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!1 8  Pierre Bourdieu 
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 William H. Sewell, Jr. 
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 2 Bourdieu
Abstract
The objective of this research is to understand the structural conditions of
the birth and transformation of the field of metal music production in Bangkok from
1970s to early 21st century through Pierre Bourdieuis 7the field of cultural production8
framework and William H. Sewell Jr.is concept of the transformations of structures. This
research uses various methodologies including participant observation, informal
interview, formal interview, documentary research, media analysis and photographic
analysis.
The finding of the research is that BangkokDs field of metal music production
has been transforming as a result of various structural changes which are the beginning
and the end of Vietnam War, the birth of the pirate cassette industry in Thailand, the birth
of the music industry in Thailand, the rise and fall of international popularity of heavy
metal music, the import of inexpensive music instrument from Japan to Thailand, the
rise to popularity of alternative music in Bangkok, the rise and fall of Pnu-metalR music
and Pthe digital revolution.R
The total results in the long term of these structural transformations are that
the heavy metal music market has been continually becoming smaller and more divided
into different markets. At the same time, the forces of production of heavy metal music
have been continually increasing. As a result, the profit in the metal market decreases.
The decrease continues to the extent that production goes on without producer making
economic profit. This condition of production drives the producer who was primarily
driven by economic profit away from the field of metal music production. The producer
who is still producing in the market primarily based their production on cultural
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motivation. This condition of production makes the field of metal music production in
Bangkok become the field of cultural production where Pthe autonomous principleR in
BourdieuDs terms dominates the cultural production.

:


(Miss Poonsook Khuntaroj)

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(Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR)
(studying up)


(bureaucracy)


(loyalty)



(CSR)

Abstract
The objective of this study is to unveil the mechanism and the
organizational culture that influences the way in which the operators of the Mae Moh
Coal Power Plant work and think about their work. The largest coal-fired power plant in
Southeast Asia, the Mae Moh Coal Power Plant has caused grave environmental and
social Impacts on lives of the populace. It is found that bureaucracy is the moving force
inherent in the employers thought and their performance at the work place.
Bureaucracy has been maintained by the sense of loyalty. The price of reciprocity has
been paid in form of welfares. When questioned by the public about the plants
accountability and its efficacy of bureaucracy at play, the Mae Moh Coal Power Plant
introduced the use of the corporate social responsibility (CSR) -- a built-in, selfregulating mechanism to monitor the business and to ensure its active compliance with
the spirit of the law, ethical standards, and international norms. This study finds the
additional audit culture to help legitimize the official status of the organization rather
than guaranteeing the good governance and the transparency of the operation.

:

(Ways to Get Out of Debt Crises: Debt
Management of the Poor Households in
Government Housing Project)


(Mr. Ukrit Chalermsan)

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1) (economic practice)
2) 3)

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ABSTRACT
The thesis focuses on debt management of the households in Bangkok low
income community. The case study is a community that participates in The Government
Housing Project (in Thai Baan Mankong Project)where the households take loan
from the Government to pay for land and house construction and pay back in
installments of 2,000 2,500 Baht per month. Although debts in this Project give poor
people chances to own land and house, it also causes the households debt increase.
To study the poor households debt crises, this thesis develops 3 main research
questions: firstly, What are household economic practices? , secondly, How do people
manage debts from several creditors? lastly, What are conditions that make debt
management possible?
The poor households rely mainly on family members to earn income. They are
highly dependent on family elders. Most households lend money from their social
network, including kin, relatives, neighbors, friends, both inside and outside community.
However, the financial crises are only decrease for a short period of time before the
cycle of debt rises again. Some households try to decrease their expenditures by
sending out younger family members back to their rural communities or even let them
enter the monkhood.
Debt management strategies used by the poor households are as follows: borrow
more money from other sources to pay the old debts, negotiate with the debtors -- stop
the installment temporarily, decrease the monthly installment payment, delay payment.
The research shows that the poor prefer the private debtors than the institutional one
because of the flexibility of the term of loan payment.

Conditions that make debt management possible are: increasing of incoming


cash and decreasing of household expenditure. The ways to increase household income
include: finding extra jobs, finding permanent jobs, sending more family members out for
cash earning. One of the major problems of the poor household is the lack of access to
social welfare. Most of the household are temporary workers, hence they are not eligible
to any health insurance, educational scholarship or retirement funds. Accessibility of
social welfare is considered by the poor as possibility to decrease their expenditures.

(Pilgrimage and Voluntary Displacement in Cambodia


after Year Zero)

(Mr. Napakadol Kittisenee)

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Abstract
Flows of the people has been one of the main themes in our current world
on the move. There are several and diverse manifestations of motion and movement
emerging from societies en route either in coercive or voluntary manners all requiring
deep investigation of these fluid, dynamic and symbolic practices. Anthropological
study of pilgrimage has been revolving around this juncture by rendering two major
academic as well as existential debates: ritual perspectives of walking and post-modern
theology of displacement. The former has been engaging with what the distinction
between the sacred and secular motions actually is. Meanwhile, the latter has been
dealing with re-visiting religion within the nexus of radical change in fragmented, wartorn societies. This study aims at exploring in-depth Dhammayietra as a form of
pilgrimage coming out of a refugee camp along Thai-Cambodian border after two
decades of Year Zero, the historical demarcation of the dramatic destruction of
lifescape (1975-1979) in which meaningfulness of life has been inscribed and remembering was transformed into the battle and killing fields. By this physical and
symbolic practice of repatriation, the former literatures on Dhammayietra defined this
mobile social act as resistance, the constructive movement against the deconstructive
policy by the Khmer Rouge regime, and another seen as transnational movement
observable in the flows of peace concept from outside Cambodia. As the condition of
warfare in country retreated, yet the pace of Dhammayietra has not receded. It has been
on-going annually for twenty years along with the progress of the societys
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reconstruction and development. What are the driving forces, compelling to displace the
pilgrims themselves from their familiar own places where they have seemingly been
living without war, not requiring to be repatriated over and over again? How does the
displacement practice work on Khmer lifescape? These have triggered the central
questions of this study. I have reassessed the dynamisms and definition of this
sophisticated act by unearthing the historical data of the motion and movement in
Cambodia and beyond while at the same time following the pilgrims employed as the
multi-sited ethnographic methodology. Viewed as ritualistic, religious movement, I have
further incorporated reflexivity as the way to make sense of the inner, perceptive aspect
of the pilgrims, the fellowship to which I also adhered when conducting fieldwork on the
move.
This study unveils the profound perspectives and dimensions of Dhammayietra
as a vignette of pilgrimages absorbing the coercive displacement undertaken by the
policy of Democratic Khmer regime then turning the painful mobile experience into
voluntary displacement where the sense of loss, trauma and suffering of the genocidal
days remaining to be healed. The meaning of displacement has therefore been
transformed into deep-placement the sense of re-membering, re-inscribing into the
lifescape not by fixation but motion. Yet, as the restorative act the walk has been, the
moral order appeared in the ritualistic realm is not egalitarian and culturally unified as
shown in pilgrimage literatures, there are also competing motifs on pre-Year Zero
hierarchy and the wish toward the improvement. The dynamic character of
Dhammayietra has further been interwoven with the social progress. It can be seen as
the metaphorical motion and movement in which society has been embodied. This study
has eventually come to make, not the conclusion but remarque: With considering the
long-last steps of Dhammayietra as a symbolic repatriation, whether this movement has
been evoking subtlety the Cambodian has yet had rematriation where lifescape of care,
nurturing and the sensibility of home would be dreamt of in the post-traumatic society.

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