdani. 148. Abraham. Middleton. 17. 249 Shepherd. 141 Tillotson. 252. 106. 135. 258 Shah Najaf (imambara. 95. dinner and parties at. depicted. depicted. 16. 117(nn13. 215. 92. 10. 134. 56. 84 Qaisar Bagh. 110. 10. 116. 113. 95. depicted. 10. 117n26 Nasim. 188. 261 Urdu. 250 Pari Khana (parikhana). 46. 123. work by. 88. 238. 230. 59 Plowden. 79. monument and shrine. 141. 234. 246 taziya. 11. 118n48 Renaldi. 67. 148. palace. 241. illustrated album of. 119n65. 171. 112. work possibly by. 84. 65. 238. 196 Punj Mahalla Gate. 258. 201. 21. 138. 229. 10. Biddy. 27. 86. 258 Shore. 253 Nidha Mal. 170 Safdar Jang. 255. 106. 258 taluqdar. 211. 23n12. 55. 252. export. 10. 33. 93. 232. film. 257 Sleeman. 23n8. 49. 232. 65. 145.. 48. 86. 52 – 53. 255. 185. 67. Qaisar Bagh. 141. 114 wedding: celebration. 79 Udwat Singh. 10. 54. 139. dress. 220. 73. 109. 67. 248 stucco. 59 Sital Das. 65. manuscript and painting collection of. ornaments worn by. 247. 131. 110–13. 248. 50n10. 109 Tennent. 40. 29. 148 Ruswa. 152. 229. 176. 236. 134 P raga. 10. 178. 20. 55. masjid). 59 Sauda. 126. -style clothing. 168. 20. 108. 65. 162. 65. 215 shaluka. 213. 212–13. 92 V Vanbrugh. 83. 51n25. 261 W padshah. 167. 86. 101n23 Shori Miyan. 16. 66. 51n25. 245. concubine of. 54. 51n25. 182. 10. Johann. 11. 182. 90–92. 73. 11. 248. 67. 213–14. See also Meer Hassan Ali. 260 Simpson. emerald seal ring belonging to. work by. 84. 183. 229. 58. depicted. 254. Imam Bakhsh. kalidar (kaliondar). as poet. 23n9. 185n17. 117n32. 161. 98. 44. 36 Wellesley. 140. 188. 30. 65. 21 . 113. 139. 178. 109 Nevasi Lal. 101n45 Nasikh. 56. 253 Nishapur. Todi. See also courtesan taiwaif bazi. 250 Tytler. Mir Muzaffar Husain. 250. 21. 214. 131. 118n52. Richard. 185. 109. 27. 251 Saché. courtesan. 247–48. 67. 254 Solomon. 212–13. Saadat Yar Khan. 261. 255. Hadi. 70. 168. 50n9. 159. 253 rahas. panorama taken from. 100(nn8. 167. William. poetry. 180. 101n27. 79. 20. 94. 58. 245 Rahas Khana. 71). 110. 18. 246.. 141. 259 Shah Jahan. 217. depicted. farshi paijama. 114.86. 115. 224n1 thumri. 251. 246. 250 Shir Muhammad. 55. 105. 17. 94 Padshahnama. William. 161. coat of arms. Mrs. 117n12. 11. 233 Plowden. 68. 119n67. 201. 90. work by. 250. 260. 141. Baillie Guard Gate. 240. 100. 134. procession. 100. 191. 118n52. veil. 200. 238. 153. 245. 107 Shia. 245 Parks. work by. 17. 185n4. John. 17. 56. 17 Murray. 33. work by. 90 O Ouseley. Rafi. 227 Sur Das. 50n13. 257. 182. 107–8. 39. 77. 225n46. 91. 30. 44. 134. 69. 18 Wombwell. 258 Muhammad Shah. 201. 67. 32–33. 176. 115. 185 Ray. 230. 79. 93. harems. 251. 54. 94 Mushafi. 126. 46. 92. 94. Satyajit. 10. 260 Tanda. Hasan. 183. 232. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Pari Khana (parikhana). 200. 230. 184. 129. 126. 196. 55. wife of. 141. 23n13 Residency. Francesco. 20. John. 254. 180. 261. crown presented by. 29. 230 women: Beauties of Lucknow. 51. 59. 249 Tikait Rai. literary criticism. 228. 257. 27. See also begam. 132. 100. mausoleum of. 99. Twelver Shiism. 113 Wellesley. 20. 225n39. 126 Umrao Jaan. 41 . 163n3 Polier. 122. 88 – 91. 27. 246. 246. 220. 159. 16. 99. 65. 260. 99. 79 paijama: farshi. 245. 252. 84. 151. 126. drama. Gore. 16. 246. and Harriet Christina. 71. 131. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: fortification. 82 Q Qadam Rasul. 23n13. Robert. 94. battery in. 81. 144. 258. 94. 107. 78. 93. 257 shers. 139. 166. 61 Smith. Ishqnamah. 245–46. 61. 222. 115. 16. 106. 199. 11. 14. 251. 131. 254. 163n4 Saadat Khan Burhan al-Mulk. Dilkusha Kothi. 158. 166. 2 (detail). 130. 235. 233. 152. 255. 126. 188. 151. 48. 31. 20. 172 . 56. 255. 227. 251. 224n36. 188. 159. Khwaja. 158 Resident. 191. 171. 114 Rampur. 255 Russell. 258. 252. 56–57. 65 Vasudeo. 79. 148. 115. 78. 79. Turkish. 258. 245 riayat-i lafzi. depicted. 81. 106. secluded. 85. 220. 191. 32. 69. 31. 65. 74. 23n8. 110–11. 101n45 Shah Alam II. 238. 176. Nathaniel. 77. Geoff. 117n20 zenana. 117(nn12. 41. Antoine-Louis Henri. 74. 241. 78. 99. 59. 104. 160. Hector. 21. 232. John Edward. 148. 59. 17. 258 Muharram. 213. 129. 245. 78 Munro. 238 tawaif. 22). 23n11 Shuja al-Daula. and East India Company. Abdul Halim. festival. Bhairavi. 256. 252 Najaf. 241. bibi. 83. 115. 105. fiction. 47. 114–15. 175. 260 Sinclair. 67. 258 ragini: Bhairava. 250. Jami Masjid. 78. 61. 247–49 Usuli. 67. 20. Khurshid Manzil. 182. 151. 232. 93. 118n42. 45. 87. 126. 177. 21. 79. Richard Colley. 255. 14 Royal Engineers. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Chattar Manzil. 151. 168. 253 Musa Bagh. presentation cup with coat of arms. 215 nazakat. Ghulam Nabi Shori. 104. 241. 116. wives of. 112. 230. 67. 181. 244. 50. 149. 117n33 tax. 119(nn70. 61. 152. work by. 23n13. 142 – 43. BUILDING SPONSORED BY: Husainabad Imambara. 256. 56. R. 260 Shah Pir Muhammad Masjid. 159. procession. 11. 181. 32. 181. 163n12 royal observatory. 158. 73. 11. 170–71. 122 . 118n57. 70. gateway. 163n18. 81. 252. 261. 216. 165. 11. 18. 46. 158. 122–23. See also under courtesan: culture tawaifi zaban. 248 S Sharar. 141 Taj Mahal. 11. 50. The. 11. 18. 185n9. wives of. 80. 153. 254 Rohilla(s). 201. 117n22 Rumi Darwaza. 111 Zoffany. 204. 54. 196. 118n33 Rawdon-Hastings. 244. 24. 10. 111. 115–16. 90. 195 sultana. 59. 261 soz khwani. 67. 170.. 80. 51n37. 241. 180. 23n18. 10. 239 270 271 . 65. Henry. 225n45. 260. John. J. 44. 196. 50n10. 32). 79. 252. 148. 215. Robert Christopher. 70. 241. 94. 67. 231. 260. 20–21. depicted. 108. 59 Premchand. 59. 11. 233. 48. 181. Munro. 114. 106. 177. taiwaif bazi. 179. 67. 10. Fanny. 187. 148. 242. work attributed to. 71. shrine of. Rahas Khana. 181. as patron. John. Munshi. 254 Sikander Bagh. 254 Wajid Ali Shah. Daya Dhaukar. destruction of. Lal Barahdari. 16. 99. 232. 182. 262. 90. 185. wife of. 10. 82. 61. 141 Sufi. 90–91. 152. 41. ceremonial mace. 152 Musa al-Kazim. 163n29. 59. 248. 59. 17. 244. 193 Ram Sahai. John. 255 Safavid dynasty. Elizabeth. Arthur. 17. 114. 235. 182. 81. 93. 41. 17. 11. 151. 83 R Nadir Shah. Sleeman. 116. 246. 116. 37. 14. 16. Hidden Imam. 199. 175. exile. 56–57. 176. 50. 51n20. 108 Riza ibn Ali Riza Khan. tawaif. 217. 126. 250 tehzib. 252 Sunni. 130. 224n36. depicted. Charles. Diwan. zenana Z Zamir. 67. 126. 187. 255. 114. 98. 241. 159 Wajid Ali Shah. 67. 67. and Faizabad. 11. work by. 123. 230–38. 199. 9). 251. 230. 185n4. 10. 17 trade: duty-free concession. 156. 118n54 Nasir al-Din Haidar. 217. 245 Smith. Tipu Sultan. 10. 246. 89. 118n39. 127. 233 Shamsa page. 183. 58. 116. 110. 157. 55 rubai. 236. 182. 167. 54. work after. imambara. 172. 252 Sangster. 261 nawabi dynasty. musical preference. 91–92. 116. 260 Qaisar Pasand. 67. 248 Sulaiman Shikoh. 100. 71. William H. 10. 217. 188. poster for film. 230. 238. 260. 214. 69. 163n18 Murshidabad. 68. 250. 21. 252. Ruins of the Residency. European. 23n18. film poster designed by. coronation robe. 167. siege of. 105–7. 92. 99. 81 Timms. 256 Quilley. work by. 165. 249. 112. 11. 92. 229. 56 Polehampton. 182. 49). 11. 174. 225(nn39. work by. 258 Ragamala painting. 167. 99. 141 Muhammad Ali Shah. 233. depicted. 259 Rangin. 174. 16. 251. 114. 117n32. 241. 46. William H. 261 rekhti. 254. 48. 50n10 nautch dance. 252 T U Udgir.. 50. 105. 157. 58. terrace scene with. 64. 75. Giles H. work by. 36. 118n51. 247. 134. Marquis of Hastings). 23n10 Sayyid Dildar Ali Nasirabadi. 99. 175. 154 – 55. depicted. 122. 250. 124 –25. 247. 253. 115. 135. 27. 126. qawwali. 150. 91. 257 Taikatnagar. 122. 50n13. Francis (Lord Moira. 79. 151. 67. 118n61. 171. 248. 194 Saadat Ali Khan. 232. 229. 148. 72. and Arthur Robertson. Deva Gandhara. Saadat Ali Khan. 160. 40. painting by. 51n20. 84 shaikhzada. 58. coronation. 229 peshwaj. 220. 166. clothing. 182 Umayyad. 185. 17. 109 N 225n49. accession seal. 121–22. 81. 109. 74. 158. 134. 235 Persian: language. work by. 86. 251 Muin al-Din Chishti. 187. 113. import. 50n25. 201 Shuja al-Daula. calligraphy by. kalidar (kaliondar) paijama. Charles. 63. 138. 71. 67. 244. 168. 178.

Kotick Vice Chair William T Fujioka Chief Executive Officer Mrs. Fourth District William H. Third District Terry Semel Co-Chair of the Board Don Knabe Supervisor. 2010–2011 Board Officers Mark Ridley-Thomas Supervisor. MD Wendy Stark Morrissey Jane Nathanson Daniel N. First District Los Angeles County Museum of Art Board of Trustees. Second District Andrew Gordon Co-Chair of the Board Zev Yaroslavsky Supervisor. Roski Jr. Antonovich Supervisor. Day Julian Ganz Jr. Bren Eli Broad Robert A. 2010 Gloria Molina Supervisor. Baxter Willow Bay Colleen Bell William J. Friedman Camilla Chandler Frost Andrew Gordon Tom Gores Brian Grazer Ghada Irani Victoria Jackson Suzanne Kayne Robert A. Steven F. Pritzker Janet Dreisen Rappaport Mrs. Weisman 272 . Mrs. Dwight M. Ahmanson Vice Chair Michael D. Kotick Mrs. Stewart Resnick Vice Chair Peter Norton Geoffrey Palmer Anthony N. Belin Mrs. Roth Carole Bayer Sager Terry Semel Florence Sloan Eric Smidt Michael G. Kendall Eric Lidow William A. Stewart Resnick Tony Ressler Edward P. Bohnett Suzanne Deal Booth Brigitte Bren Gabriel Brener Eva Chow Ann Colgin Kelly Day Joshua S. Lillian Apodaca Weiner Walter L. Maguire III Jamie McCourt Richard Merkin. Lionel Bell Donald L. Smooke Barbra Streisand Sandra W. Fifth District Robert A. Bell Dr. Mingst Mrs. Rebecka Belldegrun Nicolas Berggruen David C. Ahmanson Wallis Annenberg Frank E.Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. Terner Steve Tisch Casey Wasserman Dasha Zhukova Trustees Life Trustees Los Angeles County Museum of Art Executive Officers Michael Govan CEO and Wallis Annenberg Director Melody Kanschat President and COO William H. Harry Lenart Robert Looker Michael Lynton Robert F.

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