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In Europe there is a mountain, very high and very beautiful, which extends towards the south and very deeply into the sea. Th is is the
mountain that I have chosen out of all the earth, and I have decided to make of it the country of the monastic order. I have consecrated
it to be henceforth my dwelling: this is why people will call it the 'Holy Mountain'. All who shall come to live there after having decided
to fight the battle against the common enemy of the human race will find me at their side throughout their lives. I will be their
invincible aid, I will teach them what they must do and what they must avoid. I myself shall be their tutor, their physician, their nurse.
I shall take care to give them both food and the care that their bodies require, and that which is necessary for their souls, to inspire and
invigorate them, so they depart not from virtue. And all who finish their lives on this mountain in a spirit of love for God and
2
repentance, I promise to recommend to my Son and God that He accord them complete remission of their sins.

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The Mother of God was never a theme of the public preaching of the Apostles; while Christ was preached on the
housetops, and proclaimed for all to know in an initiatory teaching addressed to the whole world, the mystery of his
Mother was revealed only to t hose who were within the Church . . . It is not so much an object of faith as a foundation
of our hope, a fruit of faith, ripened in Tradition. Let us therefore keep silence, and let us not try to dogmatize about the
3
supreme glory of the Mother of God.


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9hat shall we offer thee, O Christ,


9ho for our sakes hast appeared on earth as man?
Every creature made by thee offers thee thanks.
The angels offer thee a hymn; the heavens, a star;
The magi, gifts; the shepherds, their wonder;
The earth, its cave; the wilderness, a manger;
And we offer theeȄa Virgin Mother.


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Athos, where miracles and wonders were (and doubtless are) seen almost daily by fasting anchorites, is not a place where we s hould
expect a critical spirit, and, now that the beginnings of monastic life on the Mountain have been investigated, there is less reason than
ever to give credence to legends of foundations earlier than the tenth century.. .These and other such legends obviously spri ng partly
from pious credulity, partly from a desire to give one monastery or another exalted status. 13

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The general layout of this enclosure [the lower part of the courtyard of Vatopedi] clearly echoes that of late Roman and earl y
Byzantine fortifications, as we learn from the numerous Kastra and Kastella of the Roman Frontiers. It is fascinating to speculate on
the existence, beneath the present -day monastery, of such an earlier foundation; this would support the monastic tradition which
attributes the origins of Vatopedi to Theodosius the Great. 14
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The steep slopes, the deep gorges, the tall cliffs and the outcrops of rock, the shades of green of the vegetation, changing in autumn to
variations of yellow and russet, the bare boughs of the trees in winter, the deep or light azure of the sea Ȅ these all ease the eye; the
roaring of the gales, the lapping of the waves, and the cries of birds delight t he ear, and the sweetness of the natural aromas and the
fresh air make glad the visitor's sense of smell. All together, these features make up the incomparable natural harmony of Mt Athos, to
which the lissom cypresses around the monasteries and along the stream beds add a note of austere gravity, sanctity and peaceful
melancholy. The grandeur of the physical environment is the natural background in which the monks of Mt Athos, guardians of t he
ancient institutions of Orthodoxy and the Greek race, root their mystic life and spiritual presence. 19

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This stillness, this silence, is everywhere, pervades all, is the very essence of the Holy Mountain. The distant sound of a m otorboat
serves only to punctuate the intensity of the quiet; the lizard's sudden rustling among the dry leaves, a frog plopping into a fountain,
are loud and startling sounds, but merely emphasize the immense stillness. Often as one walks over the great stretches of wil d country
which form much of this sacred ground, following paths where every stone breathes prayers, it is impossible to hear a sound of any
kind. Even in the monastery churches, where the silence is, as it were, made more profound by the darkness, by the beauty and by the
sacred quality of the place, it seems that the reading and chanting of priests and monks in the endless rhythm of their daily and
nightly ritual is no more than a thin fringe of a limitless ocean of silence.
But this stillness, this silence, is far more than a mere absence of sound. It has a positive quality, a quality of fullness, of plenitude,
of the eternal Peace which is there reflected in the Veil of the Mother of God, enshrouding and protecting her Holy Mountain, offering
inner silence, peace of heart, to those who dwell there and to those who come with openness of heart to seek this blessing. 20

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The three customary gatherings of the whole Athonite community, formerly held at Karyes at Christmas, Easter, and
the Assumption, are reduced to only one, on the Assumption. In future these gatherings are only to be attended by the
Protos, with three followers, by Athanasios, with two, by Paul of Xeropotamou, with one, and by the other hegoumenoi
[abbots], unaccompanied. This is done to avoid the disorders and disputes which have occurred ver y frequently at these
gatherings.
The Protos cannot legally do anything without the agreement of the assembly of the hegoumenoi, nor can the
assembly do anything without his agreement, even if it is a matter for the common good.
A novice must undergo a period of one year's probation before he can take his vows as a monk. All novices must be
put in the charge of a spiritual father or the head of their monastery, and must obey him. The novice may not apply to
join another monastery without his permission.
Monks who have made their vows in other places and have come to the Mountain are not allowed to buy land or to
settle on unoccupied land, unless they get the permission of the Protos and the assembly.
Every hegoumenos may sell, give, or transfer his property , his house, and his cultivated land to his own disciples,
or to some other person who has no property, but any gift of a house or land to any monastery is forbidden. 9ills
relating to such transfers of property are valid and effect is given to them. Any resale for the sake of profit is
disgraceful and is forbidden.
Only those monks who have received a training in discipline, under the supervision of a spiritual father, and have
proved themselves suitable, may (under supervision) retire to hermitages as s olitary ascetics or hesychasts. A monk
may not return to the world after he has taken his vows. Monks may not go for visits to towns or to country places, act
as sponsors, or join in associations with lay persons.
9ine, made in excess of the maker's requirements, and pinewood may not be sold outside the Mountain. Such
goods may be sold to monks who need them. If in need and stricken with poverty, monks may however sell them to
laymen living on the Mountain.
During Great Lent all manual work is forbidden except on Saturdays. All visiting and conversation is forbidden
during this season which must be devoted to prayer and contemplation.
Priests from outside cannot be admitted unless they bring letters of intro duction.
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It is absolutely forbidden to receive or to tonsure any eunuch or beardless youth; it is equally forbidden to give them shelter in any
monastery or cell. All such must be sent away from the Holy Mountain.
It is equally forbidden to keep large boats. By means of these many monks are engaged in illegal trade, under a variety of pr etexts
. . . It is agreed that monks are allowed to own small boats (up to 10 tons burden), in which they might sail to Thessaloniki and there
sell their surplus produce. Any person breaking this rule is to be punished by the confiscation of his boat. An exception is made in
favour of any monastery which requires a larger boat and has imperial authority for it. For example, the Latin monastery of the
Amalfitans was supported by help which it received from the Amalfitan colony at Constantinople.
No monk is allowed, on any pretext, to leave Athos during Lent.
Once again, the ban on the keeping of sheep, goats and cattle is repeated. The Great Lavra is allowed to keep cows, to supply milk,
cheese and butter for the aged and sick, but these animals must be kept at least 12 miles from any monastery. Lavra is also allowed
three further pairs of oxen (making four in all) for making dough. These animals are not to be used for other work or for cultivation.
The monastery of Vatopedi, by reason of its size, is allowed one pair of oxen ...
No monk may move from one monastery to another; but any hegoumenos, with the approval of the brotherhood of which he is the
head, may send one of its members to another monastery.
It is forbidden to refuse to fulfil contracts such as sales, gifts and exchanges of small farms or of monastic lands, if these have been
made in good faith . . .
Any person may collect firewood in any place . . .
r r
It is, for the future, forbidden to give aw ay or to sell any part of the lands owned by the w hole community of Athos.
Karyes has become a market town, where illegal trading, even in eunuchs, takes place. Therefore the old regulations must be
enforced.
Some persons have ordained, as deacons, as priests, and as hegoumenoi, monks who were under twenty years of age. This practice
is strictly forbidden.
The hegoumenoi of the larger monasteries have been in the habit of coming to the assemblies with many servants. This practice
leads to quarrels and disor der. Therefore it is laid down that, for the future, the Protos may be accompa nied by three servants only,
the hegoumenos of Lavra by six, the hegoumenoi of Vatopedi and Iviron by four each, and other hegoumenoi by one only.
In future, all important matters must be decided by the Karyes General Assembly; less important matters will be dealt with by the
Protos with the help of from five to ten hegoumenoi.
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The practitioners of the monastic life became increasingly subject to criticism and rebuke, their individuality stifled in a
new era of repression and conformity. Holy men there were, but their continuing popularity in many quarters was
against a barrage of criticism from court -orientated intellectuals and the secular church. 9here once miracle working,
predictions and cures had been admired, now scepticism and fear of charlatans was evident. The monastic saints were
deemed to be figures of the past; the present was a world in which the figure of the monk had, for many, lost much of its
2
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There was never a greater crime against humanity than the Fourth Crusade. Not only did it cause the destruction or
dispersal of all the treasures of the past that Byzantium had devotedly stored, and the mortal wounding of a civilisat ion
that was still active and great; but it was also an act of gigantic political folly It brought no help to the Christians in
31
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·

The stories now told about this place vary. One is that an abbot of Vatopedi was hanged there. Another is that the Pope of Rome came
to Athos and brought the abbot of Vatopedi up to this place and beheaded him. This story comes from the muleteer Panayotis, t o
whose muddled mind nothing seemed improbable. It was he who failed to find the path down to Pantokrator, and in his efforts to guide
us there from Vatopedi brought us very nearly all the way to Karyes. A matter of fact version of the legend is that an abbot aft er
1
walking up the very steep hill from Vatopedi, here sat down and expired: hence the name The Seat of the Abbot.

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This was the end of the adventure [wr ites Oikonomides]. A company of soldiers of fortune, like so many others in the fourteenth
century, ended by creating a semi -independent principality Ȅa Greek 'emirate' combining piety with aggres sive greediness. The
phenomenon was not unique and was too small in scale to influence the course of events. But it left a permanent legacy: the monastery
of Pantokrator.'

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Chilandar may be described as the centre of medieval Serbia's spiritual life and an important intermediary and representative in
Serbia's relations with Byzantium. 9ithout its intermediary role, it is inconceivable that Serbia would have adopted Byzantin e
civilization and the classical heritage. As it was, the elite of the Serbian Church, literature and theology passed through Chilandar. In
the eyes of Byzantium, Chilandar was a lasting proof of Serbian legitimacy, recog nized and confirmed by imperial chrysobulls.
Enjoying the status of a Byzantine 'imperial lavra', this rich and independent monastery was Serbia's best diplo matic mission in
Byzantium.14
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Since the Son of God, in his incomparable love for men, did not only unite his divine Hypostasis with our nature, by clothing himself in
a living body and a soul gifted with intelligence ...but also united himself...with the human hypostases themselves, in mingling himself
with each of the faithful by communion with his Holy Body, and since he becomes one single body with us and makes us a temple of
the undivided Divinity, for in the very body of Christ dwells the fullness of the Godhead bodily, how should he not illuminate those who
commune worthily with the divine ray of his Body which is within us, lightening their souls, as he illuminated the very bodie s of the
disciples on Mount Tabor? For, on the day of the Transfiguration, that Body, source of the light of grace, was not yet united with our
bodies; it illuminated from outside those who worthily -approached it, and sent the illumination into the soul by the intermediary of the
19
physical eyes; but now, since it is mingled with us and exists in us, it illuminates the soul from within.

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The victory of the hesychasts over the humanists perpetuated the triumph of monasticism. In the fifteenth century, the monks were
among the largest landowners; they have control of the Church, and the upper ranks of the hierar chy are selected solely from their
numbers. They have enormous influence among the people, which they use to arouse anti -western feeling, and they obstruct imperial
policy by opposing all friendly advances towards Rome. They ended by controlling the Church, and by ruining the State.21

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Byzantium, Bulgaria, Serbia, Rumania and Russia were all affected by this new cosmopolitan movement: monks, churchmen, write rs
and artists, travelling from country to country Ȅ'wandering for the sake of the Lord', as a fourteenth -century writer put it Ȅfound
themselves in a similar spiritual and cultural environ ment; and through this 'Hesychast International', whose influence e xtended far
beyond the ecclesiastical sphere, the different parts of the Byzantine Commonwealth were, during the last hundred years of it s
23
existence, linked to each other and to its centre perhaps more closely than ever before.

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And when with longing I kissed her most pure icon, suddenly I felt within my chest and in my heart a great warmth, not burning me up
but filling me with refreshment and sweetness and deep compunction. From that moment my heart began to say the prayer inwardl y;
and at the same time my reason, together with my intellect, holds fast to t he memory of Jesus and of my Theotokos, and it has never
left me.

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There is no evidence that Palamas had ever met Máximos or even knew of his exis tence, and yet with good reason he might have
included the Kapsokalyvite among the contemporary authorities to whom he appealed. Much more than an eccentric or an extremis t,

å‰
Máximos of Kapsokalyvia is a true witness to traditionȄto that continuing tradition of living, experiential theology which today, as in
the fourteenth century, constitutes the inner reality of the Holy Mountain of Athos. 30


p'/p/
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I urged myself to increase the slight talent that the Lord had given me, that is to say t he little art that I possess, which I learnt from
my youth, studying hard to copy as far as I was able, the master of Thessalonica, Manuel Panselinos, who was compared with the
brilliance of the moon; this painter, having worked on the Holy Mountain of Ath os, painting holy icons and beautiful churches, shone
in his profession of painting so that his brilliance exceeded that of the moon, and he obscured with his miraculous art all p ainters, both
ancient and modern, as is shown most clearly by the walls and p anels that were painted with images by him; and anyone who
participates to some extent in painting will understand this very clearly when he looks at them and examines them carefully. 31

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The chants of the Athonite fathers, from the simplest and unsophisticated of fal -terings to the highly artistic and kalophonic
compositions, take flight on wings of fear and longing from the thirst for God. They aspire to make contact with supracelesti al
spheres, those so distant but at the same time so near, under the painted domes of the Byzantine churches, both great and smal l, on
the Holy Mountain. These chants, which are the most suitable medium for the beauty of and for preparation for the worship of God,

are treasures . . ,3

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The Patriarch [writes Steven Runciman], as he read the pages in which God was usually called Zeus and t he Trinity consisted of a
supra-essential Creator, the Mind of the world and the Soul of the world, and maybe in which doctrines more shocking still were air ed,
36
decided, rather reluctantly but not surprisingly, that the manuscript must be burnt.



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The infidels are very worried that we might unite and come to agreement with the Christians of the west; for they sense that if this
occurred it would be very harmful to their own interests. Therefore my advice with regard to the holding of a council is th is: go on
studying and investigating the project as long as you can, especially when you have need of something to frighten the Turks. But do
not really try to put it into practice; for in my opinion our people are not in the frame of mind to discover a wa y of uniting with the

Ό
Latins or to put themselves out to create an atmosphere of peace, concord and mutual understanding, unless it were through th e hope
that the Latins would revert to the position in which we all found ourselves originally. But this is a virtual impossibility; and I fear that
38
if we are not careful a worse schism may come about and then we shall be left defenceless before the infidel.

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The Byzantine Empire had been, in theory at least, oecumenical, the holy Empire of all Christians, regardless of their
race. Its decline had reduced it to an empire of the Greeks; and the Orthodox milet organized by the new constitution
was essentially a Greek milet. Its task as the Greeks saw it was to preserve Hellenism. But could Hellenism be
combined with oecumenicity? Could the Patriarch be Patriarch of the Orthodox Slavs and the Orthodox Arabs as we ll
as of the Greeks? 9ould there not inevitably be a narrowing of his vision? The events of the fol lowing centuries were to
3
show how difficult these problems were to be.

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another metochi, greatly superior . . . and another church, decorous and promi nent, in the name of the great Nicholas,
and having ascribed this metochi to the venerable monastery of Simonopetra, he built kellia around it in great number .
. . and further dedicated both sacred vessels and silver and gold decoration of every kind; mor eover, he added to these
1
things villages, together with their serfs . . .

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the monastery was in a state of considerable confusion because of its great poverty and its debts, which exceeded
 0,000 leva. For this reason its creditors seized many valuable items as pledges. Of the monks, being unable to pay the
Turks the intolerable taxes, some departed to other, richer monasteries, while others roamed in the world in search of
22
alms. There were only five of them left there.

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You are tired of your cell? Go out and take a walk through all the many beauties of the wilderness. Go to the fountain;
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palaces . . . You see a mountain? A field? Marvel at the wisdom of the Creator and at His almighty power. Through
23
woods and groves you walk; ravines and valleys; think upon the holy men of old and make yourself like them.

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Gerasimos was also undermining his own authority by appointing Pavel as father-confessor and de facto leader of the
Russians. Above all, the Russians were vastly more wealthy than their impoverished brethren . . . In the short term,
the Russians' wealth saved the monastery from debt and decay. But riches and the monastic life do not go together;
43
and when the well-off live in close proximity with the poor, envy, greed and pride are bound to flourish.

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 now the original inhabitants of the Holy Mountain, bei ng fully roused, have entered into a solemn compact never
again to sell a foot of ground to the intrud ers . . . Thus they [the Russians] are obliged to make the most of what they
have already, and consequently at their two great stations, Russico and St. A ndrew's, they are hard at work with stones
and mortar. Many are the tales told of lights seen at night on the mountain moving between these two communities,
the evidence of secret communications carried on under the cover of darkness. The bit terness of feeling between the two
parties may be imagined from the fact that the Greeks attribute the frequent fires which have taken place in their
monasteries during the last fifty years to Russian incendiaries . . . 
    -
I give these stories chiefly for the sake of showing the bitterness of the struggle now undoubtedly going on at Athos,
though there is great reason for believing that these tales are only exaggerations of the truth. It is quite possible, and
even probable, that the Greeks are jealous of the greater number of Russian than Greek pilgrims to the Holy Mountain
(caused by the deeper religious feeling that exists amongst the lower orders of Russians than amongst the Greeks) Ȅ
pilgrims who make the journey, I believe, entirely from religious mo tives. Yet that the Russian authorities both at home
and at Athos are scheming for important political ends I see no reason to doubt; but that munitions of war are being
stored up at Russico, as has been asserted, is very improbable, and I saw nothing to confirm this statement. <B

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There is no single explanation for the meteoric rise of the Russian population . . . Nothing that happened in the seventy years of growth
was due to the isolated actions of a single government or of individuals . . . 9hat is clear about the Russians on Athos is t hat they
never intended to seize power and territory in a political sense: even the worldliest, most uncouth kelliot built his great stone edi fices
1
with pious if misguided intentions.

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The situation on Athos on the eve of the First 9orld 9ar was precarious. The Holy Mountain was the scene of ethnic quarrels f uelled
by greed, jealousy and even violence; it was becoming overcrowded; monastic humility and other -worldliness were being forgotten: all
this was a far cry from the hesychastic revival of the eighteenth century. The will of the individual on Athos was proved to be
powerless. God's will prevailed: the Russians were humbled, made destitute and brought back to their senses. Let us pray that the Holy
Mountain will continue to be the centre of Pan-Orthodoxy as it was in St Paisy's day and as St Nikodemos saw it.4

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9hat possible threat do they present to the Greek government? The Romanian monks have never created any disturbances on the
Holy Mountain; and Prodromou enjoys excellent relations with the Great Lavra, the ruling monastery on whose territory it stan ds. It is
clear that the opposition to the recruitment of non-Greek monks, whether Romanian or otherwise, does not come from the Greek
monasteries or from the holy community at Karyes . . .
One thing is beyond dispute. The exclusion of non -Greeks is directly contrary to the international treaties governing the Holy
Mountain. It is contrary to the constitutional charter of Athos, and to the principles of the European com munity of which Greece is a
member. It is contrary above all to the idea which has inspired the monastic republic of Athos ever since its founda tion more than a
thousand years ago. The Mountain has always been supra -national, never an ethnic enclave, never the exclusive preserve of one
32
national group. It has always been a centre of ecumenical Orthodoxy, and may it always remain so.



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Yet through all this history the life of the monastic community has persisted. On the sheer naked rocks at the base of the gr eat peak
still cluster the hermits, li ke watchful eagles in their eyries; the wooden gong still summons from their cells to the central churchȄthe
katholikonȄmonks of each of the twenty surviving monasteries. 'Forsake the world and join us', some of the monks told a traveller of
the last century; 'with us you will find your happiness. Do but look at the Retreat there with its fair walls, at the hermitage on the
mountain, how the westering sun flashes on its window panes! How charmingly the chapel peeps out from the bright green of the leafy
chestnut forest, in the midst of vine branches, laurel hedges, valerian, and myrtle! How the water bubbles forth, bright as sil ver, from
beneath the stones, how it murmurs along the oleander bushes! Here you will find soft breezes, and the greatest of all bl essingsȄ
freedom and inward peace. For he alone is free, who has overcome the world, and has his dwelling in the laboratory of all vir tues on
<
Mount Athos.7 

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The quality that characterizes this remarkable book is above all a sense of organic wholeness, such as may be found in St Maximus the
Confessor. The unity of the divine a nd the human in the incarnate Christ, the unity of heaven and earth in the Divine Liturgy, the
unity between theology and spirituality, between theology and lifeȄsuch are the author's master-themes.8

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'To reach this stage, to become passionless in the patristic and not in the Stoic meaning of the word, requires struggle,
time, hardship, fasting, vigils, prayer, sweat "like drops of blood", acceptance of contumely, humiliation, crucifixion, the
body nailed to the Cross, wounds in the side, the vinegar, the desertion by all, the mockery of some silly brother
crucified at one's side, the blasphemy of those that pass by . . . Then follow Resurrection in the Lord, and Easter in the
incorruptibility of the holiness . . . Or else . . .'
The hermit's voice dropped; he fixed his eyes on a large painting of Christ on the Cross, of the Cretan school, which
was hanging on the east wall of the room. Christ's head was pale, intensified by the twilight, death -like; all the beauty of
10
his features was gone . . .


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[who] with a sense of something missing or lacking, have spoken from the depths of their souls of the need, as of their
daily bread, for an Orthodox Synaxarion in their own language . . . On account of these earnest entreaties, we have laid
upon the priest-monk Makarios, a brother of our Monastery, the task of editing a Synaxarion of the Orthodox Church for
the Orthodox friends of the Holy Mountain in the Diaspora who have asked it of us and, at the same time, to respond to
11
the needs of the Orthodox Mission, as we have also been urged to do."

BA'  %#   !  '  

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c‰c
9hen we arrived and settled in this sacred, soaring and holy monastery, we were accorded such a reception on the part of the older
fathers living here that we were amazed. 9e were left speechless and filled with emotion. How often have we seen tears in the eyes of
the elders of our monastery, how often have we seen them expressing their love in a thousand ways, their confidence, their respect and
their esteem! 9e came as humble servants and we found more than we had anticipat ed. 9e came humbly to venerate them, but
instead, they wanted to venerate us.12
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Restoration has already finished in the old refectory, the kitchen, the gatehouse, the old workers' quarters, the stable
and part of the underground passage (to be used for fire safety power lines and water pipes, and for cables of all kinds).
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buildings to accommodate the necessary services. Restoration is progressing in half of the west wing to provide guest
quarters, and in the icon repository where the study envisages an exhibition centre for the monastery's movable,
spiritual and cultural heritage.. .Restoration work is also continuing on the treasury, as well as on the roofs and facades
16
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he made the brave decision to shut himself up completely, to confine himself as if in a prison to his cell and to a small
space around it. For however many years God would grant him, he would remain enclosed in these limits.
In fact, he lived thus for his re maining forty-five years. On no account did he break this principle. 9hen he needed to
notify somebody he used to raise a big pole with a sail on the end like a flag. The neighbors would see it and come to see
what was the matter.
His sacrifice was great. For forty-five years he lived as a recluse in a cell in that desert ravine of Katounakia,
depriving himself of ventures out-of-doors, walks, trips, and all human contact. Only with his death did he leave his
enclosure, and even then, only his soul departed. His body remained faithful to the physical bounds of his ascetic
labors.

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This heroic step was richly blessed by God. 'Observe how when a cask of wine is kept still in one place, it becomes
3
magnificent, reaching the peak of its bouquet' as the Philokalia says (Evagrios).

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Here the hum of the unceasing prayer and the constant secret sigh of fallen man is detected. Here the world's fate
is determined. Here God strains His ear, and here He decides. For this is the place of His rest. In this desert you can
hear the echo of the angelic hymns, the doxological silence of the saints, and the melody of the everla sting godly word.
In the desert of the Holy Mountain you can meet more easily an angel than a man. The place is so savage that
human beings cannot endure it; it is so imma terial that angels envy it. Here angels are in excess. The environment is
more hospitable for them. It resembles heaven more than earth. Angels are recognized more easily than men. For
hermits have eyes that can see angels, while angels are unable even to imagine the existence of such human beings. The
people who can endure life here can see, but cannot be seen. They are more angelic than human; they are more
heavenly than earthen, more eternal than temporal. This is why, along with God's rest, they cause the amazement of
angels who take pleasure and find rest in this desolate place.
The clarity of the desert is so great that it transforms you. Your soul becomes transparent. 9ithout any efforts
your inner world emerges. You confess spontaneously and, if you have the blessing to meet a hermit, he reads your soul
36
without difficulty. Here pe ople possess souls and eyes that can be seen.


   p 
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Athonite life is fundamentally a Mystery, a Mystery which defies any description. Our eyes must be opened if we are to
behold the Mystery. 9e must be initiated into the Mystery. Initiation does not spring from rational understanding
alone; it is a question of spiritual ascent. As Man ascends and God descends, it is at the point where they meet that the
Mystery is celebrated. It is this Mystery which makes Athos not merely a mountain, but a Holy Mountain.
The Mystery is open to anyone, whether Athonite or not, who wishes to approach it. The approach, however, means
ascent; ascent requires abstraction; and abstraction demands courage. The way life is organised on Athos, the archi-
tecture, painting, nature, cobblestones, bells, the wooden sounding boards striking day and night, the hospitality the
prayersȄall of these express something of this Mystery. It is in them all and at the same time beyond t hem all.
9hatever expresses the Mystery may be described up to a certain point, yet at the same time its core remains
38
undescribed. Being undescribed it is offered in communion of life.





















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