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Political history of Malawi can essentially be categorised in three phases: colonial period 1891 to 1963, dictatorship period - 1964 to 1992 and the current democratic period, which started in 1993. The presence of the media in the country can be traced back to 1895 with Central African Times1 as the first newspaper. However, there are no clear dates as to when broadcasting actually started in the country but the general consensus is that it started just after the Second World War, with Nyasaland Broadcasting Corporation2 (NBC) as the first broadcaster. This remained a sole broadcaster in the country until 1998 when a first ‘private’ commercial radio was launched. The only Television station (government owned) started in 1999. A few more publications, including Daily Times’ sister paper, Malawi news (weekly) and Catholic’s Moni Magazine (monthly) were also in circulation during the dictatorship era. However, due to the purpose of this study, this literature review will mainly concentrate on literature and texts that have been written on the media in relation to its democratic role. Just as many African countries, Malawi has just emerged from dictatorship, and has only been democratic for fifteen years. This is roughly the time frame in which most of literature on Malawi media has been authored. Journalism, media studies and even communication studies, as academic disciplines, did not start in the country until 1995 when these subjects were initiated at university of Malawi. As a result, literature on the subject is patchy, mostly written by foreign ‘experts’ and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) both international and regional. Nonetheless, there are few articles on the subject that have been written by local academics, many of whom have backgrounds in political sciences. This is the literature that the study will heavily draw upon. Also, the study will look at theoretical conceptions of democratic media so that it can be used as a benchmark in the study.
Malawi Media Landscape
Having clarified the duties and expectations of the democratic media, this section will now look at Malawi’s media landscape in order assess its performance in accordance to the democratic role. Media activist Levi Zeleza Manda, (2007) observed that it is unlikely that a large number of people in Malawi would have in-depth knowledge about activities of
Central African Times is today publishing under the name Daily Times.
Nyasaland Broadcasting Corporation today operates under the name Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC)
political actors, as they do not have access to any means of communications. He observed that due to the economic constraints in the country most people cannot afford to buy a radio, television sets, let alone daily newspapers. He asserted that according to some estimates, 50 per cent of the population of Malawi have access to radio sets while for television and newspapers, the figures are 0.2 per cent and 0.3 per cent respectively. He noticed that access to print media is hindered not only by the cost of newspapers, magazines and other publications but also low levels of literacy. This particularly affects women, as only 54 per cent of women can read, compared to 75 per cent of men.3 In addition, most mass circulation newspapers in Malawi are elitist because they are written in English, which is understood by relatively small sector of society. (P: 254). Manda further observed that even those who can afford means of communications and are literate enough to communicate do not get diverse information from the media as they are all concentrated in the hands of the elite politicians. He pointed out that both the country’s daily newspapers 4 are controlled by companies that are owned or associated with prominent politicians; The Nation is published by a company associated with one of country’s longest serving politicians, Aleke Banda 5 while The Daily Times is published by a company owned by the family of the former Life President of Malawi. The two companies also publish the country’s widest circulated weekend newspapers, Weekend Nation and Malawi News respectively. (P: 255). Manda noticed that such ownership spills over to electronic media as well where most community radio stations, such as Radio Maria (Catholic) and Radio Islam (Muslim), are operated by religious groups that use them explicitly to promote their faiths. Politicians also own a number of ‘private’ radio stations, a former president6 owns Joy Radio FM and a son of prominent opposition politician, Harry Thomson,7 owns Power FM 101 radio station. (P: 255). Manda observes that while majority of the people rely on the public broadcaster, its independence is questionable as it lacks sufficient structural and operational independence. By law, the president appoints members of the board of directors of Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) and decides on their chairperson. Furthermore, he noted that the operational independence of MBC is also reduced, as it relies on Parliament for its funding, (through national budget), which is supplemented by advertising revenue. (Ibid).
Manda finally pointed out that harsh economic conditions put also constraints on media operations. Noticing that advertising, which is the lifeblood of newspapers in Malawi, and indeed elsewhere, is hard to come by. Most of the newspapers that have closed since 1994 could not have survived because clients who had hitherto purchasing advertising could no longer do so due to the poor economic environment. (P: 259-260).
3 4 5 6 7
Women in Malawi are approximated at around 53 per cent of the national population. There are now three daily newspapers, the third one is owned by the daughter of the incumbent president. Aleke Banda recently announced his retirement from politics. Former president Bakili Muluzi is still active politician and he is a national chairman for his party, UDF Harry Thomson was a senior cabinet minister at a time his son was granted a broadcasting license.
On the same point, Nandini Patel (2000) noticed that newspaper business in Malawi operates at a loss, except where there are commercial advertisements. Patel observed that the main source of advertising revenue is the government and its subsidiaries. However, Patel noticed the advertisements are monopolised by newspapers that have allegiance to the ruling party and the pro opposition newspapers are denied access to advertising revenue. As a result, Patel argued that this has affected the independent performance, fairness and freedom of the media. (P: 166). Most of these points have also been echoed by ARTICLE 19’s 8 (2000) media performance report, which was conducted in relation to Malawi’s second democratic elections - 1999. ARTICLE 19’s Media Monitoring Project, devised a media monitoring campaign with the view to assess the performance of the news media during the campaign period. It also assessed the media performance in the first five democratic years - 1994-1999. In particular, the article looks at issues ownership, control, regulation and censorship. For instance, ARTICLE 19 observed that from 1994 to 1999 the telecommunications regulator of the time, Malawi Post and Telecommunication (MPTC) had granted only two licenses for ‘private’ and commercial radio broadcasting – one to the then president’s press officer, Alauddin Osman and the other to Oscar Thomson, a son of then cabinet minister, Harry Thomson. The article emphases that this happened despite the fact that many other applicants were denied licenses to broadcast. The only other license that was granted within the period was for local women’s groups, which was support by UNESCO, but even so the women had to fight against the government to maintain the independency of the radio station. (P: 2-3). On the other hand, the article observes that there were at least 50 newspapers in the country within this period, most of which published few editions and closed. ARTICLE 19 speculates that the reasons for the closures varied: many newspapers were poorly written and printed and did not sell as a result. Some lost libel suits and closed, some could not attract sufficient advertising revenue and many could not manage the high printing costs. However, ARTICLE 19 observed that the newspapers that survived, as well as those that were established after 1999, were mainly owned by top politicians. Just as Manda mentioned, ARTICLE 19 also noticed that the ruling party ensured that all the news organisations that supported it survived by guaranteeing them advertising revenue, which was denied to other news organisations. ARTICLE 19 monitored this policy for one month (March 1999) and the results demonstrated that the policy was indeed being implemented. The report then noted that the implication of this policy is that the pro ruling party newspapers had the edge over the pro opposition newspapers, as they could afford to lower cover price than those with less advertising. In turn lower cover prices may encourage more readers to buy them. ARTICLE 19 quoted the then minister of education and executive member of the ruling party, Sam Mpasu, who admitted the government indeed had implemented a policy on banning advertising placements in all the media outlets who sympathised or identify themselves with opposition parties. The minister went on to explain that the government would revise its policy if the media were ready to review their editorial strategies as well. (P: 11).
ARTICLE 19, is a human rights pioneer, defends and promotes freedom of expression and freedom of information all over the world.
ARTICLE 19 concluded that this trend was particularly worrying for the following reasons: ‘Foremost it means that editorial policy is easily influenced by party politics, and that stories (or programmes in the case of the radio) are added or dropped according to political criteria instead of newsworthiness.’ Also, through such newspapers the views of few politicians are disseminated as facts and real news, which may do a disservice to any leader or viewer in search of objectivity, in-depth analysis, or facts. ‘Moreover, when activities are written and published in one newspaper and picked up, cited, or re-run in a newspaper owned by a fellow party member, the views they carry become more credible and the stories they tell more compelling. When such reports are reiterated by public broadcaster they become more regarded as facts. As a result, diversity of opinion and democracy suffer.’ (P: 3-4). During the 2004 general elections, European Union (EU) Elections Observer Mission (EOM) carried out a somewhat similar media monitoring exercise in the country. The exercise took place between 16th April 2004 and 17th May 2004. The elections were on 20th May the same year. Its findings provide significant understanding on the reporting patterns of both state and private media during the time (elections) when political information is particularly important. The report begins with the observation that there are a number of radio stations in the country but the most effective, however, is the public radio both channels 1 and 2, as they reach almost 80 per cent of the country. The report further stated that private commercial radio stations mainly broadcast in the urban areas and their effectiveness is even weak, as they suffer from poor signals. Other sets of radio stations are religious and community, which mainly deal with religious and ‘development’ issues, respectively. Television Malawi (TVM) is the only television station and is wholly owned and controlled by the government. The survey also discovered that the most influential daily newspapers (all ‘private’), have small daily circulation of 10,500 (Daily Times) and 16, 000 (Nation) and because of the high illiteracy rate, newspaper’s influence is small. The actual survey did a content analysis of newspaper space and airtime devoted to the political parties and candidates. The results of the exercise revealed that MBC channel 1 had overwhelming bias in favour of the ruling coalition, allocating 97.7 per cent of its electoral coverage to UDF/AFORD/NCD.9 Within this allocation, UDF10 presidential candidate received 89.6 per cent of airtime. The figures for television Malawi showed that the ruling coalition had 79.5 per cent followed by Mgwirizano coalition with only 8.5 per cent and Malawi Congress Party (MCP) with only 6.5 per cent of the coverage. (P: 25). The ‘private’ radio stations monitored generally provided reasonably balanced coverage of the campaign and included all the parties and candidates in their broadcasts. Some, however, such as MIJ radio (Malawi Institute of Journalism) provided more negative view of the UDF presidential candidate than other all other contestants. The print media generally provided good coverage of all contestants, with equitable space devoted to parties and candidates. However, the two daily newspapers, displayed a negative tone and questionable neutrality when referring to the ruling coalition. (P: 26).
UDF/AFORD/NCD were the parties forming the ruling coalition. UDF was the main party in the coalition and the ruling party at the time.
The survey speculates that the crucial factor that contributed to the huge imbalance in the electoral coverage by the state controlled media is the assumption by MBC and TVM that because one is a president of the country, they have to be followed and their activities broadcast in the national news. This became an issue since president Bakili Muluzi11 campaigned for the UDF during all the presidential activities he carried out as head of state. (P: 25) Just as the European Union’s Observer Mission established, EISA’s 12 (2004) (Elections Institute of Southern Africa) elections observer team observed that during the election campaign period, both MBC and TVM hardly covered the opposition parties’ political activities. The report noted that one week to the elections the ruling coalition presidential candidate had received an average of 60 per cent of MBC’s ‘positive’ coverage of the electoral process, while his opponents received the remaining 40 per cent. In addition, the UDF/AFORD/NCD coalition received an average of 57 per cent against an average ranging between 0 and 5 per cent received by the remaining political parties and candidates. (P: 20). A political scientist at University of Malawi, Nixon Khembo and his colleague, Eric Mcheka (2005) also noticed that access to the public electronic media was the most controversial issue, as far as 2004 general elections were concerned. Just as in earlier reviewed articles, Khembo and his colleague pointed out that public media favoured the ruling party and its allies. Quoting Commonwealth’s media advisor to the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC), Tim Neale, Khembo and Mcheka pointed out that coverage by private radio stations, such as Capital Radio and FM101 Power and the Malawi Institute of Journalism were more ‘progressive’ than the state media. Adding that coverage in the leading daily newspapers Daily times and Nation was more positive than negative regarding the policies of all the main opposition contenders, except the ruling alliances’ Bingu wa Mutharika 13 (P: 46). The article speculates that this phenomenon could be a result of tight censorship that the government instilled in both public and private electronic media. For instance, the article gave an example of the former vice president, Justin Malawezi who had resigned from his party, UDF, to stand as independent presidential candidate when he was ‘physically’ thrown out of the live programme at MBC’s channel 2 after a presenter was ordered ‘from above’ to immediately halt the programme. (P: 46-47). Similarly, the article also noted that there was harassment and intimidation on ‘private’ broadcasters. Here they gave an example of an incident where Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority (MACRA) confiscated audio tapes at the catholic radio station, Radio Maria, in lakeshore district of Mangochi suspecting of carrying ‘political messages’, which MACRA deemed to be contrary to its broadcasting license. (P: 47).
Muluzi was retiring as president, as he was finishing his mandatory two successive terms in office.
EISA is South Africa based NGO which works in the promotion of credible elections, participatory democracy, human rights culture, and the strengthening of governance institutions for the consolidation of democracy in Africa
Mutharika was the eventual winner in the presidential race.
The concerns of political control were also voiced out at a conference on democracy and good governance, in Windhoek, Namibia 14 by a Malawian journalist, media activist, and former newspaper proprietor, Peter Kumwenda (1999). He asserted that the obstacles facing media in the country were many, but by far the largest problem was that of political interference in the work of the media. He echoed most of what earlier reviewed articles have already noted; he gave example of Television Malawi’s ‘Know Your Member of Parliament’, which featured only MPs from the ruling party despite the fact that the 193member parliament has had equally representation between the ruling party and the opposition. Kumwenda concluded that such situation as this does not help the matters, especially that most ‘private’ owned broadcasters have largest per cent of their programming taken up by music and other entertainment programmes, while religious and community radio stations broadcast to small and disintegrated audiences. Meinhardt and Patel (2003) added that journalists in Malawi were not yet free from official and unofficial intimidation and harassment despite the constitutional guarantees. They noticed that there have been cases where journalists have been charged for offences, ‘only to be withdrawn after the accused had gone through anguish and anxiety of a criminal awaiting a trial for a crime punishable with imprisonment.’ They also observed that news media practitioners often become victims simply for doing what they are supposing to be doing: Meinhardt and Patel gave an example of an incident when Malawi Army Soldiers raided Daily Times newspaper offices and some damaged its equipment after the newspaper had published a story on the prevalence of HIV/AIDS among the army ranks. They speculated that there is a distinct possibility that the economic hardships in the country also contributed to the lack of independence among journalists who are on low wages and they lack job security. As a result, they tend to go along with wishes of the media organisation they are working in, in order to keep their jobs. Subsequently, selfcensorship creeps in and professionalism suffers, as a result. Perhaps the traces of this self-censorship can be detected in Southern African Development Committee’s (SADC) media law (2003) research they conducted with news media workers in Malawi. The aim of the research was to establish if media freedoms of speech and information were practically being implemented in the country. The main finding of the research was that there was lack of openness in the country; journalists were afraid to participate in the research in fear of the reprisals from authorities and their seniors, which the researchers speculates is the resultant of the culture of harassment and intimidation, which may lead to self-censorship, consciously or subconsciously. However, the researchers emphasises that it not clear whether this pressure is directly from the government or whether management bows to government as a result of personal agendas to keep pace with the ruling party. Nonetheless, the research documented that, of the few interviews that it managed to conduct with radio broadcasters, and journalists from the print media, the public broadcasters (TVM and MBC) personnel did not participate,
The Windhoek conference was convened by Konrad Adenauer Foundation, an NGO that advocates the development of independent media that report freely, fairly and critically, and are the watchdogs in democratic society.
they did not return the researcher’s calls. Also, almost all the interviewees who participated requested for anonymity. (P: 9). Not surprisingly, perhaps, the overview of the journalists interviewed was that there was media freedom in the country. In fact, some believed that some of the journalists in the country are taking the concept of freedom of expression too far. The only top media official (manager of a ‘private’ radio) who was willing to give an interview on anonymous terms asserted that the main problem facing the media was that the ruling party had always been unwilling to ‘open up the airwaves’. The manager also complained about the lack of advertising revenue from the government and the heavy tax duty that is imposed on the imported asserts for ‘private’ radio stations in the country. The Manager concluded that the tax become even more unbearable as it id charged in US dollars. (P: 8-9). On the same note, Media Sustainability Index (MSI)15 report of 2007-2008, quoted the head of journalism at the University of Malawi’s Polytechnic College, Costly Mtogolo, as saying that it is particularly harder for broadcasters to cope with broadcasting license fees, as it is changed in American dollars. This makes it very expensive, as the local currency is very weak against US dollar. Somehow, Mtogolo noted that the regulatory body is allowed to charge in dollars even though it is illegal for broadcasters charge for advertising placements in any foreign currency. “So This is Democracy?” (2007) is Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA)16 annual publication that documents media rights violations in Southern Africa. While most of the reviewed articles were written in the earlier part of the decade, this article acts as a summary and an update of the current media environment in Malawi. And, it has to be said that on its evidence, nothing has changed and one cannot be wrong to conclude that all the observations discussed thus far, regardless how far back were written, bears the same ‘truth’ today. The article discusses issues of defamation in Malawi, the delays of tabling the access to information bill by Malawi parliament and, perhaps the most important: it has the latest data on media ownership; the number of electronic media; print publications; their reach and circulation figures. Such data is very hard to acquire in Malawi, as the industry has no circulation bureau that would monitor and keep such data, as is the case in many countries with advanced media industries. MISA obtained the data from individual organisations. In addition to this, the article also has detailed information of all the media harassment incidents that occurred in the region in 2007. For instance, the report documents that despite the fact that Malawi has a constitution, which MISA says is regarded as one of the best on the continent of Africa, media suppression and harassment in the country is still visibly available. The report gives an example of the Daily Times reporter Caroline Somanje and her editor Jika Nkolokosa, who were fired and suspended, respectively, for publishing an article about a high placed woman who was caught in a love triangle with a senior bank manager and a Catholic priest. This happened despite that fact that the story was entirely based on court records
Media Sustainability Index is an international non-profit organization, which provides leadership and innovative programs to improve the quality of education, strengthen independent media, and foster pluralistic civil society development.
MISA is an NGO with members in 11 of the SADC countries. It promotes free, independent and pluralistic media, in the region.
that were in the public domain. In fact, the court had dissolved the marriage for irreconcilable differences. On the other hand, the report documents that despite the harassment and intimidation, there are still incidences of brave journalism, and that the judicial system has in many instances upheld the rule of law to protect media freedoms. Here the article cites the case of a senior member of parliament, Mark Katsonga, who obtained a court injunction stopping Blantyre Newspaper Publication (BNL)17 from publishing a story on a case in which he was accused of hit-and-run car accident, which killed a cyclist. BNL successfully challenged the injunction and reported the matter, including his conviction and the fine he was ordered to pay. There was also another case where another member of parliament stormed into the Daily Times offices and harassed a journalist. The journalist successfully sued the MP and the MP lost his parliamentary seat as a result of the conviction.
The contradiction of the expectations of democratic media and the current media landscape in Malawi is very disturbing, as is confusing for anyone to even contemplate as to how ‘true’ democracy can possibly function if indeed the media plays such a key to its functionality. What is more interesting from the evidence presented in the literature is that it is clear that the importance of the media in sustenance and development of democracy is recognised by stakeholders in Africa. This is evidenced by the existence of liberal media laws and regulation in democratic African countries. This then forces the conclusion that there is deliberate manipulation or disregard of the media laws so as to fit in with the needs of the few elites. Mostly those in position of power, as the case of Malawi has demonstrated. For instance, there seem to be a general consensus in the reviewed articles that the media in Malawi is largely owned and controlled by a group of elite politicians, through direct ownership and through regulation and censorship. Where they do not have direct access they resort to intimidation or harassment, this can be physical, mental and indeed economical. Again, the literature has substantial evidence of such cases; we have seen how government in Malawi decides media houses that are to be given advertising revenue, a lifeblood of any media organisation; this works like a reward for those who are ‘royal’ to the ruling elite and as an incentive for these who are not, to become ‘royal’, so as to reap the rewards, as their colleagues. This means that not only are the electorate denied the variety of ideas and opinion to chose from, but also those in the positions of power have an advantage to abuse their official positions, as they are not policed in any way or form. Such situation is in sharp contrast with the very idea of democratic media, which has the role to ensure that all voices and opinions are heard so as to ensure that the people make informed decisions based on all available options. In other words, the current media environment is equivalent of having autocratic media in a liberal democracy. It is quite hard, if not impossible for anyone to envisage how the two can coexist.
Publishers of the Nation, Weekend Nation and Nation on Sunday.
Indeed, the literature has presented substantial amount of evidence regarding a number of clashes between ‘independent’ / ‘private’ media and the governments throughout Africa. At the bottom of this problem is what Tettey (2006) has identified that governments control the media through bureaucracy (they make laws that governs media organisations) therefore making it difficult for the media to operate, more so in Africa, where democracy is relatively new and separation of powers among the arms of government is often absent.
References & Further reading
ARTICLE 19 (2000) “At the Crossroads: Freedom of Expression in Malawi: The Final Report of the 1999 Malawi Election Media Monitoring Project (March 2000)”, London. ARTICLE 19 International Centre Against Censorship.
Brooke, H. (2007), “Your Right to Know: A Citizen’s Guide to the Freedom of Information Act”, (2th edition), London & Ann Arbor. Pluto Press.
Buckley, S. Duer, K. Mendel, T. Siochru, S. Price, M. & Raboy. M. (2008), “Broadcasting, Voice, and Accountability: A Public Internet Approach to Policy, Law, and Regulation”, Ann Arbor. The University of Michigan University. Curran, J. (2000), (ed), “Media Organisations in Society”, London. Arnold. Curran, J. (2002), “Media and Power”, London & New York. Routledge. Curran, J & Seaton, J. (1997), “Power Without Responsibility: The Press and Broadcasting in Britain. (5th edition), London & New York. Routledge. Elections Institute of Southern Africa Election Observer Mission (2004), “Malawi Parliamentary and Presidential Elections (20th May 2004)”, Johannesburg. EISA European Union Election Observation Mission Report (2004) “Final Report on Presidential and Parliamentary Elections”, Malawi. European Union.
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Franklin, B. (1997), “Newszak & News Media”, London, New York, Sydney & Auckland. Arnold.
Guy Berger (2002), “Theorizing the Media-Democracy Relationship in Southern Africa”, London, Thousand Oaks & New Delhi. SAGE Publications.
Johnston, M. “In-depth Interviewing” in Gubrium, J. & Holstein, J. (eds) (2001), “Handbook of interview research: Context & Method”, Thousand Oaks, London & New Delhi. SAGE Publications. Khembo, N. & Mcheka E. (2005), “The Role of the Media and Society in Malawi’s Elections” in Khembo, N. (2005), “Elections and Democratisation in Malawi: An Uncertain Process”, Johannesburg. EISA.
Kumwenda, P. (1999), “Obstacles and Challenges Facing the Media in Malawi”, a conference paper presented at “Media and Politics: The Role of the Media in Promoting Democracy and Good Governance”, 21 – 23 September 1999, Safari Court Hotel Windhoek, Namibia.
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Magolowondo, A. “Conceptual and Contextual Background” in Patel, N. & Svasand, L. (eds) (2007) “Government and Politics in Malawi”, Zomba. Kachere Books.
Manning, P. (2001), “News and News Sources: A Critical Introduction”, London Thousand Oaks & New Delhi. SAGE Publications. Manda, L. (2007), “Challenges Facing Media in Malawi” in Patel, N. & Svasand, L. (ed), (2007), “Government and Politics in Malawi”, Zomba, Malawi. Kachere Books. McQuail, D. (2005), “McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory” (5th Edition), London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi. SAGE Publications. Meinhardt, H. & Patel, N. (2003) “Malawi’s Process of Democratic Transition: An Analysis of Political Developments Between 1990 and 2003”, (Occasional Papers). Johannesburg. Konrad Adenauer Foundation. McNair, B. (2003), “An Introduction to Political Communication” (3rd edition), London & New York. Routledge. McNair, B. (2000) “Journalism and Democracy: An Evolution of the Political Public Sphere”, London & New York. Routledge. McQuail, D. (2005), “McQauil’s Mass Communication Theory” (fifth edition), London Thousand Oaks, New Delhi. SAGE Publications. MISA (2007), “So this is Democracy? A Report of the State of Media and Freedom of Expression in Southern Africa, Windhoek. MISA. Mughan, A. & Gunther, R. (2000), “The Media in Democratic and Nondemocratic Regimes: A Multilevel Perspective” in Gunther, R. & Mughan, A. (ed) (2000), “Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective,” UK. Cambridge University Press. Nyamnjoh, F. (2004), “Media Ownership and Control in Africa in the Age of Globalisation”, in Thomas, P. & Nain, Z. (ed) (2004), “Who Owns the Media? Global Trends and Local Resistance”, London & New York. Zed Books. Patel, N. (2000), “Media in the Democratic and Electoral Process” in Ott, M. Phiri, K. & Patel, N. (ed), (2000), “Malawi Second Democratic Elections: Process, Problems, and Prospect,” Blantyre. Kachere Books.
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Phiri, M. & Ross, K. (1998) “Democratisation in Malawi: A Stocktaking”, Blantyre. Christian Literature Association in Malawi (CLAIM).
SADC Media Law (2003), “A Comparative Overview of the Laws and Practice in Malawi, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe”, Johannesburg. Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Tettey, W. (2006), “Mechanisms and Institutions The Politics of Media Accountability in Africa: An Examination of Mechanism and Institutions”, London, Thousand Oaks & New Delhi. SAGE Publication. The Constitution of the Republic of Malawi (2000), Lilongwe. Malawi Government.
• “Africa Votes”, web article: http://www.economist.com/daily/news/displaystory.cfm? story_id=13940174 (accessed 02/07/09).
“Complete MPs' expenses guide”, web article: http://parliament.telegraph.co.uk/ mpsexpenses/expense-microsite/ (accessed 20/07/09). “Commonwealth observers issue interim statement on Malawi elections” web source: http://www.thecommonwealth.org/news/ 201032/210509malawicogintertim.htm (accessed 14/07/09). EISA, “Observer Mission to the Malawi Presidential & National Assembly Elections 2009 Interim Statement” web source: http://www.eisa.org.za/EISA/pr20090521.htm (accessed 14/07/09). Malawi Communications Regulatory Authority: http://www.macra.org.mw/index.php? link=legislation (accessed 28/07/09) Malawi Electoral Commission independent Media Monitoring Unit: http:// www.mec.org.mw/Operations/MediaMonitoringUnitMMU/tabid/91/Default.aspx (accessed 28/07/09) Media Council of Malawi, “Mission statement”, web source: http:// www.mediacouncilmw.org/mission.html (accessed 16/07/09)
Media Sustainability Index (MSI) report, 2007-2008, web link: http://www.irex.org/programs/ MSI_Africa/malawi.asp#panel (retrieved 19th February 2009).
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SADC, “Parliamentary Forum Election Observer Mission to the Republic of Malawi Elections 2009”, web source: http://www.sadcpf.org/index.php?disp=SADC %20PARLIAMENTARY%20FORUM%20ELECTION%20OBSERVER%20MISSION %20TO%20THE%20REPUBLIC%20OF%20MALAWI%20ELECTIONS%202009 (accessed 14/04/09).
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