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Giakoumis [First Draft]

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The Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical Painting in Epiros

By Konstantinos GIAKOUMIS* University of New York / Tirana C.B.O.M.G.S., The University of Birmingham

“What Jeremiah will lament our woes, or what is the time that will draw away through oblivion’s current all what we were destined to live and suffer? Captures of cities, desertions of churches, sacrilege of most-holy utensils, men’s wails, 1 women’s ululations, lootings, migrations…”

When Niketas Choniates, an eye-witness to the tragic events that followed the fall of Constantinople into the hands of the Crusaders of the Fourth Crusade in April 1204, wrote this statement of lamentation, very little had he witnessed of the sufferings that the former subjects of the Byzantine Empire would experience thereafter, as a consequence of the effected political, administrative and religious changes.2 Yet, the disintegration of agrarian and urban economic structures from the eleventh c. thereafter,3 which resulted in an increasingly revolutionary attitude of the Byzantine subjects, especially during the two decades of the rule of the Angeli (1185-1204),4 eventually paved the way to the





This paper was presented in the Tenth International Congress of Greek-Oriental and African Studies held in Kryoneri, Attica in 25-28 August 2005. I thank Dr. Angeliki Lymberopoulou, Lecturer of Byzantine Studies at the Open University, UK, for reviewing my article and her valuable comments and suggestions, as well as Mr. Peter Panchy for his thoughtful observations. K. Sathas, Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη (New York, 1972, rep.), I, p. 104. Cf. A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ‘Περὶ συνοικισμοῦ τῶν Ἰωαννίνων μετὰ τὴν Φραγκικὴν κατάκτησιν τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως’, Δελτίον Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας, III, p. 454, cited in N.G. Ziangos, Φεουδαρχική Ήπειρος και Δεσποτάτο της Ελλάδας. Συμβολή στο Νέο Ελληνισμό (Athens, 1974), p. 49 and note 5 on pp. 49-50. For these issues, see E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα για τη Μεγάλη Εκκλησία (1483-1567) (Athens, 1996), pp. 28-61, where references to further relevant literature. For the decline of economic and agrarian forces from the eleventh century thereafter, see roughly K.M. Setton “On the Importance of Land Tenure and Agrarian Taxation in the Byzantine Empire, from the Eleventh Century to the Fourth Crusade”, The American Journal of Philology 74:3 (1953), pp. 225-259 (253-259); and P Charanis, “Economic Factors in the Decline of the Byzantine Empire”, The Journal of Economic History 13:4 (1953), pp. 412-424 (418-424). In Niketas Choniates’ words “ἄλλοι ἄλλοτε καὶ πάλιν, καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ὁσάκις εἰπεῖν, ἐπανέστησαν” (there were those who revolted in one place or another, again and again, and it is not


Fourth Crusaders, who found the Byzantine subjects “almost as well prepared for the implantation of their feudal institutions as its mountainous terrain proved to be suited to the construction of their feudal castles”.5 However, both, the events of April 12-15, 1204,6 as well as those after 1204, including heavier taxation for the peasantry, augmented forced labour (angary), distribution of lands as feuds to Crusaders, strict limitations of trade favouring Latin states and, last but foremost, the onerous and detestable slave trade of Orthodox war captives by western traders,7 were so crucial as to form, in the words of Bishop Kallistos of Diokleia, the “deep disgust” and “lasting horror with which Orthodox regard the sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders”, so difficult to be realized by “Christians in the west”.8 Psychologically, the issue of slave trade poisoned irremediably the relations between the eastern and western worlds. After 1204, Byzantium’s enemies, including Christians like Catalans, Venetians and Genoese, seized increasingly Orthodox Christians for the slave market to the extent that Emperor Andronikos II (1282-1328) formally protested the Genoese practice of capturing Byzantine subjects for sale in Italy and Spain.9 Furthermore, in 1339, when the Byzantine emperor sent monk Varlaam as an ambassador to the papacy in order to negotiate possibilities of common action against the Turkish threat and of a possible union of the two Churches, he set forth a number of conditions, one of which was the liberation of all of the Orthodox slaves kept by Latins

5 6

7 8


possible to say how many times this happened) [Nicetas Choniates, De Isaacio Angelo, v. III/2, Bonn, p. 553; cited and translated in K.M. Setton “On the Importance…”, The American Journal of Philology 74:3 (1953), p. 254 and note 51]. K.M. Setton “On the Importance…”, The American Journal of Philology 74:3 (1953), p. 259. On the history of the Fourth Crusade I am hereby citing a selection of comprehensive secondary sources which use extensively both Byzantine as well as western primary sources on the issue: E. Bradford, The Story of the Fourth Crusade (New Jersey: Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1967), reviewed by E. Velde in The History Teacher 2:2 (1969), pp. 61-62; D.E. Queller, The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 1201-1204 (Philadelphia, 1977), reviewed by J. Folda in Speculum 54:3 (1979), pp. 620622 and by J. Riley-Smith in The English Historical Review 94/372 (1979), pp. 624-625; and W.B. Bartlett, An Ungodly War: The Sack of Constantinople and the Fourth Crusade (New York, 2000), reviewed by R.A: Sauers in The Journal of Military History 65:1 (2001), pp. 169-170. For a selection of primary sources, see E. Hallam (ed.), Chronicles of the Crusades: Eye-Witness Accounts of the Wars Between Christianity and Islam (London, 1989), pp. 198-245. E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 28-61. T. Ware, The Orthodox Church (Baltimore, 1964), p. 69. For Byzantine negative literary reactions to the second crusade, see E: Jeffreys – M. Jeffreys, “The “Wild Beast from the West”: Immediate Literary Reactions in Byzantium to the Second Crusade”, in A.E. Laiou – R.P. Mottahedeh (eds.), The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World (Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2001), pp. 101-116; cf. p. 117. The issue of slaves and slave trade after 1204 was treated in D.J. Constantelos, Poverty, Society and Philanthropy in the Late Medieval Greek World, (New Rochelle, NY, 1992), pp. 103-114, reviewed by T.S. Miller in Speculum 69:4 (1994) pp. 1143-1145 (1144).


Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical…

and the virtual abolition of slave trade.10 In the eyes of the Orthodox, the issue of trading slaves captured by Catholic Christians and sold to Catholic Christians must have been felt at least as onerous as the trade of slaves captured by Turks and sold to Cretan Orthodox Greeks.11 The Orthodox Church, who retained her authority and influence over the Byzantine people, was another principal factor determining the relations between the Orthodox and the Roman-Catholic worlds. Beyond dogmatic and liturgical disagreements,12 there further were deep contradictions related to the daily role of the clergy. While clerical participation in military campaigns was forbidden by the Orthodox Church, the existence of Latin priest-soldiers in the ranks of the Crusader armies,13 who could hold lances and shields and also prepare the Holy Communion, shocked the Orthodox Christians.14 In addition, since 1204 the Latins, after abolishing the Patriarchate of Constantinople, continued to displace the Orthodox ecclesiastical administration from the lands they conquered. Metropolitans and bishops were not accepted in those regions and only lower members of the clergy could remain. Yet, their ordination was impossible within the occupied territories and candidates for priesthood had to travel to the zones of an Orthodox prelate where they were ordained and sent back to their parishes, such as priests from Venetian-occupied Crete, who were obliged to travel as far as Methoni to get ordained. Last, but not least, a considerable part of the church properties was confiscated,15 while the economic decline of the Byzantine Empire from the 11th to the 13th c.16 and, after 1204, “the decrease in population, economic indigence, and lack of new endowments contributed to the decline of monasticism’s social functions”17 to the extent that organized charitable activities became almost impossible.




14 15 16 17

E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 28-61. For the treatment of slaves in 14th and 15th century Europe, see the useful case-study of I. Origo, “The Domestic Enemy: The Eastern Slaves in Tuscany in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries”, Speculum 30:3 (1995), pp. 321-366. For this issue, see A.M. Stahl (ed.), The Documents of Angelo de Cartura and Donato Fontanella. Venetian Notaries in Fourteenth Century Crete, (Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2000), passim; this phenomenon was kindly brought to my attention by Dr. A. Lymberopoulou. For these differences set in their historical context, I cite two basic sources: A. Papadakis, The Christian East and the Rise of the Papacy. The Church (1071-1453 A.D.) (Crestwood-New York: St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1994); T. Ware, Eustratios Argenti: A study of the Greek Church under Turkish Rule (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964); and T.M. Kolbaba, “Byzantine Perceptions of Latin Religious “Errors”: Themes and Changes from 850 to 1350”, in A.E. Laiou – R.P. Mottahedeh (eds.), The Crusades, pp. 117143. See, for example, the scene from the Bayeux Tapestry interpretation of the Battle of Hastings (1066). On the extreme left is Bishop Odo, wearing what may be a hauberk of scale armour and carrying a mace of cudgel form, while on the extreme right, William of Normandy raises his helmet by its nasal (D. Edge D. – J.M. Paddock, Arms and Armour of the Medieval Knight, [London, 1988], p. 31). E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 31-32. E. Zachariadou, ∆έκα Τουρκικά Έγγραφα, pp. 28-61. See note 3. D. Constantelos, Poverty, pp. 88-89.



Sensibly, the inhabitants of several non-Venetian-dominated cities and villages under the guidance of Orthodox prelates or monks gradually adopted an intense hostile attitude towards the Roman-Catholic world, which, later, paved the way to the Ottoman occupation of the Balkans.18 Yet, we are still unaware of the popular feelings of Orthodox Christians towards western Christianity in Venetian-dominated territories.19 Lying between East and West, Epiros20 were among the remotest provinces of the Balkans. Their limited natural resources, inaccessible shores, swampy plains and compact mountain-chains cut them off from most of the arterial roads of the Balkan Peninsula and made them a province of secondary importance. It was only the Ionian Islands, the Epirotic ports and the Otranto straits that were Epiros’ constant bridgehead towards the Apennine peninsula. For, when a Balkan state assumed power, it attempted unceasingly to control the Epirotic coasts in order to keep an eye on the opposite shore. Correspondingly, whenever a great power rose in the Italian peninsula, it felt the urge to take control of the passages and the opposite coasts. Access to the Balkan centres was chiefly made possible by the Via Egnatia,21 whose major ports in the Adriatic, Durrës and Vlorë, were among the most important cities of Epiros. Thus, the provinces of Epiros were before all a border district of great strategic importance, whose population’s favour must have been a distinct policy of both eastern and western powers. This paper aims at penetrating into the nebulous relations of Epiros with the Latin West after 1204. In so doing, I shall take into consideration representations of Latin soldiers, in general, and Crusaders, in particular, in ecclesiastical paintings of two late Byzantine churches and several early post-Byzantine churches and catholica. In late Byzantine paintings, Crusaders are identified in the soldiers from the scene of the Marys at the Tomb in the frescoes of the Church of St. George at Dhivër, Sarandë (S. Albania, last quarter of the 13th c.), in the scene of Christ’s Betrayal by Judas in the church of the
18 19



See note 12. Dr. A. Lymberopoulou informed me that in an upcoming article of hers at The Warburg Journal she takes a different line of arguing on this issue using cases from Crete. Sharon Gerstel has attributed certain distinctive elements of Frankish influence in the monumental decoration of medieval Morea to an ‘artistic symbiosis’ which ‘places Morea in the midst of a number of Mediterranean locations where indigenous populations were confronted by Crusader overlords and where hybrid art forms arose from the interaction of two, and perhaps more, cultures’ (S.E.J. Gerstel, “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”, in A.E. Laiou – R.P. Mottahedeh (eds.), The Crusades, pp. 263-285 [264, 280]). With respect to the geography and climate of Epiros, aside from personal observations, I have also referred to: M. Arapoglou, “Ο συµβολισµός του χώρου”, Ηπειρωτικό Ηµερολόγιο 15-16 (1993-94), pp. 44-52; P. Halstead, “Μεσογειακή ορεινή οικονοµία στην Πίνδο· µετακινήσεις ανάµεσα στο παρόν και το παρελθόν”, in Η επαρχία Κόνιτσας στο χώρο και το χρόνο (Κόνιτσα, 1996), pp. 63-64; M. Kiel, Ottoman Architecture in Albania 1385 - 1912 (Istanbul, 1990), p. 14 and V. Psimouli, Σούλι και Σουλιώτες (Athens, 1998), pp. 19-21, where additional literature. The term in its use in this article is irrelevant to the political connotations given to it at the end of the 19th century and most parts of the 20th century. In our times, the regions of Epiros are situated in both Greece and Albania. For the most recent study with respect to the via Egnatia in Ottoman times see: E. Zachariadou (ed.), The Via Egnatia under Ottoman Rule, 1380-1699 (Rethymnon, 1996).


were transmuted to hermitages of anchorite monks. the third inscription is placed below the scene of Christ the Saviour: «∆ΕΗΣΙΣ ΤΟΥ ∆ΟΥΛΟΥ ΣΟΥ ΙΣΙ∆ΟΡΟΥ ΙΕΡΕ Σ ΣΥµΒΙΟΥ Κ(ΑΙ) ΠΑΙ∆ Ν ΑΥΤΟΥ» [‘Prayer of your servant. Two of them are displayed in the narthex and are written the one on the top of the other and divided by a red line on the lintel of the entrance to the naos. The walls cover mostly the western part of the chapel and to a lesser extent its narrow northern and southern sides.) . The upper one reads: «…[Ἀ]ΝΟΙΚΟΔΟ[ΜΗΣΕΝ] …» [‘…rebuilt…’]. while the lower one: «…ΝΟΣ …Ν ΑΓΙΑΝ …» [‘……saint……’]. a certain priest named Isidore. supportive wall ascends. Considering that in some of these caves were found traces of fresco paintings. I shall attempt to unveil the dark and base memories left over by Crusaders and other Latin armies and to weave the historical stage that shaped collective memory in peripheral regions. the naos of Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of 16th c. the most inaccessible among them. as well as several other 16th and 17th c. Isidore priest. To the East no walls were built and the altar was carved in the rocky front of the cavern. placed to a higher plane. The middle part bears a carved altar in the eastern side. marble entablature spolia. I will endeavour to trace the beginning and the gradual fading of “hostile” and anti-western visual statements in Epiros. partly artificially. monuments in modern day Albania. it is sensible to suggest that these caves once constituted a wider monastic cell. One of these caves. The walls of the hermitage are based on a rocky platform. Pursuing iconological and perceptive methods of art historical inquiry in one particular case-study. During the Byzantine period. All three parts of the monument are painted with frescoes made in three pictorial phases dated to the 11th (Sts. the last quarter of 5 . The last inscription refers to the patron of the frescoes. along with his wife and children’]. 1369). The cave-church of St. George at Dhivër is situated on the foot of a limestone cliff. approachable only by a narrow path carved on the stone. built parts: the narthex to the North. The internal space of the chapel is articulated in three distinct. George at Dhivër and correlating seeming similarities of late-Byzantine and early post-Byzantine examples from Epiros and beyond.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Nativity of the Virgin on the island of Maligrad (W. has been fitted up as a chapel built on a protrusion of the rock. the naos of the Diliou Monastery (1542/3). in which some extensive caverns have been formed partly naturally. as well as in scenes related to Christ’s Passion and to several martyrdoms of saints in the narthex of the catholicon of Philanthropenon Monastery (1560). Last but not least. Kosmas and Damian in the Parabema). who appears to have had the means to sponsor such an undertaking. twenty feet above the base of the cliff. Three inscriptions were located in the church. like Epiros. on which a slanting. Albania. Finally. the naos in the middle and a cramped shrine to the South. the Marys at the Tomb in the church of St. on the Isle of Ioannina. where an altar base of rock decorated with overlaid 13th c.

to using a Latin-rite church for Orthodox services during the Council of Ferrara (1438) as follows: “When I enter a Latin church. Chatzidakis. I do not revere any of the saints that are there because I do not 22 23 24 Apart from arguments to be developed in dealing with the scene of the Marys at the Tomb. the use of image as exegesis changed over time. Gregory Melissenos. Βυζαντινές Τοιχογραφίες [Athens.]. visions of saints. 220 and S. 13-14 on p. op. 226-227). op. Lagoudera. the Crucifixion and the Descent to Limbo. Acheimastou-Potamianou. pp. 27 on pp. Nikolaos Diarosite (M. the iconographic programme is limited to only a few Christological scenes very basic from a theological viewpoint. IV. while the overall scene’s arrangement resembles with that of the Virgin at Assinou (1105-1106) [M. an interpretation of a religious event. 88 and pp. George and Demetrius). etc. Theofan Popa mistakenly dated the chapel in four pictorial phases: I. 1999). 75-77 on pp. in the second half of the 10th century [op. The Archangels Michael. op. such as the Annunciation. The Byzantines in their writings show themselves to be fully aware of the power of image to keep memories alive and interpret the past in a way that texts didn’t (i. Pelekanidis – M. Vlasios [fig. 76] and Nikolaos [fig. pp. or St. cit. Anargyroi church. dating 1368/9.. fig. the scene’s arrangement and the bier’s cover decorated with rhombuses (M. 66-79) and in particular with Sts. St.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS the 13th c. on p. Similarly limited is the number of full-length saints. George. 61 on p. literally meaning ‘leading out’. op. Chatzidakis. III. Chatzedakis. Nikolaos. fig. and with saints placed in medallions in the church of the Virgin Arakos. Archaic rendering is also followed in the representation of the conch’s hierarchs. Even though images shape visual memory of how the past looked like. 6. 88-89. 6 . 1994] fig. (narthex) respectively23. Sylvester Syropoulos records an objection. George and Christ in the type of the “Eldest of Days” to later than the 17th century (Th.). Pelekanidis – M. whose linearity is reminiscent of the hierarchs of the apse of the Sts.24 Studying the iconographic programmes of ecclesiastical monuments provides several hints to understand a past. whose creators were mostly bearers of a rich oral culture who however left only few written records. Acheimastou-Potamianou. The iconographic programme follows the established patterns of fresco decoration in cave-churches. 16 on p. pp. The most remarkable resemblance. AcheimastouPotamianou. The Marys at the Tomb. Nikolaos and Demetrios to the 15th c. 43 on p. Acheimastou-Potamianou. Due to the spatial limitations of cave-churches. Νάξος (Athens. (remaining scenes from shrine/parabema. is with the similar scene at the church of the Virgin Mavriotissa in Kastoria dated to the beginning of the 13th century [M. fig.22 and the last quarter of the 14th c. fig. “Άγιος Γεώργιος ο ∆ιασορίτης”. Kastoria. The narthex’s Dormition of the Virgin [mistaken identification] to the end of the 9th century. Cypru dating 1192 (M. the Ascension and David to the 17th century. Acheimastou-Potamianou. all dating to the first pictorial phase of the church. II. the Dodekaorton cycle. 230 and S. Studime Historike 3 [1965]. fig. For the dating of this third pictorial phase I am based on similarities between the portrait of the female of the donor in our church with that of Kalia in the church of the Nativity of the Virgin on the island of Maligrad. Daniel the stylite. Popa “Piktura e shpellave eremite në Shqipëri [Resumé: La peinture des grottes d’ ermites en Albanie]”. 71 and p. 56-57]. and the Transfiguration. Every image in ecclesiastical paintings is an exegesis. 63-83]. cit. cit. cit. cit. however. in M. 50-65).. with several saints of the church of St. the Baptism. Sts.. raised by the Byzantine emperor's confessor. the Dormition of the Virgin in our chapel bears similarities with the same scene in the church of St. The naos’ Dormition of the Virgin and Sts..e. 71] dating in the middle of the 11th century. 102-103. 20). Nikolaos of Kasnitze (1160-1180) in terms of the Virgin’s rightward time on the bier. Καστοριά. 63 and pp. from the historical cycle.

At the top right corner appears an empty cave. At the bottom right corner seven custody soldiers in full panoply appear to be petrified out of terror for the angel’s appearance and the removal of the Sepulchre’s stone. cit. Lk.M. ca. At the left of the sarcophagus. such as the angel’s physiognomy. cf. a standing angel points at the sarcophagus with his right index finger.. George at Dhivër. below which a sarcophagus with an open top contains Jesus’ cerement. there are two scenes. It concerns the representation of the Marys at the Tomb in the western part of the wall. At the most. and the appearance of the custody. Mk. The picture’s left part is entirely damaged and only its right is preserved in relatively decent condition. bottom right figure on p. D. On the northern wall of the naos of St. Paddock. 25 26 27 C. 27:5928:15. 7 . but I do not revere Him either. At their left. 1988). 1140 (without a coif). alternatively known as ‘Rejoice’ [Mt. two standing female figures. one of which is of great interest for our ends. Gregory Melissenos could have no devotional experience without the identification of the depicted figure or its inscription.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… recognize any of them. The subject renders visually Mathew’s description of the meeting of the two Marys with the angel at the Sepulchre. 48. 254. John 19:40-20:18]. I may recognize Christ. 45. clothing. Edge – J. 1986). in the second zone of frescoes. the rendering of such details relies on the initiative of the artist or its patron. fig on p. The panoply of the soldiers presents realistically explicit features of Latin knights’ panoplies that also provide a terminus for the dating of our frescoes. 312-1453: Sources and Documents (Toronto: University of Toronto Press. part of the decoration on the Gross-Comburg chandelier. So I make the sign of the cross and I revere this sign that I have made myself.27 A cylindrical helm is worn by five soldiers over the coif. As will be shown. 1128. and not anything that I see there. similar examples can be traced in the first half of the 12th c. whose sides taper slightly towards the base. as often images condition the way we hear names (i. in the ‘Marys at the Tomb’. Arms and Armour of the Medieval Knight (London. Op. 23:53-24:7. The Art of the Byzantine Empire.e. since I do not know in what terms he is inscribed. The body armour consists firstly and foremost of a scale hauberk with an integral coif. from Angoulême Cathedral (with an integral coif)26 and in a metal relief of a knight. the representation of the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody manipulates visual memory of the distant past to condemn a newly-created visual memory of the very recent present. Since at the time when our frescoes were made (last quarter of the 13th c. turning away from the sarcophagus out of fear. can be identified from the lower parts of their mantles.) there was no living eye-witness memory of the biblical event. Any given image not only constructs or reconstructs visually the biblical past. Mango. but also envisages links between this past and the period’s present. as in the helmets of the knights of Macchabees’ Battle in the Bible of Rhodes. such as in a stone relief dated ca. 15:44-16. while no written account of the ‘Marys at the Tomb’ records minutiae details. the Virgin Hodeghetria) and feel.”25 Hence.. p.

in the church of Santa Annunziata. 1207. figure on p.. figure on p. This form pertains to late 12th c. 45. In conjunction with this the profile of the shield became less convex and took on a triangular shape. Op. the knight had used the kite-shaped shield to the virtual exclusion of all other types... resembling examples from the late 12th and 13th c..35 All of the aforementioned elements. vertical or horizontal strips coloured alternatively in red and white.30 They also bear long sleeves of the scaled hauberk. it was shortened and the top of the shield lost its very prominent curve. rather than 12th c. Florence and dated ca. ca. fig. p. cit. ca. rather than conical. 29. For this. 46. Op. as this would have impeded one’s grip of a weapon.31 yet not covering the palms and wrists. cit. figure on p. p. 1200. 1170 in op.33 According to David Edge and John Miles Paddock. modifications of the shield’s size and form from large with a rounded profile to the upper edge. or 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Op. Having shown the realistic similarities of the soldiers of the custody with Latin knights.34 The lance appears to be the sole weapon of these knights.. The shields are triangular. ca. cit. Op. cit. 1170 in op. 44. but rather to various parts of a knight’s panoply dating from the second half of the 12th c. lances. 46 with those in a panel from the Silver Shrine of Charlemagne in Aachen Cathedral. at the beginning of the 13th c. modifications that took place in the second half of the 12th c. However.29 while in our case a nasal bar is also fitted. “throughout the 12th c. Op. on p. 62. similar to some church effigies and sculptural monuments dating from the early part of the 13th c. examples. See for example an initial from the Winchester Bible. p.. cit. Their form resembles 13th c.. This is among the reasons why I have suggested the last quarter of the 13th c. cit. since their heads are comparatively smaller as their profile more sharply pointed and consequently more penetrative. These are similar to late 12th c.. as the most likely dating of the frescoes of the second phase. Op. The legs of our soldiers are covered by chausses made of full mail stocking gartered at the knee. cit. Op. cit. Louis’. I did not manage to take into consideration the English ‘Psalter of St. until the 1250s the shield was still moderately large” and it was only “within the next 20 years that the shield became smaller and its sides convex”.32 while their upper edge is almost straight... 55. to straighter and shorter. ca. cit. The soldiers of the custody are also equipped with shields and lances. the skull of the helm became rounded rather than pointed.28 while its top is delicately domed. as after the middle of the 12th c. do not point to a singular prototype. However. 1289. in op. a phenomenon observed in armours from the last decades of the 12th c. p.. compare the lances represented in the initial from the Winchester Bible.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS dating late 10th or 11th c. cit. it becomes evident that the image as exegesis is not necessarily an objective. 8 . in my view. rather short and decorated with straight or undulating. to 1270s. probably best exemplified in a relief from the tomb of Gulielmo Beradi. 46.

Sound 6. therefore. Having denied to profess Christ’s Resurrection.. ἀνέστη ὁ Κύριος” [(While) Life laid in the Tomb. XI-XX. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. it is comprehensible that in the evangelical excerpt [Mt. the Synaxarion of Easter Sunday. yet in a non-negative way. Sunday Matins. 28:11-15] the soldiers of the custody are portrayed negatively: having eye-witnessed Christ’s Resurrection notwithstanding. Transcripta III (1940). Sound 2. General Introduction. 887 ff. Paranikas. Tillyard.38 Yet. Sound 6. Sunday Matins. Sunday Matins. and the stone was sealed. The Apolytikion of Sound 6. Third sticheron anatolikon. pp.M. Sound 1. H. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. Ode VII. part I.2 (London. in the Matins of Sunday. Sunday Matins. In most cases the soldiers are presented as eye-witnesses of Christ’s Resurrection. Using perceptive and iconographic methods of art historical enquiry. Fourth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. 1850). pp. Sound 5.37 In one occasion the soldiers are portrayed as if they had not eye-witnessed the Resurrection. Fourth sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. in the first kathisma following the second stichologia.M. the soldiers of the custody were certainly considered as deniers of the divine nature of Christ and. The liturgical hymnographers36 treat the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody in dissimilar ways. XV-XIV and V (1949). First sticheron of the Lauds.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… neutral interpretation (otherwise the soldiers would present Roman or the very common Byzantine features). καὶ σφραγὶς ἐν τῷ λίθῳ ἐπέκειτο· ὡς βασιλέα ὑπνοῦντα. This assumption is reinforced by both hymnographical and hagiographical evidence. Ode VIII. soldiers guarded 36 37 38 I followed the standard Greek version of the Parakletike. Second sticheron of the Lauds. C. First kathisma following the first stichologia. A History of the Holy Eastern Church. 1971). who also promised to support them before the local ruler. 9 . Sunday Matins. J. Fifth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. ἀορασίᾳ πατάξας. the placement of two of the soldiers outside the scene’s red frame and closer to the personified Limbo can promote multiple layers of interpretation. Pargoire. pp. LVII-LXX. Second sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. Sound 1. στρατιῶται ἐφύλαττον Χριστόν· καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ. Second kathisma following the first stichologia. Anthologia Graeca Carminorum Christianorum (Leipzig. Matins of the Myrrh-Bearers. L’Église Byzantine de 527 à 847 (Paris. Sound 5. Sound 3. which was standardized in its current version as early as the 8th century. Moreover. Second sticheron of the Lauds.B. Sunday Matins. M. Ode VII. contrary to the Jews. Sound 5.J. Fourth sticheron anatolikon of the Lauds. but it could be tailored to suit beliefs of the present. while the combination of the scene with the one to its right (the Descent to Limbo) is very common. the soldiers of the custody are literally called “enemies of Christ”: “Ἡ ζωὴ ἐν τῷ τάφῳ ἀνέκειτο. if they upheld the fiction that Jesus’ disciples seemingly stole His body overnight. Sound 5. Saturday Vespers. Sunday Matins. they later accepted a bribe by Jewish prelates and elders. 1871). Fourth troparion of the Myrrh-Bearers in Sound 2. see J. Neale. Matthew even states that this fiction was thenceforth upheld by the Jews to deny Christ’s Resurrection. and E. Sound 2. A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography (Oxford. Sound 8. Wellesz. For the compilation of the Parakletike. Fourth sticheron of the Lauds. Sunday Matins. in collective beliefs must have been condemned to Hell alike other disclaimers of faith.W. 1905). pp. “The Hymns of the Ochtoechos”. Sunday Matins.

Δεῦτε ἴδετε Ἰουδαῖοι. ‘Homily XC’. “ἔχουσι γνώσιν οἱ φύλακες” (the guards know). compare also with the Fourth Sticheron Anatolikon of the Sound 5 Sunday Matins’ Lauds in Sound 2: “Ὄρθρος Κυριακῆς. ἀλλ’ οὐ πείθουσι τοὺς νῦν βασιλεῖς. μάλιστα δὲ καὶ γυμνόν. after blinding his enemies. Έλληνες Πατέρες της Εκκλησίας. v. ὅτι οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ νυκτὸς ἐλθόντες ἔκλεψαν αὐτόν. Σήμερον προῆλθε τοῦ μνήματος. John Chrysostome. ἤλθον οἱ μαθηταί. any silenced knowledge.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS Christ as a sleeping king.40 portrays them not only to be more corrupt than the Jewish people and Pontius Pilate. Ἔχουσι τὴν γνώσιν οἱ φύλακες. St. πῶς οὐ διέῤῥηξε τὰς σφραγίδας. τὸν Πιλᾶτον. p. verses 11-15].41 To various degrees the custody soldiers were also negatively treated by other 4th c.” [John Chrysostome (1979). καὶ τῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων. after emphasizing in how many ways the soldiers experienced the divine nature of Christ. v. There is no literary context allowing for a different interpretation as to who are Christ’s enemies. 392. like St.43 Eusebios of Emesa44 and 39 40 41 42 It is interesting to relate that in modern Greek there is still in use an expression relating the custody soldiers with the silenced knowledge of the Resurrection and.42 St. Cyril of Jerusalem. This interpretation is in line with patristic evidence which. but also more money-thirsty than Judas: “Do you realize that all of them were corrupted? (Pontius) Pilate? For he was convinced. μείζονος ἡμᾶς θαύματος ἤξιώσατε. and. Εἰ γὰρ παρὰ τῷ μαθητῇ τοσαύτην ἐπεδείξαντο τὴν ἰσχύν. καὶ γυναῖκες αὐτοπτοῦσι. in wider context. 398. ‘Homily XC’. 12. αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐπείσθη· τοὺς στρατιώτας. δεῦτε· οὐ γὰρ λαός ἐστιν ἔχων σύνεσιν»· ἀρχιερεῖς ἀσυνετοῦσι. in Έργα. πολλῷ μᾶλλον παρὰ τούτοις. ὅτι ἡμῶν κοιμωμένων. τὸν δῆμον τὸν Ἰουδαϊκόν. λέγει· «γυναῖκες ἐρχόμεναι ἀπὸ θέας. Amphilochios of Ikonion. p. τὴν ἀτελεύτητον ζωὴν δωρούμενος. “Ὁρᾷς πάντας διεφθαρμένους. Ὄντως παράνομοι. Church Fathers. If money was so tempting for the disciple (= Judas). Καὶ ἐλθόντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἀπαγγειλάντων πάντα τὰ γενόμενα εἶπον αὐτοῖς· «εἴπατε. how much more would it be for them (the soldiers)?”. ὁ τὸν θάνατον πατήσας. Ἐσφράγισαν μὲν οὖν ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ Φαρισαῖοι διὰ Πιλάτου τὸν τάφον. clearly indicated a common belief that they were deniers of the Resurrection. Thessaloniki. in Έργα. Thessaloniki. ιδ. Δ΄ Στιχηρὸν Ἀνατολικόν. ἡμῶν κοιμωμένων»· καλῶς ἄρα καὶ τοῦτο ὡς ἐξ αὐτῶν προεῖπεν Ἠσαΐας· «ἀλλὰ λέγετε ἡμῖν καὶ ἀναγγέλλετε ἡμῖν ἑτέραν πλάνησιν». Καὶ τίς κλέπτει νεκρόν. καταλιπὼν καὶ ἐν τῷ τάφῳ τὰ ἐντάφια αὐτοῦ. the Lord rose].” Chrysostome maintains that the earthquake during the Crucifixion took place only for the sake of soldiers: John Chrysostome (1979). καὶ ἔλεγον· Εἴπατε. Ἐγήγερται ὁ ἀναστὰς. καὶ τὸ μέγα ἔλεος. cf. τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν τὸ στεῤῥὸν τῆς πίστεως. Έλληνες Πατέρες της Εκκλησίας. verses 11-17. καὶ ἔκλεψαν αὐτόν. σφραγίσαντες τὸν λίθον. The soldiers? The Jewish people? Do not wonder how money corrupted the soldiers. Οἱ τότε μὲν στρατιῶται ἀργυρίῳ 10 . Ἀλλὰ μὴ θαυμάσῃς εἰ χρήματα στρατιωτῶν περιεγένετο. while not naming the custody soldiers as Christ’s enemies. καὶ διὰ δόσιν ἀργυρίου πείθουσι τοὺς στατιώτας. Κατήχησις Φωτιζομένων ΙΔ΄. Ἦχος β΄. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἐθεάσαντο τὸν ἀναστάντα· καὶ γινώσκων Ἠσαΐας ἀρχιερέων μὲν τὸ εὐτελὲς.39 In his XC homily. 12. Αὐτὸς ἀνέστη αὐτεξουσίως ὡς Θεός.

Τὶς εἶδε νεκρὸν φυλαττόμενον. Περί την Αρειανικήν Έριν:Αστέριος σοφιστής. ὁ κόσμος δὲ ὑπήκουσεν· οἱ κρύψαντες τὴν ἀλήθειαν κατεκρύφθησαν. 91 (134-136)].). p. μὴ δῷς μισθὸν στρατιώταις ἕτερα ἀνθ’ ἑτέρων εἰπεῖν. John of Damascus.G. ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχιερέων διεσώζοντο· ἀλλ’ ὀλίγοι μὲν ἐπείσθησαν Ἰουδαίων τότε. Ακάκιος Καισαρείας. οὐ ἐμποδίζεται ταῖς σφραγῖσιν.] (1994). [Papachristopoulos K. οὐκ εἴργεται στρατιώταις. v. 72 (Athens. v.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Apollinarios of Laodikeia. 209. τὴν οἰκουμένην οὐ πείθετε· διατὶ γάρ. 2. while the soldiers ‘after accepting a considerable bribe’. The link between Judas and the soldiers is also evident in the commentaries of Apolinarios of Laodikeia: “Καὶ Ἰούδας μὲν άργυρίων προδίδωσι τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐπιλαθόμενος ὧν εἶδεν σημείων. Bonis. ὥσπερ τοῦ Πέτρου ἐξελθόντος ἐκ τῆς φυλακῆς οἱ φύλακες κατεδικάζοντο. Βιβλιοθήκη Ελλήνων Πατέρων και Εκκλησιαστικών Συγγραφέων. Κυρίλλου τοῦ Ἱεροσολύμων ἅπαντα τὰ ἔργα: Κατηχήσεις Φωτιζομένων (ΙΓ΄-ΙΗ΄) Μυσταγωγικαί. Papachristopoulos – G. they silenced in a profound way and spread rumours of what had not happened]. Ευνόµιος Κυζίκου. [ed. Ἀμφιλόχιος Ἰκονίου . to whom we should probably attribute the authorship of the first kathisma in Sound 5 following the second stichologia of Sunday’s Matins in Sound 5. 90. 11 . 1994). 71. p. καὶ οἱ καταδεξάμενοι ταύτην ἀνεφάνησαν δυνάμει τοῦ Σωτήρος… [Meretakis E. Kounavi (ed. Λόγος Ε΄ τῷ Ἁγίῳ Σαββάτῳ ὑπὸ Ἀμφιλοχίου Ἰκονίου. p.45 Last. οὕτω καὶ οἱ τὸν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τηροῦντες οὐ κατεδικάσθησαν. οὐ κλέπτεται χρήμασιν. Τὶς ἤκουσεν τελευτὴν ἀμφιβαλλομένην καὶ δέος ἐμποιοῦσαν τοῖς ἐργασαμένοις. 92]. μὴ θαῤῥήσῃς τοῖς ὅπλοις. See K. first part. Ὅπλοις ἀνάστασις οὐ κωλύεται. Μὴ κάμῃς ἀνόνητα.P. Οὐδὲν τῆς ἀγαθότητος ἀπωνάμενοι ἐγκλείουσι τάφῳ ὅν οὐδὲν τῶν ὄντων χωρεῖ καὶ σήμαντρα ἐπιτιθέασι ἡμῖν τὴν σωτηρίαν φυλάττοντες καὶ δεδιότες τὴν ἀνάστασιν στρατιώτας φύλακας ἐφιστῶσι τῷ μνήματι. but not least. Απολινάριος Λαοδικείας. having ‘announced the archpriests’ what they saw. (1992). καὶ ταύτην κρύπτοντες διὰ τὸ ἀργύριον. εἰρήκασι δὲ τὰ μὴ γενόμενα” [Judas betrayed Jesus for money putting aside all of the miracles that he witnessed. 306 (section 149). Ευσέβιος Εµέσης. ἅ μὲν ἰδόντες «προαπήγγειλαν τοῖς ἀρχιερεῦσι» τεράστια ἐσιώπησαν. Μᾶλλον δὲ τὶς εἶδε νεκρὸν πολεμούμενον. v. Αέτιος Άντιοχείας. μὴ εἰς ἀσέβειαν ἀναλώσῃς τὰ σά. St. οὗτοι δὲ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἰδόντες. Λούκιος Αλεξανδρείας. μὴ παρακοιμίσῃς τὸν ὄχλον τῷ μνήματι. ……… παῦσαι τὴν πηγὴν τῆς ζωῆς προσχῶσαι φιλονεικῶν· παῦσαι τοῖς ἄρχουσι ἐνοχλῶν καὶ περὶ φρουρᾶς διαλεγόμενος· παῦσαι τὸ ψεῦδος ὠνούμενος καὶ τοὺς πολίτας κινῶν. μὴ κατὰ Θεοῦ φαντάζου τὴν νίκην. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται «ἀργύρια ἰκανὰ λαβόντες». Ἀλλ’ ἐκείνοις μὲν ἐπῆλθεν ἡ καταδίκη παρὰ Ἠρώδου· ἀπολογήσασθαι γὰρ οὐχ εὔρισκον ἐξ ἀγνοίας. ……… Περίμεινον [ὦ Ἰουδαῖε] τὴν τρίτην ἡμέραν καὶ ὄψῃ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μανίας τὸν ἔλεγχον. οἱ δὲ νῦν βασιλεῖς δι’ εὐσέβειαν ἀργυρένδυτον καὶ χρυσοκόλλητον τὴν ἁγίαν Ἐκκλησίαν ταύτην…… «Κἄν ἀκουσθῇ τοῦτο ἐπὶ τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. Βιβλιοθήκη Ελλήνων Πατέρων και Εκκλησιαστικών Συγγραφέων. Ευνόµιος Βεροίης. 1968). ἡμεῖς πείσομεν αὐτόν»· καὶ εἰ ἐκείνους πείθετε. Thessaloniki. Ευδόξιος Κ/πόλεως. p. K.Ἀστέριος Ἀμασείας. enjoins the faithful to “hate Christ’s 43 44 45 προδεδώκασιν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. Νεµέσιος Εµέσης (Athens.

For a brief account of the Byzantine-Norman wars. Death. this argument is raised precisely because the soldiers transcend the pictorial frame of their scene approaching the adjacent scene. 2006]. Pursuing iconological methods of inquiry. Christ tramples down Death. Limbo or Hades (Devil). in <http://web. pp.). both Latin knights and the soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody. since the different panoply pieces of our soldiers belong to different periods of time. 9. (1991). Virgin Mother of God. 150 (section 37. Glory to you’ [Ephrem Archimandrite. E. Check. pp.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS enemies”. Being a place of great strategic importance. 33-36. ἀντίχριστός ἐστιν [Sakalis I. dark and chained man. in Ιωάννου του Δαμασκηνού Άπαντα τα Έργα.htm> accessed in 11 March. popular fashion. old. p. his drawing abilities leave to me no doubt that the proximity of the soldiers with Hades and the transcending of the dividing line by the former to further approach the latter are utterly intentional to intensify the link between the Latin knights and Hell. as “whoever does not confess Christ as Lord and Son of God is an antiChrist”. where did the local artist or the patron draw his models? I suggest that the panoply parts of the scene’s knights (dating in different periods) could be seen locally. Thessaloniki. two more questions remain unanswered. for through Him who took flesh from you Hell has been taken captive. Φεουδαρχική. death put to death.49 In provincial. The Latin knights/custody soldiers of the bordering subject not only are represented at the same height with Death/Hell. v. Πᾶς ὅστις οὐχ ὁμολογεῖ τὸν Χριστὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ Κύριον. This been shown. Eve set free.uk/ephrem/mat-sun. First. verses 1-2)].50 the 46 47 48 49 50 Μισήσωμεν οὖν τοὺς ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ. Hallam (ed. in the adjacent subject of the Descent to Limbo. the curse slain.ukonline. this suggestion is reinforced by the approaching of the soldiers with the Limbo/Hades represented in the next scene by their depiction outside the pictorial frame of their scene. In no other place has the artist repeated this transgression. Chronicles of the Crusades: Eye-Witness Accounts of the Wars Between Christianity and Islam (London. as during the Byzantine-Norman wars (1081-1185). shared a common condemnation to Hell. is personified in the form of an unkempt. 1989). Christ our God. see N. I can roughly cite a Theotokion following Sunday’s Lauds ‘You are most blessed. 12 .48 or captivates Limbo. for example. while in spite of his provincial training.co. but also transcend the red line dividing the two scenes further approaching Death/Hell. and we given life. ‘Ιωάννου τοῦΔαμασκηνοῦ Ὁμιλία εἰς τὸ Ἅγιον Σάββατον’. ‘Matins for Sundays and Feasts’.46 I suggest that in the visual memory and religious beliefs of the artist. Epiros had repeatedly been used as springboards of Latin expeditions against the East. Ziangos. by death trampling down Death and to those in the tombs giving life’. Since the coupling of Marys at the Tomb with the Descent to Limbo is quite common in Byzantine paitnings. Adam recalled. Therefore in praise we cry: Blessed are you. the Apolytikion of Easter: ‘Christ is risen from the dead.47 Indeed. patron and/or the viewers of the Custody at the Sepulchre / Rejoice scene in question. 52-55 (where extracts from William of Apulia’s Gesta Roberti Wiscardi). who have been thus well-pleased.

Perhaps the painter might even have kept sketches of them or some knights had lost their lives in the battles of the region and their panoplies were taken as booty and used as models for the artist. Historia Hierosolymitana. Theophylaktos of Ochrid. Billings. On the Crusades.). Chronicles of the Crusades. by E. From Byzantine sources. Hallam (ed. 1096-1099)51 and the Fourth Crusades (Boniface of Montferrat. p. Faral (Paris. Mottahedeh (eds. 74. this was only accessible to me in an Albanian translation.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… First (Raymond of Toulouse and Hugh of Vermandois. 2006]. Second. Rothschild (London.). Hallam (ed. …. 160.G. p. ed. v..html>. <http://www. see Anna Comnena. two major bridgeheads of the East were used by the First Crusade armies as a transit station to proceed to the Byzantine capital with a special permission granted by Emperor Alexius I Comnenus. why must western knights have locally a negative reputation? While the Normans were considered by the Byzantine elites as little more than barbarians.58 While the First Crusaders advanced to the Middle East. in A. cf. p. 13 . as accounted by St. Alexiad. XV. accessed in 07 March. Miller. 1938). accessible in English in E. 324. 1202-1204).P. The First Crusade: The Accounts of Eyewitnesses and Participants (Princeton. p. W.. VII-XV (Tiranë. The Crusades Through Arab Eyes. by J. pp. Chronicles of the Crusades. see E. Hallam (ed. 1999). the First Crusaders under Bohemund (1096) en route from the Epirotic coasts to the east. Runciman. and certainly the Christians and Muslims of the area were aware of the fact”. 69. Book 10:347 cited in E. cit. but crusading expeditions … took place often. 155-156. as Angeliki Laiou relates. A. S. pp. From western primary sources. Shek. pp. For Villehardouin’s account (Geoffrey of Villehardouin. The Crusades.52 Yet. M.edu/halsall/source/comnena-cde. The First Crusade and the Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge.E. by April 1203 most of the Fourth Crusade army had embarked at Corfou. Dokumente të Periudhës Bizantine për Historinë e Shqipërisë. Chronicles of the Crusades. “Valona”. The Journal of Hellenic Studies 37 (1917). The Cross and the Crescent (New York. they were hideously defamed. 1.59 Having said that the Crusader expeditions were far more often than we customarily take into account. 72.). even though their alleged acts of cannibalism was more often rumoured than practised. a few miles opposite the region of Sarandë. 1978). 39 ff. pp. Maalouf. I.56 Moreover. As Villehardouin relates. 1987). La Conquête de Constantinople. see Fulcher of Chartres. in A. Laiou. A. P. 1921).). p. trans. Anna Comnena. extract Nr. A History of the Crusades. Anna Comnena.53 It can be maintained that the artist or the patron had seen knights with their own eyes. “Byzantine Trade with Christians and Muslims and the Crusades”.54 their reputation was further blackened in Epiros after they seized and burnt Kanina. 213. 126. 1984). 64-66. 185. “The “Crusades” were a frequent phenomenon of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. while “in 1122 a Venetian Crusader fleet on its way to Palestine attacked Corfu in retaliation for the 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 Durrës and Vlora.C. it is worth mentioning that the 1120s were punctuated by crusading expeditions undertaken by Pisans and Genoese by sea. Op. Laiou – R. 78-79 [digitally reproduced in Medieval Sourcebook. We are accustomed to taking into account of the major crusades.57 caused no little disturbance.fordham. while endeavouring to refrain from pillage and disorder. 10:7. The Alexiad. p. Alexiad. Bozhori. 55. K. pp. Krey. Vlorë and Jericho in 108155 and Corfu in 1084.

“Kisha e Shën Merisë në Maligrad”. Runciman. 1 (1984).65 In the scene of Judas’s 60 61 62 63 64 65 A. the region in question was for most parts of the second half of the 13th c. 4. 1984). Dhamo. Piktorët mesjetarë shqiptarë (Tiranë. I Comuni Italiani nel Regno Crociato di Gerusalemme. whose impressions were described in the beginning of the paper. Dhamo. it pillaged Byzantine lands on the way to and from Palestine and extracted the confirmation and expansion of Venetian commercial privileges in the Byzantine Empire”.60 As for the Fourth Crusade. pp. 1965). Miller. it is highly likely that the local inhabitants of Sarandë region felt no different than other Orthodox people. 49-50. p. p. p. p. pp. Jerusalem. as in the case of the expedition of Charles I Anjou who took hold of Corfu and the mainland fortresses in 1266 and kept them until his death in January 1285. Akta të Konferencës së Parë të Studimeve Albanologjike (Tiranë. Ziangos. Φεουδαρχική. Dh. Last but not least.P. 28-33.). 301 (p. «Collana Storica di Fonti e Studi» 48 (Genoa. Studime Historike. 151). “Piktura murale e kishës së Shën-Merisë në Maligrad”.64 As implied by the representation of the soldiers of the Custody in the church of St. pp. N. Laiou. 5-6 and fig. 156). 154-198..61 Even though there are no written accounts that I know of recording the impressions left by the Crusaders to the local populations. in pp. 299 (p.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS attempt of John II Komnenos to reduce Venice’s commercial privileges. Dh. a western dominion. Op. Kedar (eds. cited in N. The Sicilian Vespers: A History of the Mediterranean World In the Later Thirteenth Century (Cambridge. V-XV (Valeurs et caractéristiques de la peinture en Albanie aux V-XVe siècles)”. 19. Mottahedeh (eds. Mbishkrime të kishave në Shqipëri. who fought for him to receive feuds and titles. Dh. pp. Φεουδαρχική. pp.E. Inscriptions Nr. ed. as in the case of the marriage of King Manfred of Hohenstaufen with Helen Angelina (1259). 14 . George at Dhivër. Popa. since Epiros was among the principal target territories of immigrants from Constantinople. The church was re-built and redecorated under the patronage of Caesar Novak in 1368/9. Ιστορία της Φραγκοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα. 74 and note 8. 24-28 May 1984. 1986). cit. 158-160. 70. La peinture murale du Moyen Age en Albanie (Tiranë. The Crusades. in G. 1961). 1974): «8 Nëntori» Ed. see Th. on pp. Laiou – R. 141-158. by Nestor Nepravishta Kostandin Gjakumis (Tirana. 253-254 (1285). pp. 17 in p. p. 1960). 1998). 1204-1566 (Athens. 289 (p. 69-71. 146 (1271). 2833. cf.63 or in the form of occupation by force of arms. 160. “The Venetian Crusade of 1122-1124”.62 the immigrants must have also shaped or influenced popular dark and base memories about the Crusaders. “Vepra dhe tipare të pikturës në Shqipëri në shek. W. in A. 287-288 (pp. Popa. Similar conclusions can be drawn in the case of the subject of Judas’ Betrayal in the church of the Nativity of the Virgin on Maligrad. William Miller states that Boniface of Montferrat manned his army with the rag-tag and bobtail of Western Europe. their presence in the region must have been distasteful to the locals. Ziangos. 337-350. Dhamo. “Byzantine Trade with Christians and Muslims and the Crusades”. either in the form of a dowry given by the Despot of Epiros. 155). For the church of Maligrad. 136. 562-566. Th. Riley-Smith. Buletin i Universitetit Shtetëror të Tiranës: seria e shkencave shoqerore 2 (1963). Airaldi – B. 149-151). 27 and fig. J. Dhamo. 13a-b and fig. Dh. 51. French synopsis in pp..). S. It may also be alleged that. p. pp. especially those of the Fourth Crusade.

68 the ‘Latinization’ of military costumes in narrative scenes is also observed in other former ‘Latin’-dominated regions. p.). Mottahedeh (eds. Edge – J. 1985 (Athens. Paddock. I did not manage to consider M.67 It is needless.J. S. she didn’t it with the thesis I have hereby attempted to uphold.P. 83 and fig on p. Hutter (ed. Gerstel mentions vaguely that “some evidence has been found in the details of narrative scenes. 1987). Laiou – R. 20-24 July. passim. pp. Η άλλη όψη 15 . 1984). 1323.-9. 264. Papadaki-Oekland. Grabar. p. the Betrayal. I believe. “∆υτικότροπες τοιχογραφίες του 14ου αιώνα στην Κρήτη. Such ‘Latinized’ soldiers appear in at least the following churches: 1) Archangel Michael at Kavalariana Selinou. Gerstel. D.71 66 67 68 69 70 71 D. Delphi. Gerstel. Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies.M. D.66 While both soldiers extend threateningly their swords towards Jesus. 15. 1331. 1327/28. two soldiers flank Jesus. doctoral thesis submitted at the Centre for Byzantine. 9-24. “L’ asymétrie des relations de Byzance et l’Occident dans le domaine des arts au moyen âge”. University of Birmingham (Birmingham. Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 32:5 (1982) [XVI. see A. thereby associating Roman soldiers with Latins.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Betrayal. Arms and Armour. “Western Influences on the Fourteenth Century Art of Crete”. Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress (Wien. Geraki.). and S. 239. in Byzantium and Europe: First International Byzantine Conference. 301-311. 5]. 73 and figure on the same page depicting a knight wearing a kettle hat. Suffolk. similar in form to the one shown in the brass of Sir Robert de Bures.70 yet.E. Oktober 1981). 264-265 and note 6 on p. both of whom wear kettle helmets with basinets. p. p. ca. 264 and note 7. ca. “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”.E..E. alternatively called chapel de fer. 1300. in I. the representation of soldiers in western armour in scenes like the Marys at the Tomb.). 1325/26. Lymberopoulou.P. 2002). scenes of the Betrayal. 278-279 and fig. Op. Paddock. 84. Arms and Armour. detail from a 14th century illuminated address from the town of Prato to Robert of Anjou. Acton. 2. While in late Byzantine paintings at Mistra there is a deliberate absence of Latin influences. The Church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana: Art and Society on FourteenthCentury Venetian-Dominated Crete. pp. I did not manage to consult A. Byzanz und der Westen: Studien zur Kunst des europäischen Mittelaltres (Vienna. 2) Hagios Nikolaos at Maza Apokoronou. John Chrysostome. “Art and Identity in the Medieval Morea”. to argue why these soldiers would be very negatively perceived by the public. cf. in A.69 Even though Gerstel identifies a Frankish coat of arms that marks the shield of one of the custody soldiers in the scene of the Marys at the Tomb of the church of St. This shield-type became common after 1270s. Lymberopoulou has identified a number of similar cases in 14th c. in A. which follows the curve of the body. Mouriki. The Crusades. The Crusades.E.J. 3) and Hagios Georgios at Anydroi Selinou. pp. the one at the right covers his back with a triangular shield curved to the body of the type called the ‘heater’.M. “Palaeologan Mistra and the West”. or the martyrdom of saints was considered by her as a ‘hostile’ and anti-western comments. Laiou – R. Mottahedeh (eds. In the context of medieval Morea. the Carrying of the Cross. rather usual as from the beginning of the 14th c. 4. VassilakisMavrakakis. cit. pp. I am indebted to the author for bringing these monuments into my attention. Carrying of the Cross and Marys at the Tomb. Crete. scene of the Marys at the Tomb. Edge – J. For these scenes. S. from the occasional embossing of haloes to unusual representations of soldiers at the Arrest and Crucifixion of Christ”. scene of Saint George before of the Governor. in the Church of All Saints.

116.). John the Baptist [M.g. represented on the southern wall of the Lite. Paliouras (eds. pp. whose torturer’s overcoat and helmet is comparable to 16th c. 175]. subject already discussed by the late Miltos Garidis.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS Several post-Byzantine churches and catholica in Epiros provide substantial evidence that such ‘hostile’. p. 144]. 105. p. Arms and Armour.76 Similar models have. Paliouras (eds. 143 (up). pp. in Kypraiou (ed. Paliouras (eds. represented in different scenes of martyrdoms. 159]. 291]. M. been utilized to represent the executioners of St. Ευφρόσυνον. p. Μαρτυρίες από το ∆ιάκοσµο του Εσωτερικού Νάρθηκα (Λιτής) της Μονής Φιλανθρωπηνών.g. Garidis – A. cf. Edge – J. pp. Op. whose torturer’s helmet is comparable to 14th century examples [e. The most impressive cases. and 175. Paddock. – Paliouras A. Garidis – A. Count Palatine of the Rhine. 174. cit. fig. p. dating 1530s and other German armours dating from the first quarter of the 16th c. in M. 142 (up). 2) The martyrdom of St. cit. Μοναστήρια της Νήσου Ιωαννίνων (Ioannina. John Astley.M. Count Palatine of the Rhine.. 112. ca. 121. 143 (up). Πρακτικά Συµποσίου «700 χρόνια 1292-1992» (Ioannina. 78-79. pp. Μοναστήρια. 3) The beheading of St. Stephen the Younger. 96-97. Babylas and his disciples. pp. Μοναστήρια Νήσου Ιωαννίνων. 176 in comparison with D. Paddock. who migrated from Constantinople due to its growing pro-Latin support. p.72 There. p. Garidis – A. examples.). from the Ordinance of Chivalry. by dragging him behind his galloping horse. 95. 162 in comparison with D.74 In the martyrdom of St. 1999). the saint’s executioner is engaged into chivalric dancing figure before he effects the final attack the fatal attack against the saint. 114-115. 160.. 1560”. Αφιέρωµα στον Μανόλη Χατζηδάκη (Athens. cit.). D. 107. Garidis – A. English illuminated manuscript by St. op. 174.77 Patronized by the renowned family of Philantropenoi. or the Knights Tilting.). whose executioner’s helmet and overcoat is comparable to 14th c. M. 142 (up).0s. Paliouras (eds. Paddock. Garidis. cit.73 Exceptionally interesting is the martyrdom of St. Arms and Armour. “Στενές Επαφές – Εικονογραφικές και Τεχνοτροπικές – µε Ευρύτερα Σύγχρονα Ρεύµατα της Ευρωπαϊκής Γενικότερα Ζωγραφικής. Epicharis [M. Vincent. Arms and Armour. the open at the front and lowering at the sides Italian sallet ca. pp.. 161. 1340. Μοναστήρια. Edge – J. bear the form of western knights. M. the Confessor. and 175. pp. however.M. fig. 145-146. are the mounted knight who tortures St. 172].. fig. Edge – J. stands before the ruler. 15th c. 113. can be viewed in the early post-Byzantine mural paintings of the Lite of Philanthropenon Monastery’s catholicon on the Isle of Ioannina (painted in 1560). Paddock. Heinrich. op. anti-western visual statements consciously persists up to the first half of the 17th c. fig. 491-516.). 65-75. Garidis – A. Marcianus.75 Very similar to an equestrian harness of Otto Heinrich. Tarachos [Garidis M. the equestrian harness of O. D.). p. fig. 16 .. Op. fig. 67. after which the phenomenon gradually fades out in mechanical repetition of earlier post-Byzantine models. pp. 1992). Bishop of Ikonion. the representation of Sir Geoffrey Luttrell from the Luttrell Psalter. p. 1993). 1480.] (1993). the Monastery of St. fig. identified by Garidis as a Spanish merchant. Among the several examples that can be mentioned here I choose only: 1) The martyrdom of St. undoubtedly. 170. western harnesses [e. 103. Arms and Armour.. see the executioner of St. cit. Paliouras (eds. 153. op.M. ca.’. [eds. a figure. Amphilochios. a great number of torturers. figure above. Μοναστήρια. II. fig. Edge – J.M. For similar figures. 72 73 74 75 76 77 µιας αµφίδρµης σχέσης.

D. 84 ff. Paliouras (eds.)86 and the church of St. Μνηµεία Ορθοδοξίας στην Αλβανία [Athens. monastery on the Isle of Ioannina. pp. 14b. Arms and Armour. pp. 1989). Paddock. D. in the representations of Christ’s Derision. fig. Stavropoulou-Makri. pp. 31a and 33b. 28-33 and figs. yet far less impressive examples can also be found in other 16th c. 19b. Cases indicating ‘Latinization’ of soldiers can also be found in the third 16th c.84 the church of St. 22-24. Paddock. Edge – J. 84 ff. cf. Arms and Armour. cit. pp. figs. the Carrying of the Cross. Athanasios at Goranxhi.M. 84 ff. B. the scenes of Christ’s Derision. Les Peintures Murales. Edge – J.).79 yet.M. 232 and 238 respectively. the Derision and the Carrying of the Cross. Giakoumis. pp. 277-279. 57. Les Peintures Murales. Nikolaos at Dhuvjan. 29-43). Edge – J. D.80 However. cf. 84 ff. 84 ff. Arms and Armour. 137-153. 231. Stavropoulou-Makri. 1994]. 79-81 and figs. cf. cf. the Ascent to the Cross and the Crucifixion. 455-459 on pp. Martyrdoms of Sts. Meteora (1566). The scene of the Betrayal of Jesus in the church of St. Joseph of Arimatheia before Pilate and the Marys at the Tomb [see A. pp. 20. Giakoumis – K.). Arms and Armour. the Eleousa Monastery (third quarter of the 165th c.M. Martyrdoms of saints. figs.M.]. on the Isle of Ioannina (1542/3). 84 ff. Papadopoulou. pp. Paddock. 153-157. Dropull (end of the 16th c. See the scenes of the Massacre of the Innocent.87 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 The church in question in unpublished.. D. western influences in the armoury of several military saints indicates trends that may shadow the strength of the hereby presented thesis. figs. the persistence of such examples point to the contrary. (A. Garidis – A. Edge – J. Liva-Xanthaki.85 the narthex of Dryano Monastery’s catholicon (last quarter of the 16th c. 54a. Similar. D. Edge – J. 160-162. Demetrios (A. Arms and Armour. The frescoes of the this monument date in the last quarter of the 16th century. Paddock. the Carrying of and Ascent to the Cross. figs. “Η Μονή Ελεούσας”.81 From other 16th c. pp. D.). 84 ff. For the comparison. The Judgement by Annas and Caiaphas (A. Μοναστήρια. cf. Paddock. Arms and Armour. pp. Edge – J. Nikolaos at Krapsi (1563). Les Peintures Murales de l’ Église de la Transfiguration à Veltsista (1568) en Epire et l’ atelier des peintres Kondaris (Ioannina. 235 and 244. Martyrdom of St. pp.83 the narthex of Barlaam Monastery. Paddock. G. Stavropoulou-Makri. Pilate and His Suite.). “Το Καθολικό της Μονής Ντιλίου και οι Τοιχογραφίες του”. Stavropoulou-Makri. Paliouras (eds. cf. fashion. in M.).M. Dropull (Gjirokastër region) dates in 1524 and imitates panoplies of the 12th and 13th centuries. monuments in the regions of Epiros we can cite the church of the Transfiguration at Veltsista (1568).M. the Ascent to the Cross and the Marys at the Tomb contain soldiers depicted in a western 14th and 15th c.M. the Route to Golgotha. 385. Paddock. pp.82 St. D. 387 and 293 on pp. in M. Demetrios and George.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Nikolaos of Philanthropenon virtually provides the most palpable examples of antiwestern pictorial statements.M. 21a-b. 157-167. Caiaphas and Pontius Pilate. the Betrayal.]. figs. Paddock. 1994]. Ορθόδοξα Μνηµεία στη Βόρειο Ήπειρο [Ioannina. 391 and 408 on pp.78 In the catholicon of Ntiliou Monastery. pp. 26 and 28-29 (details). 17 . Les Peintures Murales. Demetrios at Veltsista (1558-1568). Op. 60 and 61a. figs. see D. Edge – J.).). monuments of the region. Giakoumis. Garidis – A. cf. 84 ff. with substantial overpainting from the 17th and the 19th century (G. Arms and Armour. Μοναστήρια. 56a. T. Arms and Armour. pp. Christ’s Judgement by Annas. Edge – J.

87 88 89 90 91 92 See the soldier next to Longinus in the scene of the Crucifixion (see G. Edge – J. Arms and Armour.). Last but not least. Arms and Armour. figs. 84 ff. Dropull (1603). is memory written down. Gjirokastër (1666). D. 72-75. Giakoumis – K. Giakoumis.]. 300. Crete and. 73. Paddock.M. Wicke and D. p. Arms and Armour. Ορθόδοξα. Past and Present 162 (1999). Although the enormous attention paid to memory by philosophers. 105 on p. cf. we do know that memory is a complex process. and. cf. J. G. cf. “Memory and Proof of Age in England 1272-1327”. 53-55 and 56 and fig. Our memories are shaped by our interactions with others. Arms and Armour. and that it involves many parts of the brain and aspects of the self. D.” With this in mind. western wall of the church of St. cf. Ορθόδοξα.90 From distant memories of the phenomenon in the 18th c. choosing consciously or unconsciously to emphasize some experiences and impressions and disregard others. pp. cf. in this paper. Paddock. see G. G. 287. 56. where citations to the relevant literature. as Epiros. One can cite the Martyrdom of St. Ορθόδοξα. not a recording device. 150. see G. Giakoumis – K. Further research in other contemporary monuments of former ‘Latin’-occupied territories could check the theory that such anti-western attitudes reflect general feelings. reordering our pasts to meet the changing needs of the present. while the phenomenon clearly fades out in unsophisticated imitations towards the 18th c. Yale French Studies 59 (1980) 7-16 (‘Rethinking History: Time. we reshape them. For the monastery. especially in former western-dominated Orthodox provinces. Edge – J. Giakoumis. 18 . pp. G. pp. 114-117. Edge – J. Paddock. the paper introduces an empirical methodology in which a historian can unveil collective memories of the past at the absence of textual sources by looking at and interpreting artworks.)89 and the Carrying of the Cross in the naos of the catholicon of the Transfiguration Monastery at Mingul. Ορθόδοξα.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS The 17th c. 84 ff. and particularly fig. Bedell. 84 ff. For the monastery. D. 144. 4). models. G.M. We construct our memories. 148 on p. fig. I attempted to interpret expressions of collective base memories of the Crusades in peripheral regions. 84 ff. when it is not invention. Edge – J. we could cite the martyrdoms of saints in the third zones of frescoes. Giakoumis – K. D. We each have our own histories. fig.91 which seemingly reproduce 17th c.88 the Massacre of the Innocents in the catholicon of Ravenia Monastery. Η Ιερά Μονή Ραβενίων ∆ρόπολης (Athens. pp. Dropull (second quarter of the 17th c. In his authoritative ‘Memory and Proof of Age in England (1272-1327)’. Giakoumis. Giakoumis – K. 1995). Fier (1782). over time. Paddock. possibly. “Memories with No Historian”. taking into consideration representations of Crusaders in ecclesiastical paintings of late Byzantine and early post-Byzantine churches and catholica. George at Libofshë. Giakoumis. trans. Theodore Stratelates in the church of the Dormition of the Virgin at zervat. 3-27 (p. Morea. psychologists and neurologists has led to little certainty. Duby. Giakoumis.M. pp. Ορθόδοξα. also offers some good examples. which we have made as much by thought as by need. Giakoumis. rather than isolated cases. by J. Moschenberg. pp. Myth and Writing’). John Bedell92 states that “history. Giakoumis – K. especially by conversations we have had about shared experiences. p. pp.M. pp. 144-154.

The apse of the church with the altar stone and co-celebrating hierarchs 19 . George at Dhivër. Hermitage of St. Hermitage of St. George at Dhivër.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 1. last quarter of the 13th century. Cross-section (1-1) 2. Sarandë . Sarandë.

Last quarter of the 13th century 20 . George at Dhivër. Sarandë. a certain priest named Isidore along with his wife and children. The scene of Christ the Saviour and an inscription below it mentioning the patrons of the frescoes.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 3. Hermitage of St.

A view of the naos from the West. Hermitage of St. George at Dhivër. In the far end the entrance to the parabema. Sarandë.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 4. At the right the church’s ground plan 21 .

KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 5. Sarandë. Hermitage of St. The apse of the church with the altar stone and co-celebrating hierarchs 22 . George at Dhivër.

Prophet Elijah. Unidentified saint. Saint Basil or Cyril. 20. Select a number and see the underlying fresco. 40. Saint Basil. 15. Transfiguration. 18. Archangel Michael. The Descent to Hades. A view from beneath the church which maps the frescoes. 29. The Saviour. 36. Lord Sabaoth and Annunciation (Archangel Gabriel). Saint Kosmas. 22. 13. 12. 16. 24. Saint Daniel the Stylite. Unidentified saint. Refer to the table below for a complete listing of the artwork 23 . 10.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… Index of the Iconographic Programme of the Cavern of St. 4. 28. 7. Saint Nikolaos. 9. Saint Jacob. Christ (Emmanuel). 17. Saint Damian. 35. 11. Hermitage of St. George at Dhivër. Unidentified saint. 30. George at Stilo-Dhivër 1. Prophet David. 39. 2. Saint Demetrius. Inscription «…ΦΗ…». Lord Sabaoth. 37. The Theotokos with the portrait of a donor. Unidentified saint. Saint Gregory. 19. Christ. 8. 38. Christ in a mandorla . Unidentified saint. Easter Morning. Saint Martin. Saint Symeon the Stylite. Sarandë. Unidentified saint. 6. Deisis and Annunciation (the Virgin Mary). 14. Saint George. 23. Saint Vlasios. 21. 27. 3. 26. Saint John Chrysostome. 33. 41. 31. The Ascension. 5. The Dormition of the Theotokos. 6. Saint George. Unidentified saint. Portraits of donors. 34. 25. 32. Saint Athanasios.

Sarandë. Naos. Second zone of frescoes. George at Dhivër. Hermitage of St.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 7. Northern wall. The Descent to Hades. Last quarter of the 13th century 24 .

Hermitage of St. Easter Morning. Northern wall. Sarandë. Second zone of frescoes. George at Dhivër. Last quarter of the 13th century 25 . Naos.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 8.

Detail of the sleeping soldiers of the Sepulchre’s custody. Sarandë. Easter Morning. Second zone of frescoes. Hermitage of St.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 9. Northern wall. Naos. George at Dhivër. Last quarter of the 13th century 26 .

from Angoulême Cathedral (with an integral coif) and a metal relief of a knight. part of the decoration on the GrossComburg chaldelier.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 10. ca. 1128. A stone relief with two mounted knightsdated ca. 1140 (without a coif) compared with our soldiers 27 .

dating late 10th or 11th century with helmets comparable to those of our soldiers 28 . Knights of Macchabees’ Battle in the Bible of Rhodes.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 11.

in conjunction to the similar patterns on the shields of our soldiers 29 . 1170. An initial from the Winchester Bible.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 12. Notice the strips of red and white/pink on the shields. ca.

Florence. A relief from the tomb of Gulielmo Beradi. in the church of Santa Annunziata. 1289. Notice the triangular form of the shield in comparison with the shields of our soldiers 30 .KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 13. ca.

An initial from the Winchester Bible.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 14. Notice how the lances in our scene are closer to the 1207 example 31 . 1170. 1207 and our soldiers. ca. a panel from the Silver Shrine of Charlemagne in Aachen Cathedral. ca.

George at Dhivër. Northern wall. Last quarter of the 13th century 32 . Second zone of frescoes. Naos. The Descent to Hades. trembled down by Christ. Hermitage of St. or Satan. Detail of the personification of Death.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 15. Sarandë.

A map of the Crusade Routes. from the First to the Eighth Crusade 33 .Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 16.

1560 34 . Fresco.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 17. Vincent. The martyrdom of St. Narthex. Philanthropenon Monastery.

Bishop of Ikonion.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 18. Philanthropenon Monastery. The martyrdom of St. Fresco. Narthex. 1560 35 . Amphilochius.

1560 36 . Fresco. The martyrdom of St. Stephen the Confessor.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 19. Philanthropenon Monastery. Narthex.

Athanasios Church at Goranxi.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 20. St. Fresco. Dropull (Gjirokastra region). 1524 37 . The Betrayal of Jesus.

The Martyrdoms of Sts. Narthex.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 21. last quarter of the 16th century 38 . Fresco. Dryano Monastery. George and Demetrius.

Gjirokastra.Perception of the Crusader in Late Byzantine and Early Post-Byzantine Ecclesiastical… 22. 1666 39 . The Carrying of the Cross. Fresco. Naos of Mingul Monastery.

On the extreme right. William of Normandy raises his helmet by its nasal 40 . On the extreme left is Bishop Odo.KONSTANTINOS GIAKOUMIS 23. A scene from the Bayeux Tapestry interpretation of the Battle of Hastings (1066). wearing what may be a hauberk of scale armour and carrying a mace of cudgel form.

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