Val ues and Her i tage Conser vati on

Research Repor t
The Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e, Los Angeles
Val ues and Her i tage Conser vati on
Re s e a rch Re p o r t
Erica Av r ami, Randall Mason , Mar t a de la To r r e
The Ge t t y Conser vat ion Inst it u t e, Los Angeles
P roject coord i n a t o rs: M a r t a de la To r re and Er ica Av ra m i
L ogist ics coor d i n a t o r: Sh er i Sap e rs t e i n
Rep o r t ed it ors: Eri ca Av r ami and Ran dall Mason
D e s i g n / P rodu ct i on coord i n a t o r: Helen Mau ch í
Copy edit or: Sylvia Tidwe l l
B i bl i ogr a p hy con t r i bu t ion s: Ran dall Maso n , Claud ia Bo hn -Spect o r an d H ilar y Du nn e Fe rr o n e
C o pyri gh t © 2000 Th e J. Pau l Get t y Tr u s t
Th e Get t y Co nservat io n Inst it u t e
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T he Get t y Co n ser vat io n In st it u t e wo r ks in t er n a t i o n a l ly t o advan ce co n ser vat i on pr act ice in
t h e visu al ar t s — b r o a d ly int er p ret ed t o in clude o bject s, co llect i on s, arc h i t e c t u r e, and sit es. T h e
Inst it u t e ser ves t he con ser vat io n co mmun it y t hr ou gh fou r areas o f a c t ivi t y: scien t i fic re s e a rc h
in t o t h e n at ure, decay, and t reat ment o f mat eri als; edu cat io n an d t r ain in g; model field pr oj ect s;
and t he disseminat io n o f i n fo r mat ion t h ro ugh t r adit io n al pu blicat ion s an d elect r on ic means. In
all it s en deavo r s, t h e o c i is commit t ed t o addressin g u nan swe r ed q uest io ns and p ro mo t ing t he
h igh est po ssibl e st an dards of c o n s e r va t i o n .
T he Inst it ut e i s a pro gr am of t h e J. Pau l Get t y Tr u st , an in t er na t io n al cu lt u ra l and phi lan t h r o pic
in st it ut io n d evo t ed t o t h e visual ar t s and t he h u mani t ies t ha t in cludes an ar t mu seu m as well as
p r ogr ams for ed ucat io n , sch olar s h i p, an d co n ser va t i o n .
Pr ef ace 1
Repor t on Resear ch 3
The Spheres and Challenges of C o n s e rva t i o n ,
C o n s e rvat ion Pe rs p e c t ives o
Va l u e s, Valorizat ion, and Cultur al Signifi c a n c e :
The Need for a Concept ual Fra m ewo r k s o
Ex pl or ator y Essay s 13
Overview s+
St ewarding t he Past in a Perplexing Present ss
David Lowent hal
Economic and Cult ural Value zo
in t he Work of Creat ive Art ist s
David Throsby
Cult ural Herit age and Globalizat ion ,z
Lourdes Arizpe
Cult ural Herit age, Liberal Educat ion, ,s
and Human Flourishing
Uffe Juul Jensen
Cult ural Fusion ++
Erik Cohen
Preserving t he Hist oric Urban Fabric ,s
in a Cont ext of Fast -Paced Change
Mona Sera geldin
The Making of Cult ural Herit age ,o
Susan M. Pearce
Challenges for Herit age Conser vat ion o,
and t he Role of Research on Values
Daniel Bluest one
Concl usi ons 68
Par ti ci pants 71
Contr i butor Bi ogr aphi es 72
Appendi x : Val ues Bi bl i ogr aphy 73
Table of Cont ent s
1
Values are the subject of much discussion in contem-
p o ra r y so ciet y. In t his post m ode r n, po st -ideology,
post -nat ion-st at e age, t he search for values and mean-
in g h as beco me a pr essing concer n . In t h e field of
c u l t u r al heritage conser vation, valu es are critical t o
deciding what t o conser ve — what mat erial goods will
re p resent us and ou r past t o fu t u re gener a t i o n s — a s
well as t o det er mining how t o conser ve. Even brief
c o n s i d e r at io n of a t ypi cal co nser vat ion d ecisio n
reveals many diffe rent, somet imes dive rgent values at
p l ay: t hink of the ar t ist ic and aest hetic values of a n
old bu ildin g, as well as t he hist or ical valu es of i t s
a s s o c i a t i o n s, plu s the economic valu es t ied up in it s
u se, an d so o n. In sho r t , valu es are an impor t a n t ,
d e t e r m in in g fa ct or in t h e cu r r e n t pr act ice s a nd
fu t u re prospect s of the conser vation fi e l d .
This r e p o r t pr esent s t he resu lt s of re s e a rc h
on the subject of t he valu es and benefit s of c u l t u ra l
h e r it age con ser vat io n u n de r t a ke n by t h e Ge t t y
C o n s e r vat ion Inst it ut e (o c i) t hr ough it s Agor a ini-
t i a t ive ,
s
as a means of a r t icu lat in g and fu rt h e r i n g
ideas t hat have emerged from t he conser vat ion fi e l d
in r e ce n t ye a r s. T hi s t r a n s d i s c i p l i n a r y r e s e a rc h ,
along wit h a par allel pr oject on t he econom ics of
he r it age conse r vat ion, re p r ese nt s an e ffo r t o f t h e
o c i to advance under st anding of c o n s e r va t i o n’s cur -
r e nt r o le in so ciet y, t o edu cat e ou r s e l ve s and t he
c o n s e r vat ion communit y at large about t he pot en-
t ial r ole o f c o n s e r vat io n in t h e fu t u r e , a nd, u l t i -
m a t e ly, t o st rengt hen t he capacit y of t he conser va-
tion field t o enrich cult ur al life and t he visual art s in
societ ies wo rl dw i d e .
The overall aim of oci research on social and
eco nom ic issu es is u nder st andin g t he pr ocesses—
s p e c i fic and gen er a l — by which mat er ial h erit age
c o n s e r vat ion fu nct ion s in t he co nt ext of m o d e r n
s o c i e t y, wi t h t he e n d o f i m p r ovin g co nse r va t i o n
pract ice and policy. By elucidat ing t he ways in which
we, as societ ies, pr ofe s s i o n a l s, an d cit iz e n s, det er -
mine what t o conser ve and how to conser ve it , we
hope t o fo st er gre at er u n de r st an ding of t he wo r k
t hat conservat ors do and of t he ways in which ot her
p r o fe s s i o n a l s, academics, and community member s
c o l l a b o r at e in and info r m this work—and how t hey
might be more effe c t ive ly int egr at ed in t he fu t u re .
Such insight can, in t ur n, make conser vat ion pr a c-
t ice mor e r e l evant t o t h e societ ies of wh ich it is a
p a r t , info r m policy and decision maker s abou t t he
pot ent ial of c o n s e r vat ion for fost ering civil societ y,
and st rengt hen t he role of conser vat ion as a part of
civil societ y.
In late s o o :, t he o c i b egan development of a
mult iyear inquiry t o explore t he values and benefit s
o f c u l t u r al herit age conser vat ion. The re s e a r ch wa s
lau n ch ed wit h a meet in g held in Los Angeles and
R ive r side , Califo r n ia, Ja nu a r y s+ t o s o, s o o s. T h e
meet ing invo l ved a mu l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y and mu l t i n a-
t ional gr ou p of p r o fessionals and acade mics fr o m
t he con ser vat ion an d cu lt u r al he r it age f ie lds and
asso cia t e d d isci pl in e s ( se e Pa r t ici p an t s se ct i o n
below). Meet ing part icipant s were asked t o examine
t he st at e o f k n owledge abo ut t h e mu lt iple defi n i-
t i o n s, r oles, and meanings of c u l t u r al her it age and
it s conser vat ion; t o look at t he kinds of social and
c u l t u r al dyn amics m aking t he gr eat est im pact on
c o n s e r va t i o n’s r ole in societ y, pre s e n t ly and in t he
fut ure; and t o consider ideas, concept s, and research
t h e me s t ha t wa r r a nt fu r t he r st u dy. Th r ou gh an
o n lin e discu ssio n t h at fo l l owe d t h e Ja nu a r y s o o s
meet ing, t hrough cor respondence, and t hrough sev-
e r al co mmissioned essay s, t hese ideas we r e honed
and debat ed.
The fi r st par t of t his docu ment, “Re p o r t on
Re s e a rch ,” pr ovides a su mm ar y of t h e ide as a nd
ove ra rching t hemes t hat have emerged du ring t he
c o u r se of ou r re s e a rch and meet ings, in ou r ongo-
i n g d i s cu ssi o n s w i t h co ll e a gu e s a t t h e G e t t y,
e l s ewh e r e in t he co nse r vat io n field, in academ ia,
and in lit er a t u res from other disciplines t hat bear on
c o n s e r vat ion . Th e seco n d par t of t h e docu men t ,
“ E x p l o ra t o r y Essay s,” is a co mpendiu m of p ap e r s
on specific topics writ t en by scholar s who have par-
t icipat ed in t his re s e a rch. These essays ex p l o re some
c o r e ideas in great er dept h and provide diffe rent dis-
c i p l i n a r y pe r s p e c t ive s o n h o w br o a d s o c i a l
dynamics influ ence our u nde r st anding of c u l t u ra l
Pr ef ace
2
her it age conse r vat ion. The “Co nclu sions” synt h e-
s i ze so me o f t he se ideas and issu e s an d pr opose
t o p ics fo r co n t in u e d e x p l o r at io n. T he se t op ics,
along wit h t he su mmar y and essay s, are meant t o
p r ovo ke f u r t h e r r e s e a r ch an d cr e a t ive t h in k i n g
abou t t h e fu t u re of c o n s e r vat ion . The su ccess o f
su ch re s e a r ch depends, in par t , on act ive dialog u e
a m o n g a wi d e n i n g g r o u p o f c o l l a b o ra t o r s. So
ple ase jo in u s in t h is co nve r sat ion . We we l c o m e
yo u r t h o u gh t s a n d su gge st i o n s; e m a i l u s a t
G C I Va l u e s @ g e t t y. e d u .
Notes
s. In accordance wit h t he mandat e of t he J. Paul Get t y Tr u s t
and t he mission of t he Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e, t he
A g o r a wa s est ablished wit h a fo cu s on mat er ial cult u r a l
her it a ge—t hat is t o say, ar t , o bject s, ar t i fa c t s, bu i l d i n g s,
m o nu m e n t s, sit es, et c. These limit s (however ar t i ficial t hey
m ay be) we re set because t he Inst it ut e does not encompass
in it s conservat ion work such manifest at ions of c u l t u re as
fo l kl o r e, lit er a t u re, mu s i c, and dance. The ex p l o r at ion of
t he Agor a invo l ved t he fu ll spect r u m of c u l t u r al her it age
and t he range of t a n gi ble and int angi ble const r uct s re l a t e d
t o t he concept of her it age. Howeve r, in t he st r a t egic deve l-
opment of re s e a rch and ot her act iv i t i e s, mat erial her it age
and it s associat ed const r uct s (t angi ble and int angi ble) have
been emphasize d .
3
The Spher es and Chall enges of Conser v a t i o n
U n d e r pinnin g t h is re s e a r ch is an assu m pt ion t hat
herit age conser vat ion is an int egr al part of c ivil soci-
e t y. Cult ivat ing this role should, ideally, be one of t h e
abiding concer ns of our field. In some fo r m, conser-
vation of mat er ial herit age is a funct ion obser va bl e
in eve r y m oder n so ciet y. Conser vat ion shapes t h e
society in which it is sit uat ed, and in t ur n, it is shap e d
by t he needs and dynamics of t hat societ y.
Ye t ho w co nse r vat io n is ap pr o ach e d an d
u n d e r t a ke n va r ie s fr om cu l t u r e t o cu lt u r e . Th e
t e r m c o n s e r va t i on i t s e l f h as var ied m e anings an d
c o n n o t a t i o n s. In cer t ain co nt ex t s, “con ser va t i o n ”
h as br oad m eaning, sign ifyin g t he en t ir e f ield or
realm of c u l t u r al her it age pre s e r vation, from acade-
mic inqu ir y and hist o rical re s e a rch t o policy mak-
i n g t o p la n n i n g t o t e ch n i cal in t e r ve n t io n (t h i s
meaning is akin to t he Amer ican not ion of “ h i s t o r i c
p re s e r vat ion”). At t he same t ime, “conser vat ion” is
used t o indicat e physical int er vention or t re a t m e n t
s p e c i fi c a l ly. This definit ion of c o n s e r vat ion re fe rs t o
t h e mo r e t e ch n ical ly o r i en t e d fu n ct io n s o f t h e
b r o ade r fie ld . Bu t t h e br o ad er d ef in it io n r e fe r s
m o re widely t o conser vat ion as a complex, dive rs e ,
and even dive rgent social pr act ice—and it is t his def-
init ion t hat needs t o be fo regr o u n d e d .
It wou ld seem t hat t he lat t er, more narr ow
d e f in it io n o f c o n s e r va t i on is a n e l em e n t o f t h e
fo rm e r, m or e ex p a n s ive de f in it i on . H oweve r, i n
p r act ice, t he wor k of i n t e r vent ion or t reatment has
become somewhat disconnected fr om t his broader
field and no t ion of c o n s e r vat ion. Decisions abou t
wha t t o conser ve and w hy a re oft en taken indepen-
d e n t ly fr o m t ho se dealing wit h h ow t o con se r ve ,
and vice ve r sa. This is du e, in par t , t o t he re l a t ive
isolat io n of d i ffe r ent gr ou ps or spher es of p r o fe s-
sio n als t ha t en ga ge in t he wo r k o f c o n s e r va t i o n
( b r o a d ly defi n e d ) .
P r o fessionals wo r king in t he broader c o n s e r-
vat ion field are dr awn from t he sciences, t he art s, t he
so cial scie nces, t he hu m an it ies, and ot he r are a s —
reflect ing t he fact t hat herit age conservat ion is t ruly
a mu l t id i s c i p l i n a r y endeavo r. All t he same, in pr a c-
t i ce , i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y col lab o r a t i on i s n o t o ft e n
a c h i eved. If one we re t o map, simply and gener a l ly,
t he cu r rent shape of c o n s e r vat ion policy and pr a c-
t i c e ,
s
o n e wo u l d f i n d a r at h e r l in e a r pa t h wi t h
different groups of professionals engaged in dist inct
st eps along t he way.
As r e p r e sen t ed in Figu r e s (se e page +), a t
some init ial st age, a product of mat erial cult ure—be
it an o bject o r a place—is r e c og n i ze d as “cu lt u r a l
herit age.” This is, in fact , t he beginning of a process
o f herit age c reat ion or p roducti on. Whet her t hrough
academ ic discou r se , ar c h a e o l ogical exc avat io n , a
c o m m u n i t y m ove m e n t , o r po li t ical o r r e l i gi o u s
t re n d s, in t e re st is ge ne r at ed ab ou t t h e o bj e ct or
place in quest ion, and moment u m bu i l d s. The nex t
st ep ent ails prot ect ion of t he “product ” t hrough, for
example, designat ion as an hist or ic sit e or acquisi-
t ion by a museum. This st ep oft en involves individu-
als o r gr o u p s, su ch as cu r a t o r s, her it age comm is-
s i o n s, e t c. , wh o evalu at e t h e sign if ican ce o f t h e
product . Next , t hose who own or have responsibilit y
fo r t he pr o du ct (colle ct io n s ma nager s, sit e ma n-
a g e r s, pr oper t y ow n e r s, et c.) ar e char ged wit h it s
overall management . This may (or may not ) lead t o
a pro gr am of int er vent ion or t reat ment t o conserve
t he fabric of t he object or place, in volving conser va-
t o r s, ar c h i t e c t s, scie n t i st s, et c. An d i t m ay a lso
inclu de consu lt at ions made wit h communit ies and
ot her st akeholder s, or decisions made by polit icians
and invest or s.
As t he diagr am suggest s, conservation policy
and pr act ice fo l l ow a sequ e nce of st eps t h at each
i nvo l ves a separ at e sphere of p r o fessionals and playe rs,
o ft e n wi t h l it t le i n t e r p l ay a m o n g t h e sp h e r e s.
I n t e r vention, in par t i c u l a r, has become it s own, ve r y
dist inct sphere, focusing most ly on the physical aspects
o f herit age and often losing sight of the interc o n n e c t-
edness of t reat ment t o t he preceding sphere s.
In the cur rent climat e of globalizat ion, t ech-
nological advancement , populat ion mobilit y, and t he
s p r ead o f p a rt i c i p a t o r y de m ocr acie s an d m ar ke t
e c o n o m i e s, it has become quit e clear t o t he br oad
c o n s e r vat ion communit y t hat these and ot her soci-
e t al t r e nds ar e pr o fo u n d ly and r a p i d ly ch an gi n g
Repor t on Resear ch
4
c u l t u res and commu n i t i e s. The fu t u re challenges of
t he conservat ion field will st em not only from her -
i t age o bj ect s an d si t es t h em se lve s bu t fr o m t h e
c o n t ext s in which societ y embeds t hem. These con-
t e xt s—t h e v a lu e s p e o ple d r aw fr o m t h e m , t h e
functions herit age object s ser ve for societ y, the uses
t o which herit age is put —are t he real source of t h e
meaning of herit age, and the r aison d’êt re for con-
s e r vat ion in all senses. As societ y changes, so does
t he r ole of c o n s e r vat ion and t he oppor t u nit ies fo r
c o n s e r vat io n t o sh a pe an d su ppo r t civil so cie t y.
These changed social condit ions compel us t o t hink
ex p a n s ive ly and re a l i s t i c a l ly about t he fu t u re st and-
ing of conser vat ion in t he social agenda.
G ive n t h e se i m me diat e ch alle n ge s, m any
c o n s e r vat ion pr ofessio nals and organ izat io ns have
re c og n i zed t hat great er cohesion, connect ion, and
i n t egr at ion are needed in t he conser vat ion field. As
su gge st ed by Figu r e z (se e page ,), r at h e r t han a
disjo int ed se qu e nce, t he sphe res o f c o n s e r va t i o n
ought t o be int egr at ed bet t er and embedded wit h-
i n t h e i r r e l eva n t co n t e x t s, so as t o e n su r e t h a t
c o n s e r vat io n remains re s p o n s ive t o eve r- c h a n gi n g
c u l t u r al condit ions.
In the last ten to fift een ye a r s, t he field (specifi-
c a l ly t hose invo l ved in t he conser vat ion of a rc h i t e c-
t u re and ar c h a e o l ogical sit es) has made signifi c a n t
a dvances in gr appling wit h these challenges in a holis-
tic way. Throu gh compre h e n s ive planning for conser-
vat ion management ,
2
i n t egr at ed, in t erd i s c i p l i n a r y
approaches t o t he pre s e rvat ion of the built env i r o n-
ment have developed t hat address the changed condi-
t ions of c o n t e m p o ra ry societ y. Au s t r alia i co x o s, t he
u. s. Nat ion al Par k Se r vice , English H er it age, a nd
m a ny ot her gove r nment and nongove r nment al agen-
cies (· o os) have e st ablish ed policies for int egr a t e d
c o n s e r vat ion management , employing va l u e - d r ive n
planning met hodologies t hat at tempt t o incor p o ra t e
values more effe c t ive ly in conservation decision mak-
ing. Yet despit e t hese adva n c e s, widespread int egr a-
t io n o f t he sp h e r es o f c o n s e r va t i o n p o l icy a n d
p r act ice h as bee n slow. Th is is lar g e ly du e t o t h e
r at her fr agment ed and unbalanced body of k n ow l-
edge t hat su ppo r t s t he wor k of c o n s e r vat ion; also
t o the specializat ion of work in diffe rent disciplines.
As a field, we know a great deal about some aspects
o f c o n s e r vat ion (science, docu me nt at ion, list ing);
i n o t h e r, impo r t ant ar e a s, we know ve r y lit t le (fo r
inst ance, economics, or t he u se of heritage as a foil in
ident ity or polit ical st r u g gles).
In t he cult ural heritage conser vat ion field, we
a re consist ent ly faced with challenges on t hree front s:
• P hysical condit io n: Behavio r of m at e r ials and
s t ru c t u r a l syst e m s, de t e r io r at io n cau se s an d
m e c h a n i s m s, possible int er ve n t i o n s, long-t er m
efficacy of t reat ment s, et c.
• Mana ge m en t con t ext : Availabil it y and u se of
r e s o u rc e s, in clu ding fu n d s, t r aine d per s o n n e l ,
an d t echn o logy; polit ical an d legi s l a t ive m an -
dat es and condit ions; land use issues, et c.
• C u l t u r al significance and social valu es: Why an
o bje ct o r pl ace i s me an in gf u l , t o wh o m , fo r
whom it is conser ve d, t he impact of i n t e r ve n-
t ions on how it is under st ood or perceived, et c.
Fi gur e 1
The cur rent shape of c o n s e r vation policy and pr act ice: in which the diffe rent aspect s of c o n s e r vation activ i t y
oft en remain separ at e and unint egrat ed, retaining t he sense t hat conservation is insulat ed from social cont ex t s.
5
Tr a d i t i o n a l ly, t he re s e a rch effo r ts of t he con-
s e r va t i o n f i el d h ave fo cu se d o n t h e fi r st fr o n t ,
p hysical condit ion. Great st rides have been made t o
u n d e r st and and ar rest mat erial det er ior at ion. As a
resu lt , in the area of mat erial science and t echnical
i n t e r ve n t i o n s, a consider a ble body of i n fo rm a t i o n ,
wit h spe cif ic a ppl icabi li t y t o co n se r vat io n , h as
grown t hrough t he years.
In t he r ealm o f m an age men t issu e s, so me
c o n s e r va t i o n - s p e c i fic discou r se has emerged fr o m
t he law and economics fields. Most of t his research,
t hough, has focused on issues of owners’ right s and
finance, rat her t han on t he complexit ies of resource
management wit hin t he field of conser vat ion or on
conser vat ion as a “public good” wit hin societ y.
L i k ewise , on e f in ds ex t e n s ive i nfo rm a t i o n
about canons of art -hist orical value, personal values,
responsibilit y t o fut ure generat ions, mat erial cult ure
and it s societ al fu n c t i o n s, her it age as embodied in
t he nat ural environment , it s st ewardship, and so on.
However, very lit t le of t his lit erat ure is applied t o or
developed in t he cont ext of conser vat ion.
Alt hough t here is a g reat deal of informat ion
in r e l at e d di scip lin e s (an t h r o po log y, e co n o mics,
p s yc h o l o gy, ph ilosophy, e t c. ) t hat can in fo r m t he
wo r k o f c o n s e r va t i o n , r e l a t i ve ly li t t le r e s e a r c h
has addressed t he specifics of c u l t u r al heritage con-
s e r vat ion or has been under t aken in ser vice of t h e
conser vat ion field. In fact , t he great er part of all con-
s e r vat ion re s e a rch st ill focuses on t he challenges of
p hysical con dit ion —nam e ly, t h e det e r ior at io n of
mat erials and possible int er ve n t i o n s — c o n c e n t ra t i n g
on t he object s as opposed t o t heir cont ext s.
E ve r y act of c o n s e r vat ion is shaped by how
an object or place is valued, it s social cont ex t s, ava i l-
a ble re s o u rc e s, local prior it ies, and so on. Decisions
abo u t t reat ment s an d int e r vent io ns are no t based
s o l e ly o n consider at ions of p hysical decay; yet t he
lack of a coherent body of k n owledge t hat addre s s-
e s an d in t e g r a t e s al l t h r e e fr o n t s m ake s it ve r y
Fi gur e 2
The pot ent ial fut ure of conser vat ion policy and pract ice: in which different aspect s of conser vat ion pract ice,
social cont ext s, and st akeholders are int egr at ed, connect ed, and coherent .
6
d i ff icu l t t o asse ss an d i n co r p o r at e t h e se o t h e r,
e q u a l ly impor t ant fa c t o r s in t he work of c o n s e r va-
t ion pr o fe s s i o n a l s. Likewise, t his makes e ffo r t s t o
coalesce and connect t he field at large and it s mu l t i-
d i s c i p l i n a r y const itu ency fo rm i d a bl e .
As a fie ld, we have co me t o r e c og n i ze t hat
c o n s e r vat ion cannot unify or advance wit h any re a l
i n n ovat ion or vision if we cont inue to concent ra t e
t he bulk of conser vat ion discourse on issues of phys-
ical con dit ion . Co nse r vat io n r isks losin g gr o u n d
wit h in t he so cia l age nda u nle ss t h e no n t e ch nical
c o m p l exit ies of c u l t u r al herit age pre s e r vat ion, t he
r ole it plays in moder n societ y, and t he social, eco-
n o m i c, polit ical, and cult ur al mechanisms t hr ough
which con ser vat ion wo r ks ar e bet t er u nder s t o o d
and ar t iculat ed.
Th u s, t he u n m et n e ed is for r e s e a r ch t h at
explains h ow conser vat ion is sit u at ed in so ciet y—
h ow it is shaped by eco nomic, cult ur al, and social
fo rces and how, in t ur n, it shapes societ y. Wit h t his
type of re s e a rch, t he field can advance in a posit ive
way by e m be ddin g t h e sph e r e s of c o n s e r va t i o n
wit hin t h eir re l evant cont ex t s, info r ming decision -
m a king pr ocesses, fost e r ing lin ks wit h associat ed
d i s c i p l i n e s, and enabling conservat ion profe s s i o n a l s
and organizat ions t o respo nd bet t er in t he fu t u re ,
t h r ou gh bo t h pr a ct ice an d policy. Su ch re s e a rc h ,
cou pled wit h st r a t eg ic planning for how bet t er t o
i n t egr at e con ser va t ion in t h e so cial agend a, will
ensure t hat t he next generat ion of conser vat ion pro-
fession als will be edu cat ed an d e qu ipped t o de al
wit h conservat ion broadly and holist ically.
Conser vati on Per specti ves
Th e re is tremendous educat ional and pract ical pot en-
t ial t o be re a l i zed by int egr ating and contex t u a l i z i n g
t he spheres and work of c o n s e rvat ion, not only as a
self-cont ained science or t echnological endeavor bu t
a s a so cial pr a ct ice . Con se r vat i on is co n t inu a l ly
c h a n ging, mir roring t he fact t hat cu lt ur es are co n-
s t a n t ly in fl u x fr o m t he local t o t h e gl obal scale.
As social an d cu lt u r al change int e nsifi e s, gr e a t e r
demands are made t o conser ve herit age as a bra k e
a gainst u nwan t ed change and even as a me an s of
e ffecting change. Herit age is one of the mainstays of
c u l t u re, ar t , and cre a t iv i t y. In any case, t he cult ur a l
c o n t ext dict at es t hat t he pre s s u re t o conser ve, and
t he st akes in doing so, r ise dra m a t i c a l ly. This is our
c u rrent climate.
Insight s gleaned from social t heor y, historical
i n q u i r y, and policy - relat ed re s e a rch about t he nat ure
o f c o n t e m p o ra r y societ y suggest t hat t he conser va-
t ion field will only keep pace wit h recent t r ends if,
c o l l e c t ive ly, we re examine t he core concept s of h e r-
it age and conservat ion. Echoing a great deal of s o c i a l
scie nce and hu manit ies re s e a rch on cu lt u r e in t he
p o s t m o d e r n er a, h er it age sho u ld be consider ed a
ve r y flu id ph e no m en o n, a pr o ce ss as o ppo sed t o
a st at ic set of object s wit h fixed meaning. Bu ilding
on t his insight , herit age conser vat ion should be re c-
o g n i z e d as a b u nd le o f h i g h ly po l it iciz e d so cia l
p r o c e s s e s, int er t wined wit h myriad other economic,
polit ical, and cultur al processes.
H i s t o r i c a l ly, cult ur al her it age—it s ve r y ex i s-
t e nce and it s fu n ct ion wit h in a societ y—has bee n
t aken fo r gr an t ed. That socie t ie s sho u ld save old
t hings has been a mat ter of t r adit ion, t o be accept ed
and r e spe ct ed, and t h e r easons ar e no t ex a m i n e d
t oo closely. The nor ms dict at ing what t hings qu ali-
f i e d a s h e r i t a ge we r e ve r y st a b l e —t h e se we r e
not ions like “mast er p i e c e s,” “int r insic valu e,” and
“ a u t h e n t i c i t y.” Howeve r, in t he last gener at ion, cul-
t u r al consensu s an d nor ms h ave bee n r eplaced by
an at mosphere of o p e n ly cont ent ious and fr a c t i o u s
c u l t u r al po lit i cs. So m e o f t h e b e st sch o l ar s h i p
r ega r ding con ser vat ion and so ciet y pr esent s com -
pelling evidence of p re c i s e ly t he opposit e of wh a t
was prev i o u s ly held t r ue: t hat herit age, at its core, is
p o l i t i c i zed and co nt e st e d, an d t hu s co nser va t i o n
mu st n ot hide behind it s t r adit io nal ph iloso phical
m a t t e r s o f fait h . (It shou ld also be no t ed t hat t he
i n t e n se r e ce nt in t e r e st in pr o fe ssi o n al e t h ics is
anot her par t of t he development of crit ical pers p e c-
t ives on conser vat ion. See t he bibl i ogr ap hy here i n
for a wide-r a n ging sample of su ch scholars h i p. )
At t he hear t of c o n t e m p o ra r y, in t erd i s c i p l i-
n a r y, crit ical re s e a rch on herit age is t he not ion t hat
c u l t u r al her it age is a social co nst r u ct ion; which is
t o say t hat it result s from social processes specific t o
t ime and place. As not ed, scholarship on cult ure in
t he past gener at ion or so re i n fo rces t he notion t hat
c u l t u r e i s a se t of p r o c e s s e s, n o t a co ll ect io n o f
t h i n g s. Ar t i fact s are not st at ic embodiment s of c u l-
t u r e bu t a r e , r a t h e r , a m e d i u m t h r o u gh wh i c h
ident it y, power, and societ y are produced and repro-
du ce d. Object s, collect io ns, bu i l d i n g s, and place s
become recognized as “herit age” t hrough conscious
decisions and u nspoken values of p a r t icu lar people
and inst it u t ions—and for reasons t hat are st r ongly
s h aped by social cont ext s and processes. Th u s, t he
meaning of h erit age can no longer be t h ou gh t of
as fixed, as the t r aditional not ions of int rinsic va l u e
and au t hent icit y su ggest . Museology scholar Susan
7
Pearce, for inst ance, suggest s t hat cult ural herit age is
c og n i t ive ly const r uct ed and t hat “t he not ion of c u l-
t ural herit age embraces any and every aspect of life
t h at in div i d u a l s, i n t h ei r va r i o u s ly sca le d so cial
gr o u p s, consider ex p l i c i t ly or implicit ly to be a par t
of t heir self-definit ion.”
3
All t he same, a post m oder n ist t en den cy t o
reduce cultur al herit age t o simply a social const ru c-
t ion r u ns up against t he widely held unders t a n d i n g
t hat her it age is in fact imbued wit h some u nive rs a l ,
intrinsic qualities. Despit e t he tenor of ident it y poli-
t ics a n d t h e p u l l t o wa r d cu l t u r a l r e l a t iv i s m ,
a n t h r o p o l og ist Lou r des Ar izpe ar gu es t he mu c h -
d ebat ed point t hat cult ur al herit age—in addre s s i n g
t he dee pest , sh ar e d h u m an lo ngin gs fo r love and
beaut y and cooperat ion—has u nive rsal signifi c a n c e ,
or et i c me aning, in addit ion t o it s mo re cu lt u r a l ly
bou nd emi c meanin g. Philosopher Uffe Jensen also
su gge st s t hat t he n eed for access t o o ne ’s cu lt u re ,
o n e ’s herit age, crosses all cultures and contribut es t o
human flourishing and happiness in t he Arist ot elian
sense. As relat ed to t hese valu es of human hap p i n e s s
and societ al peace, t here is a unive rsal qualit y t o t he
not ion of c u l t u r al herit age t hat tr anscends re l a t iv i s t i c
i n t e rp ret at ion but t hat is equally bound up in speci-
fi cit ie s o f t im e and pl ace . This is a ma jo r axis o f
d eb at e , an d e a ch si de su gg est s a ve r y di ffe re n t
approach to det er mining cultu ral significance as par t
o f t he conser vat ion process.
All sides of t he con t ingent -u nive rsal deb a t e
a gree that herit age and its conser vat ion (t ra d i t i o n a l ly
d e fined) play definit e, eve n essent ial fu n ct io ns in
most, if not all, societ ies. Yet t he concept of c o n s e r-
va t ion is it self p a ra d oxical. As David Lowe n t h a l
not es in his essay below, “Her it age is never mere ly
c o n s e r ve d o r pr o t e ct e d ; it i s m o di fi e d — b o t h
enhanced and degr a d e d — by each new gener a t i o n . ”
As with all ot her social act iv i t i e s, conser vat ion is not
o b j e c t ive; it is biased by t he values and pers p e c t ive s
o f var i o u s i n divi du a l s a n d i n t e r e st g r o u p s.
A rc h i t e c t u r al hist or ian Daniel Blu e st o ne cau t ion s
t hat change must be under stood as par t of t he rich-
ness of herit age and t hat , in t he wor k of c o n s e r va-
t io n , “u n de r st an d in g ch an ge is a s im po r t a n t as
u n d e r st an ding or iginal int en t .” Conse r vat ion is a
c o m p l ex and continual process t hat invo l ves deter m i-
nat ion s abou t what co nst it u t es he r it age, how it is
used, cared fo r, int er p ret ed, and so on, by whom and
for whom. The decisions about what t o conser ve and
h ow t o conser ve are larg e ly defined by cult ur al con-
t ex t s, societal t re n d s, political and economic fo rc e s —
wh ich t h e m se lves co n t i nu e t o ch ange. Cu lt u r a l
herit age is t hus a mediu m for t he eve r- evolving va l-
ues of social groups (be t hey fa m i l i e s, commu n i t i e s
residing in cer t ain places, et hnic gr o u p s, disciplines
or professional gr o u p s, ent ire nat ions) as well as indi-
v i d u a l s. Social groups are embedded in cer tain places
and t im e s and, as a m at t er o f r ou t ine, u se t h in gs
(inclu ding mat er ial herit age) t o int er p ret t heir past
and t heir fu t u re. In t his sense, co nser vat ion is not
m e re ly an ar rest ing process but a means of c re a t i n g
and re c r eating herit age.
Th ou gh t h is pe r s p e c t ive o n co n se r va t i o n
challenges some widely held, t radit ional not ions, we
in t h e conser vat ion field h ave co m e t o r e c og n i ze
t hat we must int egr at e and cont ext ualize our work.
Conser vat ion is a process t hat consist ent ly recreat es
it s pr odu ct (cu lt u r al her it age ), accu m u la t ing t he
marks of passing generat ions. As such, it must be sit-
u at ed in it s lar ge r social co nt ext s—as par t o f t h e
l a r ge r cu lt u r al spher e ; as a ba sic phe n om e no n of
p u blic disco u r se ; a s a so cial act ivi t y co nst an t ly
reshaped by forces such as globalizat ion, t echnologi-
cal development s, t he widening influence of market
i d e o l ogy, cu lt u r al fu sion, and myr iad ot her s. Th i s
p r o c e s s - c e n t e re d m odel of c o n s e r vat io n is at t he
h e a r t of t he fu t u re re l evance of o ur field. It could
s e r ve as a basis for or ient ing pr act ice, fo r mu l a t i n g
an d a n al yzi n g po l i cy, u n de r st a n d in g e co n o m i c
fo rc e s, and gener a l ly ensu ring t hat conser vat ion is
“significant ” for societ y at large.
Val ues, Val or i zati on,
and Cul tur al Si gni f i cance
Valu es and valuing pr ocesses ar e t hreaded t hrough
t he various spheres of c o n s e r vation and play an enor-
mo u s r ole as we e nd eavo r t o in t e gr at e t h e fi e l d .
Whet her wo r ks of a r t , bu i l d i n g s, or et hn ogr ap h i c
a rt i fa c t s, t he product s of mat erial cult ure have diffe r-
ent meanings and uses for diffe rent individu als and
c o m mu n i t i e s. Valu es g ive some t hings signifi c a n c e
over ot hers and thereby t ra n s fo r m some object s and
places int o “herit age.” The ult imat e aim of c o n s e r va-
t ion is not to conser ve material for it s own sake bu t ,
r a t h e r, t o maint ain (and shape) the valu es embodied
by t he heritage—wit h physical int er vention or tre a t -
ment being one of m a ny means t owa rd t hat end. To
a c h i eve t hat end, such t hat t he herit age is meaningfu l
t o t hose whom it is int ended t o benefit (i.e., fu t u re
g e n e r at ions), it is necessar y to examine w hy and h o w
heritage is valued, and by whom.
Cult ural signi fi ca nce is t he t er m t hat t he con-
s e r vat ion com mu n it y has u sed t o en capsu lat e t h e
8
multiple values ascribed t o object s, bu i l d i n g s, or land-
s c ap e s. From t he wr it ings of R i egl to t he policies of
t he Bur r a Char t e r, these values have been ord e red in
c a t eg o r i e s, such as aest het ic, re l i gi o u s, political, eco-
n o m i c, and so on.
4
Through t he classificat ion of va l-
ues of d i ffe r ent disciplines, fields of k n owledge, or
u s e s, t he conservat ion communit y (defined broadly )
at t empts to gr apple wit h the many emot ions, mean-
i n g s, an d fu nct io n s associat ed wit h t h e m at e r ial
goods in it s care. This ident ificat ion and ordering of
valu es serves as a vehicle t o info r m decisions about
h ow best t o pre s e r ve t hese values in t he physical con-
s e r vat ion of t he object or place. Though t he t ypolo-
gies of d i ffe r ent scholar s an d disciplines va r y, t hey
each re p resent a reduct ionist approach t o ex a m i n i n g
t he ve r y complex issue of c u l t u r al signifi c a n c e .
H oweve r, t his pr ocess o f valu in g is neit h er
singu lar n o r object ive , and it beg in s eve n be fo r e
t he object becomes “h er it age.” Wit h re fe r ence t o
F i g u r e s, on e can see t h at so m e fr act io n o f t h e
mat e r ial cu lt u r e pr o du ced or inh erit ed by societ y
( a r t ist ic as well as ut ilit arian) becomes defined and
r e c og n i ze d as he r it age t hr ou gh design at io n. How
does t his happen? The creation of c u l t u r al her it age
is larg e ly derived fr om t he way people re m e m b e r,
o rga n i ze, think abou t, and wish t o use t he past and
h ow mat er ial cult u re pr ovides a mediu m t hr ou gh
which t o do t h is. The st or ies invest ed in o bject s,
bu i l d i n g s, and landscap e s, by individu als or gr o u p s,
const it u t e a cur re n cy in which t he valor izing of c u l-
t u r al her it age is t r ansact ed. Th e su bt le dist inct ion
b e t wee n va lui ng ( ap p re ciat ing exist in g valu e) and
valori zing ( giving added valu e) speaks t o t he int er -
vent ionist an d int er p re t a t ive aspect s o f t he simple
act o f ide nt ifyin g so m et h in g as h e r it age . Sim ply
labeling something as her it age is a value ju dgment
t h at dist ingu ish es t h at obje ct o r place fr om o t h er
ob je ct s an d place s fo r pa r t icu lar re a s o n s, an d a s
such, t he labeling adds new meaning and va l u e .
The process of valor izing begins when indi-
v i d u a l s, inst it u t ion s, or com mu n it ie s de cide t ha t
some object or place is wo rt h pre s e r ving, t hat it re p-
resent s somet hing wo r t h remembering, somet hing
about t hemselves and t heir past t hat shou ld be t ra n s-
m it t ed t o fu t u r e ge ner a t i o n s. Th r ou gh do nat i on
o f an object t o a mu seum or through the designation
or list ing of a bu ilding or sit e, t hese individuals or
c o m mu nities (be t hey polit ical, academic, or so on)
a c t ive ly creat e heritage. But t his is only t he begi n n i n g
o f t he process of c reat ing and valorizing herit age.
Heritage is valu ed in a var iet y of way s, dri-
ven by diffe r ent mot ivat ion s (e cono mic, polit ical,
c u l t u r al, spir it u al, ae st het ic, an d o t he r s), e ach o f
which has cor re s p o n d i n gly varied ideals, et hics, and
e p i s t e m o l ogi e s. These diffe rent ways of valu ing in
t u r n lead t o diffe rent approaches t o pre s e r ving her -
i t age . Fo r in st a nce , co n se r vi ng a h ist o r ic h o u se
p r o p e r t y a ccor din g t o hi st o r ica l-cu lt u r al va l u e s
wo u ld lead one t o m aximize t he ca pacit y for t h e
place t o ser ve the educat ional function of telling the
st or ies; t he primar y audiences in t his case might be
local sch oolchildr en and t h e local commu n i t y, fo r
whom associat ion wit h t his old place and it s st ories
m ake s a signi f ica n t co nt r ibu t io n t o t he ir g r o u p
i d e n t i t y. By co nt r ast , con se r vin g t he same sit e t o
m a x i m i ze economic value might lead to a conser va-
t ion appr oach t hat favo r s r eve nu e gener at ion and
t o u r ist t r a ffic over edu cat ional and ot h er cu lt u r a l
va l u e s. Th u s, par t s of t he pr oper t y might be deve l-
oped for parking, gift shops, and ot her visitor- s u p-
p o r t f u n c t i o n s, i n s t e a d o f i n t e rp r e t i n g a n d
c o n s e r ving hist oric landscape or arc h a e o l ogical ele-
ments of t he site; t he ove r all conser vat ion st r a t egy
might be dr iven by creat ing a popular (mar ket abl e )
experience, as opposed t o creating one t hat fo c u s e s
on edu cat ional use by a t ar get audience of s c h o o l-
c h i l d ren . Neit he r opt ion can be viewed as a pr iori
bet t er o r mor e appr opr iat e t han t he o t her, as t h e
appropriat eness is dependent upon t he valu es pr ior -
i t i zed by t he commu n i t y, or “st akeholder s” invo l ve d
( p r o fe s s i o n a l s, pu bl i c, gove r n me nt , e t c.), and t h e
c o n t ext in which t he effo r t is under t a k e n .
C o n s e r vat ion (nar r ow ly defin ed) h as co m-
m o n ly been viewed as t hat which fo l l ows t he act of
her it age designat ion—t hat is, a t ech nical re s p o n s e
aft er a place or object has already been recognized as
h aving value. Th e u nde rlying belie f has been t hat
p re s e r vat ion t reat ment should not , and would not ,
change t he meaning of t he herit age object , yet t he
t r adit ion al pr act ice of c o n s e rv i n g — o f p re s e rv i n g
t he physical fabric of a herit age object —does in fact
act ively int erpret and valorize t he object . Every con -
s e r vat ion decision—how to clean an object , how t o
re i n fo r ce a st r u c t u re, what mat erials to use, and so
o n — a ffe ct s how t ha t o bje ct or p lace will be per -
c e ived, under st ood and u sed, and t hus t ra n s m i t t e d
t o the fu t u re. Despit e su ch post u lat ed pr inciples as
m i n i mum int er vent ion, reve rs i b i l i t y, and aut hentici-
t y, a decisio n t o u nder t ake a cer t ain conser va t i o n
i n t e r ve n t io n give s pr io r it y t o a ce r t ain m e aning
or set of va l u e s. For example, decisions in t he man-
age m e n t o f a n ar c h a e o l o g ical sit e m ay i nvo l ve
st abili zing on e st r u c t u r e bu t e xc ava t i ng t hr o u gh
anot her t o expose an earlier st r u c t u re below. Each
9
decision affect s how visitors experience t he sit e and
how t hey int erpret and value t he archit ect ural forms
an d elemen t s; t hese decisions likewise reflect how
t hose re s p o n s i ble for car e and pro t ect ion int er p re t
and value t he fo r ms and element s. In t he realm of
object s conser vat ion, t he issu e of repat r iat ion also
capt ures such compet ing values. For inst ance, et hno-
gr aph ic obje ct s associat e d wit h Nat ive Ame rican
groups are oft en collect ed in mu s e u m s. Th e r e, t he
object s are conser ved (and stored and/ or displaye d )
t o arrest decay, so t hat t hey may be viewed and st ud-
ied by both scholar s and t he pu bl i c. This cou r se of
act ion champions t he value of t he object as a means
o f p r oviding info r mat ion about and unders t a n d i n g
o f a cert ain Nat ive Amer ican cult u re fr om ou t side
t he cult ure it self. Yet many Nat ive American groups
p re fe r t hat t hese object s be re t u r ned, so t hat t hey
m ay be rebu r ied in accordance wit h t h eir spirit u al
beliefs. These opt ions reflect different set s of values:
one gives priorit y t o t he use of t he object as a means
o f p re s e r ving cu lt u r a l t r a d i t i o n s, t he o t h er t o it s
mat erial for m.
Values also inform policy decisions. Consider
a hypot het ical government agency wit h responsibili -
t y for managing t he list ing of official landmarks and
i nvest in g pu blic fu nds in pre s e r vat ion pr o ject s. A
nu m ber o f co mpe t ing in t er e st s—co m pet ing va l-
u e s — t y p i c a l ly vie t o be ex p r e ssed t hr o u gh t he se
decision-making processes. Different cult ure groups
and polit ical fact ions lobby t o have t heir memories
and messages sanct ioned by gove r nment policy. To
add complexit y, economic values might t rump t hese
co m pe t in g cu lt u r al valu e s—pr o je ct s a r e wo rt h
invest ing in, t he logic goes, only if t hey are financial-
ly self-suppor t ing.
Th ese e xam ple s cle ar ly illu st r at e t h at t h e
val u es o f i n d ividu a ls an d com mu nit ie s—be t h ey
c o n s e r va t o r s, ant hr opologi s t s, et hnic gr o u p s, polit i-
c i a n s, or ot her wise—shape all conser vat ion. And in
the conser vat ion process, t hese va l u e s, as re p re s e n t -
ed in t he object or place, are not simply “pre s e r ve d ”
b u t ar e , r a t h e r, m o di f i e d . T h e m e a n in g o f t h e
ob je ct o r place is r e d e fin e d, and n ew va lu e s ar e
sometimes creat ed.
Wh at is t h e u sefu lne ss o f su ch an in sigh t ?
A n a ly t i c a l ly, on e can u n de r st an d what valu e s ar e
at work by analyzing what stories are being t old. And
a n a lysis of meanings (which is t o say, cult ur al signifi-
cance) t h u s pr ovides an impo r t an t kind of k n ow l-
edge t o complement document ation and analysis of
mat erial condit ions as t he cont exts for physical tre a t -
ment . Yet t he assessment of c u l t u r al significance is
oft en not u n d e r t aken when co nser vat ion int er ve n-
t ions are planned, or when it is, it is fre q u e n t ly limit -
ed t o t he one -t ime composit ion of a st at ement of
s i g n i ficance by an arc h a e o l ogist , hist orian, or ot her
ex p e r t . Why is it t hat assessment of c u l t u r al signifi-
cance is not more meaningfu l ly int egr at ed in conser-
vat ion pr act ice ? As m ent ion e d prev i o u s ly, wit h a
body of i n fo r mat ion and a re s e a rch agenda fo c u s e d
p r i m a r i ly on issues of p hysical condit ion, conser va-
t ion e du cat io n r a re ly invo l ves t r ain in g in how t o
asse ss co m p le x m e a n i ngs an d va l u e s, wh o m t o
i nvo l ve in such an assessment , and how t o neg o t i a t e
t he decision making that fo l l ow s.
St ill lar g e ly r e ga rde d as a t ech n ical r a t h e r
t h an a social ende avo r, con ser vat ion has failed t o
a t t r act significant input from t he social sciences. As
m e n t i one d pr ev i o u s ly, de spit e eme r g in g po li cie s
t h at pro mot e va l u e - d r iven planning for con ser va-
t i o n m a n a g e m e n t , t h e r e i s a l i m i t e d bo d y o f
k n owledge rega rding how conser vat ion functions in
societ y—and specifi c a l ly rega rding how cult ur al sig-
n i ficance might best be assessed an d reasse ssed as
p a r t of a public and enduring conser vat ion process.
C u l t u r al significance for t he pu r poses of c o n s e r va-
t io n d e cisio n m aki ng can no l on ge r be a pu r e ly
s c h o l a rly const r uct ion but , ra t h e r, an issu e neg o t i a t -
ed among t he many pr ofe s s i o n a l s, academics, and
c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s wh o va l u e t h e o bj e ct o r
place—the “st akeholder s. ”
Because of t he complexit y of c o n t e m p o ra r y
s o c i e t y, it is impor t ant t o re c og n i ze t he dive r sit y of
pot en t ial st akeho lde r s — t h ey in clu de , bu t ar e no t
limited t o, t he individual, t he fa m i ly, the local com-
m u n i t y, a n aca de m ic d i sci pl in e o r p r o fe s s i o n a l
c o m mu n i t y, an et hnic or re l i gious gr o u p, a region, a
n at io n -st at e, m acr o st at e s (su ch as t he Eu r o pe an
C o m mu n it y o r t he N or t h Am e r ican Fr e e Tr a d e
A r ea), t he wo r ld. Relat ion s among st akeholder s at
various levels are bot h int imat e and t ense; t hey some-
t ime s bu il d aff iliat io n and co mmu n it y and ot h e r
t imes sow discont ent . Mot ivat ions for t he va l o r i z a-
t io n (or devalor izat ion ) of mat er ial h er it age va r y
among t hese st akeholder s. Broader cu lt ur al condi-
t io ns an d dyn am ics (for inst an ce , m ar ket izat io n,
t e c h n o l ogical evolut ion, cu lt u r al fusion) influ ence
t hese int era c t i o n s. Cont inuity and change, par t i c i p a-
t ion, powe r, and ow n e r ship are all bou nd u p in t he
ways in which cult ures are created and progre s s.
The effect s of t hese phenomena of c u l t u ra l
change and evolu t ion are manifest ed clearly in t he
herit age conser vat ion arena. Rapid t r a n s fo rm a t i o n
in t his technological age oft en has a dr amat ic effe c t
10
on t he dual forces of cont inuit y and change, exacer -
ba t ing po li t ical t en sio ns a mo n g st ake h ol de r s. In
c o n s e r vat ion, t his is manifest ed, for inst ance, in t he
pr om in ent r o le o f t he “su bu rban spr awl” issu e in
Ame r ican hist o r ic p r e s e r vat io n , o r t he lu re s an d
pressures t hat come wit h worldwide development of
t ou r ism sit es and indu st ries. Th is dilemma can be
m ade wo r se, sin ce decisio n m ake r s are h aving t o
t ake act ions affect ing herit age in short er and short er
t ime frames, and t he int erest s of local const it uencies
(as well as t ho se of fu t u re gen er at io ns) can easily
vanish from considerat ion.
L o u r des Ar izpe suggest s t hat, for all conser -
vat ion decision m ak ing, on e mu st loo k at who is
valorizing cult ural herit age and why. “Government s
value it in one way, elit e nat io nal gro ups anot her,
different from local populat ions, academics, or busi-
ness people. To know what is t he best st r a t egy t o
p re s e r ve cult ur al her it age, we need t o u nder s t a n d
what each of these gr oups t hinks and t he re l a t i o n-
ship bet ween t hese different groups.” It is in our best
i n t e rest , as conser vat ion pr ofe s s i o n a l s, t o fa c i l i t a t e
som e so r t of a gr eem ent or un der st andin g am ong
t hese diffe rent st akeholder s abou t t he cu lt ur al sig-
n i ficance of an object or place as par t of c o m m o n
p r act ice. An u n der st a ndin g o f s t a k e h o l d e r s’ va l-
u e s — wh ich de fine t h eir go als and mot ivat e t heir
a c t i o n s — p r ovides crit ical insight for the long-t er m ,
st rat egic management of herit age resources by bot h
t he privat e and t he public sect ors.
To conser ve in a way t hat is re l evant t o ou r
own societ y in ou r own momen t , we mu st under-
st and how values are negot iat ed and det er mine how
t he process of a n a lyzing and const r uct ing cu lt ur a l
s i g n i ficance can be enhanced. Th e re is also a par a l-
lel obl i gat ion, beyond pre s e r ving what is re l evant t o
our own t ime—t hat is, pre s e r ving what we believe
w i ll b e si gn if i ca n t t o f u t u r e ge n e r a t i o n s. T h e
pro spect of s t ewa r din g for fu t u r e gene r at ions t he
m at e r i al m a r ke r s o f t h e p ast , i m bu e d wi t h t h e
c u mu l a t ive stories and meanings of t he past as we l l
as o f t he pr e se nt , is t he e sse nce o f c o n s e r va t i o n .
Wit h wide acknowledgment t hat cu lt ure is a fluid,
c h a n g e a ble, evolving se t of pr oce sses and va l u e s
and n ot a st at ic se t of t h i n g s, t he co nse r vat io n of
c u l t u r al h er it age mu st embr ace t he inh ere n t flu x
but not lose sight of t his immu t a ble cro ss-gener a-
t ional re s p o n s i b i l i t y.
The Need f or a Conceptual Fr amew or k
To re c ap some of t he main issues addressed here i n :
T h e co n ser vat i o n of m a t e r ia l h e r i t a ge plays an
import ant role in modern societ y. The care and col-
lect ion of herit age object s and places is a u nive rs a l ,
c r o s s - c u l t u r al phe n om e no n , par t o f eve r y so cial
gr o u p ’s imper a t ive t o u se t h ings, as well as nar r a-
t ives and per fo rm a n c e s, t o su ppor t t heir collect ive
m e m o r y. Yet there is lit t le re s e a r ch t o suppor t w hy
c u l t u r al her it age is impor t ant t o hu man and social
d evelopmen t and w hy c o n s e r vat ion is seemin gly a
vit al funct ion in civil societ y. The benefit s of cult ural
herit age have been t aken as a mat t er of fait h.
Re c ognizing t hat t he “discipline” of c o n s e r -
vat io n i s, in fact , a lo ose am algam invo lvin g t h e
so cial sciences, t he hu manit ies, t he har d sciences,
and pu blic po licy, bu t o n e wit h a limit e d body of
knowledge about it s funct ions and influences wit hin
societ y at lar ge, t h e fie ld is at t empt in g t o deve l o p
w i t h g r e a t e r co h e sio n a n d co n n e ct e d n e ss. To
achieve t his, t he conser vat ion field needs t o know a
great deal more about t he nat ure of t he role of con-
s e r va t io n in so ci e t y—h ow i t i s ch an g i n g , wh o
part icipat es, and so on. At a more empirical level, we
ne e d t o kn ow h ow t h e valu e s o f i n d ividu als an d
communit ies are const ruct ed wit h regard t o cult ural
herit age, how t hese values are re p resent ed t hrough
an assessment of c u l t u r al significance, and how t he
concept of c u l t u r al significance can play ou t more
e ffe c t ive ly i n con ser va t i o n po li cy an d pr a c t i c e ,
t hrough bet t er-negot iat ed decision making.
Br o a d ly, we lack any concept ual or theore t i c a l
ove rv i ews for modeling or mapping the int erp l ay of
e c o n o m i c, cult u r al, polit ical, and ot her social con-
t ext s in which conser vat ion is sit uat ed. Pra g m a t i c a l ly,
t his kind of synthetic ove rv i ew or fr a m ework wo u l d
make clear how diffe rent disciplines can cont ribut e t o
c o n s e r vat ion re s e a rch. Likewise, it wou ld provide a
c o n t ext for and help t o integr at e t he varied spheres of
c o n s e r vat ion wor k, wit h t he u ltimat e aim of e l u c i-
dat ing how conservation can be made more effe c t ive
in ser ving societ y.
Wh at wou ld t h is fr a m ewo r k do? It wo u l d
mo de l t h e social im pa ct s and in fl u en ce s o f c o n -
s e r v a t i o n , j u st a s e co l o g i ca l m o de l s cr e a t e a n
underst anding of t he nat ural environment t o inform
e nvir onment al conser vat ion. What would it consist
o f ? A se t of t h e o r i e s, do cu m e nt e d pat t e r n s, and
processes t hat out line how mat erial cult ural herit age
and it s conser vat io n wor k wit hin moder n societ y.
Ta king as it s st ar t ing point t he broad pers p e c t ive of
c o n s e r vat ion and it s var ied spher es of a c t iv i t y, t he
model would, in effect , present a t heory for describ-
ing (t hough not predict ing) how herit age is creat ed,
h ow he rit age is given meaning, how and why it is
cont est ed, and how societ ies shape heritage and are
11
shaped by it . It would also creat e t ypologies of con-
ser vat ion decisions, responses t o t hese decisions, and
t he diffe rent st akeholder s t hat become invo l ved in
c o n s e r vat io n decision s. T he model wou ld ou t lin e
t he va r ie t y o f g e n e ra l i z a ble social pr o ce sses t hat
combine t o give her it age re l evance and cur re n cy in
societ ies—and somet imes cr eat e obst acles t o su ch
p r o c e s s e s. T h ey wo u ld like ly in clu d e col le ct ive
memory; nat ionalism; const ruct ing ident it y t hrough
a r t , design, and visu al me dia; cu lt u r al fu sio n and
ot h er ways o f e ffect ing and r e p r esen t ing cu lt u r a l
change; mar ket dynamics and co mmodificat ion of
cult ure; policy making; st at e polit ics versus local pol-
it ics; and so on. Most , if not all, of t hese pr ocesses
have been t heorized and document ed on t heir own,
in se p ar at e di sci p lin e s, b u t t h e y h ave n o t be e n
br ou ght t o bear on mat er ial her it age conser va t i o n
wit h t he express purpose of mapping how t he “ecol-
ogy” of herit age conser vat ion works.
Th e ch alle nge is h ow t o ge t an an aly t i c a l
handho ld on t his co mple x pr oce ss wit hou t be ing
reduct ionist . No single t heor y will fu l ly explain the
creat ion of herit age. Indeed, t he goal should not be
t o er ect a unit ar y theor y of her it age creat ion or t o
a rgue t hat visu al cu lt u re and cu lt u r al her it age ar e
produced in one part icular way. This is an import ant
point : a theor y t hat herit age and visu al cult ure are
pr odu ced in on e par t icu lar way co u ld imply t h at
t here is one part icular and best way t o conser ve it or
t o reach conser vat ion decisions. Re s e a rch and pr o-
fe ssio nal e xp e r ie nce t e ll u s o t h e r wise. In r e a l i t y,
t here are many pat hways connect ing social process-
es and t he work of conser vat ion. Despit e t he realit y
o f c u l t u r al re l a t ivism, t here is nonet heless a re c u r -
rence of t hemes in t he process of herit age creat ion/
c o n s e r vat io n t h at su gge st s cle ar pat t e r n in g t ha t
could be revealed t hrough a combinat ion of concep-
t ual and empirical research.
Re s e a r ch by t he oci and it s collabor a t o r s has
ident ified some fundament al ideas and concept s t hat
wou ld co nt r ibu t e dir e c t ly t o t h e deve lo pme nt o f
such a fr amework:
• To assure t he rele vance of all conser vat ion work
t o so ciet y, t he field sh ou ld con t inu e effo r t s t o
int egr at e and cont ext ualize t he varied spheres of
cult ur al herit age conservat ion.
• As we relat e t he varied spheres of c o n s e r va t i o n ,
we must cont inu a l ly re c og n i ze t hat objects and
pl ace s ar e n o t , in a nd of t h e m s e l ve s, wh at i s
i m p o r t a n t a b ou t cu l t u r a l h e r it age ; t h e y a r e
import ant because of t he meanings and uses t hat
peo ple at t ach t o t he se m at er ial go o ds an d t h e
values t hey represent . These meanings, uses, and
values must be under st ood as par t of t he larg e r
sphere of sociocult ur al processes.
• C o n s e r vation should be fr amed as a social activ i-
t y, not only as a technical one, bound up with and
s h aped by myriad social processes (t he subject s of
social sciences and humanit ies), as are all aspect s
o f c u l t u re and the visual ar t s. This framing is crit -
ical t o enabling t he conser vat ion field t o re a l i ze
t he goal of s u p p o rt ing a civil societ y and educat -
in g—wit h a balanced body of k n ow l e d g e — t h e
n ext gener at ion of c o n s e r vat ion profe s s i o n a l s.
• As a social act iv i t y, conser vat ion is an endu ring
process, a means t o an end rat her t han an end in
it self. This pr ocess is cre a t ive and is mot iva t e d
and u nde r pin ned by t he valu es of i n d iv i d u a l s,
inst it ut ions, and communit ies.
• Herit age is valued in myriad and somet imes con-
flict in g way s. These diffe rent means of va l u i n g
influence negot iat ions among various st akehold-
e rs and t hus shape con ser vat ion decision m ak-
ing. Conser vat ion, as a field and as a pr a c t i c e ,
must int egr at e t he assessment of t hese values (or
cult ural significance) in it s work and more effec-
t ively facilit at e such negot iat ions in order for cul-
t u r al herit age conser vat ion t o play a product ive
role in civil societ y.
Notes
s. In t his inst ance, as t hroughout t he report , reference is made
t o t he field of c o n s e r vat ion as pr act iced in t h e We s t e r n
world, namely Europe and t he Americas.
z. Also known as her it age m anagem ent , cult u r al re s o u rc e
management , sit e management , and so on.
,. This comment was made at t he 1998 meet ing t hat launched
oci’s research on t he values and benefit s of cult ural herit age
c o n s e r vat ion ; it w as qu o t ed in an u n pu b lish ed int e r n a l
report of t he meet ing. Ot her uncit ed quot es in t his sect ion
are from t he same source.
+. Typologies for values relat ed t o cult ural herit age have been
put fo r t h in publicat ions by Ashwo r t h, de la To r r e, Hut t er
an d Rizz o, Ke l l e r t , Lipe, Rie gl (for fu ll cit at io ns, see t he
Appendix). These works represent a sampling and are by no
means a definit ive wor d on t he diversit y of values.
12
Ex pl or ator y Essay s
14
The essays collected here we re commissioned by the
o c i t o ex p l o re in great er depth some of t he impor -
tant and promising ideas that have been r aised in t he
c o u r se of t he Values and Benefit s project . The essay s
a r e ex p l o ra t o r y in nat u re, reminding us t hat mu c h
work remains to be done along t hese lines. In keep-
ing wit h t he mu l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y nat ure of t his re s e a rc h ,
each writ er was asked t o develop ideas relat ed t o her-
it age in light of d evelopment s and debat es in his or
her own specialist fi e l d — a lways wit h an eye t owa rd
bu ilding br idges bet ween t he pr act ice of h e r i t a g e
c o n s e r vat ion and it s social milieus.
Common Thr eads
Th e in st igat ion be hin d t h is r e s e a r ch, an d be hind
t hese essays in part icular, is cult ural change. In what
ways d oe s t h e n at u r e o f c o n t e m p o ra r y cu lt u r e
s h ape t he pr act ice o f, and pr o spe ct s fo r, h e r it age
c o n s e r vat ion? Each essayist acknowledges t hat cu l-
t u r al change (and chan gefu lness) on a global level
is a realit y and t hat t he cu r rent gener at ion is deal-
i n g wit h a somewh at nove l set of social pr ocesses
and pr obl e m s. These changes ar e spu r r ed by eco-
nomic globalizat ion, t he spread of market ideology
int o eve r m o re a re as o f l i fe, de mogr aphic sh ift s,
t e c h n o l ogical change, and iden t it y po lit ics—all of
wh i ch call fo r a r e t h i n k in g o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s
among past , present , and fut ure.
As t hese essays argue, t here is a great deal t o
suggest (anecdot ally, empir ically, and t heore t i c a l ly )
t hat in cont emporary societ y mat erial herit age plays
an ever-great er role. The quandaries of post moder n
societ y pose direct challenges t o t he principles and
philosophies un der lying t h e conser vat ion fi e l d — a
t he me t hat get s t o t he h ear t of t h is co nser va t i o n
research and a t heme t hat is t aken up specifically by
s eve r al essay i s t s. Global and local communit ies will
c o n t i nue t o ask more and more fr om mat er ial cu l-
t u re—and herit age in par t icular—as t hey neg o t i a t e
ident it ies, form communit ies, and seek a more salu-
t a r y an d pr ospe ro u s fu t u r e . Th e ext ent t o wh i c h
groups at all scales do t his cooperat ively or compet i-
t ive ly is per h ap s t h e gr e at e st cu lt u r al a nd soci al
quest ion of t he next cent ur y.
This broad insight abou t cont empor a ry cu l-
t u re—that t he condit ions of c u l t u re and t he nat ure
o f c u l t u r al pr ocesse s have dr a s t i c a l ly changed in
t h e last ge n er a t i o n — fo r m s t he backdr op fo r t h e
e s s ays t hat fo l l ow. Th ey pr oceed fr om a few ot her
basic assu mpt ions and t ouch on common t hemes.
These include:
• Mat e r i a l h e r i t a ge se r ve s i m p o r t an t fu n c -
t i o n s wit hin cont empor a r y cu lt ure and society;
t h u s, herit age conser vat ion is an essential social
funct ion.
• Valu e s an d valu i ng pr o ce sse s ar e p ar a m o u n t
t o u n d e r st anding t he impor t ance and fat e of c u l-
t u r al her it age as it relat es t o (1) t he societ ies and
social gr oups t hat const r uct it and find meaning
in it , and (2) t he nat ure of herit age conser va t i o n
as an act ivit y t hat m u st dr aw o n m any disci-
plines and bodies of k n ow l e d g e .
• C u l t u re is best fr amed as a pr ocess, not as a set
o f object s; he r it age and ot her cu lt u r al ex p re s-
sions are no t st at ic ar t i fa c t s, t her e fo r e, bu t ar e
c reat ed and cont inu a l ly re c r eat ed by social re l a-
t i o n s h i p s, processes, and negot iat ions invo l v i n g
a c t o r s fr om all par t s of a societ y (not ju st con -
s e r vat ion pr ofe s s i o n a l s ) .
• N egot iat ion and decision-making processes ar e
k ey t o u nder st anding t he r ole herit age plays in
societ y; we need t o st udy and know more about
t hese processes, and in gener al, wide social par -
t icipat ion in t hese processes is desir able.
Though each essay is writ ten from the pers p e c-
t ive of a cer t ain academic discipline, each acknow l-
edges t he need t o transcend those boundaries.
Overview
15
Common Appr oaches and Chal l enges
Each sch olar has been challenged t o in t er p r et t h e
i m p o r t ance of herit age in cont empora r y, post mod-
ern societ y and for t he immediat e fut ure. Each essay
defines herit age and it s conservat ion as phenomena
su sp e n d e d an d su p p o r t e d by a we b o f so ci al
p r o c e s s e s. For each writ er, howeve r, t his t ask r a i s e s
d i ffe r ent issu es: for eco nomist David Th r o s by, t h e
seeming incommensur abilit y of economic and cu l-
t u r al valu es and t he prospect s of i n t egr ating t hem
concept ually t hrough t he ideas of sust ainabilit y and
c u l t u r al capit al; for ant hropologist Lou rdes Arizpe,
a r t icu lat in g t h e im po r t ance of u n ive rs a l ly va l u e d
herit age, g iven cult ural change on a global scale; for
philosopher Uffe Jensen, t he use of herit age as par t
o f t he (info r mal, int rinsic) edu cat ion of i n d iv i d u a l s
and t he search for meaning; for hist orian and preser -
vat ionist Daniel Bluest one, t he t hreat s of e c o n o m i c
c u l t u re and t he prospect s of re c overing herit age t o
for ge st rong communit y bonds.
D avid Lowe n t h a l ’s essay on t he cu r rent st a-
t u s o f he r it age in societ y an d o n t h e st ewa rd s h i p
i m p e ra t ive is t h o u gh t pr ovo k in g and r ich in new
i d e a s. Evalu at in g pr ese nt challen ges and t ension s
wit h impre s s ive clar it y, Lowenthal surfaces some of
t he most difficu lt issues for t he conser vat ion fi e l d .
In many way s, his analysis speaks t o a crisis fa c i n g
t he conser vat ion field. Ide nt ifying a gener al back-
lash a gai nst t he e ff i c a cy o f c o n s e r vat io n e ffo rt s
h e re t o fo r e, h e sees a number of s p e c i fic pr obl e m s
lying ahead: t he abundance and even ove rs u p p ly of
herit age; t he increasing u se of herit age as a div i s ive
and par t isan r a l lying point ; the downsides of p r o fe s-
sio n ali zat io n. All of t h ese pr o bl e ms t h r e at e n t o
m a r gi n a l i z e t he r o le t hat h e r i t age co n se r va t i o n
p l ays in societ y.
Lowent hal offers several ideas for count ering
t h e fo r ces t h at m i li t at e a gain st h er i t a ge in co n -
t e m p o ra r y so cie t y and r e n ewing t he posit ive r ole
t h at h e r it ag e can a n d d o e s p l ay i n so ci e t y. In
general, we need t o examine crit ically our t radit ion-
al conservat ion principles and pract ices. Decent ering
part icipat ion in herit age conservat ion, so it is not t he
domain only of expert s, is anot her key t o fut ure suc-
cess—and pe r ha ps t he m ost difficu lt on e, since it
r e q u i re s adm it t ing t hat we ex p e r t s do n ot , in t h e
end, have all t he answe r s. And in one of his mor e
challenging t urns of argument , Lowent hal asks t hat
t he co nse r vat io n field embr ace de st r u ct ion as an
int egr al part of t he processes by which societ ies cr e-
at e and st eward herit age.
Economist David Th r o s by maps one of t h e
most import ant boundaries in t his area of conser va-
t io n r e s e a r ch —t h e line s b et we e n e co no m ic an d
cult ural discourse on t he value of herit age. Arguing
t hat qu est ion s of valu e lie at t he hear t of h e r i t a g e
creat ion and conser vat ion, Throsby proceeds t o give
a concise genealogy of e ffo r t s t o concept ualize and
assess value wit hin t he economics field. These t heo-
r ies of economic value ar e fo l l owed by analysis of
t heories of cult ural value generat ed out side t he eco-
nomic field. Given t he mu lt idimensional nat u re of
valu es per t ain ing t o cu lt u r a l goo ds (wh et he r ar t -
wo r ks, per fo rm a n c e s, or mat er ial herit age), seve ra l
kinds of t ools are needed t o assess them. Th r o s by ’s
research probes ways in which economic t ools fail t o
c ap t u r e t he r ange of c u l t u r al valu es and ways t hat
c u l t u r al insigh t s can be woven t oget h er wit h (no t
necessarily t radit ional) economic analyses. Finally, as
an economist , he wa r ns t hat t he quest ion of va l u e
measurement (prices, indicat or s, and so on) must be
engaged at some point .
Building on Gar ret Hardin’s classic e vocat ion
o f “t he t r agedy o f t he co mmons,” ant h r opologi s t
Lourdes Arizpe art iculat es t he need t o cult ivat e and
c a re for a global “cu lt u r al co mmons” cent ered on
herit age. The urgent need for global as well as local
her it age st e ms fr om t he n ovel, pressing de mands
o f c o n t e m p o ra r y cu lt u r e, in which gl o b a l i z a t i o n ,
t e l e m a t i c s, m ig r at ion , ma r ke t i zat io n, an d o t he r
fo r ce s pr o du c e f u n d a m e n t a l ly n ew co n di t io ns.
Echoing one of t he main argument s in t he Re p o r t
on Re s e a r ch (above ), she d escr i be s cu lt u r al h er -
i t a ge —an d c u l t u r e i t se l f—a s a so ci al pr o ce ss.
Cult ure is a source of bonding and affiliat ion, as well
as of conflict and divisiveness. Arizpe t races how and
why t hese many facet s of cult ural change, owing t o
t heir specific char a c t e r, demand t hat new at tent ion
be paid t o cult ural herit age conser vat ion. As cult ur e
becomes global (bu t , par a d ox i c a l ly, no less local),
he r it age (at bo t h t he local and t h e global scales)
becomes more impor tant t o creat ing new senses of
cult ural belonging. She calls for serious at t ent ion t o
local, “village” commons and to inst r ument s of t h e
global commons—namely, t he Wo rld Herit age List,
which represent s “t he pride of t he many.”
Edu cat io n t h r o u gh h e r it age , ph ilo sop h e r
U ffe Jen sen ar g u e s, is par t o f t he basic flou rishing
o f h u m an li fe. Edu ca t i o n —r a t i on al fr e ed o m o f
t hought in t he classical sense, t he t ruly liberal educa-
16
t ion—is a valu e of herit age shared even by gr o u p s
t hat cont est a part icular aspect of herit age. This edu-
c at i o n a l i d e a l i m pli e s t h a t h e r i t a ge r e p re s e n t s
“somet hing bot h unive r sal and par t icular that char -
act erizes human life” and t hat educat ion is not only
conveyed t hrough formal curricula but woven infor -
m a l l y in t o o u r e ve r yd ay li fe a s we e n co u n t e r
mat erial herit age.
Je n se n sha r es m an y o f t h e sam e po in t s of
d e p a rt u re wit h the ot her essay i s t s. Herit age is con-
s t r u ct e d; h e r i t a ge qu a lit i es a r e n o t e sse n t ia l t o
c e r t ain object s; her it age object s can embo dy bot h
universal and part icular values. Herit age object s (he
uses t he example of bodies re c ove red fr om Danish
b ogs and displayed in museums) are a looking gl a s s
t hat refle ct s t he image we hold of o u rs e l ve s — o u r
va l u e s, ou r be liefs, ou r u n de r st andin g of who we
are—as product s of a common past . As such, cult ur -
al herit age t ransmit s an exist ent ial qualit y of human
belonging. There is no final t rut h about what mat er -
ial cult ure should be preser ved, and t here is no fixed
way t o decide; t hese are mat t ers of cont inual negot i-
at ion. But g iven t he essent ial, widespread valuing of
heritage as a vit al aspect of educat ion, t he care and
i n t e rp retat ion of material herit age is t oo import a n t
and t oo widely meaningful t o be left as t he province
of expert s working alone.
S o c i o l ogist Er ik Coh en wr it es abou t a con -
t emporary social process he t erms cult ural fusion, in
which new cu lt u r al pr oduct s ar e creat ed by ju xt a-
posing inco ng r u ou s e le m e nt s o f d ive r se cu lt u r a l
o r i gin (for instance, tr adit ional Hmong embroider y
used t o decor at e We s t e r n consumer pr oduct s, su ch
as pillow cove rs). He describes t his specific fo r m of
c u l t u r al pr odu ct ion—int imat ely t ied t o econ omic
and ot her social changes—in t heoret ical t er ms and
in an empirical way, t hrough convincing cases in t he
s p h e r es of cu isine, cr aft pr odu ct io n, and t h e ar t s.
Cohen pegs cult ur al fu sion as emblemat ic of p o s t -
m o d e r n cu lt u r e , e x e m p l i fi ed by t h e pu r p o s e fu l
cross-cult ur al fusions of t he t ourist indust ries.
Her it age con ser vat ion it se lf is essent ially a
pr o ce ss o f c u l t u r al fu sio n in t h at it int ent ion ally,
oft en abr u p t ly, juxt aposes cult ures of past and pre s-
en t t o cre at e new pr odu ct s and ex p e r i e n c e s. Con-
served herit age is oft en made t o cont rast , not blend,
wit h it s cont ex t s. Like many of t he ot her cont ribu -
t ion s co lle ct e d h e r e, Co h en’s wo r k br in gs t o t h e
fo regro und t he role of c re a t ivit y in under s t a n d i n g
and shaping herit age in t he fut ure.
Ur ban ist Mo n a Ser ageldin fo cu se s o n t h e
challenges of p re s e r ving ve rn a c u l a r, as opposed t o
monument al, cult ural herit age in t he cit y cent ers of
count ries in t ransit ion (less-developed count ries, for -
mer Soviet st at es, st at es in t r ansit ion from socialist
t o democrat ic syst ems). The myriad pressures faced
by t h ese cit ie s—spu r r e d by glo bal e co no m ic a nd
d e m ogr aphic shift s, sea changes in nat ional polit ics
and nat ion-st at es—t end t o det er ior at e t he h ist or ic
fabric of hou sing, shops, square s, and st r e e t s. One
aspect o f t his develo pm ent h as be en t h at hist or ic
a rc h i t e c t u r al fabr ic is valued incre a s i n gly for it s u se
value, while t here is widespread ignorance of it s cul-
t ur al values.
Th e se im mova ble h er it age co mp lexes i n -
s p i red Ser ageldin t o st u dy economic deve l o p m e n t ,
social change, and t he role of cult ural herit age as an
int erlocking set of imperat ives and needs. Given t he
c h a r act er of d evelopment al and social pre s s u res on
t hese cit ies, she sees an ever-great er need for cult ural
c o n s e r vat ion t o cou nt er t he erosion of c o m mu n i t y
s t ru c t u re s. Th e conse r vat io n fie ld, howeve r, is ill
equipped t o deal wit h t hese cit y cent er s: conser va-
t ion t oo ls an d ide as fo r mu lat e d in t h e con t ext of
we l l - d eveloped, stable cit ies don’t t r anslat e well t o
fast -changing, quick ly developing cit ies; also, conser-
vat io n pr iv i l e ges m onu m en t al her it age and shie s
from t he more complex economic and social issues
o f herit age t hat compose t he wo r ka d ay cont ext of
a co m m u n i t y. Sh e h igh li gh t s t h e n e e d fo r n ew
policie s and pr ogr ams t hat fold con ser vat ion int o
development and social progr ams and t hat are based
on t he alliance of mu l t i n a t i o n a l s, gove rn m e n t s, and
local par t ners.
W h e r e does herit age come from? Is it made
or fou nd? That herit age is made (const r u ct ed) has
become a commonplace insight in t he conser vat ion
field and in many of t he academic disciplines allied
wit h it . Apart from launching a crit ique of t radit ion-
al co n ser vat i on ph il o so ph ie s b ase d o n i n t r in sic
va lu e , t h is t ells u s lit t l e t o gu ide eve r yd ay wo r k .
Museum st udies scholar Susan Pearce delves int o t he
pr ocess by which societ ies const r u ct her it age—t he
“ h e r i t a g e - c r e at io n pr o cess”—in o r de r t o spe ci fy
p a r t s of the process, oper at ing across a wide ra n g e
o f s c a l e s, by which specific o bject s and places ar e
valu e d a s he r it age and t hu s b ecom e t he su bje ct s
of conser vat ion.
In t he final essay, hist orian and pre s e r va t i o n-
ist Da n ie l Blu e st o n e i ssu e s a cl e ar a n d cr i t i cal
challenge t o the conser vat ion field. Given t he st at e
17
of cult ure and t he increasing needs and calls t o pre-
s e r ve h er it age, we co nser vat ion pr ofession als are
ch allenged t o revise, ret hin k, and st r en gt hen o u r
met hods as well as our philosophical underpinnings.
Re s e a rch on qu est ions of values (t heir import a n c e ,
t he ir m u l t i p l i c i t y, co nflict s be t we e n t h em ), pu r -
s u e d acr o ss disciplin ar y and pr o fession al line s, is
essent ial for t his t ask, Bluest one argues. Drawing on
discu ssions and re p o r t s fr om previou s oci re s e a rc h
a c t iv i t i e s, he ca lls fo r t h e co n se r va t io n f ie ld t o
expand on it s t r adit ional ex p e r t ise in ar resting and
p reve nt ing mat er ial decay and t o e ngage an addi-
t ional task: syst emat ic re s e a rch on values and ot her
c u l t u r al issu e s, i ncl u di n g ca se st u di e s, wit h a n
emphasis on t he int erpret at ion of herit age as a focus
for t h e conser vat ion fi e l d ’s wor k t o const r u ct her -
it age t h at is mean ingfu l for cont empor a r y societ y.
Like t h e ot h er essayist s wh o se wo r k i s co lle ct e d
h e r e, Bluest one sees t he educat ional valu es of h e r-
it age as perhaps t he most promising direct ion for t he
fut ure of t he conser vat ion field.
Taken tog e t h e r, t he essays collect ed here are
rich in ideas t hat will help t hose of us in t he conser -
va t i o n f i e l d (a n d t h o se wh o a r e a l l i e d w i t h i t )
t o t hin k abo ut cur r ent and fu t u r e challenges. Th e
t radit ional, professional pract ices of herit age conser-
vat ion remain at t he cent er. This research put s t hem
in t o br o a de r co n t e xt s by illu m in at in g diffe re n t
a sp e ct s o f t h e h e r i t a ge -cr e a t i o n a n d h e r i t a ge -
valuing processes.
18
Cult ural herit age is much in vogue. It is also in seri-
ous t r ou ble. The t wo condit ions are conjoined; t he
salience of cult ural herit age as a concept , as a cause,
as a generat or of cash and kudos aggravat es t he diffi-
cult ies it now faces.
Essent ial for social ident it y and collect ive pur-
pose , h e r it age e nr ich es u s t h r ou gh r e m e m b e re d
precursors and prospect ive heir s. But t hese enduring
b e n e fit s blind u s t o a mou nt ing backlash. Age -old
ave rsion t owa rd hu sbanding t he past t oday gr ow s
m o re vir ulent . Nature conser vat ion arouses similar
h o s t i l i t y, bu t an imu s again st h er it age is harder t o
c o u n t e r. Envir o nm e n t alist s can t h r e at e n g l o b a l
ext inct ion; herit age advocat es warn merely of lower
qualit y of l i fe. To many that seems a lesser, even a
negligible, t hreat .
I begin by not ing modern t rends ant ipat het ic
t o herit age stewa rd s h i p. It is not my aim t o deplore
t he se as evils bu t t o u nder st and t h em as re a l i t i e s
wit h which we must cont end. I conclude by offering
some ways of fost ering our ent erprise t hat t ake cog-
n i z an ce o f a n d m ay h e l p co u n t e r a ct p r e s s u re s
opposed t o st ewardship.
Curr ent Her i tage Cr i ti ques
Her i tage seen as i r r el evant
to pr esent ur gent cr i ses
M a ny t oday fear a fu t u re t hey feel is singu larly sev-
e r e d fr o m t h e p ast . Al l o f a su d de n , p r ev i o u s
a fflict ions an d cu re s se em t o sh ed lit t le light on a
host of acut e pr obl e m s — g e n e t i c, medical, env i r o n-
ment al, eco nom ic, social, polit ical, psyc h o l ogi c a l .
Eco cide, gen ocide , an d spect er s of glo bal disco rd
a re, of c o u r se, not novel, bu t t heir present salience
comes as a shocking set back. Cur rent woes run con-
t ra r y t o l on gst an din g exp ect at i on s of s c i e n t i fi c
p r ogress and t o social hopes bred by the collapse of
t ot alit ar ianism. We inher it not br ight promises bu t
b a l e ful dilemmas. Heritage offe r s neit her solace fo r
present angst nor guidance t o avoiding fut ure perils.
Nu m be d by t o day ’s in ex p l i c a ble m iser ies and by
t o m o rr ow ’s incalcu lable r isks, many discount past
wisdo m as ir r e l evan t an d dism iss h er i t age as an
ext ravagant , regressive frill.
Her i tage f el t mor e as a
bur den than as a benef i t
The past pr ized by manifold inherit ors is ever more
c o m p l ex, mu l t ivalent , and vo l u m i n o u s. Hard ly any
s h a rd of a rt i fact or shr ed of m e m o r y is no t ch er -
i sh e d by so m e h e i r ; sca r c e l y n o t h in g c an b e
d i s c a rded wit hou t ou t r a ging some pr esu med lega-
t e e. Like j e alo u s sibl i n g s, we all squ a b ble ove r
heirlooms, however t rifling.
S t ewa r dsh ip so all-e m br acing dr a in s bo t h
m at er ial r e s o u r ce s an d m e nt al an d m o r al effo rt .
Herit age becomes t oo prot ean t o be properly under-
st ood, let alone classified and cared for. It overflows
a rc h ives and museum st ore r o o m s, ove r whelms visi-
t o r s t o hist oric and commemora t ive sit es, ex h a u s t s
t he coffers of agencies charged wit h it s management
and conser vat ion.
M o r e and m or e , h e r it age h as becom e di s-
t ressing in charact er, shaming rat her t han laudat or y,
l a m e n t a bl e r a t h e r t h a n l ova bl e — w h a t a n ci e n t
Romans t er med heri t a s da mnosa , a damnable, cr ip-
pling lega cy heir s we r e st u ck wit h, like it or n ot .
Herit age now is oft en laden wit h sorr ow and guilt .
The past st ill awakens pr ide in or igin s and pre c u r -
s o r s, bu t vict i mh oo d occu pie s ce n t e r st age . It is
oft en said t hat hist or y belongs t o t he vict or s; her -
it age i s now t he special pr ovin ce of t h e vict im s.
G e r man amends for t he Holocau st lead t o Engl i s h
apologies for t he Irish famine, u.s. regret s for African
s l ave r y, global mea culpas for eve r- remot er past s. In
L eban o n, Ch r ist ia n pen it en t s ask par don fo r t he
C r u sades—a co n t r it ion se conde d by t h e Va t i c a n .
Heritage regrets are at t r ibut ed even t o t he Cre a t o r :
o n t he eigh t h day, Go d viewe d agh ast all He h ad
made—and gave t he world mot h and r ust .
Her i tage di smay s as a cause of par ti san str i f e
The more a herit age is valued, t he more it s posses-
sion and meaning are disput ed. Tokens of s y m b o l i c
St ewarding t he Past in a Perplexing Present
David Lowent hal
19
wo r t h are incre a s i n gly cont ested by rival claimant s.
As differing ways of defining, husbanding, and offer -
ing access t o herit age seem impossible t o re c o n c i l e ,
herit age becomes a byword for acrimony and st rife.
Agonizing dilemmas over rest it ut ion and re t e n t i o n
lead combat ant s t o abandon t he moral high ground
for t he swamps of fo r ce majeure. The shenaniga n s
o f t he ar t and ant iquities market , t he probl e m a t i c s
of aboriginal and t ribal legacies, furore over how t o
remember —or t o fo rg e t — Viet nam and Hir oshima
make herit age a minefield for policy makers, no less
t h an fo r cu r a t o r s an d con ser va t o r s. No wo n d e r
some profess t o shun it alt oget her.
Her i tage seen as suf f i ci entl y
husbanded by pr of essi onal s
Elit e and academic concer ns spu r widespread her -
it age consciousness. They also engender high expec-
t at ions of qu alit y conser vat ion. A dilemma ensu es:
s t ewa r dshi p be com e s an e nt e r pr ise o f t e c h n i c a l
ex p e rt ise; the gener al pu bl i c, devoid of p r o fe s s i o n a l
compet ence, st ands aside. Looked aft er by ex p e rt s,
t he her it age seems t o demand public acqu iescence,
not act ive invo l vem ent . In act u alit y, conser va t i o n
n ee ds eve ry wh e re o u t r u n st ewa r dship r e s o u rc e s.
But t his is rarely percei ved, even by a public deluged
wit h media account s of herit age loot ing and bandit -
r y, n egl ect , an d d evast at i on in land s afflict e d by
p ove rt y, wa r, or amnesia. A complacent pu blic sees
no need t o become act ively involved.
Stew ar dshi p goal s smudged by sel f -i nter est
At t he same t ime, t he public grows increasingly disil-
lusioned wit h professional ethics. Incessant heritage
conflict gener at es pu blic percept ions t hat discre d i t
combatant s and t heir causes alike. Cynics see t ribal
and aboriginal herit age crusades as part isan ploys t o
a g gr a n d i ze power an d pr ofi t s. Mu se u m cu r a t o r s
and arc h a e o l ogist s ar e t r aduced as elit ist and cov-
e t o u s, t h eir lo ft y aim s of gr eat er be ne fit t o t heir
own car e e r s t han t o t h e he r it age of t he gen e r al
public. Holier-t han-t hou professional st ances exacer -
bat e an t ipat h ies. Two decades ago, t he acade mic
specialist was perc e ived as pure ly selfless. No more
( Z i m m e r man s o o s). Tomb robber s re t o r t t hat “ar t i-
fact s re p resent money and power t o arc h a e o l ogi s t s
an d a r t h ist o r i an s. Th at is h ow t h e y m ake t h ei r
u p p e r-class living.” Well-he ele d colle ct o r s jo in in
ex e c r at ing “arc h a e o l ogist s [who] argue t hat eve r y
s h a r d is a bu r ied t re a s u r e and ou ght t o remain in
t h e gr o u nd as a no nre n ewa ble r e s o u rce u nt il it is
d i s c ove re d — bu t on ly by t h em” (Mat su da s o o s:o ,;
Marks soos:sz,).
Polit ical leaders and publishers assail scholars
for under mining her it age pride. In t he conflict ove r
t he Sm it h son ian’s En ola Ga y e xhibit , mem ber s o f
congress accused hist orians of t rying t o impose t heir
slant ed version of t he past on pat riot ic Americans t o
whom t hat legacy right fully belonged (Harwit sooo).
A ny defen se o f h er it age is now a po t ent ial
t a r ge t o f su spi cio n , fai r gam e t o b e de n i gr at e d
as self-seeking or deluded. Whet her st ewa r dship is
u rged by nat ion al au t hor it ies, main st r eam t r ogl o-
d y t e s, t ribal act iv i s t s, et hnic cleansers, or vict imize d
l o s e r s, her it age risks being t r adu ced as backwa rd
looking, cor rupt , or evil, if in conflict wit h someone
else’s viewpoint .
Sci enti f i c stew ar dshi p ex posed
as counter pr oducti ve
That herit age conser vat ion may do more harm t han
good, despit e or even because of t echnical expert ise,
arouses gr owing concern. Exposés of damage done
by de pat inat ing pain t ings, re st or in g fre s c o e s, and
cleaning t he Elg in Marbles highlight fault y science
an d m isgu i de d z e al. Su spi cio n s a r e n o t a ll aye d
wh e n au t ho r it ie s ex p r e ss aggr e s s ive ce r t it u de in
r e s t o r at io n at an y co st . Awa r en e ss mo u n t s t h at
once-sacr osanct conservat ion t enet s are impossibl e
t o re a l i ze. And more and more pre s e r vat ion seems
u n d e r t aken o u t o f habit or pr ide o r, even wo rs e ,
because backed by t he pr oducer of some u nt est ed
cleansing agent (Beck and Daley sooo).
C o n s e r vat ion, however care ful, may dest r oy
evidence vit al t o sit e or art ifact ual provenance or add
t aint s t hat su bve r t au t hent icit y o r ambience. Dir t
m ay i n f a ct be a n i nva l u a b l e sig n a t u r e wh o s e
re m oval makes a piece unt r a c e a ble, “t he final st age
in t he launder ing process which t ra n s fo r ms loot ed
ant iqu ities int o ar t commodit ies” (Elia s o o ,). Dir t y,
corroded, and broken object s t hat emerge from con-
s e r vat ion labs clean , shin y, and who le en cou r a g e
looting and fa king, by enhancing t he value of re l a t-
ed ant iquit ies.
The complaint s discussed above re i n fo rce an
i n c re a s i n gly widespread feeling t hat her it age st ew-
a rdship has gone too fa r. It is crit icized for cloaki n g
u n s avo r y pr a c t i c e s, for disempower ing t he lay pub-
l i c, and for failing t o address urgent cu r rent issu es.
Thou gh by no means u nju st ified, t hese suspicions
a re commonly ex a g g e r at ed. And in rendering st ew-
a rdship su spect , t hey endanger t he ent ir e her it age
20
e n t e r prise. H ow sho u ld t hey be co u nt er ed? Su ch
plaint s cannot be addressed by ignoring or t raducing
t hem, but only by acknowledging t heir salience and
s e e king ways t o repair t he ser ious flaws t hey reve a l
in st ewardship t enet s and conser vat ion pr act ices.
Renew i ng Her i tage Appr oaches
Let me commend a few pat hs t o her it age st ewa rd-
ship t hat seem t o me consonant wit h cont emporary
v i e w s o f p r o p e r t y a n d p o sse ssio n , n a t u r e a n d
human nat ure.
Accepti ng f l ux as i nevi tabl e
Time-honored goals of et ernit y, st abilit y, and perma-
n e n ce ar e n owa d ay s in cr e a s i n gl y d isca r d e d a s
unreachable. Cult ural guardians who once hoped t o
hu sband her it age for all t ime, like ecolog ist s wh o
envisaged a t imeless, changeless nat ure, are learning
t o accept t hat t hings are in perpet ual flux. Just as t he
st able climax beloved of nat ure conservers gave way
t o fr a gile and t empo r a r y equ ilibr ia punct u at ed by
episodic pert urbat ions, so are cult ural st ewards now
conscious t hat no human creat ion endures fo reve r,
t hat t he decay of sit e and cit y, art i fact and wor k of
art can only be ret arded, never pr event ed. Chemical
de co m po si t io n, physical disi nt e gr at io n , sh ift in g
environment al ambience, percept ual awareness, and
symbolic impor t ceaselessly alt er all herit age.
Th e Get t y Co nser vat io n In st it u t e’s Marc h
s o o s c o n fe rence “Mor talit y Immor tality? The Lega cy
o f z o
t h
- C e n t u r y Ar t ” showed how necessar y — a n d
h ow h ar d—it is t o co m e t o t er m s wit h imper m a-
nence. Some par t icipant s re a l i zed t hat “not hing is
s a c red, litt le is safe,” re i t e r at ing Et ienne Gilson’s dic-
t um t hat all paint ings perish; t hey found “no alter n a-
t ive to our acceptance of m o rt a l i t y.” Yet ot hers noted
that “conser vat ion pr act ice st ill seeks t o pre s e r ve all
ve st iges of o r i g in al mat er ial” and t hat “collect ive
b e l i e f in t he se nse o f p e r mane n ce” left mu s e u m
c u ra t o r s dismayed about accessioning art not meant
t o last fo reve r. “To know t hat eve rything is changi n g ,
is in some way dying,” as Ann Te m kin put it, is not
yet widely welcomed. Bu t t hat in sight can help u s
when we are also awa re t hat herit age means “we go
o n cr e a t i n g . ”
s
M a r ks o f age and decay int egr al t o
eve ry object need t o be seen not just as losses but as
ga i n s. Esteeming evanescence can make us wiser and
m o re caring stewa rds (Lowenthal s o o+) .
Recogni zi ng that r ever si on i s i mpossi bl e
C o n s e r va t o r s lo ng pr e ach ed t ha t no t h in g sh o u ld
be done t hat could not be undone, t hat each valued
a rt i fact was ent it led t o be re t u r n ed t o it s previou s
or “or ig in al” co ndit io n. “Eve r y me t ho d mu st be
reve rs i ble,” ex h o rt ed cu lt ur al st ewa rds (Keck s o s ,) .
And connoisseur s time and again inveighed aga i n s t
i r reve rs i ble damage t o mat erial and qualit y done in
t he name of conser vat ion—Ruskin and Morris vis-à-
vis church re s t o r at ion, defe n d e r s of va r nish on old
mast er paint ings, r ecent angu ish over t he fabr ic of
t h e Sist in e Chapel or of Pompeii. Like t ho se wh o
sought t o prot ect divine nat ure, st ewa rds of s a c re d
cult ural relics embargoed any impact unless it could
cert ainly be rever sed.
This st ance, like Mircea Eliade’s myt h of t h e
et ernal ret urn, is more and more seen t o be quixot i-
c a l ly u n r e a l i s t i c. T he e r o si on s an d a ccr e t ion s of
memory and hist ory implacably alt er every physical
object no less t han t hey do each sent ient being. All
a c t s, individual and collect ive, are biologi c a l ly and
hist orically ir reversible (Cramer soo+). However piv-
ot al or prosaic, heroic or hor r i fi c, no deeds can be
u ndone. In most of ou r affa i r s, we are r esigned t o
seeing life as a one-way st ream. W. W. Jacobs’s (soo+)
c a u t i o n a r y t ale “The Mon key ’s Paw” (wr it t en i n
s o oz) l im n s t h e f u t i li t y o f ye a r n in g, l i ke
Shakespeare’s Richard II, t o “call back yest erday, bid
t ime re t u r n.” Only diehar d conser ve r s cont inu e t o
d ream t hat nat ure fu l ly re s t o red or ar t impeccably
preser ved might rest exempt from t ime’s arrow.
Wit h in r ecen t decade s, pr a c t i t i o n e r s awa r e
t hat “no t reat ment is fu l ly reve rs i ble have begun t o
q u est io n t h e wh o le i de a o f r eve rs i b i l i t y ” — n ow
s h own up as a myt h some conser ve r s use t o just ify
t heir own int ervent ions (Sease soos:so+, ss,). In shed-
ding claim s t o omn iscie nce an d om n ipo t en ce , in
admit t ing t hat t heir st ewa rdship can be only par t i a l
and t em po r a r y, he r it age m an ager s gain bot h self-
c o n fidence an d public cr edence. It is not a sign of
despair bu t a mar k o f mat u rit y t o re a l i ze t hat we
hand down not some et er nal st ock of a rt i fact s and
sit es but , r a t h e r, an eve r- c h a n ging ar r ay of eva n e s-
cent relics.
Our successors are bet t er served by inherit ing
from us not a bundle of canonical art ifact s but mem-
or ies o f t r adit io n al cr e a t ive ski l l s, inst it u t io ns i n
good working order, and habit s of resilience in cop -
ing wit h t he vicissit udes of exist ence.
21
Seei ng destr ucti on as i ntegr al to her i tage
Codes of conduct enjoined on We s t e r n arc h a e o l o-
gist s, art hist orians, and ot her conser vat ors st ress t he
int egrit y of t he object . No collect or’s greed, scholar -
ly zeal, conquere r ’s hu bris, or market fo rce should
t ake precedence over t he int act su rv ival of t he pre-
cious ar t ifact .
In my view, t his priority is fu tile and mist ak-
e n . It fe t i s h i zes object s, endowing t hem with qu asi-
human, if not divine, sanct it y. And it flies in t he fa c e
both of p hysical mor t ality and of a l t e rn a t ive nor m s.
C u l t u r al h er it age invo l ve s r eplace ment as well as
ret ent ion. Dest r u ct ion is not simply an at avist ic or
a b e r r ant kind of p a t h o l og ical beh avio r t o be ou t -
gr own; it is deeply embedded in hu man nat ure and
s o c i e t y, par t and parcel of economic and cre a t ive life .
Her it age su ffe r s mo st conspicu ou s damage
in t ime of wa r. The wo rld weeps at t he bu r ning of
S a ra j evo ’s libr a r y, t he bombing of M o s t a r ’s bridge.
Global codes would prohibit t he loot ing and sacking
o f co m b at an t s’ h e r it ag e . T h ey a r e a l l i n v a i n .
Herit age is dest ro yed and uproot ed precisely because
it shores up enemy will and self-regard. Nat ional and
t r i ba l ico n o cl ast s w il l a lways t r a n s g r e ss gl o b a l
preser vat ion canons.
We are all iconoclast s, and not mere ly wh e n
at wa r. Heritage is ever jet tisoned, whet her because
it is felt t o out live a present pur pose, or t o fa c i l i t a t e
social t r a n s a c t i o n s, or t o engender n ew cr e a t i o n s.
“ E ve r yt hing fo r ce re m onial, r e l i gi o u s, and r it u al
p u r po se s t h a t m y cu l t u r e m ak e s, ” says a Z u n i
spokesman, “is meant t o disint egr at e . . . t o go back
in t o t he gr o u n d. Co n se r vat io n is a disse r vice t o
my cult ure.”
z
As Zu nis and Aborigines gain doct or at es and
beco m e mu seu m cu r a t o r s, ar c h a e o l ogist s fo n d ly
h ope su ch t r ibal views m ay g ive way t o We s t e r n
ap p re ciat ion of a rt i fact s’ in fo r mat ion cont ent and
aest het ic valu e. But t hese views are hard ly less perva-
s ive, if less confessed, in mainst ream We s t e r n societ y,
wh e re disposabilit y r ules in building sites as in super-
m a r k e t s. So perva s ive is t he u rge to replace t hat New
York City planners re c e n t ly boasted of t earing dow n
t he most monu ment al old buildings in t he wo r ld t o
m ake way fo r n ew o n e s. In st an t evan e sce nce i s
t h e st o ck-in -t r ad e o f p r o d u c e r s an d co n su m er s
g e a red t o eve r-speedier obsolescence, even of h e r -
i t age . Pr in ce ss D ian a m e m o r a b il ia o f s o o : wa s
scut t led for s o o s’s shipw recked Tit anic t at .
Seei ng pr i de i n mi x tur e as
the mar k of a heal thy her i tage
We mainly valu e her it age as ou r own, not anyo n e
e l s e ’s—an d n o t li ke a n yon e e l se ’s. Lau din g o u r
unique lega cy, we st rive t o pr ot ect it from cont ami-
n a n t s. Old-t imers t r a d i t i o n a l ly define t hemselves by
opposition t o out landish newc o m e r s; against alien
i n c u r sion, t he old gu ard seeks t o congeal ancest ra l
p u r i t y. Bu t pu r it y is a delu sion. Her it age is alway s
mongrel and amalgamat ed.
A n gl o - S a xon Amer icans fi r st su pposed Scot s
u n a s s i m i l a ble, t hen Ger m a n s, t hen Irish, Slav s, and
Jew s — n ow H isp an ics an d Asia ns. Bu t t h e se an d
ot her aliens ever breach the gate; the t re a s u red her -
it age is t heirs as well as ours and is more nourishing
fo r t h eir addit io n s; in de e d, “t hey” ar e “u s,” se lf-
declared Anglo-Saxons like Finley Pet er Dunne’s Mr.
D o o l ey in s s o s. “Th’ name iv Dooley has been t h’
proudest name in t h’ count y Roscommon f ’r many
ye a r s”; so t oo t he French and Dago Angl o - S a xo n s.
“Th’ Bohemian an’ Pole Anglo-Saxons may be a lit t le
s l ow in wa ki n’ u p t o . . . o u r co mm on h u r t age , ”
but when “t h’ Afro-Amer icans an’ t h’ ot her Angl o -
Saxons . . . raise t heir Anglo-Saxon bat t le-cry, it ’ll be
all day with t h’ eight or nine people in t h’ wur ru l d
t h at h as t h’ m isfo r t u n e iv n o t be i n’ br o u gh t u p
Anglo-Saxons” (Dunne ssos:,,–,o).
Her it age st ewa rds exclu de out sider s at t heir
per il and t o t h eir own det r imen t . All cu lt u r es ar e
m o t l e y co m pages, ever a malga mat ing r ewo r k e d
f r agme nt s of m a n i fo ld ant e cede nt s. No ne, main -
s t ream or minority, is immune from such infe c t i o n .
T he di st in ct ive Afr ica n -Ame r ican mu si cal st yle
e m b o d ie s Bi bl ica l a n d p la n t at io n an t e ce de n t s,
European symphonic, Whit e Mount ain, and church
music (Levine sooo:s+o, s,s–,).
T h e We s t In d i a n N o b e l l a u r e a t e De r e k
Walcot t lauds t he process of bricolage t hat commin-
gle d Ca ri bbe an legacie s on ce der id ed as b r oken .
“Break a vase, and t he love t hat reassembles t he frag-
m e n t s is st r o n ge r t h a n t h at love wh i ch t o ok it s
symmet ry for gr ant ed when it was whole. It is such
a love t hat reassembles our African and Asiat ic frag-
m e n t s, t he cr a cke d h e ir l oo m who se r e s t o ra t i o n
s h ows it s whit e scar s. This shipw reck of f ra g m e n t s,
t hese echoes, t hese shards of a hu ge t r ibal vo c a bu -
lary, t hese part ially remembered cust oms” are living
t r adit io ns i n po lyglo t Afr o -In d o-Eu r o -Am e r ican
cit ies like Por t of Spain (Walcot t soo,:o).
Exclusivit y is crucial t o ident it y—and t o cher-
ished diffe r ence. We must cosset our own her it age,
22
or we cease t o be our s e l ve s. But we can never keep
ourselves t o ourselves, hold t he out side world at bay.
N o h e r i t age wa s e ve r pu r e ly n a t i ve o r wh o l ly
endemic; t o day ’s are u t t er ly scr a m bled. Pur it y is a
c h i m e r a; we are all cre o l e s. Herit age healt h lies in
accept ing t he medley as a creat ive advance over what
purist s would uphold.
The stew ar di ng of her i tage by
outsi der s i n tandem w i th nati ves
Essent ialism is a pot ent delusion. Each group claims
it s “own” hist ory and herit age; each insist s t hat only
a Nat ive Am er ican can know what it was t o have
been Indian, only an African American t o have been
black, on ly a woman t o have been fe male . T h e s e
myst iques of a n c e s t r y det er mine how legacies ar e
d ivided, whose hist or ies are priv i l eged, how and t o
whom herit age is displayed. This may seem politic,
but it is all wrong—wrong because we are all mixed,
as I have just not ed, wrong because collect ive ances-
t r al past s cannot act u ally be possessed. To say, “My
a n c e s t o r s, t h e Ga u ls, ” o r “ m y fo r e b e a r s, t h e
A t h e n i a n s,” or “my people, t he Afr icans,” makes a
st at ement not about t hem but about us; t hese Gauls,
A t h e n i a n s, Afr icans are not act ual prog e n i t o r s bu t
emblems of everyone’s ancest r y.
O u rs e l ves heirs of c o m m i n gled lega c i e s, we
gain more from at t achment t o many past s t han from
e xc l u s ive d evo t io n t o o u r “own ”—assu m in g we
cou ld indeed decide which past was tr u ly just our s.
Not only is no past exc l u s ive ly our s, no past people
a r e e n o u gh like o u r s e l ve s t o j u st ify e sse nt ia list
claims t o a part icular hist or y. All past s ar e fo re i g n :
my gr a n d p a rent s’ Amer ican wo r ld seems t o me in
many ways more remot e t han does a cont emporary
village in Bali or Bengal. Rat her t han sharing exc l u -
s ive ly t ribal secre t s, our cosmopolit e ancest ors have
t hings t o say t o all our cosmopolit e selves, never just
t o some of us.
M o re ove r, dem ands fo r exc l u s ive r ight s t o
possession, int er p ret at ion, and sust enance are fa t a l
t o herit age st ewa rd s h i p. Fract ious claimant s do not
merely debase t he value but t hreat en t he survival of
her it age t hat is never t heir s alone. Unesco’s Wo rl d
Herit age list ings suggest t he growing import ance of
out side appreciat ion, out side concern, out side aid in
s aving endangered nat ional legacies from bandit r y,
anarchy, and heedless development .
To be su r e, glo bal awa r ene ss also bu rd e n s
t h e fabr ic and impe r ils t he ambien ce of h e r i t a g e .
B u t wit hout her it age t our ism, many sit es and ar t i-
fact s would be less able t o fend off development and
o t h e r pr e s s u re s. If gl o b al r e n ow n is in ev i t a bl e,
it mu st be m ade de sir a ble. A lega cy lo cke d away
as mine alone, for fear t hat ot hers will st eal or dese-
c r at e o r co py i t , is t ar n ish e d by cu st o dia l alo o f-
n e s s. W h e re out sider s are t au ght t o respect what is
local, cust odial pride can enhance and help to st ew-
a r d a h e r i t a ge . Vi s i t o r s t o Aye r s Ro ck , Ulu r u
Nat ional Park, Aust ralia, are asked not t o climb what
Aborigines hold sacred (t hey are not forbidden); few
t our ist s t r a n s gre s s. Her it age management gains by
persuasive inclusion.
S t ewa r ds should n ot e how shar ing her it age
can st re ngt h e n it . A few ye a r s ago t h e Met ho dist
c h a p e l wh e r e Ma r ga r et T h a t c h e r ’s fa t h e r on ce
p r e a ch e d wa s d i sm a n t l e d a n d sh ip p e d fr o m
L e i c e s t e rs h i re t o Ka n s a s. English planning offi c i a l s
we r e at fi r st aghast. But in England t he abandoned
c h apel was moldering; Kansans re s t o red it t o liv i n g
e l o q u e n ce . A st a in e d -g l a ss w i n d ow a bo ve t h e
ve s t i bule car ries it s fo u n d e r ’s ve rse commemor a t i n g
h i s d a u g h t e r :
For thou must share if t hou wouldst keep
That good t hing from above
Ceasing to share we cease t o have
S u ch is the law of l ove. (Bone s o o o)
A st at ecr aft for sharing calls for love as well as law.
Car i ng f or the past w hi l e acti vel y
embr aci ng the pr esent
A herit age disjoined from ongoing life cannot enlist
popular su ppor t . To ador e t he past is not enou gh;
goo d car e t a king invo l ves cont inual creat ion. Her i-
t age is eve r r ev i t a l i ze d ; o u r le ga cy is n ot sim ply
o r i ginal bu t includes our fo reb e a r s’ alt er at ions and
addit ions. We t reasure t hat herit age in our own pro -
t e c t ive and t ra n s fo rm a t ive fashion, handing it dow n
reshaped in t he fait h t hat our heirs will also become
creat ive as well as ret ent ive st ewards.
Fo r all it s evid en t be n efi t s, st ewa r dsh ip is
not innat e but learned; it has t o be induced and pro-
t ect ed. In modern post indust rial societ y, st ewardship
co n fr o nt s m any cou n t er vailing pre s s u re s. Imm e-
diat e needs, increasing mobilit y, responses t o urgent
c r i s e s, cor p o r at e u nacco u nt abilit y, t h e fr aying o f
communit y t ies, t he very demands of t he democrat -
ic pr ocess all impose a t yr a n ny of t he present t hat
t hrot t les impulses t o st eward. Deafened by demands
t o act r ight now, we lose sight of s o c i e t y ’s lon ger -
t er m needs.
23
Regard for t he fut ure is inculcat ed, above all,
by act ive concern for legacies we do not simply save
but refashion. To be valued enough t o care for, a her-
it age mu st fe el t r u ly ou r own—not som et hing t o
dispose of as a commodit y but int egral t o our lives.
Like ou r fo r eb e a r s and ou r h eir s, we m ake it ou r
own by adding t o it ou r own st amp, now cre a t ive ,
n ow cor r o s ive. Her itage is never mere ly conser ve d
or pr ot e ct e d; it is m odifi ed—bo t h enh an ce d an d
degr aded—by each new generat ion.
Yet because herit age also requires act s int end-
e d t o ou t l ast o u r in dividu al se lve s, su ch act ion s
deserve ext ra effort . Effort s focused on fut ure bene-
fit s help us form t he habit of lauding, not lament ing,
our own cre a t ive cont ribu t i o n s. When we are keen
t o pr aise, we are mor e apt t o t ake her it age act io n
t hat we and our successors feel wor t hy of praise.
Not l eavi ng stew ar dshi p to the ex per ts
Herit age at rophies in t he absence of public support .
Only when it is populist has it vit al merit , as dist inct
from merely mercenary value or arcane ant iquarian-
ism. Where herit age is def ined and r un by a small
elit e, where t oo few feel a symbolic st ake in it , st ew-
a r d sh i p r e m ai n s pr e c a r i o u s, b e se t b y co n fl ict ,
f r agme nt ed by r iva l r y. Wh olesale dem olit ion and
a n t i qu i t i e s lo o t i n g i n Gu a t e m a l a an d Mex i c o ,
Tu r k e y a n d Le ba n o n r e fl e ct n o t j u st d isp a r it y
b e t ween prehist oric abundance and cu r rent pove rt y
bu t ge n e r a l pu b li c di saffe ct io n a s wel l. Leg a l ly
n a t i o n a l i z ed, he r it age in t hese lan ds n o net he less
evap o ra t e s, becau se it enlist s few par t icipan ts save
for pecuniar y gain.
It is essent ial t o br each t he walls t hat div i d e
acad em e fr om a ct ive li fe . Effe c t ive st e wa rd s h i p
demands engagement in t he hurly-burly of ever yday
l i fe , gene r al familiar it y wit h all t he pro cesses t hat
make an d sh ape u s. Only so ar m ed can we wisely
acce pt or r e je ct , con t r ol, an d dispose of wh at we
in he r it . To be co m e “playe r s, n ot spe ct at o r s, ” in
Senat or Sam Nu nn’s phr ase, we shou ld re m e m b e r
t h at “cit izen sh ip begins wit h commit m ent r a t h e r
t han expert ise.”
,
It helps t o realize t hat so-called her-
it age expert s are no bet t er equipped t han t he rest of
u s — t h ey t oo ar e ir r at ional, defe n s ive, and cu lt u r e
bound. The great amat eur majorit y can t hereby gain
enough confidence t o r eview t he work of t he recon-
d it e spe cia list s i n , say, t h e o l og ica l e x ege si s and
t h e r moluminescence needed t o gauge t he mu l t i p l e
l e ga cie s o f t h e De ad Se a Scr o l ls. Su ch m a t t e r s
remain socially barren and cult ur a l ly u seless u nless
shared by t he wider communit y.
T h e i n sigh t s I h ave o ffe r e d ma y n ot l e n d
t hemselves t o inst ant act ion. But heeding t hem may
help disar m mou nt ing crit icism of t i m ewo r n her -
it age cert it udes—t he t ranscendent wort h of art ifact s
and ar t object s, monument s and memorials, re l i c s,
and reverence for dead past s. St e wardship ought not
t o succumb t o populist or post moder n angst . But it
mu st en gage wit h cu r r e nt views t hat now accord
mat erial remnant s and fr a g m e n t s, ski l l s, and collec-
t ive me m or ies a m or e n u anced an d pr obl e m a t i c
st at us in myriad herit ages.
Coda: Fantasy and Real i ty
It alo Calvino’s I nv i s i ble Cit ies limns t hree commo n
m o de s of e n ga g in g t h e past . The ci t y o f C l a r i c e
u n d e rgoes epochs of s u c c e s s ive memor y and obl iv-
ion. It episodically decays and burgeons, going from
squ alor t o splendor and again t o squalor. Surv ivo r s
o f r u in “colle ct eve r yt hing an d pu t it in ano t h e r
place t o ser ve a diffe rent use: brocade cu rt ains end
u p as sh ee t s; in m ar ble fu n e ra r y u r ns t hey plant
b asil ; wr o u gh t -ir o n gr at in gs a r e t o r n fr o m t h e
h a rem windows t o roast cat meat on fi res of i n l a i d
wood.” In more joyous t imes, “fr om t he beg ga re d
c h r ysalis a su mpt u ou s bu t t e r f ly emer g e s,” wh o s e
n ew set t ler s t re a s u r e “shards of t he original splen-
d o r, n ow p r e s e r ve d u n de r glass b el ls, lo cke d in
d i s p l ay cases, set on ve l vet cushions.” A Corint hian
c apit al t hat “for many ye a r s, in a chicken ru n, su p-
p o rt ed t he basket wh e re t he hens laid t heir eggs” is
m oved “t o t he Museum of C ap i t a l s.” Bu t none are
sure of t he order of succession. “Perhaps t he capit als
we r e in t h e chicken r u ns befo r e t h ey we r e in t h e
t e m p l e s, t he mar ble u r ns plant ed wit h basil befo re
t h e y we r e f i ll e d w i t h d e a d b o n e s” (Ca l v in o
soo+:soo–s). So do we all recycle relics, now for pro-
sa i c pr e se n t u se , n ow fo r sh ow y bu t d e l u sive
commemor at ion.
Amn e si ac Cla r ici an s d iffe r fr o m t h o se i n
Ga br i e l Ga r c ía Már q u e z ’s On e H u n d r ed Ye a r s of
Solit ude in t wo respect s. They ever remake t heir cit y
t hr ough re m n a n t s, bu t lackin g re c o rd s, t hey know
not hing of it s hist or y. By cont rast , García Márquez’s
Maco n do n e s st ave off o bl iv io n w it h a me m o r y
machine, a spinning dict ionar y t hat each mo r n i n g
rev i ews t he sum of a c q u i red knowledge. Th ey also
mar k t he names of t hings and beings: t able, chair,
clock, door, wall, bed; goat , cow, pig, hen; cassava ,
24
bana na. Wh e n no on e r e m e m b e r s what t h ey ar e
used for, signs explain: “‘This is t he cow. She must be
milked every morning . . .’ But t he syst em demands
so much vigilance t hat many pre fer t he imagi n a r y
past read in t arot cards, a mot her remembered as t he
dark woman who wore a gold ring on her left hand,
and a bir t hdat e as t he last Tu e s d ay on which a lark
sang in t he laurel t ree” (García Márquez so:z:+o–,o).
O u r u su a l h u m an co n d i t i o n co m b in e s
Maco n do wit h Clar ice . Epo chs o f a r cha ist r e s t o-
r ation and prosaic u t ilit y, imperfe c t ly re c o rded, are
fi t fu l ly r e m e m b e re d. Bu t arc h ives are ever at risk
o f a r so n a n d e r a s u r e , o r e l se u t t e r ly i m p e n e -
t ra bl e , like Jo rge Lu is Borg e s ’s labyr int hine libr a r y
o f Babel (Bor ges s o : o::s–s o). So we abandon hope
o f re t r i eving t he act ual past , inst ead seeking solace
in chimeras.
N o s t a l gia for what has been or what migh t
have been is a second mode of ret rieval. Some yearn
for ancient origi n s, ot her s for recent er a s, even fo r
t heir own childhood. Calvino’s Maurilia invit es one
“t o visit t he prosperous and magnificent cit y and, at
t he same time, t o examine some old post cards t hat
s h ow it as it used t o be: a bandst and in the place of
t he ove rp a s s, t wo young ladies wit h whit e para s o l s
in t he place of t he mu nit ions fa c t o r y.” The t r ave l e r
“ must pr aise t he post car d cit y and pre fer it t o t he
p resent on e” yet not fo rget t hat only moder n eye s
relish t he old provincial gr ace (Calvino soo+:,o).
We a l l t e n d t o e xpl o i t be l ove d m e m o r y ;
t ho se befo r e u s ar e not pr ivy t o ou r vision yet we
a n a c h r o n i ze what t hey built . But ou r int er ve n t i o n s
r e q u i r e eve r m o r e m ain t en an ce . To par ap h ra s e
B o swe l l ’s Joh nson, a man who is t ired of L o n d o n
must be t ired of s c a ffolding. As on Big Ben, so on
t he Wa sh ingt o n Monu m en t an d on Pa r i s ’s Not r e
Dame, a car apace of fe rvent care ador ns eve ry her -
it age site. And like Calvino’s Th e kla, our st ewa rd e d
past su ffe r s ce ase le ss r e n ewal. St ewa r ds act u at e
C a l v i n o ’s fe a r t h a t “o n ce t h e s ca ff o l d i n gs a r e
r e m ove d, t he cit y may begin t o cr u m ble and fall
t o pieces” (Calvino s o o+:s z :) .
A t hir d m ode st ewa r ds her it age by car e fu l
alt erat ion. In Calvino’s Andria, “every st reet follows
a planet ’s orbit; bu ildings and places of c o m mu n i t y
l i fe r epeat t h e or de r of t h e const ellat io ns and t he
posit ion of t he most luminous st ars.” The calendric
map of urban funct ions mirrors t he firmament , cit y
reflect ing sky. But Andr ians are no t passive; a new
r iver por t , a stat ue of Th a l e s, a t obog gan slide eve r
f r u ct ify t he cit y’s a st r al r hyt h m , “any ch ange in
Andria involving some novelt y among t he st ars—t he
explosio n of a nova, t h e expansion o f a n ebu la, a
bend in t he Milky Way.” Shaping t heir deeds on t he
s k y, Andr ians also shift t he sky in t heir own image.
Th e ir vir t u es ar e se lf-co n f ide n ce an d p r u d e n c e .
Since eve r y u r ban in novat ion im pact s t h e fi rm a-
ment , “before t aking any decision t hey calculat e t he
r i s ks and advant ages for t hemselves and for t he cit y
and for all worlds” (Calvino soo+:s,o–,s).
S e l f - c o n fidence can move mo u n t ains; pr u -
dence shows how t o mo ve t hem in t he right way, t o
t he right place, in pr ot ect ive har m o ny. No amou nt
of care ensures t he salvage of our herit age, ast ral or
t e r r e st r ial. Bu t pr u de nt co n fiden ce gu ide s u s—at
once in nova t o r s and st ewa r ds—in ever re a l i g n i n g
heaven and ear t h.
Notes
This paper dr aws on t he aut hor ’s The Her it age Cr usa de a nd t he
Spoils of Hist or y (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni versit y Press, soos)
and on t he Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e’s Values and Benefi t s
meet ing discussions, January soos.
s. Helen Escobedo, Jame s Coddingt on, Thomas M. Messer,
D av id A. Sco t t e t a l. , a n d An n Te m k in , q u o t e d i n
Conser vat ion, The GCI Newslet t er ,z (soos), no. z:o, s,, s,; full
st at ement s in Corzo sooo.
z. Edmund Ladd, sooz, quot ed in Sease soos, p. soo.
,. D avid S. Br oder, Civics lessons for Amer icans: Go out and
get invo l ved , I n t e r na t i on a l Her a l d Tr i bu n e, zo Ju ne s o o s,
qu ot ing Nat ional Comm ission on Civic Re n ewal, A Nat ion
o f S p e c t a t o rs ( Pew Char it able Tr u st s), and Nat ional Issues
Fo r u m , G ove r n i n g Amer i ca : Ou r Ch oi ces, Ou r Ch a l l en ge
( Ket t ering Fo u n d a t i o n ) .
Ref er ences
Beck, J., a n d M. Daley. s o o o. A r t Rest or a t i on : T he Cult ur e, t he
Business, and t he Scandal. New York: W. W. Nor t on.
Bone, J. s o o o. Final resting place. The Times [London] M aga z i n e,
zo Oct ober :so–ss.
Borges, J. L. so:o. The library of Babel. In Labyrint hs. Harmonds-
wor t h, u.x.: Penguin.
C a l v i n o, I. s o o+. I nv i s i bl e Ci t i es. Lo n d o n : H a r c o u r t Br a c e
Jova n ov i c h .
Corzo, M. A., ed. sooo. Mort alit y Immort alit y? The Legacy of 20
t h

Cent ur y Art . Los Angeles: The Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e.
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C ra m e r, F. s o o+. Du r abilit y and change: A biochemist ’s view. In
Dura bili t y a nd Change: T he Science, Re s p o n s i b i l i t y, and Cost of
Su st a i ni ng Cul t ur a l Her i t a ge, e d. W. E. Kr u m be in et a l.,
s o–z,. Dahlem Wo r kshop Re p o r t ES s ,. New Yo rk: Jo h n
Wi l ey & Sons.
Du n n e , F. P. s s o s. M r. Dool ey i n Pea ce a n d i n Wa r. B o s t o n :
Smit h Maynard.
El ia , R. J. s o o ,. Co n se r va t o r s a nd u n p r ove n a nce d o bje ct s:
P re s e r ving t he cult ur al herit age or ser vicing t he ant iquit ies
t r a de? In Ant i qui t i es Tra d e or Bet r ayed: Lega l, Et h i ca l, a nd
C o n s e r va t i on I ss u es, e d . K. W. Tu b b, z + + ‒ z, ,. Lon do n :
Archet ype.
G a r cí a Má r q u e z , G. s o :z. On e Hu n d r ed Ye a r s of S o l i t u d e.
Har mondswor t h, u.x.: Penguin.
Harwit , M. sooo. An Exhibit Denied: Lobbying t he Hist ory of Enola
Gay. New York: Coper nicus.
Jacobs, W. W. soo+. The monkey’s paw. In The Monkey’s Paw and
Ot her St ories, s,o–,,. London: Robin Clarke.
Keck, C. sos,. Let t er. New York Review of Books, z+ June:+.
L evine, L. W. s o o o. The Openi ng of t he Amer ica n Mi nd: Ca nons,
Cult ure, and Hist or y. Bost on: Beacon.
Lowent hal, D. soo+. The value of age and decay. In Durabilit y and
C h a n ge: T he Sci en ce, Re s p o n s i b i l i t y, a nd Cost of S u s t a i n i n g
Cult ura l Her it a ge, ed. W. E. Kr umbein et al., , o–+o. Dahlem
Workshop Repor t ES s,. New York: John Wiley & Sons.
M a r ks, P. s o o s. The et hics of a r t dealing. I n t e r nat ional Jo u r na l of
Cult ural Proper t y ::sso–z:.
Mat suda, D. s o o s. The et hics of a rc h a e o l ogy, subsist ence dig-
ging, and ar t i fact loot ing in La t in Am erica. I n t e rn a t i o n a l
Jour nal of Cult ural Proper t y ::s:–o:.
Se ase, C. s o o s. Code of et hics for conser vat ion. I n t e rn a t i o n a l
Jour nal of Cult ural Proper t y ::os–ss,.
Walcot t , D. soo,. The Ant illes: Fragment s of Epic Memor y. London:
Faber & Faber.
Z i m m e r m a n , L. J. s o o s. W h e n d a t a b e co m e p e o p le :
A rc h a e o l ogical et hics, rebu rial, and t he past as public her -
it age. Int er nat ional Jour nal of Cult ural Proper t y ::oo–so.
26
I am sor r y t o say t hat ar t ist s will always be suffi-
cient ly jealous of one anot her, whet her you pay
t hem large or low prices; and as for st imulus t o
exer t ion, believe me, no good work in t his wor ld
was ever done for money, nor while t he slight est
t hought of money affect ed t he paint er’s mind.
What ever idea of pecuniar y value ent ers int o his
t hought s as he works, will, in propor t ion t o t he
dist inct ness of it s presence, shor t en his power. A
real paint er will work for you exquisit ely, if you
give him . . . bread and wat er and salt ; and a bad
paint er will work badly and hast ily, t hough you
give him a palace t o li ve in, and a princedom t o
live upon. . . . And I say t his, not because I despise
t he great er paint er, but because I honour him;
and I should no more t hink of adding t o his
respect abilit y or happiness by giving him riches,
t han, if Shakespeare or Milt on were alive, I
should t hink we added t o t heir respect abilit y, or
were likely t o get bet t er work from t hem, by mak-
ing t hem millionaires.
John Ruskin,
The Polit ical Economy of Ar t , ss,:.
Over t he last t en years or so, a considerable volume
o f re s e a rch has accu mulat ed on t he economic cir -
cumst ances of individual creat ive art ist s. This work,
which spans a number of count ries, has shown t hat
a r t ist s’ behavior is influenced signifi c a n t ly by t heir
economic circu mst ances and t hat t hey respon d t o
economic incent ives in ways t hat are broadly consis-
t ent wit h economic t heor y (Wassall and Alper s o o z;
Throsby sooz; Towse soo,; Jeffri and Greenblat t soos;
H e i k kinen an d Ko s kinen s o o s). At t he same t ime,
t h e r e ar e a n u m be r of r e spe ct s in wh ich ar t i s t s ’
act ions appear cont r a r y t o t he predict ions o f c o n -
vent ional economic models, and t hese peculiar char -
act erist ics re q u i re a recasting of those models. One
o b s e r vation of a r t ists’ behavior shows t hat —u nlike
t he vast major it y of wo r k e rs — a r t ists gener a l ly pre-
fer more (ar t s) work t ime t o less, and t o t he ex t e n t
t hat t his is t r ue, it re q u i res a re fo r mulat ion of c o n-
vent ional labor su pply models (Th r o s by s o o+). In a
broad sense, much of what art ist s do in t heir day-t o-
day work—t he choices t hey make, t he lines of devel-
opment t hey pur s u e — h ave not hing wh a t s o ever t o
do wit h economics, and t hese choices may even pre-
sent difficu lt ies of i n t e rp ret at ion wit hin any sor t of
r at ional decision-making fr amework.
Nevert heless, in examining t he uses and limi-
t at ions of economic modeling for re p resent ing t he
processes of market exchange for cult ural goods and
s e r vices in gener al, and the pr oduction of a rt wo r ks
by ar t ist s in par t i c u l a r, it is impor t ant t hat t he eco-
nomic analyst t r y t o comprehend how “economic”
and “cu lt u r al” va r i a bles can be define d, as well as
h ow t hey in t e r act . Inde ed, t he ve r y def init io n o f
“ c u l t u r al go ods”—wi t h it s im plicat io n t h at su ch
goods st and ap a r t in some way from ord i n a r y eco-
nomic goods—re q u i r es engagement wit h t he con -
cept s and cont ent of cult ure it self.
This paper int en ds t o ar gu e t hat qu e st ion s
of value lie at t he heart of t his mat t er. Ever since t he
ve r y begin ning of econ omic t h o u gh t , it h as bee n
recognized t hat , in some fundament al sense, value is
t he origin of economic behavior. Similarly, in a long
h i s t o r y of t hou ght abou t t h e nat u r e of c u l t u re —
whet h e r in ph iloso phy, ae st h e t ics, a nt hr o po logy,
s o c i o l o gy, ar t h ist or y, l it er a r y cr it icism , cu lt u r al
s t u d i e s, or elsewh e r e—ideas of c u l t u r al value have
cont inually been present as a mot ivat ing and animat-
ing fo rce. It seems, t hen, t hat it might be u seful t o
spe cu l a t e mo r e di r e c t ly a bo u t t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p
bet ween economic and cult ural value in t he demand
for and supply of cult ural commodit ies. Such a proj -
ect is t oo broad t o be encompassed in a single paper;
I will t herefore concent rat e primarily on t his issue as
it r elat es to t he wor k of c re a t ive ar t i s t s. I begin by
rev i ewing t he development o f t heor ies of value in
economics and, in a more cursory manner, t heories
o f c u l t u r al value, and I consider the ways in wh i c h
t h ese t he o r ies have been applied in de f in in g and
valuing cu ltu r al goods and serv i c e s. I t hen su ggest
means for concept ualizing t he pr oduct ion and con-
Economic and Cult ural Value
in t he Work of Creat ive Art ist s
David Throsby
27
sumpt ion of such commodit ies, based on a specifica-
t ion of economic and cult ur al value.
Theor i es of Val ue and Thei r
Appl i cati on to Cul tur al Goods
The impet us for t he funct ioning of an economic sys-
t e m can be said t o o rig inat e fr o m t h e valu e t h at
eco n om ic age nt s place on t he goods an d ser v i c e s
t hey produce and consume. It is not surprising, t hen,
t hat t heories of value have been fundament al t o eco-
nom ic inqu ir y for mo r e t han t wo cen t u r ies. As is
well known, Adam Smit h recognized t he dist inct ion
b e t we e n v a lu e i n u se an d va lu e i n e xc h a n g e —
t h o u gh t h e cl a ssica l a p pr o ach t o v al u e i n fa c t
predat es Smit h, being discernible in t he earlier writ -
ings of such scholar s as John Locke, William Pe t t y,
and ot her s (Aspr o mou rgos s o o o). For t he classical
polit ical economist s of the ninet eent h cent u ry, and
e s p e c i a l ly for Marx, t he analysis of exchange va l u e
s t a r t e d fr o m t h e socio e co n om ic con dit io ns t ha t
shaped t he class relat ions of societ y and led t o ideas
of value as being inherent in object s and det ermined
by t he cost s of fact ors of product ion used up in t heir
m a nu fa c t u re. Th u s, for example, t he labor theor ies
o f valu e of Smit h and Ricardo pr opose essen t ially
t hat an object t akes on an object ive or su bst ant ive
value as a result of, and in pr opor tion t o, t he labor
devot ed t o making it .
The mar ginalist revolu t ion of t he lat e nine-
t eent h cent ur y replaced cost -of-product ion t heor ies
wit h a model of economic behavior built on individ-
u al u t ilit ies. Carl Men ger, William St an ley Jevo n s,
and ot her s saw individuals and t heir pre fe rences as
t he “ult imat e at oms” of t he exchange process and of
m ar ke t be h avio r (Do bb s o :,:, ,). Th ey e x p l a i n e d
exchange valu e in t er m s of p re fe r ence pat t er ns of
c o n s u m e r s t owa r d commodit ies t hat we re cap a bl e
o f sat isfying individu al wa n t s. Fr om t h ese o r ig i n s
sprang t he ut ilit y t heory which underlies t he t heory
o f co n su m e r b e h av i o r i n m o d e r n e co n o m i cs.
I n d ivid u als ar e assu me d t o posse ss we l l - b e h ave d
p re fe rence orderings over commo dit ie s, su ch t hat
t h ey can st at e u n am bigu o u sly t h at t he y pr e fe r a
given quant it y of t his good over a given quant it y of
t hat (or t hat t hey are indiffe rent bet ween t he t wo ) .
Un der p lau sible assu mpt io ns as t o t he n at u r e o f
t he se pr e fe r ence o rder ings—in clu din g an assu mp-
t ion t hat marginal ut ilit y diminishes as consumpt ion
o f a goo d incr e ases—a t h eor y of deman d can be
d e r ived t hat is empir ically t est able in it s own r ight
and t hat can be placed alongside a t heory of supply
t o provide a model for price det er minat ion in com-
p e t i t ive m ar ke t s. N o qu e st ion s n ee d be aske d of
people as t o t he reasons for t heir pre fe rence ord e r -
i n g s. T h e o r ig in s o f d e s i re — wh e t h e r t h e y b e
biological, psychological, cult ural, spirit ual, or what -
eve r — a re o f no consequ e n ce ; all t hat is r e q u i re d
i s t h at pre fe re nce r a n kin gs can be specifie d in an
orderly way.
Despit e t he self-sat isfact ion t hat many econo -
mist s feel at having arrived at a t heory of value t hat
t h ey rega rd as complet e in t er ms of it s unive rs a l i t y
a nd ele gan ce , m ar g in al u t i lit y an alysis h as be e n
widely crit icized. For our purposes, t he most impor-
t ant line of at t ack has been t he argument t hat value
is a socially const r uct ed phenomenon and t hat t he
d e t e r minat ion of value and hence of pr ices cannot
be iso lat ed from t he so cial cont ext in which t h ese
pr ocesses o ccu r (Heilbro ner s o s s; Mir ow s k i s o o o;
Clar k s o o ,). The elabor at ion of a social t h eor y of
v al u e is a ss o cia t e d w i t h e co n o m ist s su ch a s
Th o r st ein Veblen, John R. Commons, and ot hers of
t he “old” inst it ut ionalist school, t hou gh t he lineage
ext ends furt her back, t o John Bat es Clark in t he lat e
ninet eent h cent ur y, and earlier. Crit icism of t he mar-
g i n a l u t i l i t y t h e o r y o f v al u e i s d i r e ct e d a t t h e
pr oposit ion t hat con sumers can fo r mu lat e or d e r ly
p re fe rences based so lely on t heir in dividu al needs,
uninflu enced by t he inst it ut ional envir onment and
t he social int eract ions and processes t hat govern and
regulat e exchange. As such, t he crit icism can be seen
as a component of a broader crit ique of neoclassical
economics generally, arising from a number of r adi-
cal and het erodox posit ions.
Not wit hst anding t hese cr it ical assault s, neo-
classi cal u t i lit y t h e o r y h a s be e n wi de ly u se d by
c u l t u r al e cono mist s t o explain t he fo r mu lat ion of
value and price for cult ur al goods and ser vices wit hin
the economic syst em.
s
We can examine this process
o f value fo r mat ion bot h for pr ivat e cu lt ur al goods,
such as t angi ble ar t object s, and for pu blic cult u ra l
g o o d s, such as t he benefit s a communit y might enjoy
from t he exist ence of a t heater or an ar t ga l l e r y.
Turning first t o privat e goods, we can readily
measure what consumers are prepared t o give up in
o rder to acqu ire such goods, and we can const ru c t
demand funct ions for t hese goods which look much
like de man d fu n ct io ns fo r any o t he r co mm o dit y.
When t hese demand funct ions are set alongside sup-
p ly funct ions reflect ing the marginal cost s incur re d
in pr oducing t he goods, a pr ivat e mar ket might be
28
seen t o reach equilibr ium, t r a n s fo r ming valu e int o
pr ice. Howeve r, t h ese pro cesses scarc e ly confo r m
t o t he model of a compet it ive market which ensures
t h e Pa r e t o o pt im alit y o f e qu ili br iu m p r ice s an d
quant it ies. On t he demand side, t he simple, t imeless,
u t ilit y-m axim izing co nsu me r wit h give n t ast es is
r e pl ace d in cu lt u r al m ar ke t s by an in dividu al i n
wh om t ast e is cu mu l a t ive an d hence t ime depe n-
den t . On t he su pply side, pr odu cer s ar e n ot pro fi t
m a x i m i ze r s an d i n de ed m ay be in flu en ce d o nly
r e m o t e l y b y p r ice i n m a k in g su p ply d e c isio n s.
Furt hermore, t here are likely t o be significant ext er-
n a l i t i e s. We might conclu de, t he re fo r e , t hat pr ice
will be o nly a lim it e d me asu r e o f t h e e con o mic
valu e of t a n gi ble cultur al goods and ser vices in pri-
vat e market out comes.
In t he case of p u blic goods, again, empirical
o b s e r vat ion of econ omic valu e fo r mat ion is possi-
ble. For example, we can measure consu mers’ will-
ingness t o pay for given quant it ies of t he good, using
t echniques such as cont ingent valuat ion. These est i-
mat es can be aggregat ed across consumers t o reach
a t ot al demand price t hat can be compared wit h t he
cost s of providing various levels of t he good in order
t o det er mine whe t h er or no t su pply is wa r r a n t e d
and, if so, how much. Again, however, t he result ing
measure of t he value of t he good may not necessari-
ly be a re a s o n a b le e st ima t e o f it s t r u e econ om ic
valu e—t h is t ime pr incipally becau se of p r o bl e m s
inherent in t he cont ingent valuat ion met hodology.
M o re ove r, t he above consider at ions mu st be
t aken one st ep fu rt h e r. In most cases, cultur al com-
m o dit ies o ccu r as mixed go od s, posse ssin g bo t h
privat e-good and public-good charact erist ics. In such
c i rc u m s t a n c e s, t he difficult ies in ar r iving at an eco-
n o m ic valu e o f t h e go od wit h in t h e t h e o r e t i c a l
c o n fines of the neoclassical economic par adigm are
co m po u n de d. Ne ve rt h e l e s s, it h a s be e n wi de ly
accepted t hat t he economic value of c u l t u r al goods
and ser vices may, at least in broad ter m s, be det er -
mined by t he means described above.
Theor i es of Cul tur al Val ue
It m ight be t h ou ght t hat t h e measu r eme nt o f t h e
value of c u l t u r al goods using t he sor t of e c o n o m i c
a n a lysis discussed above could provide a direct eva l u -
at ion of c u l t u r al as well as of economic value. Since
t he theor y makes no assumpt ions about t he sourc e
o f an indiv i d u a l ’s pre fe re n c e s, t hey may just as we l l
ar ise fr om a per s o n’s int er nal processes of c u l t u ra l
ap p r aisal, influenced by wh a t ever cult ur al crit eria or
n o r ms are rega rded as impor t ant from t he ex t e rn a l
e nvironment , and assessed according t o some consis-
t ent cult ur al value scale. The argument would t hen
r un t hat , if t his individual r a n ks object A more highly
in cult ur al t er ms t han object B, she will be pre p a re d
t o pay m ore for o bje ct A t han fo r object B, ot her
t hings being equal. The diffe rent ial in demand prices
could t hus be int er p ret ed as a measure of d i ffe re n c e
in cult ur al value. In this sect ion, we consider briefly
t he developmen t of t heor ies o f c u l t u r al valu e, in
o rder t o assess t he validit y of t his arg u m e n t .
The o r ig in s of valu e wit h in a cu lt u r al dis-
c o u rse lie in t he irre d u c i ble principle t hat value re p re-
se nt s po sit ive char act e r ist ics r at h er t h an n ega t ive
o n e s, an orient ation t o what is bet ter r at her t han t o
what is wo r se. It can be aligned wit h t he pleasu r e
principle as a guide to human choices. But a cont ra s t
m ay be dr awn be t wee n t he i ncu l cat io n of va l u e
t h r o u gh a dr ive t o h e d o n ism an d a m o r al ist ic
p o si t i o n t h a t m e asu r e s t h e val u e o f c u l t u r e by
exc h a n ging it for some ot her cur re n cy such as “good”
or “t ru th” or “just ice” (Connor s o o za). Rega rdless of
t he star t ing point, howeve r, t he essent ial dist inct ion t o
be drawn here is t hat between an absolut e and a re l a-
t ive view of c u l t u r al value fo r mat ion.
A long t r adit ion in cultu ral t hought , t hrough
t o cult ur al moder nism, sees t he t r ue value of a wo r k
o f a r t , for example, as lying in int rinsic qualit ies of
a e s t h e t i c, ar t i s t i c, or broader cu lt u r al wo r t h t hat it
p o s s e s s e s. Such a hu manist view of c u l t u r al va l u e
emphases u nive r sal, t r anscendent al, object ive, and
uncondit ional char act erist ics of c u l t u re and of c u l-
t u r al o bje ct s (Et lin s o o o). Ju d gm e n t s wil l d iffe r
among indiv i d u a l s, of c o u r se, althou gh there may be
s u fficient consensus on t he essential cult ur al wo rt h
o f c e r t ain it ems t o wa r r ant t heir elevation int o t he
c u l t u r al can on. Th e asse r t ion of absolu t e cult u r a l
valu e can be se en as co n gr u e nt wit h t he ideas o f
int rinsic or nat ur al value put fo r wa rd, in a diffe re n t
c o n t ext , by t he classical polit ical economist s.
In t he post moder n per iod of t he last t wo or
t h ree decade s, powe r fu l n ew met hodologies fro m
s o c i o l ogy, linguist ics, psyc h o a n a ly s i s, and elsewh e re
h ave challenged and displaced t he t r adit ional ideals
t hat harmony and regularit y are at t he core of value,
sit u at ing t h ese ideas in an expanded, sh ift ing, and
het erogeneous int erpret at ion of value in which rela-
t ivism replaces absolut ism (Regan sooz; St orey soo,).
Yet it can be suggest ed t hat post moder nism, wh i l e
focusing at t e nt ion on an expanded view o f va l u e ,
29
d o e s n o t say m u ch ab o u t va lu e i t se l f ( C o n n o r
s o o zb :s+). Because of t h e u ncer t ain t ies t hu s int r o -
duced, many writ ers t oday refer t o a “crisis of value”
in cont empor ary cult ur al t heory.
W h a t eve r t h e pe r s p e c t ive , h oweve r, t wo
obser vat ions can be made. First , it is clear t hat value
i s m u l t id im e n si o n al . So it m ay b e p o ssi bl e t o
de scr ibe an ar t wo r k, for exam ple, as pr ovidin g a
r ange of cult ur al value char act erist ics, including:
• aest het ic value: beaut y, har mony;
• spirit ual value: under st anding,
enlight enment , insight ;
• social value: connect ion wit h ot her s,
a sense of ident it y;
• hist orical value: connect ion wit h t he past ;
• symbolic value: a reposit or y
or conveyor of meaning.
Su ch a r a nge o f cr it e r ia may be pr oposed,
whet her t he scales fo r assessing t hem ar e fixed or
m ova ble, o bject ive or su bject ive. Hen ce, wh e t h e r
t he guiding principle is absolut e or relat ive, it would
seem t hat some progress can be made in ident ifying
t he broad sweep of t he concept of cult ural value by
disaggregat ing it in t his way, alt hough t he problems
of evaluat ion wit hin any single component remain.
Second, a consequ ence of t his mu l t i d i m e n -
sionalit y is t o expose t h e fu t ilit y of at t em pt ing t o
reduce cu lt ur al value t o a single economic measure ,
as pr opose d above. It may well be t h at in div i d u a l
ch o ice s wit h in any o n e o f t h e sin gl e va lu e co n -
s t r uct s it emized above, or in r elat ion t o any o t her
c h a r act erist ic that might be suggest ed, might fo l l ow
some or d e r ly pr o ce ss. Bu t pr e fe r ence s so de r ive d
r e m a in con di t io n al u po n t he val u e scale s u se d;
m o r e im po r t a n t ly, t he su gge st ion t hat t h ese dis-
p a r at e cu lt u r al ju dgm e nt s can be conve r t e d t o a
common denominat or ex p ressed in such mat erialis-
t ic t er ms as t he object ’s pr ice cannot be su st ained.
As McGuigan not es:
The not i on t ha t a cult ural product is a s va l u a bl e
as it s pri ce i n t he marketplace, det er mined by t he
choices of t he “sove rei gn consumer ” a nd by t he
laws of supply and demand, is cur rent ly a pr eva -
lent not i on of cult ural value and maybe t he most
prevalent one, albeit deeply flawed. It s fundamen-
t al fl aw i s t he reduct i on of a ll va l u e, which i s so
m a n i fe s t ly va r i ou s a n d con t est a bl e, t o a on e-
di mensi ona l a nd economist i c log i c, t h e logi c of
“t he free market .” (McGuigan sooo:,s)
These consider at ions suggest that not ions of
e co no m ic a n d cu lt u r al valu e mu st b e se pa r a t e d
when t he valuat ion of cult ural goods and services in
t he economy and in societ y is considered. The nex t
sect ion discusses t his prospect in t he cont ext of t h e
work of ar t ist s.
Economi c and Cul tur al Val ue i n
the Pr oducti on of Ar ti sti c Goods
Co nsider an ar t ist wh o creat es an ar t ist ic wo r k. It
may be a novel, a poem, a musical work, a paint ing,
a sculpt ure, an inst allat ion, a video, a per fo rm a n c e .
The work exist s in an embodied form (as in t he case
of a paint ing) or as propert y right s (as in t he case of
a piece of music). The work it self, or t he right s t o it ,
can be t raded. The work can be copyright ed in order
t o seal it s physical or economic wort h and t o enable
it s owner (t he art ist or a subsequent purchaser of t he
p r o p e r t y r igh t s) t o ca p t u r e i t s e co n o m ic va l u e .
Thr ough mar ket exchange t he work will acqu ire a
price, reflect ing t his economic value.
S i mu l t a n e o u s ly, t he wor k exist s as an idea
z
t hat can also be exchanged. The idea cannot be copy-
r i gh t e d . T h e id e a ge n e r at e d b y t h e wo r k i s
e xch an ge d b y a co n t in u o u s pr o ce ss, a n d i n
du e co u r se , t he ide a has many ow n e r s (alt ho u gh
t h e r e was on ly one or ig inat or ). In t his pr o cess o f
exchan ge, con su m er s o f t he idea det er mine t h eir
i n d ividual valu at ion. Since t he idea is a pure publ i c
good, t he aggregat ion of i n d ividual valuat ions can be
t hought of as compr ising t he t ot al valuat ion of t h e
idea wit hin t he sphere of its circulation. This aggre-
gat e could be t hought of as t he cult ur al value of t h e
idea and hence of t he work. Because of t he cont inu-
ous circulat ion of the idea, individual valuat ions (and
hence t he aggregat e valu e) may change over t ime,
and it may t ake a long t ime for an “equilibrium” cul-
t u r al value of a work to be est ablished. Even t hen, it
m ay not be st able over t ime.
The essence of t hese proposit ions is t hat there
exist s both a physical market for ar t wo r ks and a par-
allel mar ket place for t he ideas t hat are a necessar y
a t t r i bu t e or pr odu ct of t hose wo r ks. The phy s i c a l
market det er mines t he wo r k ’s economic valu e; t he
market for ideas det er mines it s cu lt u ral value. Th e
fact that t he physical work is t he vehicle for convey-
ing t he idea t r a n s fo r ms t he work from an ord i n a r y
economic good into a cult ur al good. As such, it pos-
30
sesses not only economic value (in common wit h all
economic goods) but also cult ural va l u e .
Separat ion of t he economic and cult ural val-
ues of art works in t his way enables us t o ident ify t he
d i ffe r ences in t he pr ocesses by which t hese va l u e s
a re fo r m ed. It is immediat ely clear, howeve r, t hat
de spit e t he se di ffe re n c e s, t he t wo valu e s ar e n ot
unrelat ed. Indeed, it is likely t hat a significant cor re-
lation will exist bet ween t hem, because consumers ’
demand funct ions for art works are likely t o cont ain
some measure of c u l t u ral value as a significant ele-
ment .
,
Even so, what ever crit erion of cult ural value
is con sider e d ap p l i c a ble, co u nt er examples can be
e nvisaged, wh e r e h igh cu lt u r al valu e is associat ed
w i t h lo w e co n o m i c v a l u e , an d v ice ve r sa . Fo r
in st an ce , i f “ h i g h - c u l t u r e ” no r m s we r e ado pt e d
( c o n s e r va t ive , el it ist , h e g e m o n i c, a bso lu t ist ), it
might be su ggest ed t hat at onal classical mu sic is an
example of a commodit y wit h high cult ural but low
e co no mic valu e, and t hat T V soap o per as ar e an
example of a good wit h a high economic but a low
cult ur al value.
+
Re t u r ning t o t he wor k of a rt i s t s, we migh t
summarize t he above speculat ions as suggest ing t hat
a r t ist ic wo r k might be int e r p r et ed as su pplyin g a
dual mar ket. The ar t i s t ’s vision, springing from t he
complex conjunct ions of t he creat ive process, drives
t he pr oduction of ideas; her t echnical skill enabl e s
t he realizat ion or em bodiment of t ho se ideas int o
act ual works. These works will (hopefully) realize an
economic pr ice t hrough mar ket exchange and (also
h o p e fu l ly) a cult ur al “price” through t he re c e p t i o n ,
pr o ce ssin g, t r an sm issio n , an d a sse ssm en t of t h e
ideas t hat t hey convey.
The fo rm i d a ble t ask t hen remains of d e t e r -
mining how t he market for ideas processes t he r aw
mat erial supplied t o it by ar t ist s int o some measure
o f c u l t u r al value or cu lt ur al price. The ar t i c u l a t i o n
o f t he const it u ent elem ent s of valu e in par t i c u l a r
cases, as discussed above, would seem t o offer hope
fo r so m e p r og r e s s, e spe ci a ll y si n ce i n t h e f i rs t
i n st a n c e , a s n o t e d, t h i s wo u l d se e m t o be a n
approach t hat could be t aken regardless of t he ideo-
logical st andpoint of t he obser ver. Nevert heless, t he
q u e st io n o f m e a s u r e m e n t mu st eve n t u a l ly b e
e n gaged o ne way or an ot her. Even if it is t ho ught
t hat nor m a t ive scales lie beyond analyt ical reach, at
least some posit ive assessment of r egu lar it ies and
consist encies in consensus judgment s may be possi-
ble. In t his respect , t he int erest for economist s lies
p a rt i c u l a r ly in clar ifying t he relat io nsh ip bet we e n
cult ur al and economic value.
Concl usi on
The su bst ance of t his paper can be dr awn t og e t h e r
int o four main point s. First , economist s are deluding
t h e m s e l ves if t h ey believe t hat economic measure s
su ch as pr ice o r willingness t o pay can pr ovide an
adequat e indicat or of c u l t u r al value. Indeed, it can
be ar gu ed t hat economic price do es not even do a
ve r y go od jo b of c apt u r ing t h e “t r u e” econ om ic
value of cult ur al goods and ser vices.
Se co n d, t h e se p ar at io n o f e co no m ic a nd
c u l t u r al value pr ovides an acknowledgment in con-
cept ual t er ms t hat t he monet ar y price of a cu lt ura l
commodit y is a t r a n s fo r mat ion of valu e accord i n g
to a single mat erialist ic scale and t hat cult ur al price
re q u i r es a diffe rent met r ic. This co ncept ualizat io n
provides a basis for defining cult ur al goods.
Th i rd, not wit hstanding t heir separ at e art i c u -
l at io n , t he co n st r u ct s o f eco n om ic and cu lt u r a l
value are likely t o be closely r elat ed in bo t h t heo -
r e t ica l an d e m p ir ica l t e r m s. T h e r e l a t i o n s h i p s
b e t ween t he m ar e an impo r t ant ar ea fo r re s e a rc h
by e c o n o m i s t s, not least because significant policy
implicat ions are invoked.
F i n a l ly, in m odelin g t h e pr o cess o f a rt i s t i c
product ion, we can su ggest t hat not only do art i s t s
a ll o ca t e t h e i r t i m e i n a du a l l a bo r m a r ke t
( a rt s / n o n a r t s), t hey also sell t he pr odu ct s of t h e i r
labor int o a du al m ar ket (t h e mar ket fo r phy s i c a l
goods/ t he mar ket for ideas), wh e re economic and
c u l t u r al valu e provide dist inct and separ at e me a-
sures of t he success of t heir effor t s.
Notes
This paper is a revised t ext of an invit ed lect ure given at t he clos-
ing plenar y sessio n of t he int er nat io nal symposium “A rt i s t s ’
Career Development and Art ist s’ Labour Market s, Support , and
Policies for Ar t i s t s,” or ga n i z ed join t ly by t he Associat ion fo r
Cult ural Economics Int ernat ional and t he Japan Associat ion for
Cult ural Economics, Tokyo, zs–,o May sooo.
s. For t he sake of simplicity in cat egor izing cu lt ur al goods and
s e r vices in t h is pap e r, I r est rict at t ent ion t o t he ar t s — fo r
example, to art wo r ks such as paintings or t o ar t istic ser v i c e s
such as mu sical per fo r mance—as t he fr a m ewor k of re fe r -
ence for such commodit ies.
z. I use t he singular for simplicit y, t hough, of course, most ar t -
works cont ain and convey mult iple ideas.
31
,. Su ch a proposition u nderlies the analysis of demand fo r a rt -
wo r ks cont ained in chapter o o f Frey and Po m m e rehne s o s o.
+. By t he same st andard s, it would pr ob ably be said t hat an
a c t ivit y such as amat eur t heat er wou ld have low value on
bot h economic an d cu lt u r a l measu r es a nd t h at Mo net ’s
paint ings would score high on bot h count s.
Ref er ences
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D i s t r i bu t i on a nd Va lu e fr om Wi ll i a m Pet t y t o Ada m Smi t h.
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K l u we r.
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zo,–zo. Buckingham: Open Univer sit y Press.
———. soozb. Theor y and Cult ural Value. Oxford: Blackwell.
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M i r ow s k i , P. s o o o. Le a r n in g t h e m e a n i n g o f a d o ll a r :
C o n s e r vat ion pr inciples and t he social t heor y of valu e in
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Regan, s–so. Buckingham u.x.: Open Universit y Press.
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———. s o o+. A wo r k - p re fe rence model of a r t ist behav i o u r. In
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Springer-Verlag.
32
To d ay our percept ion of c u l t u r al herit age is chang-
ing amid t he r u sh of sight s and images offe red by an
i n t e ra c t ive wo r ld . St il l an ch or e d in hi st o r y a nd
a n c e s t r y, our percept ion must now be re d e fined in
the new global cult ur al commons, in which t he web
o f meanings t r a d i t i o n a l ly offe r ed by diffe rent cu l-
t u r e s is b ei n g r e wove n . To u n d e r st an d wh at is
h appening, many people are looking t owa rd t he sit e
wh e re cult ure and hist or y int er sect —t hat is, t owa rd
c u l t u r al her it age. Th ey are fin ding, howeve r, t hat
t he cult u r al her it age is also in process and flow i n g
wit h t he tide.
To t hink of c u l t u r al her it age was t o t hink of
a r t o bj e ct s, ar c h a e o l o gical si t e s, hi st o r ic mo nu -
m e n t s. Yet t he meanings t hat assign wo r t h t o such
c o n c r et e t hings an d place s com e fr om t he va l u e s
t hat people at t ach t o t hem. Such values, unt il recent -
ly, we re discussed wit hin t he circumscr ibed walls of
c u l t u r al com mu nit ies or nat ions; t oday, howeve r,
t hese concret e t hings and places are ava i l a ble t o be
ap p reciat ed by a mu ch wider spect r um of i n t e rn a-
t io n al pu bli cs: by a yo u ng wom an wr it e r on t he
I n t e r net in New Zealand, by a Copt filmmaker in
E gypt , or by a Xhosa youngster wat ching t elev i s i o n
in Sout h Africa.
Among t hem a new global cult ural commons
is being creat ed. It is mult icult ural by definit ion; it is
pat chy in it s int eract ions; it is like t he t er r a incognit a
of ancient maps. And people have st akes in it , and in
t he world cult ural sit es t o which t he new st akehold-
e rs of t he commons may t ie st r ings of re c og n i t i o n .
This commons is also a place we mu st fill up, wit h
“ gl o ba l cr e a t iv i t y, ” a p h r ase u se d b y Cat h e r in e
St im pson an d H omi Bhabh a, as t h ey re fe r t o t h e
n ew h ist o r ical ph e n o m e n o n , wh ich fo l l ows and
incorporat es older art ist ic and cult ural work yet has
an ident it y of it s own.
s
M o re and more, t he concept of c u l t u r al her -
itage is opening up—t o cult ur al landscap e s, popular
c u l t u re s, or al t ra d i t i o n s. The we ave of meanings that
c ry s t a l l i ze int o re c ognit ion in a given t ime and place
is becoming more and more visible. It is absolutely
fascinat ing to find t hat , at ex a c t ly t his t ime, quantum
p hysics t e lls u s t hat t h e wo r ld is no t ma de u p of
o bje ct s bu t is inst e ad made u p o f st at es t hat may
change t heir fu nct ioning and ap p e a r ance accord i n g
t o t he way in wh ich t hey ar e be in g o bse r ve d. An
a n t h r o p o l ogist t oday also knows that et hnogr ap h i c
descr ipt ion is bu t a t r a n s i t o r y, fleet in g glan ce at a
realit y by an obser ver bound by his or h er cu lt ur e
and location in a cert ain t ime and a cert ain place.
I f we t ake t h e above view, t h en , t h e va l u e
given t o cult ural herit age will depend on t he mean-
i n g s t h at a r e ch o s e n am o n g t h o se co n st a n t l y
t r ave li ng alon g a web of c u l t u r al exch anges and
re c o m b i n a t i o n s. At pr esent , as n ever be fo re, t r a d e
globalizat ion, migr a t i o n s, an d t ou r ism , as well as
t e l e c o m m u ni cat io n s and t el e ma t i cs, a re r ap i d ly
adding more and more exchanges t o t hat web.
M o re cont act and more exchanges may lead
t o great er creat ivit y, but t hey also lead t o t he shield-
ing of cult ures t hrough t he polit ics of difference. So
the qu est ion that should concer n us is: How do we
enhance t he value of cult ural herit age t o safeguard it
and t o use it t o build cult ural underst anding inst ead
of cult ur al t renches?
To answe r t his qu est ion , I will ex p l o r e t he
t wo main perspect ives from which value is assigned
t o cu lt u r al he rit age : t h e planet ar y and t he village
p e rs p e c t ive s. In t he cont ext of globalizat ion, I will
a n a ly ze how cu lt u r al gr ou ps and nat ion-st at es ar e
reposit ioning t hemselves t oday in t he global cult ural
c o m m o n s. I t hen pr opose seve r al lines of a n a ly s i s
and reflect ion on cult ur al herit age, so t hat diffe re n t
c u l t u r al gr o ups m ay find new ways o f p re s e rv i n g
cult ur al herit age.
The Pl anetar y Per specti ve
As t he new cent ur y begi n s, we re a l i ze t hat t he old
m a p s ba se d o n t h e t e r r i t o r ia l j u xt a p o si t i o n o f
nat ion -st at es gave u s a ve r y diffe r en t cosm ov i s i o n
from t hat of act ual phot ogr aphs of our blue planet
t aken fr o m ou t e r space . Am o n g ot h er t h in gs, i t
makes visible t he framework wit hin which we must
sit uat e all hu man-made mast er pieces: a single, spa-
Cult ural Herit age and Globalizat ion
Lourdes Arizpe
33
t ially finit e, spherical ent it y. Neit her polit ical borders
nor cult ur al boundaries are visible from space.
The awa r eness of on e wo r ld has also bee n
r e i n fo r ced by t he var iou s pr o cesses t hat make u p
globalization; in relat ion to cult u re, a cent r al fact is
t hat one can now communicat e inst ant ly all over t he
world. In fact , on May ss, soos, a sat ellit e syst em t hat
circles t he world was finally put in place, so t hat we
m ay speak t o anyone, any wh e re, anyt im e ar o u nd
t he globe . Te l e c o m mu n icat ion s and au diov i s u a l s
have made it possible for people t o become familiar
wit h great cult ur al herit age from dist ant lands.
Th e gl o b a l i t y, fa m i l i a r i t y, and inst ant aneit y
t hat char a c t e r i ze t his new planet ar y per s p e c t ive are
no dou bt changing t he percept ion and u nders t a n d-
in g o f t he cu lt u r al legacie s of t h e past . How can
such possibilit ies of communicat ion be harnessed t o
help in t he wor k of c o n s e r vat ion and re s t o r at ion of
cult ur al herit age?
A Gl obal Cul tur al Commons
S t ra t egies t o pr ot ect and conser ve cult ur al her it age
i n t e rn a t i o n a l ly have be en su cce ssfu l ly deve l o p e d
ove r t he last de cades t h r ou gh Unesco and a larg e
number of n o n g ove r nment al organizat ions (· o os )
an d fo u n d a t i o n s. To d ay su ch st r a t eg ie s mu st b e
expanded and deepened, because global commu n i c a-
t ions and audiov i s u a l s, t ou ching a majority of p e o p l e
in t he wo r ld, ar e creat ing t his new global cult u r a l
c o m m o n s. In t his new space, human-made cu lt ura l
c reat ions are beginning t o be judged according t o an
e m e rging set of global st andard s. It is not only t hat,
for example, an Aki r a Kurosawa, Ingmar Berg m a n ,
or Woody Allen film speaks t o many cosmopolit an
people across the wo rld, or t hat a Holly wood bl o c k-
buster speaks t o people of ve r y diffe rent culture s. It is
t he way in which t hese films and images are cre a t i n g
a new language of meaning. Th ey are, in fact , sett ing
up a new met onymy in people’s minds. Is this a new
language t hat belongs t o t he global sphere, or is it a
n ew dimension t hat will per meate all fo r ms of c o m-
municat ion int er n a t i o n a l ly?
These are new t hemes t o explore in t erms of
t he local/ global valu ing of c u l t u r al her it age. Wi l l
t his new language encourage people t o give value t o
c u l t u r al herit age of ot her cult u res? Do t hey assign
re l a t ive value t o cu lt ur al mast er pieces according t o
t he cult u r al dist ance bet ween t heir own and ot her
cult ures? How import ant do t hey consider ot her cul-
t u r e s t o t h e ir e m o t io n al sat i sfact io n o r t o t h e ir
spirit u al or cult ur al realizat ion? Or one may ask (as
t he World Bank has already done in a project on Fez
in Morocco), in t er ms of t he economics of c u l t u ra l
herit age, how much would you be willing t o pay t o
conser ve such herit age? Much more analyt ical work
is ne ede d o n how co llect ivit ies of d i ffe re n t ki n d s
react t owa r d cu lt u r al h er it age in t h e con t ext o f a
global cult ur al commons.
This knowledge is urg e n t ly needed t o preve n t
a r eplicat io n of t he “t r agedy o f t he com mon s” in
relat ion to t he prot ection of c u l t u ral heritage.
z
S o m e
specialists are already concer ned t hat t his is t he case
for a num ber o f sit es inscr ibed in Unesco’s Wo rl d
H er it age List . Whe n a sit e i s con sider e d t o h ave
“ wo rld value,” then safeg u a r ding act ions may be per-
c e ived as eve ry b o d y ’s business—and, there fo re, as no
o n e ’s. Alt er n a t ive ly, it may be t hought t hat sav i n g
such a sit e shou ld be t he main responsibility of o n ly
t he rich and powe r ful, since poor people or nations
a re unable to give anyt hing t owa rd it s safeg u a rding.
The Vi l l age Vi ew
I f ou r planet ar y view (implying unit y) comes from
ou t er space, t he village view (implyin g dive rs i t y )
comes from eve r yd ay contact wit h people speaki n g
ot h er lan gu ages, exh ibit in g diffe r en t sym bo ls o f
ident it y, and want ing t o choose all t hat is meaningful
and excit ing in t oday’s cult ural market s. This cont act
is leading t o very rapid cult ural change t hat is wor r y-
ing people in many different regional set t ings, as t he
u. ·. Wo r ld Com missio n on Cu lt u re and Deve l o p-
ment discove red in t he nine consult at ions it held in
Eu r o pe , t h e Am e r icas, Asi a, a nd Afr i ca.
,
Pe o p l e
eve ry wh e re are concer ned t hat t heir t r adit ions ar e
no longer being fo l l owed, t hat you ng people espe-
c i a l ly may be choosing cult ur al symbols from ot her
c u l t u re s. Ar t ist s are concer ned about t he diffi c u l t i e s
t h ey have fou n d in cont inu ing t he ir lo cal cu lt u r a l
pr o du ct io n as fo r e ign inve st m e n t s and cu lt u r a l
goods flow int o nat ional market s.
In t imes of su ch cu lt u r al flu idit y, it is t o be
expected t hat people want t o cling t o t he meanings
t hat once held t heir immediat e communit y t og e t h-
e r. Ar c h a e o l ogical sit es o f h ist or ical impo r t a n c e ,
a rc h i t e c t u r al o r ar t ist ic mast er p i e c e s, t h e cu lt u r a l
t ex t u r e o f e ve r yd ay li fe, in cl u di n g dr e ss co d e s
a n d ga s t r o n o m y, all be co m e explicit co n se nsu al
sym bo ls o f h ist or ical be long in g. In many places,
m ovement s ex p l i c i t ly ex p r ess su ch concer ns: Afr o-
Americans and Chicanos, Celt s and Cat alans, Serbs
34
an d Alban o kosova r s, Ch ilea ns an d t h e Map u c h e
people. Alt hough all such movement s have a cult ur -
al leit mot iv, t hey are ex t re m e ly dive r se in polit ical
a i m s, fo r ms of act ion, and int er nat ional st ra t egi e s.
This sit uat ion has led t o a cu rrent climat e in
wh ich wo r ld cu lt u r al her it age mu st be dealt wit h
globally, wit h unit y of aims and st rat e gies (t he plan -
e t a r y view) at a t ime when t here is a rising t ide of
t he polit ics of d i ffe rence (t he village view). In my
view, t he way t o advance in such a sit uat ion is t o cre-
at e new co ncept s t o explain t h e new local/ gl o b a l
st ruct uring of t he value of cult ural herit age, while at
t he sam e t im e su ppor t ing pilot proje ct s wit h t his
aim in mind.
The Vi l l age Is Mul ti cul tur al
Independent of t he hist orical, cult ural affiliat ion of a
given sit e, monument , or art object , it is most proba-
b l e t h a t p e o p le l iv i n g i n a ce r t a in l o ca l i t y, o r
concerned wit h it s herit age, will belong t o mult icul-
t u r al commu n i t i e s. This is impor t an t vis-à-vis t h e
valuing of cult ural herit age. Thus, t he way commu-
nit ies valu e t hat her it age will be influ enced by t he
way they had prev i o u s ly defined t heir own cult ura l
ident it y. And it is a mat t er of some urgency t hat t he
issu e of mu l t i c u l t u r alism wit h re fe rence t o cult ur a l
herit age be placed on t he int er nat ional agenda.
In re cen t ye a r s, seve r al diffe re nt sit u at ion s
have arisen as a result of t he complexit y of mult icul-
t u r al claims t o cult ur al her it age. On t he one hand,
g ove r nm ent s may be claiming, as “n at io nal” t re a-
s u re s, ancient mast er pieces creat ed many cent uries
ago by cu lt u r e s t ot al ly di ffe r en t fr o m t h eir s — o r
wh ose desce ndan t s may even be con sidered t heir
c u l t u r al opponent s. Such is t he case of t h e Hin du
g ove r n m e n t i n In d i a , wh i ch m u st p r o t e ct t h e
Muslim cult ural herit age. If t he count ry has a demo-
crat ic syst em, appropriat e polit ical solut ions may be
a rr ived at, as t hey have been in India. Anot her ki n d
o f situ at ion is t hat in which cu ltu ral minorit ies are
given re c ognit ion and support for t he management
o f t heir own cu lt u r al her it age and cre a t iv i t y. Th i s
has be en t he ca se, fo r exam ple , in New Z ealand,
wit h t he Maori people.
This does not happen in cases in which cul-
t u r al groups suffer ill t reatment at t he hands of t h e
g ove r nment . Such is t he case in Gu at emala, wh e re
t h e Maya h e ri t age is con sider e d a nat ion al asse t ,
while t he army cont inues t o repress all polit ical and
c u l t u r a l e x p r e ssi o n s o f t h e Maya-Q u i ch e a n d
Cakchiquel Indians, who are t he direct descendant s
of t he builders of t he magnificent Maya herit age.
In t he most nega t ive sit uat ion, “cult ur al her -
it age cleansing” may be carried out by opponent s in
wa r, as has h appened in t he pro t r act ed war in t h e
fo r mer Yu g o s l avia. In t his case, along wit h “et hnic
cleansing,” t here was a willful dest ruct ion of cult ur-
al her it age “t o obl i t e r ate people’s cult ur al root s,” as
A z ze di n e Besch ao u ch ha s ex p r e sse d it , wh e n h e
de scr ibe d t he case o f t he Old Br i dge of M o s t a r,
demolished wit h explosives by Croat ext remist s dur -
ing t he Bosnian war. To t his example one would add
t he Ser b dest r u ct ion of t he Libr a r y in Sar a j evo, as
well as t he bombing of Dubrovnik.
+
Wit h t he reposit ioning of act ors in globaliza-
t i o n , t h e m o r e t h a t n a t i o n -st a t e s a n d cu l t u r a l
min o rit ies nee d “dist inct ion ” t o r epo sit ion t hem -
s e l ves in t h e global cu lt u r al com m o ns, t h e mo r e
t hey are apt t o rely on t he cult ural herit age t o build
int ernal cohesion and an ext ernal image of t heir cul-
t u re. Inev i t a bly, t hen, quest ions about t he hist orical
origins and present cont rol and management of cul-
t ure herit age will be increasingly r aised.
,
Claims of t he r ight t o con t r ol cu lt ur al her -
it age wi ll , i n all pr o bab il it y, also p r o life r a t e fo r
economic reasons. As mult imedia and t elecommuni-
cat ion s ope n a mar ke t for t h e image s o f c u l t u ra l
herit age, and as t he economic value of cult ural her -
it age is increased t hrough cult ural t ourism and ot her
s e rv i c e s, sp e ci a l i n t e r e st g r o u p s w i ll p o ssib ly
i n c re ase t he ir dem ands t o sh ar e in t he e co nomic
ret ur ns relat ed t o such herit age.
One example will illust rat e t he complexit y of
t h e issu e s invo l ve d: a Cho l-spe ak in g in d ige n ou s
group in Chiapas, Mexico, is claiming t hat it should
b e ge t t i n g a sh a r e o f t o u r i st fe e s fo r v i si t s t o
Palenque, t he Maya arc h a e o l ogical sit e. This opens
up a Pandora’s box of unanswerable quest ions: Was
t he sit e built by t he Chol people? If so, are t he Chol
o f t o d ay t h e r e al de sce ndan t s o f t ho se hist o r ical
Chol? If so, should only t he Chol get t his income, t o
t h e excl u sio n o f o t h e r in dige n o u s gr o u ps in t h e
region, since t here is not enough hist orical evidence
t o ascer t ain who bu ilt Palenqu e? And what abou t
non -Chol Mex i c a n s, for whom Palenqu e is par t of
t heir cult ur al herit age?
Cou nt er balancing such exc l u s i o n a r y claims
will re q u i r e a highly developed knowledge base fo r
wo rld cult ur al herit age. It will show (as t he field of
a n t h r o p o l ogy has re c o rded for many decades) that
t he cre a t ive pr ocess evo l ves by t he slow, direct , and
35
indirect accumulat ion of knowledge, skills, and t ech-
n i q u e s, usu ally nu rt u red by exchanges wit h many
ot her cu lt ur e s. Alon g a diffe r ent bu t re lat ed pat h,
recent art t heories now give great er emphasis t o t his
creat ive process among art ist s and art ist ic communi-
t ies t han t o t he ar t object s t hemselves.
Highlight ing t he cre a t ive pr ocess in re l a t i o n
t o world cult ural herit age would, I believe, have sev-
e r al posit ive effe c t s. Fir st, it would br ing in gre a t e r
hist orical dept h, t her eby making visible t he different
layers of creat ivit y and cult ural exchanges t hat have
c ry s t a l l i ze d in a par t icular cu lt ur al sit e, obje ct , o r
l a n d s c ape; t his info r mat ion would cor re c t ly sit uat e
cult ur al claims in a hist orical cont ext .
Second, wh en t he m u l t i c u l t u r al h ist or y of
her it age is made visible, a wider r ange of t o d ay ’s
c o m mu nit ies cou ld feel mor e dire c t ly r elat e d t o a
given cult ur al herit age.
T h i r d, t h i s m u l t i c u l t u r a l h i st o r y wo u l d
s t rengt hen t he r ole of g ove r nment s by eliminat ing
t he necessit y for t hem t o appear as defe n d e r s of a
s i n gle cultu ral t r adit ion, while providing t hem wit h
great er legi t i m a cy as t he conve n e r s of t h eir cou n-
t ries’ dive rse cult ur al t r adit ions of t he past and t he
p r e se nt . Of c o u r se, as co ndit ion s for t h is, a st at e
must be democrat ic, open t o expressions of different
c u l t u re s, yet clear in it s mandat e t o pr ot ect all t he
cult ur al herit age wit hin it s borders.
Finally, t he mult icult uralit y of t he village also
applies to t he const ituency t hat suppor t s act ions t o
s a fe g u a r d wo r ld cu lt u r al h e r i t a ge . Pe r h a p s t h e
p h r ase “global cult ur al st akeholders” could be used
t o sign ify pe ople wh o sh ar e in givin g va lu e an d,
t h e re fo re, in cr eat ing t he new meanings for wo rl d
c u l t u r al her it age. Would it be possible t o rev ive the
pr o ject of c r eat ing a civil-societ y Wo r ld Cu lt u r a l
Tr u st —a p hr ase u se d i n t h e discu ssio ns t h at le d
t o t he Unesco Wo r ld Her it age Convent ion? Su ch a
project cou ld cont ribut e t o st rengthening civ i l - s o c i-
et y init iat ives t o complement t he work already being
c a r ried ou t by gove r nment s and inter national orga-
nizat ions. Their main role would be t o act in t he cul-
t u r al co m m o n s by pr o mo t in g awa r e n ess o f t h e
value of world cult ur al herit age.
Foster i ng Cr eati vi ty about Cul tur al Her i tage
In May s o o ,, a h ist o r i c sessio n o f t h e Exe cu t ive
B o a rd of Unesco was held in Fez, Mor occo, dur ing
which many member st at es demanded a shift in t he
cult ure progr am of Unesco. They no longer want ed
r e s t o r e d h ist or i c ci t y ce nt e r s t h at b ecame gho st
t owns, where t he bust le of people working, relat ing,
and t r ading had been lost . Neit her could t heir gov-
e r nment s affo rd t o open more and more mu s e u m s
t hat were not self-financing and t hat cat ered t o elit e
p u bl i c s. T h e co n ce r n wa s al so e x p re s s e d — a n d
repeat ed in count less forums, including t hose of t he
World Commission on Cult ure and Development —
t h at yo u n g p e o pl e a ll o ve r we r e in cr e a s i n gl y
u n i n t e r est e d in t h e cu lt u r al h er it a ge of t h e past
while t hey pursued t ot ally new cult ural act ivit ies.
A c c o rd i n g ly, Un e sco ’s cu l t u r a l p r o g r a m
added t o it s successful conser vat ion project s for cul -
t u r al her it age a new focu s on living cu lt u re s.
o
Th e
p remise for recast ing t he program was that cult u ra l
t ra n s fo r mations prev i o u s ly t ook decades, even cen-
t uries; t oday such changes t ake only a few years and
h ave u nr ivaled wo r ld cove r age t h r ough t h e gl o b a l
cult ural commons. Also, emphasis was placed on t he
ent hu siasm of you ng people eve ry wh e r e t o cre a t e
n ew mean ings—t heir own cu lt u r al he r it age, so t o
speak—so t hey can adapt t o t he unprecedent ed sit u-
at ions t h ey ar e dest in ed t o live in. It seem s t o m e
t hat t hose you t hs who flock t o St onehenge for t he
su m me r solst ice or t o Teo t ihu acán for t h e spr ing
e q u i n ox want a n ew free do m t o r e c r eat e an cie nt
r it e s so t h at t he se ancient st one s an d places m ay
become new symbols around which t o ra l ly and re -
creat e t heir own sense of place and pur pose.
The langu age i n wh i ch t h ey ar e co u chin g
t heir search is t hat of a new spirit ualit y and cosmol-
o gy; m o st p ro bably b ecau se t h ey ar e o ffe r e d n o
ot her language by t radit ional inst it ut ions, which are
st il l cau gh t u p in po lit i cal and social in e r t i a an d
which most ly limit t heir act ivit ies t o t he conser va-
t ion of what already exist s.
New languages of expression must be offered
t o t hese you n g people. New, excit ing ex p e r i e n c e s
h ave bee n su cce ssfu l; for example , popu lar mu s i c
c o n c e r t s h ave bee n h e ld in Wo r ld H er it age sit es,
such as Nar a, Japan, and El Tajin, Mex i c o. What is
needed, in my view, is t o inst igat e art ist s, writ ers, sci-
e n t i s t s, an d ot her cr e a t o r s t o re n ew t h e meanings
t hat give life t o t he powe r ful symbolism of c u l t u ra l
mast erpieces—a symbolism t hat is no longer impris-
oned in t he past but is inst ead shaping t he fut ure.
Fost er ing cre a t ivit y ar ou nd cultu r al herit age
is va l u a ble not only t o mobilize people bu t also t o
keep herit age “alive.” The best way t o save cultura l
herit age is t o encour age new cre a t ive ou tlooks t hat
will re n ew or add t o it s web of m e a n i n g s. An image
36
t o illustr ate t his is t hat of t he maypole, t he origi n s
o f which are claimed by so many cult ure s. The larg-
er t he nu mber of people t aking t he colored ribbons
in t heir hands and t he mo re t hey dance and in t er -
m i n gle arou nd it , t h e t igh t er t he mesh of r i b b o n s
will be and t he more st rongly they will be at t ached
to t he may p o l e .
The Wor l d Her i tage Li st:
Pr i de of Al l or Pr i de of the Few ?
In so:z t he Convent ion Concerning t he Prot ect ion of
t he World Cult ural and Nat ural Herit age was adopt-
ed at t he Unesco Gener al Co nfe re n c e .
:
It bu ilt on
t h e m o m e n t u m cr e a t e d b y t h e su cce ssf u l s o , o
Unesco campaign t o save t he Philae and Abu Simbel
t emples in Egypt from flooding by t he Aswan High
Dam . Aft e r a s o o , Wh it e Ho u se con fe r e nce t ha t
called for world act ion on cult ural herit age, and aft er
pr o p o sa l s fr o m t h e St o ckh o l m Co n fe r e n ce o n
H u m a n En v ir o n m e n t fo r t h e Co n se r v a t i o n o f
N a t u re (since t he Convention also includes nat u ra l
sit es), t he Convention was dr awn up t o pr ot ect t he
mast erpieces of human creat ive genius by est ablish-
ing t he World Herit age List .
Ot her at t empts, for example, t o pr ot ect fo l k
c u l t u r al pr odu ct io ns h ave n ot been agr e ed u pon
i n t e rn a t i o n a l ly, n or h ave ot h er conven t ions be en
r a t i f ie d by a s many co u nt r ie s.
s
In t h is ligh t , t h e
br o ad co nse n su s and t he wide spr e ad po pu lar it y
o f t h e Co nve n t i on o n Wo r ld H e r it age m u st be
h igh ligh t ed. Th is su cce ss h as dem o nst r at ed t ha t
g ove rn m e n t s, spur red by public interest, have been
a ble t o agr ee on a wo rld valu e on wh ich t o base a
c o m p l e x in st i t u t io n al cha r t e r an d pr oce du r e t o
channel int er nat ional coopera t ive act ions.
o
Knowing t hat it can be done is already a great
st ep fo r wa r d, bu t o f c o u r se, t he cr u cial issue is t o
what degree t he Convent ion has been su ccessfu l in
a c t u a l ly helping conser ve prot ect ed cult ur al monu -
m e n t s, sit es, and landscap e s. Most specialist s agre e
t hat it has been successful, alt hough some despair at
t he decline of many of t he places on t he list . In spit e
o f su ch concer n s, it is highly significant t hat —at a
t i m e wh e n gl o b a l i z at i o n i s p u s h i n g pe o pl e t o
ret rench t hemselves in part icularist ic cult ural ident i-
t i e s — t h e r e is one valu e t hat people of all cu lt ure s
seem t o agree on.
W hy is t h e Co nvent ion so high ly r e s p e c t e d
and almost u nanimo u sly agree d u pon? On one of
my t r ips t o Man ila, in December s o o ,, as assist an t
d i re c t o r- g e n e r al for cu lt u re at Un esco, I was t old
why. I had been t aken t o visit t he Baroque churches
o f Manila o n t h e Wo r ld Her it age List . Th e gu ide
s h owed me ar ou nd wit h a special se lf-sat isfa c t i o n
a n d p r i de . So I aske d, “An d why do e s h av i n g a
Unesco plaque of the Wo r ld Herit age List help yo u
in promot ing t hese places?” He answered, “Because,
madam, t hen we know t hat t hey ar e not only ou r
pride but t hat of all of humanit y, and t his makes us
even more proud.”
It is people wit h local pr ide, t hen, who wa n t
t o share t heir pride wit h ot hers; and once ot hers give
t his re c ognit ion, it adds t o t he valu e of t he site. So
t he pride of t he few becomes t he pride of all. Thus,
it is t he int eract ion bet ween local and global valoriz -
ing t hat gives st rengt h and cont inu it y t o t he Wo rl d
Herit age List .
Is the Wor l d Her i tage Li st Repr esentati ve?
A mo st in t e r e st ing aspe ct o f t he Wo r ld H er it a ge
List is t hat while it s main pur pose is t o ensu re t he
s a feg u a r ding of wo r ld cu lt u r al he r it age , it is also
b e i n g i n t e r p r e t e d a s a n i nve n t o r y o f c u l t u ra l
a c h i evement. The fact , t hen, t hat t he List is not bal-
anced in t er ms of g e ogr aphical and cult u ral regi o n s
h as be co me pr obl e m a t i c. In re spon se t o t his and
ot her similar concer n s, a group of ex p e r t s was com-
missioned in s o o+ t o assess how r e p re s e n t a t ive t he
Wo rld Herit age List wa s. This gr oup concluded t hat
t h e re was an ove r re p resent at ion of Eur opean her -
it age ; o f h ist o r ic ci t ie s an d r e l i g i o u s bu i l d i n g s,
e s p e c i a l ly of t he Chr ist ian re l i gion; of “elit e” arc h i-
t e c t u re (in cont r ast to more “popu lar ” arc h i t e c t u re ) ;
and of hist or ic sit es (in co mpar ison t o pre h i s t o r i c
and t we n t i e t h - c e n t u r y sit es).
O n e co u l d a l r e ad y se e a ba ckg r o u n d
m e t o nym y e mer gin g, which is be ing given fu l l e r
c ove r age wit h t he new cr it eria for inclu sion in t he
Wo r ld Her it age List t hat have been negot iat ed. Fo r
example, a m or e flex i ble no t ion of “ a u t h e n t i c i t y ”
n ow allows the inclusion of c u l t u r al her it age bu i l d-
ings t hat follow ancient designs yet have been rebuilt
several t imes over t he cent uries, such as t he wooden
t emples in Nar a and Kyot o in Japan.
Similarly, t he new cat egory of “cult ural land -
scape” was creat ed, which, for example, has allowed
for t he inclusion of t he Philippine rice t err aces. Also,
t we n t i e t h - c e n t u r y h e r i t a ge is n ow t a k e n i n t o
account ; t hus Brazil was able t o inscribe Brasilia, it s
novel capit al cit y, on t he List .
37
Fo r t h e pu r pose s of t h is e ssay, h oweve r, I
would also like t o emphasize t hat t he value of t h e
List lies as much in it s act ual result s as in t he lear n-
ing and negot iat ing process it has unleashed. Slowly,
a rd u o u s ly, it is building agreements on t he value of
wo rld cu lt ur al herit age and on t he global standard s
for mechanisms and procedures t o safeguard it . The
progr am, however, now has t o be recast in t he t erms
o f some of t he point s made in t his essay, t o give it
relevance under t he new condit ions of globalizat ion.
Summar y
We know t hat t he best way t o safeg u a rd wo rld cul-
t ural herit age is for societ ies t o care enough about it
t o mobilize t o prot ect it and t o support government s
and specialized groups in working t oward it s conser-
va t io n . To d ay it sh o u ld b e p o ssi bl e t o h a r n e s s
speeded-up cult ural int eract ivit y on a world scale for
t he prot ect ion of wor ld cult ural herit age.
so
I n t e r nat ional pr ogr ams and act ion s by gov-
e rn m e n t s, · o os, and foundat ions have already been
successful in broadening t he base of appreciat ion of
herit age and of c o m munit y par t icipation in its pro-
t ect ion. Fo st er in g cre a t ivit y in relat ion t o cult u r a l
herit age would furt her broaden t his base of support .
Wr i t e r s, fi l m m a k e r s, and ar t ist s shou ld be encou r -
a ge d t o b r e a t h e n e w li fe i n t o t h e sym b o ls an d
images of herit age t hrough new cult ural pr act ices.
The Wo r ld Herit age Convent ion could play
an emblemat ic role in consolidat ing global, conve r -
gent act ions for cu lt u r al her it age, in opposit ion t o
t he nar r ow int erest s driven by compet it ion in some
aspect s of globalizat ion.
N ew t hinking is needed t o open new imagi-
n a t ive ave nues in caring for wo r ld cult ur al herit age.
Th e glo bal cu lt u r al comm on s m u st be ex p l o re d ,
m apped, and fu r nished wit h glo bal st andard s. It is
c r ucial t hat cult ur al her itage be t hought of as a his-
t o r ica l p r o ce ss t o wh ich m a n y i n d iv i du al s an d
c u l t u r es have alway s, and will alway s, cont ribu t e .
And t he incre a s i n gly inescap a ble mu l t i c u l t u r alit y of
t he village—the consumers and publics for cu lt ura l
h e r i t a g e — must change perc e p t i o n s, so t hat pride in
c u l t u r al herit age may be shared by more and more
pe ople acr oss cu lt u r al diffe re n c e s. Success in con-
s e r ving t he mast er pieces of hu man cre a t ive genius
will depend on our abilit y t o int eract , negot iat e, and
cult ivat e herit age as a creat ive process.
Notes
s. Cat her ine St impson and Hom i Bhabha, Global cr e a t iv i t y
and t he ar t s, Wor ld Cult ure Repor t s ( June soos):ss,–o,.
z. G a r r et Ha rd in, The t r agedy of t he co mmons, Sci ence s oz
(soos):sz+,-+s.
,. The u. ·. Wo rld Commission on Cu lt ure and Deve l o p m e n t ,
c h a i red by Javier Pe rez de Cuellar, published it s r e p o rt O u r
C re a t ive Di ve rsi t y in s o o ,. Lou rdes Ar izpe was a membe r
o f t he Commission a nd was in char ge of t he secr e t a r i a t
o f t he Commission as assist ant dire c t o r- g e n e r al for cult u re
o f U n e s c o.
+. Azzedine Beschaouch, The dest ruct ion of t he Old Bridge of
Most ar, World Cult ure Repor t s ( June soos):ss:.
,. This mat t er is raised wit hout full considerat ion of t he ot her
c o m p l ex aspect s of t he quest ion—whet her present gove rn-
ment s legit imat ely represent t he cult ure orcult ures t hat cre-
at ed t he h er it a ge. T his qu est ion is e s p e c i a l ly r e l evant in
count ries in which cult ural minorit ies are persecut ed while
t heir herit age is claimed as par t of t he nat ional herit age.
o. U n e s c o, Draft Programme and Budget ,     -    , zo C / , (s o o :) .
U n e s c o, A p p roved Programme and Budget for     -    , zo C / ,
ap p r oved (s o o s) .
:. In t his sect ion, for t he pur poses of discussion, I will re fe r
exclusively t o t he cult ural sit es on t he World Herit age List ,
alt hough t he list also includes nat ur al sit es.
s. Anot her convent ion wit h widespread support is t he one for
t he Prot ect ion of Cult ural Propert y in t he Event of Armed
Con flict , ot her wise known as T he Hagu e Conve nt ion of
so,+, which was updat ed in soo:.
o. For an excellent analysis of how global st andards for cult ur -
al herit age pr ot ect ion can cou nt er some of t he effect s of
globalizat ion, see Lyndel Prot t , Int er nat ional st andards fo r
cult ur al herit age, Wor ld Cult ure Repor t s ( June soos):zzz–,o.
s o. One suggest ion, for example, is to hy p e rlink Int er net sit es of
popular ar t i s t s, such as Cesaria Evo r a, t o sit es describing t he
c u l t u r al her it age o f t h e ir p la ces of o r i g in . See Isab elle
Vinson, Her it age and cy b e rc u l t u re: What cult ur al cont ent
for what cy b e rc u l t u re? Wo r ld Cult ure Rep o r t s ( June s o o s) :
z , :–+o.
38
C u l t u r al heritage at t ract s at tention among scient ists,
p o l i t i c i a n s, and laypeople. We oft en consider cultu ra l
herit age an end or value in it self. Conve rs e ly, cult ur a l
herit age also seems to play an impor t ant role in peo-
p l e ’s acquiring the capabilit ies necessar y t o deve l o p
and flourish as re f l e c t ive and crit ical cit ize n s. Cult ura l
h e r it age mu st , in o t he r wo rd s, be see n fr om an d
assessed wit hin an edu cat ional per s p e c t ive. Edu ca-
t ion it self, howeve r, is a domain chara c t e r i zed by con-
flict s an d st r u g gl e s. What const it u t es an adequ at e
educat ion in a modern or postmoder n societ y wit h a
mult iplicit y of c u l t u res? As cu lt ur al herit age acquire s
a spe cial sign ifican ce in edu cat ion al con t ex t s, t he
c o n t r ove r sies within t hose cont ext s necessarily cre e p
int o our discussions about cult ur al herit age.
Wit h t his ca veat in mind, let me t urn now t o
som e char act er ist ics of c u l t u r al her it age, as int e r -
pret ed by t he communit y t hrough it s inst it ut ions.
Hei r s Negoti ate Thei r
Ow n Cul tur al Her i tage
Inherit ance is, fu n d a m e n t a l ly speaking, out side t he
cont rol of t hose who inher it . We don’t cont rol our
b i o l o gical or gen e t ic i nh e r it ance. In he r it an ce of
p r o p e r t y is det er mined by law or by t est am ent or
will. So it is not sur pr ising t hat many have t hought
o f c u l t u r al herit age as somet hing object ive ly give n ,
a s so m e t h in g t h at t h e cu l t u r e we ar e bo r n in t o
hands over or ent r usts t o new genera t i o n s. We may
manage ou r her itage ir re s p o n s i bly or neglect it, bu t
we cannot complet ely escape it —just as we cannot
e s c ape ou r bio log ical in he r it an ce an d ju st as we
h ave t o manage, in one way or anot her, any proper -
t y left t o u s.
Ye t t h e analog y be t we e n cu lt u r al he r it age
and herit age in t he primary sense of inherit ance has
it s lim it at io n s. He r it age is no t always so me t hing
a l r eady pr esent in a cu lt u re. It is, on t he cont r a r y,
select ed, negot iat ed, and perhaps even const ru c t e d
by t he heirs.
Such processes of sift ing t hrough t he past for
what is significant are oft en unconscious. So cult ural
her it age may, self-deceptive ly, be at t r ibu t ed t he sta-
t u s an d au t h orit y o f some t hing object ive ly give n ,
like biolo gical inherit ance. Groups or nat ions some-
t imes claim t o cont inue part icular cult ural herit ages.
Oft e n t hey do n’t r e c og n i ze t h at t hey and t he her -
it age t h ey r e fer t o are used as m eans t o legi t i m i ze
t h e in t e r e st o r power of a gr o u p, co m mu n i t y, or
nat ion t o which t hey belong.
Her i tage—A Raw Mater i al f or
Fundamental i st Ideol ogi es?
In t hat way, cu lt u r al her it age be comes som et hing
pot ent ially dangerous: a collect ion of seemingly per-
manent myt hs or ideologies embodied in par t i c u l a r
gr o u p s, co mmu n i t i e s, or nat ion s. Under pe acefu l
c i rc u m s t a n c e s, t hese myths or ideologies may play
an import ant role in creat ing a sense of communit y.
But u nder other condit ions (as, for example, in t he
former Yugoslavia t oday), cult ural herit age may cr e-
at e t e n sions, conflict s, o r eve n wa r. Th e em ine n t
h ist or i an Er i c H o bsbawm se e s cu l t u r a l h er it age
exact ly in t his light . “As poppies are t he raw mat erial
o f her oin addict ion, hist or y is t he r aw mat er ial fo r
nat ionalist or et hnic or fu ndament alist ideologi e s.
Her it age is an essen t ial, perh aps t he essen t ial, ele-
me nt in t h ese ideo logi e s,” t he hist o r ian wa r ns u s
(Hobsbawm soo,:oz–o+).
We might t r y t o e scape t he risk of m a ki n g
c u l t u r a l h e r i t a ge a d an ge r o u s i d e o l o g ica l t o o l
embedded in myt hs and gr and nat ional narr at ives by
limit ing t he scope of c u l t u r al her it age. We can do
t h i s, for example, by de fining cu lt u r al her it age as
mat er ial o bject s—as art i fa c t s, bu i l d i n g s, an d so o n
c reat ed by ou r pre d e c e s s o r s. And, of c o u r se, su ch
o b je ct s pl ay a n i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n a n y cu l t u r e .
Li m i t in g h e r i t age i n t h is w ay se e m s h ar m l e s s
e n ou gh . T h is st r a t e g y wi ll n o t wor k, h oweve r,
becau se sele ct ion and pr ese nt at ion of a rt i fact s or
object s of t he past are never neut ral. These process-
e s ar e always ca r r ie d o u t fr om a st an dpoi nt t h at
em bo dies par t icu lar valu es and ide als. Th e re fo re ,
t here does not seem t o be any way t o escape t he fact
Cult ural Herit age, Liberal Educat ion,
and Human Flourishing
Uffe Juul Jensen
39
t hat any cult u re or commu nit y plays an impor t a n t
r o le in de t er mining, and t her eby const r u ct ing, it s
own cu lt u r al her it age. It is we who best ow on our -
selves our own cult ur al herit age.
Her i tage betw een Fundamental i sts
and Postmoder ni st Rel ati vi sts
It would seem t hat any argument about cult ural her-
it age is necessarily relat ivist ic and t hat t his is an area
where t erms such as t rut h and validit y do not apply.
I f t h is i s t h e ca se , cu lt u r al h e r it age n e ce ssa r i ly
be co me s a b at t le f ie l d wh e r e co n fl ict in g p ar t i e s
engage in t he st rife t o cont rol it .
Such bat t les act ually do seem t o be a t ypical
fe a t u r e of p re s e n t - d ay societ ies. Tr adit io nalist s o r
elit ist s pr aise one ve r sion of a cu lt ur e (t he ve rs i o n
t hat has been represent ed and defended by t he most
we ll-e du cat ed o r t he elit e of a so cie t y). Th ey ar e
confront ed by min or it y gr ou ps t hat migh t oppose
c u l t u r al st andar ds o r ide als espou se d by t h e elit e
(art iculat ing, for example, gay perspect ives, feminist
perspect ives, or perspect ives of r acial minorit ies).
Is t he re no co mm on gr ou nd bet wee n su ch
opposing camps? Is t here no possibilit y of dialogue?
Bot h of t hese opposing part ies act ually share
some values or ideals. For bot h, cult ural herit age has
an educat ional role t o play. Tr adit ionalist s will argue
t hat classical t ext s (in lit er a t u re, philosophy, and so
on) are necessar y to achieve ou r educat ional goals.
T ho se cr it ici zin g t h is vi ew clai m t h at t h e r e ar e
in sigh t s an d expe r ie n ce s a cqu ir e d by op pr e s s e d
groups (t hat is, t he cult ural herit age of such groups)
which t oday are necessary t o achie ve our educat ion -
al goals.
In fact , bo t h camps m ay we l l agr ee a bo u t
what t he goal of educat ion is: to provide t he pupil
wit h capabilit ies necessar y t o t ake charge of her or
his own t hought .
M a r t ha Nu ssbaum has re c e n t ly argued t hat
diverse forms of cross-cult ural st udies are import ant
t o d ay in order t o achieve classical educat ional goals
t hat will help make us free, crit ical, and rat ional cit i-
zens (Nussbaum soo:).
Tr adit ionalist s such as, say, Allan Bloom have,
in Nussbaum’s words, warned “t hat crit ical scrut iny
o f o n e ’s own t r adit ions will aut omat ically ent ail a
form of cult ural relat ivism t hat holds all ways of life
t o be equ ally good for h u man beings and t h er eby
weakens t he allegiance t o o ne’s own” (Nussbau m
s o o ::, ,). In Eu ro pe many wa r n t hat immigr a t i o n
fr o m I sl a m ic co u n t r i e s i m pl ie s a t h r e a t t o t h e
Christ ian-European cult ural herit age. In response, it
is ar gu e d t h at t h e e du cat i on al syst em an d ot he r
nat ional inst it ut ions of Eu ropean count ries should
cult ivat e and t each canonized ideals and perspect ives
of t heir own cult ure.
This at t it ude can be quest ioned in t he light of
N u s s b a u m ’s ar g u m e n t s. She re minds us t hat su ch
c o n t r ove r sies are not at all a moder n phenomenon.
On t h e cont r a r y, t h ey have long be en par t o f t h e
classical t r adit ion t o which pre s e n t - d ay t r a d i t i o n a l-
ist s a ppeal wh en defen ding t h eir view on cu lt u r a l
her it age . It was a dee p fear t h at le d At he n ian s t o
c h a r ge So cr at es w it h co r r u pt io n of t h e yo u n g .
Nu ssbaum ar g u e s, howeve r, t h at Socr at ic scr u t i ny
does not lead t o cor rupt ion of t he young. From t he
Socrat ic perspect ive, we should always be willing t o
d e fend our views r a t i o n a l ly and per haps t o accept
t hat at t he end of a discu ssion wit h a per son fr om
anot her background, we might have t o change our
own views.
To d ay, bo t h t r adit io nalist s an d t heir cr it ics
seem t o agree t hat rat ional freedom is a basic educa -
t ional goal as a precondit ion of human flourishing.
Tr adit ionalist s warn us t hat t he accept ance of a mul-
t iplicit y of st andpoint s and perspect ives undermines
t his go al. Th eir opponent s, pleading for a broader
underst anding of cult ure, deny t hat . They claim t hat
a r at ional scr u t i ny of v i ews gener a l ly accept ed and
considered sacrosanct in “high” cult ure presupposes
t he re c ognit ion of other per s p e c t ive s, ex p e r i e n c e s,
and t r adit ions.
N u s sb a u m r e m i n d s u s h o w t h e Ro m a n
Se n eca addr e sse d t h e pr o blem o f e du ca t ion an d
r at ional freedom in his famous let t er on liberal edu-
cat ion. Lu ciliu s, a frie nd of Seneca, h ad asked fo r
Seneca’s opinion on st udia liberalia, t radit ional liberal
st udies, an educat ion by accult urat ion t o values and
p r act ice s of t h e Ro m an u pper classe s (gr a m m a r,
mu s i c, poetr y, some science and mat hemat ics); t his
r egime lat er, du r ing t he Middle Ages, became t h e
t r ivi um and q u a d r ivium t hat fo r med t he cur r icula of
all univer sit ies in Europe.
Seneca claimed t hat t he only edu cat ion t hat
makes pu pils free is one t hat enables t hem t o t ake
charge of t heir own t hought “and t o conduct a crit i-
c a l e xa m in a t io n o f t h e i r so ci e t y ’s n o r m s a n d
t r ad it io ns” (Nu ssba u m s o o ::, o). This is t he ve r y
meaning of liberal in t he t erm liber al educat ion.
Nussbaum also argues t hat t he old educat ion-
a l i d e al s—i de a l s o f p r o d u cin g “ cit iz e n s o f t h e
40
wo rl d ” — a re be st r e a l i zed t oday in an educat ion al
syst em t hat en com passes st u dies of n o n - We s t e r n
cult ures, gender, and race. Only in t his way can one
face one’s own limit ed focus and open oneself up t o
broader cult ur al horizons.
Cul tur al Her i tage and Human Fl our i shi ng
Nu ssbau m ar gu es conv i n c i n gly. Bu t eve n cu lt u r a l
u n d e rst anding in t he broad sense she discusses is, I
shall claim, t oo nar r ow t o achieve the classical edu-
cat ional goal.
N u ssbau m fo cu se s (as we o ft e n do wh e n
discu ssin g e du cat io n) on ou r edu cat io n al syst e m
( s c h o o l s, unive rs i t i e s, and so on) and it s cur ricula. But
to ensure t he development of critical and free “cit i-
zens of the wo rld,” education has t o be considered in
a broader cont ext . Cult ur al herit age in an ex t e n d e d ,
wo rl dwide sense has t o be t aken int o considera t i o n .
Mu ch d e bat e o n e du c at io n a n d le a r n i n g
focu ses on what goes on in t he classroom or in t he
au d it o r iu m . Cu r r icu la an d di scu ssi o n o f “ g r e a t
books” becomes a main concern. In general, cult ural
herit age is reduced t o what is embodied in t ext s and
books. But most learning, development , and acquisi-
t ion of c apabilit ies necessar y for human flour ishing
t ake place (as shown by ant hropologist Jane Lave at
t he Universit y of California, Berkeley) out side class-
r oom s and au dit or iu ms (Lave s o s s). Lear ning and
development occur t o a large ext ent in our daily life.
E ven t he impor t ant par t of our lear ning and deve l-
o p m e n t t h a t t a ke s p la ce wi t h i n e d u ca t i o n a l
inst it u t ions presupposes a high degree of c ap a b i l i-
t i e s, ski l l s, and insight s acquired out side t he fo rm a l
se t t in gs—in ou r daily life and pr act ice , o r du r ing
t r avel t o fo reign places. Mu seums, arc h i t e c t u re, t he
l i fe and rhyt hm of fo reign cit ies, superm a r k e t s, and
o rd i n a r y market places all embody cu lt ur al her it age
in different ways.
All t hat implies that cult ur al herit age means
somet hing br oader t han a cur ricu lum, t han canon-
i z e d t e xt s o r p ie ce s o f a r t as p r e co n di t i o n s fo r
lear ning and t hus for human flourishing.
But why t hen bot her at all about our cult ura l
herit age? Human beings live in a concrete set ting and
h ave daily pra c t i c e s. Th e re fo re, t hey will always share
wit h ot hers around t hem some cult ur al herit age.
As st ressed above, a cu lt u r al her it age is no t
somet hing given, somet hing t hat has always already
been t here. It is not just t here, as are genes or prop-
e r t y collect ed by our ancest ors. Cult ur al her it age is
a lways co n st r u ct e d , a r r a n ge d, a n d n e g o t i a t e d
among heir s.
We spend t oo much t ime discussing curricula
in schools and higher edu cat ion. We shou ld spend
ju st as much t ime discussing or debat ing how her -
it age co nscio u sly o r u n con sciou sly is o r ga n i ze d ,
c o n s t r u ct ed, an d pr e se n t e d for a p p r oval (t h at is,
g iven a m eaning) in var iou s co nt ext s in daily and
p u blic life. Th e re is no fin al, ex p e r t an swer t o t he
qu est ion of what a h erit age sh ou ld encompass t o
e n s u r e ou r edu cat io nal an d so cial goals. To e ch o
Ar ist ot le, eve r yone has somet hing t o cont r ibu t e t o
t he t r ut h in such mat t ers.
It is somet imes said t hat illness and healt h are
t oo impor tant t o be simply t ur ned over t o doct or s.
In t h e same way, it cou ld be claim ed t h at hu man
development and cit izenship are t oo import ant t o be
assigned only t o t he care of t e a c h e r s (in t he t r a d i-
t io n al, nar r ow se n se of t he t er m). It shou ld be a
public concern, yet expert s as diverse as ant hropolo -
gi s t s, hist o r ians, mu s e o l ogi s t s, psyc h o l og i s t s, and
philosophers should enlight en t he public about vari-
ou s viewpoin t s u nder t he cou r ageou s banne r t hat
t he great er t he t oler ance of d ive rs i t y, the great er a
civilizat ion may be.
We need t o know much more about the role
c u l t u r al herit age plays in hu man lear ning and deve l-
opment . We need more insight into t he processes of
n egotiat ion and const r uct ion of c u l t u r al herit age and
into what promot es or ensures human flourishing.
Shoul d Cul tur al Her i tage
Be Lef t to the Mar k etpl ace?
Some would claim t hat it is impossible in a secular -
ized post modern world t o achieve any consensus or
t o fo r mu lat e any st andar ds for asse ssing ways of
select ing, const r u ct ing, or present ing cu lt u r al her -
it age . In a libe r al de m ocr a t i c socie t y, sh o u ld t h e
det erminat ion simply be based on consumers in t he
market place deciding what , at a given t ime, deserves
t he honorific t it le of c u l t u r al herit age? How else t o
decide t he r e l a t ive cu lt u r al valu e o f Pr incess Di’s
dress, Michael Jordan’s aut ogr aph, a baseball player’s
hat , a bag of gar bage, st re e t c a r s of San Fr a n c i s c o,
Wat t s Towe r s, o r Mar k McGu ir e ’s r e c o rd - s e t t i n g
home run ball?
There is no final t rut h about cult ural precon-
dit ions of human flou rishing. We will get diffe re n t
answers at different t imes and different places. Even
in a part icular societ y at a specific t ime, t he quest ion
41
mu st be negot iat ed. Bu t somet hing gener al can be
said abou t t h e r o le cu lt u r al her it age can play and
sh ou l d play i n e du cat in g “cit ize n s of t h e wo rl d ”
capable of flourishing t oget her wit h ot her s.
Such an ideal implies t hat I can communicat e
wit h and act in relat ion t o ot her humans, t hat t here
is somet hing we sh ar e, even t hou gh we re c og n i ze
t hat we always spe ak fro m par t icu lar st an dpoint s
(fr om wit hin local commu n i t i e s, t r a d i t i o n s, and so
on). Our edu cat ional ideals imply, in ot h er wo rd s,
t hat t here is somet hing bot h universal and part icular
t hat char act erizes human life.
Cult ural herit age plays a role in human devel-
opment and flou r ishin g t h e mor e it embodies t his
dialect ic or t he more it cont ribut es t o developing an
u n d e r st anding of t h e u nive r sal and t he par t i c u l a r,
and of t heir int er relat ionship.
One reason why fo r mal t eaching has playe d
such a cent r al r ole in discu ssions abou t educat ion,
d evelopment , and flou rishing might be t hat educa-
t ion accor ding t o classical ide als see m s t o ensu r e
t hese goals. The unive rsal is never just ex p e r i e n c e d
in con cr et e pr act ice. It is always embo died in lan-
guage . So bo oks and t ext s seem t o be most fit fo r
represent ing human knowledge about universal fea-
t u res of n a t u re or of hu man life. Good t eaching—
a c c o r ding t o classical ide als—pr ov i d e s, howeve r,
more t han int ernalizat ion of t ext book knowledge. It
also ensu r e s t he pu pil’s abilit y t o ap p ly u nive rs a l
k n owledge t o par t icular cases (by perfo r ming ex e r -
cises, and so on).
Our daily life seems in opposition t o this ideal
by being fr agment ed, char a c t e r i zed by scatt ered and
ve r y per sonal ex p e r i e n c e s. We view and assess t he
wo r ld from par t icu lar st andpoint s embodying local
valu es and ex p e r i e n c e s. Fo r mal lear ning, science, and
so on seem necessar y t o ove rcome t he et hnocent r ic
limit at ions built int o eve r yd ay life and cult ure.
H ow can cu lt ur al her it age play a signifi c a n t
role in t ranscending t hese st andpoint s and build t he
bridge t o more universal underst anding? To answer,
I t ur n t o a poet .
Cul tur al Her i tage: Tr anscendi ng
the Par ti cul ar and the Local
T h e Ir ish po e t a nd No be l pr iz e wi n n e r Se a mu s
Heaney has t old of t he significance a few object s of
c u l t u r al her it age have had for him. He has, I t hink,
hereby said somet hing very illuminat ing about how
p a r t icu lar object s may acquire a u nive r sal meaning
and significance and come t o represent somet hing of
universal value.
In his childhood, Heaney heard st ories about
t hings pre s e r ved in the moss, such as caches of b og
bu t t er or t h e bones of a great Irish elk. In s o o : h e
wr ot e t he poem “Bogland. ” Hean ey ’s ove r all con-
c e r n i n t h i s p o e m i s t h e bo g a s a lo cu s o f
preservat ion. Much lat er, aft er having read a book by
t he Danish archaeologist P. V. Glob and having visit -
ed Denmark t o see a few famous bog men, he has, in
a more philosophical w ay, I t hink, art iculat ed a view
on bog bodies as exemplars of cult ural herit age and
i m p l i c i t ly an answer to t he quest ion of h ow object s
may acquire t he st at us of represent ing universal fea-
t ures of a cult ural herit age (a t erm Heaney, however,
did not use).
These bodies, according t o Heaney, have t heir
“phenomenal pot ency . . . from t he fact t hat [t hey ]
erase t he boundary line bet ween cult ure and nat ure,
bet ween art and life” (Heaney sooo). These bog men
o r limbs of b og men can n ow, He aney claims, be
classe d as o bj e ct s t o be co m par e d wit h t h e clay,
bronze, or marble heads t hat we see in art museums.
T h e bo g m an we co n fr o n t in an ar c h a e o l o g i c a l
m u se u m ( su ch a s t h e Gr a u b a l l e Ma n i n t h e
M o e s ga a rd Mu seum in Aar hus) has been re m ove d
from it s “nat ur al” cont ext in t he moor. Here it wa s
p re s e r ved t hr ough a chemical pr ocess; it s skin had
become leat her y. Lat er it was preser ved by archaeol-
og i s t s. The ch an ge o f t h e obje ct is con t inu ed by
ot her means. And t hr ough t his pr ocess, the object ,
in a w ay, undergoes a new qualit at ive change by t he
ve r y nature of it s presence and function in t he con-
t ext of a museum.
On ce u po n a t im e, t he lim bs t h at we now
look at in our museums “exist ed in order t o embody
and ex p ress t he need and impulses of an indiv i d u a l
h u m an life. ” Th ey we r e t h e veh icle s of d i ffe re n t
b i ogr aphies and compelled singu lar at t ent ion, pr o-
clai mi ng, “I am I. ” Wh e n t h ey we r e de a d, t h e ir
bodies as corpses st ill “conser ved t he vest iges of per-
sonal ident it y.”
W he n t h e co r p se be co m e s a bo g bo dy, i t
c h a n g e s, so t o speak, it s mode of exist ence. Now it
can be compared t o a work of a r t in t he fo l l ow i n g
sense. According t o Heaney, t he object now elu des
t he biogr aphical and ent ers t he realm of t he aest het -
ic. Inst ead of “I am I,” it now proclaims, “I am you.”
By t his example we can illuminat e t he role of
c u l t u r al he r it age in pe r son al developm en t an d in
educat ional cont ext s. It is not just t hat , by t he act ivi-
42
t ies of ex p e rt s, t he object presented at the mu s e u m
as an object of cult ural herit age acquires or is at t rib-
ut ed t he st at us of cult ural herit age. The object now
in it self p l ays a role, ser ves a funct ion by cont ribu t -
ing t o t h e abilit y of H e a n ey (o r of a ny ot her wh o
sees t he object ) t o t ranscend his or her part icular or
personal st andpoint .
He t e lls beau t ifu l ly abou t t he fi r st t ime he
s aw t he head of t he Tollu nd Man and t he body of
t he Grauballe Man in Denmark. What he was expe-
riencing in his “very bones and being was a feeling of
reve rence. . . . In t he case of t he Tollund Man, t hat
reverence included a sweet sensat ion at being in t he
p resence of a hu man face which seemed relat ed t o
me in som e ve r y int imat e way.” Heaney h er e saw
t he kind of face he had known as a child, as t he face
of his great -uncle Hugh.
Object s select ed, preserved, or const ruct ed as
object s of c u l t u r al herit age may play such a signifi-
cant role. They do not just represent some past and
oft en alien fo reign cult u re or anot her cu lt u r al her -
it age or somet hing of ju st ant iquar ian int erest . On
t he co nt r a r y, t hey give u s as in dividu als an u nder -
st anding of o u rs e l ves as belonging t o somet hing or
as being part of somet hing beyond our own part icu -
lar exist ence. Oft en such o bject s have (as h ave t he
b og men) moved t hrough t ime. We meet t hem at a
place or locat ion different from our own. And by rec-
ogn izing som e t hin g com mon ly hu man , we t r a n -
scend t he limit at ions of t ime and space.
Simon Rodia, t he poor It alian immigr ant wh o
used a lifetime t o const r uct the Watt s Towe rs, live d
far away fr om Scan dinavia. Bu t t he Scandin av i a n
who t oday in quit e a diffe rent t ime experiences t he
Wat t s Towe rs may have t he same feeling as Heaney
had when he saw t he Gr auballe Man.
The t owers embody Rodia’s aspirat ion t o cre-
at e somet hing great , and most people will be able t o
re c og n i ze something of t h e m s e l ves or of t heir ow n
c u l t u re when t hey see t his ex t ra o rd i n a r y const r u c-
t ion. Rodia was not well educat ed in a formal sense,
but t hrough his work, he has cont ribut ed significant-
ly t o our educat ional project .
During t he riot s in Los Angeles in soo,, many
p r iva t e a n d p u bl ic b u il d i n g s we r e d a m age d o r
d e s t r oyed in t h e ne ighbor h oo d ar ou n d t he Wa t t s
Towe r s. Yet no one t ou ched t he t owe r s (Goldstone
and Goldst one s o o :). This fact t ells u s t hat Ro d i a ’s
wor k embodies somet hing of u n ive r sal wo r t h and
so should be valued as cont ribut ing t o t he educat ion
of cit izens of t he world. We should be g rat eful t hat
t he t owe r s h ave bee n pr e s e r ved. And no on e can
claim t h at Ro d i a ’s wor k was po ssessed by an e lit e
an d only t hereby became par t of our cu lt u r al her -
it age. The t owe r s we re already re c og n i zed as such
by t he local communit y.
Par ti cul ar i ty as a Functi on
of Cul tur al Pr acti ces
I have st ressed t hat cult ur al her it age is an impor t a n t
means of promot ing human flourishing. I have also
s t r e sse d t h at cu lt u r al he r it age is n o t so me t hi ng
given. It is always const r uct ed, ar r anged, and neg o-
t iat ed by heir s. Th e r e is no final ex p e r t an swer t o
t he quest ion of what a her it age should encompass
t o ensu re ou r educat ional and social goals. Th e re is
n o f i n al t r u t h a b o u t cu l t u r a l pr e co n d i t i o n s o f
hu man flou rishing.
This does not , however, imply an accept ance
o f p o s t m o d e r n ist r e l a t ivism . Th e r e is so met h ing
bo t h u nive r sal an d par t icu lar t h at char a c t e r i ze s
human life. Object s of cult ural herit age embody t he
dialect ics bet ween t he part icular and t he universal. I
h ave i ll u st r a t e d t h is by t e ll in g a b o u t H e a n e y ’s
encou nt er wit h t he Tollund Man. This st or y might
g ive t he false im pr e ssio n t h at an obje ct (a sit e , a
bu ilding, and so on) achieves st at us as a par t of o u r
c u l t u r al herit age only as an embodiment of u n ive r -
sal va l u e s. My argu ment , howeve r, does not imply
t h i s. If that we re t he case, why t hen should we pre-
s e r ve su ch o bje ct s? Ph ilo so p he r s an d h ist o r i an s
could preserve t he values embodied in t he object s by
a r t iculat ing and account ing for t hem in t heir t heo-
ret ical t r e a t i s e s. If at all, we wou ld only keep and
preserve t he object s for pedagogical reasons, t o g ive
people wh o don’t read abst r act t r eat ises acce ss t o
univer sal values.
Obje ct s of c u l t u r al h er it age ar e , h oweve r,
also ascribed value and considered wort h preserving
be cau se o f t he ir par t icu lar it y—be ca u se t h ey ar e
ex a c t ly t his or t hat object wit h it s par ticular hist or y
or meaning. Cor pses became bog bodies, which we
now look at in our museums. Her eby—according t o
H e a n ey — t h ey ch an ge d t h eir m ode of ex i s t e n c e ,
pr oclaimin g “I am you ” inst ead of “I am I.” But I,
who look at t he Tollu nd Man, relat e t o a par t i c u l a r
bein g, n ot ju st t o som e bog m an . T he e nco u n t e r
would be different if t he Tollund Man were replaced
by anot her bog man wit h anot her hist or y.
The par ticu lar it y of object s of c u l t u r al her -
it age r ai se s va r io u s pr o bl em s fo r co n se r va t i o n
43
p r act ice. Wh y a r e so m e ob je ct s, an d no t ot he r s,
acknowledged as cult ural herit age? What const it ut es
t he indiv i d u a l i t y, par t i c u l a r i t y, or u niqueness of a n
object of c u l t u r al herit age, and how is t his unique-
ness preser ved? In t he Ruskinian t radit ion—which is
st ill alive—t he par t icu lar it y and value of an object
inhere in t he mat erial used by t he craft sperson. The
p a r t icularit y of t he object in a way reflect s the indi-
vidualit y of t he art isan. Many object s re c og n i zed as
c u l t u r al her it age fr om ot her point s of v i ew wo u l d
n ot achieve t his st at u s in t he Ru s kinian t r a d i t i o n .
And many recent kinds of conservat ion pract ice are
quit e unaccept able from t he Ruskinian per spect ive.
The Ru s kin ian per s p e c t ive is an example of
an essent ialist concept ion of cult ural herit age. Some
obje ct s ar e wo r t h pr e s e r ving be cau se o f s p e c i fi c
inner fe a t u re s. Ot her t heoret icians of c o n s e r va t i o n
hist or y, such as Dehio and Riegl, are essent ialist s t oo.
Th ey ju st disagree wit h Ru s kin abou t t he essent ial
char act erist ics of object s wor t h preser ving.
A c c o rding t o essent ialist s, object s or kinds of
obje ct s acqu ir e t he ir ide nt it y fr o m t h eir in h ere n t
n a t u re. Essent ialism is incompat ible wit h t he con-
s t ru c t ivist view defended in t his pap e r. Ident it y is not
an inner ker nel in t hings or kinds of t h i n g s. Ident it y
is a fu nct ion of re l a t i o n s. Social relat ions and pra c-
tices embodying social relat ions det er mine t he iden-
t it y of c u l t u r al and social object s ( Jensen s o s :). Th e
uniqueness t hat gives an object it s value and makes it
a pa r t o f o u r cu lt u r al he r it age is n ot so me t h ing
a lways already in the object ; it is grounded in a par -
t icular social or cultur al sett ing. But as our pra c t i c e s
change, t he object will only keep it s par t icularity and
value if our relat ions to it are re c o n s t ru c t e d .
We shou ld, howeve r, no t ju st spu r n t he old
philosophies of conser vat ion. The role of Ruskinian
and ot her essen t ialist appr o ach es in con ser va t i o n
p r act ice act ually fa l s i fies essent ialism and suppor t s
t he view t hat cult ur al herit age is const r uct ed in an
o ngoi n g in t er act io n wit h ou r p ast . Tr a d i t i o n a l ,
essent ialist appr oache s ar e by t he ir spokespers o n s
c o n c e ive d o f as val id m e t a p hysical o r scie n t i f i c
ap pr o ach es t o co n se r vat io n. Wh il e su ch claim s
cann o t be ju st ified, esse nt ialist pe r s p e c t ive s h ave
t h e m s e l ve s played a r o le in t he con st r u ct ion and
re c o n s t r u ct ion of our cult ur al her it age. Th ey have
influenced not only our choice of object s of herit age
but also ou r ways of t reat ing and present ing t hose
object s (Kirkeby soos). We should underst and essen-
t ialist pe r s p e c t ives as ways of re c o n s t r u ct ing and
p e rc e iving ou r past . Th ese appr oache s ar e t he m -
selves part of our cult ural herit age and embody dif-
fe r e n t va l u e syst e m s. P u bl ic kn ow le dge o f t h e
var iou s philo sophical appr oaches t o conser va t i o n
will cont ribut e t o a more varied public examinat ion
of values.
Uni ver sal Aspi r ati ons
i n a Mul ti cul tur al Wor l d
Cult ural herit age has t wo faces. It can be—and oft en
i s — c o n s t r uct ed t o su ppo r t t he act ivit ies or do mi-
nance of powerful groups or nat ions at t he expense
of ot her groups or nat ions. But cult ural herit age can
also be co nst r u ct e d wit h defe r en ce t o an ide al of
human flourishing t hat has been recognized by vari-
o u s, oft e n o ppo sit e , t r a dit ion s an d co m mu n i t i e s
t hroughout West ern hist ory. That ideal also plays an
i m p o r t ant r ole in gr e at par t s o f t he wo r ld t oday,
a m o n g g r o u p s a n d co m m u n i t i e s o u t si d e t h e
We s t e r n wo r ld who are st r u g gling t o e nsu re se lf-
det erminat ion and t o become respect ed members of
t he world communit y. Cult ural herit age const ruct ed
fr om diffe rent posit ions and st andpoint s in a mu l t i-
cult ural world t hus may cont ribut e t o t he fulfillment
of universal human aspir at ions.
Ref er ences
Goldst one, B., and A. P. Goldst one. s o o :. T he Los A n geles Wa t t s
To w e rs. Los Angeles: The Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e and
t he J. Paul Get t y Museum.
Heaney, S. sooo. Speech at t he Bog Bodies exhibit ion, Silkeborg,
Denmark, z Aug.
Hobsbawm, E. soo,. The new t hreat t o hist or y. New York Review
of Books, so Dec. oz–o+.
Jense n, U. J. s o s :. Pra ct i ce a nd Progr ess: A Th e o r y of t he Moder n
H e a l t h - C a re Syst em. O x fo rd: Blackwell Scientific Publ i c a t i o n s.
K i r k eby, I. M. s o o s. Mødet mellem Nyt og Gammelt : Bygningsbeva r i n g
i Vor Tid ( The coming t oget her of n ew and old: re s t o ra t i o n
o f bu ildings in ou r t im e). In Danish wit h a su mma r y in
E n glish. Copenhagen: Christian Ejlers’ Fo rl a g .
L ave, J. s o s s. C ogn i t i on i n Pr a ct i ce. Ca m br id ge: Ca mb r id ge
Univer sit y Press.
Nu ssbau m, M. s o o :. C u l t i va t ing Human i t y: A Cla ssical Defe n s e
o f Re fo r m i n Li ber a l Educa t i on. Cambr idge: Ha r va r d Uni-
ve r sit y Pre s s.
44
A scene fr om a flooded soi (lane) in Bangkok: A mid-
d le -a ge d fa r a n g ( wh i t e fo r e i gn e r ), o bv i o u s ly a
t o u r i st , e nj oys a m e al a t a st r e e t h aw k e r ’s st al l.
A b ove t he t able , his bo dy is dressed in a shir t and
t ie; below, he we a r s shor t s, while his feet are st uck
in t he foot -deep floodwa t e r. The u pper par t of t h e
whit e fo r eigner is We s t e r n middle class; t he lowe r
one, Thai slum dwe l l e r.
I saw t h is sce n e in t he s o sos, whi le do in g
fieldwork in a Bangkok slum. The incongr uence was
r idicu lo u s an d t h er e fo r e st u ck in m y m in d. Th e
image, howeve r, is also iconic—showing a fusion of
i n c o n gr uous elements in t he int er st it ial situation of
t he t ourist , which bridges t he gap bet ween cult ures.
In t his case, t he fusion was probably not delibera t e
— bu t t o u r ist s, e specially you nge r o ne s, oft e n in-
t ent ionally combine in t heir at t ire element s of t heir
ordinary dress wit h ot hers t aken from t heir dest ina-
t ion (a headdre s s, a shou lder bag, or a jacket ), t hus
ex p ressing t heir par t ial ident ificat ions wit h t he cu l-
t ures of bot h t heir origin and t heir dest inat ion.
Such pr act ices exemplify a gener al cont empo-
r a r y t endency t owa r d cu lt u r al fu sion, wh ich fi n d s
e x p r essi o n in m an y do m ai ns—in clu din g t h at of
mat erial cultu re. I shall t ry here t o concept ualize cul-
t u r al fusion as a dist inct ly contempora r y phenome-
non and to distinguish it from bordering concept s, as
well as from similar phenomena in t he past . I shall
t hen deal wit h phenomena of c u l t u ral fusion in t hre e
pr incipal domains: t he art s, commerc i a l i zed cr a f t s,
and cont empor a ry cuisine, and conclude wit h a brief
reflect ion on cult ur al fusion and post modern i t y.
The Concept of Cul tur al Fusi on
I define cult ural fusion as a process of deliberat e cr e-
a t i o n o f n e w cu l t u r a l p r o d u ct s f r o m o f t e n
incongr uent element s of diverse origins, so t hat t he
co n st it u e n t e l em e n t s p r e s e r ve , at le ast t o so m e
degree, t heir separat e ident it ies. This process is con-
cept ually and empirically dist inct from several ot her
b o rde r in g co ncep t s. Cu lt u r al fu sio n diffe r s fr o m
assimilat ion because it does not presuppose a subst i-
t ut ion of new for exist ing cult ural element s; it differ s
fr om accu lt ur at io n or diffu sion in t hat it is not an
ext ended, gr adu al pr ocess but a deliber at e, abru p t
one. It comes close t o syncret ism and hy b r i d i z a t i o n
but is dist inguished fr om those concept s in t hat t he
s e p a r ate ident ity of t he const it uent element s is pre-
s e r ve d i n fu si on —it do e s no t di sso lve i n a ne w,
u n i fo r m whole or in an u n diffe r en t iat ed past iche.
Indeed, t he aest het ic appeal of c o n t e m p o ra r y cul-
t u r al f u sio n s i s o ft e n in t h e u n r e s o l ve d t e n si o n
bet ween t hese diverse incongr uent element s.
C u l t u r a l fu sion in t h is sen se is a u n iqu e ly
c o n t e m p o ra r y phe n ome no n, even if it h as m any
p re c e d e n t s, which t o va r ying degrees ap p r ox i m a t e
t he definit ion here proposed.
Hi stor i cal Pr ecedents of
Contempor ar y Cul tur al Fusi on
Pr o ce sse s o f i n t e gr at io n be t we e n cu lt u r e s a n d
mut ual borrowing of cult ural element s are as old as
human hist or y. They were part icular ly salient wher -
eve r dive r ge nt cu lt u r es ca me int o clo se an d pr o -
lo nged co nt act , whet he r t hr o u gh co nqu e st o r in
m o re peacefu l way s, such as t r ade and int ellect u al
exch an ge. A goo d example o f t he fo r me r ar e t he
s y n c re t ist ic r e l i gions of Lat in Am er ica, eme r gi n g
from t he confront at ion bet ween t he Cat holicism of
t he co nqu ist adores and t he nat ive re l i gio ns of t h e
subjugat ed peoples. A good example of t he lat t er are
t he cit ies of “het erogenet ic t ransformat ion,” such as
t he gr eat wo r ld met r opolises, which, according t o
Redfield and Singer (sooo:zs,), were “place[s] of con-
flict of d i ffe rent t r a d i t i o n s, cent er[s] of h e re s y, het -
erodoxy and dissent , of int er r upt ion and dest ruct ion
of ancient t radit ion.” They were also cent ers of new
cult ural synt heses. In neit her case, however, was t he
fusion deliberat e, nor was t here a conscious st riving
t o pre s e r ve t he dist inct ident it y of t he dive rse com-
ponent cu lt ur al element s. Member s of s y n c re t i s t i c
re l i gions are u su ally u nable t o discer n t he cu lt ur a l
o r i gins of var iou s ar t icle s of t h eir fait h an d pr a c-
t ices, just as a t radit ional Englishman would be hard
Cult ural Fusion
Erik Cohen
45
put t o explain t o a foreign visit or t he diverse origins
o f t h e in gr edient s of t he qu int essen t ially En gl i s h
high t ea.
C u l t u r es of t he past may h ave em e r ged as
con flu ence s of d ive r se elemen t s, bu t t hey cr e a t e d
n ew, int egr at ed who le s t h at t heir m ember s imag-
ined t o be ut t erly t heir own, unique and privileged in
compar ison to t hose of o t h e r s. Contempor a r y peo-
ple, howeve r, re c og n i ze t he validit y of the cult ure s
o f o t h e r s and sense t he t ension bet ween t he incon-
g r u en t , o ft e n co n flic t i ng at t r a ct i on s o f va r i o u s
cult ures or cult ural element s t hat processes of glob-
alizat ion bring t o t heir doorst eps.
Th e pr ocess o f c u l t u r al fusion, in my view,
expresses t his t ension, celebrat es it , and ameliorat es
it ; it see ks t o ove r come it an d so met imes possibly
also t o comment ironically upon t he incong r uencies
o f t he co n t em po r a r y hu man pr edicame nt o r t he
hegemonic st rivings of global cult ur al t rends.
Cul tur al Fusi on i n the Ar ts
In t he moder n West , cult ur al fusion in the cont em-
porary sense was prefigured in t he works of writ er s
and ar t ist s who t u r ned t o non-We s t e r n, Asian, o r
“ p r i m i t ive” cu lt u res in quest of ways t o re j u ve n a t e
West ern art . One of t he most prominent early repre-
sent at ions of t his endeavor is t he poet Ezr a Po u n d ,
who in his Cant os pract iced (following Fenollosa, his
t e ache r o f Ch in ese ) a n “a mbit io u s cu l t u r al syn -
cret ism t hat enjo yed t aking ideas from t heir cont ext
and recont ext ualizing t hem” (Kear ns soso:o+).
Po und was in fact “fu sin g” (Ke a r ns s o s o:o :)
d ive r se lin gu ist ic e le ment s in t o “u n st able gener ic
c o m b i n a t i o n s,” which we re ult imat ely int ended t o
s e r ve his aim “t o re e s t a blish poet r y at the cent er of
p u blic discour se: in t he agor a” (Coyle s o o ,:, o). Th i s
aim, in t urn, was t o serve his ult imat e goal of cult ur-
al r e j u ve n at io n o f t he West (Co yle s o o ,: + o). Bu t
Po u n d ’s ant isyst emic pr edilect ions led him t o con-
jo in wo r d s an d p hr ase s fr o m d ive r se la n gu age s
wit h o u t any at t em pt at int e gr at ion . Po u n d ’s lat e
Ca nt os a r e pr obably t he mo st ex t r e me example of
disjo in t ed mu lt ilingu al fu sion in m ode r n poe t r y,
wit h t h eir mix of l a n g u a g e s, alphabet s, and nu m -
ber s, including Chinese ideogr ams (see Pound so,o).
A m or e int egr a t ive ear ly at t empt at fu s i o n
b e t ween ap p a re n t ly het erogeneous element s is pro-
vided by “pr imit ivism” in Eu r opean Moder nist ar t
( Ru bin, ed. s o s+): t he in t r odu ct io n of African and
Oce an ic mo t ifs an d ot he r st ylist ic e lem e nt s in t o
m o d e r n We s t e r n paint ing. Ru bin claims t hat “t he
‘ d i s c ove r y’ o f Afr ican ar t . . . t ook place whe n, in
t e r ms of c o n t e m p o ra r y [ar t ist ic] deve l o p m e n t s, it
was n eeded” (Ru bin s o s+:s s o), and h e st r esses t h e
“ u n d e r lying affinit y between t r ibal and moder n ar t
at t he level of concept ual form” (Rubin sos+:so). One
o f h is cr it ics, howeve r, offe r ed a cou nt er mo del t o
t his int er p ret at ion: t he readiness of We s t e r n ar t i s t s
t o t u r n t o Afr ican and Oceanic cu lt u r es is seen as
“comprising no more t han a weariness wit h West er n
canons of represent at ion and aest het ics” (McEvilley
s o o o:s o :) — n a m e ly, as anot her at t empt at a re j u ve-
nat ion of West er n art .
The incor p o r at ions of n o n - We s t e r n or local
et hnic mu sical element s int o t he concer t mu sic of
We s t e r n composer s su ch as Dvo r ˇák, St r av i n s k y, or
Bart ók are similar inst ances prefiguring t he cont em-
por ar y t endency t o cult ur al fusion in t he ar t s.
H oweve r, in t h e cont e mpor a r y per io d, t he
most pr ominent examples of fusion in t he ar t s do
not come fr om t he global cent er s bu t r at h er fr om
t he wo rl d ’s per ipher y: t hey re p r esent primar ily an
at t empt at localizat ion of global st ylist ic t rends—t he
fusion of We s t e r n ar t ist ic st yles or fo r ms with local
t h i rd- or fo u rt h - wo r ld cult ur al element s. This t ype
o f fu sion may con st it u t e an at t empt t o br idge t he
gap bet ween global st yles and local cult ures and t hus
bring modern foreign st yles closer t o t he local audi-
ence; bu t t hey may also ex p r ess t he desire of l o c a l
a r t ist s t o i nse r t a lo cal voi ce in t o wo r ld ar t an d
t hus achieve recognit ion for t he art ist s and t he local
c u l t u re t hat t hey re p resent . The ar t ist s thus play an
i n t e r st it ial r ol e , st r ivi ng t o b r i dge t h e di spar a t e
worlds bet ween which t hey are suspended, wit hout ,
however, losing t heir local voice and ident it y.
The conce pt o f fu sio n, in t h e above sen se,
ha s be e n ex p re s s ly u se d in t h e t e r m fu sio n jazz,
which invo l ves t he joining of folk t hemes—su ch as,
fo r example, Jewish Or ient al re l i giou s m elodies—
wit h t h e r hyt hm ic and ot h er st ylist ic ele me nt s o f
American jazz.
The most numer ous examples of c o n t e m p o-
r a ry fusion in art come from t hird- and fo u rt h - wo rl d
painting; t he field here is ve r y wide indeed, and only
a few examples must suffice: I am most familiar wit h
fusion in Thai moder n, especially sur realist , ar t, in
which Buddhist philosophical and re l i giou s mot ifs
an d ide as ar e fu se d wit h We s t e r n pict or ial st yle s
( Po s hyananda s o o z:s+s ff.; Phillips s o o z:o ,–oo). Similar
exam ple s fr om o t h er par t s of t h e wo r ld abo u nd:
M ayan mot ifs are fused wit h moder n pictorial st yles
46
by Gu at emalan pain t e r s, and abor ig in al myt h ical
t hemes are re p resent ed in We s t e r n pictorial fo r m in
Au s t r alian abor iginal and acr ylic pain t ings (Mye r s
s o o ,). The t endency can eve n be fou nd in popu lar
c u l t u r e: in Chr ist mas cards fr om t ropical cou nt ries,
t he n or t h e r n fi g u r e of Sant a Clau s is fu se d wit h
l o ca l, sou t h e r n m o t ifs; t h u s, in so u t h e ast Asia ,
inst ead of a sled dr awn by re i n d e e r, Sant a may be rid-
ing a bu ffalo or an elephant (Cohen, fo rt h c o m i n g ) .
Cult ural fusion in t he art s does not necessari-
ly mean t hat “meanings” are t ra n s p o r t ed fr om t he
o r i g in a l in t o t h e n e w, f u se d a r t i st i c cr e a t i o n .
We s t e r n ar tist s in t he past act u ally disrega rded t he
nat ive meanings of t he “primit ive” object s on which
t hey modeled t heir work (Rubin sos+), and West er n
art crit ics and museums have been accused of reveal-
ing “an et hnocent r ic su bject ivit y inflat ed t o co-opt
[ ‘ p r i m i t ive’] cu lt u res an d t heir object s” (McEvilley
s o o o:s s :) r at her t han re p resent ing t hem from t heir
own, emic point of view. The nat ive element s in t he
work of t h i rd- and fo u rt h - wo rld ar t i s t s, such as t he
acrylic paint ings of Aust ralian aborigines, have been
re p r esent ed t o t he We s t e r n pu blic in t er ms fo re i g n
t o t he cult ure of t heir creat ors (or at least t o t he rep-
r e sen t at io n o f t h at cu lt u r e by ant h r o p ol og i s t s )
(Myers soo,).
Cul tur al Fusi on i n Commer ci al i zed Cr af ts
C u l t u r al fusion is ubiqu it ous in the commerc i a l i ze d
product ion of t h i rd- and fo u rt h - wo rld cr afts int end-
e d fo r an “ex t e r n a l, ” pr im a r i ly We s t e r n , p u bl i c
(Grabur n so:o; Cohen sooz), reached eit her t hrough
t he t ourist or t he cr aft expor t market s.
Th e pr o ce ss of f u sio n in com m er c i a l i ze d
c r a ft s r u n s i n m a ny r e sp e c t s p a r al l e l t o f u sio n
in t hird- and fo u rt h - wo r ld ar t s, discu ssed above,
bu t wit h on e majo r diffe re nce: t hir d- an d fo u rt h -
wo r l d a r t i st s h ave e m b r a ce d We s t e r n a r t i st i c
s t y l e s, t hough t hey have localized t hem; while t hird-
an d fo u rt h - wo r ld ar t isan s m o st ly t e n d t o ad apt
t heir pr oduct s t o We s t e r n t ast es under t he pre s s u re
o f mar ke t de m an d, r at he r t han by fo r ce o f t h e i r
own accult ura t i o n .
The at t ract iveness of t hird- and fourt h-world
craft s t o a wider West ern public is not different from
t heir at t r a c t iveness t o individu al We s t e r n ar t ist s at
an ear lie r pe r io d: t hey a re r e f re s h i n gly diffe re n t ,
s t r a n ge , o r “e xo t i c. ” T h e ve r y st r an ge n e ss o f
“au thent ic” cr a f t s, howeve r, t ends t o const r ain t heir
market abilit y: it oft en clashes wit h t he t ast es, prefer -
e n c e s, n e eds, o r lifest yle s of p r o s p e c t ive moder n
c l i e n t s. Few fo re i g n e r s wou ld pu r chase au t hent ic
sou t heast Asian t ribal clot hing, however at t r a c t ive
t h ey may find it , since t hey have no fu nct ional o r
d e c o ra t ive u se for it in t h eir h ome env i r o n m e n t s ;
h oweve r, adapt ed in var ious ways t o We s t e r n t ast es
and needs, t ribal t ext ile product s become more mar -
k e t a bl e . A pr i n ci pa l m o d e o f su ch a d a p t a t i o n
co nsist s in var io u s ways o f a fu sion o f lo cal an d
We s t e r n cu lt u r al elemen t s. I shall illu st r at e t h ese
from my own re s e a rch in Thailand and supplement
m y exam ples wit h so me t aken fr o m o t he r wo rl d
a re a s. The typology of change in cr aft product s by
way of fusion is orga n i zed below accor ding t o t he
r e l a t ive pr e do m in an ce o f l oca l, as co m par e d t o
ex t r aneous (most ly We s t e r n), cu lt u r al element s in
t he fused commercialized cr aft product s.
Change of f or m
The at t ract ion of et hnic or t ribal craft s t o foreigners
consist s most ly in t heir mot ifs, designs, or ornamen-
t at ion; t heir cust omary forms, however, may not suit
We s t e r n t ast es or needs. Th u s, t he cost umes of t h e
Ka ren, Hmong, or Lisu t ribal wo men of Th a i l a n d
a r e deco r at ed wit h at t r a c t ive em br o ide re d, ap p l i-
quéd, or bat iked designs, but t heir cut s are inappro-
pr iat e or u n appe al in g t o We s t e r n wo men . T he ir
d e c o r at ed ga r ments have t here fo re been cut for t he
fo r eign m ar ke t in We s t e r n fo r m s: Ka r en bl o u s e s
h ave been cut as ve s t s, and t he plu mp Lisu dre s s e s
h ave be en re made int o lo ng, fa s h i o n a ble We s t e r n
ones (Cohen soss: ills. s, z, and o).
A par t icu lar var iant of t his t ype of fu sion is
what I t er med “secondar y elabor ation”: the re fa s h-
ioning of u sed and oft en discarded et hnic or t r ibal
clot hing int o new kinds of m o d e r n-st yle ga rm e n t s.
A leading example is t he use of t he mat er ial of t h e
old, r ich ly bat iked and or n amen t ed Blu e Hmo ng
women’s skirt s for t he creat ion of a variet y of dress-
e s, sk i rt s, o r male an d female jacket s in We s t e r n
c u t s, by u r ban T h ai se am st r e sse s an d d esign er s
(Cohen s o s s:, o). In Isr ael a similar re fashioning of
o ld Bedo u in dre sses and jewe l r y int o fa s h i o n a bl e
m o d e r n clot h ing an d n e ck lace s h as t a ke n pla ce.
Similar cases of such secondar y elabor at ion can be
found in ot her par t s of t he world.
Change of f uncti on
In t he preceding ex a m p l e s, t he gener al fu nct ion of
t he object s was preserved, and only t heir forms were
changed. Howeve r, owing t o diffe rences in life s t y l e
47
b e t ween t hird- and fo u rt h - wo rld ar t isans and t heir
n ew, most ly We s t e r n cust omer s, new funct ions fo r
c r aft pr oduct s had t o be evo l ved, in order t o make
t h e m m ar ke t a bl e i n si gn i f i can t q u a n t it i e s. In
Thailand, such new uses for hill t ribe product s were
m o s t ly int r o du ced by fo reign r e l i e f o rga n i z a t i o n s
and o t he r n on gove r nm ent al o r ga n i z a t i o n s. Tr i b a l
a rt i s a n s, like Hmong re fugee women from Laos in
camps in Thailand, t hus began t o produce a va r i e t y
o f (t o t h em ) u nfamiliar pr odu ct s, decor at ed wit h
Hmong designs: bedspre a d s, t able place mat s, pot
h o l d e r s, ove n m it t s, ap r o n s, an d h an db ags we r e
ma de by pe o ple wh o did n ot h ave We s t e rn - t y p e
beds, t ables, or kit chens. Funct ions were somet imes
also generalized: t he Thai hill t ribes t hus produced a
variet y of semifinished “pat ches” and squares, which
could be used as decorat ions on West ern garment s,
pillowcases, or ot her object s.
Sim i la r e xam p l e s o f ch a n g e o f f u n c t i o n
abound in ot her wo rld regi o n s. In Fiji, for ex a m p l e ,
lo cal s u se t a pa s ( mu l b e r r y t r e e b ar k p ai nt in gs),
which are several met ers long, t o decorat e t he walls
o f t heir habit at ions. Though t he or namentat ion on
t h e t apas is at t r a c t ive t o We s t e rn e r s, t h ey co u ld
hardly fit such long paint ings int o t heir living rooms;
t apas made for t ou rist s we re t hus redu ced t o size s
r e s e m bl i n g t h o se o f h il l t r ib e “sq u a r e s” i n
Thailand—and used by we s t e rn e r s as “pict ures” or
wall hangings in t heir homes.
Change of moti f , desi gn, or or namentati on
Third- or fourt h-world craft s may at t ract west erners
by vir t ue of the par t icu lar t echniqu es used in t heir
product ion, rega rdless of t he at tr a c t iveness of t h e i r
designs or ornament at ion. Most ly on out sider init ia-
t ive, t hese t echniqu es are sometimes applied t o t he
product ion of object s wit h mot ifs, designs, or orna-
ment at ion t hat are complet ely fo reign t o t he local
c u l t u r e. Th u s, pot t er s in Dan Kwien, nor t h e a s t e r n
Thailand, applied t heir t echniques t o pr odu ce such
object s as ancient Greek amphorae, copied from t he
cat alog of an American museum. And Navaho sand-
p a i n t e r s, wh o u se d t o pr o du ce co m me r c i a l i ze d
ve r sions of t heir myt hical mot ifs, t ur ned t o maki n g
sandpaint ings of c ow b oys riding broncos, as well as
o f o t h e r mo t ifs u n r e la t e d t o t h e ir ow n cu l t u r e
(Parezo sos,).
These kind of changes occasionally converge
int o a t rend of “het erogeneizat ion” (Cohen soo,)—a
gr owing in clin at ion o f local ar t isans t o re l i n q u i s h
t he produ ct ion of object s relat ed t o t heir own cu l-
t u r e an d t o ap p ly t heir habit u al t e ch niqu e s t o t h e
pr odu ct ion and or namen t at ion of u n familiar cr a f t
object s made according t o samples su pplied by fo r -
eign cu st om e r s. Su ch object s ar e bo r der cases o f
fu sio n: t hey ar e, in fact , almo st com ple t e innova-
t ions, only vaguely linked t o t he local cult ure by t he
manner of t heir product ion.
Cul tur al Fusi on i n Cui si ne
Th ou gh pe ople h ave co nse r va t ive t a st e s in fo o d ,
c o o king is an area in which immense cross-cultu ra l
borrowing has t aken place t hroughout t he ages. Our
int erest here, however, is not in t he spread of cert ain
i n gredient s nor in t he bor r owing and ap p r o p r i a t i o n
o f s p e c i fic dishes, but in a dist inct ly cont empora r y
phenomenon: t he deliber ate fu sion of d ive rse cu li-
n a r y elemen t s int o new dishes or ent ir e cu isin e s.
Fusion in t his domain can be observed on t wo levels,
which in fact r e s e m ble, re s p e c t ive ly, t he r ealms of
t h e ar t s and t ho se of c o m m e rc i a l i ze d cr aft s dis-
cussed above.
The hau t e cuisine of fu s i o n — “ fu sion cook-
ing” (Burros soo:)—parallels t he realm of fusion art :
chefs, resembling art ist s, invent new dishes by fusing
We s t e r n an d n on-We s t e r n (Asian , Amer indian , or
a b o r i ginal Au s t r alian) ele ment s. Acco rding t o o ne
expert , in Asia in part icular (more t han in t he West ),
“t here is t rue fusion, t rue int erfacing and int erweav-
i n g, wh e r e t h e i n g r e d i e n t s co m pl e m e n t o n e
anot her ” (Bu r r os s o o :). Amon g t he mor e u nu s u a l
examples of fusion cuisine is t he combinat ion of ele-
ment s from Amer indian and mainst ream Amer ican
cuisines (Preet s o o :) or t he int roduct ion of a b o r i gi-
n al ing r edie n t s in t o We s t e r n dish e s in Au s t ra l i a
(Pfieff soo:).
Po pu lar We s t e r n dish es, an d especially t h e
r apidly spreading fast foods (Wat son soo:), frequent -
ly t ake on local flavors, just as commercial craft s are
e n d owed wit h We s t e r n fe a t u res to suit t he t ast e of
n ew cu st om er s. The qu int essen t ial Ame r ican fa s t
fo o d, h am bu rg e r, fu sed wit h Asian cu lina r y e le -
m e n t s, becomes in Ko rea ki m c h i bu rger (St or m o n t
s o o z), p u l gogi ( Ko rean-st yle barbecu ed beef ) bu rg e r,
o r eve n t e r iya k i ( Ja p an ese -st yl e m ar in at ed a n d
grilled beef) burger (Bak soo::s+z). In Thailand some
ye a r s ago, a fa s t - food chain offe red a pizza with hot
t opping; in Peru a rest aurat eur is preparing coca ice
c r e am fr o m t h e co ca l e a f t h a t i s u se d t o m ak e
cocaine (Koop s o o s); and in Isr ael, “cr ab shwa rm a ”
was recent ly offered at a popular food fair.
48
In t h e r ea lm o f fast fo o d s, an o t h e r sor t of
fusion can also be obser ved: t he emergence of A s i a n ,
e s p e c i a l ly Chinese or Thai, fast fo o d s, in competit ion
wit h t he We s t e r n var ieties (Wat son s o o :). The ve ry
a d aptat ion of Chinese and ot her Asian foods t o t his
fo r m of p re p a r at ion and dist ribu t ion const it u t es a
fu sion of Asian cont ent s wit h We s t e r n fo r ms and
re s e m bles one of t he t ypes of fusion in t he domain of
c o m m e rc i a l i zed cr aft s discussed above.
Compar i son: Cul tur al Fusi on
i n Thr ee Domai ns
We have fo l l owe d par alle l pr ocesses of fu sion in
t he domains of t he ar t s, t he commerc i a l i zed cr a f t s,
and cu isin e t o de mon st r at e var i et ies o f t he phe -
no m en a o f c u l t u r a l fu si on in t h e con t e m po r a r y
wo rld. Fu r t her examples could be pre sent ed from
ot her domains, su ch as re l i gio n, arc h i t e c t u re, and
fashion. Bu t enou gh has been said t o est ablish t he
ubiquit y of t he phenomenon. The qu est ion arises:
To wh at ext ent ar e t he pr ocesses obser ved in t h e
t h ree domains basically similar, re s e m bling t he con-
cept of c u l t u r al fu sion as defined at t he begi n n i n g
o f t his ar t icle, an d t o what ext ent do t h ey fe a t u r e
syst emat ic diffe re n c e s ?
C u l t u r al fu sion, as a deliber at e count er p o s i-
t ion of divergent cult ural element s, is most salient in
t he do main of t he ar t s — wh e r e it also ser ves as a
vehicle of aest he t ic or social message s—and, t o a
lesser ext ent , in t he domain of fusion cuisine. In t he
a rt s, fu sio n m ay ex p r e ss t he desir e o f i n d iv i d u a l
m o d e r n We s t e r n ar t ist s t o re j u venat e t heir cu lt ure ,
or it may express t he desire of art ist s from t he global
p e r i p h e r y t o inser t t heir local voices into wo rld cul-
t ure, seeking recognit ion on t he int er nat ional level.
In commerc i a l i zed cr aft s and popular fo o d s,
fusion is less an expression of t he individual st rivings
o f p r o d u c e r s a n d m o r e a r e spo n se t o m a r ke t
dem ands or compet it io n—main ly in t he mode of
adapt at ion of local product s t o t he t ast es and needs
o f n ew audiences. Howeve r, u nder cer t ain circ u m-
s t a n c e s, su ch fu sio n may also pr ovide in div i d u a l
a r t isan s wit h new m e an s of s e l f - ex p r ession . Th e
i m p ression from my own re s e a rch, howeve r, is t hat
art isans derive less sat isfact ion or meaning from indi-
vidual product s of fusion; r a t h e r, t hey t ake pride in
t heir abilit y t o ap p ly t heir inherit ed skills t o a wide
r ange of n ovel produ ct s u nrelat ed t o their cu lt u ra l
t ra d i t i o n s. Whe t h e r pr odu ce r s o f p opu lar fu s e d
foods have similar sent iment s is doubt ful, alt hough
t his quest ion remains t o be invest igat ed.
Cul tur al Fusi on and Mater i al Her i tage
Cult ural fusion—in t he sense of an int ent ional juxt a-
posit i on o f c o n t r ast in g ele m e nt s—i s a dist in ct ly
m o d e r n ph en o me n on . It is, t h er e fo r e , ge ne r a l ly
absent from t he mat erial herit age of hist or ical soci-
e t i e s, even t hou gh ex t e r nal influ e nce s we re o ft en
adopt ed and int egr at ed wit h local t r adit ions t o cre-
a t e i n n ov a t ive st yl e s. Eve n a s t h e r e c i p r o c a l
influences of t he “Occident ” and t he “Orient ” have
int ensified in t he more recent hist orical periods, t he
major hy b r i d i zed monument al creations t hat eve n-
t u a l ly b e ca m e p a r t o f t h e m a t e r i a l h e r i t age o f
modern and modernizing societ ies sought primarily
t o har m o n i ze t h e dive r se st ylist ic elem ent s r a t h e r
t han t o put t hem in st riking juxt aposit ion. This aim
can be seen in t he hy b r i d i zed arc h i t e c t u r al edifi c e s
t hat charact erize t he early phases of t he moderniza -
t ion of t hird-world societ ies. Thus, for example, t he
Chakri Throne Hall in t he Grand Palace in Bangkok,
built bet ween s s :o and s s sz by John Clunish, re p re-
sent s, according t o Apinan Poshyananda, a hist orian
o f m o d e r n Thai ar t , “a meet ing of t wo oppo sit es
(Orient al-Occident al) on a gr and scale: arched win-
d ow s, classical columns, and r u st icat ion are mixed
wit h t radit ional car ved gables, gilded decorat ion and
elongat ed spires. The int erior of t he Chakri Throne
H al l sh ow s f u r t h e r bl e n di n g e le m e n t s: m ar bl e
pilast ers support carvings of t hree-headed elephant s:
c h a n d e l i e r s ar e p l a ce d a d ja ce n t t o n in e -t i e r e d
u m b rellas (Chat ra): t he Throne of Audience is posi-
t i o n e d a t t h e c e n t e r o f a r ch e d co l u m n s”
( Po s h ya n a n d a s o o z:,) . T h e T h r o n e H al l t h u s
“be ca me t he e pit o m e o f Kin g Chu lalo n gko r n’s
P re fe r red Royal St yle” (Po s hyananda s o o z:o), wh i c h
was eve n t u a l ly more widely disseminat ed. The pro-
ponent s of t his st yle sought t o blend, rat her t han t o
oppose, “East and West ” in t he edifices t hey creat ed.
H oweve r, fu si on in t h e h i st o r ical m at er ial
h e r it age ca n b e br o u gh t abo u t by an in nova t ive
int er vent ion int o an inherit ed hist orical monument .
An excellent example of such an inter vent ion is t he
glass py r amid at t he n ew en t r ance t o t he Lou vre ,
c o n s t r uct ed in t he s o sos. Though fu n c t i o n a l ly su b-
s e r vi e n t t o t h e pu r p o se o f t h e m u se u m , i t s
modernist appearance made it sufficient ly conspicu -
ous for t he Michelin guide t o Paris t o st at e t hat “t he
ex t r ava ga n t ly deco r at e d façade s [of t h e mu s e u m
buildings] ove rl o o king t he Cour Napoléon make a
majest ic backdrop t o t he sharply cont rast ing, rigidly
geomet ric form of t he glass pyramid at t he cent re of
t he cou r t ya rd” (Michelin s o o o:zs s). So fo r mu l a t e d ,
49
t he mu seum becomes t he backgr ou nd t o it s mod-
er nist ic ent r ance.
Cases such as t he Louvre seem t o be relat ive-
ly r a re, owing t o t he oft en r igid, conserva t ive et hos
prevalent among policy makers and professionals in
t he realm of t he mat erial herit age. Therefore, rat her
t han in t he inherit ed mat erial cult ure, fusion should
be sought first and foremost in t he emerging mat eri-
al h e r it age o f o u r own t im e s. Ar c h i t e c t u r e , t h e
leading domain of post modernism in t he art s, is also
t h e o ne in which fu sio n is most widely pr a c t i c e d .
This is t he case not only in t he avant -garde cent ers of
c o n t e m p o ra r y We s t e r n ar c h i t e c t u r e bu t also in
some m or e per ipher al t hird - wo r ld societ ies. I am
p a rt i c u l a r ly fa m i l i a r w i t h t h e st r i k in g ca se o f
Bangko k, o n e of t h e mo st dyn am ic t h ir d - wo rl d
c i t i e s. In contr ast t o the int egr a t ive t endency of t h e
“preferred royal st yle” ment ioned abo ve, cont empo -
r a r y u r ban ar c h i t e c t u re in T hailan d manifest s an
ast ounding mult iplicit y of fusion of t he most diverse
st ylist ic ele ment s and const r uct ion m at er ials. Th e
a rc h i t e c t u r al sce ne o f Ban gkok has consequ e nt ly
be e n pe r c e ived by o bse r ve r s a s “cha os” (H oski n
s o o o), as a “flight of fa n cy” (Du nfe e s o s o), o r as a
“smorgasbord” (Dugast soss:z,). Part icular ly during
t he decade of rapid economic growt h and affluence
p receding t he economic cr isis of t he s o o os, st ylist ic
e l em e n t s we r e o ft e n in discr i m in at ely bor r owe d
from all over t he world and int roduced int o t he ever-
b i g g e r, eve r- h i g h e r, and more monu ment al edifi c e s
bu ilt at an acceler at ed r at e in Bangkok; t hey we r e
oft en combined and count er poised on t he ex t e r i o r
o f t he same bu ilding. This pr act ice endowed some
o f t h e n e w e di f i ce s w i t h t h e a p p e a r a n ce o f a n
“ a rc h i t e c t u r al co ckt ail, ” wh ich t ende d t o becom e
“ even more dizzying when past iche of design wa s
accent uat ed by absurd count erposit ion. The Roman
villa might be sur r ounded by a coconut gr ove; t he
Got hic mansion may rear it s head amid a jumble of
Chinese shop hou ses” (Hoskin s o o o:s). T he in con-
gr u it y occasionally became ex t reme—as when “an
ancient Greek-st yle t emple st ruct ure [is built ] at op a
c o n c re t e - a n d - glass h igh r ise” (Du nfe e s o s o:, ,) or
when “Dor ic and Cor int hian colu mns and fa c a d e s
… abound in t he lower levels of ot herwise moder n
s t e e l - a n d - glass office bu ildings” (Du n fe e s o s o:, o) .
H oweve r, as Hoskin has point ed ou t , “even o t her-
wise quit e ord i n a r y bu ildings seem unable t o re s i s t
an Ionic co lu mn he r e or a Got hic win dow t he re ”
( H o s k in s o o o: s)—t h e t e n d e n cy t o f u si o n t h u s
becoming a widespread fashion among t he we a l t hy,
not unlike t he royal st yle of a few generat ions ago.
This pr olife r at ion of a rc h i t e c t u r al fusion in
Bangkok r aises a qu est ion: How mu ch of t his will
eve n t u a l ly be “canonized” as par t of t he mat er ial
her it age of t he societ y? Our examples indicat e t hat
t he fusion of diverse element s is oft en done in order
t o impress by a display of pomposit y rat her t han t o
elicit an aest het ic shock by t he int entional cont ra s t
o f d ive r se ele m ent s. It is t her e fo r e dou bt fu l t ha t
many of t hese archit ect ural innovat ions in Bangkok
(as elsewhere) will be much appreciat ed in t he fut ure
an d b e co m e pa r t o f a va lu e d m at e r ial h er it age ;
r a t h e r, most will probably be discarded as commer -
cialized aber rat ions produced at t he behest of some
n o u ve au x r iche s, du r in g a spe cu lat ive bo om t h at
eve n t u a l ly led t o an u npreceden t ed economic and
social crisis.
T h e case o f f u sio n i n t h e ar c h i t e c t u r e o f
Bangkok, t ho u gh inst r u c t ive, is neve r t h eless o nly
one of m a ny inst ances in which such fusion is t o be
fou nd—an d it may not be one of t he most impor -
t ant on es. It may t h ere fo re be t he case t hat wo r ks
o f a rc h i t e c t u r al fusion in cit ies t hat I am less fa m i l-
i a r w i t h w il l a ch i e ve g r e at e r r e c o gn i t i o n a n d
eve n t u a l ly be incor p o r at ed t o a great er ext ent int o
t he mat erial her it age of t heir re s p e c t ive societ ies. I
d o, howeve r, su spe ct t h at , as in t he case of o t h e r
c o m m e rc i a l i zed ar t s, most of t hese wo r ks will eve n-
t u a l ly be discar ded as kit sch or be co ndemn ed by
som e ot h er su ch de pr e c i a t ive la be l, eve n if t h ey
r e m ai n i n pla ce as r e m i n d e r s o f an e x t r ava ga n t
phase in the hist or y of a rc h i t e c t u re .
Postmoder ni ty and Cul tur al Fusi on
In t his ar t icle, I have proceeded on t he assumpt ion
t hat cult ure is generally a fairly dist inct ive, recogniz-
a ble (if not necessar ily cohesive) ent it y. Alt hough it
is always in a st at e of flu x, it t ends t owa rd closu re ,
t h o u gh i t s bo u n dar i e s m ay o f t e n b e f u z z y an d
changing. Cult ural fusion is t hus a process t hat t akes
place bet we en ele ment s o f re c og n i z a ble bou n ded
e n t i t i e s, a s m y e xa m p le s h ave so u gh t t o sh ow.
Po s t m o d e r nist views of c u l t u re in t er ms of hy b r i-
di za t io n a n d p a st i ch e be t we e n h e t e r o g e n e o u s
element s deny boundedness to cu lt ure—and hence
probably also reject t he concept of cult ural fusion as
a dist inct process of int ercult ural int eract ion. While
I do not deny t he empir ical presence of hy b r i d i z a-
t io n and sim ilar pr oce sses t h at blu r in t er c u l t u ra l
bou ndar ies as well as t he link bet ween cult ure and
place, I have re s e r vat ions rega rding t he t heore t i c a l
conclusions t hat post moder nist s seek t o dr aw from
50
su ch pr ocesse s. In my view, t hese ar e t r a n s i t i o n a l
and int e r st it ial pr o cesses, and not defi n i t ive ones;
t hou gh cu lt u re s chan ge const ant ly as t hey absor b
ex t r an eou s influ e nces, t h ey do no t be com e co m-
p l e t e ly b l u r r e d — ra t h e r, t h e y ar e in a n o n go i ng
pr o ce ss of i n t egr at ion . The co nt e mpor a r y wo r ld
is o ne in wh ich ide nt ifi a ble cu lt u r e s and cu lt u r a l
ident it ies ar e pe r m a n e n t ly em erging, bu t t h ey do
n o t di sap p e a r. Cu lt u r e s a lso t e n d t o pr e s e r ve a
greater degree of c o h e s iveness in t he global periph-
e r y t h an t h e y d o i n t h e wo rl d ’s co sm o po li t a n
c e n t e r s, which ser ve as t he pr in cipal examples fo r
p o s t m o d e r nist arg u m e n t s. The concept of c u l t u ra l
fusion as here proposed t hus differs from such post -
m o d e r n co nce pt s as hyb r idiza t io n an d past ich e ,
p re c i s e ly becau se it st r e sse s t he se par at e cu lt u r a l
ident it ies of t he divergent element s fused in t he new
product , which is t hus an int ercult ural or int erst it ial,
but not a hybridized, phenomenon. Indeed, t he t en-
sion bet ween t he separ at e co nst it u en t ele ment s is
t he dist inguishing qualit y of fused object s—a qualit y
t hat oft en endows t hem wit h t heir aest het ic appeal.
Ref er ences
Bak, S. s o o :. McDon a ld’s in Seou l: Fo o d — c h o i c e s, iden t it y,
a n d nat ionalism. In Golden Ar ches Ea st : McDona ld’s i n Ea st
Asi a , ed. J. L. Wa t son, s, o–o o. St anfo rd , Calif. : St an fo rd
U n ive rsit y Pre s s.
B u rr o s, M. s o o :. East er n influences inv i g o r at e We s t e r n palates.
Bangkok Post , s: Aug.
Cohen, E. soss. From t ribal cost ume t o pop fashion: The “bou -
t iqu isat ion” of t he t e xt iles of t he hill t r ibe s of n o rt h e r n
Thailand. St udies in Popular Cult ure ss(z):+o–,o.
———. s o o z. Tou r ist ar t s. P r ogress in Tour ism, Re c rea t i on, and
Hospit alit y Management +:,–,z.
———. s o o ,. The he t er ogeneizat ion of a t our ist ar t . Annals of
Tourism Research zo(s):s,s–o,.
———. For t hcoming. The Globalizat ion of Sant a Claus.
C oyle , M. s o o ,. Ezr a Pound, Popular Genre s, a nd t he Discourse of
C u l t u re. U n ive rsit y Park: Pe n n s y l vania St at e Unive rsit y Pre s s.
D u gast , J. L. s o s s . B a n g k o k ’s Building Societ y. Bangkok Post , s z
June, “Sunday Leisure Ext r a” sect ion, z,, ,z.
Dunfee, E. J. soso. Flight s of fancy. Asia Magazine, o Jan., ,,–,o.
G ra bu r n, N. H. H. s o :o. Int rodu ct ion t o Et hnic and Tour ist Ar t s,
e d . N. H . H . Gr a bu r n , s–, z. Be r ke l ey : Un ive r s it y o f
C a l i fo r nia Pre s s.
H o s k i n , J. sooo. Ch a o s b y d e si gn . Ba n gkok Post , : S e p t . ,
“Out look” sect ion, s, s.
Kearns, G. soso. Ezra Pound: The Cant os. Cambridge: Cambridge
Univer sit y Press.
Ko o p, D. s o o s. Pe ru ’s cu isine em erge s fro m sh adows o f t h e
Andes. Bangkok Post , z+ Jan.
McEvilley, T. sooo. Doct or, lawyer, Indian chief: “Primit ivism” in
t went iet h ce nt u r y a r t at t he Mu seu m of M o d e r n Ar t . In
Capacit y: Hist or y, t he Wo r ld, and t he Self in Cont empor ary Ar t
and Cri t i ci sm, ed. T. McEvilley and G. R. Denson, s os–s s.
Amst erdam: Overseas Publishers Associat ion.
Michelin. s o o o. M i cheli n Pa r i s. Wa t fo rd, Her t s, u. x .: Miche lin
Tyre ric.
M ye r s, F. R. s o o ,. Re p resent ing cult u re: The product ion of d i s-
c o u r se(s) for Aboriginal acr ylic paint ing. In T he Tr a ffi c i n
C u l t u re, ed. G. F. Marcu s and F. R. Mye r s, , ,–o ,. Ber keley :
Univer sit y of Califor nia Press.
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Arizona Press.
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supplement ] s, (z: June):zo–zs.
P h i l l i p s, H . P. s o o z. T he Int egr a t i ve Ar t of M o d e r n T h a i l a n d .
B e r k e l ey: Lowie Museu m of A n t h r o p o l ogy, Unive r sit y of
Califor nia, Berkeley.
Poshyananda, A. sooz. Modern Art in Thailand. Singapore: Oxford
Univer sit y Press.
Pound, E. so,o. The Cant os ‒. New York: New Direct ions.
Preet , E., soo:. Tribal feast . Real Time [Bangkok Post weekly sup-
plement ] s: (z, July):sz–s,.
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Classic Essays in t he Cult ure of C i t i e s, ed. R. Sennet t , z o o–, ,.
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51
Preserving t he Hist oric Urban Fabric
in a Cont ext of Fast -Paced Change
Mona Serageldin
This essay addresses t he challenge of p re s e r ving his-
t o r ic cen t er s i n so cie t ie s expe r ie ncin g fa s t - p a c e d
change. This sit uat ion is commonly encount ered in
n ew ly in de pen de n t st at e s, cou n t r ie s u nd er g o i n g
e co no mic r e s t r u ct u r in g, an d n at io ns in diff i c u l t
polit ical t r a n s i t i o n .
The cult ur al heritage in t he hist oric cores of
urban set tlement s is subject t o t he int erp l ay of t wo
major fo rces: (s) t he dynamics of d evelopment and
t ransformat ion as t hey affect populat ion movement s
and real est at e mar ket s, and (z) t he percept u al and
pract ical links bet ween people and t heir archit ect ur-
al and cult ur al herit age.
Rapid economic and inst it ut ional t ransforma-
t io n su b je ct s t h e bu il t e n vir o n m e n t t o va ry i n g
d egr ee s of s t r ain t h at expose cu lt u r al he rit age t o
r isk. Co nce p t s o f p re s e r vat ion t r a n s fe r r e d fr o m
count r ies enjoying pr olonged st abilit y and gr ow t h
oft en prove t o be unaffordable and ineffect ive in pre-
vent ing t he onset of decay in hist oric cores. Nat ional
development policies focused on economic issues do
not adequat ely suppor t conser vat ion objectives and
m ay even clash wit h t he m, while t he dynamics of
real est at e market s re i n fo rce dispar it ies in va l u a t i o n
bet ween t he old and t he new. They creat e sit uat ions
i n wh ich t h e va lu e o f lan d i n acce ssib le sit e s is
d e p re ssed by t he condit ion or prese nt u ses of h i s-
t oric buildings st anding on t he land.
A p p reciat ion of t he built envir onment is par-
t i a l ly co n dit ion e d by t he n e t wo r k o f i n t e rl i n k e d
o r ganizat io ns u nder lying t h e social ord e r : fa m i ly
an d k in gr o u ps; e t h n i c, r e l i gi o u s, an d po l it ica l
asso ciat i on s; an d eve n o ccu pat io n an d bu s i n e s s
i n t e re s t s. Rapid t r a n s fo r m at ion cau ses st r ains and
dislocat ion s in t h ese st r u c t u re s. Re s t r u ct u r in g of
p r o du ct io n o pe n s ne w f i el ds an d op po r t u n it ie s
t o acqu ir e st at u s and wealt h independen t ly of o l d
s y s t e m s. Re s h a pi n g t h e in st i t u t io n al an d l e ga l
f ra m ewo r ks wit hin which new and sur v iving orga-
nizat i on s have t o fu n ct io n cr e at es new ch an ne ls
fo r u pwa r d m ob ilit y, as we ll as n ew sym bo l s o f
a c h i eve men t and st at u s. T he m echanism s o f s e l f -
i m p r ovement and t he exper ience of p e r sonal fu l fi l l-
ment are more or less profo u n d ly alt ered.
At t it u des t owa r d change span t he spectr u m
from ent hu siast ic accept ance t o ou t right re j e c t i o n .
The great er t he t u r moil caused by t ra n s fo rm a t i o n ,
t he great er t he need for anchors t o cult ure as a reaf-
fi r mat ion of ident it y in t he face of globalizing and
homogenizing influences. There is a rich body of lit -
e ra t u r e on t his impor t ant t opic. This essay is only
int ended t o st imulat e fu r t her discussion of t he fa c-
t o r s u n de r lyin g t h e co e xist e nce o f a v i br an t o r
revived living cult ure wit h a progressively det eriorat -
ing hist or ic fa b r i c, in danger of being lost t hr ough
neglect , collapse, and event ual disappearance.
Changi ng Contex t of Devel opment
i n a Gl obal i zed Economy
Sin ce t he mid-s o : os, cit ie s have h ad t o co pe wit h
t ra n s fo r mat ion of u n p recedent ed scale and scope.
Wit h lit t le cont r ol over t he mar ket fo r ce s dr iving
t his fast -paced change, public aut horit ies are unabl e
t o ca p i t a l i ze on t h e o pp or t u n it ie s t he y o pe n u p
an d u n a bl e t o m it ig at e t h e ir n eg a t ive i m p act s.
Developing a capacit y t o engage cit izens is a precon -
dit ion t o addressing t hese challenges.
Economic tr ansit ion creates a per va s ive sense
o f i n s e c u r i t y. Globalizat ion brings fo reign inve s t m e n t
and wit h it volat ilit y of c apit al flow s. It also brings
i n c reased geopolit ical int erdependence, social mobil-
i t y, and widening income disparit ies. People find it
h a rd to accept concept s of national development and
i n c reased prosperit y t hat do not t r anslat e int o ga i n s
m o re or less eve n ly distribut ed among social st ra t a .
Wo r k e rs used t o relat ionships of a l l egiance and soli-
darit y are st unned by offe r s of e m p l oyment carr y i n g
no st abilit y or hope for advancement.
In developing count ries, t he effect s of t ra n s i-
tion are compounded by t he inabilit y of t he domestic
economy t o creat e jobs for an increasing number of
young ent r ants int o t he labor fo rce. Ru r al migr a n t s
dr ift int o t he cit ie s, wh e re t h ey jo in t he g r ow i n g
r a n ks o f an u r ban u n der class co mpose d of d a i ly
52
l a b o re r s bare ly ear ning subsist ence wa g e s, hard - c o re
u n e m p l oyed wit ho u t hope o f fin ding liv i n g - wa g e
j o b s, impoverished households, and increasing nu m-
b e rs of homeless and abandoned childre n .
B e t we e n t h e e x t r e m e s o f a ffl u e n ce a n d
p ove rt y, the backbone of societ y consists of c o n s e r -
va t ive middle classes st r u g gling t o u nder st and t he
fo rces t hat have disr u pt ed t heir live s. Th ey want t o
make sense of t he present and avoid losing ground.
Only t he more ent repreneurial welcome change and
firmly believe in t he promise of a bet t er fut ure made
p o s s i ble by t echnological innovat ion. The rest view
t hemselves as t he guardians of values and t radit ions
in t he face of dest abilizing change occur r ing fa s t e r
and fast er ever yday.
Emer gence of New Spati al Patter ns
The dualism t hat pr evaile d in t he indu st r ial age —
b e t wee n t h e n ew afflu e n t se ct o r s and t he o ld er,
ove rd e n s i fie d fabr ic ho u sin g t h e p oo r —is fa d i n g
away as a co mplex pat t e r n of i n t e r linked dist rict s
t akes shape. Physical proximit y does not ove rc o m e
social exclusion, while ambiguous t ransit ional zones
blu r t he edges and offer m or e por o u s bo u n dar ies
t hat allow populat ion mo vement s t o rest ruct ure t he
urban area in accordance wit h t he emerging socio-
economic order.
Cit ies are in a per pet ual st at e of cr isis man-
age me n t as t h ey st r u g gle t o confr ont mu l t i s p e e d
d evelopment , exclusion, and violence. Hist or ic dis-
t r i c t s, bypassed by developmen t , have co me t o be
m ajo r r ecipi e nt ar e as fo r t h e m ar gi n a l i z e d. Th e
d egr adation of their ur ban fabr ic resu lt s in t he loss
of a rich archit ect ural and urbanist ic herit age. Today,
as in t he past , neglect and misu se are deplor ed by
int ellect u al elit es sensit ive t o t he int rinsic valu e of
c u l t u r al herit age. Design pr ofessionals at tr act ed by
t he aest het ic qualit ies of vernacular archit ect ure and
o r ganic set t lement pat t er ns t end t o associat e wit h
t his fabric an ideal communit y life far removed from
t h e har sh r ealit ies of l i fe in t hese set t lemen t s—be
t h ey Italian hill t owns or Balinese villages. Th ey are
d i s m ayed at t he lack of ap p reciation of these inher -
e n t q u a l i t ie s, a s e x p r e ss e d b y r e s i d e n t s, lo cal
re p re s e n t a t ive s, an d pu blic o fficial s in ch ar ge o f
managing t his vulner able herit age.
Compar i son w i th Past Epi sodes
of Cul tur al l y Di sr upti ve Change
Pa r allels have been dr awn bet ween the t ra n s fo rm a-
t ion s expe r ience d t o day an d t h e change br ou ght
abou t by t he indust rial revolu tion or t he t ra u m a t i z-
i n g e n co u n t e r s b e t we e n E ast a n d We st in t h e
co lo nial er a. In de e d, in t he se var io u s sit u at ion s,
t e c h n o l o g ical in n ovat io n an d t he m ovem e n t o f
goods and people across dist rict s, r egions, and cont i-
nent s led t o ir reversible changes in t he economy and
t he societ y (in polit ical and civic organizat ion, in for-
m a l a n d i n fo r m a l i n st i t u t i o n s), wh ich i n t u r n
a ffe ct e d at t i t u de s t owa r d t h e cu lt u r al h e r it age .
Preservat ion of hist oric sit es spearheaded by foreign
an d lo ca l e li t e s was n o t d evo i d o f r o m a n t i c i s m
u n gro unded in re a l i t y. Policies so ugh t t o conser ve
select ed component s of t he cult ural herit age judged
t o be of part icular int erest or merit , while devaloriz-
ing economically and socially t heir cont ext .
H aving won t heir independence, t he fo rm e r
colonies had t o rebuild t heir nat ions on visions of a
fut ure t hat st ood in sharp cont rast t o t he past . Wit h
few except ions, t he symbols and st at ement s shaping
these visions embodied re fe rences to more gl o r i o u s
hist oric t imes. At t ent ion and funds were lavished on
t ho se lan dm ar k s t h at st o o d a s sym bo ls o f s u c h
a c h i eve m e n t s. Meanwh ile, t he fabr ic wit hin wh i c h
t h e y bl en de d or ab ove wh ich t h e y t owe r e d wa s
a l l owed t o decay and disap p e a r, eroded by progre s-
sive encroachment or swept away by bulldozers.
Hist or ical pr e cedent s offe r only su per fi c i a l
p a r allels t o t he sit uation t oday. The t ra n s fo rm a t i o n
t hat occu rred pr ior t o s o o o p e r meat ed societ y by a
s l ow f ilt er ing down of e l i t e - d r iven cult u r al ex p re s-
si on s an d a dap t a t i o n s o f i m p o r t e d syst e m s and
fo rm s. The t r a n s fe r r ed m odels in co r p o r at e d t h e
s p e c t r u m of at t it u de s r a n g i ng fr om ado pt io n o f
alien modes and values t o cont inu it y of t ra d i t i o n a l
n o r ms an d pat t er ns wit hin ou t er shells h avin g an
appear ance of change.
Elit e at t it u de s t owa rd t he cu lt u r al h er it age
we re colored by t he ou t sider ’s view of t he indige-
nous. Valuat ion of wort h and benefit s was unrelat ed
t o t he percept ions and experiences of t he communi-
t ies int er act ing daily wit h t his herit age. In hist or ic
c e n t e r s, t h is per s p e c t ive led t o a fo cu s on m onu -
ment s and key buildings as well as on archaeological
s i t e s, t o t he det r im ent of t he cont ext : t he h ist or ic
fabric and t he underlying family and communit y life.
53
P re s e r vat ion fo r t h e t ou r ist and t he sch olar t ook
precedence over revit alizat ion for t he resident .
Val ue Attached to the
Nonmonumental Hi stor i c Fabr i c
At t it u de s t owa r d t he cu lt u r al he r it age em bo dy a
c o m p l ex m ix of e mo t io nal an d pr agmat ic n eeds.
Wit h r e fe r en ce t o t he ar c h i t e c t u r al and u r banist ic
herit age, a clear dist inct ion is made bet ween land-
marks and nonmonument al buildings t hat form t he
h ist or ic fabr ic and pr ovide t h e se t t in g fo r m onu -
m e n t s. T he ap p a r en t lack o f ap p r eciat io n of t h e
nonmonument al archit ect ural herit age as a det ermi-
n an t of c u l t u r al ide nt it y in socie t ies ex p e r i e n c i n g
r api d chan ge is o ft e n pe r p l exin g t o t h e ou t sid e r
charmed by it s quaint charact er, dist inct ive feat ures,
an d wa r m se n se o f p lace . T he fa c t o r s discu sse d
below account for t his at t it ude.
Loss of use val ue of the
nonmonumental f abr i c
Tr a d i t i o n a l ly, only t he monument al was conceive d
of as a cult ural symbol and built t o last as a legacy of
polit ical power, religious belief, and flourishing civi-
liz at io n . The n on m onu m en t al envir o nm e nt wa s
u t ilit ar ian, built t o ser ve it s present user s and des-
t in e d t o disap pe ar wh e n it becam e phy s i c a l ly or
fu n c t i o n a l ly o bso le t e. Th e cu lt u r al sign ifi c a n c e
given t o day t o t he su r v iving examples o f h i s t o r i c
fabrics is not int uitive ly under st ood by t he commu-
nit ies t hat inhabit t hem.
The massive movement s of labor t h at have
p revailed since t he mid-s o : os have creat ed complex
r u r al/ urban linkages t hat spill over nat ional bound-
a r i e s. T he n ew li nks have ch an ne l ed cap it al and
in t r o d u ce d m o d e ls o f m o d e r n i t y t h a t dr ive a n
u n p recedent ed t r a n s fo r mat ion of t he ru r al habit at,
from Maurit ania t o Mongolia. Worldwide, t here is a
convergence t oward mat erials t hat are convenient t o
use and t o ward designs t hat are economical t o build
and maint ain. Tr adit ional h ou se fo r ms and set t le -
ment pat t erns are demolished and replaced by st ruc-
t u res built of d u ra ble mat erials which pr ominent ly
d i s p l ay t he signs of i m p r oved social st atu s. Wher e
land is accessible and inexpensive, as in areas border-
ing on wast elands and desert s or in t he vast expanses
o f st e ppes and m ou n t ain s, o lde r, co mpact se t t le-
ment s are oft en abandoned and new ones built near-
by incor por at ing t he desired feat ures of moder nit y.
The hillt op villages of Yemen; t he oasis set -
t lement s of Tu r fan, Siwa, and Gadàmes; t he Ksour
r an ge o f t h e At l a s Mo u n t ai n s—t o n a m e a fe w
unique and st r iki n gly beau t iful hist or ic fabrics t hat
blen d per fe c t ly wit h t h eir nat u r al env i r o n m e n t —
t o d ay st and empt y, abandoned by t he commu n i t i e s
t hat once inhabit ed t hem. People and act ivit ies have
r el o cat e d t o adja cen t “m od e r n ” d eve l o p m e n t s,
wh ile na t io n al an d l oca l au t h o r i t i e s st r u g gle t o
a r rest the degr adat ion of t he hist or ic sit es and pro-
mot e t heir t o ur ist ic valu e. Fr om t he com mu n i t y ’s
p e rs p e c t ive, t here can be no int rinsic value at t ached
t o element s of t he built envir onment t hat have lost
t h eir sym bolic m eaning and t h eir cu lt u r al signifi-
ca nce. Wh en t hey no lo nge r have any u se va l u e ,
t h ey are bound t o disap p e a r.
Changes i n pr oducti on methods
and thei r soci al i mpl i cati ons
The mechanizat ion of syst ems of product ion under-
mined t he economic base of hist oric cores as well as
t heir bu ilt envir onment . Handcr aft ed wa r es disap-
peared as household it ems were replaced by cheaper
m a nu fa c t u red goods. At t he upper end, handicra f t s
a re par t of t he ar t s and luxur y markets. Lowe r- e n d
product ion, part icular ly in developing count ries, has
bee n r eo r ie n t e d t o se r ve t h e t o u r ist t r ade an d is
t o d ay par t ly m e ch anized so t hat pr odu ct s can be
offered wit hin t he market able price range defined by
middlemen, who reap most of t he profit . In develop-
ing count ries, t his process start ed in t he early s o , os
and expanded r ap i d ly, as machiner y and equipment
became more accessible.
The hist oric fabric t hat t r a d i t i o n a l ly housed
workshops can no longer do so wit hout risk of t ot al
l o s s. Tr a n s p o r t of m a t e r i a l s, equ ipmen t , and mer -
ch a n d i se i s e x p e n s ive a n d f ar e xce e d s co st s a t
l o ca t i o n s m o r e a cc e ssib l e t o ve h i c u l a r t r a ff i c.
E nvironment al pollut ion and vibr at ion arising from
t he use of chemicals and machines event ually affect s
t he st ruct ural soundness of buildings and erodes t he
qu alit y of t he place. High r ent s in t he commerc i a l
areas limit t he amount of space t hat can be used for
p r od u ct io n and st or age wi t h o u t pr o fit m ar g i n s
be in g affe ct ed . P r ogr e s s ive ly d isplace d by r e t a i l ,
wo r kshops and small product ion act ivit ies gr av i t a t e
t o locat ions wh e re t hey can find cheaper and more
spaciou s pre m i s e s — m o s t ly det er ior at ing bu i l d i n g s
at t he edges of resident ial blocks.
Fr om t h e viewpoint of p re s e r vat io n of t h e
c u l t u r al herit age, t he int r usion of wo r kshops in t he
54
r esi de nt ial fa br ic is u nwe lco m e. Th e e r o sio n o f
e nvir onment al qualit y under mines t he livabilit y of
t he neighbor ho od an d acceler at es t h e onset of a n
i r r eve rs i ble cycle o f d e t e r i o r at io n an d aba ndon -
m e nt . Inva r i a bly t h e ar ea s ar ou n d t h e se sm alle r
m a nu fa ct u r i n g e n t e r p r ise s be co m e po cke t s o f
p ove rt y housing, t r ansient labor, and r u r al migr a n t s
whose needs and livin g pat t er ns are in compat ibl e
wit h t he lifest yle and urbanit y of families in adjoin-
i ng qu ar t e r s; t h is deve lo pm e nt t h en le ad s t o a n
e xo du s of l o ngt i me r e s i d e n t s. Th e d ecay o f t h e
p hysical fabric is compounded by t he erosion of t h e
c o m mu nity st r u c t u re .
Whe n aske d what t h ey valu e most in t h eir
neighborhoods, old-t ime resident s in hist oric cent ers
most oft en refer t o “a way of life” and t o “social rela-
t ion s”; t hese re m a r ks highlight t he impor t ance of
c o m munity t o an ap p reciation of the bu ilt env i r o n-
ment t hat t r anscends direct -use benefi t s. Erosion of
t he sen se of c o m mu nit y le ads t o disint egr at ion of
t h e sen se of place and t o loss o f t he signifi c a n c e
at t ached t o element s of t he physical set t ing.
Changi ng r ol es of ci vi c l eader s
and communi ty gr oups
The st at e (t hrough cent ral or local aut horit ies) gr ad-
u a l ly assumed fiscal, administ ra t ive, and reg u l a t o r y
fu nct ion s t ra d i t i o n a l ly discharged by local leaders,
communit y associat ions, and neighborhood groups.
This incur sion by t he st at e er oded t he inst it ut ional
s t ru c t u r e at t h e com m u n it y leve l . Th is pr o ce ss,
which began in Eur ope in t he eight ee nt h ce nt u r y,
o c c u r r ed in t he developing cou nt ries most ly in t he
ninet eent h and early t went iet h cent uries under colo-
nial rule, or as part of nat ional development policies
and moder nizat ion processes.
T he a do pt io n of “ m o d e r n” pl an n in g a nd
design st andards for u rban layou t s and pu blic fa c i l i-
t ies precluded t he use of historic buildings for many
fu nct ions that t hey or igi n a l ly housed. Unt il t he lat e
s o o os, pre s e r vat ion pr act ices did not challenge t he
building codes and bu re a u c r at ic nor ms pr eve n t i n g
t he more imagi n a t ive designer s from exploring inno-
va t ive, adap t ive reuse of exist ing hist oric bu i l d i n g s. In
most developing countries, t hese strictu res are st ill in
place, part ly because of fear t hat re s t o red bu i l d i n g s
will be misused and part ly because of an inabilit y t o
c o n c e ive and im ple m en t an effe c t ive awa re n e s s -
building progr am for resident s in hist oric dist rict s.
Ambi val ence tow ar d the Hi stor i c Fabr i c
In t he West , t he legacy of conflict ing social and envi-
r o nm e nt al po li cie s t hat pr eva iled u n t il t h e ear ly
sooos has slowly faded away. Three decades of st abil-
i t y a n d p r o sp e r i t y h ave a l l o we d po li cie s fo r
preservat ion and appropriat e valorizat ion of t he cul-
t u r a l h e r i t a ge t o t a ke sh a pe . P r o g r a m s fo r
p u bl i c - p r ivat e rehabilit at ion par t n e rships in indiv i d-
ual count ries are now coordinat ed at t he European
Union level. In Fr ance t his evolu t ion is mar ked by
t he r e o rient at io n of t h e racr-arix agencies fro m
urban renewal t o t he rehabilit at ion of older areas; in
r ece nt ye a r s, t hese older areas have accou nt ed fo r
over half of t heir por t folios of project s.
In co u nt r ie s in t r an sit io n, co n flict ing eco-
n o m i c, social, and envir onm en t al policies pr eva i l
and are su st ained by legal and inst it u t ional fra m e -
wo r ks in a st at e of flux. Their detrimental effect on
t he hist or ic fabr ic endu res over pr olonged per io ds
and can be devast at ing.
Resi denti al choi ce, mobi l i ty,
and the ol der housi ng stock
The fo r mer cent r a l ly planned economies of E a s t e r n
Europe present an int erest ing example of c o n s e r va-
t ion pr act ice s an d develo pme nt policie s wo r k ing
at cr oss-pu r p o s e s. On one side, ill-advised housing
policies allocat ed t he older stock, considered t o be of
l ower qualit y, t o poor fa m i l i e s, undermining it s desir-
abilit y and tar nishing t he image of hist or ic cent er s
a s a p lace t o live a n d wo r k . D e ca de s o f u r ba n
expan sio n t h r ou gh t h e developm en t of s u bu r b a n
housing est at es for young families fu r ther skewed t he
d e m ogr aphic and economic char act er ist ics of t h e
populat ion remain ing in t he older neighbor hoods.
On the ot her side, pre s e rvat ion policies ext olled t he
s i g n i ficance of t he arc h i t e c t u r al and urbanist ic lega cy
as a re p o s i t o r y of historical memor y and a symbol of
c u l t u r al and et hnic ident it y. The prohibit ive cost of
rehabilitat ing the nonmonumental fabric to t he unre-
a l i s t i c a l l y h ig h st an dar d s m an d at e d by r i g i d
c o n s e r vat io n gu ide line s m ake s it u n affo rd a ble t o
longtime resident s in t he absence of s i g n i ficant pub-
lic assist ance. Lacking t he necessar y re s o u rc e s, local
aut horities channel t he funds t hey muster int o inve s t -
ment s to upgrade the public domain while t hey seek
to priva t i ze t he resident ial st ock.
Preservat ion st rat egies and pract ices have yet
t o be adapt ed t o t he polit ics of d e c e n t ra l i zed plan-
n i n g , t h e d yn a m ics o f r e al e st at e m a r ke t s, t h e
55
diversit y of inst it ut ional act or s, and t he mult it ude of
i n d ividu al decisions rega rding t he re fur bishing and
use of bu ildings and spaces. Resident s who did not
elect t o live in t he hist oric cent ers and do not wish t o
remain t here should be given assist ance t o r elocat e.
The rigidit y of inherit ed housing policies and
c o n s e r vat ion pract ices is incre a s i n gly challenged by
a populat ion t hat views resident ial choice as an int e-
gr al component of i n d ividu al freedom. Many re s i-
dent s perc e ive t hat t hey are denied t he opport u n i t y
t o share in t he benefit s of growt h and affluence and
want t o move out on that account . An ur ban fa b r i c
t hat is associat ed wit h economic st agnat ion is bound
t o lose it s at t ract iveness. Sensit ive rehabilit at ion and
r evit a li zat io n p o licie s co u ld gu i de t he t u r n ove r
ent ailed by privat izat ion t o reest ablish social balance
and economic vit ality while safeg u a rding t he phy s i-
cal feat ures t hat give hist oric environment s t heir spe-
cial sense of place.
Deval or i zati on of the ol d ur ban f abr i c
The co n st an t ex p o s u r e t o t h e message s, im age s,
and co nsu me r ism of m ass cu lt u r e re l ayed by t he
m edia is powe r fu l e no u gh t o affect life st yles a nd
aspirat ions everywhere. In developing count ries, t his
exposure has t ended t o devalorize t he hist oric fabric
in t he eyes of it s inhabit ant s. Even among t hose who
p r o fess t o be t r a d i t i o n a l i s t s, va r yin g de g re e s o f
ambivalence per vade at t it udes, ir respect ive of polit i-
cal affiliat ion or level of affluence. Cult ural sensit ivi-
t y can only be infe rred from t he act ual choices and
act ions of individual households.
Det er red by regulat ory cont rols and t he diffi-
cult ies encount ered in penet rat ing a dense medieval
fabric, development since t he so,os has cont inued t o
bypass t he hist oric cent ers. From Lahore t o Algiers,
t he shacks housing t he margi n a l i zed populat ions in
t he older ex t r a mu r os set t lement s we re cleared ove r
t ime t o make way for modern dist rict s and t he archi-
t e c t u r al symbols of a new age. The exodus of l o c a l
e l i t e s, affluent re s i d e n t s, and prosperous bu s i n e s s e s
t o t he moder n dist rict s depr ived histor ic cent ers of
e ffe c t ive civic leader ship and polit ical clou t . It also
signaled t h e ho peless o bsolescence o f t he hist o r ic
fabric and it s inabilit y t o offer the new gener at ion a
d e s i ra ble living envir onment able t o accommodat e
t heir rising aspir at ions.
The u r ban middle classes, which const it u t e
t he backbone of t he popu lat ion in t he hist oric cen-
t e r s, are t he gr ou ps most affect ed by t he pat h and
r at e of change. The financial hardships t hey ex p e r i-
ence du r ing st r u c t u r al adju st m en t an d eco no mic
t r ansit ion are compou nded by t he re s t r uct ur ing of
society and t he reallocat ion of polit ical power t hat
t he n ew or der br in gs. The ir ambivale nt at t it u des
t oward t he cult ural herit age reflect a st ruggle t o rec-
oncile t he cont r adict io ns inherent in acquir ing t he
requisit es for part icipat ion in t he new syst ems while
ret aining t ies, if not allegiance, t o valu ed aspect s
o f t he o lder o r d e r. Cau ght in a viciou s cir cle o f
p o l i t i c a l ly legi t i m i ze d aspir at io ns an d fr u s t ra t e d
expect at ions, t heir disarr ay is expressed in t he search
fo r co h e r e n ce t h r o u gh o r d er i ng pr i ncipl e s t h at
s i mu l t a n e o u s ly offer re a s s u r ance of c u l t u r al conti-
nu i t y, pr om ises o f p o s i t ive cha nge, an d h ope fo r
s e l f - b e t t e r me nt . Their fr u s t r at ions ar e ex p re s s e d
t hr ough et hnic, re l i gi o u s, and polit ical ex t re m i s m ,
r at her t han t hrough cult ur al revival.
Fu n ct ion al obsole scen ce an d u n r e s t ra i n e d
misu se o f t he fabr ic car r y a devalor izing message
t hat re i n fo rces the nega t ive image of the old among a
yo u t h fu l populat ion eager t o access the conve n i e n c e s
m a d e po ssi bl e by n e w t e ch n o l o g i e s — i f n o t t o
e m b r ace t he changes in out loo k and lifest yles t hat
n ew t echnology could entail. Nor can resident s take
pride in t heir civic affiliat ions when hist oric qu art e rs
remain unders e r viced and bypassed by deve l o p m e n t .
Yo u n g s t e r s gr owing u p in the old cit y qu ar -
t ers find it hard t o belie ve t hat societ y at large places
a high valu e on an envir onment t hat is allowed t o
d e t e r i o r ate t hrough neglect . A schoolboy in Cair o,
t old of t he rich ar c h i t e c t u r al her it age sur r o u n d i n g
his house, responded in disbelief: “If t hese buildings
are so import ant , why are t hey left in a st at e of disre-
pair ?” An d wh en h e was t old t hat re s o u r ce s we r e
lacking, he remarked, “If t here is no money t o repair
t he m now, why do pe ople t h r ow gar bage ar ou nd
t h e m?” At issu e he r e is t h e link bet wee n obsoles-
cence, neglect , and loss of cult ural significance.
Th is li nk is u n der s c o r e d by t h e im pact o f
rest orat ion on percept ion of t he herit age. Polish cit i-
zens who t ake great pr ide in t heir cult ur al herit age
i nva r i a bly re fer t o Zamocsz as t he best exemplar of
t heir hist oric arc h i t e c t u r al and u rbanistic t r a d i t i o n ,
r at he r t han t o Kr a k ó w, a Une sco Wo r ld Her it age
sit e, or t o t he less well preser ved aut hent ic buildings
in t he ir own t ow n s. In Z am ocsz , t h e st r e e t s c ap e
with it s fu l ly re s t o red façade looks pr a c t i c a l ly new.
T h e p r e s e r va t i o n wo r k u n d e r t a ke n u n d e r t h e
“ Revalor izat io n” pr ogr am in t he s o : os and s o sos
e n t aile d e m pt yi ng t h e fabr ic o f in h abi t ant s an d
a c t iv i t i e s, rest oring t he bu i l d i n g s, and limit ing re u s e
56
t o civic an d co mm er cial fu n c t i o n s, a pr ocess t hat
deprived t he area of it s social charact er and it s life. In
K ra k ó w, by cont r ast , t he hist or ic core has re t a i n e d
it s tr adit ional mix of fu n c t i o n s. Pre s e r vation effo rt s
b egu n in t he s o o os se ek t o r e h abilit at e t he fa b r i c
wit ho ut displacemen t and t o safeg u a r d it s vit alit y
and special sense of place.
Par tner shi ps i n the Rehabi l i tati on
of Hi stor i c Center s
Since t he early s o o os, u rban development st r a t egi e s
h ave sought an appropriat e balance bet ween pu bl i c
commit ment , pr ivat e inve s t m e n t s, and commu n i t y
init iat ive. In t he hist oric cores, t his balance will have
t o t ake int o account t he responsibilit y of t he st at e in
t he pr e s e r vat ion of c u l t u r al her it age as par t of i t s
r ole in ensur ing t he st ewa rdship of re s o u r ces and
t he sust ainabilit y of development . The magnit ude of
t h e ch a ll e n ges r e q u i r e s p ar t n e r sh ip s in act i o n .
Int ernat ional or ganizat ions can must er t he expert ise
and leverage t he resources needed t o address crit ical
p r o ble m s pla gu in g ce nt e r s in cr isi s. Wo rl dw i d e ,
t h e r e is an expan ding r o le fo r n on gove rn m e n t a l
organizat ions (·oos) in t he rebuilding of communit y
st ruct ure and in t he sharpening of awareness of t he
value and appropriat e use of t he hist oric fabric. ·oos
h ave t h e free do m an d flexibilit y t o inn ovat e, and
t h ey are well posit ioned t o engage cit izens t hrough
sust ained out reach.
Th e t en de n cy t o de n igr at e o r di sm iss t h e
pot en t ial cont r ibu t ion o f p u blic and pr ivat e local
a c t o r s is per p l exing. Despit e t he fact t hat t hey lack
capacit y and funding, elect ed mayors, local councils,
an d civ i c gr o u ps a r e t h e f u n d a m en t a l b u i l d i n g
bl o c ks of d e m o c r at ic gove r nan ce and civil societ y.
Their effe c t ive int erface is t he guar ant ee of s u s t a i n-
abilit y and cont inuit y of init iat ives at t he communit y
l evel, inclu ding in it iat ives for con ser vat ion of t h e
cult ur al herit age.
The inabilit y of au t h or it i e s in deve l o p i n g
co u nt r ies t o pr even t misu se and de t er io r at ion o f
t he cu l t u r al h e r i t age is r o u t in e ly blam e d o n t h e
i n a d e q u a cy of t h e r eg u l a t o r y a n d in st i t u t i o n al
framework. Yet t he enact ment of legislat ion and t he
e s t a blishment of p u blic and pr ivat e agencies o nly
r a re ly result in ant icipat ed improve m e n t s. Laye r s of
bu re a u c ra cy and ove rl apping compet ences mu l t i p ly
wit hout impact ing realit y on t he ground.
T h e f u n d a m e n t a l cau se s o f t h e in e ffe c-
t iven ess of c o n s e r vat ion me asu res lie in t he st re s s
e xpe r ie n ce d by co mm u n it i e s u n de r go in g r a p i d
ch an ge . Ch an ge , wh e t h e r de sir e d o r im p o se d,
ent ails geogr aphic mobilit y, social dislocat ion, and
new economic syst ems. The imbalance bet ween t he
quasi-st at ic view of management adopt ed by conser-
vat ion agencies and t he dynamics of development in
societ ies experiencing rapid t ransformat ion becomes
u n t e n a ble. The widening gap bet ween t he behav i o r
re q u i red by pre s e r vation codes and r ational indiv i d-
ual economic, social, and cult ural behavior produces
t he seeming disregard for t he hist oric fabric deplored
by co n se r vat io n age n cies, h ist o r ic co m missio ns,
·oos, and civic groups whose mandat e or mission is
preser vat ion of t his cult ur al herit age.
Str ategi c Management of Change and
Devel opment i n Hi stor i c Setti ngs
The ability t o devise effe c t ive st r a t egies for hist oric
dist rict s mu st be gr ou nded in an u nder st anding of
t heir role as a vit al component of a living cit y. How
people perceive t heir herit age at a t ime when societ y
is undergoing change is crit ical t o t his t ask. When lit-
t le in t he fo r ms and experiences of t he past seems
re l evant t o meet ing t he challenges of s u rv ival and
u pwa r d m o b il it y, t h e m a n a ge m e n t o f c h a n g e
requires an abilit y t o ident ify opport unit ies as well as
t o avo id p it fa l l s. Pu bli c an d pr ivat e in st i t u t i on s
involved in hist oric cent ers must develop an in-dept h
u n d e r st anding of t he u rban dynamics affect ing t he
fabric t hey seek t o protect . Th ey must view change
as a challenge and learn t o handle it as an ingredient
o f s t ra t egy, r at her t han as a fo r ce t o be cont ained.
Hist oric cores must be int egr at ed int o t he economic
and social life of t he sett lement wit hin which t hey
are embedded.
Hist oric dist rict s are not only t he reposit ories
of a “quaint and dist inct ive” archit ect ural and urban-
ist ic herit age that must be pre s e r ved for it s int rinsic
value. St r a t egies based on t his premise, if e n fo rc e -
able and enforced, end up safeguarding t he form but
p r o fo u n d ly affect ing t he fu nct ion, as happe ned in
the Vieux Car ré in New Or l e a n s. Bu ildings re s t o re d
t o st rict hist orical st andards house a t ransient popu-
lat io n o f a fflu en t ho u se ho lds and t ou r ist s r a t h e r
t han resident families. Pocket s of povert y and gent ri-
fied enclaves do not resonat e wit h t he memory and
i n h e rent vibr a n cy embedded in t he hist or ic fa b r i c.
Rebuilding communit ies capable of valuing and pro-
t ect in g t he ir cu lt u r al he r it age re q u i r e s balancing
d ive r sit y and in clu si on so t hat a co h e sive mix of
57
socioeconomic groups can be reest ablished, and t he
cycle of i m p overishment and environment al degr a-
dat ion can be reve rsed, as was successfu l ly achieve d
in t he medina of Tunis.
Int erest ingly, t he resurgence of ident it y as an
issu e in t he develo ping wo r ld does not necessarily
ent ail a re n ewed at t achment t o t he h ist oric fa b r i c.
Respect for t he herit age ext ends only t o monument s
t ha t symbo liz e r e l i gi on an d et h n icit y, a posit io n
oft en fraught wit h ambivalence and lacking sensit iv-
i t y r e ga r d i n g p r e s e r va t i o n o f t h e i n t eg r i t y o f
buildings and conser vat ion of t heir archit ect ural and
decorat ive element s. Garish renovat ions are a direct
consequence of t his at t it ude, as well as a re a ffi rm a-
t i on o f t he li nk be t we en physical co n dit io n a nd
perceived loss of impor t ance and significance.
L a n d m a r ks t hat have r et aine d t heir signifi-
ca n c e st a n d o u t a s b e a co n s t o wh i c h ci t iz e n s
gr avit at e as t h ey see k r e a s s e r t io n o f ide n t it y o r
solace in t imes of polit ical or personal crisis. Leaders
who look for recognit ion find it polit ically rewarding
t o ensu re t he re n ovat io n of t h ese landmar ks. Th e
st r ong em ot io ns u nleashed by a ny hint o f t h re a t
a ffect ing landmar ks cherished for t heir real or sym-
bo lic significance t est ify t o t he valu e at t r ibu t ed t o
meaningful links t o cult ur al root s.
The pr ogre s s ive loss o f s i g n i fican ce u n der -
gon e by t h e n on mo nu me n t a l h ist o r ic fabr ic h as
t r iv i a l i zed the arc h i t e c t u r al and u rbanist ic her it age,
t h e reby impover ishing societ y at large. St ripped of
meaning, t he fabric is reduced t o a mass of buildings
an d space s t o wh ich o n ly u se valu e i s at t ach e d.
When abu se, misu se, e ncr oachm en t , and negl e c t
gr adually erode t his value, t he object s are discarded.
Th e st r u c t u r e s ar e le ft t o fal l in t o r u in , and t h e
spaces ar e aban do ne d. Reve r sin g t h is per n i c i o u s
t rend invo l ves t he dual challenges of inclu sion and
t he building of awareness.
I f hist oric dist rict s are t o regain t heir vit alit y,
t hey cannot const it ut e t he inexpensive housing st ock
for t he u r ban u nde rclass an d t h e cheap space fo r
m a rginal pr oduct ion act iv i t i e s. Rehabilit at ion wit h
social inclusion, and r evit alizat ion accommodat ing a
wide ar r ay of i n fo r mal act iv i t i e s, implies t hat eco-
n o m ic g r owt h a n d pr e s e r vat io n o f t h e cu lt u r a l
h e r it age sh ou l d p r oce e d a s in t e r li nke d facet s o f
development st r at egy at t he communit y level.
The Chal l enge of New Patter ns
of Cul tur al Inter acti on
C r o s s - c u l t u r al t r a n s fe r s of syst ems and fo r ms have
o c c u r red t hr oughou t hist or y. The dominant powe r
p r ovided t he models t hat ot her s st rove t o emu l a t e .
I nvadin g a r mi es br ou gh t su d de n and t r a u m a t i c
cha nge i n t h e wake o f wa r fa r e a nd de st r u c t i o n .
Th en as now, howeve r, cult u r al influ ences m ost ly
t r aveled alongside t r ade and commerce. Successive
st ages and relays involved perforce a de gree of rein-
t erpret at ion, and verbal t ransmission was not devoid
o f ex a g g e r at ion and fa n t a s y. This flexibilit y offe re d
t h e sp ace n e e d e d t o a da p t t r a n s fe r r e d m o de l s
t hrough creat ivit y and ent repreneurship. Promot ing
w i d e s p read accept ance precluded r adical depar t u re
from accept ed pr a c t i c e s. Models could undergo t he
mut ations needed t o avoid conflict s wit h preva i l i n g
value syst ems and t o facilit at e t heir int egrat ion int o
a different cult ur al set t ing.
The r eve r se flow was co nf in ed t o a t r ickl e
t hat fi l t e red t h r o u gh an int ellect u al mino r it y and
fueled fleet ing fads among t he rich elit es of t he day.
The nineteenth-cent u r y Eur opean rev ival of fo rm s
and pat t er ns from ant iquit y and t he prolife r at ion of
cult s and pract ices of Asian inspirat ion in t he Unit ed
St at es during t he sooos and so:os are examples of t he
more enduring influences.
Te c h n o l o gi cal in novat io n has i r r evo c a bly
a l t e r ed t h e pat t er ns of c u l t u r al int e r act io n. It has
given media an u nprecedent ed capacit y t o tr a n s m i t
messages in space and t ime. The changing reach of
verbal commu nicat ion, and par t i c u l a rly of p o l i t i c a l
d i s c o u r se, fo l l owing t he int rodu ct ion of t he au dio-
casset t e is dwa r fed by t he dr amat ic tr a n s fo rm a t i o n
brought abou t by t he abilit y t o car r y images across
physical obst acles and polit ical front ier s.
To d ay, images in fu ll color, mot ion, and re a l
time are t he powe r fu l car r i e r s of c u l t u r al influences
ar ou nd t h e wo r ld. Th e visu al e xpe rie nce and t h e
speed of t r ansmission are ove r wh elmin g. Th e re is
h a rd ly any discretion left for int er p ret at ion, and there
is no t ime for adapt at ion. Wo rl dwide, t he Califo rn i a
r an ch h o u se r efl e ct s t h e h o u sin g a sp ir at io n s o f
young fa m i l i e s, no matt er how ill adapt ed it is t o cli-
m a t e a n d l i fe st y le . T h e a r c h i t e c t u r e o f p u bl i c
bu ildin gs is equ ally affe ct ed. Discardin g pr ev i o u s
a d apt at ions t o local building pr a c t i c e s, mosques from
n o rt h west China to Mali are replicat ing t he fo rms of
the Har am Sharif Mosqu e in Medina. The constant
s t ream of images displays models and pr act ices asso-
58
ciat ed wit h su cce ss and afflu ence in a gl o b a l i ze d
e c o n o m y. The images car r y the awesome strengt h of
i r r e fu t a ble t r u t h, and t he m o dels t h ey pr opaga t e
c a rr y t he credibilit y of d e m o n s t r ated achieve m e n t .
The abilit y t o log on t hrough t he Int ernet t o
net works capable of t ransmit t ing individually gener-
at ed writ t en and visual informat ion has removed t he
last obst acle t o accessing u nfi l t e r ed in fo rm a t i o n .
Worldwide, t he new generat ion will include a vast ly
expanded circle of comput er-lit erat e cit izens able t o
i n t e r act dire c t ly wit h ot hers acr oss space and t ime.
People will have t he opt ion t o become act ive part ici-
pan t s in exch ange s and debat es r at h er t han t o be
recipient s of loade d me ssages beame d at t hem by
polit ical and business int erest s.
Specialist s concer ned wit h t he pre s e r va t i o n
and co nser vat ion of t he cu lt u r al her it age fear t hat
t h is co nne ct ivit y may fost er t h e spre ad o f a heg e-
monic cult u re marg inalizing vu ln er a ble gr ou ps in
s o c i e t y. This fear may be ove r st at ed. Aft er all, t he
availabilit y of i m p o r t ed goods is more indicat ive of
an economy opening up t o t he global market t han of
a societ y experiencing erosion of it s t r adit ional va l-
u e s, an d t h e consu mpt io n of t hese goo ds re f l e c t s
improving living st andards rat her t han loss of cult ur -
a l i d e n t i t y. In asm u ch a s i n t e r a ct i o n ca n a l t e r
p e rcept ions and st imu lat e cult u r al ideas, it can be
a rgued that cross-cult ur al int eract ion in cy b e rs p a c e
may fost er cult ural diversit y and enrich humanit y in
t he same way t hat t he t r ade rout es did t hroughou t
h i s t o ry — bu t o n an en t ir e ly u npr ece den t ed sco pe
and scale.
S u c c e s s ful conser vat ion effo r t s have t o re c og n i ze and
r econcile t he diffe r en t viewpo in t s of g r ou ps wh o
h ave a right to be heard in t he mat t er s affect ing t he
h ist o r ic u r b an fa b r i c. In a con t ext of fa s t - p a c e d
change, t heir voices will ex p ress dive rgent value sys-
t ems and conflict ing int ere s t s. Appreciat ion of c u l t u r-
al he r it age by ou t side r s g ive s a dist or t ed view of
re a l i t y. Conve rs e ly, exc l u s ive reliance on t he per s p e c-
t ives of u n i n fo r med local resident s dangerously nar-
r ows the significance of c u l t u re and impoverishes it
as we l l .
C o n s e r vat ion specialist s play a cat alyt ic and
educat ional r ole in assist ing re s p o n s i ble aut hor ities
t o preser ve and rehabilit at e t he herit age t hey hold in
t rust for t heir nat ion and t he world. They are inst r u -
ment al in saving neglect ed herit age, whet her it be
a rc h a e o l ogical vest iges to which litt le impor tance is
at t ached, buildings considered undesir a ble symbols
of foreign dominat ion or undeserving memorials of
o p p re s s ive reg i m e s, o r cu lt ur al ex p re ssio ns some -
how perceived as harmful t o some locally held value
or t r adit ion.
An int egr a t ive fr a m ework for t he re h a b i l i t a-
t i o n o f h i s t o r i c ce n t e r s wi ll se e k an a p p r o a c h
fost ering social cohesive n e s s, economic sust ainabili-
t y, and polit ical backing. To t he extent that t hey are
fi n a n c i a l ly able t o re n ovate and re fu rbish, unguided
by development r egulat ions and u nconst r ained by
fo r m al cont r ols, r e side nt s in h ist or ic cent er s will
alter t he urban fabric and t he bu i l d i n g s, somet imes
inflict ing ir reve rs i ble damage t o t he or iginal st ru c-
t u res and acceler at ing t he deterior at ion of t he bu i l t
e nvir on men t . A su st ain ed o u t r each effo r t will be
re q u i red t o build awa re n e s s, par t i c u l a rly among t he
young, of t he int rinsic value of t he cult ural herit age
ar ou nd t h em, as well as o f it s e cono mic ben efi t s.
Resident s must be convinced t hat t he object ives of
hist oric preser vat ion and social inclusion can be rec-
on ci le d and t h at r e ha bilit at io n an d co nser va t i o n
plans will not deny t hem t he opport unit ies available
t o cit izens living out side t he hist oric core.
In a con t ext of fast -pace d change, t he chal-
l e n g e fo r c o n se r va t i o n sp e cia li st s i s t o d ev i s e
met hods by which cult ural herit age can be int erpret-
e d, valu e d , a n d va l o r i z e d in li gh t o f e m e r g i n g
t re n d s, n ew pe r c e p t i o n s, gr owin g dive rs i t y, an d
d ive rgent at t it u des. The impor t ance of t heir r ole
t r an sce n d s co n ser vat i on act ivi t ie s pe r se . T h ey
should cont ribut e t o shaping t he cult ural ident it y of
yo u n ge r ge n e r a t i on s cau gh t in t h e t u r m o il and
c r o s s c u r rent s of t r ansit ion , by offer ing int er p re t a-
t ions and st rat egies t hat avoid t he equally damaging
ex t remes of i n t r o s p e c t ive insu lat ion an d con fu s e d
dilut ion in a globalized world.
59
The Making of Cult ural Herit age
Susan M. Pearce
This pape r is mean t t o con t r ibu t e t o t h e on going
d ebat e sur r ounding t he genesis of c u l t u ral herit age
and perhaps t o st imulat e re s p o n s e s. In it , I hope t o
do t hree t hings: t o reprise (briefly) what cult ural her-
it age is; t o an aly z e t h e fa c t o r s t h at bear u pon it s
c r eat ion; an d t o ar r ive at some se nse o f h ow and
wh e re, in t he real wo rld, we might look t o see new
herit age being creat ed befor e our ver y eyes.
Genesi s of Cul tur al Her i tage
The t er m herit age, a borrowing from legal t erminol -
ogy, may be described as embr acing t hat which can
be passed fr om one gener at ion to t he next and fo l-
lowing generat ions, and t o which descendant s of t he
o r i g in al owne r (s) h ave r ight s dee m e d wo rt hy of
respect . This legal genesis is one of t he reasons t hat
l a n d s c ap e s, bu i l d i n g s, and object s loom large in t he
management of herit age at a pract ical level, because
t hese are ent it ies t hat t he law recognizes as propert y
and, consequent ly, as being cap a ble of t ra n s m i s s i o n
across generat ions (for discussion, see Carman sooo).
The t er m also presupposes an int rinsic re l a t i o n s h i p
b e t we e n t ho se wh o we nt befo r e an d t ho se wh o
come aft er, wit h concomit ant not ions of responsibil-
it y and “holding in t rust .” Equally—and I writ e now
as someone br ought u p in t he English syst em—law
o n ly exist s as a mixed bundle of cust oms and judg-
m e n t s t h a t r u n b a ck t o t h e b e g i n n i n g o f l e g a l
m e m o r y in s o s o; co nse qu ent ly, law it se lf, like t he
heritage it defi n e s, dr aws it s au thority fr om t he t r a-
dit ions of t he ancest or s.
Th e idea of “ c u l t u r al” her it age is an ex t e n-
sion of the basic concept of herit age. Here, inher i-
t ance is ext ended t o encompass ideological element s
t hat , like physical t r a n s m i s s i o n s, enable t he inheri-
t ors t o ent er int o t heir right ful st at e and be t heir t rue
s e l ve s. The separ ation of i d e o l ogy—ideas and fe e l-
ings—fr om pr oper t y (in t he legal sense of m a t e r i a l
goods and real est at e) is, however, an unreal dichot o-
my, a wrongful slicing up of t he seamless garment of
cult ure. No social idea can exist wit hout it s physical
m a n i fe s t a t i o n — whe t her it be lan d, o bject s, fo o d ,
body use, or performance space; correspondingly, no
p hysical manifest at ion lacks it s ideological info rm a-
t i o n . T h is p hy si cal it y i s why cu l t u r a l h e r i t age
r e q u i re s su ch a large su pe r s t ru c t u r e o f o p e ra t i o n
and maint enance, why it can be dire c t ly polit ically
contest ed, why it can be owned, and why no gr o u p
can afford t o preser ve all it s herit age in t he st yle t hat
it might wish.
Th is an alysis le ad s t o t h e n e xt sign ifi c a n t
point . Cult ural herit age is cognit ively const ruct ed, as
an ex t e r nal ex p re ssio n of i d e n t i t y, oper at ing in a
r ange of ways and levels. It is a social fact , and like all
social fact s, it is bot h passive and act ive. It s passivit y
r est s in it s r ole as an arena of se lect ion: m ost ele -
me nt s (of wh a t ever kind) do not make it int o t h e
herit age zone. It s act iveness lies in it s influence: once
p a r t icu lar element s are established as heritage, t hey
ex e r cise powe r ; t hey have a life o f t heir own t hat
a ffect s people’s minds and t hat consequent ly affe c t s
t heir choices. Heritage becomes a re p resent at ion of
beliefs about self and communit y which nest in wit h
ot her relat ed belief syst ems t o creat e a holist ic st ruc-
t u r e t hat r a m i fies t h r ou gh all t he ar e a s — p o l i t i c s,
e c o n o m i c s, u se o f r e s o u rc e s — wh e r e so cial li fe
t ouches us as individuals.
Herit age is t he cult ural aut horit y of t he past ,
as well as a select ive const r u ct ion of i n d ividual and
c o rp o r at e ident it y. Her it age (in t he sense being dis-
cussed here) is also par t and parcel of t hat complex
o f belie fs an d act io ns t h at it is convenie n t t o call
Eu r o pe an m oder n ism . It r elat es t o at t it u des t hat
e m e r ged and developed in Eu r ope, ch ie fly n or t h-
we s t e r n Europe, bet ween abou t s , o o and s :, o, and
t hat engage part icular not ions of t he nat ure of hist o-
r y, t he fo rce of s c i e n t i fic r eason , t he righ t s of t h e
i n d ividu al, and t he r u le o f l aw, all o f which have
been shadowed in t he fo r egoing par a gr ap h s. And
he r it age shar es wit h moder n ism it s dar k side: t h e
select ion and cult ivat ion of herit age, by defi n i t i o n ,
d r aws on dist inct ions bet ween “our s” and “t heir s, ”
“us” and “t hem,” and brings all t he nat ionalist ic and
fascist h or r o r s t hat can flow fr om it s misu se. Like
most mo de r nist ic n o t ions, ideas o f h er it age have
60
s p read over t he wo rld, but we must remember t hat
t h ey are not nat ive t o most cult ures and are not by
a ny means n ecessar ily t he only or t he best way of
c o n s t r uct ing a relat ionship of identit y on t he cu sp
bet ween past and present .
Factor s i n the Constr ucti on
of Cul tur al Her i tage
G iven t his br oad cont ext wit hin which cult ur al her -
it age oper at es as const r uct and pr act ice, it is helpfu l
t o seek ou t ways in which we can analy ze, an d so
b egin t o under st and, how t he select ive pr ocess t hat
result s in herit age wo r ks—t hat is, t o distingu ish t he
e le me n t s invo l ve d and t he fo r ce fi el d cr eat e d by
t heir modes of i n t e r act ion (Ta ble s). The not ion of
scale is signi ficant h er e . Each hu m an be ing live s
wit hin a r ange of n est ing scales, all o f which ar e
a f ie l d fo r cu l t u r al pr act ice . P lain ly, t h e pr e cise
d e f in it ion of t h e se is di ff icu lt , bu t as a wo r ki n g
g u i d e — g ive n r e l a t ive validit y by it s st andar d u se
and in the pr agmat ic experience of most of u s — we
can make some suggest ions.
As i n d iv i d u a l s, we a ll h ave pa t t e r n s o f
t hought and act ion t hat draw on and help t o sust ain
c u l t u r al pr act ice , in t he sense t hat eve n a per s o n
marooned alone on a desert island can be said t o be
c u l t u red. On t he next scale, h umans live in fa m i ly
gr o u p s, which ar e car r i e r s and cre a t o r s of c u l t u re ;
t he exact composit ion of family groups is, of course,
a key cu lt u r al elem ent . The sam e co nside r a t i o n s
ap p ly t o t he lo cal commu nit y and t o t h e self-per -
ceived “et hnic” group, bot h made up of families and
t heir composing in div i d u a l s. In t he cont empor a r y
wo rld, all et hnic groups exist as par t s of s ove re i g n
s t a t e s, and t he st at es t oget her make u p t he wo rl d
c o m mu n i t y, which, along wit h all t h e ot her wave-
le n gt hs o f scal e, h as a ce r t ain co llect ive cu lt u r e
expressed t hrough t r ansnat ional organizat ions.
The r elat ion ship amo ng t he diffe r ent scale
l evels is bot h int im at e and complex an d embodies
t he ideological t ensions t hat in part arise from and in
p a r t are ex p ressed by conflicting cultu r al t ra d i t i o n s,
and wh ich cr e at e a fo r ce f ield acr oss t he syst e m.
These may be broken down int o a number of int er-
locking agencies. Ut ilit arian pressures of populat ion
an d space ; clash es of i d e o l og y an d re l i g io n wit h,
among many ot her discords, t he pot ent ial for et hical
clashes over per c e ive d “bad” cu lt u r es (e. g. , t h ose
t hat carr y out female circu mcision); the media and
it s “so u nd bit e” age n das; pr o fession alism and it s
r esist ance t o ch ange; specific economic pre s s u re s
(e . g. , g l o b a l ly o n wo o dland ): all t he se spr in g t o
mind, and ot her s cou ld be dist inguished, like con -
flict s bet ween elit e and popular cult ure, or pressures
associat ed wit h t h e spe ed o f c o m mu nicat io n. All
t h ese cu l t u r al t r a d i t i o n s, o f c o u r se , have a r ise n
among our s e l ve s, in relat ion t o int er act ions among
t h e diffe ren t scale s, and wit h t he nat u r al env i r o n -
ment as t he bat t lefield.
Acro ss t he fo r ce field of i n t e r scale t en sio n
p l ays a r ange of generic element s t hat are implicit
i n t h e h u m a n c o n d i t i o n , a n d t h r o u gh w h i ch ,
t h e re fo r e, cu lt u re and herit age are habit u ally con -
s t r u ct e d. T h ese ca n be de f in e d in var io u s way s,
but key areas do emerge. “Hist or y” is plainly impor -
t a n t —t h e t e r m b e i n g u se d h e r e t o m e a n t h e
appr opr iat ion of th e re c o rd as a legit imizing t ech -
n iq u e. Sim i lar ly signi f icant i s t h e way in wh i c h
N a t u r e is pr o du ced as Cu lt u r e, par t i c u l a r ly in t h e
a r e as o f la n d an d fo o d. T h e sym b o l ic a ct i on o f
m at er ial cu lt u r e is implicit in t h e ways in wh ich
t he n at u r al envir o nme nt is u sed t o cre at e t hings,
which t hen embody and order social re l a t i o n s h i p s
and ou r ex p ression of o u rs e l ve s. Not ions of “ g o o d
o rdering” or “right relat ionships” are cr ucial and are
embodied in explicit re l i g ions and in polit ical and
i d e o l ogical codes and pr a c t i c e s. The oper at ion of a l l
t hese t hings gives r ise t o direct polit ical/ economic
c o m p e t i t ive pre s s u re s. Finally, t he explicit act ions a
c u l t u re t akes t o reproduce it self ( over and above t he
r e p r o d u c t ive dr ive implicit in all cu lt u r al act io n)
n e ed co n si de r at io n . T h e se e m b r ace n o t io n s o f
“educat ion” and “st ewa rd s h i p.” These element s are
appr opr iated simu l t a n e o u s ly by t he communit y at
each scale in ways t hat each finds sat isfa c t o r y, and
each appr opriat ion is a site of conflict with commu -
nit y gr oups in t he sur r ou nding scales. The result is a
mat rix of c u l t u r al product ion and clash.
An effo r t t o ex p r ess t his has been set out in
Ta ble s. Plainly this is t he merest sket ch or skelet on
o f t h e com plexit ie s of c u l t u r al dyna mic an d can
never express t he fine gr ain of act ual cult ural experi-
e nce . It may, howeve r, h e lp pr ovide a fr a m ewo r k
t hat can give some insight s int o how choices about
what con st it u t es h er it age come t o be m ade . Two
examples must suffice, and I have chosen t he Wa t t s
Towe r s, Los Angele s (Go ldst o ne an d Gol dst o n e
soo:), and t he Tower of London. These have in com-
mon their physical presence in t he landscape, t heir
i m p o r t ant cult u r al herit age and t our ist st at u s, and
t heir definit ion as t ower s, but lit t le else.
61
The Tower of London (a heav i ly visit ed sit e)
emerged as significant on t he scale of nat ional sover -
e i gn st a t e , a n d a t t h i s le ve l i t s c o n st r u c t e d
s i g n i ficance r uns across t he gener ic cat eg o r i e s. It is
“old,” and t he st at e has harnessed major resources t o
produ ce a select ed elit e of historical nar ra t ives that
dwell o n it s ancient image of st abilit y spiced wit h
an ci e n t t yr a n n y t o m a ke it a bi t se xy (b u t sa fe
s ex), on it s cent r alit y t o t he image of London, and
on an asso ciat ion wit h t h e Engli sh r e sist ance t o
Cont inent al t hreat . It is, t herefore, a major narr at ive
abou t En gl i s h n e s s. It em br aces symbolic mat er ial
c u l t u re icons of p o t e n cy int er woven wit h nat ional
life in t he shape of t he crown jewels, t he regiment al
relics of t he Royal Scot s, and t he legendary r avens—
t u r ned in t o mat er ial cu lt u re by t h eir t amed st at u s
and t h eir clippe d wings. Th e Tower is par t o f t h e
ideology t hat embraces all t hese element s, but t oday
it is part of t he product ion of consumpt ion, since it s
o n ly “r e al” r o le i s as a st at e r eve nu e - g e n e ra t i n g
t ourist sit e, and hence it has been incorporat ed int o
t he nat ional agencies of st ewardship.
Acti vi ty
Scal e
Tensi ons Hi stor y Natur e (i .e.,
vi ew and use
of l and and i ts
r aw mater i al s)
Mater i al cul tur e Bel i ef s
(r el i gi ous/
pol i ti cal /
i deol ogi cal , etc.)
Di r ect pol i ti cal /
economi c
pr essure
Mode of
sel f -consci ous
cul tur al
r epr oducti on
Indi vi dual Conflict bet ween
Us and Ot her
(racial, cult ural,
religious)
Desire t o pr e-
serve memories;
select ive aut o-
biogr aphy
Compet it ion t o
secure appropriat e
share
Individual t ast es;
clot hes; posses-
sions; souvenirs;
psychology of
shopping
Personal beliefs Individual
compromises
Chosen at t it udes
of conformit y
and rebellion
Fami l y Human fallibilit y
(greed, voyeurism,
callousness,
nost algia, et c.)
Desire t o preser ve
family memories,
creat e family
hist ories
Product ion and
consumpt ion
pract ices seen as
“appropriat e”
Choice of
domest ic int eriors;
clot hes; heirlooms;
shopping pract ices
Nat ure of
family t radit ion
Aspirat ions t o
improve st at us,
oft en seen in t ech -
nological t erms
Mot her’s knee;
fat her’s st ories;
“learning from
Nelly”
Local
communi ty
Perceived “econo-
mic” pressures of
raw mat erial,
labor, debt , et c.
Select ion of
or iginst or ies,
localaccount s
Chosen const ruc-
t ion of nat ure as
land allocat ion;
building; food
Creat ion of
cult ure t hrough
pick a’ mix fashion
Mix of local family
t radit ions, which
const ant ly change
Effort s t o channel
local resent ment s,
resist ance t o
pressure t o change
Accredit ed seniors:
religious, “big
men” employers,
local inst it ut ions
Ethni c gr oup Clash bet ween
elit e and popular
cult ure; speed of
global communi-
cat ion, including
elect ronics, t r avel,
t ourist s
Creat ion of
or iginst or ies;
“ancest ors’”
management
of discourses
Creat ion of
narr at ives about
“well-ordered
landscape,”
“good food,”
“proper work”
Manipulat ed
u se o f mat erial
symbol; creat ion
of relics
Const ruct ion
of cult ural
ident it yas a
holist ic worldview
Perceived fragilit y
of “t radit ional
ways of life”;
t hreat s t o craft
product ion
Choice of t hose
vest ed wit h
cult ural reproduc-
t ion role, associ-
at ed inst it ut ions
Nati on/
sover ei gn state
Media agendas;
polit ical and
milit ary force;
pressures of popu-
lat ion and space
Harnessing of
major resources
t oproduct ion of
select ed elit e his -
t orical nar rat ives
Const ruct ion of
narr at ives about ,
e.g., “t he rice
paddy landscape,”
“French cuisine”
Creat ion of icons;
effect s of mass
product ion; r aw-
mat erial pressures;
“high cult ure”
an dar t
Chosen at t it udes
of inclusion and
exclusion, and
t heir “real” effect
Creat ion of
st ance favoring
product ion over
consumpt ion; t ax
generat ion; int er -
nal suppressions
St at e educat ion
syst ems; agencies
of cult ural st ew-
ardship; roles of
t hese in hierarchy
Wor l d Professionalisms
and ot her s
Compet it ion
bet ween gr and
narr at ives involv-
ing concept s like
neocolonial,
West ern, Orient al
Choice of various
narr at ives t o
bedispu t ed/
reconciled—
e.g., Unesco list
of world
her it agesit es
Creat ion of world-
class icons—e.g.,
Mona Lisa
Const ruct ion of
major compet ing
syst ems— e.g.,
Christ ianit y/ Islam
/ Judaism; capit al-
ism/ communism
Permit t ed act ions
of t ransnat ional
companies;
warfare; t errorism
Int ernat ional
agencies; t r avel
and communica-
t ion; int ernat ional
media; pressure
groups; t hink
t anks
Tabl e 1
Act ivit ies, int er act ions, and emergent t ensions relat ing t o t he const r uct ion of herit age at various scales of
social organizat ion.
62
At t h e et h nic leve l, t he Tower is exc l u s ive :
Scot s and Welsh see it as a symbol of oppression. At
t he local communit y level, it has lit t le impact . At t he
family and individual le vels, it has an import ant role
a s pa r t o f f a m i ly t r i p s t o Lo n d o n , wh i ch a r e
embalmed in so uve n i r s, pho t ogra p h s, and memo -
r i e s, all of which feed int o per sonal beliefs, chosen
at t it udes, and so on. It st ill feat ures st rongly as a nar-
r a t ive of E n glishness t hat is beamed int o our liv i n g
rooms in, for example, t he ttc cost ume dramas fea -
t ur ing st ories about Henr y v i i i and Elizabet h i. Th e
wo r ld at lar ge also se es t he se dr a m a s, bu t what it
ma ke s o f t h e Towe r o f Lo n do n ima ge s—if a ny-
t hing—is hard t o say.
Th e Wat t s Towe r s have e m erge d int o he r -
it age by an ent irely different rout e. Here t he focus is
upon a single individual. Simon Rodia was bor n in
s s : o, int o a poor It alian fa m i ly t hat lived near Nola,
in sout hern It aly. Rodia emigr at ed t o America about
sso+, and in sozs he moved t o s:o, East so:
t h
St reet in
t h e ci t y o f Wa t t s, t h e n a sm a l l t o w n n e ar Lo s
Angeles. In t he side garden of t he house, over a peri-
o d o f so m e ye a r s, h e co n st r u ct e d se ve n t e e n
s c u l p t u re s, in clu ding t h r e e t all spir e s an d seve ra l
smaller ones, a ship, wa l l s, an d a ga zeb o. All we r e
const ruct ed wit h scr ap st eel, wire or wire mesh, and
Ro d i a ’s ow n ce m e n t m i xt u r e . Bit s o f s a l va g e d
ceramic, bot t les, t iles, and shells form a mosaic t hat
decorat es t he surfaces of t he st r uct ures.
No la has a fam ou s ye a r ly fe s t ival of S a i n t
Paul, it s ancient bishop, in which t he cit izens car r y a
ship and wooden t owers on t heir shoulder s, and it is
clear t hat t he design of Rodia’s const ruct ion embod-
i e s p e r so n a l an d fa m i ly m e m o r i e s a n d t h a t i n
bu ildin g t he t owe r s h e was m aking an indiv i d u a l
st at ement about being It alian and Nolan and about
his per sonal at t it u de s. Her e, fa m i ly, per sonal, and
et hnic/ immigr ant element s are fused t oget her.
The local commu n i t y — m o s t ly not of I t a l i a n
descent bu t equally poor and dispossessed—t ook lit -
tle int erest in his wor k, a circumst ance fu rt h e red by
Ro d i a ’s difficu lt pe r son al disposit ion . Bu t by s o , o
t he t owe r s had become unsafe, and suddenly, wh e n
demolit ion was imminent , they began t o at t r act t he
at t ent ion of t he Los Angeles ar t ist ic and int ellect ual
elit e , and t hey be cam e he adlin e news acr o ss t he
Un it ed St at es. Th is sit u at ion can be see n t o have
com e abo u t be ca u se t h e be lief syst e m h ad n ow
b egu n t o embody not ions abo ut “folk ar t as icon”
a n d a b o u t t h e si gn i f i ca n ce o f t h e b r i co l a ge
appr oach t o ar t an d life signif ied by t he “fo u n d ”
n a t u re of Ro d i a ’s st r u c t u res and decor at ion. Once
t h i s ch a nge i n t h e be li e f syst e m h ad h ap pe n e d,
t he t owe r s could be constr uct ed into a local, nat ion-
al, and int er nat ional iconic nar ra t ive of s e l f - c re a t i o n
an d life as ar t —wit h u nive r sal r esonance. Co n se -
q u e n t ly, t hey have been designat ed a cit y, st at e, and
nat ional landmark.
In t he case of t hese cont rast ing herit age sit es,
a n a lysis dr awn fr om t he info r mat ion in Ta ble s h a s
be en dir e ct ed t owa r d illu m in at ing wh at has ha p-
pe n e d . T h is t o o l m ay p r ov id e a fr a m ewo r k fo r
i m p r oved u nder st anding of t he sit es wit hin wh i c h
c o n t e m p o ra r y cu lt u r al pr odu ct io n is n ow t ak i n g
place. It could help researchers break up t he cult ural
pr o cess in t o u se fu l segme nt s and de fine re s e a rc h
project s t hat can hone in on part icular issues of spe-
c i fic scale, animat ed by par t icu lar ve r sions o f t h e
gen er ic cu lt u r al pr odu ct io n and wor ked u po n by
s p e c i fi c a l ly iden t ified pre s s u re s, wit hin a specifi c
t ime and place. A pr oject bein g inve s t i gat ed co uld
t hus be placed wit hin an invest igat ive cont ext aimed
at a b et t e r u n d er st an di ng o f t h e dyn am ic . T h i s
wou ld illuminat e t he specific cu lt ur al commu n i t y
i s s u e s, encour age t he development of ove ra rc h i n g
crit ical or t heoret ical perspect ives, and provide mat e-
r ial (at bot h leve ls) fo r e ngage men t in t he act u al
p o l it ica l p r o ce ss t h r o u gh wh i ch cha n ge can be
brought about on t he ground, however difficult t his
may be.
Cul tur al Her i tage i n the Mak i ng
We can, wit ho u t gr eat diffi c u l t y, sin gle ou t som e
fa c t o r s in t he cont empor a ry wo rld t hat have gl o b a l
s i g n i ficance and t hat bear on issu es relat ing t o t he
c o n s t r u ct ion of c u l t u r al her it age. One key fact or is
t he breakup of t he gr and ex p l a n a t o ry narr a t ive, key-
st o ne o f t he m oder nist m ind-se t , and of it s dire c t
political ex p ression, the great empire. The result is an
i n c reasing cult ur al mix wit hin which people eve r y-
wh e r e wish t o define t hemse lves self-con sciou sly,
i n t e r m s of wh at t he y se e as t h e i r ow n cu l t u r al
st yle. This pr o du ces ve r y co mple x socie t ie s wit h
m a ny t aper ing and in t er sect in g laye r s, wh e r e t h e
not ion of scale is a par t i c u l a r ly impor t ant mode of
u n d e r standing what hap p e n s. In t hese complex soci-
e t i e s, int er act ions of m a ny possible kinds among t he
ent ities will evoke ideas of b r o k e r age and neg o t i a t i o n
as significant playe r s in t he cult ur al game. From t his
condit ion arise not ions of c u l t u r al fission and fu s i o n
which give us a pers p e c t ive on hybrid or creole fo rm s
63
Theme Si tes Par ameter s
When cul tur es col l i de How mult icult ural, or creole, cult ur e
is creat ed from a hybrid mix, or clash
of t radit ions.
• Newly or recent ly discovered t ribal
communit ies in, e.g., Brazil and
New Guinea and how t hey int eract
wit h out side cult ure.
• Relat ionship bet ween minorit y and
dominant cult ure, e.g., t he Indian
Gujarat i communit y in
cont emporary Brit ain.
• Eclect ic fashion, e.g., Pacific
Rimcuisine.
• Nat ure of small-scale groups as
cult ural ent it ies, role of economic
pressures and of ideas of
“preservat ion not fossilizat ion.”
• Ident ificat ion of “herit age” sit es,
monument s, mat erial cult ure, and
pract ices as t hey emerge.
• Role of int ernat ional media.
Par ents and chi l dr en How cult ure is t ransformed across
t hegenerat ions, how it is not , how
it is changed, and why.
Select ed communit ies and t he
relat ionship among
gr andparent s/ parent s/ children.
• How individual passions creat e
significance.
• How “ancest or” nar rat ives work.
• How families const ruct memories
and aut obio gr aphies.
Catal y ti c si gni f i cance
of w or l d-cl ass i cons
How t he life and (sudden or
myst erious) deat h of icon figures
creat e “inst ant ” herit age as
mat erialcult ure, places, cust oms;
how t his bears on t he not ion of
popular cult ure.
Select ed individuals and cult ure t hat
focuses upon t hem (i.e., John Lennon,
President Kennedy, Elvis, Marilyn
Monroe, Malcolm X, President
Mandella, and Princess Diana).
• The nat ure of “relic” and “icon.”
• The manipulat ion of symbols.
• The psychology of grief
and self-ident ificat ion;
“recreat ionalmourning.”
Wor k pl aces How we are, or were, at work
unt il very recent ly (is anybody
preserving asevent ies/ early eight ies
t yping pool office?).
Select ed modes of working in offices,
farms, workshops, et c.
• Relat ionship bet ween communit y
and workplace (mine, st eel mill,
t ext ile fact or y, et c.) and what
happens t o work t radit ions when
workplaces close.
• Indust rial communit y nar rat ives of
origin and ident it y.
Consumi ng passi ons How shopping const ruct s it s sit es . Shopping malls, mail-order oper a-
t ions, car boot (garage) sales .
• Feminist ideology and it s bearing
on consumpt ion.
• Nat ional and int ernat ional
companies in operat ion.
• Obst inat e nat ure of
per sonalchoice.
• What are “qualit y goods”
and“r ubbish”?
and on not ions of past iche and ap p r o p r i a t i o n — n ow
p e rc e ive d as cr e a t ive an d significant in t h eir ow n
right . This st at e of a ffa i r s is t he postmoder n contex t ,
wh e r e t o day ’s “lifest yle” is being t r a n s mu t ed int o
t o m o rr ow ’s “cu lt u r al herit age,” and it prompt s t he
i d e n t i ficat ion of a nu mber of i n t e rest ing t hemes that
a re pot ent ial sites for the invent ion of n ew herit age.
These are present ed below in Ta ble z. The “sites” and
“ p a ra m e t e r s” shou ld be t aken o nly as su ggest io ns
d r awn from a large r ange of p o s s i b i l i t i e s.
Tabl e 2
Pot ent ial Sit es for t he invent ion of herit age.
64
Th ese ar e t he m e r est su gge st ion s fr om an
e n o r mous possible r ange. Th ey are, howeve r, inter -
e st in g are as in which, a few ye a r s or decade s o n,
legit imat ed herit age sit es will have emerged.
Fi nal Suggesti ons
The fo r wa rd pat h to an improved under st anding of
t he nat u re and const r uct ion of herit age clearly lies
in t he art iculat ion of properly const ruct ed and man -
age d r e s e a r ch pr o je ct s ge ar e d t o il lu m in at e t h is
aspect of o u rs e l ve s. Su ch pr oject s will info r m t h e
d ebat e by e nhancing t he or e t ical per s p e c t ives (a n
urgent t ask) and by broadening t he scope of t he field
in ways t hat bring it closer t o t he issues t hat concer n
real individuals and communit ies.
Deciding upon research t opics t hat will devel-
op t he t heoret ical base while illuminat ing part icular
areas or issues is a difficult art —and one t hat t he cul-
t u r al h e r it age st u d ie s gr i d r o u gh e d o u t he r e in
Table s is int ended t o facilit at e t hrough t he focusing
on salient t opics and t ensions. The next st ep must be
t he implement at ion of research.
Ref er ences
C a r man , J. s o o o. Va lui ng Anci ent T hi ngs: Ar ch a e o l ogy a nd Law.
London and New York: Leicest er Universit y Press.
Goldst one, B., and A. P. Goldst one. s o o :. T he Los Angeles Wa t t s
To w e rs. Los Angeles: The Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e and
t he J. Paul Get t y Museum.
65
Challenges for Herit age Conser vat ion
and t he Role of Research on Values
Daniel Bluest one
C o n s e r vat ion profe s s i o n a l s, in t he ord i n a r y u nfo l d-
ing of t heir day - t o - d ay work, do not oft en have t he
o p p o r t unit y for t hou ght fu l discussion and scholar -
sh ip concer n in g t he br oader implicat ions of t h e i r
work. Their t ime and effo r t r un t owa rd a nexus of
p hysical mat er ial and t reat ment s in pr oject s wh o s e
significance is est ablished quit e apart from t he t ech-
nical work it self. Conservat ors t end t o arrive on t he
sce n e aft e r j u dgm e n t s o f val u e ar e , i t a p p e a r s,
already est ablished.
P re s e r va t ion an d con ser vat ion wor k oft e n
u n folds amid u nst at ed or u nder t h e o r i zed assu mp-
t ions about t he import ance of conserving t hings. In
major conser vation pr oject s, a cur at or ial model of
high ar t has oft en held the cent er and bounded the
edges o f t h e wor k. Mor e o ft en t han not , we con -
s e r ve an d pr e s e r ve t h in gs t ha t ar e ju d ge d t o be
beaut iful, or rare, or t est ament s t o creat ivit y and cul-
t ivat ed art ist ic endeavor. Current conser vat ion t ends
t o valorize art ist ic value. This suggest s t hat mat erial
c u l t u r e b e p r e s e r ve d in a way t h at p r o t e ct s o r
re s t o res original st ylist ic and fo r mal int egr i t y. Here
t he value of mat erial herit age is oft en assumed t o be
int rinsic—a mat t er mediat ed not so much by cult ure
or polit ics as by aest het ic propert ies and sensory per-
cept ion. The o c i’s effo rt s t o re s e a rch the values and
ot her social cont ext s of c o n s e r vat ion highlight t he
br o ade r r e son ance s o f c u l t u r al he r it age—wh i c h
t ranscend t he aest het ic model and reflect t he myriad
ways in which people invest meaning in and come t o
u n d e r st and t he bu i l d i n g s, landscap e s, places, and
object s around t hem.
The pressure on t he conser vat ion field t oday
u n d o u b t e d ly de r ive s fr om t h e open ch alle nges t o
t h e e s t a bl i sh e d ca n o n ica l o r de r in g o f c u l t u r a l
product ion. The assert ion t hat singular art ifact s can
r e p r e se n t ent ir e cu lt u r e s, past o r pre se nt , is n ow
unt enable in t he face of our underst anding of diver-
sit y wit hin cu lt u r es and, as David May bu ry - L ew i s
a rgued in a previous o c i meet ing, t he project ion of
an iden t it y-base d polit ics. Th e o c i’s r e s e a r ch has
framed some import ant new ways of looking at t he
f ield, in sur pr isin g and quit e helpful cro ss-discipli-
n a r y way s. It also can inspire t he scholarly re s e a rc h
t hat we need t o do in order t o develop educat ion and
int erpret at ive st rat egies capable of ensuring t hat cul-
t u r al h e r i t a ge assu m e s a m o r e v it a l r o l e in t h e
d evelopment of s o c i e t y. In t he face of c o n s e r va t i o n
s c i e n c e ’s fa r -flu ng t echn ical accom plishme nt , we
n e e d t o de ve lo p a si m i l a r ly r igo r o u s a p p r o a c h
t o a r t icu lat ing t he valu e and be n e fit s of c u l t u r al
h e r i t age ; t h e a r gu m e n t s h ave sim p ly n o t b e e n
sufficient ly considered or ar t iculat ed.
O n e of t h e m o st u se f u l r e s e a r ch t h e m e s
rega rding t he ro le of valu es in conservat ion is t he
c h a r act er izat ion o f c u l t u r al herit age as a dynamic
p r o c e s s. Aspect s of eve r y cu lt u r e ar e oft en be ing
t ra n s fo r m e d, de fin e d and r e d e fi ne d, valu e d an d
d evalu e d. In an ear lie r o c i mee t in g, for inst an ce,
Su ad Amir y insist ed t hat cult ur al her it age is “neve r
st at ic bu t always ch ang ing. ” Er ik Co he n de clare d
t hat cult ural herit age can be “dest royed or impact ed,
bu t new cu lt u r al fo r ms r e ap p e a r. Alon g wit h t he
process of disappearance of cult ure, t here is t he pro-
duct ion of cult ure.”
These insight s ar e qu it e usefu l, bu t we have
yet t o ap p ly t hem t owa rd an under st anding of t h e
mat erial aspect s of her it age conser vat ion. We need
t o be less abst r act t o cont r ibute usefu l ly to t he poli-
cies and decisions made by conser va t o r s and cu lt ur a l
a d m i n i s t ra t o r s. Given t hat cult ure is a process, t hen,
why shou ld conse r va t o r s int er vene in it s dynamic
o p e r ations? Why shouldn’t we accept change wit h its
d e s t ru c t ive fo rces and simply greet new fo r ms wit h
ent husiasm rat her t han enga ging in the conserva t ive
p r act ice of holding ont o older and more tra d i t i o n a l
fo r ms of mat erial cult ure? If this is about cult ure and
a culture doesn’t value it s old st uff, why should con-
s e r vat ion and cult ur al professionals step in and dera i l
t he second law of t h e r modynamics? A re p o r t sum-
mar izing an ear lier o c i meet ing on t he values and
b e n e fits of c o n s e r vat ion st at ed t hat “change can vio-
lat e tr a d i t i o n s, create a sense of l o s s, and disempowe r
people . It can cau se a r e co mbinin g of f ra g m e n t s,
such t hat cult ures develop a new sense of t h e m s e l ve s
from what had exist ed befo re.” What is a poor con-
66
s e r vat or t o do? Why should conserva t o rs t r y t o stabi-
l i z e a st r u c t u r e in t he fa ce of dyn am ic cu lt u r a l
change? Why not simply encour age t he ap p r o p r i a-
t ion of f ragment s as t he keyst one of m e m o ry? Why
should a cult ure, or a group of p r o fessional conser va-
t o r s, priv i l ege cer t ain meanings by conser ving and
rest oring ar t i fact s associated wit h t hem?
M a ny wo u ld agr ee t hat con t empor a r y cu l-
t u re present s a signifi c a n t ly changed set of c i rc u m-
s t a n c e s. It may well be t hat cer t ain r at es of c h a n g e
a re t oo r apid, dest abilizing, and dest r u c t ive. If c u l-
t u r al her it age cont r ibu t es t o “hu man flo ur ish in g”
a n d pr o m o t e s “h u m a n h a pp in e ss a n d so ci e t al
peace,” t hen we might argue t hat we cannot st and
by and wat ch t he disint egr at ion of resources for pro-
m o t ing hu m an well-being. St ill, t her e is an o pe n
quest ion about whet her t he new cult ural forms t hat
Cohen and Amiry see developing are any less able t o
acco m p li sh t h e t a sk o f pr o mo t in g h u m an we l l -
being. Who det er mines what well-being is in t his
c o n t ext any way? A ser ies of case stu dies should be
d eveloped t hat will let us mo re rigor ou sly ex p l o re
t he conn ect ions among cu lt ur al her it age, cu lt u r a l
change, and social and cult ur al well-being.
Case st udies might well impr ove our u nder -
st anding of t he relat ionship bet ween t he work t hat
a conse r vat or doe s t o st abilize mat er ial cu lt u r e in
a par t icu lar way and o u r no t io n s o f c u l t u r e as a
dynamic and changing process. I imagine t hat most
conser vat ors t hink t hey are set t ing t he form and t he
meaning of a place when t hey conserve and rest or e
it in a cert ain way, to a cer t ain period, u su ally t o it s
original form. In t he face of our not ions of dynamic
cult ural processes, I wouldn’t blame conser vat ors as
a group if t hey ret reat ed int o t he comfort s of mat er -
ial cert aint y—t his sit e was st ruct ured in t his way one
t housand years ago, and we’ll fix it as best we can t o
c o n fo r m t o o u r u n de r st an ding o f t h at dat e . Th e
realm of t he value and benefits of c u l t u r al heritage
is co nside r a bly l e ss f i r m t h an t he st r a t eg i e s fo r
ar rest ing mor t ar-joint or wood-sill det erior at ion.
Beyond a series of case st udies, t he at t ent ion
and resources of t he field need t o be devot ed t o t he
i n t e rp r et at ion of c u l t u r al her it age. Int er p re t a t i o n
nee ds t o be pu r su ed as par t o f, bu t also over and
b eyond, t he wo r k of c o n s e r ving, pr e s e r ving, and
rest oring t he mat erial it self. Int erpret at ion will speak
most direct ly t o t he values-and-benefit s part of con-
s e r vat ion. It opens a wo rld of meaning beyond t he
simple co mmit m ent t o a mat e rialist con ser va t i o n
and cur at orial st r a t egy pursued ap a r t from any pre-
cise sense of social valu e or benefit . This is what I
t ake away from Brian Fagan ’s not ion of our need t o
view cult ural herit age as part of an educat ional sys-
t em. His post ing to t he Values and Benefit s pr oject
online discussion st at ed, “Wit hout an awareness t rig-
gered by educat ion, no societ y can provide a cont ext
for under standing, cherishing, and sensing t he con-
cret e in cult ur al herit age.”
B u i l d i n g s, landscap e s, and mat erial cu lt ure do
not have an int rinsic value ap a r t from cultu re; simi-
l a rly, mat erial herit age is not understood and va l u e d
ap a r t from an act of educat ion and int er p re t a t i o n .
B u i l d i n g s, landscap e s, an d ar t i fact s ar e r e l a t ive ly
mu t e — t h ey don’t speak for t hemselve s. We need t o
focus our inquir y on t he various ways in which diffe r-
ent cult ures deal wit h hist oric memor y and t he way s
in whi ch pl ace an d ar t i fact be com e m ea n in gfu l
aspects of eve ryd ay life. Th e re will obv i o u s ly be his-
t or i cal an d cu lt u r al var iat io ns in t h e st r e n gt h o f
connections made among people, places, and memo-
r y. Conser vat ion and pre s e r vat ion wo rk wo uld be
t re m e n d o u s ly enriched if it cou ld re c og n i ze, dr aw
upon, and promot e a variet y of p u blic enga g e m e n t s
wit h cult ur al heritage. Case stu dies could help clarify
t he ave nues through which people could avail t hem-
s e l ve s o f t h e r e s o u r ce s r e p r e se n t e d by cu l t u r a l
herit age. Keit h Basso’s anthr opological work on the
We s t e r n Apache, for instance, develops an allu ring
p o rt r ait of t he ways in which place becomes mean-
i n g ful t hrough nomenclatu re and st or yt elling (Basso
s o o o). The work ex p l o res the deep resonance of p l a c e
for one society and bot h challenges and illuminat es
t h e le ss nar r a t ive , m o r e mat e r ial ist ap p r o a c h e s
e m b raced by cont empor a ry conserva t o rs and pre s e r-
va t i o n i s t s. Th e re are many other approaches t o place
a n d h e r i t a ge t h a t co u ld u se fu l ly be su r ve ye d ,
ex p l o red, and brought t o t he at tention of the fi e l d .
An o t h e r im po r t an t dir e ct io n for r e s e a rc h
m igh t be t o chr o nicle st r a t egies u sed t o com e t o
t e r ms su cce ssfu l ly wit h t he m ean in g an d im po r -
t ance of place and cult ural herit age. Conser vat ion is
on it s we ake st , l east ar t i cu la t e d gr o u nd wh e n it
comes t o discussing t he relat ionships bet ween t hings
( bu i l d i n g s, landscap e s, an d ar t i fact s), co nser ved in
one way or ano t h er, an d t h e social and economic
meaning t hat a cu lt u re de r ives fr o m t hose t hings.
C o n s e r vat ion should devot e it self at a ve r y fu n d a-
ment al level t o making places and social connect ions
r at her t han t o simply preserving and making a fet ish
o f t h i n g s. Th e r e ar e any n u mbe r of bu ildings or
place s wh e r e t he cu lt u r al m e an in g h as ch an ge d
67
t remendously—t ake, for example, a medieval cat he -
d r al befo re and aft er t he Re fo r mat ion: t he fo r m is
re l a t ive ly const ant ; t he meaning and unders t a n d i n g
a r e co m p l e t e ly t r a n s fo r m e d . O r t h i n k o f t h e
changed meaning of a royal seat appropriat ed in t he
c o u r se of revolut ion. How do conser va t o r s prov i d e
a fr a m ewor k for int e r p re t in g su ch ch an ge s? Th e
p hysical sacking of seat s of p ower amid civil unre s t
or revolu t ion may well be a mu ch mo re powe r fu l
and cult ur a l ly impor t ant wielding of her it age t han
t he met icu lous pre s e r vat ion of place in t he face of
per vasive neglect or apat hy.
Get t ing at t he meaning of places shou ld not
reside wit h pr ofessionals alone but wit h t he people
who use and visit and const ruct t heir own meanings
out of places. We need a syst em for t aking measure
o f and wo r king wit h t he recept ion side of c u l t u ra l
herit age. Here conser va t o rs can t ake an act ive r ole;
however, t hey also need t o be open t o t he possibilit y
t hat t he places t hey conser ve for one pur pose may
t ake on ve r y di ffe r e nt m e ani n gs ove r t im e . Fo r
example, bat t lefields of t he u.s. Civil War loom large
in landscape preser vat ion in t he Unit ed St at es. Many
b a t t l e fie lds we r e init ially pr e s e r ved as focal point s
for memor y and commemor at ion of s o l d i e rs ki l l e d
and wounded. They were also, at t imes, analyzed as
case st udies in milit ary st rat egy by people t raining t o
be soldier s. More re c e n t ly, t heir memorial fu n c t i o n ,
at places like Manassas, Vi rginia, has been eleva t e d
in connect ion wit h broader debat es about deve l o p-
ment and su bu rban spr awl. Among administ r a t o rs
and hist orians at individual sit es, t here is great exper-
t ise abo ut what h appened fr om day t o day du r ing
s i n gle crit ical we e ks in t he e ar ly s s o os. Th e r e is,
unfort unat ely, much less underst anding of how t hat
n a r r a t ive pr omot es civic life, builds commu n i t y, or
t r anscends a somewh at no st algic ant iqu ar ian ism.
Figuring out t he overarching significance of part icu -
lar sit es can help conser va t o r s and pre s e r va t i o n i s t s
a rr ive at t ech n ical st r a t egies t h at can pr o m ot e a
broader int erpret at ive and civic purpose. We need t o
h ave a commit ment of ex p e r t ise t o issu es of i n t e r -
p r e t a t i o n a n d e d u ca t i o n t h a t ca n m a t ch t h e
accomplishment s of ou r technical work on cultur a l
herit age sit es.
Ref er ences
B a s s o, K. s o o o. Wisdom Si t s i n Pl aces: Landsca pe a nd La ngua ge
a mong t he We s t e r n Apa ch e. A l bu q u e rque: Unive rsity of N ew
Mexico Press.
68
Concl usi ons
O ver t he past seve r al decades, we have seen changes
in societ y t hat have affected how we view and cre a t e
c u l t u r al her it age. From a rest rict ed, canonical per -
s p e c t ive of m a s t e r pieces and hist orical monu m e n t s,
t he co ncept of h er it age h as expan de d t o in clu de
mat erials such as ve r nacular arc h i t e c t u re, ensembl e s
o f bu i l d i n g s, nat u r al and cu lt u r al lan dsca p e s, and
ot her objects t hat are significant to specific grou ps of
s o c i e t y. The meanings and fu nct io ns of t hese ar t i-
fact s and places are cont est ed. The field of c o n s e rva-
t ion it self is u nde rgoin g fu ndament al t r a n s fo rm a-
t ions—in some instances, as a direct result of t h e s e
societal changes. Some of t he changes in t he field are
g e n e r at ed by t echnical advances t hat conce r n t h e
“ fi r st fr on t ” o f c o n s e r vat io n r e s e a r ch (se e “Th e
S p h e r es and Ch al le n ge s of C o n s e r va t i on ” i n t h e
Re p o r t on Re s e a rch, above), t he physical condit ion of
t he herit age. Great er underst anding of t he deterior a-
t ion processes of mat erials and t he development of
n ew t ech niqu es have incr eased t he possibilit ies of
t reat ments and int er vent ions t hat ext end t he life of
m a t e r i a l s. Yet t he un de r st anding of wh en, wh e re ,
and why t o ap p ly t his new t echnical knowledge has
been less of a concer n and has only re c e n t ly been a
subject for re s e a rc h .
As we in t he conservat ion field acknowledge
t he import ance of social and economic values along
wit h t he t radit ional not ions of c o n s e r vat ion va l u e
(su ch as age, aest hetics, and historical signifi c a n c e ) ,
we find ourselves in a much larger arena of decision
making. In earlier t imes, conservat ion was a relat ive-
ly aut onomous, closed field composed of specialist s
and expert s. These expert s, t oget her wit h art hist ori-
ans and archaeologist s, decided what was significant
and t hu s n e ede d special at t e n t io n an d car e — a n d
how t o best render t hat at t ent ion and care. The right
of t hese specialist s t o make decisions was t acit ly rec-
ognized by t hose who funded t he work (for t he most
p a r t , gove r nment authorit ies), and there was a con-
sensus among t hose wit h t he po wer t o act r egarding
t he values t o be conser ved.
In t he t we nt iet h cent u r y, t h e co nser va t i o n
c o m mu nit y and t he herit age field have u nderg o n e
an ex t ra o rd i n a r y expansion. Th e re st ill are special-
i s t s — who ar e cer t a i n ly n ee ded—bu t new gr o u p s
h ave be come invo l ved in t h e creat ion an d car e o f
herit age. These groups of cit izens (some are profes-
sionals fr om such fields as t our ism and economics,
o t h e rs are advocating t he int erest s of t heir commu-
nit ies) arrive wit h t heir own crit eria and opinions on
how t o est ablish significance, on what merit s conser-
va t i o n , an d o n h ow it sh o u ld h ap p en . As su ch ,
her it age, and t he r ight t o make decisions abou t it ,
are somet imes t he subject of confront at ion and acri-
monious debat e bet ween different groups in societ y.
All t he same, democr at izat ion is a desira bl e
d evelopment, and it has changed the herit age fi e l d :
t he old canons are quest ioned; t he opinions of t h e
specialist s are not t aken as ar ticles of fait h; and her -
it age decisions are re c og n i zed as complex neg o t i a-
tions t o which dive r se st akeholder s bring t heir ow n
va l u e s. To d ay herit age is seen as t he source of i m p o r-
t ant ben efit s t o so ciet y, in clu ding st abilit y, u nder -
st anding, t oler ance, re c ogn it ion of an d respect fo r
c u l t u r al diffe re n c e s, and economic deve l o p m e n t .
This re p o r t has proposed a new definition of
c o n s e r vat io n: it shou ld be u nder st o od as a so cial
p r o c e s s, one that includes t he work of m a ny indiv i d-
uals and gr o u p s, not just conser vat ion profe s s i o n a l s.
Tr adit io nal co nser vat io n rem ains t he co r e of t h e
fi e l d ’s act ivit y and it s r aison d’êt re, bu t , as arg u e d
t hrou ghout t his re p o r t , t he conser vat ion process is
best seen more inclu sive ly, e ncom passin g t he cre -
at ion of heritage, int er p ret at ion and edu cat ion, t he
m a ny effo r t s of i n d ividuals and social gr ou ps t o be
s t e wa r ds o f h er it age, and shi ft ing e con o mic an d
polit ical t ides, as well as t he tr adit ional pr act ices of
c o n s e r va t o r s, pre s e r va t i o n i s t s, cu r a t o r s, and ot her
p r o fe s s i o n a l s. This re p o r t advocat es accept ance of
t his bro ader defi n i t i o n — we see it as imper a t ive t o
t h e f u t u r e su cce ss o f t h e co n se r v a t i o n f i e l d i n
responding t o t he demands of c o n t e m p o ra r y society.
This expanded not ion of c o n s e r vat ion re f l e c t s
t re nds t hat h ave be e n developin g t h r ou gho u t t h e
wo rld in t he past seve r al decades. In or der t o con -
s e r ve herit age in ways most resonant with t hese re a l-
69
i t i e s, we must make larger sense of t he fo rces behind
he rit age. Bu t how t o do so? Th e dyn am ics o f t h i s
expande d n ot ion of c o n s e r vat ion—as we ll as t he
expanded pur v i ew of t he conser vat ion field—can be
bet t er underst ood t hr ough a concept ual fra m ewo r k
for t he herit age-creat ion process (as outlined above in
“ The Need for a Concept ual Fr a m ework”). Such a
f ra m ework would not only fost er under st anding bu t
also ser ve as a t ool for info r med de cision m aki n g
about t he effe c t ive management of c u l t u ral herit age.
As already mentioned, va l u e - d r iven planning metho-
d o l ogies are being advocat ed more and more in the
field of c o n s e rvation; yet t he mechanisms fo r ap p ly-
ing t hese met hodologies are inadequat ely document -
ed and u nder d evelo ped. In order fo r conser va t i o n
planning processes t o cent er on, and t ake into deeper
c o n s i d e r at io n, t he mu lt it u de of so cial va l u e s, we
n ee d t o develo p be t t er t ools and me t h ods for t h e
assessment of c u l t u r al significance, so t hat it can be
e ffe c t ive ly int egr at ed int o conser vat ion pr act ice. If
t he concept of herit age creat ion can be art i c u l a t e d
and mapped as a social process through the deve l o p-
ment of a co ncept u al fr a m ewor k, we can creat e a
common gr ound for t he exchange of ideas among
t he many profe s s i o n a l s, academics, and ot her citize n s
who can co nt r ibut e t o t he incre a s i n gly pu blic and
i n t e rd i s c i p l i n a r y work of c o n s e r va t i o n .
Unless t his crit ical link is fo rged, t he conser -
vat ion of c u l t u r al her it age risks being margi n a l i ze d
in t he social agenda. Th u s, in t he deve lo pme nt of
t his framework, we should aim t o arrive at st rat egic
opt ions for how conser vat ion might bet t er funct ion
in societ y, rat her t han simply t o document and t heo-
rize about how it cur rent ly operat es.
To b u il d o n t h e de ve l o p m e n t o f su ch a n
explanat ory framework, as well as t o st rengt hen t he
wor k of c o n s e r vat ion pr ofessio nals in su ppo r t i n g
t he broader goals of societ y, research on t he follow-
ing t opics is suggest ed.
Stak ehol der s i n the Negoti ati on Pr ocess
As argued elsewhere in t his report , our research sug-
ge st s t h at u n de r st an di ng co n se r vat i o n in so cial
cont ext s means looking at t he ent wined processes of
valu in g, valo r izing, and decisio n making. Va l u i n g
an d de t e r min at io ns o f c u l t u r al significance h ave
a l r e ady be e n discu sse d. Wit h r e ga r d t o d e cisio n
making, t here are at least t wo kinds of conser vat ion
decisions: The first kind is how t o conserve—t his has
been t he t radit ional focus and st rengt h of conser va-
t ion pr ofe s s i o n a l s. The secon d k ind of decisio n is
what t o conser ve and, following on t he heels of t his,
wh o plays wh at r ole and who pay s. Wh a t t o con -
s e r ve has oft en been left t o chance, or r a t h e r, t he
lead has been t aken by pu blic o ffi c i a l s, legi s l a t o r s,
and ot her policy makers.
Inst ead of focusing on t he objects of c o n s e r -
vat ion—t he t hings and t he met hods of dealing wit h
t hem—t his r e s e a rch wou ld cent er on subject s and
would involve an invest igat ion of t he different act ors
and inst it ut ions and t heir mot iva t i o n s, habit s, and
ot her mediat ing fact or s.
The Noti on of Uni ver sal i ty i n Cul tur al
Her i tage and Its Conser vati on
U n ive r salit y—t he assu mpt ion t hat so me h er it age
i s m e a n i n g fu l t o al l o f m a n k i nd —i s on e o f t h e
b a s i c assu mpt ions and mat t ers of fait h u nder ly i n g
c o n s e r vat i o n pr act i ce an d o n e assu m p t i o n t h at
e m p h a s i zes t he posit ive role of heritage in promot -
ing unit y and underst anding.
Th e not io n of u n ive r salit y r e main s on e of
t he most impor t ant and pressing qu est ions rega rd-
ing conser vat ion. Unive r salit y assumes t hat cer t a i n
aspe ct s of h e r it age are m e an in gfu l t o all pe ople,
regardless of cult ural, social, polit ical, and economic
differences—a not ion t hat seems unt enable if any of
t he assert ions about post modern cult ure are on t ar-
get . Under t he guise of t he “int rinsic” value of art or
o f mu l t in a t io n a l co nve n t i o n s an d d e clar a t i o n s
regarding t he prot ect ion of herit age, universalit y has
long been assumed t o exist as a qualit y of h e r i t a g e
object s and t o form t he rat ionale for global diligence
wit h rega r d t o conservat ion. It is, for inst ance, t he
r at ionale behind Unesco’s Wor ld Herit age List .
But unive rsality wa r r ants closer crit ical at t en-
t ion. Th e re is a great deal of evidence t o suggest t hat
local, place- and communit y-bound values (i.e., t hose
n ot , by de finit io n, u n ive rs a l ly valu ed) ar e a mo re
i m p o r t ant impulse behind conser vation. Cultural re l-
a t ivism (and, more gener a l ly, t he post moder n ques-
t ionin g o f can on s in eve r y cor n e r of c u l t u r e a nd
society) demands t hat the conser vation field ex p l o re
what u nive rsalit y is, why it is so influ ent ial, and wh a t
role it should play in conser vation decisions—in par-
t i c u l a r, t hr ough det er minat ions of c u l t u r al signifi-
can ce . Ju st su ch a cr it ical dialogu e alr ea dy ex i s t s
t hroughout t he conser vat ion communit y in info rm a l
way s, and fo rm a l ly addressing it t hrough t his topic
could advance t he dialogue signifi c a n t ly.
70
The Si gni f i cance of Scal e i n Shapi ng the
Val ui ng and Conser vati on of Her i tage
Is geographical scale in it self a re l evant fact or vis-à-
vis herit age conser vat ion? Is it more or less effect ive
t o conser ve herit age (or design conservat ion policy)
at a local scale, ve rsu s a nat ional or global scale? In
re a l i t y, conser vat ion is pr act iced at seve r al scales—
p e r sonal, fa m i ly, commu n i t y, cit y, r egion, n at io n,
nat ion -st at e , con t ine n t , global. Bu t wh at ar e t he
a r t icu lat ion s am o ng t h e se scales o f p r act ice? Do
t hey nest perfect ly? Do t hey conflict ?
Cul tur al Her i tage Conser vati on
w i thi n the Cur rent Soci al Cl i mate:
“ Di f f er ent, Pl ausi bl e Futur es”
Th is t opic calls for an inve s t i gat ion o f t h e t r e n d s
s h aping t he possible fu t u res of c u l t u r al herit age con-
s e r vat ion, given t he fo r ce s affect ing societ y t o day.
The t opic would deal ex p l i c i t ly wit h t he ex t e rn a l i t i e s
g e n e r at ed by larger social dynamics—which fr a m e
t he condit ions in which the conser vat ion field wo r ks.
Global t rends cer t a i n ly have an impact on t he va l u i n g
and valorizat ion of herit age (ident ity polit ics, democ-
r a cy move m e n t s, pr ivat izat ion, market economics,
and so o n )—bu t how gr e at an im pact ? Ar e t he se
im pact s diffe r e n t fr o m t ho se br ou ght t o be ar by
regional conflict s or local dispu tes? Where and how
does conser vat ion find a place in t he constellat ion of
p u blic policy issu es? Scenar io bu ilding, a st r a t egi c -
planning tool for envisioning seve r al possible fu t u re s
given t oday ’s complexity of d r iving fo rc e s, would be
an excellent t ool for addressing t his quest ion.
In t he end, t hose concer ned wit h t he fu t u r e
of conser vat ion are left wit h many quest ions, which
u n d o u b t e d ly wi l l be t h e su b je ct o f c o n t i nu i n g
d ebat es and re s e a rch. Her it age is valu ed in myr iad
ways, for myriad reasons: t o const ruct and negot iat e
ident it y; t o build bonds wit hin a social group, like a
nat ion or a neighborhood; t o t urn an economic prof-
it ; t o send a po lit ical message, and mor e. How do
t hese complex dynamics concerning values and ben -
efit s affect t he prospect s, meaning, and reput at ion of
t he conser vat ion field? As Lourdes Arizpe asks in her
essay, will herit age conser vat ion effort s in t he fut ure
serve as bridges bet ween cult ures or as t renches sep -
a r ating t hem? Re s e a rch and discussions will help us
c o n s t r uct answe r s t o such quest ions, by broadening
o u r se nse o f p u r po se and by clar ifyin g t he ch al -
lenges t hat lay before us.
71
Par ti ci pants
Suad Amir y, direct or, Riwaq Cent re for Archit ect ural Conserva-
t ion, Ramallah, Palest inian Nat ional Aut horit y
Lo u r d e s Ar iz p e , p r o fe s s o r, Ce n t r o Re g io na l d e Inve s t i ga -
c i o n e s M u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r i a s, Unive rsidad Nacional Aut ónoma de
M é x i c o , an d fo r me r a ssist a n t d ir e c t o r- g e n e r a l fo r cu lt u r e ,
Unesco, Paris, Fr ance
Er ica Av r ami, project specialist , Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e,
Los Angeles, California, usa
Daniel Blu est one, associat e pr ofessor of a rc h i t e c t u r al hist ory
and direct or of t he Hist oric Preservat ion Program, Universit y of
Virginia, Charlot t esville, usa
Er ik Coh e n, p r o fesso r o f s o c i o l og y, He b r ew Unive r si t y o f
Jer usalem, Israel
Migu el An gel Cor zo, fo r mer d ir e c t o r, Get t y Conser va t i o n
Inst it ut e, Los Angeles, Califor nia, usa
C evat Er der, p r o fessor of a rc h i t e c t u re, Middle East Te c h n i c a l
Univer sit y, Ankara, Turkey
Br ian Fagan, p r o fessor of a n t h r o p o l og y, Unive r sit y of C a l i-
for nia, Sant a Barbar a, usa
M a r g ar it a Gu t man, d i re c t o r, Pr ogr am of H i s t o r y and Urban
D evelop men t , Int e r n a t io nal Inst it u t e for Envir o nm en t and
Development -Lat in America, Buenos Aires, Argent ina
Nobuko Inaba, senior specialist for cult ural propert ies, Agency
for Cult ur al Affairs, Gover nment of Japan, Tokyo, Japan
U ffe Ju ul Jensen , p r o fessor of p h i l o s o p hy at t he Inst it u t e fo r
P h i l o s o p hy and direct or of t he Cent re for Healt h, Humanit ies
and Cult ure, Univer sit y of Aarhus, Denmark
A r jo Klamer, p r o fe ssor of t he econom ics of a r t and cu lt ur e ,
Er asmus Univer sit y, Rot t erdam, Net her lands
David Lo went hal, professor emerit us of geogr aphy, Universit y
College London, Unit ed Kingdom
D avid Ma y b u ry - L ew i s , p r o fesso r of a n t h r o p o l og y, Har va rd
Univer sit y, Cambridge, Massachuset t s, usa
A l e s s a n d r a Melucco Va c c a r o, c h i e f a rc h a e o l ogist , Minist r y of
Cult ur al and Environment al Herit age, Rome, It aly
Susan M. Pear ce, dean of a rt s, Unive rsit y of L e i c e s t e r, Unit ed
Kingdom
Mona Ser a ge ldin, associat e dir e c t o r, Un it for Ho u sin g a nd
Urbanizat ion, Gr aduat e School of Design, Harva rd Unive rs i t y,
Cambridge, Massachuset t s, usa
Ka r e n St e p he n so n , fo r m e r p r o fe ss o r o f m a n a g e m e n t ,
A n d e r so n Gr a du a t e Sch oo l o f Ma na ge me nt , Un ive r sit y o f
Califor nia, Los Angeles, usa
M a r t a d e la T o r r e , g r o u p d i r e c t o r , Ge t t y Co n s e r v a t i o n
Inst it ut e, Los Angeles, Califor nia, usa
H u gu es de Var ine, d i re c t o r, Asdic: consu lt an cy ser vices fo r
communit y development , Paris, Fr ance
72
Contr i butor Bi ogr aphi es
Lou r de s Ar iz pe is a p r o fessor a t t he Unive r sid ad Nacio nal
Au t ó no ma de Mé xico’s Cen t r o Reg iona l de Inve s t i ga c i o n e s
M u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r i a s. An a nt hr opolog ist t r ained at t he Escu ela
Nacional de Ant ropología e Hist oria in Mexico and t he London
School of Economics, she has published on t opics including et h -
n i c i t y, migr at ion, and t he r elat ionships bet ween global change
and cult u re. She re c e ived Fulbright -Hays and John R. Guggen-
h eim sch o la r s h i p s. A fo r me r assist an t dir e c t o r- g e n e r al fo r
cult ure at Unesco, she was a member of t he World Commission
o n Cu lt u r e a nd Develo pme nt which p r o du ce d Ou r Cr e a t i ve
Diversit y (sooo), Direct or of Research of t he World Cult ure Report :
C u l t u re, Cr e a t ivit y and Market s (s o o s), and is cur re n t ly Chair of
t he Scient ific Commit t ee for t he World Cult ure Repor t .
Er i ca Av r a m i st u d ie d a r c h i t e c t u r e a n d c o n se r va t io n a t
Columbia Universit y, where she received her undergr aduat e and
gr adu a t e de gre e s. She is cu r r e n t ly a p ro je ct specia list a t t he
Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e.
Daniel Blu est one is a pr ofessor of a rc h i t e c t u r a l hist or y and
d i rect or of the hist oric pre s e r vat ion program at the Unive rsity of
Vi rg in ia. Ed u ca t ed at Ha r va rd Co llege and t h e Unive r sit y of
C h i c a g o, Pr ofessor Bluest one specializes in American arc h i t e c-
t u r a l a nd u r ba n h ist o r y. He pr om ot e s co mmu nit y hist o r ic
p re s e r va t ion and t he cu lt ivat ion of pla ce as par t of b r o a d e r
s t ra t egies of s u s t a i n a b i l i t y. He also wr it es on t he hist ory and pol-
it ics of hist oric pre s e rvat ion. His book C o n s t r uct ing Chicago (s o o s)
was awa r ded t he American Inst it ut e of A rchit ect s Int er n a t i o n a l
Book Awa rd and t he Hist oric Pre s e rvat ion Book Pr ize .
Er ik Cohen is a pr ofessor o f s o c i o l ogy and ant h r op ology at
H eb rew Unive r sit y of Je r u salem, wh e re he re c e ived his under -
gr adua t e a nd gr adu at e degr e e s. Wit h a cu r ren t focu s on t he
e ffect s of t our ism o n Th ai societ y and cr a f t s, Dr. Co hen has
aut hored over s,o publicat ions on subject s including t he sociolo-
g y of I s r aeli and Asian cu lt ur e s, expat riat e commu n i t i e s, and
t ourism and t ourist craft .
Uffe Juul Jensen is a professor of philosophy at t he Inst it ut e of
P h i l o s o p hy and direct or of t he Cent r e for Healt h, Humanit ies
and Cult ure at t he Universit y of Aarhus in Denmark. Educat ed
at t he Universit y of Aarhus, his areas of specialt y are epist emol-
og y, t he philosophy of science, and t he philosophy of c u l t u re
wit h emphasis on t he medical and healt h sciences. He has lec-
t u red or been a re s e a r ch fe l l ow at u nive r sit ies in Scandinav i a ,
E n gland, Au s t r alia, and t he Unit ed St at es. He has pu blished on
mat erialism and philosophical ant hropology; t he epist emology,
et hics and valu es of m o d e r n med ical and healt h care; and t he
philosophy of evolut ion.
D a vid Low e n t h a l i s p r o fe s so r e m e r it u s o f g e o g r a p hy a t
U n ive r sit y College London. He was educat ed at Har va rd, t he
U n ive r si t y of C a l i fo r nia at Be r ke ley, a n d t h e Un ive r sit y of
Wisconsin. He is aut hor of t he seminal t ext The Past is a Foreign
C o u n t r y (s o s,), T he Her i t a ge Cr usa de a nd t he Spoi ls of H i s t o r y
(s o o o), and numer ou s ot her st udies. Dr. Lowe n t h a l ’s many dis-
t inct ions inclu de t he Hist o ric Pre s e r vat io n Bo ok Pr iz e, a nd
awa rds and fe l l owships gr ant ed by t he Fulbright , Guggenheim
and Rockefeller foundat ions, t he Inst it ut e of Race Relat ions, t he
Royal Geogr aphical Societ y, and Unesco.
Randall Mason st udied geogr ap hy, hist or y, and planning and
e a r ned a doct or at e at Columbia Unive rs i t y, concer ning t he his-
t o r y and t heory of hist or ic pre s e rvat ion. He is cur re n t ly senior
project specialist at t he Get t y Conser vat ion Inst it ut e.
Su san M. P e a r c e st u died h ist or y a nd ar c h a e o l ogy at Oxfo r d
U n ive r sit y a nd t he n wo r ke d on t h e cu r a t o r ial st a ff o f t h e
Nat iona l Mu seu ms on Mers eyside and Exet er Cit y Museu m.
She joined t he Depart ment of Museum St udies at t he Universit y
o f Leicest er in s o s+, an d was appo int ed dir ect or of mu s e u m
st udies in soso, professor of museum st udies in sooz and dean of
t he Facu lt y of A r t s in s o o o. She is also a past pr esident of t h e
Museums Associat ion of Great Brit ain. She has published ext en-
sively in t he museum st udies field, and is part icularly int erest ed
in t he st udy of collect ing.
Mona Ser a g e l d i n is an a dju nct pr ofesso r o f u r b an plan ning
a t t he Gr aduat e School of Design of H a r va rd Unive rs i t y, and
associat e direct or of it s Unit for Hou sing and Ur banizat ion. A
g r ad u at e of Ca ir o a n d H a r va r d Unive rs i t i e s, sh e h as b e e n
i nvo l ved in num erous st udies and pr ogr ams ar ou nd t he wo rl d
s p o n s o r e d by t h e Wo r ld Ba n k, u. s. A g e n c y fo r I n t e r n a -
t i o n a l D eve lo pme nt (u s a i n), Unit e d Na t ions Deve l o p m e n t
P r og r a m m e (u · n r), a nd Unit ed Na t io ns Cen t r e for Hu ma n
Se t t lement s/ Ha bit at (u · c n s/ Habit at ). Her ongoing re s e a rc h
deals wit h issu es of land management , st r a t egic planning, and
c o m mu nit y-b ased a pp r oa ches t o u r ban hou sin g and e co no -
m i c d eve l o p m e n t .
D a vid T h r o s b y is a p r o fess or of eco n om ics at Ma cq u a r ie
Universit y. A gr aduat e of t he London School of Economics, his
work has explored t he economics of t he art s—wit h an emphasis
on t he perfo r mance ar t s, t he economics of t he lives of a rt i s t s,
and t he int er act ion of t he economic and cu lt u r al sect or s. Dr.
T h r o s by is immed ia t e past pr esiden t o f t h e Associa t io n fo r
C u l t u r a l Eco n om ics In t e r n at i o n a l a n d a m e m b e r o f t h e
Edit orial Board of t he Jour nal of Cult ural Economics.
M a r t a de la T o r re is group direct or at t he Get t y Conserva t i o n
Inst it ut e, and has direct ed t he Inst it ut e’s research on values from
it s incept ion. She st u died ar t hist o r y a t George Wa s h i n g t o n
Univer sit y and management at American Universit y.
73
Appendi x : Val ues Bi bl i ogr aphy
This annot at ed bibl i ogr ap hy is an info r mat ion re s o u rce assem-
bled in su ppor t of o c i’s re s e a rch on t he values and benefit s of
heritage conservat ion. All t he wo r ks included here reflect on t he
issu e of valu es and t he way valuing shapes conser vat ion of t h e
visual ar t s. Each work sheds light on t he r elat ionship bet we e n
heritage conser vat ion and it s social cont ex t s. This is not a sur vey
o f t he conservat ion field per se, bu t rat her a fo r ay int o fields and
disciplines t hat shape conservation t hought and pr act ice and illu-
minat e t he r ole of herit age conser vat ion wit hin cont empora r y
s o c i e t y. Reflect ing t he need t o reach int o many fields of k n ow l-
edge, t he wo r ks included here are dr awn from many disciplines
and fields allied wit h conserva t i o n — a n t h r o p o l ogy, sociology, his-
t o r y, e c on o m ic s, a r t h ist o r y, a r c h i t e c t u r e , p h il os o p h y,
e nvironment al st udies, policy and law. The wo r ks t hu s re p re s e n t
some signifi c a n t ly diffe rent philosophical approaches t o t he va l u -
ing of her it age. (Not inclu ded in t his bibl i ogr ap hy, howeve r, are
broad, foundational wo r ks rega rding philosophy and the r ole of
va lu es in We s t e r n, mo de r n so cie t y—for in st an ce , wo r ks by
Adam Smit h, Marx, Heideg g e r, Bergson, Kant , and so on.)
The specific objective of t his bibl i ogr ap hy is collect ing and dis-
seminat ing info r mat ion abou t scholar ly wor k concer ning t he
social cont e xt s of her it age conser va t io n . It e nd eavo r s t o be
inclusive, rat her t han exhaust ive. Near ly zoo works are included
in t his init ial ve r sion of t he bibl i ogr ap hy—subsequent , ex p a n d-
ed ver sions will be post ed on t he oci’s web sit e.
By design, t his bibliography is a work in progress, an explorat ion
o f some of t he boun dar ies of c o n s e r vat ion re s e a r ch. We ar e
c e r t ain t hat many useful addit ions will come from our collabo-
ra t o r s and re a d e rs, broadening and deepening t he info rm a t i o n
collect ed here, and we welcome you r comment s and su gges-
t ions. Please cont act us by email at GCIValues@get t y.edu .
A b ra m s, Ja m es F. “Lo st Fr am e s o f Re fe r en ce : Sight in gs o f
H i s t o r y a n d Me mo r y in Pe n n s y l va n i a ’s Do cu me n t ar y
L a n d s c a p e . ” I n C o n s e r vi n g Cu l t u r e: A New Di scou r se on
H e r i t a ge, edit ed by Mar y Hu ffo rd. Ur bana: Un ive r sit y of
Illinois Press, soo+.
A b r ams’ study t akes a crit ical look at t he cult ural polit ics of
p re s e r ving t he her it age of a declining coal-mining regi o n .
His t hesis is t hat t he gove r nment uses “heritage” t o amelio-
rat e and mask t he dislocat ions brou ght t o such commu n i t i e s
by massive economic re s t ru ct ur ing. The invo l vement of t h e
st at e fu n d a m e n t a l ly alt ers the ways and t he goals for wh i c h
heritage is valued in these commu n i t i e s — m a king people, in
e ffect , “spect ators t o t heir own hist ory.” The public sphere is
“ ra d i c a l ly plu r a l, ” he asser t s, an d h erit age co nser va t i o n
should account for t his inst ead of p resent ing a single, domi-
nant , idealized st ory. The professional cont ext of this chap t e r
is fo l kl o r e st u dies and economic d eve l o p m e n t - d r iven her -
it age planning.
Keywords: herit age; herit age planning; policy; folklore; eco-
nomic rest ruct uring; Unit ed St at es; Pennsylvania.
Allison, Gerald, Susan Ball, Paul Cheshire, Alan Evans, and Mike
S t a bl e r. The Value of C o n s e r vat ion? A Lit erat ure Rev i ew of t h e
Econ omi c a nd Soci a l Va l u e of t h e Cu l t ur a l Bui l t Her i t a ge.
London: English Herit age, sooo.
This research report covers economic issues relevant t o con-
s e r vat io n o f t h e bu ilt e nvir o nm e nt , a n d o f p a rt i c u l a r
concern t o building owners. A collaborat ion among English
Her it age, t he u. x .’s Depar t ment of Nat ional Herit age, and
t he Royal Inst it u t ion of C h a rt e red Sur veyo r s, t his re s e a rc h
e ffo r t a ims t o bo lst er t he b elief t h a t co nser vat i on co n -
t r i bu t e s t o econom ic well-being, by pr ovidin g a ba se of
informat ion and academic work. The report conveys a suc -
cin ct ove rv i ew of e co no mic met hod s for ap p r aising t he
mu lt iple social value s of bu ilt her it age (cont ingent va l u a -
t ion, hedonic pricing, t ravel-cost met hod, and so on). This is
fo l l owed by a lengt hy, annot at ed bibl i ogr ap hy of p u bl i s h e d
wo r ks an d r e p o r t s concer ning economic analysis of h e r -
it age, t he role of her it age in economic development , and
case st udies suppor t ing bot h t hese t hemes.
Keywords: economics; values; conser vat ion.
Alt man, Irwin and Set ha Low, edit or s. Place At t achment (Human
B e h avi or a nd Env i ronment , Advances i n Th e o r y a nd Re s e a rch ,
Volume ). New York: Plenum Press, sooz.
This volu me is a collect ion of e nvironment al psyc h o l ogy
re s e a r ch on issu es sur rounding individuals’ at t achment t o
physical surroundings and t he cult ural meanings generat ed
by group affiliat ion wit h “places.” Alt hough “place” in t his
collect ion is not conceived of h i s t o r i c a l ly (i.e., not herit age
places per se) t his work does represent a st rong cross-sect ion
of environment al psychology research.
Keywords: environment al psychology; place.
A n d e r so n, Ben edict . I m agi ned Communi t i es: Re flect i on s on t h e
Origin and Spread of Nat ionalism. London: Verso, soos.
A n d e r son writ es t hat t he nat ion is an imagi n a t ive, cu lt ur a l
c re a t i o n — e s s e n t i a l ly a political process. Empirically his fo c u s
is Sout heast Asia, bu t not exc l u s ive ly. He tr aces seve r al influ-
ences on nat ionalism, such as r e l i gion and capit alism, and
does not fo regrou nd t he role of material herit age. Howeve r,
he begins his nar ra t ive wit h a discussion of m o nu ment s and
t o m b s, perhaps suggest ing t he ineluct able r ole of m a t e r i a l
object s in any analysis of c u l t u r al fo r mat ions and change.
74
One chapt er is devot ed t o powe r fu l “inst it ut ions” t hr ou gh
which nat ions are implement ed—census, map, mu s e u m s,
a rc h a e o l ogy — which have great power t o shape imagi n a t i o n ,
and give object s and her it age a centr al role.
Keywords: nat ionalism; ant hropology; Indonesia.
A p p a d u rai, Ar jun. The Social Life of Thi ngs: Commodit ies in Cultural
Pe rs p e c t ive. Cambridge: Cambridge Unive r sit y Pre s s, s o s o.
This collection of e s s ays ex p l o res t he relat ionship bet we e n
cult ure and commodificat ion. The Social Life of T hings is t he
r es u lt of a ye a r -lo ng d ia lo gu e b e t we en hist o r ia n s an d
a n t h r o p o l ogist s on t he t opic of commodit ies and t he poli-
t ics of value, considering t he subject from various hist orical,
et hnogr aphical, and sociological perspect ives.
Keywords: cult ure; ant hropology; commodificat ion.
B a c h e l a rd, Gast on. T he Poet i cs of S p a c e. Bost on: Beacon Pre s s,
sooo.
Bachelard writ es about t he significance of space as a philo-
sophical essent ial and as t he basis for poet ic imaginat ion. He
writ es of t he possibilit ies of t ranscending t ime and rat ional -
it y t o make individu al conne ct ion wit h par t icular spaces.
While difficult t o classify, The Poet ics of Space is an indiv i d-
u a l - c e n t e re d, p he nomen olog ical a ppro ach t o t he signifi-
cance of space, and by ext ension t o t he “spaces,” forms and
symbolic meanings of mat erial herit age.
Keywords: philosophy; space.
B a r t he l, Dian e . Hi st or i c Pr e s e r va t i on: Col l ect ive Memor y a n d
Hi st or ical Iden ti t y. N ew Br u n swick, ·. j.: Ru t g e r s Unive rs i t y
Press, sooo.
Bart hel is a sociologist , and approaches archit ect ural preser -
vat ion and pu blic hist or y in order t o under st and t he social
fo r ces be hind t he m. The book is a co mp ar a t ive st udy of
G reat Brit ain and t he u. s., and ex p l o res analyt ical t hemes
such as u t opianism, cu lt u r al change in post -indu st r ial cu l-
t u re, consu mer ism, and t h e r e l i giou s r esonances as seen
t hrough t he lens of what she t erms t he broad “preser vat ion
project .” She por t r ays t he pr e s e rvat ion project as bot h ev i-
dence of, and a means of, social change in moder n societ y.
Key wo rds: hist or ic pre s e r vat ion; sociology; Unit ed St at e s;
Great Brit ain.
Baxandall, Michael. Pa int i ng and Experi ence i n Fift eent h-Cent ur y
I t a ly: A Pri mer i n t he Socia l Hi st or y of S t y l e. O x fo rd: Oxfo rd
Univer sit y Press, so:z.
B a x a n d a l l ’s essays ex p l o re t he social and ar t ist ic condit ions
t hat led t o t he pr odu ct ion of value in s ,
t h
- c e n t u r y It alian
paint ing. (They originat ed as a series of lect ures given at t he
U n ive r sit y of London.) Each illust r at es how social condi-
t ions influence t he development of d i s t i n c t ive visu al ski l l s
and habit s, t he development of t ast e, ar t ist ic p er c e p t i o n ,
and cult ural value.
Keywords: art hist or y; paint ing; It aly.
B e a t l ey, T imot hy a nd Kr ist y Man ning. T he Ecol ogy of P l a c e :
Pl a n n i n g for Econ omy, En v i r on men t a n d Commu n i t y.
Washingt on, n.c.: Island Press, soo:.
This stu dy, writt en within t he discipline of land-use and env i-
ronment al planning, is part of t he incre a s i n gly influent ial
d i s c o u rse on sust ainabilit y. Like many wo r ks on this subject,
B e a t l ey and Manning’s t ext is ve ry pr ogre s s ive in insist ing on
t he connections between economic, ecological and polit ical
s p h e res of s o c i e t y, and emphasizing a fu t u re-or iented view.
Ty p i c a l ly, t hough, it larg e ly ignores cult ure and lacks a sense
o f h i s t o r y. It deals wit h “environment ,” “commu n i t y,” and
“place” as compre h e n s ive categ o r i e s, yet cult u re (and mat er-
ial cultu re in par ticular ) are scarc e ly ment ioned.
Key wo rds: environment ; envir onmental planning; ecology ;
sust ainabilit y.
Beaumont , Const ance Ept on. S m a r t St a t es, Bet t er Commu n i t i e s :
How St a t e Gove r n men t s Ca n Hel p Ci t i z en s Pr e s e r ve T h e i r
C o m mu n i t i e s. Washingt on, n. c.: Nat ional Trust for Hist oric
Preservat ion, sooo.
This bo ok d ocu ment s recen t su ccesses of st at e a nd local
preser vat ion policies (especially significant in t he u.s., given
t he absence of st rong federal effort s). Beaumont present s a
series of case st udies relat ed t o preservat ion legislat ion, reg-
ulat ions and economic incent ives in t he Unit ed St at es. Th e
success st ories chosen reflect t he cur rent t rend t o posit his-
t oric preservat ion as a planning and economic development
p o l i cy, and less as a cult u r al pr act ice. In t his cont ext , her-
it age is valued more for it s ut ilit arian and economic va l u e s
and less for it s cult ur al meanings.
Key wo r ds: policy; hist or ic pre s e r vat ion; gr owt h manage-
ment ; Unit ed St at es.
B e c k e r, Howa rd. A rt Wo rl d s. B e r k e l ey: Unive rsit y of C a l i fo rn i a
Press, sosz.
Becker explores “art worlds” sociologically, as a net work of
p eop le who p ro du ce, d isplay, con su me, an d va lid at e ar t
t hrough t heir cooper a t ive act ivit y (i.e., creat e cult u ral and
a r t ist ic value). Each chapt er addresses diffe rent sect ors and
funct ions wit hin art worlds, explaining how t hey come int o
exist ence and persist , how t hey effect t he form and cont ent
o f i n d ividual art wo r ks, and how ar t wo r ks influence analy-
ses of t he art s and t he way t hey are int er pret ed and valued.
Keywords: ar t ; ar t hist ory; sociology.
Bendix, Regina. In Search of Aut hent icit y: The Format ion of Folklore
St udies. Madison: Univer sit y of Wisconsin Press, soo:.
The definit ion of some aspect s of a cult ure as “aut hent ic”
(and t hus ot her part s as inaut hent ic) is a compelling force in
many modern cult ures, and aut hent icit y is a powerful force
in valuing herit age. Because aut hent icit y is a sublimat ed and
influent ial way of valuing cult ures, Bendix argues, t he w ays
au t hent icit y is defined and deployed wa r r ant a fu l l - l e n g t h
s t u d y. Ben dix ex p l o res t h e ce nt r al r o le of t he n ot io n of
“au t hent icit y” using fo l kl o re as a disciplinar y case st udy of
t he larger cult ural/ ant hropological issue. She explores ideas
o f imit at io n ve r su s aut hent icit y, an d o t h er du alit ies t hat
75
d e fine moder n i t y ’s approach t o const ru ct ing and inve n t i n g
cult ure. This st udy is equally relevant t o quest ions concer n-
i n g m at e r ia l a n d im m a t e r i a l c u lt u r a l h e r it a ge . Th e
Int roduct ion and Pa r t I ar e ove rv i ew in nat ure; t he r est of
t he book focuses on t he folklore field.
Keywords: folklore; herit age; aut hent icit y.
Benedikt , Michael, ed it or. Cent er  / Va l u e. Aust in : Cent er fo r
Archit ect ure and Design, School of Archit ect ure, Universit y
of Texas, soo:.
This excellent int erd i s c i p l i n a r y collect ion of e s s ays frontally
a d d r esse s t he var ied not ions of valu e as seen from many
d i ffe rent disciplines (from economics t o sociology t o philos-
o p hy, fr om in divid u al t o so cial scales), and br ings t hese
approaches t o bear on t he quest ion of h ow issu es of va l u e
a ffect t he pract ice of a rc h i t e c t u re and the char act er of u r b a n
sp ace. Cont r ibu t o r s inclu de leading economist s, philoso-
p h e rs, arc h i t e c t s, and ot her scholars.
Keywords: values; economics; archit ect ure; philosophy.
Benson, Su san Po rt e r, St ephen Brier, and Roy Ro s e n z weig, edi-
t o r s. P r esen t i n g t he Pa st : Essa ys on Hist or y a n d t h e Pu bl i c.
Philadelphia: Temple Univer sit y Press, soso.
This collect ion of essays on public hist ory (mainly by social
hist orians) t akes a crit ical approach, at t empt ing t o reveal t he
p ower relations embedded in t r adit ional means of p re s e n t -
ing hist ory t o public audiences. The collect ion also includes
descr ipt ions of s eve r al pr ogre s s ive models for pre s e n t i n g
p u blic hist o r y. T he subject s o f var io u s ch ap t e r s inclu de
mu s e u m s, t he const r u ct ion of a rc h ive s, or al hist or y pr o-
ject s, lit er at ure, films, and communit y-based project s.
Key wo rds: pu blic hist or y; social hist ory; hist oric pre s e r va-
t ion; museums.
Berger, Jonat han and John W. Sint on. Wat er, Eart h and Fire: Land
Use and Environment al Planning in t he New Jersey Pine Bar rens.
Balt imore, Md.: Johns Hopkins Univer sit y Press, sos,.
In describing t he cult ure of a very dist inct ive area of east er n
Nort h America, t his book speaks t o t he ever yday use of her-
it age as a living syst em of people and land. It highlight s t he
cont inuit ies of mat erial and immat erial cult ure, people and
land, and t heir development over t ime. To t hose who live in
t he Pine Bar re n s, herit age is t he way of l i fe — what acade -
mics would call ve rn a c u l a r. This is t he opposit e, in many
s e n s e s, of t he t r adit ional pre s e r vat ion “land mark.” Ta k e n
along wit h Mary Hufford’s book (see below), t he t wo books
comprise an exhaust ively document ed case st udy. Hufford’s
book is an et hnographic case st udy, including some aspect s
of mat erial cult ure; Berger and Sint on st udy t he use of t he
land, from bot h t he privat e- and public-sect or sides.
Key wo r ds: fo l kl o r e; he r it age ; envir on me nt al plann in g;
Unit ed St at es; New Jer sey.
Bo k, Si ss e la . Common Va l u es ( Pa u l An t h on y Br i ck Lect ur e s ) .
Columbia: Univer sit y of Missouri Press, soo,.
This slim volume is a philosophical and moral invest igat ion
int o t he nat ure of c u l t u r al va l u e s. The aut hor, in a collec-
t ion of e s s ays from s o s s t o s o o+, consider s t he quest ion of
what mor al va l u e s, if a ny, might be shared acr oss nat ional,
et hnic, religious, and cult ur al boundaries.
Keywords: philosophy; values; mor alit y; cult ure.
B o n i face, Pr iscilla, and Pet er J. Fow l e r. H e r i t age and Touri sm i n
‘t he Global Village.’ London: Rout ledge, soo,.
This st udy int er p ret s herit age t ourism as one of t he most
i m p o r t ant and int ere st ing lenses on t he issue of h ow cul-
t ures are changing (as part of “globalizat ion”), and t he role
t hat place and h er it age play in t his chan ge. Boniface and
Fowler also broach qu est ions rega rding how museums and
c o n s e r vat ion effo r t s can mediat e t he effect s of t ourism on
cult ures and mat erial herit age. In keeping wit h t he “global”
ambit ions of t he t it le, t hey draw on examples from around
t he wo r ld. Though one of t he au t hor s is an ar c h a e o l ogi s t
and t he ot her a conser vat ion professional, t he work reads as
infor med cult ural crit icism.
Keywords: herit age; cult ure; t ourism.
B o u r a ssa , St ep h en C. T h e Aest het i cs of L a n d s c a p e. L o n d o n :
Belhaven Press, soos.
B o u r assa argues for a cult ur al det er minat ion of a e s t h e t i c
values and t he or ies. Addressing land scap e as an aest he t ic
object , t he aut hor set s fort h a t heory concerning t he biolo g-
ical, cult ural, and personal modes of aest het ic ex p e r i e n c e ,
as well as t he biological law s, cult ur al ru l e s, and p ers o n a l
st rat egies governing t his experience. This work is built on a
crit ique of Jay Applet on’s The Experience of Landscape, which
br oke new grou nd by m aking gener al insigh t s abou t t he
value of landscapes.
Keywords: landscape; aest het ics; art hist or y.
Bourdieu, Pier re. Dist inct ion: A Social Crit ique of t he Judgement of
Ta s t e. Tr anslat ed by Rich ar d Nice. Camb ridge: Har va rd
Univer sit y Press, sos+.
B o u rd i e u ’s impo r t a nt wo r k on t he sociolog y of c u l t u re
i nve s t i gat es act s an d pr o cesse s of c u l t u r al “va lu a t io n.”
He ar gu es t hat a r t and cult u r al consu mpt ion are pre d i s-
p o s e d — c o n s c i o u s ly and delibera t e ly or not —t o fu l fill t he
social fu nct ion of l egit imizing social and class diffe re n c e s,
or “dist inct ions.”
Keywords: sociology; cult ure.
———. T h e Fi el d of Cu l t u r a l Pr od u ct i on : Es sa ys on Ar t a n d
L i t e r a t u re. Edit ed and int rodu ced by Randal Johnson. New
York: Columbia Universit y Pr ess, soo,.
Th is cr it ica l st u dy of c u l t u r a l p r act ices is a collect io n of
Bourdieu’s major essays on art , lit erat ure and cult ure, writ -
t e n be t w e e n s o o s a n d s o s :. T h ey a d d r e s s, d ir e c t ly o r
i n d i re c t ly, such issues as aest het ic valu e and canon fo rm a-
t io n , t h e r e la t io ns h ip b e t w e e n cu l t u r al p r a ct ic e s a n d
br o ad er social p r oce sses, t h e so cia l posit ion an d r ole of
int ellect uals and ar t i s t s, and t he relat ionship bet ween high
and low cu lt ure. This is an import ant t heoret ical cont ribu-
t ion t o u nder st anding t he relat ionship bet ween syst ems of
t hought , social inst it ut ions, and diffe rent fo r ms of m a t e r i a l
76
and symbolic power (i.e., value syst ems). His work includes
t he t he or y of d i s t i n c t i o n s, i.e ., t h at “syst ems of d o m i n a-
t ion” and powe r are ex p ressed in vir t u a l ly eve r y aspect of
c u l t u r e . Fo r d e e p e r i n s ig h t i n t o t h e si gn ifi c a n c e o f
B o u rd i e u ’s r e s e a r ch, see Pier r e Bo u r dieu a nd Loïc J. D.
Wacqu an t , An I nvi t a t i on t o Re fl ex ive Soci ol ogy ( C h i c a g o :
Univer sit y of Chicago Press, sooz).
Keywords: sociology; cult ur e; ar t .
B oye r, M. Christ ine. “Cit ies for Sale: Merchandising Hist ory at
Sout h St re et Se ap o r t .” In Va ri a t ions on a Theme Par k: Th e
N ew Amer i ca n Cit y a nd t he End of P u bli c Spa ce, e dit ed by
Michael Sorkin. New York: Noonday Press, sooz.
In t h is e ss a y, t h e u r b a n a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l h i st o r i a n
B oye r document s t he use of ur ban her it age (arc h i t e c t u ra l
a n d n ar r a t ive ) in t h e co m m e r cia l r e d eve lo p m en t o f a
Ma n ha t t a n w at er fr on t dist r ic t . H er cr it ical p ers p e c t ive
focu se s on t he simu l a c r um qu alit y of t he hist or y pre s e n t -
ed/ marke t ed t o t he publ i c, as t he her it age of t he sit e and
t he celeb ra t o r y st or y of it s cont empor a r y pre s e r vat ion is
woven int o t he r eal-est a t e develop ment an d com mer c i a l
d eve lopment dynamics t hat are t he impet u s of change as
well as pr e s e rva t i o n .
Ke y wo rd s: he r it age ; he r it ag e devel op m en t ; u r ba n ism;
Unit ed St at es; New York.
———. T he Ci t y of C o l l e c t ive Memor y: It s Hi st ori ca l Image r y a nd
Archit ect ural Ent er t ainment s. Cambridge: xir Press, soo+.
B oye r ’s dense t reat ise is an hist orical and t heoret ical ex p l o-
rat ion of t he role of hist orical memory in t he ar c h i t e c t u re
of modern cit ies. She emphasizes a w ay of int erpret ing and
r ead in g bu i l d i n g s, cit ie s a n d o t he r d isplays (mu s e u m s,
panoramas, t heat ers) as a series of symbols, signs and t ext s.
The work is informed by archit ect ural t heor y, post -st ruct ur -
al t heor y, and especially t he work of Benjamin.
Keywords: hist or y; memory; urbanism.
B ret t , David. T he Const r ucti on of H e r i t age. Cor k, Ireland: Cor k
Univer sit y Press, sooo.
Bret t ’s st udy is impressi ve in scope, and falls along t he lines
o f D avid Lowe n t h a l ’s wide-r a n ging inqu iries int o t he u ses
o f t he past , bot h mat er ial and immat er ial. Br et t st rongly
emphasizes t he visual, wit hin t he broader cat egory of “rep-
resent at ions of t he past ”; most of his examples are dr aw n
fr om Ireland. Alt hou gh he is an art hist orian, Bre t t ’s re fe r-
ences dr aw as mu ch fr om cont empor a r y social t heor y as
fr o m ar t t heor y. Despit e it s sp ecific focuses on aest het ics
and Ireland, t his st udy is ext remely useful as an overview of
t he issues at t ending t he cult ural const ruct ion of herit age in
t he broadest sense.
Keywords: art hist or y; social t heory; herit age; Ireland.
Bruner, Jerome. Act s of Meaning. Cambridge: Harvard Universit y
Pr ess, sooo.
B r u ner is a psyc h o l ogist whose lament is t he separ at ion of
p s yc h o l og ical inqu ir y from t he br oa de r fields concer n e d
wit h t he human condit ion. He argues for reinvigorat ing cul-
t u r al p syc h o l ogy—a field which st u die s collect ive, social
p ro cesses as a fa ct or in psyc h o l og y. Specifi c a l ly, Br u n e r
focu ses on “t he meaning-making process” as t he means of
cult ur al shaping of individual psychology.
Keywords: cult ure; psychology.
C a s ey, Ed wa r d S. T he Fa t e of Pl a ce: A Ph i l os oph i ca l Hi s t or y.
Berkeley: Universit y of Califor nia Press, soo:.
C a s ey ’s basic belief is t hat “place” is impor t ant and indeed
inescapable t o humans. The Fat e of Place is a hist ory of philo-
sophical t hink ing about space and place, and his aim is t o
bring t he idea of place out of it s “dormant ” st at e in West er n
p h i l o s o p hy a nd in t o “t he daylight o f p hilo so ph ical d is-
course.” Casey follows his subject t hrough a chronology of
epochs in t he hist ory of t he West : from t he ancient Greeks
t o a br ief sect ion on medieval and Renaissance t hinki n g ,
t hen a series of c h ap t e rs on moder n concept ions of s p a c e ,
culminat ing in t he recent past by t racing Heidegger and var-
ious po st moder n i s t s. Casey bu ilds a dense, de t ailed, and
persuasive argument .
Keywords: philosophy; place.
C e r t eau , Miche l de. Th e Pr a ct i ce of E ve r yd a y Li fe. Tr a n s l a t e d
by S t even F. Ra nda ll. Be rkeley: Unive r sit y of C a l i fo rn i a
Press, sos+.
De Cer t e a u ’s t heor y of eve r yd ay life holds t hat indiv i d u a l s
const ant ly remake and re-value t heir lives, cult ures, and sur-
ro u ndin gs wit hin br oad socio-economic const r a i n t s. He
i nve s t i gat es b ot h t he su bt le, “ord i n a r y” asp ect s of l i fe, as
well as t he syst ems—individual and social—which make up
a cult ure. For example, t he act of reading is described not as
p a s s ive, bu t as a cr e a t ive act —a n act of p rodu ct io n. Th e
explicit ly spat ial part s of his analysis (chapt ers on walking in
t he cit y, riding railroads, and t he spat ial qualit ies of st ories)
relat e implicit ly t o cult u ral herit age by speaking t o t he dif-
fe r e nt w a ys t h a t sp a c e is a n i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f
c o n s c i o u s n e s s. Vis-à-vis t he p rocess of c o n s t r u ct in g h er -
it age, t his would suggest t hat t his creat ive process resides in
individuals as well as social bodies and inst it ut ions.
Keywords: philosophy; place.
C o c c l o s i s, Har r y, and Pet er Nijka m p, edit or s. Pla nning for Our
Cult ural Herit age. Aldershot , u.x.: Avebury, soo,.
The approach of t his collect ion is deliber at e and pr a c t i c a l ,
seen most ly from t he perspect i ve of t he economist -planner.
Specifically, Cocclosis, Nijkamp and ot her cont ribut ors deal
wit h (s) t he built envir onment aspect s of c u l t u r al herit age
and (z) planning and policy relat ed issu es. The collect ion’s
u n d e rlying premise is t hat issues of d e fining and planning
for “her it a ge” have a ce nt r al r ole t o play in det er m i n i n g
“social policies” of t he European Communit y. Among ot her
fo un da t ion al qu e st ions, t he edit or s pose t he q u est io n of
whet her “herit age” is confined t o t he unique and t he ou t -
st anding, or whet her it includes t he ord i n a r y. The chap t e r s
i l l u s t r at e and discu ss diffe rent approaches t o st udying and
evaluat ing cult ural-archit ect ural herit age (t hrough econom -
ic analysis, operat ional concerns, evaluat ion of communit y
impact s, and so on). The edit ors use Kevin Lynch’s norma -
77
t ive t heory idea from Good Cit y For m (Cambridge: xir Press,
sos+) as a jumping-off point —a good environment beget s a
h e a l t hy societ y, and pre s e r ved herit age is part of t his env i-
r on m e n t . Seve r al ca se st u d ie s d e m o n st r a t e d i ffe re n t
met hods of economic evalua t ion an d ana lysis a pplied t o
places where herit age t ourism and sust ainabilit y are at issue.
Key wo rds: her it age planning; economics; t ou rism; urban-
ism; sust ainabilit y; Europe.
Commonwealt h Depart ment of Communicat ions and t he Art s.
Mapping Cult ure: A Gui de for Cult ura l and Economic Deve l o p-
ment i n Commu n i t i e s. C a n b e r r a: Au s t r alian Gove rn m e n t
Publishing Service, soo,.
This Au s t r alian gove r nment re p o r t docu ment s an effo r t t o
est ablish a met hodology for communit y-cent ered ident ifica-
t ion and conser vat ion of herit age. The goals are ve r y aki n
t o t he effort s of t he English organizat ion Common Ground,
t hough t he approach here is somewhat more rigorous and
reg u l a r i ze d, as t he Au s t r alian gove r nment int ends for t his
model t o be replicable in any number of communit ies. Also,
t h e pr oject s ar e e nvisio n ed a s le a din g di re c t ly t o pla n s
ensur ing t he ongoing economic as well as cu lt ur al healt h
o f a co mmu n i t y. Th e re sult is an a r t icu lat e guid e t o t he
planning of, and r at ionales behind, commu n i t y - d r iven in-
vent ories, herit age planning, and conser vat ion.
Keywords: herit age; communit y planning; policy; Aust r alia.
C o n n e r t on, Pau l. How Societ ies Re m e m b e r. C a m b r i d g e. C a m b r i d g e
U n ive rsit y Pre s s, s o s o.
This book is an excellent overview of t he subject of collec-
t ive/ social memor y, t hou gh it is n ot st r ongly fo cused on
mat erial object s. Connert on ’s sur vey is a t hought ful review
of mat erial and immat erial ways of organizing social mem -
o r y. T h e c e nt r a l q u e st io n i s, “H ow i s t h e m e m or y o f
groups conveyed and sust ained?” The aut hor proposes t hat
t he orga niza t ion of c o l l e c t ive memor y—t hr ou gh seve ra l
means, including bodily pract ices—is a dimension of (and a
lever on) polit ical power.
Keywords: sociology; collect ive memory.
C o n n o r, St eve n . T h e o r y a n d Cu l t u r a l Va l u e. O x fo r d : Ba sil
Blackwell, sooz.
C o n n o r ’s philosophical work begins wit h t he posit ion t hat ,
i n t h e r e a lm o f p h i l o s o p hy a nd li t e r a t u r e , val u e s a r e
inescapable. He at t empt s t o t ranscend t he t radit ional polar-
izat ion bet ween absolut e values and relat ive values, denying
t hat an eit her/ or det erminat ion can be reached, and creat es
inst ead a framework for t hinking about absolut ism and rela-
t ivism of value s as co-exist ent and even ir r e s o l va ble. Th e
exist ence of bot h relat ive and absolut e at t it udes t o ward val-
u es is a bu ilt -in par a d ox, he re a s o n s, and t her e fo r e bo t h
should be embraced inst ead of seeing t hem as eit her/ or. To
u n d e r st and t his “u na ba t able p ar a d ox of valu e,” Con no r
a n a ly ze s t h e han dling of va lu e que st ion s in t he wor k of
leading philosopher s, lit er a r y cr it ics a nd social scient ist s
cont ribut ing t o t he debat es sur rounding crit ical t heor y.
Keywords: philosophy; values; social t heory.
C o s gr ove, Denis. “Should We Take It All So Seriou sly? Cult u re ,
C o n s e r vat ion, and Meaning in t he Cont empor a r y Wo rl d . ”
In The Da hlem Wo r kshop on Durabilit y and Change: The Science,
Re s p o n s i b i l i t y, and Cost of Sust ai ning Cult ural Her it age, e d i t e d
by W. E. Kr umbein, P. Brimblecombe, D. E. Cosgr ove, and
S. S t a n fo r th. New York: John Wi l ey & Sons, s o o+.
Cult ural geogr apher Denis Cosgrove argues t hat recent cul-
t ural crit icism and scholarship (he cit es Ricoeur, Baudrillar d
and Har vey) suggest s t hat t r adit ional, object -cent ered her-
it age conser vat ion not be t aken “as se riou sly” as it is. He
qu est ions canonical approaches t o her it age conse rva t i o n ,
e s p e c i a l ly t he r ole o f o b j e c t s, a nd a r gu es in st ead for a n
ap p r eciat ion of c u l t u re ’s fluidit y, it s plu ra l i t y, it s cont est a-
t ion. Cosgr ove asser t s t hat cult u r al knowledge and powe r
d e t e r m in e t he valu e o f h er it a ge —no t u se o r e xc h a n g e
valu e—t hu s su ggest ing a ve r y diffe rent way of a l l o c a t i n g
re s o u rces for conser vat ion. He debu n ks t he purist , aut hen-
t i c i t y - focused approach t o object conser vat ion in favor of
fo reg rounding t he r e p resent at ion of c u l t u re as a pr ocess.
“Rat her t han imprisoning cult ural herit age wit hin t he ideo-
l og i ca l s t r a i gh t j a c ke t o f ‘ a u t h e n t i c i t y, ’ w hy s h o u l d
conser vat ion and preser vat ion not seek t o liberat e t he fluid -
it y of meaning inherent [in cult ure and ar t ]?”
Keywords: conser vat ion; cult ure; social t heor y; geogr aphy.
Cr o n on, William , e dit o r. Uncommon Gr oun d: Ret hi n ki ng t h e
Hu ma n Pl a ce i n Na t u r e. N ew Yo r k: W. W. No r t o n &
Company, sooo.
The essays in t his collect ion argue, from a variety of p e rs p e c-
t ive s, t hat “natu re” and “t he environment ” are in fact highly
c u l t u red const ru c t s. T he scholars here re p resent a ve r y wide
r ange of disciplines (from humanit ies, social sciences, and
design). Tog e t h e r, t hey suggest t hat the nat ural env i r o n m e n t
should be illuminat ed by the same k inds of i n q u i r i e s — s o c i o-
l ogical, ant hr opological, hist orical, geographical—t hat are
oft e n u sed t o u n d e r st a n d m o nu m e n t s, o t h er cu lt u r a l
re s o u rc e s, and t he built environment genera l ly.
Keywords: hist or y; environment .
D i xon, John A. a n d John B. Sh er man . Economi cs of P ro t e c t e d
A r ea s: A New Look a t Benefi t s and Cost s. Washin gt on, n. c.:
Island Press, sooo.
This volume is an excellent ove rv i ew of h ow nat ural are a s
a r e analy z ed t hr ou gh t he lens o f e c o l ogical e co no mics.
Alt hou gh it concer ns t he economics of prot ect ed nat u ra l
a re a s, t he clear and det ailed discu ssions of conflict ing va l-
ues, measurement of benefit s, and varying cost s are closely
associat ed wit h cult ural conser vat ion. More t han t wo-t hirds
o f t he book is devot ed t o det aile d analyses of c a s e - s t u d y
“ a pplica t io ns” of t he se ideas in na t u r al ar ea s a n d pa r k s
around t he world.
Keywords: economics; environment al conser vat ion.
78
Drost e, Bernd von, Har ald Placht er, and Mecht ild Rö s s l e r,
edit ors. Cult ural Landscapes of Universal Value: Component s of
a Global St rat egy. Jena, Ger.: G. Fischer Verlag in cooperat ion
wit h Unesco, soo,.
T his boo k was occa sio ne d by t he inclu sio n of “ c u l t u ra l
landscape” as a cat egory on Unesco’s World Herit age List . It
is ex t re m e ly usefu l as a discu ssion of t he variet y of n ove l
and import ant issue s r aised by t he prospect of c o n s e rv i n g
cult ural landscapes, including t he relat ionships bet ween nat -
u r al an d cult u r al a spect s of t he land scape, cross-cu lt ur a l
d i ffe re n c e s, and t he difficu lt ies of mea su ring valu es and
q u a l i t i e s. It addr esses t he qu est ions of h ow t o conceive of
c u l t u ral landscapes; how t o r e c og n i ze t hem and document
t he experience of var ious gove rn m e n t s / groups in prot ect -
i ng t he m ; an d h ow t o bu ild st r a t e g ie s for pr ot e ct i on .
C o n t r i bu t o r s include pr ofessionals from ar ound t he wo rl d ,
academics, planners and designers, and t he case st udies have
a cor respondingly global reach. The focus on cult ural land-
s c a p e s is a n a t t e m p t t o r e c og n i z e n o n -m o n u m e n t a l ,
working/ product ive places—where nat ure and cult ure are a
seamless whole—as a legit imat e cat eg o r y of herit age. Th e
“Concept u al Fr a m ewor k” sect ion out lines t he underly i n g
assumpt ions informing t he rest of t he book—including t he
exist ence of l a n d s c apes of u n ive r sal va l u e — fo l l owed by an
i nve s t i gat io n int o cu lt ur al lan dsca pes as par t of a gl o b a l
world herit age st rat egy. “Value” is t aken t o be a monolit hic
ent it y beyond crit ical reproach. There is lit t le considerat ion
of what const it ut es “universal value”—especially in light of
t he “landscap e ’s” qu alit ies as inher e n t ly local, change fu l ,
c o n t ext u al phen omenon—nor what gener at es and main-
t ains value for t his kind of herit age in general.
Keywords: cult ur al landscape; herit age; policy; place.
D u e r kse n, Ch rist opher J. A Ha nd book on Hi st ori c Pre s e r va t i o n
L aw. Washingt on, n. c.: Conservat ion Fo u n d a t i o n / N a t i o n a l
Cent er for Preservat ion Law, sos,.
This collect ion, now somewhat dat ed, is a compre h e n s ive
rev i ew of p re s e r vat ion law in t he Unit ed St at es. It is we l l -
i n t e rp r et e d fo r n on-law ye r s, an d cove r s st at e, local, and
federal legislat ion and pro grams. An updat e is report edly in
process.
Keywords: hist oric preser vat ion; law; policy; Unit ed St at es.
E a gle t on , Te r r y. T he I deology of t he Aest het i c. Lon do n : Basil
Blackwell, sooo.
In t his philosophical hist ory, Eaglet on examines t he cat ego-
r y of t he ae st het ic a s a ga t eway t o u nder st anding a wide
r ange of social, polit ical, and et hical issues from t he lat e ss
t h
t hrough t he early z o
t h
c e n t u r i e s. Such insight is crucial, he
m a i n t a i n s, t o a n u nd er st a n d in g o f t h e m echa ni sm s by
which p olit ica l he g e m o ny—and it s at t en dan t va lu e sys-
t ems—are acquired and maint ained. Philosophers discussed
r a n ge fr o m Sh a ft e s b u r y, H u m e a n d Bu r ke t o Ka n t ,
K i e r k ega a r d, Nie t zsch e, H e ide g g e r, Ben ja m in , a n d t h e
Frankfur t School.
Keywords: philosophy; aest het ics.
Edson, Gar y, edit or. Museum Et hics. London: Rout ledge, soo:.
This collect ion treats et hics as an underlying fo rce in all ki n d s
o f museu m p r a ct ice, fr om int er p r et at ion t o ope r a t i o n s.
E n ga ging t heoret ical and pr act ical issues, t he volume discu ss-
es a number of i m p o rt ant cont empor a r y probl e m s, such as
collecting policies and right s of indigenous peoples, as well as
basic oper ational issues of i m p o rtance t o any mu seu m, such
as ex h i b i t i o n s, conser vat ion pr actices and t r aining. This vo l-
u m e is pa r t o f a se r ie s p u blished by Ro u t l e d g e — “ Th e
Heritage: Care - P re s e r va t i o n - M a n a g e m e n t . ”
Keywords: museums; policy; et hics.
El lio t , Ro b e r t . Fa k i n g Na t u r e: T h e Et hi cs of E nv i ro n m e n t a l
Rest orat ion. London: Rout ledge, soo:.
This work falls in t he realm of philosophy and environmen-
t al et hics. It is an int ere st ing exam ple o f an analysis t hat
bu ilds on t he not ion—now widely held—t hat t he meaning
an d va lu e o f n a t u r e o r cu lt u re is r a d i c a l ly con t in ge n t .
Though Elliot ’s subject is t he rest orat ion of nat ure and eco-
logical syst ems, t he analogy t o cult ure and cult ural herit age
is clear and quit e relevant . He makes a nuanced appeal for a
version of t he int rinsic value argument in favor of conserva-
t ion—”wild nat ur e has int rinsic valu e, which gives rise t o
obligat ions t o preser ve it and t o rest ore it ” (p.s).
Keywords: philosophy; et hics; environment al conser vat ion.
E n glish H e r it a ge . Su st a i n i n g t h e Hi s t or i c Env i r onment : New
Pe rs p e c t i ves on t he Fu t u r e ( a n En gl i sh Her i t a ge Di scu ssi on
Document ). London: English Herit age, soo:.
This brief discussion paper out lines a progressive approach
t o conser vat ion, cent er ed on issu es of valu es and sust ain-
abilit y. The definit ion of sust ainabilit y used here relat es ver y
st rongly t o social issues such as t he quest ions of who part ic-
ip a t es in co n ser vat io n d e cisio n s a n d who se vo ic es ar e
re p resent ed in conser ved herit age. The paper t hus const i-
t u t e s a u n iqu e, h e r it a ge -sp ecific t ak e on t h e no t ion of
s u s t a i n a b i l i t y. Also discussed are t he mu lt iplicit y of va l u e s
t hat shape conservat ion decisions, t he need for wider part ic-
ipat ion (beyond expert s) in conser vat ion, and several effort s
in England t o implement such a de-cent ered approach.
Key wo r ds: va lu e s; con ser va t io n ; En gla n d; c omm u n i t y
p l a n n i n g .
Et lin, Richard A. In Defense of Humani sm: Value i n t he Ar t s and
Let t ers. Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press, sooo.
Et lin offers a defense of t he st abilit y and exist ence of mean-
ing in and of a rt , against t he r adical cont ingency of m e a n-
ing and va lu e ar gue d by p ost st r u c t u ra l i s t s. Th e r e are, in
ot her wo rd s, some essent ial values t o ar t , and Et lin bu i l d s
some unifying t hemes t o bolst er t he exist ence of m e a n i n g
and value. The fi r st par t of t he book present s his t hought s
abou t cat egories of value and meaning in var ious fields of
a r t ; t h e second pa r t dir e c t ly engages and re fu t es le ading
p o s t s t ru c t u r alist s (seve r al wo r ks of which ar e included in
t his bibl i ogr ap hy) and t heir at t acks on humanist belief i n
t he values of ar t .
Keywords: ar t hist or y; philosophy; values.
79
European Task Force on Cult ure and Development . In From t he
M a r gi n s: A Con t r i bu t i on t o t h e Deba t e on Cu l t u r e a n d
D evel opment i n Eur o p e. S t ra s b o u r g: Co u n cil of E u r o p e
Publishing, soo:.
In this re p o rt developed by t he Council of Europe, “culture ”
encompasses t he ar t s, media and herit age, alt hough ar ts and
media are discussed far more. Focus is placed on policy - m a k-
ing and policy analysis concer ning cult u re. Th e r e ar e also
sec t io ns o n st a t ist ic al ind icat o r s, t he s o cia l t r a n s i t i o n s
Europe is undergoing, and t he cult ur al implicat ions t here o f .
Keywords: herit age; policy; Europe.
Feket e, John, edit or. Life Aft er Post modernism: Essays on Value and
Cult ure. New York: St . Mart in’s Press, sos:.
This collect ion concer ns t he qu est ion of value in t he post -
m o d e r n p h il o s o p h ica l s ce n e . T he wr it e r s a r e m a in ly
p h i l o s o p h e r s and lit e r a r y cr it ics. Given t hat qu est io ns of
valu e have been eclipsed by t he “deat h of t he su bject ” and
t he denial of value in post -st ru c t u r al t heor y, t his collect ion
of essays at t empt s t o put t he value debat e back on t he int el-
lect u al agenda. The essays address quest ions of valu e and
valuat ion in cont emporar y polit ics, aest het ics, and societ y.
Keywords: cult ure; philosophy; values.
Fe r r y, Lu c . Homo Aest het i cu s: T h e I nven t i on of Ta s t e i n t h e
Democr at i c Age. Tr anslat ed by Ro b e r t de Loiaza. Chicago:
Univer sit y of Chicago Press, soo,.
This book is a philosophical t reat ise on t he hist ory of demo-
crat ic individualism and modern subject ivit y. Ferr y provides
an hist orical perspect ive on t he emergence of t ast e (i.e. aes-
t he t ic va lu e ), in t h e l at e s s
t h
t h r o u gh z o
t h
ce nt u r ies b y
ret racing some of it s great concept ual moment s in t he work
of Kant , Hegel, Niet zsche, and t he post moder n t heorist s.
Keywords: philosophy; aest het ics.
Fit ch, James Mar st on. Hi st ori c Pr e s e r vat ion: The Cura t orial Man-
agement of the Built Wo r ld. C h a r lot t esville: Unive rsit y Pre s s
of Virginia, sooo.
Fit ch’s book is t he st andard English-language t ext describing
and codifying hist or ic pr e s e r vat ion as a “cu rat orial” pr a c-
t ice, t rea t ing bu ildin gs as ob ject s o f s t a ble m ean in g and
fixed value. In range, it gives a fairly comprehensive account
of t he different aspect s of t he preser vat ion field, t hough no
e mphasis is place d o n cr it ica l eva lu at ion o f met ho ds o r
ideas behind preser vat ion.
Keywords: hist oric preservat ion.
Foo t e , Ke n n et h E. , Pe t e r J. H u g il l, Ke n t Ma t h ews o n, an d
Jonat han M. Smit h, edit or s. Re - Reading Cult ura l Geogr a p hy.
Aust in: Universit y of Texas Press, soo+.
This collect ion ga t h e rs a wide r ange of p e rs p e c t ives on cul-
t u re and landscap e — h ow they are produced and st r u c t u re d ,
h ow t hey a re in t er p re t ed, wh a t t hey mea n as a cade mic
object s of study and as lived-in, ve r nacular env i r o n m e n t s —
as evid enced by t he wor k of g e n e r at ions of c u l t u r al geo-
gr ap h e rs. Older essay s, st ret ching back to t he work of C a rl
Sau er in t he s o z os, ar e re pr int ed alongside newe r, crit ical
c o n t r i bu t i o n s. This volume was envisioned as a su ccessor t o
a s o oz collect ion, Rea dings in Cult ura l Geogr a p hy.
Keywords: cult ure; landscape; geog raphy.
Fo s t e r, John, edit or. Va lu ing Na t ure? Economi cs, Et hi cs a nd t h e
Environment . London: Rout ledge, soo:.
From t he perspect ive of t he economics field, Fost er’s edit ed
volume speaks t o envir onment al conser vat ion as a mat t er
of social process and compet ing values. The collect ion’s cri-
t ique is cent ered on t he neoclassical economic model, bu t
focuses st rongly on t he quest ion of t he mu lt iple social va l-
ues of nat ure and t he inabilit y of economics t o analyze and
evaluat e t hem. In supe rb det ail, t he chap t e r s of t his book
(aut hors include economist s, philosophers and sociologist s)
engage t hese mult iple values, how t hey relat e t o one anot h-
er and t o broader social format ions, and how great er knowl-
edge and debat e about values must inform policy and deci-
sion-making. This collect ion is quit e relevant t o t he herit age
field in simu l t a n e o u s ly t aking on t he q uest ions about t he
values under pinning conse rvat ion decisions, and t he way
t hat exper t s and policy reflect values.
Keywords: economics; philosophy; values; environment .
Fou cault , Michel. The Arch a e o l ogy of K n o w l e d ge and t he Di scours e
on Language. Translat ed by A. M. Sheridan Smit h. New York:
Pant heon Books, so:z.
Fo u c a u l t ’s analysis is an impor tant cont ribution t o t heories
o f h i s t o r y and how t he past comes t o be valued. Arg u i n g
against t radit ional forms of hist ory t hat emphasize a homo -
g e n e o u s, co nsist en t , and mono lit hic acco unt o f t he past
(t he “gr and hist orical narr at ives”), t his book t heorizes about
d i s c o n t i nu i t i e s, r u p t u re s, and t r a n s fo rm a t ive moment s as
t h ey shape hist or ical consciousness. He dwells on t he re l a-
t ionship of language t o knowledge and act ion, uncove r i n g
in t he process t he hidden assumpt ions t hat govern t he way
we view our past . This is an import ant t heoret ical re a d i n g
for under st anding value for mat ion.
Keywords: philosophy; hist or y.
Fr ey, Br u n o S. “T he Evalu at ion of C u l t u r al Herit age: Some
Cr it ical Issues.” In Economic Pe rs p e c t ives on Cultural Heri t age,
edit ed by Mich ael Hu t t er an d Ilde Rizz o. New Yor k: St .
Mar t in’s Press, soo:.
Frey evaluat es t he “willingness-t o-pay” met hod as one par -
t icular example of cont ingent valuat ion met hods. Given t he
d i fficu lt ies an d u ncer t aint ies associat ed wit h t his t ype of
econ omic analy s i s, h e pr opo ses popu la r r e fe r en da a s a n
a l t e rn a t ive means of ga u ging t he (mult iple) values of c u l-
t ur al herit age and making conser vat ion decisions.
Keywords: economics; herit age; policy.
G e e r t z, Cliffo r d. T he Int er p ret at ion of C u l t u res: Select ed Essay s.
New York: Basic Books, so:,.
In t his collect ion, t he a nt hr opolog ist Geer t z present s his
vision, based on ext ensive empirical st udies, of what cult ure
i s, what role it plays in social life, and how it ou ght t o be
80
st udied. These essays address his int erpret ive t heory of cul-
t u re (“t hick descr ip t ion”), t he g r owt h of c u l t u r e and t he
evolut ion of hu man societ ies and consciou sness, re l i gi o n
and ideolog y as cult ur al syst ems, r it ual and social change,
and t he polit ics of meaning. Geer t z is a va l u a ble re s o u rc e
for u nder st anding how individ ual and social va l u e s, t heir
fo r mat ion, definit ion, and maint enance, are cult u ra l ly con-
dit ioned and det er mined.
Keywords: cult ur e; ant hropolog y.
G i n s bu r gh , Vict o r A. Econ omi cs of t h e Ar t s: Sel ect ed Essa y s.
Amst erdam: Elsevier, sooo.
G i n s bu rgh analy zes t he economics of a r t market s. His col-
lect ion of fo u r t een essays cove r s a large number of i s s u e s,
r anging from auct ion anomalies, t he management of muse-
ums, and t he excess supply of labor in t he performing art s,
t o t he economic analysis of law, invest ment and t heft of ar t -
wo r ks, t h e hist or y of collect ing, an d p rices of o r i gi n a l s
versus t heir copies. It illuminat es creat ion and maint enance
of cult ur al/ art ist ic value in a market -driven climat e.
Keywords: economics; ar t .
G l ove r, Jon at han. I: Th e Phi losophy a nd Psych o l ogy of Pe rs o n a l
Ident it y. Har mondswor t h, u.x.: Penguin, soss.
Glover’s int erdisciplinary st udy of ident it y and personhood
d r aws on work in psyc h o l og y, neur ology, and philosophy.
T his boo k co n cer ns t h e ways pe op le t h in k abou t t h em-
s e l ve s, and how t hey use t hese ideas in shaping t heir ow n
d i s t i n c t ive char a c t e r i s t i c s, and, by ext ension, t heir re l a t i o n-
ship t o ot her people and t he rest of t he wo rld. Pa rt i c u l a r ly
re l evant for a discussion of values is par t t wo of t he book,
ent it led “Self-Creat ion,” as it addresses how fr a m ewo r ks of
b e l i e f come int o being and how t hey affect human act ion
and int eract ion.
Keywords: psychology; cult ure.
Grampp, William. Pricing t he Priceless: Art s, Art ist s, and Economics.
New York: Basic Books, soso.
This book looks at t he art s from t he viewpoint of neo-classi-
cal e co no mic t heor y — h ow ar t is mad e (su p ply), how it
passes from t he art ist t o t hose who value it (exchange), and
what det ermines t he value t hey place on it (demand). Issues
a d d ressed r ange from t he inter r elat ion of t he ar t s and eco-
n o m i c s, focu sin g sp ecifi c a l ly on qu est io ns o f valu e a nd
price, t o t he acquisit ion of art , art pat ronage, art as an eco-
nomic good, income and t ast e, t he market power of art ist s,
t he ar t market in gener al, art mu s e u m s, and t he r ole and
funct ion of t he gover nment in ar t s funding.
Keywords: economics; policy; art .
G re en bie, Bar r ie. Spa ces: Di mensi on s of t he Huma n Landscape.
New Haven, Conn.: Yale Universit y Press, soss.
G reenbie consider s t he landscape as a human habit at —an
e nvironment in which people act and t o which t hey re a c t
a c c o r ding t o t heir in dividua l p sycho-so cial make-u p and
b e l i e f s y s t e m s. The au t hor dr aws heav i ly on t heories fr om
t he socia l a nd nat u r a l scie nces, pa r t i c u l a r ly e t ho log y, t o
ex p l o re how t he relat ionship bet ween social behavior and
space originat ed.
Keywords: sociology; landscape; space.
G re eve s, Tom, for Common Ground. Parish Ma ps: Celebr at ing and
Looking Aft er Your Place. London: Common Ground, s o s :.
T h is sma ll p am ph let fr om t h e En glish gr o u p Com mo n
Ground present s t he idea of “Parish Maps” and guides com-
munit ies in undert aking a parish mapping project . Briefly, a
parish mapping project is an effort undert aken by a commu-
nit y collect ive ly t o id ent ify all t hat is meanin gful in t heir
“ p l a c e ” — m o nu m e n t s, common bu i l d i n g s, spat ial pat t er n s,
eve r yd ay pr a c t i c e s, t r a d i t i o n s, h abit s, a nd a nyt hin g else
i n t e rp ret ed locally as being dist inct ive. Once ident ified, t he
c o m munit y creat es a way t o re p resent t his herit age (some
kind of “ m ap”; t hey t ake m any diffe rent fo r ms), and t akes
on t he conscious t ask of recognizing, commemorat ing and
c o n s e r ving what t hey t hemselves have deemed most t r e a-
s u red. The pr emise is t hat ident ifying her it age is t he fi rs t
st ep in conserving it . The approach of Common Ground is
ve r y decent er ed (communit y cent ered) as opposed t o t he
normal means of ident ifying herit age, t hat is, relying on t he
exper t judgement s of gover nment officials and consult ant s.
Keywords: public hist ory; communit y planning; England.
Greffe, Xavier. La Valeur Economique du Pat rimoine: La Demande et
l’Offre de Monument s. Paris: Ant hropos, sooo.
The economist Greffe explores t he ground bet ween under-
st a n din g h er it a ge as mo nu men t s w it h simp ly symb olic
value and under st anding herit age as having primarily eco-
no mic valu e. He r it age , clear ly, h as bot h k in ds of va l u e .
General chapt ers discuss broad issues of supply and demand
of herit age, economic r egulat ions, and polit ics of conserva-
t ion, and are follo wed by several chapt ers weighing specific
met hods of valuat ion and economic analysis.
Keywords: economics; herit age; Fr ance.
Gr ot h, Paul and Todd Br essi, ed it or s. U n d e r st a ndi ng Ord i n a r y
Landscapes. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univer sit y Press, soo:.
This ant hology is an excellent reader on cu lt ur al landscap e
s t u d i e s, which is one dist inct way of valuing whole env i r o n-
men t s and eve r yd ay ma t er ial cu lt u re a s embodiment s of
heritage wit h all t he at t endant va l u e s. This volume is mostly,
but not exc l u s ive ly, t he work of g e ogr ap h e rs, and st emmed
from a confe r ence on t he subject of h ow and whet her t o
t a ke la n dsca p e st u d y beyo n d t h e wor k o f p ion ee r J. B.
Ja c kson. It concludes wit h a superb bibl i ographic essay.
Keywords: landscape; geogr aphy.
G u e rr i e r, Yvonn e, edit or. Va lu es and t he Env i ronment : A Soci a l
Science Perspect ive. Chichest er, u.x.: John Wiley & Sons, soo,.
This collect ion present s t hinking about t he nat ural environ-
m e nt , co nce pt u al u nd er st a n din g o f va l u e s, an d po licy
a n a ly s i s. The essays here concer n t he diffe rent int er p re t a-
t io ns o f e nviro nm ent al issu e s a nd policies, a s r e f ra c t e d
t hrough t he issue of values. This book is valuable in funda-
81
ment ally ret hinking how t he environment is valued (by var-
ious ex p e rt s, and by t ypical cit izens), mat ched wit h some
ve r y e m p ir ic a l st u d ie s o f h ow s u ch in s igh t s m igh t be
applied. One of t he assu mpt ions underlying these essays is
t hat t he diversit y of legit imat e values (individual and social)
prevent s t he creat ion of (or, agreement on) a normat i ve set
of values r egarding t he nat ural environment . This present s
b a rr i e r s t o popular u nder st anding and act ion on env i r o n-
ment al issues.
Keywords: policy; environment ; sociology.
H a l bw a c h s, Ma u r ice . T he Col lect i ve Memor y. Tr a n slat e d by
Fr an ci s J. D it t e r, Jr. a n d Vid a Ya z d i Dit t er . New Yo r k :
Har per, soso.
H a l bwa c h s, a sociologist , was one of t he primary t heor ist s
o f c o l l e c t ive memory as an essent ial social phenomenon.
His work maint ains t hat human memor y exist s and t akes
s h ape in collect ive fr a m ewo r ks, as part of t he life of s o c i a l
groups. As corollaries, he argues t hat every social group has
it s cor responding collect ive memor y, which is cont inu a l ly
reshaped; and t hat space is a const ant referent in t he process
of collect ive remembering. His major works on t he subject
were originally published in French—Les Cadres Sociaux de la
Mémoire and La Mémoire Collect i ve. (See t he collect ion edit ed
by Lewis Coser for an over view.)
Keywords: sociology; collect ive memor y.
———. On Collect ive Memory. Edit ed, t r anslat ed, and int roduced
by Lewis A. Coser. Chicago: Unive rsit y of Chicago Pr e s s,
s o o z.
This is a compilat ion of work on collect i ve memory by t he
sociologist Maurice Halb wachs, t ranslat ed int o English and
accompanied by an excellent int r oduct ion det ailing his life
and influence. Halbwachs pioneered t he st udy of m e m o r y
as a social phenomenon, and part of his research was direct-
e d t ow a r d t h e c e nt r a l r ol e o f sp a ce s an d fo r m s i n t h e
pr oce ss of c o l l e c t ive remembe ring. His insight t her e fo re
p r ovides some essent ial t heoret ical gr o u n dwork for under-
st anding why social groups value and use mat erial herit age.
This volume dr aws on t wo of H a l bwachs’ major wo r ks —
Les Ca d r es Soci a u x d e l a Mémoi r e a n d La To p ogr a p h i e
L é ge n d a i re et des Eva ngi les en Te r re Sai nt e: Et ude de Mémoi re
Collect ive—t hough not from his ot her, more comprehensive
work on t he subject , The Collect i ve Memor y.
Keywords: sociology; collect ive memor y.
H a rdin, Gar ret t . “The Tr agedy of t he Commons.” Science s oz
(soos): sz+,-+s.
H a rdin is a b iologist , bu t is bet t er known for his et hical-
philosophical work. This essay argues t hat when re s o u rc e s
are t reat ed as a commons, t he normal course of event s will
lead t o exhaust ing t he re s o u rc e s. T hus Hardin sees a clear
need for collect ive act ion t o regulat e re s o u rces or, what he
calls “mut ual coercion mu t u a l ly agreed upon.” The lit er a l
subject of t he essay is population control, but cult u ral her -
it age would fit t his not ion of resources.
Keywords: environment ; et hics; philosophy.
Har vey, David. The Condit ion of Post modernit y: An Enquiry int o t he
Origins of Cult ural Change. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, soso.
H a r vey is one of t he leading human geogr ap h e r s wo r ki n g
t oday. This book is his int erpret at ion of t he enormous eco -
n o m i c, p o l it i ca l a n d c u lt u r a l s h ift s o f t h e so -ca lle d
p o s t m o d e r n er a. Advancing a st r ong neomarxist st ance, he
would argue t hat t he valuing of herit age—along wit h many
ot her cult ur al phenomena—flows quit e dire c t ly out of t h e
needs of c apit al, and obeys t he pe riodic re s t r uct u ring t hat
c apit alism necessarily underg o e s. The book arg u e s, essen-
t i a l ly, t hat “p ost moder nit y” is not hing new, ap a r t fr om a
new manifest at ion of modernit y, under which t he st ruct ur -
in g powe r o f m ar ke t ca pit alism co nt inu e s t o d omina t e
cult ure and societ y, albeit using no vel and different cult ural
for ms (i.e., renewed int erest in hist oric preser vat ion).
Keywords: cult ure; economics; geogr aphy.
H a ske ll, Fr a n c i s. Re d i s c over i es i n Ar t : Some Aspect s of Ta s t e,
Fa shi on, a nd Collect i ng i n En gla nd a nd Fra nce. It h aca, ·. ·.:
Cor nell Universit y Press, soso.
This is a classic work on issues of t ast e, fashion, and collect -
ing in t he hist or y of a rt . Haskell examines t he flu ct uations of
t ast e in England and Fr ance between s :so and s s so, fo c u s i n g
on t he influence of a rt market s, dealers, mu s e u m s, fi n a n c i a l
speculat ion, contempor a ry trends in scholar ship and collect -
ing hab it s, as well a s social and polit ica l con t ex t s. Many
d i ffe rent fa c t o rs — a e s t h e t i c, re l i gi o u s, t e chnical, polit ical,
e c o n o m i c, psyc h o l ogical and social—are seen as influencing
and det er mining t his histor y of aest het ic va l u i n g .
Keywords: art hist or y; Europe.
H ayden, Dolore s. The Power of Pla ce: Urban Landscapes As Publ i c
Hist ory. Cambridge: xir Press, soo,.
H ayd e n’s bo ok is b ot h a t he or et ical cont r ibu t ion on t he
social roles of herit age, and a chronicle of t he work of a col-
l a b o ra t ive group she direct ed in creat ing public hist or y / a r t
project s in Los Angeles. Dr awing on t he work of Lefebvre,
H ayd e n’s t heor y begins from t he insight t hat space equals
p ower and has p ot ent ial polit ical valu e. The definit ion of
u rban space as “herit age, ” she believe s, enables mar gi n a l-
ized groups t o reclaim urban space.
Keywords: public hist ory; herit age; social t heor y.
H e i l b r un, James and Charles M. Gray. T he Economi cs of A r t and
C u l t u r e: An Amer i ca n Pe rs p e c t i ve. Cam br idge: Camb ridge
Univer sit y Press, soo+.
H e i l b r un and Gr ay su r vey t he economics of t he fine and
performing art s in t he Unit ed St at es, as well as public policy
t owa rd t he ar t s, in light of t he r ealit ies and demands of a
market -driven societ y. Divided int o five part s, t he book first
o ffe r s a n ove rv i ew of t he a r t s se ct or an d it s h ist o r i ca l
gr owt h; second, an examin at ion of pr odu ct ion and con -
sumpt ion of t he live perfo r ming ar t s; t hird, an analysis of
t he financial challe nge s facing mu seu ms and p erfo rm i n g
a r t s organizat ions; fo u r t h, an ove rv i ew of c u r rent pu bl i c
82
policy; and, finally, an out look on t he fut ure of art and cul -
t ure in t he Unit ed St at es.
Keywords: economics; ar t ; policy; Unit ed St at es.
Herbert , David T., edit or. Herit age, Tourism and Societ y. London:
Mansell, soo,.
T his collect io n fo cu se s on t h e developme nt o f h e r i t a g e
places and at t r a c t i o n s, primar ily as economic ent it ies bu t
also as places of social and cult u ral significance. The book
b eg ins wit h t h e pr emise t ha t her it a ge t ou r ism/ her it age
d eve lopment is “an alt er n a t ive fo r m of [economic] ent er -
prise” in t he post -indust rial wo rld. The edit or not es pot en-
t ial conflict s bet ween pr e s e r vat ion a nd t ou rism or ot her
economic uses of herit age. Rega rding aut hent icit y, he r e c-
og n i zes t he d evelopme nt o f n ew, less-au t he nt ic kind s of
herit age places, but quest ions whet her t hey m ight not be
appropriat e t o cert ain kinds of audience t o be provided for
(i.e., some places ar e for mass consu mer s, some places are
for scholars). Ove r all, t his is a good sampling of d i ffe re n t
perspect ives on t he use of herit age; different aut hors de vel-
op t he not ion of herit age as, variousl y, hist orical realit y, lit -
e ra r y p la ce , na t io n a l id en t it y, p lan n e d a n d co n se r ve d
resource, informal educat ion, formal educat ion, a business,
and design.
Keywords: herit age; herit age planning; t ourism.
Herchenröder, Christ ian. Die Neuen Kunst märkt e: Analyse, Bilanz,
Ausblick. Düsseldorf: Verlag Wirt schaft und Finanzen, sooo.
This st udy is a comprehensive analysis of cont emporary ar t
market s in Eu rope, focusing in par t icu lar on: t ast es in col-
lect ing as t hey e volve over t ime; prices and t heir relat ion t o
c h a n ging economic clim at e s; an d r egional, nat ional, and
global market dynamics.
Keywords: art hist or y; sociology.
H e s t e r, Randolph. “Life, Liber t y and the Pu rsuit of S u s t a i n a bl e
Happiness.” Places o, no. , (soo,): +-s:.
H e s t e r, a landscape archit ect and planner, pr ovides a r ich
d e finit ion of s u s t a i n a b i l i t y, one t hat includes cult u ral pat -
t erns as an int rinsic element of t he syst ems t hat need t o be
sust ained. The discourse here is about et hics and cult ure as
much as ecolo gy. He discusses examples in which local cul-
t ural and ecolo gical pat t erns form t he basis for communit y
p la nn in g a nd d esign e ffo rt s. Fo r a h ow -t o a p p r o ach t o
Hest er’s ideas, see his Communit y Design Primer (Mendocino,
ca: Ridge Times Press, sooo).
Key wo r ds: commun it y planning; her it age ; su st aina bilit y;
Unit ed St at es.
Hewison, Rober t . The Herit age Indust r y. London: Met huen, sos:.
H ewison levels a crit ique at t he nu merical prolife rat ion of
mu s e u m s, hist oric sit es, an d ot her h er it age oper a t i o n s, a
phenomenon obser vable in England (and elsewhere) in t he
e a r ly s o sos. In d e scr i bing t h e m a lle ab ilit y o f h e r i t a g e ,
H ewison st resses t he dest r u c t ive ends t o which t he com-
m o d i f ica t i o n o f h e r i t ag e le a d s —i n o t h e r wo rd s , t h e
i n c reasing economic value of her it age leads t o it s cult ur a l
devaluat ion.
Key wo rds: herit age; her it age development ; commodifi c a-
t ion; England.
Hides, Shaun. “The Genealogy of Mat erial Cult ure and Cult ural
I d e n t i t y.” In Cult ural Ident it y and Arch a e o l ogy, edit ed by Pa u l
G r ave s - B r own, Sian Jo n e s, and Clive Gamble. Th e o re t i c a l
Archaeology Group (rao). London: Rout ledge, sooo.
In t he ove rv i ew cha pt e r of t his int rigu in g co llect ion of
e s s ay s, Hides argues t hat t he link bet ween mat erial object s
and ident it y—t he keyst one t o much ant hropological t heo-
r y — m ay b e in t r insic, bu t it i s n ot u nc ha n g in g. H id es’
c h apt er ex p l o res t he epist e molog ical r oot s and chang i n g
nat ure of t his connect ion as it has been modeled and under-
st oo d, e sp ecially w it h in ar c h a e o l og y a n d it s a ssocia t ed
fi e l d s. His aim is t o quest ion t he longst anding assumpt ion
t hat presumes a stable, object ive link bet ween art i fact s and
ident it y. His argument is t hat t his link is const ruct ed out of
social and hist orical circumst ances—not essent ial, universal
funct ions—as are scholars’ ways of t heorizing t hese chang -
ing links.
Key wo rds: arc h a e o l ogy; a nt hr opolog y; mat er ial cu lt u re ;
social t heor y.
Hiss, Tony. The Experience of Place. New York: Knopf, sooo.
Hiss is a journalist , and his sur vey is int ended t o inform t he
g e n e r al r ead er ab ou t t he impor t an ce an d power of t h e
not ion of “place,” by report ing on int erest ing project s being
d i r ect e d by a w ide r a n ge of ex p e rt s. In add it io n t o t h is
r e p o r t ing f u n ct io n, Hiss bu ilds an a rgu men t t ha t place
at t achment and t he visual, experient ial qualit ies of ever yday
e nvironment s are significant valu es for ord i n a r y cit iz e n s
and should be so recognized.
Key wo r d s: p lac e; e nvir on m e n t a l psyc h o l o g y ; p la ce
a t t a c h m e n t .
H o b s b awm, Er ic and Te rence Ra n g e r, edit ors. T he Invent i on of
Tradit ion. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer sit y Press, sos,.
T his collect ion of historical essays ex p l o res how fra g m e n t s
o f t he past have been appropriat ed as “herit age” and how
herit age has been u sed for var ious polit ical, nat ionalist ic,
e c o n o m i c, and ident it y-const r u ct ing ends. In deconst r u c t -
ing t he myt h of Sco t t ish k i l t s, for exa mple, t his vo l u m e
provides memorable evidence of t he malleabilit y of t he past
t hrough mat erial cult ure. In general, t he book explores how
t ra d i t i o n s, i.e., a set of r i t u a l i zed cult ur al pr a c t i c e s, are in-
vent ed, const r u ct ed, and fo rm a l ly in st it ut ed t o inculcat e
cer t ain values and nor ms of behavior.
Keywords: collect ive memor y; hist ory.
Hou gh, Michael. Ou t of Place: Rest or ing Ident it y t o t he Re g i o n a l
Landscape. New Haven, Conn.: Yale Universit y Press, sooo.
Wr it t en by a landsca pe archit e ct , t his book t akes a br oad
v i ew of what con st it ut es a “se nse of place.” It addre s s e s
h ow fo rces of hu man and non-human nat ur e have, in t he
past , creat ed char act er ist ic and ident ifi a ble landscapes as a
83
s o u rce of i n d ividu al and communal ident it y and cult u r a l
enr ichment . The au t hor addresses how hu man va l u e s — fo r
inst ance, societ y’s indiffe r ence t o t he dive r sit y inherent in
e c o l ogical syst e ms and hu man co mmu n i t i e s — s h a pe ou r
physical environment and hence our abilit y t o mold ident i-
t ies in relat ion t o it . Dr awing on int ernat ional case studies,
Hough addresses nat ive landscapes, t he imperat ive of recog-
nizing regional dist inct iveness, and t he t hreat ened ident it ies
and percept ions woven t hrough t hese issues.
Keywords: place; landscape; environment ; ident it y.
Howell, Benit a J. “Linking Cult ure and Nat ural Conser vat ion in
Nat ional Park Service Policies and Pro grams.” In Conserving
Cult ure: A New Discourse on Herit age, edit ed by Mary Hufford.
Urbana: Univer sit y of Illinois Press, soo+.
H owell addr esse s t h e sepa r at ion of c u l t u r al an d n at u r a l
resources in t he cont ext of American federal policy making,
and also as a philosophical mat t er.
Key wo rds: her it age; environment al conser vat ion; policy ;
Unit ed St at es.
Hubbard, Philip. “The Value of Conser vat ion: A Crit ical Review
o f B e h av i o u r al Re s e a r ch.” Town Pla nnin g Rev i ew o+, no. +
(soo,): ,,o-:,.
H u b b a rd, writ ing as a planner, rev i ews behav i o r al re s e a rc h
on t he issue of how people experience and g ive meaning t o
hist oric places and environment s. The essay concludes t hat
herit age at t he scale of t ownscapes is an import ant cont rib -
ut or t o cult ural ident it ies, and t hat cont emporary conser va-
t io n p h i lo so p hy fa il s t o r e a l i z e t h is va l u e fu l ly b y
int erpret ing t he value of herit age as narrowly archit ect ural
and aest het ic. Hubbard argues for an underst anding of her-
it age as key t o bolst ering commu n i t i e s, and t hus calls fo r
broader st udy of conservat ion as a social phenomenon and
a cent r al aspect of planning and urbanism.
Key wo r ds: conser vat ion; arc h i t e c t u r e; planning; e nv i r o n -
ment al psychology; England.
H u ffo rd , Mar y, edit or. C o n s e r ving Cult ure: A New Di scourse on
Herit age. Urbana: Universit y of Illinois Press, soo+.
This collect ion is an excellent sampling of cr it ical per s p e c-
t ive s o n co n se r vat i on a nd c u lt u r e t h a t go b eyo n d t h e
t r ad it iona l monu m e n t - p re s e r vat ion mod el. Many o f t h e
c o n t r i bu t o rs are fo l kl o r i s t s. (See t he individual chap t e rs cit ed
in this bibl i ogr ap hy, by Abr a m s, Howell, Huffo rd, and Low ) .
Keywords: cult ure; herit age; folklife.
———. One Spa ce, Ma ny Pla ces: Fo l kl i fe a nd La nd Use in New
Je rs e y ’s P i n el a n d s Na t i on a l Re s e r ve. Wa sh in gt o n , n. c. :
American Folklife Cent er, soso.
This r e p o r t of fo l kl o r e fi e l dwor k we ave s t oget her et hno-
g r ap hic st u dy a nd an en gageme n t w it h e nv i r o n m e n t a l
planning and hist or ic pr e s e r vat ion in t he act ual commu n i-
t ies of a dist inct ive cult ural and ecolo gical r egion in east er n
N o r t h Amer ica. Huffo rd ’s a cco u nt is a vivid exa mple of
d e fining “her it age” as t he fa b r i c, ar t i fact s and pract ices of
ever yday, t r adit ional life.
Key wo rds: fo l kl i fe; et hnogr ap hy; her it age; Unit ed St at es;
New Jer sey.
H u t t e r, Michael and Ilde Rizzo, edit ors. Economic Pe rs p e c t ives on
Cult ural Herit age. New York: St . Mar t in’s Press, soo:.
This volume compiles work p re sent ed at a confe rence of
academics and pract it ioners in t he field of cult ural econom-
i c s. It inclu des seve r al excellent chap t e r s re p re sent ing t he
wide r ange of ways t hat economist s const r uct t he value of
mat erial cult ur al herit age. The case st udies cent er on It aly
bu t inclu de ot he r cou nt r ies as well. Hut t er ’s int roduct ion
succinct ly lays out some of t he different met hods of pricing
c u l t u r al her it age, inclu ding cont ingent valu at ion, and t he
difficult y (in general) of pricing “public goods” such as her-
it age art i fact s and sit es. He also not es major t hemes in t he
c u l t u r al economics subfield, which inclu de, in ad dit ion t o
pricing met hods, t he effect of d i ffe rent reg u l a t o ry regi m e s,
issues of p u blic and pr ivat e use, and t he unive rsal pr obl e m
o f d e fining “her it age.” As an aside, Hut t er not es t he par a l-
lels bet ween cult ur al and nat u r al r e s o u rc e s, and how t hey
a re approached and “const r uct ed” t hrough int ellect ual and
policy lenses.
Keywords: economics; herit age; policy.
H u x t a ble, Ada Lou ise . T he Unr ea l Amer ica : Ar ch i t e c t u r e a n d
Illusion. New York: New Press, soo:.
Unreal America is a broad, journalist ic cult ural crit ique of t he
“faked” hist ory of places such as Hist oric Williamsburg and
Los Angeles’ Cit y Walk. Hu xt able lame nt s t he misuse of
herit age—or what is present ed as her it age—as an arc h i t e c-
t u r al st r a t egy and a ma r ket ing ploy. She decr ies t he high
valu e of su ch place s of illu sio n in cont em por a r y societ y,
and t he consequent devaluing of “real” places. This dynam -
ic is part ly ascribed t o t he dest ruct ive power of t ourism, and
part ly t o t he success of t he hist oric preser vat ion movement
and it s const ant “edit ing” of h i s t o ry. The herit age field, in
her est imat ion, has r edu ced t he dive r sit y of c u l t u re, bot h
high and low.
Keywords: herit age; urbanism.
H yde, Lew i s. The Gift : Imagi nat ion and t he Erot ic Life of P ro p e rt y.
New York: Vint age Books, sos,.
Hyde inquires int o t he role of creat ivit y in a market -orient -
ed cu lt u re . H e ex p l o r es t h e na t u r e o f t h e cr e a t ive a ct ,
a rguing t hat a wor k of a r t is a gift , not a commodit y. Th e
book r anges across diffe rent disciplines—ant hropology, lit -
e ra t u re, econ omics, a nd psyc h o l ogy—t o sh ow how “t he
c o m m e rce of t he cr e a t ive sp ir it ” fu nct ions in t he lives of
ar t ist s and cult ure as a whole.
Keywords: cult ure; philosophy; ar t .
I n ga rden, Rom an. Ma n a nd Va l u e. Wash ingt on, n. c.: Cat holic
Univer sit y of America Press, sos,.
I n ga r den inquires int o t he philosophical nat u re of va l u e s.
Assigning values a cent ral role in human affair s, and st ress -
84
in g t h eir r e l a t iv i t y, t h e a u t hor se eks t o u nd er st a nd t h e
essence of values, t he mat erial in which values are realized
and manifest ed, and t he manner in which t his manifest at ion
is accomplished.
Keywords: philosophy.
Ingerson, Alice, edit or. Managing Land As Ecosyst em and Economy.
Cambridge, Mass.: Lincoln Inst it ut e of Land Policy, soo,.
This slim symposiu m re p o r t rest s on t he premise t hat eco-
nom ic and eco logical per s p e c t ives on la nd can be wove n
t og e t h e r, inst ea d o f o pposed. In ar gu ing t his, t h e b oo k
su ggest s t ha t t he dist inct ly d iffe r en t valu es in he r en t in
la nd—an d by ext e nsion t he d iffe ren t valu es in he re nt in
mat er ial herit age—are not ne cessar ily in conflict . Most of
t he part icipant s in t he symposium were policy- or pract ice-
fo cu se d , g ivin g t h e d i scu s sio n a s t r o n g g r o u nd in g in
pr act ical problems.
Keywords: environment ; economics; policy.
I n t e r nat ional Council on Monu ment s and Sit es (i co x o s). N a r a
Document , Nara Confe rence on Au t h e n t i c i t y. Paris: Unesco, s o o ,.
The Nar a d ocument is t he result of a major int er n a t i o n a l
c o n fe rence of he rit age pr ofessionals and inst it ut ions. It is
t he product of an ext ensive process aiming t o reach consen-
sus on t he meaning and use of t he not ion of “authenticity,”
which ha s been one o f t he benchma r ks fo r ju d ging and
e s t a b l ish i n g t h e sig n if ica n ce o f c u l t u r a l an d h is t o r ic
resources in bureaucr at ic cont ext s.
Keywords: herit age; conser vat ion; policy; aut hent icit y.
I n t e r nat ional Symposium on Wo rld Herit age Tow n s. P re s e rv i n g
Our Her it age: Ca ta log of C h a rt e rs and Ot her Gui des. Q u eb e c :
icoxos Canada, sooo.
This booklet collect s in one place se veral of t he major char -
t ers and ot her int ernat ional document s concerning herit age
c o n s e r vat ion, b eginning wit h t he At hens Char t er of s o , s
and concluding wit h t he soooicoxos chart er on archaeolog-
ical herit age manageme nt . It also includes a few count r y -
s p e c i f i c d o cu m e n t s s u ch a s t h e u. s. S e c re t a r y of t h e
I n t e r i o r ’s St andard s. Most of t he document s are print ed in
English and French.
Keywords: herit age; policy.
Isar, Yudhisht hir Raj. The Challenge t o Our Cult ural Herit age: Why
P re s e r ve t h e Pa st ? Wa sh in gt o n , n. c. / Pa r is: Sm it h so ni an
Inst it ut ion Press/ Unesco, soso.
T his book is t he proceedings of a confe rence co-sponsore d
b y t h e Sm it h s on ia n , Un e s co , u s/ i co x o s a n d t h e u. s.
Nat ional Tr ust for Hist oric Preser vat ion. It cont ains a cross-
sect io n o f t h e co nse r va t i o n - p re s e r vat ion fie ld as of t h e
m i d -s o sos. Su bject s inclu de: scient if ic an d t echno log i c a l
issues; t he challenges posed by moder nizat ion; t he st at e of
p re s e rvat ion effo r t s in seve ral diffe rent cou ntr ies; and illicit
t ra ffic in cult ur al pr opert y. The su bject s and pre s e n t e rs are
int ernat ional in scope.
Keywords: conser vat ion.
Ja c kson , John Brincker hoff. The Necessi t y for Ru i n s, and Ot her
Topics. Amher st : Universit y of Massachuset t s Press, soso.
Ja c kso n is a n impo r t an t fi g u r e a s a n in t e r p r et e r o f t h e
meaning of c u l t u r al landscap e s. In some of his work, he
d i re c t ly addr esses t he role of her it age and hist or ic fo rm s
and pat t erns. His body of work and wide influence are per-
h a p s m o r e im p o r t a nt t h a n a n y sin gle e ssay. H i s wo r k
consist s most ly of b r i e f e s s ays and suggest s t hat t he ord i-
nary landscape is as much a part of our cult ure’s herit age as
m u s e u m s, int ent ional mo nu m e n t s, and ot her t ot ems of
o ff icial cu lt u r e. In t he essay “T he Necessit y for Ru i n s, ”
Ja c kson argues t hat t he physical deg radat ion of places and
t hings is a necessary precursor t o our valuing it as herit age.
His essays appear in a number of collect ions, most recent ly
La ndscape in Si ght : Looki ng at America ( N ew Haven, Conn.:
Yale Unive r sit y Pr e s s, s o o :) and A Sense of P l a c e, a Sense of
Time (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Universit y Press, sooo).
Keywords: landscape; cult ure; place; geography.
Jameson, Fr e d r i c. “Po s t m o d e r nism, or t h e Cu lt u r al Logic of
Lat e Capit alism.” New Left Review s+o (sos+): ,,-oz.
In t his t ouchst one essay for cult ural crit icism and post mod-
ernism, Jameson argues t hat post modernit y is charact erized
by a fu n d a m e n t a l ly diffe rent relat ion bet ween cult u re and
economy t han t hat under modernit y. One of t he signal dif -
fe re n c e s, he posit s, lies in t he d isap p e a r ance of c u l t u re ’s
“crit ical dist ance” fr om economics. Consequ ent ly, he sees
t he need for new “maps” t o find a way for cult ure t o t hrive
in t he new economic landscape.
Keywords: cult ur e; sociology; philosophy; social t heor y.
Jo hn st o n , C hr is. W h a t I s Soci a l Va l u e?: A Di scu ssi on Pa p e r.
Canber r a: Aust r alian Gover nment Publishing Service, sooz.
This brief r e p o rt commissioned by t he Au s t r alian gove r n-
ment examines t he not ion of social value in general, as well
as it s applicat ions t o t he preser vat ion of cult ural herit age. It
raises key qu est ions as t o t he social pur pose of c o n s e rv i n g
herit age places, t he problems of assessing social values, and
t he problemat ic not ion of conserving t hem. Especially use-
fu l are t he bibl i ogr aphical re fe re n c e s, sourc e s, and su ggest -
ed readings.
Keywords: herit age; policy.
Jo ki l e h t o, Ju k ka. A Hist ory of A rchit ectural Conser vat i on. O x fo rd :
But t erwor t h-Heinemann, sooo.
Jokileht o’s hist ory is a comprehensi ve account of t he domi-
nant t r adit ion in arc h i t e c t u r al conser vat ion—it document s
chronologically t he West ern/ European t radit ion of conser-
va t io n , a s d evelo ped fr om t he Enlight e nm ent , t h r ou gh
sot h-cent ury Romant icism, and int o t he zot h cent ur y. It is a
t horough t reat ment of t he way We s t e r n European conser -
vat ion has est ablished modes of i n t e rp ret ing t he past and
negot iat ing different values t hrough t he mat erial t reat ment
o f m o nu m e n t s. The final sect ions document t he spread of
t his conservat ion canon t o ot her part s of t he world, t hough
does not emphasize non-We s t e r n ap p r o a c h e s. The vo l u m e
85
is usefully illust rat ed wit h many examples, and is support ed
by ext ensive references.
Keywords: archit ect ur e; conservat ion; hist or y; Europe.
Kain, Rog e r, edit or. Pla nning for Conser vat i on. London: Mansell,
soss.
This collect ion of e s s ays gives some hist orical dept h to t he
differences in conser vat ion approach t hat have developed in
a few we s t e r n cou n t r ies (in We s t e r n Eu ro pe an d Nor t h
Amer ica). “Conser vat ion” in t his volu me per t ains t o bot h
cult ural and nat ural environment s. The opening chapt er (by
t he edit or Kain) is a useful, short int roduct ion t o t he devel-
oping idea of moder n conser vat ion.
Keywords: conser vat ion; hist ory.
Kam men , Micha el. In t he Pa st La ne: Hi st ori ca l Pe rs p e c t i ves on
American Cult ure. New York: Oxford Univer sit y Press, soo:.
In t his collect ion of e s s ays on public hist or y, t he Amer ican
hist orian Kammen supposes t hat t he malleabilit y of collec-
t ive memor y is not du e solely t o it s polit icizat ion. That is,
he t akes a purposely less cynical view: t hat collect ive memo-
r y is re s h a ped for innocuous or even salut ary re a s o n s, and
not for just t he object ionable reasons implied by t he domi-
nant not ions of her it a ge st u d y su ch as “t he invent io n of
t radit ion” and “t he herit age indust ry.” The shaping of mem-
o ry — f re q u e n t ly u sin g ma t e r ia l h e r it a ge—is oft e n , h e
argues, par t of a posit ive search for common values.
Keywords: public hist ory; herit age; Unit ed St at es.
———. Myst ic Chords of Memory: The Transformat ion of Tradit ion
in American Cult ure. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, soos.
This book is an encyclopedic chronicle of t he const r u c t i o n
of herit age and public hist ory in America. Kammen discuss-
es fo r ms of c o m m e m o r at ion r a n ging from t he built env i-
ronment t o public celebr at ions t o ar t and lit er at ure.
Keywords: herit age; public hist or y; Unit ed St at es.
Ka p l a n , Fl o r a E. S. , e d it o r . Mu seu ms a n d t h e Ma k i n g of
“ O u rs e l ves”: The Role of Object s i n Na tional Ident i t y. L o n d o n :
Leicest er Univer sit y Press, soo+.
The cont r ibut ions t o t his volu me we re wr it t en most ly by
ant hropologist s, whose common focus is museology. Cases
and cha p t e r s dr aw o n exa mples from ar ou nd t he wo rl d ,
focu sing on t ho se “o u t side we s t e r n cent er s” (in clu ding
Africa, Pacific, Lat in America, as well as Nat ive Americans).
The premise is t hat museums ar e “pur veyo rs of i d e o l ogy ”
a nd agen t s of social cha nge . Mu seu ms a nd t he ir collec-
t io n s —t he p u bl i c l y he l d , off ic ia l “c u lt u r a l h e r it a ge ”
l e g it im at e d by inclu sio n w it hin mu se u m wa l l s — a r e “a
pot ent force in forging self consciousness” as well as polit i-
cal consciousness of nat ion-st at es and t he n at ions wit hin
(and across) t hem. The value of herit age foregrounded here
lies in it s use fu lness in const r uct ing nat ional ident it y and
promot ing nat ional agendas.
Keywords: herit age; museums; nat ionalism; ant hropology.
Ka r p, Ivan, Chr ist ine Mu ellen Kr e a m e r, a nd St eve n Lav i n e .
Museu ms a nd Communi t ies: T h e Pol i t i cs of P u bli c Cul t u r e.
Washingt on, n.c.: Smit hsonian Inst it ut ion Press, sooz.
This collect ion of wor k was fi rst present ed at a confe re n c e
on “Mu se u m s a nd Co m mu nit ie s” a t t h e In t er n a t i o n a l
Cent er of t he Smit hsonian Inst it u t ion in s o o o. The essay s
focu s on how cont empor a ry museums relat e t o t he chang-
ing d emogr aphic confi g u r at ion of t he commu nit ies t hat
s u r ro und t hem. Many of t he co nt r ibut ions demonst r a t e
h ow t he cont est ed t er r ain of c u l t u r al re p r ese nt at ion bot h
brings t oget her and separ at es museums and communit ies.
Keywords: museums; cult ure.
Ka r p, Ivan, and St even Lavine, edit ors. Exhibit i ng Cult ur es: T h e
Poet i cs a n d Pol i t i cs of Mu seum Di spla y. Wash in gt o n, n. c.:
Smit hsonian Inst it ut ion Press, soos.
This collect ion of essays was first present ed at a conference
on “The Poet ics and Polit ics of Represent at ion,” held at t he
Int ernat ional Cent er of t he Smit hsonian Inst it ut ion in soss.
The essays consider, from a var iet y of p e rs p e c t ives (many
driven by crit ical t heory), quest ions about t he int erpret at ion
a nd pr ese nt a t io n of c u l t u r a l dive r sit y in co nt empor a r y
mu s e u m s. In exploring how cult ur al dive r sit y is (or is not )
collect ed, exhibit ed , and m anaged, t he b ook argu es t hat
museums are polit ical arenas in which definit ions of ident i-
t y and cult ure—and by ext ension, values—are assert ed and
negot iat ed.
Keywords: museums; cult ure.
Kau fman, Ned. “Her it age and t he Cu lt ur al Polit ics of P re s e r -
vat ion.” Places ss, no. , (soos): ,s-o,.
Kaufman begins t his brief essay wit h t he assert ion t hat her -
it age is an inhere n t ly conser va t ive, exc l u s ive not ion, oft en
used t o creat e social u nit y (or it s ap p e a r ance). Can hist or ic
p re s e r vat ion, he asks, be genu i n e ly plu r al and inclu sive ?
Cit in g exam p le s of re ce n t co n t r ove r sie s invo lvin g t h e
p re s e r vat ion of A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n - relat ed hist or ic sit es in
New York Cit y, Kaufman speculat es about t he prospect s for
a kind of c u l t u r al pre s e rvat ion and landmarking t hat t ru ly
b re a ks ou t of t he canons of p u blic hist or y, and abou t t he
role of p re s e r vat ion vis-à-vis t he larger project of e ffe c t i n g
social change.
Keywords: herit age; public hist or y; New York Cit y.
Ke l l e r t , St ep he n R. T he Va l ue of L i fe: Bi ologi ca l Di ve r si t y a nd
Human Societ y. Washingt on, n.c.: Island Press, sooo.
B i o l ogist St ephen Ke l l e rt t ack les t he quest ion of h ow and
why t he nat ur al wo r ld is valued by humans. In complex i t y,
his quest ion closely par allels t he basic question of h ow cul-
t u ral herit age is valued. He offe rs a fr a m ework of nine basic
values found in flor a and fauna (ut ilit arian, nat ur a l i s t i c, ecol-
ogi s t i c - s c i e n t i fi c, aest het ic, symbolic, hu manist ic, mor a l i s t i c,
d o m i n i o n i s t i c, an d n ega t ivist ic ) a nd co nn e ct s t h e se t o
hu man evo l u t i o n a r y development . T hese are t he basic va l-
ues deemed t o be impor t ant t o human funct ioning, and t o
be most threat ened in t he current biodive r sit y crisis. Ke l l e rt
c o n s i d e rs t he effect s of d e m ogr ap hy and cr oss-cult u ral dif-
86
fe r ence on t hese va l u e s. He exam ines value d iffe rence s in
American society and among East er n and We s t e r n societies,
and conclu des by considering t he applicat ions of his analy s i s
o f values t o policy and re s o u rce management.
Keywords: philosophy; environment ; biology.
Kemal, Salim, and Ivan Gaskell, edit or s. Explanat ion and Value in
t he Ar t s. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer sit y Press, soo,.
This book consist s of st udies by art hist orians, lit erary t heo -
r i s t s, an d philosopher s, on issu es cen t r al t o int er p re t i n g
l i t e ra t u r e and paint ing. The fi r st chap t e rs look at t he int i-
mat e relat ion bet ween aest het ic and ot her cult ural va l u e s.
O t h e r s exa min e t h e con st r u ct io n o f va lu e t hr o u gh t he
st udy of t he ar t s, including considerat ions of t he nat u re of
creat ivit y and t he principles of int erpret at ion. The final sec -
t ion addresses issu es of i d e o l ogy and t he det ermining r ole
of power relat ions.
Keywords: ar t hist or y; cult ure.
Ke r mode, Fr ank. H i s t o r y a nd Va l u e. O x fo r d: Clar en don Pre s s,
soss.
These essays address t he quest ions of l i t e ra r y eva l u a t i o n ,
p e r man en ce , an d t he d ist or t io n s o f h ist o r ica l co nt ex t .
Par t II of t he book addresses “Hist ory and Value,” consider-
ing from different angles t he problem of value in art work s
b e l o n ging t o a per iod ear lier t han one’s own. The Marxist
crit ique is used as an example of available st rat egies t o deal
wit h t his problem. The final chapt er concent r ates on post -
m o d e r nism as t he most r ecent at t empt t o come t o t er m s
wit h t hese issues.
Keywords: value; lit erar y crit icism; philosophy.
K i rs h e n bl a t t - G i m ble t t , Barb ar a. Dest i na t ion Cult ur e: To u r i s m ,
M u s e u m s, and Her it a ge. B e r k e l ey: Unive r sit y of C a l i fo rn i a
Press, soos.
K i rs h e n bl a t t - G i m blet t uses a concept ion of her it age t hat is
s t r o n gly visu a l a nd has a ve r y imp or t a nt pe r fo rm a t ive
dimension. Displays and exhibit s of herit age are t hus at t he
cent er of her analysis, which examines how t ourism creat es
compet it ion and new, dynamic modes of c u l t u r al pr oduc-
t ion aimed at pr oducing new meanings and new ident it ies.
The essays are eclect ic, enga g ing, and focu s on ex a m p l e s
from many specific places and cult ures (from et hnog rap hy
and Jewish cult ur e t o Plimout h Plant at ion).
Keywords: museums; t ourism; herit age; cult ur al st udies.
K l a m e r, Ar j o, edit or. T he Value of C u l t u re: On T he Re l a t i o n s h i p
Bet ween Econ omi cs a n d Ar t s. A m s t e r d a m : Am st e r d a m
Univer sit y Press, sooo.
Klamer and his cont ribut ors invest igat e, t hrough a series of
essays and conversat ions, t he t ensions and int errelat ionships
b e t ween cu lt u r e a nd eco nomics. The focus of “ c u l t u re ”
h e r e is t he a r t wo r ld , bu t no t exc l u s ive ly so. T h e bo ok
b re a ks new ground by enga g ing economic t hinker s in t he
quest ion of c u l t u re ’s non-economic va l u e s. The collect ion
addresses general t heories and philosophies of value—bot h
cult ural and economic—and specific issues, including: pub-
lic art ; art ist s’ earnings; t he value of play; art ist ic conscience
an d pr odu ct ion va lu e; t he valu e of c i t i z en sh ip ; nat ional
ident it y; and t he value of m a k ing ar t in gener al. The con-
t r i bu t o r s comb ine ph ilosophica l, cu lt ur al, an d aest h et ic
ideas wit h est ablished economic models t o address essent ial
economic quest ions about t he value of fine art s. Of part icu -
la r in t e r e st a r e t h e fo l l owi ng c ha p t e r s: Ar j o Kl am e r ’s
int roduct ory essay, framing t he basic t ension bet ween mea-
surable and immeasurable values of cult ure, and not ing t he
failure of economist s t o recognize and respond t o t his prob-
le m ; and ph ilo sop he r An t o o n Va n den Bra e m bu s s c h e ’s
chapt er deconst ruct ing t he not ion of “t he value of cult ure,”
and suggest ing t hat t he measurement of such value is point-
less in t he face of ar t ’s t r uly original, “sublime” qualit y.
Keywords: economics; ar t ; philosophy.
Koboldt , Christ ian. “Optimizing t he Use of C u l t u ral Herit age.”
In Economic Pe rs p e c t ives on Cult ur al Herit age, edited by Michael
Hut t er and Ilde Rizzo. New Yor k: St . Mart i n’s Pre s s, s o o :.
Kobold t wr it es from t he point of v i ew of a conser va t ive
economist , one wit h fait h in t he abilit y of r igor ou s econo-
met ric analysis and object ive met hods t o measure all values.
The most useful sect ion is ent it led “The Benefit s and Cost s
for t he Use of Cult ural Herit age,” which present s a t ypolo-
g y de sc r ib in g t h e “sci en t if ic” e nd of t he s pe ct r u m o f
cult ur al economics.
Keywords: economics; herit age.
Ko e rn e r, Joseph Le o a nd Lisbet Ko e rn e r. “Valu e.” In C r i t i c a l
Terms for Art Hist or y, edit ed by Robert S. Nelson and Richard
Shiff. Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press, sooo.
This essay is an excellent and erudit e o verview of t he hist o-
ry of valuing mat erial her it age. It is focu sed on art —as t he
p r i m a r y lens t hr ou gh which t he not ion of valu e has been
u n d e r st ood a nd deba t ed in we s t e r n cu lt u re — but is more
widely applicable t o cult ural herit age. The aut hors summa-
r i ze t he philosophy and int ellect ual hist or y under p i n n i n g
t he ult imat e re l a t ivism of valuing. Their discussions ra n g e
acr oss Kant , Descar t e s, Marx, Freu d, Sau ssu re, Bou rd i e u ,
and ot her s.
Keywords: art hist or y; philosophy.
K r o eb e r, Alfred . A n t h ro p o l ogy: Cult ur a l Pa t t e r ns a nd Pr o c e s s e s.
New York: Harcour t , Brace & World, Inc., so+s.
T h is vo lu m e is a se le ct io n of c h ap t e r s r ep r in t e d fr om
Kroeber’s classic work Ant hropology, dealing specifically wit h
c u l t u r al processes, t he nat u re of language and cult ure, and
p a t t e r ns of c u l t u r al change. Of p a r t icu lar int er est is t he
c h apt er on t he nat ure of c u l t u r e, which cont ains obser va-
t ions on et h ics, mor a l s, and values as t hey in fluence and
define cult ural evolut ion and growt h.
Keywords: ant hropology; cult ure.
K u t t n e r, Ro b e r t . E ve r yt hi ng for Sa le: T h e Vi r t ues a nd Li mi t s of
Market s. Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press, sooo.
K u t t n e r ’s book is a jour nalist ic but lear ned account of t h e
l a rge and expanding r ole of market ideology in cont empo-
87
r ary policy and governance. An insight ful crit ic of t he creep
o f m ar ket ideology, he offe r s t heor et ical arg u m e n t s, t ie s
t h e o r y t o polit ics and t he making of p u blic policy, r e fu t e s
common argument s abou t t he virt u e of m a r k e t s, and u ses
case st udies in areas such as medicine and labor market s.
Though herit age is not one of his explicit subject s, Kut t ner’s
a rgument clearly speaks t o t he implicat ions (in any publ i c,
social realm) of t he increasing allegiance t o market s as not
only generat ors, but judges, of value.
Keywords: economics.
L avr ijsen, Ria. Cultur al Dive rsi t y in the Art s: Art , Ar t Po l i c i e s, and t he
Facelift of E u ro p e. A m s t e rdam: Royal Tr opical Inst itut e, s o o ,.
These are t he p roceedings of an int er nat ional confe re n c e
o n “ C u l t u ral Dive r sit y in t he Ar t s” held in Amst er dam. It
ou t lines a variet y of v i ews espoused by ar t i s t s, cr it ics, schol-
a r s, and administ r a t o rs concer ning ar t , art policies, and their
relat ion t o cur rent social and polit ical changes in Eur ope.
O f p a r t icular re l evance t o issues of value are wo r kshops on
A r t Po l i cy in a Mu lt icult ur al Po l i cy, Defining Qualit ies as
Opposed t o Qualit y, and Defining Qualit y in t he Ar t s.
Keywords: ar t ; policy; Europe.
Le e, Ant o in et t e . Pa st Meet s Fut ur e: Sa vi ng Amer i ca ’s Hi st or i c
E nv i ro n m e n t s. Wa shingt on , n. c.: Pr e s e r vat ion Pr ess and
Nat ional Trust for Hist oric Preser vat ion, sooz.
This collect ion ser ves as a “st at e-of-t he-field” for cont empo -
r a r y hist or ic pre s e rvat ion in t he United St at es. Emphasis is
placed on expanding t he canon of which hist ories are being
preserved (e.g., t o include more represent at ions of African-
American herit age), on economic development , and debat es
about “livable communit ies.”
Keywords: hist oric preser vat ion; Unit ed St at es.
L e febv re, Henri. The Pr oduct ion of S p a c e. Tr anslat ed by Donald
Nicholson-Smit h. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, soos.
L e febv re ’s t heorizat ion of t he links bet wee n societ y and
“space” in met aphorical and real senses was pat h-br e a ki n g
in t he s o o os, and led t he way for a gener at ion of g e ogr a-
p h e r s a n d s o cio lo g i s t s — wo r k in g fr o m a n e o m a r xis t
f ra m ewo r k—t o ex p l o re t he r elat ionship bet we en societ y
and space. Lefebv re ar gues t hat space “mat t er s”—t hat t he
s t ru c t u re and cou rse of societ y hinges in cer t ain ways on
t he charact er and, more impor t ant , t he process of p r o d u c-
ing space.
Keywords: sociology; space.
Leniau d, Jean-Michel. L’Utopi e Fr ançaise: Essai sur le Pa t r i m o i n e.
Paris: Menges, sooz.
Leniau d a na ly z es t he va lu ing o f her it age in Fr a nce. He
descr ibes t he process of c reat ing her it age and argues t hat
herit age is not an a pri ori c a t eg o r y. He set s out a fr a m ewo r k
o f t he d iffe re nt , cont ingent valu e s ascribed t o h er it age:
ma r ket / e co n omic val u e; (socia l) scie n t ific val u e a s a n
object of st u d y; a nd co mmu n i c a t i o n / s e m i o l og ic va l u e .
Tr acing change in t he object s and st a t us of t he her it age
field in Fr ance, Leniaud reflect s on t he changing role of t h e
st at e and of herit age professionals in valuing and managi n g
herit age in Fr ance.
Keywords: herit age; conser vat ion; sociology; Fr ance.
Leon, Warren, and Roy Rosenzweig, edit ors. Hist ory Museums in
t he Unit ed St at es: A Crit ical Assessment . Urbana: Universit y of
Illinois Press, soso.
The essays in t his collect ion su r vey t he conser vat ion, use,
int erpret at ion, and development in t he u.s. of various forms
o f mat erial her it age. Subject s include seve ral specific t ypes
o f mu seums (ur ban hist ory, hist oric houses, ou t door ), bat -
t l e fi e lds a n d e ffo r t s t o exp an d t h e c an on o f h i s t o r i e s
p r e se n t e d in hi st o r y m u se u ms (e. g., wo m e n’s h ist o r y,
African-American hist ory, labor hist ory).
Keywords: public hist ory; museums; hist or y; Unit ed St at es.
L ew i s, Ju st in. A r t, Cult ure, a nd Ent er prise: T he Polit ics of A r t and
t he Cult ural Indust ries. London: Rout ledge, sooo.
L ewis addresses t he issu e of c u l t u r al and ar t ist ic value in
c o n t e m p o ra r y Br it ain, seek ing t o define t he r e l a t i o n s h i p
bet ween t hose values and a free market societ y.
Keywords: art ; economics; Great Brit ain.
L ew i s, Pe i rce F. “Axio ms for Rea din g t h e La nd scap e: Some
Gu id es t o t h e Am er ica n Sce ne. ” In T he I nt er p r et a t i on of
O rd i n a r y Lan dsca pes: Geogr aphi cal Essa y s, edit ed by D. W.
Meinig. New York: Oxford Universit y Press, so:o.
L ewis is a cult ur al geogr apher wh o, in t his essay, codifi e s
some of t he “ways of seeing” bu ilt env i r o n m e n t s, nat ur a l
a re a s, bu ild in gs an d o t her ar t i fact s t hat fo r m one of t h e
main insight s of c u l t u r al geograp hy. Building on t he int er-
p re t ive t r adit ion of J. B. Ja c kson, Lewis ar t icu lat es specifi c
ways of u n d e rst anding t he meaning, values and ot her cul-
t u r al pat t er ns t hat reside in observa ble envir onment al and
a rc h i t e c t u r al pat t er n s. Though t his met hod priv i l eges pat -
t e r n ove r p r o ce ss , it r e m a in s a n im p o r t a n t w a y o f
i n t e rp ret ing eve r yd ay envir on men t s—n ot on ly mu s e u m
collect ions and designat ed landmarks—as part of t he cult ur-
al herit age.
Keywords: landscape; geogr aphy.
Lipe, William D. “Value and Meaning in Cult ur al Re s o u rc e s. ”
I n A p p ro a ch es t o t he Ar ch a e o l ogi ca l Her i t a ge: A Compa r a -
t ive S t u dy of Wo r ld Cult ur a l Re s o u rces Ma nagement Syst ems,
e d i t e d b y H e n r y C le e r e . Ne w Yo r k a nd Ca m b r i d ge :
Cambridge Universit y Pr ess, sos+.
Lipe out line s a co mpr e h e n s ive fr a m ewor k descr ib ing t he
several ways “cult ural resources” are valued by different fac-
t ions of s o c i e t y. This essay compr ises a good ove rv i ew of
herit age values alongside t he cit ed works from Koerner and
Koerner, and Riegl.
Keywords: archaeology; ant hropology; herit age.
88
L ow, Set ha. “Cu lt u r al Conse r va t ion of Place.” In C o n s e rv i n g
Cult ure: A New Discourse on Herit age, edit ed by Mary Hufford.
Urbana: Universit y of Illinois Press, soo+.
A n t h r o p o l ogist Set ha Low int er p ret s cult u ral conserva t i o n
as a mat t er of c o n t e m p o ra r y polit ical and communit y con-
c e r n—as dist inct from many ot her appr oaches int er p re t i n g
c u l t u r al conser vat ion simply as t he way to re c over and int er-
p ret info r mation about the past. In this chap t e r, her primar y
focus is understanding t he need for “cult ur al conser va t i o n ”
at t he neighbor hood leve l — resp ect ing and pr ot ect ing t he
p l u r alit y of exist in g, p rima rily u r ban, commu n i t i e s — a n d
a dvancing t his as a planning and design st ra t egy.
Key wo rds: a nt hr op olog y; place; cu lt u re; co mmu n i t y
p l a n n i n g .
L owe nt ha l, David . T he Pa st Is a Fo r ei gn Coun t r y. N ew Yo r k :
Cambridge Universit y Press, sos,.
This is a classic st udy of the highly varied, highly polit icize d
c o n s t r uct ion of her it age. Lowent hal ex p l o res hist orically
h ow t he past is used t o creat e pat t erns of meaning in t he pre-
sent . Drawing from examples in the art s, t he humanit ies, t he
social sciences, and popu lar cu lt ure, t he aut hor argues t hat
t he past (and t he tangi ble and int angi ble remnant s t here o f )
is manipulated t o meet specific social, cult ural, and political
needs of c o n t e m p o ra r y and hist or ic societ ies. His hist or y
focuses on t he Engl i s h - s p e a king wo rld but r anges widely.
Keywords: herit age; hist ory.
———. Possessed by t he Past : The Herit a ge Crusade and t he Spoils of
Hist or y. New York: Free Press, sooo.
In t his fre e - ra n ging crit iqu e of t he role of herit age in soci-
e t y, Lowen t hal dir e c t ly asks t he q u e st io n “what ma ke s
herit age so cr ucial?” for cont empora r y societ y. He dr aws a
cle a r d is t in ct ion be t we en h is t o r y a s st u dy o f t h e p a st
( k n owledge creat ion of wh a t ever object ive and su bject ive
qualit y) and he rit age as use of t he past for pr esent ist pur -
poses. In ot her words, herit age is by definit ion “part isan,” a
p o l i t i c a l ly char ged concep t . The book aims at answe r i n g
t hree quest ions: why is herit age such a growt h indust ry, and
what are t he implicat ions of su ch popular it y?; what do we
exp ect fr o m hist or y an d h er it a ge?; why d oes po ssessive
rivalry over herit age cripple cooperat ion?
Keywords: herit age; hist ory; polit ics.
Lubar, St even and W. David Kingery. Hist ory From Things: Essays
on Mat er ia l Cult ure. Washingt on, n. c.: Smit hsonian Inst it u -
t ion Press, soo,.
This collect ion engages a br oad an d b asic qu est ion: how
m e a n i n g s, beliefs and stories (specifi c a l ly, about the past ) can
be gleaned from mat er ial cu lture. The volume ga t h e rs ex a m-
p les o f d i ffe ren t ways t o “re ad ” cu lt u r e in t hings, wh i c h
range in scale from individual ar t i fact s (a vase, an axe) t o cul-
t u r al landscapes as large as an ent ire t own. In focusing on
“mat erial cult ure” t his volume at t empt s t o t hr ead t og e t h e r
s eve r al a cade mic t ra dit ions t hat u se mat er ial cult u re as a
s o u rce of i n fo rmat ion t o int er p ret t he past —arc h a e o l ogi s t s,
a n t h r o p o l ogi s t s, fo l kl o r i s t s, geogr ap h e rs, conserva t o rs, his-
t orians of a r t and t echnology, and so on.
Keywords: mat erial cult ure; ant hropology.
Lur z, Meinhold. We rt u r t ei le i n Der Kunst kri t ik: Di e Begr ü n d u n g
Ä s t h e t i s cher We rt u r t eile Durch Die Spra ch a n a ly t i s che Philosophie.
H a m bu rg: Dr. Kova c, s o o ,.
This work is a t he or et ical t reat ise on t he nat u re and fu n c-
t ions of ae st het ic ju dgeme nt in t he h ist or y of a r t . Lu r z
examines t he condit ions and nat u re of ae st het ic va l u a t i o n
( a r e aest het ic valu es su bject ive, object ive, or int er s u b j e c-
t ive ?), t he on t olog ical fou ndat io ns of t a st e, a nd t he ro le
o f language in t he fo r mat ion and communicat ion of a e s-
t het ic norms.
Keywords: art hist or y; aest het ics.
Lynch, Kevin. Wh at Ti me Is This Place? Cambr idge: xir P re s s,
so:z.
In t his st udy, t he ur ban planner and designer Lynch arg u e s
t ha t conse r vat ion of p ast enviro nmen t s is a n impor t a n t
design and social considerat ion becau se it su ppor t s a sense
of ident it y in t he present . His work draws on environment al
p s yc h o l ogy, communit y st udies and ur ban design. Also see
Ly n c h ’s fa r- reaching t reat ise on commu nit y design, G o o d
Cit y For m (Cambridge: xir Press, sos+.).
Keywords: urbanism; environment al psychology.
M a rq u i s - Kyle, Pet er and Meredit h Wa l k e r. The Illustr at ed Bur r a
C h a rt e r. S yd n ey : Au s t r a lia i co x o s/ Au s t r a lian H er it a ge
Commission, sooz.
T his docu ment is an expande d and int er p ret ed edit ion of
t he innova t ive Bur r a Char t e r, which seeks t o guide conser-
vat ion de cisio n -m a k in g wh ile va lu ing t he p lu r a lit y o f
c u l t u r es co nt r ibu t ing t o t h e Au s t r a lian pa st . Th e Bu r r a
Chart er adapt s t he Venice Chart er’s focus on monument s t o
a new focus on “places.” The evaluat ion and designat ion of
herit age rest s on t he loosely defined “cult ur al signifi c a n c e ”
of a place in quest ion.
Keywords: herit age; policy; Aust r alia.
M a u s s, Ma r cel. T he Gi ft : Fo r ms a nd Fun ct i on s of E x ch a n ge i n
A r cha i c Soci et i es. Tr a nsla t ed by Ian Cu nn iso n. Lon do n :
Cohen & West , sooo.
In this classic work of a n t h r o p o l ogy, Mauss posit s object s as
t he t r ue, most aut hent ic sou rce of i n fo r mat ion about a cul-
t u re. This book is a compar a t ive ant hr opological st udy on
t he fo r ms and funct ions of gift s in t he ar chaic societ ies of
Po lynesia, Melanesia, and Nor t h - West America. A st udent of
Dur kheim, Ma uss descr ibed gift s as a highly r egi m e n t e d
fo r m of valu e exchange (or cur re n cy) which he seeks t o ana-
ly ze cont ex t u a l ly as economic, ju ridical, mor al, aest het ic,
re l i gi o u s, myt hological, and sociological phenomena.
Keywords: ant hropology; aest het ics.
89
Me ln ick , R. Z . “C ha n g in g Vi ew s , Missi ng L in k age s: T h e
End u r in g Dy n a m i c o f L a n d s c a pe , En vir o n m e n t , a n d
C u l t u r al Her it age.” In T he Da hlem Wo r kshop on Dur abi lit y
a n d C h a n ge: The Science, Re s p o n s i b i l i t y, a nd Cost of S u s t a i n-
i n g Cu l t u r a l H er i t a ge, e d i t e d b y W. E. Kr u m b e in , P.
Brimblecombe, D. E. Cosgrove, and S. St anfort h. New York:
John Wiley & Sons, soo+.
L a n d s c ape archit ect Ro b e r t Melnick sur veys the challenges
t ied up in t he not ion of c o n s e r ving cult u r al landscap e s —
one of t he leading ed ges of c o n s e r vat ion philosophy and
pract ice. As opposed t o conservat ion’s t radit ional t ools and
concept s for dealing wit h art ifact s and buildings, t he idea of
dealing wit h landscapes—which are by definit ion changeful
and impossible t o dissociat e from cont ext —present s a num -
be r o f p r o bl e m s. Me lnick em p ha siz e s t h e o pp or t u n i t y
p resent ed by landscape conse rvat ion: finding new ways of
merging t he approaches of environment al and cult ural con-
servat ion fields, which usually are kept separ at e.
Keywords: cult ur al landscape; environment ; conservat ion.
M e s s e n g e r, Phyl lis Ma u ch . T he Et h i cs of Coll ect i n g Cul t ur a l
P ro p e r t y: W hose Cul t ur e? W h ose Pro p e r t y? A l bu q u e rq u e :
Univer sit y of New Mexico Press, soso.
In t his collect ion of essays, archaeologist s and philosopher s
explore t he cult ural, social, polit ical, philosophical, and eco-
nomic values at st ake in con flict s over cu lt u r al pr oper t y.
Significant discussion is also devot ed t o how t hese conflict s
might be re s o l ved. This dialog r aises impor t ant qu est ions
abou t t he conflict ing ways of valu ing mat erial herit age in
c o n t e m p o ra r y society, and br ings t o t he fo re t he addit ional
challenges posed by t he diversit y of cult ural values associat -
ed wit h t he preser vat ion of herit age in different part s of t he
world.
Keywords: herit age; policy; et hics; cult ur al proper t y.
M eynell, Hugo Ant hony. The Nat ur e of Aest het i c Va l u e. A l b a ny :
St at e Universit y of New York Press, soso.
Meynell examines principles of aest het ic judgement as part
o f a broader philosophy of value. He t ies mat t er s of a e s-
t he t ic valu e t o a n a r t wo r k ’s a bilit y t o give sat isfa c t i o n ,
ex p l o res t he nat ure of t his sat isfact ion (as an ext ension of
consciousness), and weighs dif ferent crit ical argument s pr e-
sent ed for lit er at ure, t he visual ar t s, and music.
Keywords: philosophy; aest het ics.
M o h r, E., and J. Schmidt . “Aspect s of Economic Valu at ion of
C u l t u r al Herit age.” In S aving Our Archi t ect ura l Her i tage: Th e
Conser vat ion of Hist oric St one St ruct ures, edit ed by N. S. Baer,
and R. Snet hlage. New York: John Wiley & Sons, soo:.
The aut hors reach int o t he “economic t oolbox” t o show t he
applicat ion of various economic met hods t o t he va l u a t i o n
of cult ural herit age. They remain confident t hat such appli-
c a t i o n s, as t hey become mor e re fine d, will aid dir e c t ly in
rat ional policy-making for cult ur al herit age prot ect ion.
Keywords: economics; herit age.
M o rland, Joanna, for Common Ground. N ew Milest ones: Sculpt ure,
C o m munit y and t he Land. London: Common Ground, s o s s.
This pamphlet document s some of t he project s sponsore d
by t he English group Common Ground. Common Ground
u ses herit age conser vat ion and public ar t t o cult ivat e local
ident it y, local dist inct iveness and place at t achment . In effect ,
t hey creat e or magnify herit age by commissioning public ar t
pr oject s r oo t ed in lo ca l cu lt u r e, hist o r y, and lan dscap e .
Many of t heir project s are concei ved and realized by whole
c o m munit ie s (for examp le, t he ir par ish mapping effo rt s ) ;
o t h e r s are e xecu t ed by individual ar t ist s (inclu ding Andy
Goldswort hy) wit h t he sponsor ship of Common Ground.
Keywords: public hist ory; communit y planning; ar t .
N o r a, Pier re. Realms of M e m o r y: The Const r uct i on of t he Fr e n ch
Past . Edit ed and int roduced by Lawrence D. Krit zman. New
York: Columbia Universit y Press, sooo-soos.
N o ra ’s enor mou s p ro ject inven t or ies a nd int er p re t s t he
m a n y “sit e s o f m e m o r y” t ha t co mpr ise t h e h er it a ge o f
Fr ance (inclu ding monu m e n t s, commemor a t i o n s, cuisine,
and dozens of ot her aspect s of c u l t u re). The scope of t h e
project is impressive, and only part s have been t ranslat ed—
t he French original consist ed of seven volumes (Les Lieux de
Mémoire. Paris: Edit ions Gallímard, sos+-oz.) Dozens of ana-
lyt ical essay s, writ t en by leading Fr ench int ellect u als, t ra c e
t hemes t hat arise from t his massive reflect ion on t he French
past , nat ional ident it y, and the cult ur al herit age t hat makes
it such a powerful pr esence in French cult ure.
Keywords: herit age; hist or y; France.
N o r k u n a s, Mar t ha. The Polit ics of P u blic Memor y: Tourism, Hist or y,
and Et hnicit y in Montere y, Califo r nia . A l b a ny: St at e Unive rs i t y
o f N ew York Pre s s, s o o ,.
Norku nas uses a det ailed case st udy t o explicat e t he social
const ruct ion of herit age and t he conscious development of
a her it age t ourism economy in one Califo r nia commu n i t y.
Her det ailed analysis of t he present at ion of public hist ory in
t he Mont erey area is prefaced by an excellent sur vey of crit -
ical t heor y relevant t o t he st udy of herit age.
Keywords: herit age; t ourism; ant hropology; Califor nia.
Ohmann, Richard , edit or, wit h Averill Gage, Michael Cu r t i n ,
David Shumway, and Elizabet h G. Tr aube. Making & Selling
Cult ure. Hanover, ·.n.: Universit y Press of New England and
Wesleyan Univer sit y Press, sooo.
Though not ex p l i c i t ly about her it age, t his volume ex p l o re s
t he crit ical and poorly underst ood cult ural quest ion of what
r ole t he au dience plays in t he cr eat ion of c u l t u r e (in t his
case, t he cult ure of mass consumer product s). Scholars face
fo rm i d a ble bar r i e rs when t r ying t o gauge t he influence of
t hose “re c e iving” cult ure, as opposed t o t he cor p o ra t i o n s,
g ove rn m e n t s, ex p e r t s or scholars who lit er a l ly produce it .
The part icipant s use case st udies, a series of int erviews wit h
me dia a n d co r p o r a t e ex e c u t ive s, a n d a na lyt ica l essay s,
w h i ch w o u ld b e c l a ss if i e d a s p a r t o f t h e cu l t u r a l
st udies/ media st udies field.
Keywords: ant hropology; commodificat ion.
90
Peacock, Alan, and Ild e Rizzo, edit ors. Cult ur a l Economi cs a nd
Cult ural Policies. Bost on: Kluwer Academic Publisher s, soo+.
The edit ors and t heir collaborat ors aim t o shed light on how
st at e inst it ut ions cont ribut e t o t he creat ion of cult ural value
in fr ee-market syst ems. Th ey offer a guide t o cu lt ur al eco-
n o m i cs b y p r ovi d in g d e f in it i on s a n d cl ar if ica t i o n s o f
m e t h o d o l ogical issues concer ning public policy t owa rd t he
visu al and perfo r ming ar t s. Th ey go beyond t he su bject of
s t r i c t ly economic policy, also dealing wit h ar t ist ic produ ct s
in t er ms of p r o p e r t y right s, issues of regulat ion, and fu n d-
ing of t he ar t s.
Keywords: economics; policy.
Pe a r ce, Su sa n M., e dit or. I n t e rp r et i ng Obj ect s a nd Collect i ons.
London: Rout ledge, soo+.
In t his volume int er p ret at ion is defined as a mu s e u m ’s (or
ot her her it age sit e’s) int ent ional effo r t t o impar t meaning
and embody social va l u e s. The wide-r a n ging collect ion of
s h o r t essays cove r s t he philo sop hy, polit ics, and cu lt u r a l
implicat ions of museum collect ing and museum inter p re t a-
t io n. Seve r a l o f t h e co nt r i bu t i on s ex p l i c i t ly d ea l w i t h
q u est ion o f t he va lu es u nder lying t he in t er p ret at ion of
museum collections and ot her museum actions and policies.
Keywords: museums; mat erial cult ur e.
———. M u s e u m s, Obj ect s, a n d Coll ect i on s: A Cu l t u r a l St u dy.
Washingt on, n.c.: Smit hsonian Press, sooz.
Pearce’s st udy embraces t he hist orical cont ext of museums,
t he ir co llect io n s, an d t h e o b je ct s t ha t fo r m t h em . T h e
aut hor explores t he ideological relat ionship bet ween muse-
u ms an d t heir collect ions, as well as t h e int ellect u al and
social relat ionships of museu ms t o t he pu bl i c. She show s
t hat mu seu ms h ave, over t im e, oper at ed wit h a r ange of
agendas and t hese have b een inhe rit ed by cont e mpor a r y
pr act it ioners.
Keywords: ant hropology; mat erial cult ure; museums.
———. On Coll ect i n g: An Inve s t i ga t i on i n t o Col l ect i n g i n t h e
European Tradit ion. London: Rout ledge, soo,.
The pr emise of t his volume is t hat collect ing t akes place
bot h inside and out side of museums, and is a microcosm of
h ow people u nderst and, relat e t o, u se, and valu e object s.
T h r ou gh t h e le ns of t h e pr act ice of co lle ct in g o bje ct s,
Pe a rce present s a detailed inve s t i gat ion of t he hist or y, soci-
o l ogy and polit ics of r ela t ions (in t he we s t e r n t r a d i t i o n )
bet ween people and t hings. By foregrounding t he process of
collect ing as a mult i-dimensional cult ur al, polit ical process,
Pe a rc e ’s analysis dire c t ly r aises and illuminat es issu es sur -
rounding how object s (oft en old object s) are valued, used t o
negot iat e ident it y, et c.
Keywords: ant hropology; mat erial cult ure.
Peréz de Cuéllar, Javier. Our Creat ive Diversit y: Report of t he World
Commi ss i on on Cu l t u r e a n d Developmen t . Pa r i s: Un e s co
Publishing, soo,.
The Wo rld Commission on Cult ure and Development wa s
est ablished by Unesco as a parallel t o t he Brundt land Com-
mission, whose r e p o rt on ecologi c a l ly sust ainable deve l o p-
m ent h a s b een influ e nt ial. T h is re p o r t ou t lines va r i o u s
dimensions of c u l t u r al herit age and it s relat ion t o deve l o p-
ment (as defined in t he World Bank sense). It also art iculat es
a number of et hical, philosophical, and polit ical principles
behind Unesco’s approach t o reconfiguring t he global par a-
digm of d evelo pme nt t owa rd a mo del t hat enr iches and
st rengt hens t he role of cult ure.
Keywords: herit age; cult ure; development .
Po t t e r, Par ker B. Jr. P u bl i c Ar ch a e o l ogy i n Anna polis: A Cri t i ca l
A p p ro a ch t o Hist or y in Mar y l a n d ’s Ancient Cit y. Wa s h i n g t o n ,
n.c.: Smit hsonian Inst it ut ion Press, soo+.
Represent ing recent work in t he field of hist orical archaeol-
og y, t h is b o o k p r e s e n t s a n exc e ll e n t s u m m ar y o f t h e
relevance of recent crit ical t heory t o archaeolo gy, especially
t he r ole of a rc h a e o l og y as a specific met hodology for con-
s t r u ct ing m ean in g o u t o f t h e ar t i fa ct u al past for pu bl i c
a u d i e n c e s. Much of Po t t e r ’s book is devot ed t o one case—
A n n ap o l i s, Mar y l a n d — which provides a full ex p l o r at ion of
t hese t heories and his model for ar chaeology-in-public.
Key wo r ds: pu bli c h ist or y; a r c h a e o l og y; socia l t h e o r y ;
Unit ed St at es; Mar yland.
P re s i d e n t ’s Co uncil on Su st ainable Development . S u s t a i n a bl e
Ameri ca : A New Consensus for t he Fut ure. Washingt on, n. c.:
Gover nment Print ing Office, soo,.
The major re p o r t of t his President ial Commission demon-
s t r at es t he r ange of t h i n k ing grouped u nde r t he r ubric of
“ s u s t a i n a b i l i t y.” It r e p resen t s t he wo r k of a ve r y dist in -
guished commission, who creat ed an ambit ious set of goals,
s u p p o rt ed wit h a per s u a s ive analy s i s. Cult u re and herit age
a re virt u a l ly ignor ed, t hough, a s an aspect of s u s t a i n a bl e
d evelopment . Gr eat est emphasis is placed on concer n fo r
t he nat ur al environment , ener gy policy, civic enga g e m e n t ,
and more effect ive educat ional effor t s.
Keywords: environment ; policy; sust ainabilit y.
Pr ice, Nicholas St an ley, M. Kir by Ta l l ey Jr., a n d Alessa nd r a
Melucco Va c c a r o, edit ors. Hi st orical and Philosophical Issues
i n t he Conser va t i on of Cul t ur a l Her it a ge. Los Angeles: Th e
Get t y Conservat ion Inst it ut e, sooo.
This ant hology of essays out lines t he hist orical and int ellec-
t u al development , mainly wit hin t he field of a r t hist ory, of
ideas under pinning mat er ial conser vat ion effo rt s. Fo c u s i n g
h e av i ly on connoisseu rs h i p, t he colle ct ion inclu des many
t ouchst ones in t he hist or y of a r t philosophy and conserva-
t ion t heor y, including Ruskin, Viollet -le-Duc, and Morris, as
well as art hist orians Wölfflin, Panofsky, and Riegl. In large
part , t hese essays are limit ed t o art works, t hough some are
re l evant t o t he full r ange of s c a l e s. Some of t hem dire c t ly
relat e t o t he issues of valuing herit age, for inst ance Riegl ’s
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essay on t he several kinds of value possible in a work of art
or “monument .”
Keywords: art hist or y; herit age.
P r o s h a n s k y, Har old M., William H. It t elson , an d Leann e G.
R ivlin, edit or s. E nv i r onment a l Psych o l ogy: People and T h e i r
P hysi ca l Set t i n gs. z
n d
e d . New Yor k: H o lt , Rin eha r t an d
Winst on, so:o.
This collect ion of classic works is a good overview of envi-
ronment al psychology, g iving a sense of t he breadt h of t he
field an d it s var ie d in t er est in how peo ple an d t heir sur -
r o u n d in g s in t e r a c t . Few wo r k s foc u s o n h i st o r ic
e nvironment s or herit age per se t hough t his volu me does
inclu de David Lowe n t h a l ’s “American Scene” essay as we l l
as Gar r et Ha rd i n’s cla ssic o f e nvir on men t a l p hilo so phy,
“The Tragedy of t he Commons.”
Keywords: environment al psychology.
Pr ot t , Lyndel V. a nd P. J. O’Ke e fe . L a w a nd Cult ur a l Heri t age.
Oxford: Oxford Universit y Press, sos+.
This t hree-volume compendium of legal mat erial r egarding
herit age is int er nat ional in scop e an d ve r y det aile d—it is
apparent ly meant most ly as a resource for lawyer s. Volume
s c o n c e r ns arc h a e o l ogy and t he r e c ove r y of mat er ial her -
it age . Volu me z deals wit h ot her “mova ble” herit age (i.e.,
a r t object s). Volu me , c o n c e r ns laws regulat ing t he move-
m en t o f c u l t u r a l h e r it a ge . It in cl u de s a n a p p en dix o n
Unesco and ot her int er nat ional law-relat ed document s.
Keywords: herit age; law; policy.
Ra p o p o r t , Am o s. T h e Mea n i n g of t h e Bu i l t Env i r on men t : A
N o nverba l Communi cat i on Appr o a ch. Tu cson : Un ive r sit y of
A r i zona Pre s s, s o o o.
Ra p o p o r t is a lea din g fi g u r e in t he inve s t i g at ion o f t h e
mean ing of t he built envir on ment . His backgroun d is in
a n t h r o p o l ogy and his work r out inely inclu des some empir -
ical met hod such as sur vey s, int er v i ew s, or mor p h o l og i c a l
a n a lysis of bu i l d i n g s. This par t icular book r aises basic ques-
t io ns o f e nviro nmen t al psyc h o l ogy (su ch as: what is t he
mechanism by which people int er p ret environment s? wh a t
r ole, alongside language, does t he bu ilt environment play
in co mmu nicat io n?). Rap o p o r t su r veys ant hr op ologi c a l
an d o t h er lit er a t u r es a nd d et a ils t h e n on -ve r b al m ean s
(using t he envir onment and also t he body) by which people
c o m municat e. This kind of t h e o ret ical work est ablishes t he
l i n kage bet we en t hings/ obje ct s/ sp aces an d t he ways in
which hu mans const ru ct meaning and communicat e ideas
(e.g., values).
Keywords: mat erial cult ure; ant hropology.
R i egl, Alois. “The Moder n Cu lt of M o nument s: It s Char a c t e r
a n d It s Origin.” Translat ed by Ku r t W. Fo r st e r and Diane
Ghirardo. Opposit ions z, (sosz): zs-,s.
R i egl ’s ar t icle is a pioneering work in art hist ory (fi rst pub-
lished in s o o ,), con ce r n in g t h e diffe r e nt t ype s of va l u e
ascribed t o buildings and works of art . Going be yond mer e
aest het ic valu e, Riegl ’s t ypology engaged symbolic va l u e s
dr awing on t he age and hist oricit y of “monument s” (widely
d e fin e d) a nd a t t e mpt ed t o st r u c t u re how t hese va r i e d ,
s i mult aneou s va l u es— n ewness value, age value, hist or ical
value, as well as aest het ic value—can be analyzed.
Keywords: art hist or y; herit age.
Rossi, Aldo. T he Ar ch i t e c t u re of t h e Ci t y. Tr anslat ed by Dia ne
G h i ra rdo and Joan Ockman. New Yor k: Opposit ion Books,
sosz.
In t his book, archit ect and archit ect ural t heorist Rossi advo-
ca t e s ar c h i t e c t u re ’s r e t u r n (fo l l ow in g m o d er n ism an d
funct ionalism) t o t he complexit y and collect ive past embod-
ied in t he fabr ic of c i t i e s. Arc h i t e c t u r al design, in a sense,
should be const ruct ed out of it s own past . In so doing, Rossi
helps re - valu e arc h i t e c t u r al her it age—t he common fa b r i c,
m o re t han t he monument al. Rossi occupies one place in a
n ow-broad t r adit ion of valuing new wo r ks of a rc h i t e c t u re
and design as works of herit age—t hat is, conscious and con-
scient ious uses and reint er pret at ions of t he past .
Keywords: urbanism; herit age.
Ro t e n b e rg, Ro b e r t and Gar y McDonogh, edit or s. The Cult ura l
Meaning of Urban Space. We s t p o r t , Conn: Bergin & Gar vey,
s o o ,.
T his collect ion of a n t h r o p o l ogist s’ work document s diffe r -
e nt t heor et ical and empir ical (ca se-st u d y) a pp roa ch es t o
st udying how cult ures const ruct and give meaning t o urban
space. Many of t hese chap t e rs are at t empt s t o under s t a n d
t he const r uct ion o f meaning fr om t he per s p e c t ive of t h e
u s e r s t h emselve s. Som e of t he st u die s co n cer n spe cifi c
kinds of space, such as plazas and hou sing project s; ot hers
are framed by more general quest ions about t he ant hropol-
ogy of place at t achment , privacy, and neighborhoods.
Keywords: ant hropolog y; space; place at t achment .
Ro t h, Michael S. wit h Claire Lyons and Charles Merewe t h e r.
I r re s i s t i ble Deca y: Rui ns Re cla imed. Los Angeles: The Get t y
Re s e a r ch I n s t it u t e fo r t h e H i st o r y o f A r t a n d t h e
Humanit ies, soo:.
T his cat alog, p roduced in conce r t wit h a Get t y Re s e a rc h
Inst it u t e exhibit ion, fe a t u res t hr ee essays and a number of
i l l u s t r at ions concer ning t he meaning of r u i n s, t heir r ole in
art and lit erat ure, and t he process of mat erial decay in art is-
t ic cult ure.
Keywords: ar t hist or y; collect ive memor y.
Rü sen, Jö r n. “Some Th e o re t ical App roa ch es t o Int e rc u l t u ra l
C o m p a ra t ive Hist oriogr ap hy.” H i s t o r y an d Th e o ry , ,, no. +
(sooo): ,-zz.
Rüsen present s a det ailed t heoret ical argument posit ing t he
t ranscendent role of hist orical consciousness in human cul-
t u r e. H e r e p r ese nt s t h e e sse nt i alist view o f t h e u s e of
hist ory—t hat is, t he const ruct ion of “herit age” (creat ion of
a u sable past ) is an essent ial element of m o d e r n cu lt ur e .
Though he draws on hist oriogr aphy t o support his ideas, his
92
a r gu ment s could qu it e clear ly be ext ended t o encompass
cult ur al herit age as an essent ial element of ever y cult ure.
Keywords: philosophy; hist or y; herit age.
Ru s kin, John. The Seven Lamps of A rch i t e c t u re. N ew Yor k: Dove r
Publicat ions, soso.
Ruskin is one of t he essent ial voices in t he west ern t radit ion
of conserving cult ural herit age. Along wit h William Morris,
Ru s kin advocat ed t he “ant i-scrape” approach t o saving old
( m e d i eval, ecclesiast ical) bu i l d i n g s, and in so doing fo rm e d
one of t he fou ndat ions of m o d e r n conser vat ion t hinki n g .
As eloquent lit erat ure and as impassioned conser vat ion phi-
losophy, Ruskin pays cont inual re-reading. (See in part icular
“The Lamp of Memor y.”)
Keywords: philosophy; conser vat ion.
Rypkema, Donovan D. The Economics of Hist ori c Pre s e r va t ion: A
C o m munit y Leader ’s Gui de. Washingt on, n. c.: Nat ional Tru s t
for Hist oric Preser vat ion, soo+.
The int ent of this slim, how-t o book is giving public offi c i a l s
t he t o ols wit h which t o a r gu e t h at hist or ic p re s e r va t i o n
makes economic sense, t hat it is a sound invest ment of p u b-
lic and private fu n d s. The book proceeds from t he belief t h a t
hist oric pre s e rvat ion will be successful only if it can make a
case fo r pr e s e r ved hist or ic bu ildings as econom ic asset s.
Rypkema uses dozens of examples and quotes t o support his
a rgument . Apart from the ot her values ascribed t o herit age,
t he assumpt ion here is that wit hout priv i l eging t he econom-
ic value t here will be litt le left t o value other wise.
Keywords: economics; hist oric preser vat ion.
S a n t o s, José Ma nu el L. T he Economi c Va lu a t i on of L a n d s c a p e
C h a n ge: T h e o r y a nd Poli ci es for La nd Use a nd Conser va t i o n .
Chelt enham, u.x.: Edward Elgar, soos.
This det ailed economic st udy employs cont ingent valuat ion
met hods t o evaluat e conservat ion measures for addre s s i n g
t he disap p e a r ance of c o u n t r yside and agr i c u l t u r al land in
England. The book includes t heoret ical discussions of issues
surrounding cont ingent valuat ion and cost -benefit analysis,
as well as several case-st udy applicat ions. Sant os’ work does
no t ex p l o r e a w ide r a ng e of m e t h o d o l og i e s, b u t it i s a
sophist icat ed example of t he applicat ion of t his leading t ype
o f econom ic valu at io n met hod t o a cu lt u r al policy issue
closely relat ed t o t hose of mat erial herit age.
Keywords: economics; environment ; England.
Schm idt , Pet er R. and Thomas C. Pa t t e r son, edit or s. M a k i n g
Alt ernat i ve Hist ories: The Pract ice of Ar chaeology and Hist ory in
N o n - We s t e r n Set t i ngs. Sant a Fe, ·. x .: School of A m e r i c a n
Resear ch Press, soo,.
T hi s col le ct io n i nclu d e s p ap e r s fr o m a se min ar o f t h e
School of American Re s e a rch on t he subject of re c u p e ra t -
ing t h e hist or ies o f pe oples t ha t have b een su bje ct ed t o
colonialism. The cont ribut ions come mainly from archaeol-
og i s t s, and cent er on t he r ole of a rc h a e o l ogy in re c ove r i n g
t he her it age of d i s e n f r anchised gr o u p s. On t he whole, t he
collect ion is info r med by post -colonial and post -st r u c t u ra l
t h e o r y, a n d g r ou nd e d in em p ir ica l a r c h a e o l o g ica l a n d
a n t h r o p o l og ical wo r k do ne o n disenfr an ch ised cu lt u re s
wo rl dwide. Scholars and cases are dr awn from arou nd t he
world, and from bot h indust rialized and developing nat ions.
Keywords: archaeology; ident it y; social t heor y.
S c h u s t e r, J. Mark, John de Monchaux, and Char les A. Re i l ly II,
e d i t o r s. P re s e rving t he Bui lt Heri t age: Tools for Implementa t ion.
Hanover, ·.n.: Universit y Press of New England, soo:.
These confe rence proceedings pert ain most ly to t he imple-
m en t a t io n o f h is t o r ic pr e s e r vat io n po licie s a n d t o ol s.
Specific subject s include regulat ory models, market mecha -
nisms and ot her part nerships. These are sympt omat ic of t he
m ove t owa rd par t n e rs h i p - bu ilding and deal-mak in g as a
c o n s e r vat ion st r a t eg y, as opposed t o bet t er re fined reg u l a-
t ions and scient ific t echniqu es. This volu me is fre q u e n t ly
c it e d , su gges t in g t h a t it is r e ga r de d a s a st a t e m en t of
advanced met hods in cult ur al-herit age prot ect ion.
Keywords: herit age; policy; urbanism.
S c h u y l e r, David. “T he Sanct ified Landscape: The Hu dson Rive r
Va l l ey, s sz o t o s s, o. ” In La ndsca pe i n Amer i ca , ed it ed by
G e o rge F. Thompson. Austin: Unive rsity of Texas Pre s s, s o o ,.
Schuyler is a cult ur al hist or ian and American St udies scholar.
He relat es the hist or y of a par t icular landscape—the Hudson
R iver Va l l ey—t hr o u gh t he wor k of t h e p aint e r Th o m a s
Cole, t he landscape architect Andrew Ja c kson Downing and
ot her impor t ant , mid-cent ur y cult ur al fi g u re s. In so doing,
Schuyler document s and analy zes t he great significance of
t he mar riage of n a t u re and cultu re as dual sou rces of u s a bl e ,
wo r ka ble “herit age” in t he Unit ed St at es.
Keywords: hist ory; environment ; cult ure; art ; Unit ed St at es.
Sibley, David. Geographies of Exclusion: Societ y and Difference in t he
West . London: Rout ledge, soo,.
S i bl ey analy zes t he re lat ionship b et ween dominant social
values and t heir physical manifest at ions in t ime and space.
D r awing fr om a wide range of ideas from social ant hropolo-
gy, sociology, geogr ap hy, feminist t heor y, and psyc h o a n a ly-
s i s, t he book ex p l o res how We s t e r n cult ures over t ime have
m a rgi n a l i zed and excluded minorit y gr o u p s. In par t i c u l a r, he
i d e n t i fies fo r ms o f socia l a nd sp at i al exclu sion t h a t ar e
i n d i c a t ive of p revailing value syst ems (exhibit ing r acism, sex-
ism, and class prejudice). T his ex e m p l i fi e s, in br oad t er m s,
t he use of space and ot her mat erial fo r ms and pat t er ns in
re p resent ing and maintaining social pat t er ns and dynamics.
Keywords: space; social t heor y; geography.
Smit h , Ba rbar a Her r nst e in. C o n t i n genci es of Va lue: Alt er n a t i ve
Pe rs p e c t i ves for Cr it i ca l T h e o r y. Camb r idge: Har va r d Uni-
versit y Press, soss.
Smit h examines t he relat ionship bet ween valu e and mean-
ing, evalu at ion and int er p re t at ion, in lit er a r y t heory. Th e
book is a det ailed invest igat ion of axiology and value-judge-
m e n t - m a king in the realm of l i t e ra r y crit icism. She st re nu -
o u s ly argu es for t he radical cont ingency of all t er ms and
c a t egories sur r ounding (lit er a r y) ar t and aest het ics. Va l u e s,
93
t h u s, are neit her a fixed at t r ibut e nor an inherent proper t y
but rat her an effect of mult iple, cont inuously changing and
i n t e r a ct in g va r i a bl e s, a n d so cial sy st e m s. T his wo r k i s
import ant for t he dept h and complexit y of t he cont ingency
a rgum ent she makes at ont ological, e pist emologica l and
social leve l s. Chapt er ,, “Cont ingencies of Value ,” is most
relevant t o axiologies of herit age.
Keywords: philosophy; lit er ar y crit icism.
Smit h, Charles Saumarez. “Museums, Art ifact s, and Meanings.”
In T he New Museol ogy, e d it e d by Pet er Ve rg o. Lo nd on :
Reakt ion Books, soso.
This cha pt er summar ize s, in t he language of p o s t m o d e r n
crit ique, t he changes in meaning set in mot ion when an art i-
fact is brought int o a mu seu m collect ion. Focusing on t he
far great er changeabilit y of a rt i fact meaning in cont empo-
r a r y s oc ie t y, h e no t e s t h e p r ob le m a t i c n a t u r e o f
conser vat ion because it “freezes” object s. He calls for muse-
u ms t o be mor e awa r e of t he “epist emological st at u s” of
t heir art ifact s, which is t o say t he values underpinning t heir
collect ion, use, and int er pret at ion.
Keywords: museums; ant hropolog y; philosophy.
Smit h , Ch ar les W. Auct ions: The Soci a l Const r u ct i on of Va l u e.
Berkeley: Univer sit y of Califor nia Press, soso.
The focus of t his book is auct ion market s and t he econom-
i c, polit ical, social, mor al, and ideological dynamics wh i c h
t h ey invo l ve. Smit h argu es t hat au ct ions ser ve as pr ocesses
fo r est ablishin g so cially a cce pt able def in it io ns of va l u e ,
provenance, owner ship, and allocat ion of object s.
Keywords: economics; ar t ; sociology.
S o renson, Colin . “T heme Pa r ks an d T ime Mach ines. ” In Th e
N ew Museology. edit ed by Pet er Ve rg o. Lond on: Re a k t i o n
Books, soso.
Sorenson argues in t his piece t hat t he recent , resurgent pub-
li c in t er est in t he pa st is fo cu sed on o ld t h in gs, n ot o n
“ h i s t o r y” (which he d efines as knowledge abou t p roce ss,
cause and effect , and so on). As evidence he uses t he prolif-
e r at ion of hist or ical t heme par ks and out d oor mu s e u m s.
He qu est ions t he re cent t ur n in mu s e u m s, public hist or y
an d c olle ct in g in ge n er al, of va lu in g se em in gly e ve r y-
t hi ng—a n d eve r yo n e ’s—h e r it a ge , a n d wo n d e r s at t he
u n s u s t a i n a ble nat ur e of such a st r a t eg y for cre at ing and
conser ving herit age.
Keywords: herit age; ant hropology; herit age planning.
S t e c k e r, Ro b e r t . A rt w o r ks: Defi nit ion, Meaning, Va l u e. U n ive rs i t y
Park: Pennsylvania St at e Univer sit y Press, sooo.
St ecke r a dd r ess es a r t wo r k s a s p ar t o f a ge ne r a l va l u e
i n q u i r y, focusing on t hre e principle quest ions: what is ar t ?
( d e finit ion); what is it t o underst and ar t wo r ks? (meaning);
what is t he value of art ? (value).
Keywords: ar t ; ar t hist ory.
S t o k e s, Sa mu el A. , Eli za be t h Wa t son , a n d Sh elly Ma st r a n .
S av i n g A m e r i c a ’s Count r yside: A Gui de t o Rural Conser va t i o n .
Balt imore, Md.: Johns Hopkins Univer sit y Press, soo:.
This how-t o guide t o local, rural project s is a best -pract ices
compendiu m limit ed t o t he u. s. The examples cit ed high-
light t he int ert wining of nat ural resource conser vat ion and
cult ur al conser vat ion in t he last gener at ion.
Key wo rd s: hist o r ic p re s e r va t io n; envir o n men t ; p olicy ;
Unit ed St at es.
Ta i n t e r, Josep h A., a nd Jo hn G. Lu cas. “Epist emolog y of t h e
S i g n i ficance Conce pt .” Ameri ca n Ant i quit y + s, no. + (s o s ,) :
:o:-so.
This ar t icle t r aces t he provenance and development of t h e
concept of “ s i g n i ficance,” which has dominat ed We s t e r n
t hinking about valuing mat erial herit age, especially as inst i-
t u t i o n a l i zed in gove r nm ent policies and professional and
edu cat ional pr act ice. It is an excellent crit ical t reat ment of
conser vat ion principles.
Keywords: conser vat ion; philosophy.
Tay l o r, Pau l W. Respect For Na t ure: A Th e o r y of E nv i ro n m e n t a l
Et hics. Princet on, ·.j.: Princet on Universit y Press, soso.
Taylor ex p l o res t he moral relat ionships bet ween humans
and t he nat ural world as part of a larger t heory of environ-
m e n t a l e t h ic s. H e a d d r e sse s t h e co r r e l at io n b e t we e n
environment al and human et hics; t he at t it ude of respect for
nat ure wit h part icular reference t o t he concept s of inherent
wo r t h and ‘goodn ess’ of a b eing or t hing; t he biocent ric
ou t look o n nat u re as an ove ra r ching t ele olog ical t heme;
basic component s of e t hical syst ems; t he legal and mora l
right s of plant s and animals; and t he compet ing claims and
p r ior it y p r incip le s at wo r k in t he n ego t ia t i on bet we e n
human civilizat ion and nat ure.
Keywords: environment ; et hics.
Throsby, David. “Cult ure, Economics and Sust ainabilit y.” Journal
of Cult ural Economics so (soo,): soo-zoo.
This brief art icle summarizes some concept ual issues bridg-
in g e co n om i c a n a ly sis a n d q u e s t i o n s o f c u l t u ra l
value—specifically, t he idea of sust ainabilit y and sust ainable
development , and t he closely associat ed concept of cult ural
capit al. One of t he essent ial difficult ies in economic analysis
o f c u l t u re is t he incomme nsu r abilit y of social values and
price as a means of measuring value. Using t he not ion of
c u l t u r al ca pit al (as applie d, for inst ance, t o mat er ial her -
it age), Th r o s by suggest s t hat cult ural values and economic
values can be br ought int o a single fr a m ewor k for analy s i s
and decision-making.
Keywords: economics; sust ainabilit y.
———. “ Seve n Q u e st io ns in t h e Ec on o m ics o f C u l t u ra l
Herit age.” In Economic Pe rs p e c t ives on Cultural Heri t age, e d i t -
94
ed by Michael Hut t er and Ilde Rizzo. New York: St . Mart in’s
Press, 1997.
Th r o s by sur veys economic issu es r elat ing t o economist s’
p e rs p e c t ives on “immova ble cu lt u r al herit age”—not only
met hods of valuat ion, but inst rument s of regulat ion, analy-
se s of who be nef it s and who pay s, and so on. Beg i n n i n g
wit h t he problem t hat t here are se veral kinds of value t o be
c o n s i d e r ed even by e co no mist s—mar ket va lu e , beq u est
valu e, opt io n va lu e—he su ggest s “con t in gent va l u a t i o n
met hods” as a way of gauging ext ra-market values. He also
int roduces t he not ion of sust ainabilit y in order t o account
for t he fut ur e, t rans-generat ional value of cult ur al herit age.
Keywords: economics; herit age.
Tilghman, B. R. But Is It Art ? The Value of Art and t he Tempt at ion
of Theor y. New York: Basil Blackwell, sos+.
T ilg hm a n ad dr e sse s t he q u e s t i on of h ow we id e nt i fy,
describe, and evaluat e works of art and t he possibilit ies (and
impossibilit ies) of const ruct ing a proper t heory of art . This
work ex p l o re s, among ot her s t opics, t he aim and st ru c t u re
o f t r adit ional t heory, ar t wo rlds and t he u ses/ fu nct ions of
‘Art ,’ as well as t he aest het ics and complexit ies of percept ion
in t he search for art ist ic value.
Keywords: art ; ar t hist ory.
Tor re, Mart a de la, edit or. The Conser vat ion of Archaeological Sit es
i n t h e Med i t er r a nea n Regi on: An In t er n a t i on a l Con fe re n c e
O r ga nized by t h e Get t y Conser vat ion Inst i t ut e a nd t he J. Pa u l
Get t y Museum, May 1995. Los Angeles: The Get t y Conser va-
t ion Inst it ut e, soo:.
This confe rence was orga n i ze d t o pr omot e t he conse rva-
t i on o f a rc h a e o l o g ic al h e r it a ge i n t h e Me d it e r r a n e a n
region. To fo r wa rd t his, manager s, policy makers, and con-
s e r va t io n p r o fe ss io n a ls fr o m ar o u nd t he r e g io n we r e
ga t h e red t o discu ss model app roaches and issu es of c o m -
mo n in t er e st , a nd visit sit e s a r ou nd t he r eg ion (Pia z za
A r m e r in a i n Sic ily, Kn o sso s in C r e t e , a n d Ep h e su s in
Tu r k ey; each is t he su bject of an ex t e n s ive case re p o r t in
t he book, which also inclu des ar t icles on planning models,
r e c o n s t r u ct io n, a n d int er p r e t at io n o f sit e s). T he mai n
issues r aised and discussed in t he confe r ence r elat ed t o t he
management of a rc h a e o l ogical sit es, and t he role of d i ffe r -
e nt va lu e s—so c ia l, a r t i s t i c, e c on o m ic, a n d s o o n —in
s h aping conser vat ion st r a t egies and act ions.
Keywords: archaeology; planning; management ; values.
Towse, Rut h, ed it or. Cult ura l Economics: The Ar t s, t he Her it age,
a nd t h e Media I ndust r i es. ( In t er n a t i ona l Li br ar y of C r i t i c a l
Wr i t i ngs in Economi cs. ) Ch elt enham, u. x .: Edwa r d Elga r,
s o o :.
This book is comprised of t wo volumes of collect ed paper s
from t he preceding generat ion of work in t he specialt y field
of cult ural economics. The collect ion dr aws t oget her econ -
o m is t s o f va r yin g b a ckg r o u n d s — t h e r e is no t ju st o ne
i d e o l og ical fr a m ework pr ese nt e d. Diffe ren t sect ions ar e
devot ed t o different analyt ical t hemes in cult ural economics
(e.g., “cost disease” in t he perfo r ming ar t s, policy and sub-
sid y issu es, non-pr ofit organizat ions and imp act st u dies).
Towse’s int roduct ion is a good over view and guide.
Keywords: economics; policy; ar t ; herit age.
Towse, Ru t h, a nd Ab du l Kh akee, edit or s. Cult ura l Economi cs.
Berlin: Springer Verlag, sooz.
This collect ion of essays, from a sooo conference of cult ural
e c o n o m i s t s, addr esses a wide r an ge o f econo mic t opics.
Th e boo k co nt ains t he wor k o f economist s fr om fi f t e e n
count ries and covers a host of t heoret ical, pract ical, and pol-
icy issues, dealing wit h t he performing art s, art market s and
mu s e u m s. Collect ive ly, t he book re p resent s an at t empt t o
expand t he reach of t he cult ural economics subfield and t o
u n d e rst and cult u re and t he art s as an economic phenome-
non—st u dying issues su ch as pr icing, subsidies, and t r a d e .
The volume ends wit h six “cou nt r y st udies” analyzing spe-
cific issues in specific places.
Keywords: economics; policy; art ; herit age.
Tu an , Yi-Fu . Topophi li a : A St u dy of E nv i r onment a l Pe rc ep t i o n ,
At t it udes, and Values. New York: Columbia Universit y Press,
so:+.
Tuan is a geogr apher, known for his inno vat ive, cross-disci -
p l i n a r y writ ing on t he meaning of built environment s and
ot her issues t hat bind philosophy and geography. His work,
i n g ene r a l, is a n in t r igu in g m ixt u r e o f e nv i r o n m e n t a l
d e sign , p e r c e p t i on , a n d sp ir it u a li t y. In Top oph i l i a , h e
ex p l o r es t h e r ela t ionship b et ween t he envir on ment and
human percept ion (i.e., t he nat ure of e nvir onment al at t i-
t udes and values) in order t o bet t er focus t he fight t o prot ect
t he nat ur al wealt h of t he ear t h. He discusses sense perc e p-
t io n , cu lt u r a l p syc h o l o g y, e go - a n d e t h n o -c e n t r i sm ,
c r o s s - c u l t u ral environment al at t it udes, and ot her t opics. In
t his and ot her wo r ks, Tua n oft en u ses case s dr awn fr om
Ch in a as well a s t he we st . In Topop hi li a , se e esp ecia lly
C h a pt er s. His ot h er wo r ks of no t e ar e Spa ce a nd Pla ce:
Th e Pe rs p e c t ive of Exper i en ce ( M i n n e a po lis: Un ive r sit y of
Minnesot a Pre s s, s o o o) and t he mor e pe rsonal account in
Passing St range a nd Wonderful: Aest het ics, Nat ure, a nd Cult ur e
(New York: Kodansha America, soo,).
Ke y wo r ds : e nv ir on m e n t a l ps yc h o l og y; p h ilo s op hy ;
g e ogr ap hy.
Tu nbr idge , J. E. an d G. J. Ashwo r t h . Di ssona nt Her i t a ge: Th e
M a n a gement of t he Past As a Re s o u rce in Conflict . C h i c h e s t e r,
u.x./ New York: John Wiley & Sons, sooo.
This excellent st udy t akes a crit ical look at t he role of h e r-
it a ge i n c on t e m p o r a r y s oc ie t ie s, t h r o u gh t h e le n s of
p la n n in g fo r her it age co n se r va t io n an d d eve l o p m e n t .
Writ ing from t he planning field, Tunbridge and Ashwo rt h
highlight what t hey see as t he essent ially conflict ed nat ure
o f her it age—a ll her it age is “d issonan t ” in some re s p e c t s.
Dissonance st ems from quest ions of “whose herit age is it ?”
I n ev i t a bly, some gr ou ps ar e disinher it ed in t he pr ocess of
a n swe r i ng t h is. T he i r m o de l o f t h e he r i t ag e -cr e a t i o n
95
process is essent ially an economic one, in which herit age is
creat ed because market s exist for it .
Keywords: herit age; herit age planning.
U n e s c o. Wo r ld Cult ure Rep o r t : Cul t ure, Cre a t ivi t y a n d Ma r ket s.
Paris: Unesco Publishing, soos.
This re p o rt extends t he work of t he Wo rld Commission on
C u l t u r e a n d Deve lo p me n t , wh o se r e p o r t Ou r Cr e a t i ve
D ive rsit y ( Paris: Unesco Publishing, s o o ,) identified a nu m b e r
o f issues rega rding t he r ole of c u l t u re in h uman life and
d evelopment incre a s i n gly dominat ed by globalizat ion. Wo rl d
C u l t u r e Rep o r t wa s c om p ile d a lo ng t he m od e l o f o t h e r
Unesco documents on the statu s of the environment (wh i c h
st emmed from t he Bru ndtland Commission). It collect s t he
wor k of s c h o l a r s from all over t he wo rld to assess the st at u s
and role of c u l t u re in a wo r ld incr e a s i n gly dominat ed by
m a r k e t s; it a ls o se t s o u t im p o r t a nt q u e s t io n s t o b e
r e s e a r ch ed a nd de b at e d. Spe cifi c t h em es in t h e re p o r t
include culture and economic development, global sociocul-
t u r a l p r o ce ss e s, cr e a t ivi t y an d m a r ke t s, a n d cu l t u r a l
i n d i c a t o r s. Unlike many d ocument s and r e s e a rch effo rt s
focused on globalizat ion and sust ainabilit y, t he Wo rld Cult ure
Rep o r t remains cent ered on cult ure as a positive fo rce in indi-
vidual and social life. A few sections discuss mat erial heritage
d i re c t ly; t he second Wo r ld Cu lt ur e Rep o r t , c u r r e n t ly be ing
planned, will focus on herit age as one of it s main themes.
Keywords: cult ural herit age; economic development ; mat e-
rial herit age.
Ur r y, John. Consuming Places. London: Rout ledge, soo,.
Not ing t he absence of such work, Ur ry’s analysis is devot ed
t o underst anding t he complicat ed social t heory t hat under -
lies t h e se e min gly s im p le con ce pt o f “ p l a c e ” — h ow t o
model t he complex, subt le relat ions bet ween a societ y and
it s physical envir onment . Consider a ble r e s e a rch has been
done on t he product ion of places; lit t le on how, from a soci-
o l o g i s t ’s p e r s p e c t ive ( a s o pp o se d t o a n a r t i s t ’s o r a r t
hist orian’s), t hey are experienced or “consumed.” (His focus
on a part icular social process keeps t he discussion at a fairly
a b s t r act , highly t heoret ical level.) Ur r y is par t i c u l a rly con-
c e r ned wit h her it age places and t he r ise a nd influ ence of
t ourism—a part icular kind of consumpt ion, growing out of
t he recent , vast economic rest r uct urings.
Keywords: place; t ourism; commodificat ion; sociology.
———. “How Societ ies Rem embe r t h e Past .” In T h e o r i z i n g
Museu ms: Rep resent i ng Ident i t y and Dive rsit y in a Cha n gi ng
Wo r ld , edi t e d b y Sh a r o n Ma cd on a ld a n d Gor do n Fyfe .
Oxford: Blackwell Publishers and Sociological Review, sooo.
In t his piece, Ur r y ar gu es t ha t social t he or y h as failed t o
inclu de “how societ ies remember t he past ” among it s con-
c e rn s. This includes a fa i l u re t o concept ualize herit age as a
social phenomenon t hat invo l ves a complex of e c o n o m i c,
c u l t u r al, and social processes. His larger re s e a r ch agenda is
t o underst and t his phenomenon as seen in t he specific prac-
t ices of t r avel, t our ism, and t h e pr olife r at ion of t o u r i s m
indust ries and pract ices—which in t urn are part of t he lar g-
er shift t o post -indu st rial societ y. He advocat es a focu s not
so much on her it age and memor y (t hings), as on t ourism
and remembering (processes).
Keywords: sociology; collect ive memory; t ourism.
Ve rg o, Pe t e r, e dit or. T h e New Museology. Lo nd on : Re a k t i o n
Books, soso.
This volume is a st rong collect ion of crit ical essays by muse-
um professionals (from England) analyzing t he diffi c u l t i e s
r aised by cont empor a r y changes in museum pr act ices and
t he role of museums in societ y.
Keywords: museums; cult ur al st udies; England.
Wallace, Mike. Mickey Mouse Hist ory and Ot her Essays on American
Memor y. Philadelphia: Temple Universit y Pr ess, sooo.
Wallace is a r a dical hist o r ian wh ose int er est lies in con -
t ent ious public hist or y deb a t e s. He describes in somet imes
florid t erms t he polit icizat ion of public hist or y, focusing on
cases such as Smit hsonian ex h i b i t s, ot her hist or y mu s e u m
i s s u e s, and p roposals for t he Disney ’s Ame rica hist orical
t heme park. One of t he implicat ions of his account of pub-
lic hist ory bat t les is t hat herit age remains an import ant and
meaningful issue for t he cont empor ary public.
Keywords: public hist ory; herit age.
Wal sh , Kev in . T h e Rep r esent a t i on of t h e Pa st : Mu seums a n d
Herit age in t he Post -Modern World. London: Rout ledge, sooz.
This book t akes an hist orical approach t o underst anding t he
ant hropology of herit age, specifically as it has been inst it u-
t ionalized in modern, west ern cult ure. The basic premise is:
as her it age ha s incre a s i n gly been commo dified , it s social
me anin g (it s r e l eva nce t o indiv i d u a l s, small gr o u p s a nd
localit ies) has been diminished. The pr ocess behind t his is
modernizat ion in it s many facet s: not only commodificat ion
and changes in product ion, but t r avel, communicat ion, and
so on. It is pa r t i c u l a r ly u se ful t ha t Walsh focu se s o n t he
inst it ut ions t hat have arisen and t ransformed t o effect t hese
changes in t he relat ion b et ween he rit age and mean ing—
museu ms and t he conser vat ion and pre s e r vat ion fields in
p a rt i c u l a r. He ends by recommending “ecomuseu ms” and
t heir holist ic approach as a remedy t o t he alienat ing dynam-
ic he describes.
Keywords: herit age; ant hropology; museums.
Wa l t e r, E. V. P l a c ew ays: A T h e o r y of t h e Huma n Env i ro n m e n t .
Chapel Hill: Univer sit y of Nort h Carolina Press, soo,.
Walt er is a philosopher writ ing about human beings’ at t ach-
ment t o places as a t r ans-hist oric phenomenon. Using t he
not ion of “topistics” and “sense of place,” he argu es t hat our
u n d e rstanding of t he experience of place has been fr a g m e n t -
ed among disciplines. His accou nt endeavo r s to reve rse t his,
m a king a “holist ic,” even ove ra rching, basis for under s t a n d-
ing t he role of places (and by ext ension, ot her element s of
c u l t u r al herit age) in our psychic and social live s. He calls t his
field of i n q u i r y “t opist ics... t he st udy of p l a c eway s. ”
Keywords: philosophy; place at t achment .
96
Web e r, Raymond, edit or. E u ropea n Herit age. Vol. ,. St r a s b o u rg :
Council of Europe, Cult ur al Herit age Division, soo,.
This jour nal issue gives an excellent ove rv i ew of t he social
and polit ical issues facing t he cult ural herit age field. It con-
si st s o f a d oz en sh o r t a r t icle s by se ni or f i g u r e s in t he
herit age field. While many of t he art icles focus on a part icu-
lar count ry, t aken t oget her t hey comprise a very informat ive
glimpse of t he over all sit uat ion of herit age in Europe.
Keywords: herit age; policy; Europe.
Weil, St ephen E. A Ca bi net of Curiosi t i es: Inquiri es int o Museums
a nd T heir Pro s p e c t s. Washingt on, n. c.: Smit hsonian Inst it u -
t ion Press, soo,.
We i l ’s essays con ce r n t h e p la ce of m u se u m s in soci et y
(Amer ican societ y in par t icular ). Covering a wide range of
t opics—fr om o per at io nal issue s t o con cep t u al and p hilo-
sophical quest ions—he focuses on museums’ cent ral role as
collect ors of movable, t angible herit age. The essays are t ied
t oget her by t his t hem e: t he changing uses, funct ions and
issues concerning all kinds of museums are changing along
wit h t he societ y t hat t hey ser ve and reflect (a societ y which
is changing t echnologically, demo gr aphically, economically,
and so on). Tr ue t o it s t it le, Weil’s varied collect ion of essays
pr obes t he pre se nt a nd fu t u re challenges of mu seu ms of
many kinds.
Keywords: museums; mat erial cult ure.
Whit e, Hayden. The Cont ent of t he Fo r m: Na r r a t ive Discourse and
Hi st or ica l Rep r esent a t i on . B a l t i m o re , Md.: Johns Hopk i n s
Univer sit y Press, sos:.
Whit e explores t he relat ion bet ween narr at ive and hist orical
discourse, arguing t hat nar r at ive is not merely a neut ral act
bu t , inst ead, ent ails choices wit h dist inct ideolog ical and
polit ical implicat ions. To conceive of n a r ra t ive and hist or y
wr it ing in t his way allows t he au t hor t o acco unt for t he
i n t e r est t hat d omina nt so cial gr ou p s have in cont r olling
what will pass for t he aut horit at i ve myt hs of a given cult ur -
al format ion—or it s dominant value-syst ems. Int erpret at ion
of mat erial herit age is one arena in which such hist ory writ -
ing is perfor med.
Keywords: lit er ar y crit icism; philosophy; hist or y.
W h i t l ey, David S., edit or. Reader in Arch a e o l ogical T h e o r y: Po s t -
P rocessual and Cog n i t ive Appro a ch e s. London: Rout ledge, s o o s.
This collect ion of recent , crit ical work in arc h a e o l ogy map s
t he int r o du ct io n of va lu es int o t he field of a rc h a e o l ogy
t hrough t he various t ur ns of p o s t - s t ru c t u r al and post -mod-
e r n t heor y. The cont ribu t o rs, many of t hem leader s in t he
field, expla in t heir var ie d ap pr oaches t o int er p r et ing t he
meaning and significance of a rc h a e o l ogical dat a about t he
past —all of which are conscious at t empt s t o go beyond t he
o b j e c t ive , scie nt ific cla im s o f t r a dit io nal, “pr o cessu al”
a rc h a e o l ogy.
Keywords: archaeology; social t heory.
Wilso n , Al e x a n d e r. T he Cu lt u r e of N a t u r e: Nor t h Amer i ca n
La nd sca pe Fr om Di sn ey t o t he Ex x on Va l d ez . C a m b r i d g e ,
Mass.: Basil Blackwell, sooz.
Wi l s o n’s argu ment expands on t he widely held belief t h a t ,
in Nor t h Amer ica especially, t he connect ion bet ween peo-
ple a nd t he lan d is a n im po r t an t a sp ect o f c u l t u r e a n d
mat er ial herit age. He goes on t o deve l o p, t hrough a nu m-
be r of t h e m e s, t he no t ion t h at na t u r e, far fr om being a
k n owa ble object wit h st able and t r ansce ndent meaning, is
a s co nt ing ent a nd co nt est ed as any cu lt u r al ob ject (i.e.,
bu i l d i n g s, ar t , parking lot s, t heme parks ) .
Keywords: environment ; hist or y; Nor t h America.
Zube, Er vin and Gary Moore, edit ors. A dvances in Env i ro n m e n t ,
B e h a vior a nd Desi gn, Vo l s.  - . N ew Yor k: Plenum Pr ess in
c o o p e r a t io n w it h t h e Envir on m en t a l De sig n Re s e a rc h
Associat ion, sos:-soos.
The volumes in t his ser ies are compilat ions of rev i ew ar t i-
cles w rit t en by scholar s fr om t h e br oad r a nge of fi e l d s
falling under t he r ubr ic of “ e nvir onment al design” (wh i c h
cut s across psychology, sociology, ant hropology, geography,
h i s t o r i a n s, and design). As a collect ion t hey deal br oa dly
wit h t he issu es of e nvironment , environment al meaning,
and behavior, t hough not specifically wit h hist oric environ-
ment s or herit age. Each chapt e r is ve r y succinct , det ailed,
and u seful for delving int o t he det ails of s p e c i a l i zed t opics
(which include, for example: environment s for children, ver -
na cu la r a rc h i t e c t u r e, d esign t heo r y, a nd ap p r oa ch es t o
st udying t he meaning of par t icular environment s).
Keywords: environment al psychology; urbanism.
Z u kin, Shar on. T he Cult ures of C i t i e s. Cambr id ge, Mass.: Basil
Blackwell, soo,.
Z u kin, a sociologist and cu lt ur al geogr ap h e r, writ es about
t he int erweaving of market ideolo gy and cult ure in various
mat erial forms—museums, art , public spaces, et hnic expres-
s i o n s. She docu men t s t he deve lo pmen t o f n ew sym bolic
eco n om ies ca p it a lizi ng o n t he se c u lt u r e s, co nt ent io u s
debat es about t he format ion of public cult ure and t he com -
plicat ed p ower st r u g g les a t t en din g it . H er ca se st u d ie s
include t he redevelopment of Br yant Park in New York Cit y,
t he cr e at ion o f a n ew m o der n a r t mu se u m in we s t e r n
Massachuset t s, and t he shift ing geography and business cul-
t ure of et hnic enclaves.
Keywords: sociology; geo gr aphy; commodificat ion; Unit ed
St at es.

Values and Heritage Conservation
Research Report Erica Avrami, Randall Mason, Marta de la Torre The Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles

Project coordinators: Marta de la Torre and Erica Av ra m i Logistics coordinator: Sheri Saperstein Report editors: Erica Avrami and Randall Mason Design/Production coordinator: Helen Mauchí Copy editor: Sylvia Tidwell Bibliography contributions: Randall Mason, Claudia Bohn-Spector and Hilary Dunne Fe rr o n e Copyright © 2000 The J. Paul Getty Trust The Getty Conservation Institute 1200 Getty Center Drive, Suite 700 Los Angeles, CA 90049-1684 Telephone 310.440.7325 Fax 310.440.7702 Email GCIValues@getty.edu http://www.getty.edu/gci The Getty Conservation Institute works internationally to advance conservation practice in the visual arts—broadly interpreted to include objects, collections, architecture, and sites. The Institute serves the conservation community through four areas of activity: scientific research into the nature, decay, and treatment of materials; education and training; model field projects; and the dissemination of i n fo rmation through traditional publications and electronic means. In all its endeavors, the  is committed to addressing unanswered questions and promoting the highest possible standards of conservation. The Institute is a program of the J. Paul Getty Trust, an international cultural and philanthropic institution devoted to the visual arts and the humanities that includes an art museum as well as programs for education, scholarship, and conservation.

and Cultural Significance The Need for a Conceptual Framework Exploratory Essays     13 Overview Stewarding the Past in a Perplexing Present David Lowenthal Economic and Cultural Value in the Work of Creative Artists David Throsby Cultural Heritage and Globalization Lourdes Arizpe Cultural Heritage. Valorization. Pearce Challenges for Heritage Conservation and the Role of Research on Values Daniel Bluestone Conclusions Participants Contributor Biographies Appendix: Values Bibliography          68 71 72 73 .Table of Contents Preface Report on Research 1 3 The Spheres and Challenges of Conservation Conservation Perspectives Values. and Human Flourishing Uffe Juul Jensen Cultural Fusion Erik Cohen Preserving the Historic Urban Fabric in a Context of Fast-Paced Change Mona Serageldin The Making of Cultural Heritage Susan M. Liberal Education.

The overall aim of  research on social and economic issues is understanding the processes— specific and general—by which material heritage conservation functions in the context of modern s o c i e t y. By elucidating the ways in which we. Such insight can. determine what to conserve and how to conserve it. Through an online discussion that fo l l owed the Ja nu a ry     meeting. and citizens. and research themes that wa rrant fu rther study. The second part of the document. as societies.    . and meanings of cultural heritage and its conservation.” is a compendium of p ap e rs on specific topics written by scholars who have participated in this research. inform policy and decision makers about the potential of conservation for fostering civil society. in our ongoing discussions with colleagues at the Getty. and through several commissioned essays. represents an effort of the  to advance understanding of conservation’s current role in society. Meeting participants were asked to examine the state of knowledge about the multiple definitions. in academia. values are an important. This report presents the results of research on the subject of the values and benefits of cultural heritage conservation undertaken by the Getty Conservation Institute () through its Agora initiative. In late . make conservation practice more relevant to the societies of which it is a part. along with a parallel project on the economics of heritage conservation. plus the economic values tied up in its use. and. and community members collaborate in and inform this work—and how they might be more effectively integrated in the future. the search for values and meaning has become a pressing concern. and to consider ideas. Th e meeting involved a multidisciplinary and multinational group of professionals and academics from the conservation and cultural heritage fields and associated disciplines (see Pa rticipants section below). “Exploratory Essays. as well as the historical values of its associations. the  began development of a multiyear inquiry to explore the values and benefits of cultural heritage conservation. In this postmodern. with the end of i m p r oving conserva t i o n practice and policy. elsewhere in the conservation field. The first part of this document. values are critical to deciding what to conserve—what material goods will represent us and our past to future generations—as well as to determining how to conserve. in turn. and strengthen the role of conservation as a part of civil society. academics. sometimes divergent values at play: think of the artistic and aesthetic values of an old building. post-ideology. This tra n s d i s c i p l i n a ry re s e a rc h . to educate ours e l ves and the conservation community at large about the potential role of c o n s e rvation in the fu t u re. through correspondence. concepts. post-nation-state age.” provides a summary of the ideas and ove ra rching themes that have emerged during the course of our research and meetings. The research was launched with a meeting held in Los Angeles and R ive rside. and so on.Preface Values are the subject of much discussion in contemp o ra ry society. d e t e rmining factor in the current practices and future prospects of the conservation field. professionals. we hope to foster greater understanding of the work that conservators do and of the ways in which other professionals. These essays explore some core ideas in greater depth and provide different disc i p l i n a ry pers p e c t ives on how broad s o c i a l dynamics influence our understanding of cultural 1 . presently and in the future. In short. Califo rnia. In the field of cultural heritage conservation. to strengthen the capacity of the conservation field to enrich cultural life and the visual arts in societies worldwide. to look at the kinds of social and cultural dynamics making the greatest impact on conservation’s role in society. ultimately. “Report on Re s e a rch. Ja nu a ry  to  . as a means of articulating and fu rt h e r i n g ideas that have emerged from the conservation field in recent ye a rs. and in literatures from other disciplines that bear on conservation. Even brief c o n s i d e ration of a typical conservation decision reveals many different. roles. these ideas were honed and debated.

The “Conclusions” synthes i ze some of these ideas and issues and propose topics for continued ex p l o ration. We we l c o m e your thoughts and suggestions. These limits (however artificial they may be) were set because the Institute does not encompass in its conservation work such manifestations of culture as folklore.heritage conservation. are meant to p r ovoke fu rther re s e a rch and cre a t ive think i n g about the future of conservation. However. buildings. the Agora was established with a focus on material cultural heritage—that is to say. along with the summary and essays. sites. Notes . music. literature. art i fa c t s. These topics. and dance. monuments. The success of such research depends. email us at GCIValues@getty. The exploration of the Agora involved the full spectrum of cultural heritage and the range of tangible and intangible constructs related to the concept of heritage. on active dialogue among a widening group of c o l l a b o ra t o rs. material heritage and its associated constructs (tangible and intangible) have been emphasized. So please join us in this conve rsation. objects. etc. in the strategic development of research and other activities. In accordance with the mandate of the J.edu. Paul Getty Trust and the mission of the Getty Conservation Institute. in part. art. 2 .

In certain contexts. and the s p read of p a rt i c i p a t o ry democracies and market economies. conservation policy and practice follow a sequence of steps that each involves a separate sphere of professionals and players. “conservation” has broad meaning. population mobility. to the relative isolation of different groups or spheres of professionals that engage in the work of c o n s e rva t i o n (broadly defined). in prac3 tice. the social sciences. more narrow d e finition of c o n s e rvation is an element of the fo rm e r. Whether through academic discourse. site managers. and other areas— reflecting the fact that heritage conservation is truly a multidisciplinary endeavor. Th e t e rm c o n s e rvation i t s e l f has varied meanings and connotations. those who own or have responsibility for the product (collections managers. the beginning of a process of heritage creation or production. scientists. Yet how conservation is approached and u n d e rtaken varies from culture to culture. a product of material culture—be it an object or a place—is recognized as “cultural heritage. heritage commiss i o n s. property owners. etc. and even divergent social practice—and it is this definition that needs to be foregrounded. In the current climate of globalization. simply and generally. signifying the entire f ield or realm of cultural heritage preservation. in fact. has become its own. As re p resented in Figure  (see page ). If one were to map. In some form. who evaluate the signif icance of t h e product. Cultivating this role should. a c o m munity movement. be one of the abiding concerns of our field. designation as an historic site or acquisition by a museum. focusing mostly on the physical aspects of heritage and often losing sight of the interconnectedness of treatment to the preceding spheres.  one would f ind a rather linear path with different groups of professionals engaged in distinct steps along the way. the humanities. the current shape of conservation policy and pract i c e . All the same. At the same time. or decisions made by politicians and investors. Howeve r. i n t e rd i s c i p l i n a ry collaboration is not often achieved. technological advancement.” This is. interest is generated about the object or place in question. from academic inquiry and historical research to policy making to planning to technical intervention (this meaning is akin to the American notion of “historic preservation”). Conservation shapes the society in which it is situated. Professionals working in the broader conservation field are drawn from the sciences. Intervention. Next. arc h a e o l ogical exc avation. in practice. etc. This may (or may not) lead to a program of intervention or treatment to conserve the fabric of the object or place. it has become quite clear to the broad conservation community that these and other societal trends are profo u n d ly and rap i d ly changi n g . involving conservat o rs. in part. As the diagram suggests. It would seem that the latter. and vice versa. it is shaped by the needs and dynamics of that society. in particular. etc. ideally. the work of intervention or treatment has become somewhat disconnected from this broader field and notion of conservation. And it may also include consultations made with communities and other stakeholders. “conservation” is used to indicate physical intervention or treatment specifically. more ex p a n s ive definition. arc h i t e c t s. or political or re l i gi o u s t re n d s. The next step entails protection of the “product” through.. and momentum builds. such as curators. and in turn. This step often involves individuals or groups.) are charged with its overall management. Decisions about what to conserve and why are often taken independ e n t ly from those dealing with how to conserve . often with little interp l ay among the sphere s. very distinct sphere. the arts. diverse. But the broader def inition re fe rs more widely to conservation as a complex.Report on Research The Spheres and Challenges of Conservation Underpinning this research is an assumption that heritage conservation is an integral part of civil society. This definition of conservation refers to the more technically oriented functions of t h e broader field. This is due. for example. conservation of material heritage is a function observable in every modern society. at some initial stage.

As suggested by Figure  (see page ). documentation. . interdisciplinary approaches to the preservation of the built environment have developed that address the changed conditions of contemporary society. cultures and communities. English Heritage. so does the role of conservation and the opportunities for c o n s e rvation to shape and support civil society. G iven these immediate challenges. and technology. and the raison d’être for conservation in all senses. we know very little (for instance. trained personnel. widespread integration of the spheres of c o n s e rvation policy and p ractice has been slow. economics. many conservation professionals and organizations have recognized that greater cohesion. 2 integrated. These cont exts—the values people draw from them. important areas. we are consistently faced with challenges on three fronts: • Physical condition: Behavior of materials and s t ru c t u ral systems. political and legislative mandates and conditions. Management context: Availability and use of re s o u rc e s. to whom. etc. land use issues. the . deterioration causes and mechanisms. and integration are needed in the conservation field. including funds. As a field. etc. the spheres of conservation ought to be integrated better and embedded withi n their re l evant contex t s. etc. the functions heritage objects serve for society. connection. the impact of interventions on how it is understood or perceived. In the last ten to fifteen years. Australia . Through comprehensive planning for conservation management.Figure 1 The current shape of conservation policy and practice: in which the different aspects of conservation activity often remain separate and unintegrated. also to the specialization of work in different disciplines. listing). Yet despite these advances. These changed social conditions compel us to think expansively and realistically about the future standing of conservation in the social agenda. In the cultural heritage conservation field. Cultural significance and social values: Why an object or place is meaningful. or the use of heritage as a foil in identity or political struggles). employing value-driven planning methodologies that attempt to incorporate values more effectively in conservation decision making. retaining the sense that conservation is insulated from social contexts. the uses to which heritage is put—are the real source of the meaning of heritage. the field (specifically those involved in the conservation of architecture and archaeological sites) has made significant advances in grappling with these challenges in a holistic way. • • . The future challenges of the conservation field will stem not only from heritage objects and sites themselves but from the contexts in which society embeds them. we know a great deal about some aspects of conservation (science. possible interventions. and 4 many other government and nongovernmental agencies (s) have established policies for integrated conservation management. This is larg e ly due to the rather fragmented and unbalanced body of knowledge that supports the work of conservation. National Park Service. As society changes. fo r whom it is conserved. so as to ensure that conservation remains responsive to ever-changing cultural conditions. in other. long-term efficacy of treatments. rather than a disjointed sequence.

As a result. etc. L i k ewise. a considerable body of information. though. heritage as embodied in the natural environment. In the realm of management issues. in the area of material science and technical interventions. with specif ic applicability to conservation. rather than on the complexities of resource management within the field of conservation or on conservation as a “public good” within society. social contexts. personal values. In fact. local priorities. and so on. one finds ex t e n s ive info rm a t i o n about canons of art-historical value. material culture and its societal functions. yet the lack of a coherent body of knowledge that addresses and integrates all three fronts makes it ve ry . psychology. responsibility to future generations. the deterioration of materials and possible interventions—concentrating on the objects as opposed to their contexts. Every act of conservation is shaped by how an object or place is valued. the greater part of all conservation research still focuses on the challenges of p hysical condition—namely. has grown through the years. physical condition. Great strides have been made to understand and arrest material deterioration. economics. available resources. Traditionally. its social contexts. its stewardship. the research efforts of the cons e rvation f ield have focused on the fi rst front. and coherent.Figure 2 The potential future of conservation policy and practice: in which different aspects of conservation practice. Decisions about treatments and interventions are not based solely on considerations of physical decay. 5 However. and so on. has focused on issues of owners’ rights and finance. Most of this research. very little of this literature is applied to or developed in the context of conservation. re l a t ive ly little re s e a rch has addressed the specifics of cultural heritage conservation or has been undertaken in service of the conservation field. and stakeholders are integrated.) that can info rm the work of c o n s e rvation. connected. some conservation-specific discourse has emerged from the law and economics fields. philosophy. Although there is a g reat deal of information in related disciplines (anthropology.

That societies should save old things has been a matter of tradition. informing decisionmaking processes. and society are produced and reproduced. intertwined with myriad other economic. Likewise. a medium through wh i c h identity. a process as opposed to a static set of objects with fixed meaning. heritage should be considered a ve ry fluid phenomenon. we have come to re c og n i ze that conservation cannot unify or advance with any real innovation or vision if we continue to concentrate the bulk of conservation discourse on issues of physical condition. gre a t e r demands are made to conserve heritage as a brake against unwanted change and even as a means of effecting change. this makes efforts to coalesce and connect the field at large and its multidisciplinary constituency formidable. in turn. Thus. not a collection of things. Echoing a great deal of social science and humanities research on culture in the postmodern era. cultural heritage—its very existence and its function within a society—has been taken for granted. we reexamine the core concepts of heritage and conservation. fostering links with associated disciplines. As a field. art. the unmet need is for re s e a rch that explains how conservation is situated in society— how it is shaped by economic. the meaning of heritage can no longer be thought of as fixed. cultural consensus and norms have been replaced by an atmosphere of openly contentious and fractious c u l t u ral politics. This is our current climate. Building on this insight. rise dramatically. buildings. the cultural context dictates that the pressure to conserve. collectively. and creativity. See the bibliography herein for a wide-ranging sample of such scholarship. political. historical inquiry. scholarship on culture in the past generation or so reinforces the notion that c u l t u re is a set of p r o c e s s e s. through both practice and policy. coupled with strategic planning for how better to i n t egrate conservation in the social agenda. mirroring the fact that cultures are cons t a n t ly in flux from the local to the global scale. and the social. which is to say that it results from social processes specific to time and place. the role it plays in modern society. Objects. (It should also be noted that the intense recent interest in professional ethics is another part of the development of critical perspectives on conservation. at its core. Conservation Perspectives There is tremendous educational and practical potential to be realized by integrating and contextualizing the spheres and work of conservation. Museology scholar Susan . critical research on heritage is the notion that cultural heritage is a social construction. power. and cultural processes. In any case. cultural. The norms dictating what things qualif ied as heritage we re ve ry stable—these we re notions like “masterpieces.d i fficult to assess and incor p o rate these other. as the traditional notions of intrinsic value and authenticity suggest. and social forces and how.” and “authenticity. and thus conserva t i o n must not hide behind its traditional philosophical matters of faith. ra t h e r. is p o l i t i c i zed and contested. collections. not only as a self-contained science or technological endeavor but as a social practice. the field can advance in a positive way by embedding the spheres of c o n s e rva t i o n within their relevant contexts. and cultural mechanisms through which conservation works are better understood and articulated. As social and cultural change intensifi e s. Heritage is one of the mainstays of culture. equally important factors in the work of conservation professionals.) At the heart of contemporary. and enabling conservation professionals and organizations to respond better in the future. As noted. to be accepted and respected. political. it shapes society. and the reasons are not examined too closely. Historically. Artifacts are not static embodiments of cult u re but are. Conservation risks losing gr o u n d within the social agenda unless the nontechnical complexities of cultural heritage preservation. and places become recognized as “heritage” through conscious decisions and unspoken values of particular people and institutions—and for reasons that are strongly shaped by social contexts and processes. heritage conservation should be recog n i zed as a bundle of h i g h ly politicized social processes. Such re s e a rc h . and policy-related research about the nature 6 of contemporary society suggest that the conservation field will only keep pace with recent trends if. Insights gleaned from social theory. in the last generation. and the stakes in doing so. economic.” “intrinsic value. Conservation is continu a l ly changing.” However. Th u s. With this type of research. Some of the best scholars h i p regarding conservation and society presents compelling evidence of precisely the opposite of what was previously held true: that heritage. interdisciplinary. will ensure that the next generation of conservation professionals will be educated and equipped to deal with conservation broadly and holistically.

All sides of the contingent-universal debate agree that heritage and its conservation (traditionally defined) play definite. interpreted. we in the conservation field have come to re c og n i ze that we must integrate and contextualize our work. accumulating the marks of passing generations. Though this pers p e c t ive on conserva t i o n challenges some widely held. use things (including material heritage) to interpret their past and their future.”3 All the same. it is modifi e d — b o t h enhanced and degraded—by each new generation. for instance. it is biased by the values and perspectives o f various individuals and interest g r o u p s. understanding economic forces. Despite the tenor of identity politics and the pull towa rd cultural re l a t iv i s m . shared human longings for love and beauty and cooperation—has universal significance. technological developments. disciplines or professional groups. Architectural historian Daniel Bluestone cautions that change must be understood as part of the richness of heritage and that. future generations). and by whom. “understanding change is as important as understanding original intent. Values. and Cultural Significance Values and valuing processes are threaded through the various spheres of conservation and play an enormous role as we endeavor to integrate the fi e l d . and generally ensuring that conservation is “significant” for society at large. there is a universal quality to the notion of cultural heritage that transcends relativistic interpretation but that is equally bound up in specificities of time and place. conservation is not merely an arresting process but a means of creating and recreating heritage. the products of material culture have different meanings and uses for different individuals and communities. even essential functions in most.” As with all other social activities. buildings. in addition to its more culturally bound emic meaning. rather. Whether works of art. the widening influence of market ideology. and so on. “Heritage is never merely c o n s e rved or protected. intrinsic qualities. Conservation is a process that consistently recreates its product (cultural heritage). suggests that cultural heritage is cognitively constructed and that “the notion of cultural heritage embraces any and every aspect of life that indiv i d u a l s.e. a n t h r o p o l ogist Lourdes Arizpe argues the mu c h debated point that cultural heritage—in addressing the deepest. it must be situated in its larger social contexts—as part of t h e l a rger cultural sphere. or ethnographic artifacts. societal trends.. cared for. Cultural significance is the term that the conservation community has used to encapsulate the . cultural fusion. The decisions about what to conserve and how to conserve are largely defined by cultural contexts. one’s heritage. Social groups are embedded in certain places and times and. as a matter of routine. Philosopher Uffe Jensen also suggests that the need for access to one’s culture. As such. societies. consider explicitly or implicitly to be a part of their self-definition. and each side suggests a ve ry diffe re n t approach to determining cultural significance as part of the conservation process. as a basic phenomenon of p u blic discourse. or etic meaning. in their va r i o u s ly scaled social groups. in the work of conservation. such that the heritage is meaningful to those whom it is intended to benefit (i. As related to these values of human happiness and societal peace. To achieve that end. as a social activity constantly reshaped by forces such as globalization. formulating and analyzing policy. crosses all cultures and contributes to human flourishing and happiness in the Aristotelian sense. to maintain (and shape) the values embodied by the heritage—with physical intervention or treatment being one of many means toward that end. Valorization. Cultura l 7 heritage is thus a medium for the ever-evolving values of social groups (be they families. Values give some things significance over others and thereby transform some objects and places into “heritage.Pearce. traditional notions. This is a major axis of d ebate. Yet the concept of conservation is itself p a ra d oxical. and myriad others. In this sense. ethnic groups. communities residing in certain places. by whom and for whom.” Conservation is a complex and continual process that involves determinations about what constitutes heritage. a postmodernist tendency to reduce cultural heritage to simply a social construction runs up against the widely held understanding that heritage is in fact imbued with some universal. if not all. This process-centered model of conservation is at the heart of the future relevance of our field. As David Lowe n t h a l notes in his essay below. It could serve as a basis for orienting practice. conservation is not objective.” The ultimate aim of conservation is not to conserve material for its own sake but. political and economic forces— which themselves continue to change. entire nations) as well as individuals. it is necessary to examine why and how heritage is valued. how it is used.

multiple values ascribed to objects, buildings, or landscapes. From the writings of Riegl to the policies of the Burra Charter, these values have been ordered in categories, such as aesthetic, religious, political, economic, and so on.4 Through the classification of values of different disciplines, fields of knowledge, or uses, the conservation community (defined broadly) attempts to grapple with the many emotions, meani n g s, and functions associated with the material goods in its care. This identification and ordering of values serves as a vehicle to inform decisions about how best to preserve these values in the physical conservation of the object or place. Though the typologies of different scholars and disciplines vary, they each represent a reductionist approach to examining the very complex issue of cultural significance. However, this process of valuing is neither singular nor objective, and it begins even befo re the object becomes “heritage.” With reference to F i g u re , one can see that some fraction of t h e material culture produced or inherited by society (artistic as well as utilitarian) becomes defined and recognized as heritage through designation. How does this happen? The creation of cultural heritage is largely derived from the way people remember, organize, think about, and wish to use the past and how material culture provides a medium through which to do this. The stories invested in objects, buildings, and landscapes, by individuals or groups, constitute a currency in which the valorizing of cultural heritage is transacted. The subtle distinction between valuing ( ap p reciating existing value) and valorizing (giving added value) speaks to the interventionist and interpretative aspects of the simple act of identifying something as heritage. Simply labeling something as heritage is a value judgment that distinguishes that object or place from other objects and places for particular re a s o n s, and as such, the labeling adds new meaning and value. The process of valorizing begins when indiv i d u a l s, institutions, or communities decide that some object or place is worth preserving, that it represents something worth remembering, something about themselves and their past that should be transmitted to fu t u re genera t i o n s. Through donation of an object to a museum or through the designation or listing of a building or site, these individuals or communities (be they political, academic, or so on) actively create heritage. But this is only the beginning of the process of creating and valorizing heritage. Heritage is valued in a variety of ways, driven by different motivations (economic, political,
8

c u l t u ral, spiritual, aesthetic, and others), each of which has correspondingly varied ideals, ethics, and epistemologies. These different ways of valuing in turn lead to different approaches to preserving heritage. For instance, conserving a historic house p r o p e rty according to historical-cultural va l u e s would lead one to maximize the capacity for the place to serve the educational function of telling the stories; the primary audiences in this case might be local schoolchildren and the local community, for whom association with this old place and its stories makes a significant contribution to their gr o u p identity. By contrast, conserving the same site to maximize economic value might lead to a conservation approach that favors revenue generation and tourist traffic over educational and other cultural values. Thus, parts of the property might be developed for parking, gift shops, and other visitor-supp o rt f u n c t i o n s, instead of i n t e rp reting and conserving historic landscape or archaeological elements of the site; the overall conservation strategy might be driven by creating a popular (marketable) experience, as opposed to creating one that focuses on educational use by a target audience of schoolchildren. Neither option can be viewed as a priori better or more appropriate than the other, as the appropriateness is dependent upon the values prioritized by the community, or “stakeholders” involved (professionals, public, government, etc.), and the context in which the effort is undertaken. Conservation (narr ow ly defined) has commonly been viewed as that which follows the act of heritage designation—that is, a technical response after a place or object has already been recognized as having value. The underlying belief has been that preservation treatment should not, and would not, change the meaning of the heritage object, yet the traditional practice of conserving—of p re s e rv i n g the physical fabric of a heritage object—does in fact actively interpret and valorize the object. Every conservation decision—how to clean an object, how to reinforce a structure, what materials to use, and so o n — a ffects how that object or place will be perceived, understood and used, and thus transmitted to the future. Despite such postulated principles as minimum intervention, reversibility, and authenticity, a decision to undertake a certain conservation i n t e rvention gives priority to a certain meaning or set of values. For example, decisions in the management of an arc h a e o l og ical site may invo l ve stabilizing one stru c t u re but exc avating through another to expose an earlier structure below. Each

decision affects how visitors experience the site and how they interpret and value the architectural forms and elements; these decisions likewise reflect how those responsible for care and protection interpret and value the forms and elements. In the realm of objects conservation, the issue of repatriation also captures such competing values. For instance, ethnographic objects associated with Native American groups are often collected in museums. There, the objects are conserved (and stored and/or displayed) to arrest decay, so that they may be viewed and studied by both scholars and the public. This course of action champions the value of the object as a means of providing information about and understanding of a certain Native American culture from outside the culture itself. Yet many Native American groups prefer that these objects be returned, so that they may be reburied in accordance with their spiritual beliefs. These options reflect different sets of values: one gives priority to the use of the object as a means o f p re s e rving cultural tra d i t i o n s, the other to its material form. Values also inform policy decisions. Consider a hypothetical government agency with responsibility for managing the listing of official landmarks and investing public funds in preservation projects. A number of competing interests—competing va lu e s — t y p i c a l ly vie to be ex p ressed through these decision-making processes. Different culture groups and political factions lobby to have their memories and messages sanctioned by government policy. To add complexity, economic values might trump these competing cultural values—projects are wo rt h investing in, the logic goes, only if they are financially self-supporting. These examples clearly illustrate that the values of i n d ividuals and communities—be they conservators, anthropologists, ethnic groups, politicians, or otherwise—shape all conservation. And in the conservation process, these values, as represented in the object or place, are not simply “preserved” but are, ra t h e r, modified. The meaning of t h e object or place is re d e fined, and new values are sometimes created. What is the usefulness of such an insight? A n a ly t i c a l ly, one can understand what values are at work by analyzing what stories are being told. And analysis of meanings (which is to say, cultural significance) thus provides an important kind of knowledge to complement documentation and analysis of material conditions as the contexts for physical treatment. Yet the assessment of cultural significance is
9

often not undertaken when conservation interventions are planned, or when it is, it is frequently limited to the one-time composition of a statement of significance by an archaeologist, historian, or other expert. Why is it that assessment of cultural significance is not more meaningfully integrated in conservation practice? As mentioned prev i o u s ly, with a body of information and a research agenda focused primarily on issues of physical condition, conservation education ra re ly invo l ves training in how to assess complex meanings and va l u e s, whom to involve in such an assessment, and how to negotiate the decision making that follows. Still larg e ly rega rded as a technical ra t h e r than a social endeavor, conservation has failed to attract significant input from the social sciences. As mentioned prev i o u s ly, despite emerging policies that promote value-driven planning for conservation management, there is a limited body of knowledge regarding how conservation functions in society—and specifically regarding how cultural significance might best be assessed and reassessed as part of a public and enduring conservation process. Cultural significance for the purposes of conservation decision making can no longer be a pure ly scholarly construction but, rather, an issue negotiated among the many professionals, academics, and c o m munity members who value the object or place—the “stakeholders.” Because of the complexity of contemporary society, it is important to recognize the diversity of potential stakeholders—they include, but are not limited to, the individual, the family, the local commu n i t y, an academic discipline or profe s s i o n a l community, an ethnic or religious group, a region, a nation-state, macrostates (such as the European C o m munity or the North American Free Tra d e Area), the world. Relations among stakeholders at various levels are both intimate and tense; they sometimes build affiliation and community and other times sow discontent. Motivations for the valorization (or devalorization) of material heritage vary among these stakeholders. Broader cultural conditions and dynamics (for instance, marketization, technological evolution, cultural fusion) influence these interactions. Continuity and change, participation, power, and ownership are all bound up in the ways in which cultures are created and progress. The effects of these phenomena of cultural change and evolution are manifested clearly in the heritage conservation arena. Rapid transformation in this technological age often has a dramatic effect

on the dual forces of continuity and change, exacerbating political tensions among stakeholders. In conservation, this is manifested, for instance, in the prominent role of the “suburban sprawl” issue in American historic pre s e rvation, or the lures and pressures that come with worldwide development of tourism sites and industries. This dilemma can be made worse, since decision makers are having to take actions affecting heritage in shorter and shorter time frames, and the interests of local constituencies (as well as those of future generations) can easily vanish from consideration. Lourdes Arizpe suggests that, for all conservation decision making, one must look at who is valorizing cultural heritage and why. “Governments value it in one way, elite national groups another, different from local populations, academics, or business people. To know what is the best strategy to preserve cultural heritage, we need to understand what each of these groups thinks and the relationship between these different groups.” It is in our best interest, as conservation professionals, to facilitate some sort of agreement or understanding among these different stakeholders about the cultural significance of an object or place as part of common p ractice. An understanding of s t a k e h o l d e rs’ va lues—which define their goals and motivate their actions—provides critical insight for the long-term, strategic management of heritage resources by both the private and the public sectors. To conserve in a way that is relevant to our own society in our own moment, we must understand how values are negotiated and determine how the process of analyzing and constructing cultural significance can be enhanced. There is also a parallel obligation, beyond preserving what is relevant to our own time—that is, preserving what we believe will be signif icant to f u t u re genera t i o n s. Th e prospect of stewarding for future generations the material markers of the past, imbued with the cumulative stories and meanings of the past as well as of the present, is the essence of conservation. With wide acknowledgment that culture is a fluid, c h a n g e a ble, evolving set of processes and va l u e s and not a static set of things, the conservation of cultural heritage must embrace the inherent flux but not lose sight of this immutable cross-generational responsibility.
The Need for a Conceptual Framework

To recap some of the main issues addressed herein: The conservation of material heritage plays an
10

important role in modern society. The care and collection of heritage objects and places is a universal, c r o s s - c u l t u ral phenomenon, part of eve ry social group’s imperative to use things, as well as narratives and performances, to support their collective memory. Yet there is little research to support why cultural heritage is important to human and social development and why conservation is seemingly a vital function in civil society. The benefits of cultural heritage have been taken as a matter of faith. Recognizing that the “discipline” of conservation is, in fact, a loose amalgam involving the social sciences, the humanities, the hard sciences, and public policy, but one with a limited body of knowledge about its functions and influences within society at large, the field is attempting to develop with g reater cohesion and connectedness. To achieve this, the conservation field needs to know a great deal more about the nature of the role of cons e rvation in society—how it is changing, wh o participates, and so on. At a more empirical level, we need to know how the values of i n d ividuals and communities are constructed with regard to cultural heritage, how these values are represented through an assessment of cultural significance, and how the concept of cultural significance can play out more e ffe c t ive ly in conservation policy and pra c t i c e , through better-negotiated decision making. Broadly, we lack any conceptual or theoretical overviews for modeling or mapping the interplay of economic, cultural, political, and other social contexts in which conservation is situated. Pragmatically, this kind of synthetic overview or framework would make clear how different disciplines can contribute to conservation research. Likewise, it would provide a context for and help to integrate the varied spheres of conservation work, with the ultimate aim of elucidating how conservation can be made more effective in serving society. What would this fra m ework do? It wo u l d model the social impacts and influences of c o ns e rvation, just as ecological models create an understanding of the natural environment to inform environmental conservation. What would it consist o f ? A set of t h e o r i e s, documented pattern s, and processes that outline how material cultural heritage and its conservation work within modern society. Taking as its starting point the broad perspective of conservation and its varied spheres of activity, the model would, in effect, present a theory for describing (though not predicting) how heritage is created, how heritage is given meaning, how and why it is contested, and how societies shape heritage and are

the goal should not be to erect a unitary theory of heritage creation or to argue that visual culture and cultural heritage are produced in one particular way. . there are many pathways connecting social processes and the work of conservation. Also known as heritage management. of these processes have been theorized and documented on their own. • Conservation should be framed as a social activity. and so on. and so on. bound up with and shaped by myriad social processes (the subjects of social sciences and humanities). Lipe. there is nonetheless a recurrence of themes in the process of heritage creation/ c o n s e rvation that suggests clear patterning that could be revealed through a combination of conceptual and empirical research. Most. the field should continue efforts to integrate and contextualize the varied spheres of cultural heritage conservation. we must continually recognize that objects and places are not. uses. Heritage is valued in myriad and sometimes conflicting ways. and visual media. .shaped by it. and the different stakeholders that become involved in conservation decisions. . and communities. in and of t h e m s e l ve s. The model would outline the variety of g e n e ra l i z a ble social processes that combine to give heritage relevance and currency in societies—and sometimes create obstacles to such p r o c e s s e s. • As a social activity. These different means of valuing influence negotiations among various stakeholders and thus shape conservation decision making. important because of the meanings and uses that people attach to these material goods and the values they represent. must integrate the assessment of these values (or cultural significance) in its work and more effectively facilitate such negotiations in order for cultural heritage conservation to play a productive role in civil society. see the Appendix). conservation is an enduring process. Indeed. It would also create typologies of conservation decisions. reference is made to the field of conservation as practiced in the Western world. This is an important point: a theory that heritage and visual culture are produced in one particular way could imply that there is one particular and best way to conserve it or to reach conservation decisions. Kellert. cultural re s o u rc e management. These meanings. These works represent a sampling and are by no means a definitive word on the diversity of values. This framing is critical to enabling the conservation field to realize the goal of supporting a civil society and educating—with a balanced body of knowledge—the next generation of conservation professionals. Other uncited quotes in this section are from the same source. This process is creative and is motivated and underpinned by the values of individuals. policy making. Hutter and Rizzo. institutions. Conservation. Despite the reality of cultural relativism. as throughout the report. market dynamics and commodification of culture. • As we relate the varied spheres of conservation. namely Europe and the Americas. No single theory will fully explain the creation of heritage. Research by the  and its collaborators has identified some fundamental ideas and concepts that would contribute dire c t ly to the development of such a framework: • To assure the relevance of all conservation work to society. what is i m p o rtant about cultural heritage. In this instance. they are 11 . de la Torre. Typologies for values related to cultural heritage have been put forth in publications by Ashworth. Research and professional experience tell us otherwise. Th ey would likely include collective memory. The challenge is how to get an analy t i c a l handhold on this complex process without being reductionist. design. nationalism. responses to these decisions. a means to an end rather than an end in itself. • Notes . if not all. cultural fusion and other ways of effecting and representing cultural change. but they have not been brought to bear on material heritage conservation with the express purpose of mapping how the “ecology” of heritage conservation works. In re a l i t y. and values must be understood as part of the larger sphere of sociocultural processes. as a field and as a practice. not only as a technical one. site management. as are all aspects of culture and the visual arts. constructing identity through art. in separate disciplines. Riegl (for full citations. state politics versus local politics. This comment was made at the 1998 meeting that launched ’s research on the values and benefits of cultural heritage c o n s e rvation. it was quoted in an unpublished intern a l report of the meeting.

12 .

Exploratory Essays .

technological change. As these essays argue. demographic shifts. form communities. thus. Negotiation and decision-making processes are key to understanding the role heritage plays in society. not as a set of objects. we need to study and know more about these processes. The instigation behind this re s e a rch. heritage conservation is an essential social function. there fo re. and in general. This broad insight about contemporary culture—that the conditions of culture and the nature o f c u l t u ral processes have dra s t i c a l ly changed in t h e last genera t i o n — fo rms the backdrop for the essays that follow. and behind these essays in particular. the spread of market ideology into ever more areas of l i fe. and theoretically) that in contemporary society material heritage plays an ever-greater role. Culture is best framed as a process. In what ways does the nature of c o n t e m p o ra ry culture s h ape the practice of. is cultural change. and (2) the nature of heritage conservation as an activity that must draw on many disciplines and bodies of knowledge. and negotiations involving actors from all parts of a society (not just conservation professionals). but are created and continually recreated by social relationships. These include: • Material heritage serves important fu n ctions within contemporary culture and society. Values and valuing processes are para m o u n t to understanding the importance and fate of cultural heritage as it relates to (1) the societies and social groups that construct it and find meaning in it. empirically. and identity politics—all of which call for a re t h i n king of the re l a t i o n s h i p s among past. there is a great deal to suggest (anecdotally. each writer was asked to develop ideas related to heritage in light of developments and debates in his or her own specialist field—always with an eye toward building bridges between the practice of heritage conservation and its social milieus. heritage conservation? Each essayist acknowledges that cultural change (and changefulness) on a global level is a reality and that the current generation is dealing with a somewhat novel set of social processes and problems. processes. The essays are exploratory in nature. They proceed from a few other basic assumptions and touch on common themes. Global and local communities will continue to ask more and more from material culture—and heritage in particular—as they negotiate identities. These changes are spurred by economic globalization. Common Threads t a ry and prosperous fu t u re. and seek a more salu- • • • Though each essay is written from the perspective of a certain academic discipline. and future. wide social participation in these processes is desirable. reminding us that much work remains to be done along these lines. present. each acknowledges the need to transcend those boundaries. In keeping with the multidisciplinary nature of this research. The quandaries of postmodern society pose direct challenges to the principles and philosophies underlying the conservation field—a theme that gets to the heart of this conservation research and a theme that is taken up specifically by several essayists. The extent to wh i c h groups at all scales do this cooperatively or competit ive ly is perhaps the greatest cultural and social question of the next century. 14 . and prospects fo r. heritage and other cultural ex p re ssions are not static art i fa c t s.Overview The essays collected here were commissioned by the  to explore in greater depth some of the important and promising ideas that have been raised in the course of the Values and Benefits project.

intrinsic) education of individuals and the search for meaning. he sees a number of specific problems lying ahead: the abundance and even oversupply of heritage. The urgent need for global as well as local heritage stems from the novel. Finally. Building on Gar ret Hardin’s classic evocation of “the tragedy of the commons. the seeming incommensurability of economic and cultural values and the prospects of integrating them conceptually through the ideas of sustainability and cultural capital. And in one of his more challenging turns of argument. She calls for serious attention to local. Arizpe traces how and why these many facets of cultural change. and so on) must be engaged at some point.” Education through heritage. for philosopher Uffe Jensen. Identifying a general backlash against the effi c a cy of c o n s e rvation effo rt s heretofore. since it requires admitting that we experts do not. Given the multidimensional nature of values pertaining to cultural goods (whether artworks. is part of the basic flourishing o f human life. All of these problems threaten to m a rgi n a l i ze the role that heritage conserva t i o n plays in society. he warns that the question of value measurement (prices. have all the answers. David Lowenthal’s essay on the current status of heritage in society and on the stewa rd s h i p i m p e ra t ive is thought provo king and rich in new ideas. Decentering participation in heritage conservation. Lowenthal surfaces some of the most difficult issues for the conservation field. Lowenthal offers several ideas for countering the fo rces that militate against heritage in cont e m p o ra ry society and renewing the positive role that heritage can and does play in society. the threats of economic culture and the prospects of recovering heritage to forge strong community bonds. this task raises different issues: for economist David Throsby. she describes cultural heritage—and culture itself—as a social process. owing to their specific character. is another key to future success—and perhaps the most difficult one. Evaluating present challenges and tensions with impressive clarity. Echoing one of the main arguments in the Report on Re s e a rch (above). For each writer. which represents “the pride of the many. we need to examine critically our traditional conservation principles and practices. “village” commons and to instruments of the global commons—namely. philosopher Uffe Jensen argues. paradoxically. pressing demands of c o n t e m p o ra ry culture. however. the use of heritage as part of the (informal. postmodern society and for the immediate future. the downsides of professionalization. as an economist. indicators. t e l e m a t i c s. heritage (at both the local and the global scales) becomes more important to creating new senses of cultural belonging. These theories of economic value are followed by analysis of theories of cultural value generated outside the economic field. and other fo rces produce fu n d a m e n t a l ly new conditions. in which globalization. In general. performances. Throsby proceeds to give a concise genealogy of efforts to conceptualize and assess value within the economics field. the truly liberal educa- 15 . the increasing use of heritage as a divisive and partisan rallying point. in the end. Lowenthal asks that the conservation field embrace destruction as an integral part of the processes by which societies create and steward heritage. his analysis speaks to a crisis facing the conservation field.” anthropologist Lourdes Arizpe articulates the need to cultivate and care for a global “cultural commons” centered on heritage. seve ra l kinds of tools are needed to assess them. marketization. Economist David Throsby maps one of the most important boundaries in this area of conservation re s e a rch—the lines between economic and cultural discourse on the value of heritage. As culture becomes global (but. or material heritage). Arguing that questions of value lie at the heart of heritage creation and conservation. articulating the importance of unive rs a l ly valued heritage. so it is not the domain only of experts. migration. for historian and preservationist Daniel Bluestone. Culture is a source of bonding and affiliation. for anthropologist Lourdes Arizpe. the World Heritage List. no less local). demand that new attention be paid to cultural heritage conservation. Education—rational freedom of thought in the classical sense. Each essay defines heritage and its conservation as phenomena suspended and supported by a web of social processes.Common Approaches and Challenges Each scholar has been challenged to interpret the importance of heritage in contemporary. In many ways. given cultural change on a global scale. as well as of conflict and divisiveness. Throsby’s research probes ways in which economic tools fail to capture the range of cultural values and ways that cultural insights can be woven together with (not necessarily traditional) economic analyses.

such as pillow covers). not blend. and the role of cultural heritage as an interlocking set of imperatives and needs. our understanding of who we are—as products of a common past.c reation process”—in order to specify parts of the process. Jensen shares many of the same points of departure with the other essayists. There is no final truth about what material culture should be preserved. heritage objects can embody both universal and particular values. sea changes in national politics and nation-states—tend to deteriorate the historic fabric of housing. Museum studies scholar Susan Pearce delves into the process by which societies construct heritage—the “ h e r i t a g e . Apart from launching a critique of traditional conservation philosophies based on intrinsic value. Like many of the other contributions collected here. shops. by which specific objects and places are valued as heritage and thus become the subjects of conservation. and local partners. traditional Hmong embroidery used to decorate Western consumer products. The myriad pressures faced by these cities—spurred by global economic and demographic shifts. also. widespread valuing of heritage as a vital aspect of education. Heritage objects (he uses the example of bodies recovered from Danish bogs and displayed in museums) are a looking glass that reflects the image we hold of ourselves—our values. This educational ideal implies that heritage re p re s e n t s “something both universal and particular that characterizes human life” and that education is not only conveyed through formal curricula but woven inform a l ly into our eve ryd ay life as we encounter material heritage. former Soviet states. Heritage conservation itself is essentially a process of cultural fusion in that it intentionally. states in transition from socialist to democratic systems). these are matters of continual negotiation. and there is no fixed way to decide. conservation priv i l eges monumental heritage and shies from the more complex economic and social issues of heritage that compose the workaday context of a commu n i t y. and streets.tion—is a value of heritage shared even by groups that contest a particular aspect of heritage. she sees an ever-greater need for cultural conservation to counter the erosion of community s t ru c t u re s. the care and interpretation of material heritage is too important and too widely meaningful to be left as the province of experts working alone. These immova ble heritage complexes inspired Serageldin to study economic development. operating across a wide range of scales. Given the character of developmental and social pressures on these cities. Cohen’s work brings to the foreground the role of creativity in understanding and shaping heritage in the future. But given the essential. craft production. Heritage is cons t ructed. juxtaposes cultures of past and present to create new products and experiences. Sociologist Erik Cohen writes about a contemporary social process he terms cultural fusion. Given the state 16 . in which new cultural products are created by juxtaposing incongruous elements of d ive rse cultura l origin (for instance. squares. As such. social change. stable cities don’t translate well to fast-changing. One aspect of this development has been that historic architectural fabric is valued increasingly for its use value. however. Urbanist Mona Serageldin focuses on the challenges of preserving vernacular. Where does heritage come from? Is it made or found? That heritage is made (constructed) has become a commonplace insight in the conservation field and in many of the academic disciplines allied with it. and the arts. often abruptly. In the final essay. this tells us little to guide eve ryd ay wo r k . through convincing cases in the spheres of cuisine. Cohen pegs cultural fusion as emblematic of postm o d e rn culture. our beliefs. governments. quickly developing cities. historian and preservationist Daniel Bluestone issues a clear and critical challenge to the conservation field. as opposed to monumental. Conserved heritage is often made to contrast. The conservation field. while there is widespread ignorance of its cultural values. He describes this specific form of cultural production—intimately tied to economic and other social changes—in theoretical terms and in an empirical way. She highlights the need for new policies and programs that fold conservation into development and social programs and that are based on the alliance of multinationals. cultural heritage in the city centers of countries in transition (less-developed countries. with its contexts. heritage qualities are not essential to certain objects. ex e m p l i fied by the purp o s e fu l cross-cultural fusions of the tourist industries. cultural heritage transmits an existential quality of human belonging. is ill equipped to deal with these city centers: conservation tools and ideas fo rmulated in the context of well-developed.

conflicts between them). Taken together. The traditional. with an emphasis on the interpretation of heritage as a focus for the conservation field’s work to construct heritage that is meaningful for contemporary society. purs u e d across disciplinary and professional lines. we conservation professionals are challenged to revise. he calls for the conservation field to expand on its traditional expertise in arresting and preventing material decay and to engage an additional task: systematic research on values and other c u l t u ral issues. rethink. Bluestone sees the educational values of heritage as perhaps the most promising direction for the future of the conservation field. including case studies. Like the other essayists whose work is collected here. Research on questions of values (their importance. the essays collected here are rich in ideas that will help those of us in the conservation f ield (and those who are allied with it) to think about current and future challenges. is essential for this task. 17 . This research puts them into broader contexts by illuminating diffe re n t aspects of the heritage-creation and heritagevaluing processes.of culture and the increasing needs and calls to preserve heritage. and strengthen our methods as well as our philosophical underpinnings. their mu l t i p l i c i t y. Bluestone argues. Drawing on discussions and reports from previous  research a c t iv i t i e s. professional practices of heritage conservation remain at the center.

a damnable. Ecocide. Current woes run cont ra ry to longstanding expectations of s c i e n t i fi c progress and to social hopes bred by the collapse of totalitarianism. psychological. S t ewa rdship so all-embracing drains both material re s o u rces and mental and moral effo rt . and voluminous. shaming rather than laudatory. Tokens of symbolic 18 . prev i o u s afflictions and cures seem to shed little light on a host of acute problems—genetic. heritage has become distressing in character. Essential for social identity and collective purpose. I conclude by offering some ways of fostering our enterprise that take cognizance of and may help counteract pre s s u re s opposed to stewardship. but victimhood occupies center stage. scarc e ly nothing can be discarded without outraging some presumed legatee. The two conditions are conjoined. social. environmental. however trifling. German amends for the Holocaust lead to English apologies for the Irish famine. let alone classified and cared for. Like jealous sibl i n g s. heritage enriches us through re m e m b e re d precursors and prospective heirs. l a m e n t a ble rather than lova bl e — what ancient Romans termed heritas damnosa. Age-old aversion toward husbanding the past today grows more virulent. medical. Environmentalists can threaten gl o b a l extinction. genocide. It overflows archives and museum storerooms. global mea culpas for ever-remoter pasts. We inherit not bright promises but baleful dilemmas. Heritage offers neither solace for present angst nor guidance to avoiding future perils. In L ebanon. even a negligible. It is often said that history belongs to the victors. not novel. overwhelms visitors to historic and commemorative sites. Heritage becomes too protean to be properly understood. heritage advocates warn merely of lower quality of life. Heritage now is often laden with sorrow and guilt. but their present salience comes as a shocking setback. Nature conservation arouses similar hostility. heritage is now the special province of the victims. the salience of cultural heritage as a concept. regressive frill.. threat. To many that seems a lesser. Heritage felt more as a burden than as a benefit Many today fear a future they feel is singularly seve red from the past. multivalent. the more its possession and meaning are disputed. Heritage dismays as a cause of partisan strife The more a heritage is valued. like it or not. It is not my aim to deplore these as evils but to understand them as re a l i t i e s with which we must contend. as a cause. M o re and more. crippling legacy heirs were stuck with.Stewarding the Past in a Perplexing Present David Lowenthal Cultural heritage is much in vogue. God viewed aghast all He had made—and gave the world moth and rust. All of a sudden. Current Heritage Critiques Heritage seen as ir relevant to present urgent crises tomorrow’s incalculable risks. The past still awakens pride in origins and precurs o rs. exhausts the coffers of agencies charged with its management and conservation. Heritage regrets are attributed even to the Creator: on the eighth day. many discount past wisdom as irre l evant and dismiss heritage as an extravagant. regrets for African slavery. of course. political. Hardly any shard of a rt i fact or shred of memory is not cherished by some heir. . economic. But these enduring benefits blind us to a mounting backlash. as a generator of cash and kudos aggravates the difficulties it now faces. Christian penitents ask pardon for the C rusades—a contrition seconded by the Va t i c a n . I begin by noting modern trends antipathetic to heritage stewardship. we all squabble ove r heirlooms. It is also in serious trouble. but animus against heritage is harder to c o u n t e r. and specters of global discord are. Numbed by today ’s inex p l i c a ble miseries and by The past prized by manifold inheritors is ever more complex.

however careful. they endanger the entire heritage 19 . Awa reness mounts that once-sacrosanct conservation tenets are impossible to realize. furore over how to remember—or to forget—Vietnam and Hiroshima make heritage a minefield for policy makers. and offering access to heritage seem impossible to reconcile. Suspicions are not allayed when authorities ex p ress aggre s s ive certitude in re s t o ration at any cost. Exposés of damage done by depatinating paintings. “the final stage in the laundering process which transforms looted antiquities into art commodities” (Elia ). Conservation. Dirt m ay in fact be an inva l u a ble signature wh o s e removal makes a piece untraceable. even by a public deluged with media accounts of heritage looting and bandit ry. No wo n d e r some profess to shun it altogether. or victimized losers. husbanding. Political leaders and publishers assail scholars for undermining heritage pride. not active involvement. Incessant heritage conflict generates public perceptions that discredit combatants and their causes alike. if in conflict with someone else’s viewpoint. may destroy evidence vital to site or artifactual provenance or add taints that subvert authenticity or ambience. neglect. Heritage seen as sufficiently husbanded by professionals discovered—but only by them” (Matsuda :. Scientific stewardship exposed as counterproductive Elite and academic concerns spur widespread heritage consciousness. The shenanigans of the art and antiquities market. And more and more preservation seems u n d e rtaken out of habit or pride or. no less than for cura t o rs and conserva t o rs. shiny.worth are increasingly contested by rival claimants. Holier-than-thou professional stances exacerbate antipathies. In actuality. They also engender high expectations of quality conservation. and devastation in lands afflicted by poverty. No more (Zimmerman ). fair game to be denigrated as self-seeking or deluded. Museum cura t o rs and archaeologists are traduced as elitist and cove t o u s. Stewardship goals smudged by self-interest At the same time. Though by no means unjustified. devoid of professional competence. It is criticized for cloaking unsavory practices. the problematics of aboriginal and tribal legacies. because backed by the producer of some untested cleansing agent (Beck and Daley ). Dirty. and cleaning the Elgin Marbles highlight faulty science and misguided zeal. the heritage seems to demand public acquiescence.” Well-heeled collectors join in execrating “archaeologists [who] argue that every shard is a buried treasure and ought to remain in the ground as a nonrenewable resource until it is That heritage conservation may do more harm than good. even wo rs e . their lofty aims of greater benefit to their own care e rs than to the heritage of the general public. war. Marks :). or evil. mainstream troglodytes. The complaints discussed above reinforce an increasingly widespread feeling that heritage stewardship has gone too far. corroded. Cynics see tribal and aboriginal heritage crusades as partisan ploys to a g gra n d i ze power and profi t s. the academic specialist was perceived as purely selfless. Two decades ago. and whole encoura g e looting and faking. heritage risks being traduced as backward looking. corrupt. restoring frescoes. arouses growing concern. But this is rarely perceived. In the conflict over the Smithsonian’s Enola Gay exhibit. As differing ways of defining. members of congress accused historians of trying to impose their slanted version of the past on patriotic Americans to whom that legacy rightfully belonged (Harwit ). That is how they make their upper-class living. Agonizing dilemmas over restitution and retention lead combatants to abandon the moral high ground for the swamps of force majeure. the public grows increasingly disillusioned with professional ethics. stands aside. ethnic cleansers. for disempowering the lay public. or amnesia. by enhancing the value of related antiquities. Whether stewardship is urged by national authorities. the general public. Any defense of heritage is now a potential t a rget of suspicion. heritage becomes a byword for acrimony and strife. and broken objects that emerge from conservation labs clean. And in rendering stewardship suspect. Tomb robbers retort that “artifacts represent money and power to archaeologists and art historians. despite or even because of technical expertise. and for failing to address urgent current issues. these suspicions are commonly exaggerated. tribal activists. A dilemma ensues: s t ewa rdship becomes an enterprise of t e c h n i c a l expertise. A complacent public sees no need to become actively involved. conservation needs eve ry wh e re outrun stewa rdship re s o u rc e s. Looked after by experts.

is more and more seen to be quixotic a l ly unre a l i s t i c. In most of our affairs. are learning to accept that things are in perpetual flux. is in some way dying. Just as the stable climax beloved of nature conservers gave way to fragile and temporary equilibria punctuated by episodic perturbations. However pivotal or prosaic. recent anguish over the fabric of the Sistine Chapel or of Pompeii. so are cultural stewards now conscious that no human creation endures forever. Chemical decomposition.” Marks of age and decay integral to every object need to be seen not just as losses but as gains.” Yet others noted that “conservation practice still seeks to preserve all vestiges of original material” and that “collective b e l i e f in the sense of p e rmanence” left mu s e u m curators dismayed about accessioning art not meant to last forever. ). “To know that everything is changing. “Eve ry method must be reversible. stability. All acts. Jacobs’s () c a u t i o n a ry tale “The Monkey ’s Paw” (written in   ) limns the futility of ye a rning. How should they be countered? Such plaints cannot be addressed by ignoring or traducing them. like Mircea Eliade’s myth of the eternal return. that each valued artifact was entitled to be returned to its previous or “orig inal” condition. In shedding claims to omniscience and omnipotence. Esteeming evanescence can make us wiser and more caring stewards (Lowenthal ). we are resigned to seeing life as a one-way stream. individual and collective. Cultural guardians who once hoped to husband heritage for all time. The erosions and accretions of memory and history implacably alter every physical object no less than they do each sentient being. nature and human nature. they found “no alternative to our acceptance of mortality. is not yet widely welcomed. that the decay of site and city. and symbolic import ceaselessly alter all heritage. Renewing Heritage Approaches Recognizing that reversion is impossible Let me commend a few paths to heritage stewardship that seem to me consonant with contemporary v i ews of p r o p e rty and possession. Some participants realized that “nothing is sacred. are biologically and historically irreversible (Cramer ). physical disintegration. little is safe. in admitting that their stewardship can be only partial and temporary. perceptual awareness. changeless nature. heroic or horrific. no deeds can be undone.” as Ann Temkin put it. Within recent decades. bid time return. Accepting flux as inevitable Time-honored goals of eternity. an ever-changing array of evanescent relics. C o n s e rva t o rs long preached that nothing should be done that could not be undone. never prevented. and permanence are nowa d ays incre a s i n gly discarded as unreachable. W.enterprise. stewards of sacred cultural relics embargoed any impact unless it could certainly be reversed. like ecologists who envisaged a timeless. Like those who sought to protect divine nature. It is not a sign of despair but a mark of maturity to realize that we hand down not some eternal stock of artifacts and sites but. heritage managers gain both selfconfidence and public credence. But that insight can help us when we are also aware that heritage means “we go on creating. And connoisseurs time and again inveighed against irreversible damage to material and quality done in the name of conservation—Ruskin and Morris vis-àvis church restoration. but only by acknowledging their salience and seeking ways to repair the serious flaws they reveal in stewardship tenets and conservation practices. to “call back yesterday. This stance. and habits of resilience in cop ing with the vicissitudes of existence.” reiterating Etienne Gilson’s dictum that all paintings perish. shifting environmental ambience. The Getty Conservation Institute’s Marc h  conference “Mortality Immortality? The Legacy of th-Century Art” showed how necessary—and how hard—it is to come to terms with impermanence.” Only diehard conservers continue to dream that nature fully restored or art impeccably preserved might rest exempt from time’s arrow. W. like Shakespeare’s Richard II. institutions in good working order. artifact and work of art can only be retarded. 20 . rather.” exhorted cultural stewards (Keck ). Our successors are better served by inheriting from us not a bundle of canonical artifacts but memories of t raditional cre a t ive ski l l s. practitioners aware that “no treatment is fully reversible have begun to question the whole idea of reve rs i b i l i t y ” — n ow shown up as a myth some conservers use to justify their own interventions (Sease :. defenders of varnish on old master paintings.

if not divine. these shards of a huge tribal vocabulary. the bombing of Mostar’s bridge. The West Indian Nobel laureate Dere k Walcott lauds the process of bricolage that commingled Caribbean legacies once derided as broken. The world weeps at the burning of Sarajevo’s library. It fetishizes objects. This shipwreck of fragments. mainstream or minority. So pervasive is the urge to replace that New York City planners recently boasted of tearing down the most monumental old buildings in the world to make way for new ones. Heritage is always mongrel and amalgamated. endowing them with quasihuman. Seeing pride in mixture as the mark of a healthy heritage We mainly value heritage as our own.” says a Zuni spokesman. Cultural heritage involves replacement as well as retention. . ever amalgamating rewo r k e d fragments of manifold antecedents. to go back into the ground. Heritage is destroyed and uprooted precisely because it shores up enemy will and self-regard. arc h a e o l ogists fo n d ly hope such tribal views may give way to We s t e rn appreciation of artifacts’ information content and aesthetic value. “ E ve rything for ceremonial. National and tribal iconoclasts will always tra n s gress gl o b a l preservation canons. and other conservators stress the integrity of the object. –). it’ll be all day with th’ eight or nine people in th’ wurruld that has th’ misfo rtune iv not bein’ brought up Anglo-Saxons” (Dunne :–). whether because it is felt to outlive a present purpose. . “Th’ name iv Dooley has been th’ proudest name in th’ county Roscommon f ’r many years”. . Heritage suffers most conspicuous damage in time of war. Heritage stewards exclude outsiders at their peril and to their own detriment. “is meant to disintegrate . the old guard seeks to congeal ancestral purity. In my view. But purity is a delusion. if less confessed.” As Zunis and Aborigines gain doctorates and become museum cura t o rs. No collector’s greed. and church music (Levine :.” selfdeclared Anglo-Saxons like Finley Peter Dunne’s Mr. our common hurtage. indeed. “they” are “us. “Th’ Bohemian an’ Pole Anglo-Saxons may be a little s l ow in wa ki n’ up to . scholarly zeal. art historians. None. Heritage is ever jettisoned. or market force should take precedence over the intact survival of the precious artifact. It is such a love that reassembles our African and Asiatic fragm e n t s. against alien incursion. this priority is futile and mistaken. We are all iconoclasts. Dooley in . we strive to protect it from contaminants. We must cosset our own heritage. re l i gi o u s. Anglo-Saxon Americans first supposed Scots unassimilable. Old-timers traditionally define themselves by opposition to outlandish newcomers. Instant evanescence is the stock-in-trade of p r o d u c e rs and consumers geared to ever-speedier obsolescence. even of heritage. European symphonic. or to facilitate social transactions. and ritual p u r poses that my culture makes. the treasured heritage is theirs as well as ours and is more nourishing for their additions. part and parcel of economic and creative life. Exclusivity is crucial to identity—and to cherished difference. Princess Diana memorabilia of     wa s scuttled for ’s shipwrecked Titanic tat. . these echoes. The distinctive African-American musical style embodies Biblical and plantation antecedents. . in mainstream Western society. sanctity. But these and other aliens ever breach the gate. Conservation is a disservice to my culture. Th ey are all in va i n . And it flies in the face both of physical mortality and of alternative norms. Global codes would prohibit the looting and sacking o f combatants’ heritage. conquerer’s hubris. where disposability rules in building sites as in supermarkets. not anyone e l s e ’s—and not like a nyone else’s. “Break a vase. these partially remembered customs” are living t raditions in polyglot Afro-Indo-Euro-American cities like Port of Spain (Walcott :). then Irish. and not merely when at war. or to engender new creations. and Jew s — n ow Hispanics and Asians.” but when “th’ Afro-Americans an’ th’ other AngloSaxons . it is deeply embedded in human nature and society. But these views are hardly less pervasive. 21 . is immune from such infection. Destruction is not simply an atavistic or aberrant kind of pathological behavior to be outgrown. White Mountain. Slavs. raise their Anglo-Saxon battle-cry. and the love that reassembles the fragments is stronger than that love which took its symmetry for granted when it was whole. then Germans. Lauding our unique legacy.Seeing destruction as integral to heritage Codes of conduct enjoined on Western archaeologists. All cultures are m o t l ey compages. . the cracked heirloom whose re s t o ra t i o n shows its white scars. so too the French and Dago Anglo-Saxons.

If global re n own is inev i t a ble. anarchy. The stewarding of heritage by outsiders in tandem with natives Essentialism is a potent delusion. we lose sight of society’s longerterm needs. the Athenians. demands for exc l u s ive rights to possession. each insists that only a Native American can know what it was to have been Indian. outside aid in saving endangered national legacies from banditry. many sites and arti- facts would be less able to fend off development and other pre s s u re s. (Bone ) A statecraft for sharing calls for love as well as law. only an African American to have been black. handing it down reshaped in the faith that our heirs will also become creative as well as retentive stewards. the Gauls. as I have just noted. whose histories are privileged. But in England the abandoned chapel was moldering. Ourselves heirs of commingled legacies. Caring for the past while actively embracing the present A heritage disjoined from ongoing life cannot enlist popular support. Heritage management gains by persuasive inclusion. All pasts are foreign: my grandparents’ American world seems to me in many ways more remote than does a contemporary village in Bali or Bengal. Deafened by demands to act right now. custodial pride can enhance and help to stewa rd a heritage. corp o rate unaccountability. But we can never keep ourselves to ourselves. This may seem politic. how and to whom heritage is displayed. interpretation. global awa reness also bu rd e n s the fabric and imperils the ambience of heritage. Each group claims its “own” history and heritage. few tourists transgress.” makes a statement not about them but about us. Stewards should note how sharing heritage can strengthen it. are asked not to climb what Aborigines hold sacred (they are not forbidden).” or “my people. never just to some of us. Fractious claimants do not merely debase the value but threaten the survival of heritage that is never theirs alone. Kansans restored it to living eloquence. we gain more from attachment to many pasts than from exc l u s ive devotion to our “own”—assuming we could indeed decide which past was truly just ours. Rather than sharing exclusively tribal secrets. our lega cy is not simply original but includes our forebears’ alterations and additions.or we cease to be ourselves. it has to be induced and protected.” or “my fo reb e a rs. stewardship confronts many countervailing pre s s u re s. For all its evident benefi t s. today’s are utterly scrambled. M o re ove r. for fear that others will steal or desec rate or copy it. To be sure. Where outsiders are taught to respect what is local. Athenians. A few years ago the Methodist c h apel wh e re Marga ret Th a t c h e r ’s father once p reached was dismantled and shipped from Leicestershire to Kansas. outside concern. Vi s i t o rs to Aye rs Rock. these Gauls. the fraying of community ties. Immediate needs. our cosmopolite ancestors have things to say to all our cosmopolite selves. A lega cy locked away as mine alone. hold the outside world at bay. Africans are not actual progenitors but emblems of everyone’s ancestry. increasing mobility. These mystiques of ancestry determine how legacies are divided. We treasure that heritage in our own protective and transformative fashion. “My a n c e s t o rs. To say. Unesco’s World Heritage listings suggest the growing importance of outside appreciation. To adore the past is not enough. stewa rdship is not innate but learned. the very demands of the democratic process all impose a tyranny of the present that throttles impulses to steward. Heritage is ever rev i t a l i zed. Uluru National Park. good caretaking involves continual creation. no past people a re enough like ours e l ves to justify essentialist claims to a particular history. is tarnished by custodial aloofness. English planning officials were at first aghast. we are all creoles. but it is all wrong—wrong because we are all mixed. only a woman to have been female. Australia. wrong because collective ancestral pasts cannot actually be possessed. Purity is a chimera. 22 . Heritage health lies in accepting the medley as a creative advance over what purists would uphold. In modern postindustrial society. A stained-glass window above the vestibule carries its founder’s verse commemorating his daughter: For thou must share if thou wouldst keep That good thing from above Ceasing to share we cease to have Such is the law of love. No heritage was ever pure ly native or wh o l ly endemic. the Africans. it must be made desira ble. Not only is no past exclusively ours. and heedless development. and sustenance are fatal to heritage stewardship. responses to urgent c r i s e s. But without heritage tourism.

our own creative contributions. door. Survivors o f ruin “collect eve rything and put it in another place to serve a different use: brocade curtains end up as sheets. They ever remake their city through remnants. as distinct from merely mercenary value or arcane antiquarianism. set on velvet cushions. Efforts focused on future benefits help us form the habit of lauding. 23 . bed. and collect ive memories a more nuanced and probl e m a t i c status in myriad heritages. Effe c t ive stewa rd s h i p demands engagement in the hurly-burly of everyday life. beset by conflict. a heritage must feel truly our own—not something to dispose of as a commodity but integral to our lives. not spectators. The great amateur majority can thereby gain enough confidence to review the work of the recondite specialists in. a spinning dictionary that each morning reviews the sum of acquired knowledge. It is essential to breach the walls that divide academe from active life. stewa rdship remains pre c a r i o u s. and culture bound. now corrosive. supported the basket where the hens laid their eggs” is moved “to the Museum of Capitals. relics. hen. By contrast.” A Corinthian capital that “for many years. Stewardship ought not to succumb to populist or postmodern angst. García Márquez’s Macondones stave off o bl ivion with a memory machine. Like our forebears and our heirs. say. general familiarity with all the processes that make and shape us. defensive. in a chicken run. fragmented by rivalry. they know nothing of its history. monuments and memorials. So do we all recycle relics. The insights I have offe red may not lend themselves to instant action. Such matters Italo Calvino’s Invisible Cities limns three common modes of e n ga ging the past. Not leaving stewardship to the experts remain socially barren and culturally useless unless shared by the wider community. wrought-iron gratings are torn from the harem windows to roast cat meat on fires of inlaid wood. When we are keen to praise. above all. heritage in these lands nonetheless evaporates. “Perhaps the capitals were in the chicken runs before they were in the temples. theolog ical ex egesis and thermoluminescence needed to gauge the multiple l egacies of the Dead Sea Scrolls. skills. cassava. Coda: Fantasy and Reality Heritage atrophies in the absence of public support. by active concern for legacies we do not simply save but refashion.Regard for the future is inculcated. Tu r k ey and Lebanon reflect not just disparity between prehistoric abundance and current poverty but general public disaffection as well. and reverence for dead pasts.” in Senator Sam Nunn’s phrase. not lamenting. “from the beggared chrysalis a sumptuous butterfly emerges. now for prosaic present use. To become “playe rs. They also mark the names of things and beings: table. now pre s e rved under glass bells. the marble urns planted with basil before t h ey we re f illed with dead bones” (Calvino :–). now for showy but delusive commemoration. in marble fu n e ra ry urns they plant basil. pig. cow. wall. Lega l ly n a t i o n a l i zed. it is modified—both enhanced and degraded—by each new generation. locked in display cases. But heeding them may help disarm mounting criticism of timeworn heritage certitudes—the transcendent worth of artifacts and art objects.” But none are sure of the order of succession. we make it our own by adding to it our own stamp. goat. and dispose of what we inherit. Only when it is populist has it vital merit. Amnesiac Claricians differ from those in Gabriel García Márq u e z ’s One Hundred Ye a rs of Solitude in two respects. But it must engage with current views that now accord material remnants and fragments. where too few feel a symbolic stake in it. such actions deserve extra effort.” In more joyous times. Wholesale demolition and antiquities looting in Guatemala and Mex i c o. It episodically decays and burgeons. Yet because heritage also requires acts intended to outlast our individual selve s. Heritage is never merely conserved or protected. control. To be valued enough to care for. because it enlists few participants save for pecuniary gain.” whose new settlers treasure “shards of the original splend o r. chair.” It helps to realize that so-called heritage experts are no better equipped than the rest of us—they too are irrational. but lacking records. now creative. Only so armed can we wisely accept or reject. going from squalor to splendor and again to squalor. we are more apt to take heritage action that we and our successors feel worthy of praise. The city of C l a r i c e undergoes epochs of successive memory and oblivion. clock. we should remember that “citizenship begins with commitment rather than expertise. Where heritage is defined and run by a small elite.

banana. When no one re m e m b e rs what they are used for, signs explain: “‘This is the cow. She must be milked every morning . . .’ But the system demands so much vigilance that many prefer the imaginary past read in tarot cards, a mother remembered as the dark woman who wore a gold ring on her left hand, and a birthdate as the last Tuesday on which a lark sang in the laurel tree” (García Márquez :–). Our usual human condition combines Macondo with Clarice. Epochs of a rchaist re s t oration and prosaic utility, imperfectly recorded, are fi t fu l ly remembered. But archives are ever at risk o f a rson and era s u re, or else utterly impenetrable, like Jorge Luis Borges’s labyrinthine library of Babel (Borges :–). So we abandon hope of retrieving the actual past, instead seeking solace in chimeras. Nostalgia for what has been or what might have been is a second mode of retrieval. Some yearn for ancient origins, others for recent eras, even for their own childhood. Calvino’s Maurilia invites one “to visit the prosperous and magnificent city and, at the same time, to examine some old postcards that show it as it used to be: a bandstand in the place of the overpass, two young ladies with white parasols in the place of the munitions factory.” The traveler “must praise the postcard city and prefer it to the present one” yet not forget that only modern eyes relish the old provincial grace (Calvino :). We all tend to exploit beloved memory ; those before us are not privy to our vision yet we anachronize what they built. But our interventions re q u i re ever more maintenance. To parap h ra s e Boswell’s Johnson, a man who is tired of London must be tired of scaffolding. As on Big Ben, so on the Washington Monument and on Paris’s Notre Dame, a carapace of fervent care adorns every heritage site. And like Calvino’s Thekla, our stewarded past suffe rs ceaseless re n ewal. Stewa rds actuate C a l v i n o ’s fear that “once the scaffoldings are re m oved, the city may begin to cru m ble and fall to pieces” (Calvino :). A third mode stewa rds heritage by care fu l alteration. In Calvino’s Andria, “every street follows a planet’s orbit; buildings and places of community life repeat the order of the constellations and the position of the most luminous stars.” The calendric map of urban functions mirrors the firmament, city reflecting sky. But Andrians are not passive; a new river port, a statue of Thales, a toboggan slide ever f ructify the city’s astral rhythm, “any change in

Andria involving some novelty among the stars—the explosion of a nova, the expansion of a nebula, a bend in the Milky Way.” Shaping their deeds on the sky, Andrians also shift the sky in their own image. Their virtues are self-confidence and pru d e n c e . Since eve ry urban innovation impacts the fi rm ament, “before taking any decision they calculate the risks and advantages for themselves and for the city and for all worlds” (Calvino :–). S e l f - c o n fidence can move mountains; prudence shows how to move them in the right way, to the right place, in protective harmony. No amount of care ensures the salvage of our heritage, astral or terrestrial. But prudent confidence guides us—at once innovators and stewards—in ever realigning heaven and earth.
Notes
This paper draws on the author’s The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ) and on the Getty Conservation Institute’s Values and Benefits meeting discussions, January . . Helen Escobedo, James Coddington, Thomas M. Messer, D avid A. Scott et al., and Ann Te m k in, quoted in Conservation, The GCI Newsletter  (), no. :, , ; full statements in Corzo . Edmund Ladd, , quoted in Sease , p. . David S. Broder, Civics lessons for Americans: Go out and get invo l ved, I n t e rnational Herald Tr i bu n e,  June    , quoting National Commission on Civic Renewal, A Nation of Spectators (Pew Charitable Trusts), and National Issues Fo r um, G ove rning America: Our Choices, Our Challenge (Kettering Foundation).

. .

References
Beck, J., and M. Daley.    . A rt Restoration: The Culture, the Business, and the Scandal. New York: W. W. Norton. Bone, J. . Final resting place. The Times [London] Magazine,  October:–. Borges, J. L. . The library of Babel. In Labyrinths. Harmondsworth, ..: Penguin. C a l v i n o, I.   . I nv i s i ble Cities. London: Harc o u r t Bra c e Jovanovich. Corzo, M. A., ed. . Mortality Immortality? The Legacy of 20th– Century Art. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute.

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Cramer, F. . Durability and change: A biochemist’s view. In Durability and Change: The Science, Responsibility, and Cost of Sustaining Cultural Heritage, ed. W. E. Krumbein et al., –. Dahlem Workshop Report ES . New York: John Wiley & Sons. Dunne, F. P.    . M r. Dooley in Peace and in Wa r. B o s t o n : Smith Maynard. Elia, R. J.    . Conserva t o rs and unprovenanced objects: Preserving the cultural heritage or servicing the antiquities t rade? In Antiquities Trade or Betrayed: Legal, Ethical, and C o n s e rvation Issues, ed. K. W. Tu b b,    ‒  . London: Archetype. G a rcía Márquez, G.   . One Hundred Ye a rs of S o l i t u d e. Harmondsworth, ..: Penguin. Harwit, M. . An Exhibit Denied: Lobbying the History of Enola Gay. New York: Copernicus. Jacobs, W. W . The monkey’s paw. In The Monkey’s Paw and . Other Stories, –. London: Robin Clarke. Keck, C. . Letter. New York Review of Books,  June:. Levine, L. W. . The Opening of the American Mind: Canons, Culture, and History. Boston: Beacon. Lowenthal, D. . The value of age and decay. In Durability and C h a n ge: The Science, Re s p o n s i b i l i t y, and Cost of S u s t a i n i n g Cultural Heritage, ed. W. E. Krumbein et al., –. Dahlem Workshop Report ES . New York: John Wiley & Sons. Marks, P. . The ethics of art dealing. International Journal of Cultural Property :–. Matsuda, D. . The ethics of archaeology, subsistence digging, and artifact looting in Latin America. International Journal of Cultural Property :–. Sease, C. . Code of ethics for conservation. International Journal of Cultural Property :–. Walcott, D. . The Antilles: Fragments of Epic Memory. London: Faber & Faber. Z i m m e r man, L. J.    . When dat a become people: Archaeological ethics, reburial, and the past as public heritage. International Journal of Cultural Property :–.

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Economic and Cultural Value in the Work of Creative Artists
David Throsby

I am sorry to say that artists will always be sufficiently jealous of one another, whether you pay them large or low prices; and as for stimulus to exertion, believe me, no good work in this world was ever done for money, nor while the slightest thought of money affected the painter’s mind. Whatever idea of pecuniary value enters into his thoughts as he works, will, in proportion to the distinctness of its presence, shorten his power. A real painter will work for you exquisitely, if you give him . . . bread and water and salt; and a bad painter will work badly and hastily, though you give him a palace to live in, and a princedom to live upon. . . . And I say this, not because I despise the greater painter, but because I honour him; and I should no more think of adding to his respectability or happiness by giving him riches, than, if Shakespeare or Milton were alive, I should think we added to their respectability, or were likely to get better work from them, by making them millionaires. John Ruskin, The Political Economy of Art, . Over the last ten years or so, a considerable volume of research has accumulated on the economic circumstances of individual creative artists. This work, which spans a number of countries, has shown that artists’ behavior is influenced significantly by their economic circumstances and that they respond to economic incentives in ways that are broadly consistent with economic theory (Wassall and Alper ; Throsby ; Towse ; Jeffri and Greenblatt ; Heikkinen and Koskinen ). At the same time, t h e re are a number of respects in which art i s t s ’ actions appear contrary to the predictions of conventional economic models, and these peculiar characteristics require a recasting of those models. One observation of artists’ behavior shows that—unlike the vast majority of workers—artists generally prefer more (arts) work time to less, and to the extent that this is true, it requires a reformulation of con-

ventional labor supply models (Throsby ). In a broad sense, much of what artists do in their day-today work—the choices they make, the lines of development they pursue—have nothing whatsoever to do with economics, and these choices may even present difficulties of interpretation within any sort of rational decision-making framework. Nevertheless, in examining the uses and limitations of economic modeling for representing the processes of market exchange for cultural goods and services in general, and the production of artworks by artists in particular, it is important that the economic analyst try to comprehend how “economic” and “cultural” variables can be defined, as well as h ow they interact. Indeed, the ve ry definition of “ c u l t u ral goods”—with its implication that such goods stand apart in some way from ordinary economic goods—requires engagement with the concepts and content of culture itself. This paper intends to argue that questions of value lie at the heart of this matter. Ever since the very beginning of economic thought, it has been recognized that, in some fundamental sense, value is the origin of economic behavior. Similarly, in a long history of thought about the nature of culture— whether in philosophy, aesthetics, anthropology, s o c i o l ogy, art history, litera ry criticism, cultural studies, or elsewhere—ideas of cultural value have continually been present as a motivating and animating force. It seems, then, that it might be useful to speculate more dire c t ly about the re l a t i o n s h i p between economic and cultural value in the demand for and supply of cultural commodities. Such a project is too broad to be encompassed in a single paper; I will therefore concentrate primarily on this issue as it relates to the work of creative artists. I begin by reviewing the development of theories of value in economics and, in a more cursory manner, theories of cultural value, and I consider the ways in which these theories have been applied in defining and valuing cultural goods and services. I then suggest means for conceptualizing the production and con-

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and earlier. Turning first to private goods. and for public cultural goods. We can examine this process of value formation both for private cultural goods. As such. From these origins sprang the utility theory which underlies the theory o f consumer behavior in moder n economics.b e h ave d preference orderings over commodities. the criticism can be seen as a component of a broader critique of neoclassical economics generally. William Stanley Jevons. marg inal utility analysis has been widely criticized. or whateve r — a re of no consequence. we can readily measure what consumers are prepared to give up in order to acquire such goods. For our purposes. being discernible in the earlier writings of such scholars as John Locke. It is not surprising. that theories of value have been fundamental to economic inquiry for more than two centuries. to John Bates Clark in the late nineteenth century. and others saw individuals and their preferences as the “ultimate atoms” of the exchange process and of market behavior (Dobb   : ). Th ey ex p l a i n e d exchange value in terms of preference patterns of consumers toward commodities that were capable of satisfying individual wants. Criticism of the marg inal utility theory of value is directed at the proposition that consumers can formulate orderly preferences based solely on their individual needs. and in proportion to. Despite the self-satisfaction that many economists feel at having arrived at a theory of value that they regard as complete in terms of its universality and elegance. The orig ins of d e s i re — whether they be biological. spiritual. Theories of Value and Their Application to Cultural Goods The impetus for the functioning of an economic system can be said to originate from the value that economic agents place on the goods and services they produce and consume. Carl Menger. and others (Aspromourgos ). the analysis of exchange value s t a rted from the socioeconomic conditions that shaped the class relations of society and led to ideas of value as being inherent in objects and determined by the costs of factors of production used up in their manufacture. Adam Smith recognized the distinction b e t ween value in use and value in exc h a n g e — though the classical approach to value in fa c t predates Smith. Mirowski . for example. John R. The elaboration of a social theory of value is associated with economists such as Thorstein Veblen. For the classical political economists of the nineteenth century. then. based on a specification of economic and cultural value. all that is re q u i re d is that pre fe rence rankings can be specified in an orderly way. No questions need be asked of people as to the reasons for their preference orderi n g s. As is well known. Thus. Notwithstanding these critical assaults. cultural. Clark ). Commons. the most important line of attack has been the argument that value is a socially constructed phenomenon and that the determination of value and hence of prices cannot be isolated from the social context in which these processes occur (Heilbroner . and we can construct demand functions for these goods which look much like demand functions for any other commodity. a private market might be 27 . The marginalist revolution of the late nineteenth century replaced cost-of-production theories with a model of economic behavior built on individual utilities.sumption of such commodities. such as tangible art objects. arising from a number of radical and heterodox positions. such as the benefits a community might enjoy from the existence of a theater or an art gallery. Under plausible assumptions as to the nature of these preference orderings—including an assumption that marginal utility diminishes as consumption o f a good increases—a theory of demand can be derived that is empirically testable in its own right and that can be placed alongside a theory of supply to provide a model for price determination in comp e t i t ive markets. the labor devoted to making it. such that t h ey can state unambiguously that they pre fer a given quantity of this good over a given quantity of that (or that they are indifferent between the two). I n d ividuals are assumed to possess we l l . and especially for Marx. psychological. William Petty. When these demand functions are set alongside supply functions reflecting the marginal costs incurred in producing the goods. the labor theories of value of Smith and Ricardo propose essentially that an object takes on an objective or substantive value as a result of. though the lineage extends further back. neoclassical utility theory has been widely used by cultural economists to explain the formulation of value and price for cultural goods and services within the economic system. and others of the “old” institutionalist school. uninfluenced by the institutional environment and the social interactions and processes that govern and regulate exchange.

In such circumstances. again. for example. and unconditional characteristics of culture and of cult u ral objects (Etlin    ). empirical observation of economic value formation is possible. The origins of value within a cultural discourse lie in the irreducible principle that value represents positive characteristics rather than negative ones. the simple. she will be prepared to pay more for object A than for object B. and assessed according to some consistent cultural value scale. the above considerations must be taken one step further. if this individual ranks object A more highly in cultural terms than object B. The differential in demand prices could thus be interpreted as a measure of difference in cultural value. Regardless of the starting point. artistic. timeless. But a contrast m ay be drawn between the inculcation of va l u e through a drive to hedonism and a moralistic position that measures the value of c u l t u re by exchanging it for some other currency such as “good” or “truth” or “justice” (Connor a). However. influenced by whatever cultural criteria or norms are regarded as important from the external environment. cultural commodities occur as mixed goods. shifting. the difficulties in arriving at an economic value of the good within the theore t i c a l confines of the neoclassical economic paradigm are compounded. the essential distinction to be drawn here is that between an absolute and a relative view of cultural value formation. On the supply side. Storey ). We might conclude. an orientation to what is better rather than to what is worse. In most cases. These estimates can be aggregated across consumers to reach a total demand price that can be compared with the costs of providing various levels of the good in order to determine whether or not supply is warranted and. in order to assess the validity of this argument. if so. however. of course. psychoanalysis. however. that price will be only a limited measure of the economic value of tangible cultural goods and services in private market outcomes. in a different context. and heterogeneous interpretation of value in which relativism replaces absolutism (Regan . The assertion of absolute cultural value can be seen as congruent with the ideas of intrinsic or natural value put forward. therefore. A long tradition in cultural thought. linguistics. In the case of public goods. transcendental. these processes scarcely conform to the model of a competitive market which ensures the Pa reto optimality of equilibrium prices and quantities. at least in broad terms. It can be aligned with the pleasure principle as a guide to human choices. producers are not profit m a x i m i ze rs and indeed may be influenced only re m o t e ly by price in mak ing supply decisions. possessing both private-good and public-good characteristics. Moreover. Since the theory makes no assumptions about the source of an individual’s preferences. how much. it has been widely accepted that the economic value of cultural goods and services may. Such a humanist view of cultural value emphases universal. Yet it can be suggested that postmodernism. powerful new methodologies from sociology. we can measure consumers’ willingness to pay for given quantities of the good. as lying in intrinsic qualities of aesthetic. although there may be sufficient consensus on the essential cultural worth of certain items to warrant their elevation into the cultural canon. utility-maximizing consumer with given tastes is replaced in cultural markets by an individual in whom taste is cumulative and hence time dependent. Theories of Cultural Value It might be thought that the measurement of the value of cultural goods using the sort of economic analysis discussed above could provide a direct evaluation of cultural as well as of economic value. Neve rt h e l e s s. Judgments will diffe r among individuals. or broader cultural worth that it possesses. through to cultural modernism. On the demand side. we consider briefly the development of theories of cultural value. and elsewhere have challenged and displaced the traditional ideals that harmony and regularity are at the core of value. sees the true value of a work of art. there are likely to be significant externalities. Again. 28 . they may just as well arise from a person’s internal processes of cultural appraisal. In this section. Furthermore. other things being equal. be determined by the means described above.seen to reach equilibrium. situating these ideas in an expanded. the resulting measure of the value of the good may not necessarily be a re a s o n a ble estimate of its true economic value—this time principally because of p r o bl e m s inherent in the contingent valuation methodology. by the classical political economists. objective. while focusing attention on an expanded view of value. using techniques such as contingent valuation. transforming value into price. The argument would then run that. In the postmodern period of the last two or three decades. For example.

Since the idea is a pure public good. and in due course. This aggregate could be thought of as the cultural value of the idea and hence of the work. as providing a range of cultural value characteristics. the aggregation of individual valuations can be thought of as comprising the total valuation of the idea within the sphere of its circulation. the idea has many ow n e rs (although there was only one originator). or the rights to it.” (McGuigan :) These considerations suggest that notions of economic and cultural value must be separa t e d when the valuation of cultural goods and services in the economy and in society is considered. historical value: connection with the past. many writers today refer to a “crisis of value” in contemporary cultural theory. Second. a performance. the suggestion that these disp a rate cultural judgments can be conve rted to a common denominator expressed in such materialistic terms as the object’s price cannot be sustained. a video. a musical work. whether the guiding principle is absolute or relative. Its fundamental flaw is the reduction of all value. the work exists as an idea that can also be exchanged. consumers of the idea determine their individual valuation. So it may be possible to describe an art work. spiritual value: understanding. The physical market determines the work’s economic value.does not say much about value itself ( C o n n o r b:). two observations can be made. although the problems of evaluation within any single component remain. to a one- Consider an artist who creates an artistic work. a sense of identity. It may be a novel. whether the scales for assessing them are fixed or movable. a sculpture. and it may take a long time for an “equilibrium” cultural value of a work to be established. determined by the choices of the “sovereign consumer” and by the laws of supply and demand. As McGuigan notes: The notion that a cultural product is as valuable as its price in the marketplace. Simultaneously. including: • • • • • aesthetic value: beauty. a consequence of this multidimensionality is to expose the futility of attempting to reduce cultural value to a single economic measure. Because of the continuous circulation of the idea. albeit deeply flawed. m o re import a n t ly. enlightenment. for example. which is so m a n i fe s t ly various and contestabl e. reflecting this economic value. it pos- 29 . howeve r. or in relation to any other characteristic that might be suggested. individual valuations (and hence the aggregate value) may change over time. Even then. the logic of “the free market. insight. In this process of exchange. The work itself. The work exists in an embodied form (as in the case of a painting) or as property rights (as in the case of a piece of music). objective or subjective. it may not be stable over time. Hence. dimensional and economistic logic. is currently a prevalent notion of cultural value and maybe the most prevalent one. Economic and Cultural Value in the Production of Artistic Goods Such a range of criteria may be proposed. The next section discusses this prospect in the context of the work of artists. It may well be that individual choices within any one of the single value constructs itemized above. As such. might follow some orderly process. the market for ideas determines its cultural value. The work can be copyrighted in order to seal its physical or economic worth and to enable its owner (the artist or a subsequent purchaser of the p r o p e rty rights) to cap t u re its economic va l u e . First. it is clear that value is multidimensional. can be traded. The essence of these propositions is that there exists both a physical market for artworks and a parallel marketplace for the ideas that are a necessary attribute or product of those works. W h a t ever the pers p e c t ive. a painting. The idea cannot be copyrighted. Because of the uncertainties thus introduced. Through market exchange the work will acquire a price. harmony. it would seem that some progress can be made in identifying the broad sweep of the concept of cultural value by disaggregating it in this way. But preferences so derived remain conditional upon the value scales used. symbolic value: a repository or conveyor of meaning. The fact that the physical work is the vehicle for conveying the idea transforms the work from an ordinary economic good into a cultural good. as proposed above. social value: connection with others. The idea generated by the work is exchanged by a continuous process. an installation. a poem.

would seem to offer hope for some prog re s s. . transmission. of course. and assessment of t h e ideas that they convey. Tokyo.” organized jointly by the Association for Cultural Economics International and the Japan Association for Cultural Economics. the two values are not unrelated. The formidable task then remains of determining how the market for ideas processes the raw material supplied to it by artists into some measure of cultural value or cultural price. it is likely that a significant correlation will exist between them. they also sell the products of their labor into a dual market (the market for physical goods/the market for ideas). at least some positive assessment of regularities and consistencies in consensus judgments may be possible. the separation of economic and cultural value provides an acknowledgment in conceptual terms that the monetary price of a cultural commodity is a transformation of value according to a single materialistic scale and that cultural price requires a different metric. notwithstanding their separate articulation. . it might be suggested that atonal classical music is an example of a commodity with high cultural but low economic value. Conclusion The substance of this paper can be drawn together into four main points. springing from the complex conjunctions of the creative process. whatever criterion of cultural value is considered applicable.c u l t u re” norms we re adopted ( c o n s e rva t ive. drives the production of ideas. F i n a l ly. and Policies for Artists. to artworks such as paintings or to artistic services such as musical performance—as the framework of reference for such commodities. however. In this respect. Support. it can be argued that economic price does not even do a ve ry good job of c apturing the “true” economic value of cultural goods and services. not least because significant policy implications are invoked. we might summarize the above speculations as suggesting that artistic work might be interpreted as supplying a dual market. The articulation of the constituent elements of value in particular cases. where economic and cultural value provide distinct and separate measures of the success of their efforts. absolutist). I restrict attention to the arts—for example. Separation of the economic and cultural values of artworks in this way enables us to identify the differences in the processes by which these values are formed. – May . Third. the question of m e a s u rement must eve n t u a l ly be engaged one way or another. Returning to the work of a rt i s t s. and that TV soap operas are an example of a good with a high economic but a low cultural value. as discussed above. in modeling the process of a rt i s t i c production. most artworks contain and convey multiple ideas. First. These works will (hopefully) realize an economic price through market exchange and (also hopefully) a cultural “price” through the reception. we can suggest that not only do artists allocate their time in a dual labor market (arts/nonarts). if “ h i g h . where high cultural value is associated with low economic value. Indeed. because consumers’ demand functions for artworks are likely to contain some measure of cultural value as a significant element.sesses not only economic value (in common with all economic goods) but also cultural value. The artist’s vision. Even so. and vice ve rsa. For the sake of simplicity in categorizing cultural goods and services in this paper. that despite these diffe re n c e s. The re l a t i o n s h i p s between them are an important area for research by economists. the interest for economists lies particularly in clarifying the relationship between cultural and economic value. I use the singular for simplicity. processing. heg e m o n i c. elitist. Indeed. especially since in the f i rs t instance. as noted. her technical skill enables the realization or embodiment of those ideas into actual works. Notes This paper is a revised text of an invited lecture given at the closing plenary session of the international symposium “A rt i s t s ’ Career Development and Artists’ Labour Markets. 30 . It is immediately clear. This conceptualization provides a basis for defining cultural goods. Second. though. the constructs of economic and cultura l value are likely to be closely related in both theoretical and empirical ter m s. economists are deluding themselves if they believe that economic measures such as price or willingness to pay can provide an adequate indicator of cultural value. Nevertheless. Fo r instance. this would seem to be an approach that could be taken regardless of the ideological standpoint of the observer. counterexamples can be envisaged. Even if it is thought that normative scales lie beyond analytical reach.

In The Politics o f P l e a s u re: Aesthetics and Cultural Th e o ry. R. J. Helsinki: Arts Council of Finland. R. . Clark. L o n d o n : Routledge. A. Clark. ———. Koskinen.. Oxford: Blackwell. S. Artists and workers. Boston: Kluwer. C. Khakee. A. R. M c G u i gan. N ew York: Re s e a rch Center for Arts and Culture. Oxford: Blackwell. C u l t u re and the Public Sphere. On the Origins of Classical Economics: D i s t r i bution and Value from William Petty to Adam Smith. ed. M. Rega n . Theory and Cultural Value. pleasure. S. London: Routledge. J. Theories of Value and Distribution since Adam Smith: Ideology and Economic Theory.: Open University Press. –. Behind the Veil of Economics: Essays in the Worldly Philosophy. . a. . Towse and A. Jeffri. Social Research :–. Locations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Columbia University. G. In Institutional Economics and the Theory of Social Value: Essays in Honor of Marc R. Throsby. 31 . Khakee. Greenblatt .. –. W. J. Economics of Artists and Arts Policy: Selection of Papers. Pommerehne. References Aspromourgos. ed..    . and T. D. Towse and A. Heilbroner. –. Information on Artists: A Study of Artists’ Work-Related Human and Social Service Needs in Four U. In Cultural Economics and Cultural Policies. .   .: Harvester Wheatsheaf.. In Cultural Economics. Regan. and W. Aesthetics. C. An Introductory Guide to Cultural Theory and Popular Culture. A. P. A work-preference model of artist behaviour. Introduction: The return of the aesthetic. . Such a proposition underlies the analysis of demand for artworks contained in chapter  of Frey and Pommerehne . Hemel Hempstead . S.    . Rizzo. M. Muses and Markets: Explorations in the Economics of the Arts. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Connor. M. Berlin: Springer-Verlag. ed. S. . S. T. Tool. –. Towse. S. Buckingham: Open University Press. . . and R. –. L. Learning the meaning of a dollar: Conservation principles and the social theory of value in economic theory. Regan. Buckingham . B. Alper. . . Berlin: Springer-Verlag. ed. Towards a unified theory of the determinants of the earnings of artists. Heikkinen. In The Politics of P l e a s u re: Aesthetics and Cultural Th e o ry. New York: Norton. H. Singers in the Marketplace: The Economics of the Singing Profession. it would probably be said that an activity such as amateur theater would have low value on both economic and cultural measures and that Monet’s paintings would score high on both counts. M.. R. and value. –. Peacock and I. In Defense of Humanism: Value in the Arts and Letters. Etlin. . b. O. In Cultural Economics. Storey. Dordrecht: Kluwer. . Wassall. M i r ow s ki. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. and N. By the same standards. D o b b.. . ed. eds. ed. From natural value to social value.. R. ———. A. Frey.

An anthropologist today also knows that ethnographic description is but a transitory. In the context of globalization. today. To think of cultural heritage was to think of a rt objects. popular cultures. were discussed within the circumscribed walls of cultural communities or nations. Among them a new global cultural commons is being created. arc h a e o l ogical sites. It is multicultural by definition. migrations. it makes visible the framework within which we must situate all human-made masterpieces: a single. More and more. these concrete things and places are available to be appreciated by a much wider spectrum of international publics: by a young woman writer on the Internet in New Zealand. It is absolutely fascinating to find that. are rap i d ly adding more and more exchanges to that web. At present. we realize that the old m aps based on the territorial juxtaposition of nation-states gave us a very different cosmovision from that of actual photographs of our blue planet taken from outer space. quantum p hysics tells us that the wo rld is not made up of objects but is instead made up of states that may change their functioning and appearance according to the way in which they are being observed. Such values.Cultural Heritage and Globalization Lourdes Arizpe Today our perception of cultural heritage is changing amid the rush of sights and images offered by an i n t e ra c t ive wo rld. that the cultural heritage is also in process and flowing with the tide. until recently. The weave of meanings that crystallize into recognition in a given time and place is becoming more and more visible. Among other things. Yet the meanings that assign worth to such concrete things and places come from the values that people attach to them. as they re fer to the n ew historical phenomenon. by a Copt filmmaker in Egypt. the concept of cultural heritage is opening up—to cultural landscapes. To understand what is happening. in which the web of meanings traditionally offered by different cult u res is being rewoven. our perception must now be redefined in the new global cultural commons. They are finding. and tourism.” a phrase used by Catherine Stimpson and Homi Bhabha. historic monuments. I will analyze how cultural groups and nation-states are repositioning themselves today in the global cultural commons. which fo l l ows and incorporates older artistic and cultural work yet has an identity of its own. the va l u e given to cultural heritage will depend on the meanings that are chosen among those constantly t raveling along a web of c u l t u ral exchanges and recombinations. trade globalization. and in the world cultural sites to which the new stakeholders of the commons may tie strings of recognition. I will explore the two main perspectives from which value is assigned to cultural heritage: the planetary and the village perspectives. This commons is also a place we must fill up. however. So the question that should concern us is: How do we enhance the value of cultural heritage to safeguard it and to use it to build cultural understanding instead of cultural trenches? To answer this question. oral traditions. it is patchy in its interactions. spa- 32 . with “ global cre a t iv i t y. many people are looking toward the site where culture and history intersect—that is. toward cultural heritage. I then propose several lines of analysis and reflection on cultural heritage. so that different cultural groups may find new ways of preserving cultural heritage. as never before. at exactly this time. fleeting glance at a reality by an observer bound by his or her culture and location in a certain time and a certain place. Still anchored in history and ancestry. it is like the terra incognita of ancient maps. The Planetary Perspective As the new century begins. or by a Xhosa youngster watching television in South Africa. And people have stakes in it. I f we take the above view. but they also lead to the shielding of cultures through the politics of difference. however. as well as t e l e c o m munications and telematics. then. More contact and more exchanges may lead to greater creativity.

In fact. In many places. familiarity. Ingmar Bergman. a satellite system that circles the world was finally put in place. in fact. in relation to culture. Will this new language encourage people to give value to cultural heritage of other cultures? Do they assign relative value to cultural masterpieces according to the cultural distance between their own and other cultures? How important do they consider other cult u res to their emotional satisfaction or to their If our planetary view (implying unity) comes from outer space. Some specialists are already concerned that this is the case for a number of sites inscribed in Unesco’s Wo rl d Heritage List.tially finite. are creating this new global cultural commons. Is this a new language that belongs to the global sphere. Alternatively. How can such possibilities of communication be harnessed to help in the work of conservation and restoration of cultural heritage? A Global Cultural Commons spiritual or cultural realization? Or one may ask (as the World Bank has already done in a project on Fez in Morocco). or that a Hollywood blockbuster speaks to people of very different cultures. touching a majority of people in the world. The awareness of one world has also been re i n fo rced by the various processes that make up globalization. anytime around the globe. Celts and Catalans. Serbs 33 . Neither political borders nor cultural boundaries are visible from space. as no one’s. It is the way in which these films and images are creating a new language of meaning. When a site is considered to have “world value. In this new space. it is to be expected that people want to cling to the meanings that once held their immediate community together. including dress codes a n d ga s t r o n o m y. or Woody Allen film speaks to many cosmopolitan people across the world. This contact is leading to very rapid cultural change that is worrying people in many different regional settings. In times of such cultural fluidity. Te l e c o m munications and audiov i s u a l s have made it possible for people to become familiar with great cultural heritage from distant lands. exhibiting diffe rent symbols of identity. that young people especially may be choosing cultural symbols from other cultures. setting up a new metonymy in people’s minds. Archaeological sites of historical importance. because global communications and audiovisuals. an Akira Kurosawa. It is not only that. for example. a central fact is that one can now communicate instantly all over the world. how much would you be willing to pay to conserve such heritage? Much more analytical work is needed on how collectivities of different kinds react toward cultural heritage in the context of a global cultural commons. so that we may speak to anyone. and Africa. The globality. therefore. as the . To d ay such stra t egies must be expanded and deepened. all become explicit consensual symbols of historical belonging. any wh e re. the cultural t ex t u re of eve ryd ay life. They are. human-made cultural creations are beginning to be judged according to an emerging set of global standards. The Village View Strategies to protect and conserve cultural heritage i n t e rn a t i o n a l ly have been successfu l ly deve l o p e d over the last decades through Unesco and a large number of nongovernmental organizations (s) and fo u n d a t i o n s.  Pe o p l e everywhere are concerned that their traditions are no longer being followed. This knowledge is urgently needed to prevent a replication of the “tragedy of the commons” in relation to the protection of cultural heritage. . World Commission on Culture and Development discovered in the nine consultations it held in Europe. movements explicitly express such concerns: AfroAmericans and Chicanos.. since poor people or nations are unable to give anything toward its safeguarding. and wanting to choose all that is meaningful and exciting in today’s cultural markets. and instantaneity that characterize this new planetary perspective are no doubt changing the perception and understanding of the cultural legacies of the past. on May . it may be thought that saving such a site should be the main responsibility of only the rich and powerful. Asia. the village view (implying dive rs i t y ) comes from everyday contact with people speaking other languages. in terms of the economics of cultural heritage. the Americas. or is it a new dimension that will permeate all forms of communication internationally? These are new themes to explore in terms of the local/global valuing of cultural heritage.” then safeguarding actions may be perceived as everybody’s business—and. spherical entity. Artists are concerned about the difficulties they have found in continuing their local cultural production as fo reign investments and cultura l goods flow into national markets. architectural or artistic masterpieces.

governments may be claiming. demolished with explosives by Croat extremists during the Bosnian war. As multimedia and telecommunications open a market for the images of c u l t u ra l heritage. with the Maori people. forms of action. to the exclusion of other indigenous groups in the region. are the Chol o f t o d ay the real descendants of those historical Chol? If so. And it is a matter of some urgency that the issue of multiculturalism with reference to cultural heritage be placed on the international agenda. the more that nation-states and cultura l minorities need “distinction” to reposition thems e l ves in the global cultural commons. in all probability. they are extremely diverse in political aims. appropriate political solutions may be arrived at. as “national” treasures. Although all such movements have a cultural leitmotiv. Such is the case of the Hindu g ove r nment in India. who are the direct descendants of the builders of the magnificent Maya heritage. for example. and 34 . In the most negative situation. also prolife rate fo r economic reasons. the more they are apt to rely on the cultural heritage to build internal cohesion and an external image of their culture. while at the same time supporting pilot projects with this aim in mind. This is important vis-à-vis the valuing of cultural heritage. It will show (as the field of anthropology has recorded for many decades) that the creative process evolves by the slow. then. One example will illustrate the complexity of the issues invo l ved: a Chol-speaking indigenous group in Chiapas. The Village Is Multicultural Independent of the historical. which must protect the Muslim cultural heritage. the Maya archaeological site. In my view. while the army continues to repress all political and c u l t u ral ex p ressions of the Maya-Quiche and Cakchiquel Indians. several different situations have arisen as a result of the complexity of multicultural claims to cultural heritage. monument. or concerned with its heritage. special interest g roups will possibly i n c rease their demands to share in the economic returns related to such heritage. as has happened in the protracted war in the former Yugoslavia. since there is not enough historical evidence to ascertain who built Palenque? And what about non-Chol Mexicans. as they have been in India. will belong to multicultural communities. the way communities value that heritage will be influenced by the way they had previously defined their own cultural identity. is claiming that it should be getting a share of tourist fees for visits to Palenque. in New Zealand. If the country has a democratic system. it is most probable that people living in a certain locality. On the one hand. questions about the historical origins and present control and management of culture heritage will be increasingly raised. Another kind of situation is that in which cultural minorities are given recognition and support for the management of their own cultural heritage and creativity. along with “ethnic cleansing. as well as the bombing of Dubrovnik. This opens up a Pandora’s box of unanswerable questions: Was the site built by the Chol people? If so. should only the Chol get this income. and international strategies. To this example one would add the Serb destruction of the Library in Sarajevo. cultural affiliation of a given site. Chileans and the Map u c h e people. direct. when he described the case of the Old Bridge of M o s t a r. for whom Palenque is part of their cultural heritage? Counterbalancing such exclusionary claims will require a highly developed knowledge base for world cultural heritage. Such is the case in Guatemala. Thus. In recent years. This does not happen in cases in which cultural groups suffer ill treatment at the hands of the government. Inevitably. with unity of aims and strategies (the planetary view) at a time when there is a rising tide of the politics of difference (the village view). or art object. ancient masterpieces created many centuries ago by cultures totally diffe rent from theirs — o r whose descendants may even be considered their cultural opponents.and Albanokosova rs. Mexico. where the Maya heritage is considered a national asset. In this case. the way to advance in such a situation is to create new concepts to explain the new local/global structuring of the value of cultural heritage. Claims of the right to control cultural heritage will. “cultural heritage cleansing” may be carried out by opponents in war. With the repositioning of actors in globalization.” as A z zedine Beschaouch has ex p ressed it.” there was a willful destruction of cultural heritage “to obliterate people’s cultural roots. This situation has led to a current climate in which world cultural heritage must be dealt with globally. and as the economic value of cultural heritage is increased through cultural tourism and other s e rv i c e s. This has been the case.

and other creators to renew the meanings that give life to the powerful symbolism of cultural masterpieces—a symbolism that is no longer imprisoned in the past but is instead shaping the future. and trading had been lost. exciting experiences have been successful. Neither could their governments afford to open more and more museums that were not self-financing and that catered to elite p u bl i c s. a state must be democratic. therefore. Finally. a wider range of today’s communities could feel more directly related to a given cultural heritage. as conditions for this. which are still caught up in political and social inertia and which mostly limit their activities to the conservation of what already exists. Highlighting the creative process in relation to world cultural heritage would. New. Japan. this mu l t i c u l t u r al history wo u l d strengthen the role of governments by eliminating the necessity for them to appear as defenders of a single cultural tradition. Mexico. such as Nara. today such changes take only a few years and have unrivaled world coverage through the global cultural commons. The language in which they are couching their search is that of a new spirituality and cosmology. in creating the new meanings for world cultural heritage. recent art theories now give greater emphasis to this creative process among artists and artistic communities than to the art objects themselves. Fostering Creativity about Cultural Heritage In May    . A c c o rd i n gly. the multiculturality of the village also applies to the constituency that supports actions to s a feg u a rd wo rld cultural heritage. Their main role would be to act in the cult u ral commons by promoting awa reness of t h e value of world cultural heritage. relating. thereby making visible the different layers of creativity and cultural exchanges that have crystallized in a particular cultural site. when the mu l t i c u l t u ral history of heritage is made visible. have several positive effects.indirect accumulation of knowledge. while providing them with greater legitimacy as the conveners of their countries’ diverse cultural traditions of the past and the p resent. Fostering creativity around cultural heritage is valuable not only to mobilize people but also to keep heritage “alive. and El Tajin. scientists. skills. What is needed. most probably because they are offe red no other language by traditional institutions. Morocco. where the bustle of people working. The concern was also ex p re s s e d — a n d repeated in countless forums. I believe. even centuries. New languages of expression must be offered to these young people. Second. writers. during which many member states demanded a shift in the culture program of Unesco. and techniques. Unesco’s cultural progra m added to its successful conservation projects for cul tural heritage a new focus on living cultures. is to instigate artists. or landscape. open to expressions of different cultures. usually nu rt u red by exchanges with many other cultures. First. it would bring in greater historical depth. Also. emphasis was placed on the enthusiasm of young people everywhere to create new meanings—their own cultural heritage. including those of the World Commission on Culture and Development— that young people all over we re incre a s i n gly u n i n t e rested in the cultural heritage of the past while they pursued totally new cultural activities. for example.” The best way to save cultural heritage is to encourage new creative outlooks that will renew or add to its web of meanings. a historic session of the Executive Board of Unesco was held in Fez. An image 35 . popular music c o n c e rts have been held in Wo rld Heritage sites. They no longer wanted re s t o red historic city centers that became ghost towns. It seems to me that those youths who flock to Stonehenge for the summer solstice or to Teotihuacán for the spring e q u i n ox want a new freedom to re c reate ancient rites so that these ancient stones and places may become new symbols around which to rally and recreate their own sense of place and purpose. The premise for recasting the program was that cultural transformations previously took decades. Would it be possible to revive the project of creating a civil-society World Cultural Trust—a phrase used in the discussions that led to the Unesco World Heritage Convention? Such a project could contribute to strengthening civil-society initiatives to complement the work already being carried out by governments and international organizations. Along a different but related path. Of c o u rse. Pe r h aps the phrase “global cultural stakeholders” could be used to signify people who share in giving value and. yet clear in its mandate to protect all the cultural heritage within its borders. so to speak—so they can adapt to the unprecedented situations they are destined to live in. this information would correctly situate cultural claims in a historical context. Th i rd. in my view. object.

and of historic sites (in comparison to prehistoric and twentieth-century sites). So I asked. of “elite” architecture (in contrast to more “popular” architecture). Similarly.  In this light. “And why does having a Unesco plaque of the World Heritage List help you in promoting these places?” He answered. One could already see a backgr o u n d metonymy emerging. its novel capital city. nor have other conventions been ra t i fied by as many countries. for example. The fact. especially of the Christian religion. the broad consensus and the widespread popularity o f the Convention on Wo rld Heritage must be highlighted. Most specialists agree that it has been successful. For example. the Convention was drawn up to protect the masterpieces of human creative genius by establishing the World Heritage List. the tighter the mesh of ribbons will be and the more strongly they will be attached to the maypole. although some despair at the decline of many of the places on the list. It built on the momentum created by the successful     Unesco campaign to save the Philae and Abu Simbel temples in Egypt from flooding by the Aswan High Dam. I was told why. t we n t i e t h . it is also being inter p reted as an inve n t o ry of c u l t u ra l achievement. and landscapes. spurred by public interest. After a     White House confe rence that called for world action on cultural heritage. to protect folk c u l t u ral productions have not been agreed upon i n t e rn a t i o n a l ly. which. on the List. thus Brazil was able to inscribe Brasilia. then. of historic cities and re l i gious bu i l d i n g s. in December . This success has demonstrated that governments. the origins of which are claimed by so many cultures. “Because. and after proposals from the Stockholm Confe rence on Human Environment for the Conservation of Nature (since the Convention also includes natural sites). This group concluded that there was an overrepresentation of European heritage. it is highly significant that—at a time when globalization is pushing people to retrench themselves in particularistic cultural identities—there is one value that people of all cultures seem to agree on.c e n t u r y heritage is now taken into account. has allowed for the inclusion of the Philippine rice terraces. and this makes us even more proud. Why is the Convention so highly respected and almost unanimously agreed upon? On one of my trips to Manila. it is the interaction between local and global valorizing that gives strength and continuity to the World Heritage List. 36 . The World Heritage List: Pride of All or Pride of the Few? In  the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage was adopted at the Unesco General Conference. Also. Knowing that it can be done is already a great step forward. which is being given fuller coverage with the new criteria for inclusion in the World Heritage List that have been negotiated.” It is people with local pride. Other attempts. sites. as assistant director-general for culture at Unesco. who want to share their pride with others. that the List is not balanced in terms of geographical and cultural regions has become probl e m a t i c. the new category of “cultural landscape” was created. it adds to the value of the site. In response to this and other similar concerns. the crucial issue is to what degree the Convention has been successful in actually helping conserve protected cultural monuments. In spite of such concerns. So the pride of the few becomes the pride of all. for example. madam. have been able to agree on a world value on which to base a c o m p l ex institutional charter and procedure to channel international cooperative actions. and once others give this recognition.to illustrate this is that of the maypole. then we know that they are not only our pride but that of all of humanity. The guide showed me around with a special self-satisfaction and pride. a more flexible notion of “authenticity” now allows the inclusion of cultural heritage buildings that follow ancient designs yet have been rebuilt several times over the centuries. such as the wooden temples in Nara and Kyoto in Japan. Thus. I had been taken to visit the Baroque churches of Manila on the World Heritage List. then. Is the World Heritage List Representative? A most interesting aspect of the Wo rld Heritage List is that while its main purpose is to ensure the safeguarding of world cultural heritage. The larger the number of people taking the colored ribbons in their hands and the more they dance and intermingle around it. but of course. a group of experts was commissioned in  to assess how representative the World Heritage List was.

published its report Our C re a t ive Diversity in . Unesco. Draft Programme and Budget. such as Cesaria Evora. which was updated in . negotiate. Unesco. The program. The global cultural commons must be ex p l o re d . . Success in conserving the masterpieces of human creative genius will depend on our ability to interact. however. . The . The destruction of the Old Bridge of Mostar. otherwise known as The Hague Convention of . It is crucial that cultural heritage be thought of as a historical process to which many individuals and cultures have always. Fostering creativity in relation to cultural heritage would further broaden this base of support. Global creativity and the arts. One suggestion. This question is especially relevant in countries in which cultural minorities are persecuted while their heritage is claimed as part of the national heritage. Garret Hardin. The tragedy of the commons.  C/ (). In this section. See Isabelle Vinson. howeve r. to sites describing the c u l t u ral heritage of their places of o r i gin. convergent actions for cultural heritage. . see Lyndel Prott. mapped. 37 . it is building agreements on the value of world cultural heritage and on the global standards for mechanisms and procedures to safeguard it. New thinking is needed to open new imaginative avenues in caring for world cultural heritage. in opposition to the narrow interests driven by competition in some aspects of globalization. To d ay it should be possible to harn e s s speeded-up cultural interactivity on a world scale for the protection of world cultural heritage. . World Culture Report  (June ):. Approved Programme and Budget for -. now has to be recast in the terms of some of the points made in this essay. World Culture Report  (June ):–.For the purposes of this essay. although the list also includes natural sites. International standards for cultural heritage. And the increasingly inescapable multiculturality of the village—the consumers and publics for cultural heritage—must change perceptions. s. to give it relevance under the new conditions of globalization. filmmakers. and furnished with global standards. This matter is raised without full consideration of the other complex aspects of the question—whether present governments legitimately represent the culture orcultures that created the heritage. arduously. Catherine Stimpson and Homi Bhabha. . chaired by Javier Perez de Cuellar. World Culture Report  ( June ):–. contribute. For an excellent analysis of how global standards for cultural heritage protection can counter some of the effects of globalization. and will always. . I will refer exclusively to the cultural sites on the World Heritage List. . Heritage and cyberculture: What cultural content for what cyberculture? World Culture Report  ( June ): –.. The World Heritage Convention could play an emblematic role in consolidating global. Lourdes Arizpe was a member of the Commission and was in charge of the secretariat of the Commission as assistant director-general for culture of Unesco. Summary Notes . and foundations have already been successful in broadening the base of appreciation of heritage and of community participation in its protection. . -. and cultivate heritage as a creative process. Slowly. Azzedine Beschaouch.  C/ approved (). Writers. for the purposes of discussion. International programs and actions by governments. Another convention with widespread support is the one for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict. is to hyperlink Internet sites of popular artists. . so that pride in cultural heritage may be shared by more and more people across cultural differences. We know that the best way to safeguard world cultural heritage is for societies to care enough about it to mobilize to protect it and to support governments and specialized groups in working toward its conservation. for example. I would also like to emphasize that the value of the List lies as much in its actual results as in the learning and negotiating process it has unleashed. and artists should be encouraged to breathe new life into the symbols and images of heritage through new cultural practices. World Commission on Culture and Development. Science  ():-.

the controversies within those contexts necessarily creep into our discussions about cultural heritage. let me turn now to some characteristics of cultural heritage. We may manage our heritage irresponsibly or neglect it. but we cannot completely escape it—just as we cannot e s c ape our biological inheritance and just as we have to manage. negotiated. these myths or ideologies may play an important role in creating a sense of community. in the former Yugoslavia today). Yet the analogy between cultural heritage and heritage in the primary sense of inheritance has its limitations. is a domain characterized by conflicts and stru g gl e s. We might try to escape the risk of m a ki n g c u l t u ral heritage a dangerous ideolog ical tool embedded in myths and grand national narratives by limiting the scope of cultural heritage. It is. outside the control of those who inherit.” the historian warns us (Hobsbawm :–).Cultural Heritage. there does not seem to be any way to escape the fact 38 . We don’t control our b i o l ogical or genetic inheritance. or even war. in one way or another. We often consider cultural heritage an end or value in itself. selected. and perhaps even constructed by the heirs. commu n i t y. Limiting heritage in this way seems har m l e s s enough. Heirs Negotiate Their Own Cultural Heritage heritage may. But under other conditions (as. be attributed the status and authority of something objectively given. buildings. perhaps the essential. in other wo rd s. Th e re fo re . as something that the culture we are born into hands over or entrusts to new generations. These processes are always carried out from a standpoint that embodies particular values and ideals. Under peaceful circumstances. any property left to us. Cultural heritage must. Conversely. like biological inheritance. Education itself. history is the raw material for nationalist or ethnic or fundamentalist ideologies. and Human Flourishing Uffe Juul Jensen Cultural heritage attracts attention among scientists. and laypeople. element in these ideologies. politicians. Often they don’t recognize that they and the heritage they refer to are used as means to legitimize the interest or power of a gr o u p. by defining cultural heritage as material objects—as artifacts. as interpreted by the community through its institutions. however. conflicts. cultural heritage becomes something potentially dangerous: a collection of seemingly permanent myths or ideologies embodied in particular groups. cultural heritage also seems to play an important role in people’s acquiring the capabilities necessary to develop and flourish as reflective and critical citizens. or nations. howeve r. Inheritance of property is determined by law or by testament or will. on the contrary. We can do this. Heritage—A Raw Material for Fundamentalist Ideologies? Inheritance is. Heritage is not always something already present in a culture. So cultural In that way. The eminent historian Eric Hobsbawm sees cultural heritage exactly in this light. Liberal Education. for example. self-deceptively. With this caveat in mind. cultural heritage may create tensions. So it is not surprising that many have thought of cultural heritage as something objectively given. or nation to which they belong. Heritage is an essential. This stra t egy will not work. of course. for example. because selection and presentation of a rt i facts or objects of the past are never neutral. be seen from and assessed within an educational perspective. What constitutes an adequate education in a modern or postmodern society with a multiplicity of cultures? As cultural heritage acquires a special significance in educational contexts. Such processes of sifting through the past for what is significant are often unconscious. and so on created by our predecessors. communities. Groups or nations sometimes claim to continue particular cultural heritages. “As poppies are the raw material of heroin addiction. And. fundamentally speaking. such objects play an important role in any culture .

In response. this regime later. I f this is the case. we should always be willing to defend our views rationally and perhaps to accept that at the end of a discussion with a person from another background. both traditionalists and their critics seem to agree that rational freedom is a basic educational goal as a precondition of human flourishing. they have long been part of the classical tradition to which present-day traditionalists appeal when defending their view on cultural heritage. pleading for a broader understanding of culture. Nussbaum argues. music. In Europe many wa rn that immigra t i o n from Islamic countries implies a threat to the Christian-European cultural heritage. Today. Traditionalists will argue that classical texts (in literature. In fact. On the contrary. during the Middle Ages. warned “that critical scrutiny of one’s own traditions will automatically entail a form of cultural relativism that holds all ways of life to be equally good for human beings and thereby weakens the allegiance to one’s own” (Nussbaum    : ). that Socratic scrutiny does not lead to corruption of the young. it is argued that the educational system and other national institutions of European countries should cultivate and teach canonized ideals and perspectives of their own culture. feminist perspectives. Seneca claimed that the only education that makes pupils free is one that enables them to take charge of their own thought “and to conduct a critical examination of their society’s norms and t raditions” (Nussbaum    : ). say. This attitude can be questioned in the light of Nussbaum’s arguments. They claim that a rational scrutiny of views generally accepted and considered sacrosanct in “high” culture presupposes the recognition of other perspectives. we might have to change our own views. It was a deep fear that led Athenians to c h a rge Socrates with corruption of the yo u n g . Nussbaum also argues that the old educational ideals—ideals of producing “citizens of t h e 39 .that any culture or community plays an important role in determining. and rational citizens (Nussbaum ). Allan Bloom have. and thereby constructing. traditional liberal studies. had asked for Seneca’s opinion on studia liberalia. gay perspectives. cultural heritage has an educational role to play. philosophy. deny that. Heritage between Fundamentalists and Postmodernist Relativists It would seem that any argument about cultural heritage is necessarily relativistic and that this is an area where terms such as truth and validity do not apply. for example. poetry. This is the ve ry meaning of liberal in the term liberal education. From the Socratic perspective. an education by acculturation to values and p ractices of the Roman upper classes (gra m m a r. Traditionalists or elitists praise one version of a culture (the version that has been represented and defended by the most well-educated or the elite of a society). Traditionalists such as. experiences. It is we who bestow on ourselves our own cultural heritage. a friend of Seneca. Such battles actually do seem to be a typical feature of present-day societies. the cultural heritage of such groups) which today are necessary to achieve our educational goals. and traditions. She reminds us that such controversies are not at all a modern phenomenon. and so on) are necessary to achieve our educational goals. Lucilius. Is there no common ground between such opposing camps? Is there no possibility of dialogue? Both of these opposing parties actually share some values or ideals. Those criticizing this view claim that there are insights and experiences acquired by oppre s s e d groups (that is. in Nussbaum’s words. or perspectives of racial minorities). Nussbaum reminds us how the Ro m a n Seneca addressed the problem of education and rational freedom in his famous letter on liberal education. For both. cultural heritage necessarily becomes a battlefield wh e re conflicting part i e s engage in the strife to control it. critical. its own cultural heritage. some science and mathematics). became the trivium and quadrivium that formed the curricula of all universities in Europe. however. Martha Nussbaum has recently argued that diverse forms of cross-cultural studies are important today in order to achieve classical educational goals that will help make us free. Traditionalists warn us that the acceptance of a multiplicity of standpoints and perspectives undermines this goal. They are confronted by minority groups that might oppose cultural standards or ideals espoused by the elite (articulating. Their opponents. both camps may well agree about what the goal of education is: to provide the pupil with capabilities necessary to take charge of her or his own thought.

We should spend just as much time discussing or debating how heritage consciously or unconsciously is orga n i ze d . Nussbaum focuses (as we often do when discussing education) on our educational system (schools. We will get different answers at different times and different places. they will always share with others around them some cultural heritage. But to ensure the development of critical and free “citizens of the world. narr ow sense of the term). Should Cultural Heritage Be Left to the Marketplace? Some would claim that it is impossible in a secularized postmodern world to achieve any consensus or to fo rmulate any standards for assessing ways of selecting. It is not just there. a bag of garbage. at a given time.s e t t i n g home run ball? There is no final truth about cultural preconditions of human flourishing. As stressed above. It is sometimes said that illness and health are too important to be simply turned over to doctors. deserves the honorific title of cultural heritage? How else to decide the relative cultural value of Princess Di’s dress. constructing. c o n s t ructed. the question 40 . should the determination simply be based on consumers in the marketplace deciding what. But even cultural understanding in the broad sense she discusses is. as are genes or property collected by our ancestors. supermarkets. streetcars of San Francisco. a baseball player’s hat. than canoni zed texts or pieces of a rt as preconditions fo r learning and thus for human flourishing. development. gender. given a meaning) in various contexts in daily and public life. too narrow to achieve the classical educational goal. Learning and development occur to a large extent in our daily life. museologists. the greater a civilization may be. skills. But why then bother at all about our cultural heritage? Human beings live in a concrete setting and have daily practices. All that implies that cultural heritage means something broader than a curriculum. psychologists. Berkeley) outside classrooms and auditoriums (Lave ). Watts Towe rs. Curricula and discussion of “ gre a t books” becomes a main concern. and presented for ap p r oval (that is. We need more insight into the processes of negotiation and construction of cultural heritage and into what promotes or ensures human flourishing. everyone has something to contribute to the truth in such matters. cultural heritage is reduced to what is embodied in texts and books. a cultural heritage is not something given. We spend too much time discussing curricula in schools and higher education. In general. Even in a particular society at a specific time. There is no final. In the same way. Therefore. expert answer to the question of what a heritage should encompass to e n s u re our educational and social goals. worldwide sense has to be taken into consideration. arranged. or presenting cultural heritage. historians. and race. and so on) and its curricula. and ordinary marketplaces all embody cultural heritage in different ways. I shall claim. But most learning. universities. Only in this way can one face one’s own limited focus and open oneself up to broader cultural horizons. We need to know much more about the role cultural heritage plays in human learning and development. Cultural heritage in an extended. something that has always already been there. architecture. Much debate on education and learn i n g focuses on what goes on in the classroom or in the auditorium. To echo Aristotle. and philosophers should enlighten the public about various viewpoints under the courageous banner that the greater the tolerance of diversity. and acquisition of capabilities necessary for human flourishing take place (as shown by anthropologist Jane Lave at the University of California. the life and rhythm of foreign cities. yet experts as diverse as anthropologists. Michael Jordan’s autograph. and neg o t i a t e d among heirs. or during travel to foreign places. Cultural Heritage and Human Flourishing Nussbaum argues convincingly. Cultural heritage is a lways constructed. Museums. It should be a public concern.world”—are best realized today in an educational system that encompasses studies of non-Western cultures. or Mark McGuire ’s re c o rd . Even the important part of our learning and development that takes place within educational institutions presupposes a high degree of capabilities. it could be claimed that human development and citizenship are too important to be assigned only to the care of teachers (in the traditional.” education has to be considered in a broader context. In a liberal democratic society. and insights acquired outside the formal settings—in our daily life and practice.

bronze. It also ensures the pupil’s ability to ap p ly unive rs a l knowledge to particular cases (by performing exercises. development. . Cultural heritage plays a role in human development and flourishing the more it embodies this dialectic or the more it contributes to developing an understanding of the universal and the particular. Once upon a time. The bog man we confront in an arc h a e o l ogi c a l museum (such as the Grauballe Man in the Moesgaard Museum in Aarhus) has been removed from its “natural” context in the moor. that there is something we share. science. traditions. “I am you. be classed as objects to be compared with the clay. however. We view and assess the world from particular standpoints embodying local values and experiences. He has.” When the corpse becomes a bog body. These bodies.” Heaney’s overall conc e rn in this poem is the bog as a locus of preservation. undergoes a new qualitative change by the very nature of its presence and function in the context of a museum. It is not just that. and so on seem necessary to overcome the ethnocentric limitations built into everyday life and culture. The change of the object is continued by other means. Later it was preserved by archaeolog i s t s. Now it can be compared to a work of art in the following sense. “I am I. in other words. that there is something both universal and particular that characterizes human life.must be negotiated. have their “phenomenal potency . Formal learning. The universal is never just experienced in concrete practice. According to Heaney. more than internalization of textbook knowledge. between art and life” (Heaney ). from the fact that [they] erase the boundary line between culture and nature.” it now proclaims. I think. according to Heaney.” Th ey we re the vehicles of d i ffe re n t biographies and compelled singular attention. proclaiming. or marble heads that we see in art museums. its mode of existence. Glob and having visited Denmark to see a few famous bog men. It is always embodied in language. V. by the activi- 41 .” When they we re dead. such as caches of bog butter or the bones of a great Irish elk. even though we recognize that we always speak from particular standpoints (from within local communities. and of their interrelationship. But something general can be said about the role cultural heritage can play and should play in educating “citizens of the wo rl d ” capable of flourishing together with others. and so on). howeve r. articulated a view on bog bodies as exemplars of cultural heritage and implicitly an answer to the question of how objects may acquire the status of representing universal features of a cultural heritage (a term Heaney. their bodies as corpses still “conserved the vestiges of personal identity. it changes.” By this example we can illuminate the role of cultural heritage in personal development and in educational contexts. In  he wrote the poem “Bogland. Instead of “I am I. hereby said something very illuminating about how particular objects may acquire a universal meaning and significance and come to represent something of universal value. I turn to a poet. I think. Cultural Heritage: Transcending the Particular and the Local The Irish poet and Nobel prize winner Seamu s Heaney has told of the significance a few objects of cultural heritage have had for him. after having read a book by the Danish archaeologist P. Such an ideal implies that I can communicate with and act in relation to other humans. did not use). characterized by scattered and very personal experiences. And through this process. Much later. in a more philosophical way. he has. Heaney heard stories about things preserved in the moss. One reason why formal teaching has played such a central role in discussions about education. Good teaching— a c c o rding to classical ideals—prov i d e s. . the object. In his childhood. Here it was preserved through a chemical process. These bog men or limbs of bog men can now. and flourishing might be that education according to classical ideals seems to ensure these goals. and so on). Our daily life seems in opposition to this ideal by being fragmented. How can cultural heritage play a significant role in transcending these standpoints and build the bridge to more universal understanding? To answer. so to speak. So books and texts seem to be most fit for representing human knowledge about universal features of nature or of human life. the object now eludes the biographical and enters the realm of the aesthetic. Heaney claims. Our educational ideals imply. in a way. its skin had become leathery. the limbs that we now look at in our museums “existed in order to embody and express the need and impulses of an individual human life.

He tells beautifully about the first time he saw the head of the Tollund Man and the body of the Grauballe Man in Denmark. a building. There is no f inal truth about cultural preconditions of human flourishing. The towers embody Rodia’s aspiration to create something great. Objects selected.” But I.” Heaney here saw the kind of face he had known as a child. Simon Rodia. Particularity as a Function of Cultural Practices I have stressed that cultural heritage is an important means of promoting human flourishing. There is no final expert answer to the question of what a heritage should encompass to ensure our educational and social goals. which we now look at in our museums. but through his work. also ascribed value and considered worth preserving because of their particularity—because they are exactly this or that object with its particular history or meaning. Objects of c u l t u ral heritage are. does not imply this. as the face of his great-uncle Hugh. the poor Italian immigrant who used a lifetime to construct the Watts Towers. And no one can claim that Rodia’s work was possessed by an elite and only thereby became part of our cultural heritage. we tra nscend the limitations of time and space. It is always constructed. lived far away from Scandinavia. not just to some bog man. . . or constructed as objects of cultural heritage may play such a significant role. During the riots in Los Angeles in .ties of experts. And by recognizing something commonly human. I have also s t ressed that cultural heritage is not something given. arranged. The towers were already recognized as such by the local community. imply an acceptance o f p o s t m o d e rnist re l a t ivism. and so on) achieves status as a part of our cultural heritage only as an embodiment of universal values. This story might give the false impression that an object (a site. My argument. This fact tells us that Rodia’s work embodies something of universal worth and so should be valued as contributing to the education of citizens of the world. they give us as individuals an understanding of ourselves as belonging to something or as being part of something beyond our own particular existence. The particularity of objects of cultural heritage raises various problems for conserva t i o n 42 . who look at the Tollund Man. serves a function by contributing to the ability of Heaney (or of any other who sees the object) to transcend his or her particular or personal standpoint. I h ave illustrated this by telling about Heaney ’s encounter with the Tollund Man. many p r ivate and public buildings we re damaged or destroyed in the neighborhood around the Watts Towers. and negotiated by heirs. Often such objects have (as have the bog men) moved through time. We should be g rateful that the towe rs have been pre s e rved. why then should we pres e rve such objects? Philosophers and historians could preserve the values embodied in the objects by articulating and accounting for them in their theoretical treatises. . however. we would only keep and preserve the objects for pedagogical reasons. the object presented at the museum as an object of cultural heritage acquires or is attributed the status of cultural heritage. and most people will be able to recognize something of themselves or of their own culture when they see this extraordinary construction. proclaiming “I am you” instead of “I am I. On the contrary. Corpses became bog bodies. that reverence included a sweet sensation at being in the presence of a human face which seemed related to me in some very intimate way. In the case of the Tollund Man. however. Th e re is something both unive rsal and particular that chara c t e r i ze s human life. This does not. The object now in itself plays a role. preserved. If that were the case. howeve r. They do not just represent some past and often alien foreign culture or another cultural heritage or something of just antiquarian interest. to g ive people who don’t read abstract treatises access to universal values. Hereby—according to H e a n ey — t h ey changed their mode of ex i s t e n c e . The encounter would be different if the Tollund Man were replaced by another bog man with another history. Yet no one touched the towers (Goldstone and Goldstone ). If at all. But the Scandinav i a n who today in quite a different time experiences the Watts Towers may have the same feeling as Heaney had when he saw the Grauballe Man. he has contributed significantly to our educational project. What he was experiencing in his “very bones and being was a feeling of reverence. relate to a particular being. Objects of cultural heritage embody the dialectics between the particular and the universal. We meet them at a place or location different from our own. Rodia was not well educated in a formal sense.

it is grounded in a particular social or cultural setting. acknowledged as cultural heritage? What constitutes the individuality. Why are some objects. and not others. Many objects recognized as cultural heritage from other points of view would not achieve this status in the Ruskinian tradition. While such claims cannot be justified. Heaney. Hobsbawm. According to essentialists. essentialist approaches are by their spokespersons c o n c e ived of as valid metap hysical or scientifi c approaches to conservation. Denmark. however. often opposite. Kirkeby. Some objects are wo rth pre s e rving because of s p e c i fi c inner features. objects or kinds of objects acquire their identity from their inherent nature. Other theoreticians of conservation history. .  Aug. We should understand essentialist perspectives as ways of reconstructing and p e rc e iving our past. The Ruskinian perspective is an example of an essentialist conception of cultural heritage. Universal Aspirations in a Multicultural World Cultural heritage has two faces. Goldstone. U.. are essentialists too. It can be—and often is—constructed to support the activities or dominance of powerful groups or nations at the expense of other groups or nations. . Mødet mellem Nyt og Gammelt: Bygningsbevaring i Vor Tid (The coming together of new and old: restoration o f buildings in our time). Cultivating Humanity: A Classical Defense of Re fo rm in Liberal Education. The Los Angeles Watts Towers. Essentialism is incompatible with the constructivist view defended in this paper. The role of Ruskinian and other essentialist approaches in conservation practice actually falsifies essentialism and supports the view that cultural heritage is constructed in an ongoing interaction with our past. and how is this uniqueness preserved? In the Ruskinian tradition—which is still alive—the particularity and value of an object inhere in the material used by the craftsperson. I. L ave. Social relations and practices embodying social relations determine the identity of cultural and social objects (Jensen ). Cultural heritage constructed from different positions and standpoints in a multicultural world thus may contribute to the fulfillment of universal human aspirations. not just spurn the old philosophies of conservation. such as Dehio and Riegl. The uniqueness that gives an object its value and makes it a part of our cultural heritage is not something always already in the object. New York Review of Books. These approaches are them- selves part of our cultural heritage and embody diffe rent value systems. P. Tra d i t i o n a l . Identity is not an inner kernel in things or kinds of things. They have influenced not only our choice of objects of heritage but also our ways of treating and presenting those objects (Kirkeby ). But as our practices change. Silkeborg. They just disagree with Ruskin about the essential characteristics of objects worth preserving. among groups and communities outside the Western world who are struggling to ensure selfdetermination and to become respected members of the world community. the object will only keep its particularity and value if our relations to it are reconstructed. and A. M.p ractice. We should. The new threat to histor y. Public knowledge of t h e various philosophical approaches to conservation will contribute to a more varied public examination of values. essentialist pers p e c t ives have t h e m s e l ves played a role in the construction and reconstruction of our cultural heritage. In Danish with a summary in English. Paul Getty Museum. Jensen. S. . . particularity. The particularity of the object in a way reflects the individuality of the artisan. References Goldstone.  Dec. Oxford: Blackwell Scientific Publications. And many recent kinds of conservation practice are quite unacceptable from the Ruskinian perspective. B. or uniqueness of an object of cultural heritage. 43 . .    . traditions and commu n i t i e s throughout Western history. But cultural heritage can also be constructed with deference to an ideal of human flourishing that has been recognized by vario u s. Nussbaum. Identity is a function of relations. . Practice and Progress: A Theory of the Modern Health-Care System. J. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. M. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute and the J. Speech at the Bog Bodies exhibition. E. That ideal also plays an i m p o rtant role in great parts of the wo rld today. C ognition in Practice. J. –. Copenhagen: Christian Ejlers’ Forlag. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

often intentionally combine in their attire elements of their ordinary dress with others taken from their destination (a headdress. Cultural fusion diffe rs from assimilation because it does not presuppose a substi- Processes of i n t egration between cultures and mutual borrowing of cultural elements are as old as human history. below. was the fusion deliberate. such as trade and intellectual exchange. A good example of the latter are the cities of “heterogenetic transformation. especially younger ones. Thai slum dweller. The Concept of Cultural Fusion tution of new for existing cultural elements.Cultural Fusion Erik Cohen A scene from a flooded soi (lane) in Bangkok: A middle-aged farang ( white fo reigner). whether through conquest or in more peaceful ways. commercialized crafts. They were particularly salient wherever dive rgent cultures came into close and prolonged contact. the lower one. it differs from acculturation or diffusion in that it is not an extended. the aesthetic appeal of contemporary cult u ral fusions is often in the unre s o l ved tension between these diverse incongruent elements. uniform whole or in an undifferentiated pastiche. Members of syncretistic religions are usually unable to discern the cultural origins of various articles of their faith and practices. at least to some degree. C u l t u ral fusion in this sense is a uniquely c o n t e m p o ra ry phenomenon.” They were also centers of new cultural syntheses. which. It comes close to syncretism and hybridization but is distinguished from those concepts in that the separate identity of the constituent elements is pres e rved in fusion—it does not dissolve in a new. I shall try here to conceptualize cultural fusion as a distinctly contemporary phenomenon and to distinguish it from bordering concepts. he wears shorts. which bridges the gap between cultures.” such as the great world metropolises. which to varying degrees approximate the definition here proposed. so that the constituent elements pre s e rve. The incongruence was ridiculous and there fo re stuck in my mind. I shall then deal with phenomena of cultural fusion in three principal domains: the arts. as well as from similar phenomena in the past. and contemporary cuisine. which finds ex p ression in many domains—including that of material culture. The upper part of the white foreigner is Western middle class. abrupt one. Historical Precedents of Contemporary Cultural Fusion I define cultural fusion as a process of deliberate creation of n ew cultural products from often incongruent elements of diverse origins. is also iconic—showing a fusion of incongruous elements in the interstitial situation of the tourist. their separate identities. thus expressing their partial identifications with the cultures of both their origin and their destination. or a jacket). Indeed. according to Redfield and Singer (:). Such practices exemplify a general contemporary tendency toward cultural fusion. however. nor was there a conscious striving to preserve the distinct identity of the diverse component cultural elements. gradual process but a deliberate. center[s] of heresy. even if it has many precedents. while his feet are stuck in the foot-deep floodwater. however. This process is conceptually and empirically distinct from several other b o rdering concepts. Above the table. Th e image. In neither case. of interruption and destruction of ancient tradition. heterodoxy and dissent. just as a traditional Englishman would be hard 44 . obv i o u s ly a tourist. a shoulder bag. while doing fieldwork in a Bangkok slum. and conclude with a brief reflection on cultural fusion and postmodernity. In this case. the fusion was probably not deliberate — but tourists. enjoys a meal at a street haw k e r ’s stall. emerging from the confrontation between the Catholicism of the conquistadores and the native religions of the subjugated peoples. I saw this scene in the   s. his body is dressed in a shirt and tie. were “place[s] of conflict of different traditions. A good example of the former are the syncretistic religions of Latin America.

However. as another attempt at a rejuvenation of Western art. ed. it was needed” (Rubin :). Phillips :–). in the contemporary period.. or “primitive” cultures in quest of ways to rejuvenate Western art. alphabets. But Pound’s antisystemic predilections led him to conjoin wo rds and phrases from dive rse languages without any attempt at integration. has been ex p re s s ly used in the term fusion jazz. however. in the above sense. . or ˇ Bartók are similar instances prefiguring the contemporary tendency to cultural fusion in the arts. was to serve his ultimate goal of cultural re j u venation of the West (Coyle    : ). cultural fusion in the contemporary sense was prefigured in the works of writers and artists who turned to non-Western. in turn. striving to bridge the dispara t e worlds between which they are suspended. art. without. The concept of fusion. with their mix of languages. Cultural Fusion in the Arts In the modern West. ): the introduction of African and Oceanic motifs and other stylistic elements into modern Western painting. The incorporations of non-Western or local ethnic musical elements into the concert music of Western composers such as Dvorák. C u l t u res of the past may have emerged as confluences of diverse elements. especially surrealist. and ameliorates it. in which Buddhist philosophical and religious motifs and ideas are fused with We s t e rn pictorial styles (Poshyananda : ff. who in his Cantos practiced (following Fenollosa. Rubin claims that “the ‘discovery’ of African art . including Chinese ideograms (see Pound ). integrated wholes that their members imagined to be utterly their own. but they may also express the desire of local a rtists to insert a local voice into wo rld art and thus achieve recognition for the artists and the local culture that they represent. and only a few examples must suffice: I am most familiar with fusion in Thai modern.” which were ultimately intended to serve his aim “to reestablish poetry at the center of public discourse: in the agora” (Coyle :). celebrates it. losing their local voice and identity. Stravinsky. in my view. One of his critics. This type of fusion may constitute an attempt to bridge the gap between global styles and local cultures and thus bring modern foreign styles closer to the local audience. his teacher of Chinese) an “ambitious cultural syncretism that enjoyed taking ideas from their context and recontextualizing them” (Kearns :). expresses this tension. took place when. unique and privileged in comparison to those of others. The process of cultural fusion. . for example. the most prominent examples of fusion in the arts do not come from the global centers but rather from the world’s periphery: they represent primarily an attempt at localization of global stylistic trends—the fusion of Western artistic styles or forms with local third.put to explain to a foreign visitor the diverse origins of the ingredients of the quintessentially English high tea. Similar examples from other parts of the wo rld abound: Mayan motifs are fused with modern pictorial styles 45 .and fourth-world painting. The most numerous examples of contemporary fusion in art come from third. Pound was in fact “fusing” (Kearns :) diverse linguistic elements into “unstable generic combinations. One of the most prominent early representations of this endeavor is the poet Ezra Pound. This aim. recognize the validity of the cultures of others and sense the tension between the incongruent. and he stresses the “underlying affinity between tribal and modern art at the level of conceptual form” (Rubin :). Asian. however. often conflicting attractions of va r i o u s cultures or cultural elements that processes of globalization bring to their doorsteps. it seeks to overcome it and sometimes possibly also to comment ironically upon the incongruencies o f the contempora ry human predicament or the hegemonic strivings of global cultural trends. A more integrative early attempt at fusion between apparently heterogeneous elements is provided by “primitivism” in European Modernist art (Rubin. offered a countermodel to this interpretation: the readiness of Western artists to turn to African and Oceanic cultures is seen as “comprising no more than a weariness with Western canons of representation and aesthetics” (McEvilley :)—namely. however. the field here is very wide indeed.or fourth-world cultural elements. which involves the joining of folk themes—such as. Contemporary people. in terms of contemporary [artistic] developments. Jewish Oriental religious melodies— with the rhythmic and other stylistic elements of American jazz. but they created new. The artists thus play an i n t e rstitial role. and numbers. Po u n d ’s late Cantos are probably the most extreme example of disjointed multilingual fusion in modern poetry.

and fourth-world artists. Western artists in the past actually disregarded the native meanings of the “primitive” objects on which they modeled their work (Rubin ). cultural elements in the fused commercialized craft products. The attractiveness of third. or “exo t i c. publ i c (Graburn . . ski rt s. and Western art critics and museums have been accused of revealing “an ethnocentric subjectivity inflated to co-opt [‘primitive’] cultures and their objects” (McEvilley :) rather than representing them from their own. southern motifs.and fourth-world crafts intended for an “ex t e rnal. however. the nort h e rn fi g u re of Santa Claus is fused with local. in southeast Asia. Cultural Fusion in Commercialized Crafts e n c e s. or ornamentation. fashionable Western ones (Cohen : ills. tends to constrain their marketability: it often clashes with the tastes. but their cuts are inappropriate or unappealing to We s t e rn women. their customary forms. since they have no functional or decorative use for it in their home environments. needs. and aboriginal mythical themes are represented in Western pictorial form in Australian aboriginal and acrylic paintings (Myers ). forthcoming). but with one major difference: third. however. richly batiked and ornamented Blue Hmong women’s skirts for the creation of a variety of dresse s. adapted in various ways to Western tastes and needs.and fo u rt h wo rld artists have embraced We s t e r n ar tistic styles. though they have localized them. Few foreigners would purchase authentic southeast Asian tribal clothing. reached either through the tourist or the craft export markets. or batiked designs. or Lisu tribal women of Thailand are decorated with attractive embroidered. A particular variant of this type of fusion is what I termed “secondary elaboration”: the refashioning of used and often discarded ethnic or tribal clothing into new kinds of modern-style garments.by Guatemalan painters. appliquéd. thus. The typology of change in craft products by way of fusion is organized below according to the re l a t ive predominance of local. the general function of the objects was preserved. I shall illustrate these from my own research in Thailand and supplement my examples with some taken from other wo rl d areas. or male and female jackets in We s t e rn c u t s. emic point of view. In Israel a similar refashioning of old Bedouin dresses and jewelry into fa s h i o n a bl e m o d e rn clothing and necklaces has taken place.” The ve ry strangeness of “authentic” crafts. as compared to extraneous (mostly Western). prefer- The attraction of ethnic or tribal crafts to foreigners consists mostly in their motifs. A principal mode of such adap t a t i o n consists in various ways of a fusion of local and Western cultural elements. fused artistic cre a t i o n . The native elements in the work of third. by urban Thai seamstresses and designers (Cohen :).wo rld art s. designs. have been represented to the Western public in terms foreign to the culture of their creators (or at least to the representation of that culture by anthropolog i s t s ) (Myers ). may not suit Western tastes or needs. however. Cohen ). A leading example is the use of the material of the old. the costumes of the Karen. Thus. owing to differences in lifestyle 46 . Santa may be riding a buffalo or an elephant (Cohen. and only their forms were changed. s t range.wo rld artisans mostly tend to adapt their products to Western tastes under the pressure o f market demand. however attractive they may find it. . The tendency can even be found in popular culture: in Christmas cards from tropical countries. Similar cases of such secondary elaboration can be found in other parts of the world. The process of f usion in commerc i a l i ze d c rafts runs in many respects parallel to fusion in third.and fourth-world crafts to a wider Western public is not different from their attractiveness to individual Western artists at an earlier period: they are re f re s h i n gly diffe re n t . or lifestyles of p r o s p e c t ive modern clients. tribal textile products become more mark e t a ble.and fo u rt h . rather than by fo rce of t h e i r own acculturation. However. and the plump Lisu dresses have been remade into long.” primarily We s t e rn. and ). Their decorated garments have therefore been cut for the fo reign market in We s t e rn fo rms: Ka ren bl o u s e s have been cut as vests. such as the acrylic paintings of Australian aborigines. while thirdand fo u rt h . instead of a sled drawn by reindeer. Cultural fusion in the arts does not necessarily mean that “meanings” are transported from the o r i g inal into the new. discussed above. Change of function In the preceding examples. Change of form Cultural fusion is ubiquitous in the commercialized production of third. Hmong.

copied from the catalog of an American museum. true interfacing and interweaving. and especially the rapidly spreading fast foods (Watson ). which could be used as decorations on Western garments. 47 . In Thailand some years ago.and fourth-world artisans and their new. Fusion in this domain can be observed on two levels. Mostly on outsider initiative. invent new dishes by fusing Western and non-Western (Asian. frequently take on local flavors. but in a distinctly contemporary phenomenon: the deliberate fusion of diverse culinary elements into new dishes or entire cuisines. new functions for craft products had to be evolved.t y p e beds. designs. pillowcases. or aboriginal Australian) elements. In Thailand. just as commercial crafts are endowed with Western features to suit the taste of new customers. design. turned to making sandpaintings of cowboys riding broncos. regardless of the attractiveness of their designs or ornamentation. which are several meters long. fused with Asian culinary elements. potters in Dan Kwien. Change of motif. these techniques are sometimes applied to the production of objects with motifs. pulgogi (Korean-style barbecued beef ) burger. wh e re the ing redients complement one another” (Burros ). or other objects. Though the ornamentation on the tapas is attra c t ive to We s t e rn e rs. Tribal artisans. Similar examples of change of f u n c t i o n abound in other world regions. in order to make them marketable in signif icant quantities. as well as o f other motifs unrelated to their own culture (Parezo ). becomes in Korea kimchiburger (Stormont ). to decorate the walls of their habitations. pot h o l d e rs.between third. Such objects are border cases of fusion: they are. respectively. oven mitts. northeastern Thailand. or ornamentation ture and to apply their habitual techniques to the production and ornamentation of unfamiliar craft objects made according to samples supplied by foreign customers. applied their techniques to produce such objects as ancient Greek amphorae. is not in the spread of certain ingredients nor in the borrowing and appropriation of specific dishes. in Asia in particular (more than in the West). ap r o n s. According to one expert. These kind of changes occasionally converge into a trend of “heterogeneization” (Cohen )—a growing inclination of local artisans to relinquish the production of objects related to their own cul- Though people have conserva t ive tastes in fo o d . tables. Among the more unusual examples of fusion cuisine is the combination of elements from Amerindian and mainstream American cuisines (Preet ) or the introduction of aboriginal ingredients into We s t e rn dishes in Au s t ra l i a (Pfieff ). The quintessential American fast food. the realms of the arts and those of c o m m e rc i a l i zed crafts discussed above. mostly Western customers. in Peru a restaurateur is preparing coca ice c ream from the coca leaf that is used to make cocaine (Koop ). however. Functions were sometimes also generalized: the Thai hill tribes thus produced a variety of semifinished “patches” and squares. or ornamentation that are completely foreign to the local culture. hambu rg e r. table place mats. only vaguely linked to the local culture by the manner of their production. almost complete innovations. thus began to produce a variety of (to them) unfamiliar products. or even teriya k i ( Japanese-style marinated and grilled beef) burger (Bak :). such new uses for hill tribe products were mostly introduced by foreign relief organizations and other nongovernmental organizations. Our interest here. which in fact resemble. tapas made for tourists were thus reduced to sizes re s e m bling those of hill tribe “squares” in Thailand—and used by westerners as “pictures” or wall hangings in their homes. or kitchens. and handbags we re made by people who did not have We s t e rn . in fact. resembling artists. “there is true fusion. The haute cuisine of fusion—“fusion cooking” (Burros )—parallels the realm of fusion art: chefs. who used to produce commerc i a l i ze d versions of their mythical motifs. decorated with Hmong designs: bedspreads. locals use tapas ( mu l b e rry tree bark paintings).or fourth-world crafts may attract westerners by virtue of the particular techniques used in their production. like Hmong refugee women from Laos in camps in Thailand. And Navaho sandp a i n t e rs. Thus. Popular Western dishes. Cultural Fusion in Cuisine Third. cooking is an area in which immense cross-cultural borrowing has taken place throughout the ages. they could hardly fit such long paintings into their living rooms. a fast-food chain offered a pizza with hot topping. for example. “crab shwarma” was recently offered at a popular food fair. and in Israel. Amerindian. In Fiji.

architecture. and rustication are mixed with traditional carved gables. The proponents of this style sought to blend. In the a rt s. gilded decoration and elongated spires. fusion may ex p ress the desire of i n d iv i d u a l modern Western artists to rejuvenate their culture. But enough has been said to establish the ubiquity of the phenomenon. especially Chinese or Thai. fusion is less an expression of the individual strivings o f p r o d u c e rs and more a response to market demands or competition—mainly in the mode of adaptation of local products to the tastes and needs of new audiences. classical columns. genera l ly absent from the material heritage of historical societies. 48 Cultural fusion—in the sense of an intentional juxtaposition of c o n t rasting elements—is a distinctly m o d e rn phenomenon. constructed in the s. they take pride in their ability to apply their inherited skills to a wide range of novel products unrelated to their cultural t ra d i t i o n s. “a meeting of two opposites (Oriental-Occidental) on a grand scale: arched windows. built between  and  by John Clunish. is most salient in the domain of the arts—where it also serves as a vehicle of aesthetic or social messages—and. Further examples could be presented from other domains. another sort of fusion can also be observed: the emergence of Asian. The interior of the Chakri Throne Hall shows fu rther blending elements: marbl e pilasters support carvings of three-headed elephants: c h a n d e l i e rs are placed adjacent to nine-tiere d umbrellas (Chatra): the Throne of Audience is positioned at the center of a rched columns” ( Po s hyananda    :). even though external influences were often adopted and integrated with local traditions to create innova t ive styles. Though functionally subs e rvient to the pur pose of the museum. So formulated. although this question remains to be investigated. for example. It is. according to Apinan Poshyananda. resembling the concept of cultural fusion as defined at the beginning of this article. which was eventually more widely disseminated. The Throne Hall thus “became the epitome of King Chulalongkorn’s Preferred Royal Style” (Poshyananda :). in the domain of fusion cuisine. seeking recognition on the international level. the commercialized crafts. rather. however. rigidly geometric form of the glass pyramid at the centre of the courtyard” (Michelin :). Thus. a historian of modern Thai art. H oweve r. This aim can be seen in the hybridized architectural edifices that characterize the early phases of the modernization of third-world societies. Whether producers of popular fu s e d foods have similar sentiments is doubtful. In commercialized crafts and popular foods. Th e impression from my own research. However. . and fashion. to a lesser extent. or it may express the desire of artists from the global periphery to insert their local voices into world culture. Even as the re c i p r o c a l influences of the “Occident” and the “Orient” have intensified in the more recent historical periods.In the realm of fast fo o d s.ex p ression. represents. and to what extent do they feature systematic differences? Cultural fusion. The question arises: To what extent are the processes observed in the three domains basically similar. fast foods. such as religion. as a deliberate counterposition of divergent cultural elements. there fo re. fusion in the historical material heritage can be brought about by an innova t ive intervention into an inherited historical monument. is that artisans derive less satisfaction or meaning from individual products of fusion. its modernist appearance made it sufficiently conspicuous for the Michelin guide to Paris to state that “the ex t rava ga n t ly decorated façades [of the mu s e u m buildings] overlooking the Cour Napoléon make a majestic backdrop to the sharply contrasting. and cuisine to demonstrate varieties of the phenomena of c u l t u ral fusion in the contempora ry world. rather than to oppose. such fusion may also provide indiv i d u a l a rtisans with new means of s e l f . An excellent example of such an intervention is the glass pyramid at the new entrance to the Louvre. The very adaptation of Chinese and other Asian foods to this form of preparation and distribution constitutes a fusion of Asian contents with Western forms and resembles one of the types of fusion in the domain of commercialized crafts discussed above. under certain circums t a n c e s. the Chakri Throne Hall in the Grand Palace in Bangkok. in competition with the Western varieties (Watson ). Comparison: Cultural Fusion in Three Domains Cultural Fusion and Material Heritage We have fo l l owed parallel processes of fusion in the domains of the arts. “East and West” in the edifices they created. the major hybridized monumental creations that event u a l ly became part of the material heritage of modern and modernizing societies sought primarily to harmonize the diverse stylistic elements rather than to put them in striking juxtaposition.

The incongruity occasionally became extreme—as when “an ancient Greek-style temple structure [is built] atop a c o n c re t e . This is the case not only in the avant-garde centers of c o n t e m p o ra ry We s t e rn arc h i t e c t u re but also in some more peripheral third-world societies. The case of f usion in the arc h i t e c t u re of Bangkok. and more monumental edifices built at an accelerated rate in Bangkok. suspect that.wo rl d cities. I do. most will probably be discarded as commercialized aberrations produced at the behest of some n o u veaux riches. However. This practice endowed some o f the new edifices with the ap p e a rance of a n “architectural cocktail. however. owing to the often rigid. the leading domain of postmodernism in the arts. most of these works will eventually be discarded as kitsch or be condemned by some other such depre c i a t ive label. Cultural fusion is thus a process that takes place between elements of recognizable bounded e n t i t i e s. rather than in the inherited material culture. they were often combined and counterpoised on the exterior of the same building. even if t h ey remain in place as re m i n d e rs of an ex t rava ga n t phase in the history of architecture. as in the case of other commercialized arts.a n d . one of the most dynamic third . Particularly during the decade of rapid economic growth and affluence preceding the economic crisis of the s. I am p a rt i c u l a rly familiar with the strik ing case of Bangkok. Arc h i t e c t u re. Postmodernity and Cultural Fusion In this article. 49 This proliferation of architectural fusion in Bangkok raises a question: How much of this will eventually be “canonized” as part of the material heritage of the society? Our examples indicate that the fusion of diverse elements is often done in order to impress by a display of pomposity rather than to elicit an aesthetic shock by the intentional contrast o f d ive rse elements. The Roman villa might be surrounded by a coconut grove.the museum becomes the background to its modernistic entrance. fusion should be sought first and foremost in the emerging material heritage of our own times. I have proceeded on the assumption that culture is generally a fairly distinctive. “even otherwise quite ordinary buildings seem unable to resist an Ionic column here or a Gothic window there” ( H o s k in    :)—the tendency to f usion thus becoming a widespread fashion among the wealthy. though instructive. The a rc h i t e c t u ral scene of Bangkok has consequently been perc e ived by observe rs as “chaos” (Hoski n ). is nevertheless only one of many instances in which such fusion is to be found—and it may not be one of the most important ones. In contrast to the integrative tendency of the “preferred royal style” mentioned above. ever-higher. It is there fo re doubtful that many of these architectural innovations in Bangkok (as elsewhere) will be much appreciated in the future and become part of a valued material heritage.” which tended to become “even more dizzying when pastiche of design was accentuated by absurd counterposition. is also the one in which fusion is most widely practiced.glass high rise” (Dunfee    : ) or when “Doric and Corinthian columns and facades … abound in the lower levels of otherwise modern steel-and-glass office buildings” (Dunfee :). as my examples have sought to show. it tends toward closure. not unlike the royal style of a few generations ago. Cases such as the Louvre seem to be relatively rare. Although it is always in a state of flux. contempora ry urban arc h i t e c t u re in Thailand manifests an astounding multiplicity of fusion of the most diverse stylistic elements and construction materials. recognizable (if not necessarily cohesive) entity. Therefore. as Hoskin has pointed out. rather. though its boundaries may often be fuzzy and changing. during a speculative boom that eventually led to an unprecedented economic and social crisis. I have reservations regarding the theoretical conclusions that postmodernists seek to draw from . stylistic elements we re often indiscriminately borr owe d from all over the world and introduced into the everbigger. or as a “smorgasbord” (Dugast :). the Gothic mansion may rear its head amid a jumble of Chinese shop houses” (Hoskin :). Postmodernist views of culture in terms of hybridization and pastiche between heterog e n e o u s elements deny boundedness to culture—and hence probably also reject the concept of cultural fusion as a distinct process of intercultural interaction. It may therefore be the case that works of architectural fusion in cities that I am less familiar with will achieve greater re c ognition and eventually be incorporated to a greater extent into the material heritage of their respective societies. While I do not deny the empirical presence of hybridization and similar processes that blur interc u l t u ra l boundaries as well as the link between culture and place. as a “flight of fancy” (Dunfee ). conservative ethos prevalent among policy makers and professionals in the realm of the material heritage.

Ezra Pound: The Cantos. ed. the World. but not a hybridized. W. Cultures also tend to pre s e rve a greater degree of cohesiveness in the global periphe ry than they do in the wo rl d ’s cosmopolitan centers. these are transitional and interstitial processes. P h i l l i p s. In The Traffic in Culture.. Berkeley: University of California Press. . Wa t fo rd. Calif. Revisiting Oz. . . L. . which serve as the principal examples for postmodernist arguments. Kearns. In Capacity: History. T.: Stanfo rd University Press. . J. . Redfield. The cultural role of cities. L. Studies in Popular Culture ():–. . Doctor.:. D. R. In Classic Essays in the Culture of Cities. ed. – . Introduction to Ethnic and Tourist Arts. Ezra Pound. Gr a bu rn. P. Bangkok Post. G. and Hospitality Management :–. J. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Representing culture: The production of discourse(s) for Aboriginal acrylic painting. ed. Golden Arches East: McDonald’s in East Asia. Recreation. In my view. M. E. H. . Annals of Tourism Research ():–. New York: New Directions.: Michelin Tyre . Preet. –. . J. they do not become comp l e t e ly bl u rre d — ra t h e r. Tourist arts. Indeed. . L. In “Primitivism” in Twentieth Century Art. . ed. Progress in Tourism. Rubin. Dugast. Berkeley: Lowie Museum of Anthropology. N. Dunfee. Berkeley. The Cantos ‒. H. F. phenomenon. Asia Magazine. Tribal feast. In Golden Arches East: McDonald’s in East Asia. Bangkok Post. E. and M. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . Modern Art in Thailand.: Stanford University Press. J. G. “Outlook” section. ———. Graburn.  S e p t .. Stanfo rd. Michelin. N. Poshyananda. M. Denson. Bangkok Post.. though cultures change constantly as they absorb extraneous influences. H.    . References Bak. Michelin Paris. they are in an ongoing process of integration. ed.  June. Ko o p. R. . E. ———. ———. . The Integr a t ive Art of M o d e rn Th a i l a n d . T. . Be rkeley: Unive rsity of California Press. D. Rubin. which is thus an intercultural or interstitial. Myers. Stanford. “Kimchiburger” is recipe for success with Koreans.. The Nation [Bangkok]. the tension between the separate constituent elements is the distinguishing quality of fused objects—a quality that often endows them with their aesthetic appeal. M. Navajo Sandpainting. New York: Museum of Modern Art. . Herts. New York: Museum of Modern Art. Pe ru ’s cuisine emerges from shadows of t h e Andes. J. . . ———. –. Cohen. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. .  Jan.    . ed.such processes. McEvilley and G. “Sunday Leisure Extra” section. lawyer. Watson. R. Coyle. R. H. H o s k in. Pound. Flights of fancy. .. W. and not definitive ones. 50 . F. Marcus and F. Chaos by design. From tribal costume to pop fashion: The “boutiquisation” of the textiles of the hill tribes of n o rt h e rn Thailand. Popular Genres. but they do not disap p e a r. Stormont. . . University of California. and the Self in Contemporary Art and Criticism. Indian chief: “Primitivism” in twentieth century art at the Museum of Modern Art.    . E. –. The Globalization of Santa Claus. Forthcoming. . vol. Bangkok’s Building Society. .  Jan.  Aug.  – . Myers. S. Parezo. Amsterdam: Overseas Publishers Association. R. “Primitivism” in Twentieth Century Art. Real Time [Bangkok Post weekly supplement]  ( June):–. Singer. A. Burros. P fi e ff. Bangkok Post. Watson. The concept of cultural fusion as here proposed thus differs from such postm o d e rn concepts as hybridization and pastiche. Sennett. and nationalism. and the Discourse of Culture. –. ed. Modern primitivism: An introduction. . . McDonald’s in Seoul: Fo o d — c h o i c e s. The contemporary world is one in which identifi a ble cultures and cultura l identities are permanently emerging. . Singapore: Oxford University Press.  Aug. H. J. ed. identity.   . –. Calif. . McEvilley. . p re c i s e ly because it stresses the separate cultural identities of the divergent elements fused in the new product. The heterogeneization of a tourist art. Real Time [Bangkok Post weekly supplement]  ( July):–. Eastern influences invigorate Western palates. N.

Rapid transformation causes strains and dislocations in these stru c t u re s. social mobility. the effects of transition are compounded by the inability of the domestic economy to create jobs for an increasing number of young entrants into the labor force. as well as new symbols of achievement and status. It also brings increased geopolitical interdependence. ethnic. re l i gi o u s. The mechanisms of self- improvement and the experience of personal fulfillment are more or less profoundly altered. Re s h aping the institutional and lega l frameworks within which new and surviving organizations have to function creates new channels for upwa rd mobility. With little control over the market forces driving this fast-paced change. and () the perceptual and practical links between people and their architectural and cultural heritage. cities have had to cope with transformation of unprecedented scale and scope. and even occupation and bu s i n e s s interests. and widening income disparities. countries underg o i n g economic re s t ructuring. Attitudes toward change span the spectrum from enthusiastic acceptance to outright rejection. Appreciation of the built environment is part i a l ly conditioned by the network of i n t e rl i n k e d organizations underlying the social order: family and k in groups. Developing a capacity to engage citizens is a precondition to addressing these challenges. while the dynamics of real estate markets reinforce disparities in valuation between the old and the new. National development policies focused on economic issues do not adequately support conservation objectives and may even clash with them. The cultural heritage in the historic cores of urban settlements is subject to the interplay of two major forces: () the dynamics of development and transformation as they affect population movements and real estate markets. There is a rich body of literature on this important topic. Re s t ructuring of production opens new fields and opportunities to acquire status and wealth independently of old s y s t e m s. The greater the turmoil caused by transformation. Rapid economic and institutional transformation subjects the built environment to va ry i n g degrees of strain that expose cultural heritage to risk. Globalization brings foreign investment and with it volatility of capital flows. in danger of being lost through neglect. They create situations in which the value of land in accessible sites is depressed by the condition or present uses of historic buildings standing on the land. In developing countries. wh e re they join the gr ow i n g ra n ks of an urban underclass composed of d a i ly 51 . Economic transition creates a pervasive sense of insecurity. the greater the need for anchors to culture as a reaffirmation of identity in the face of globalizing and homogenizing influences.Preserving the Historic Urban Fabric in a Context of Fast-Paced Change Mona Serageldin This essay addresses the challenge of preserving historic centers in societies experiencing fa s t . and nations in diffi c u l t political transition. collapse. Changing Context of Development in a Globalized Economy Since the mid-   s. Concepts of p re s e rvation tra n s fe rred from countries enjoying prolonged stability and growth often prove to be unaffordable and ineffective in preventing the onset of decay in historic cores. Workers used to relationships of allegiance and solidarity are stunned by offers of employment carrying no stability or hope for advancement. People find it hard to accept concepts of national development and increased prosperity that do not translate into gains more or less evenly distributed among social strata. This essay is only intended to stimulate further discussion of the fact o rs underlying the coexistence of a vibrant or revived living culture with a progressively deteriorating historic fabric. public authorities are unable to cap i t a l i ze on the opportunities they open up and unable to mitigate their nega t ive impacts. and political associations.p a c e d change. and eventual disappearance. This situation is commonly encountered in n ew ly independent states. Rural migrants drift into the cities.

The tra n s fe rred models incorp o rated the s p e c t rum of attitudes ra n ging from adoption of alien modes and values to continuity of traditional norms and patterns within outer shells having an appearance of change. Physical proximity does not overcome social exclusion. neglect and misuse are deplored by intellectual elites sensitive to the intrinsic value of cultural heritage. exclusion. Historic districts. With few exceptions. and increasing numbers of homeless and abandoned children. Valuation of worth and benefits was unrelated to the perceptions and experiences of the communities interacting daily with this heritage. eroded by progressive encroachment or swept away by bulldozers. regions. Preservation of historic sites spearheaded by foreign and local elites was not devoid of r o m a n t i c i s m ungrounded in reality. Th e degradation of their urban fabric results in the loss of a rich architectural and urbanistic heritage. local re p re s e n t a t ive s.laborers barely earning subsistence wages. The rest view themselves as the guardians of values and traditions in the face of destabilizing change occurring faster and faster everyday. while devalorizing economically and socially their context. Elite attitudes toward the cultural heritage were colored by the outsider’s view of the indigenous. t e c h n o l og ical innovation and the movement of goods and people across districts. to the detriment of the context: the historic fabric and the underlying family and community life. They are dismayed at the lack of appreciation of these inherent qualities. They want to make sense of the present and avoid losing ground. Cities are in a perpetual state of crisis management as they struggle to confront multispeed development. Emergence of New Spatial Patterns Comparison with Past Episodes of Culturally Disruptive Change The dualism that prevailed in the industrial age— b e t ween the new affluent sectors and the older. Today. have come to be major recipient areas for the margi n a l i zed. hard-core unemployed without hope of finding living-wage jobs. Parallels have been drawn between the transformations experienced today and the change brought about by the industrial revolution or the traumatizing encounters between East and West in the colonial era. and public officials in charge of managing this vulnerable heritage. which in tur n a ffected attitudes towa rd the cultural heritage. Policies sought to conserve selected components of the cultural heritage judged to be of particular interest or merit. Design professionals attracted by the aesthetic qualities of vernacular architecture and organic settlement patterns tend to associate with this fabric an ideal community life far removed from the harsh realities of life in these settlements—be they Italian hill towns or Balinese villages. this pers p e c t ive led to a focus on monuments and key buildings as well as on archaeological sites. while ambiguous transitional zones blur the edges and offer more porous boundaries that allow population movements to restructure the urban area in accordance with the emerging socioeconomic order. Only the more entrepreneurial welcome change and firmly believe in the promise of a better future made possible by technological innovation. as ex p ressed by re s i d e n t s. and continents led to irreversible changes in the economy and the society (in political and civic organization. the symbols and statements shaping these visions embodied references to more glorious historic times. in formal and info r mal institutions). B e t ween the ex t remes of a ffluence and poverty. Meanwhile. 52 . the fabric within which t h ey blended or above which they towe red wa s allowed to decay and disappear. The transformation that occurred prior to  permeated society by a slow filtering down of elite-driven cultural expressions and adaptations of i m p o rted systems and fo rm s. in these various situations. impoverished households. the former colonies had to rebuild their nations on visions of a future that stood in sharp contrast to the past. as in the past. the backbone of society consists of conservative middle classes struggling to understand the forces that have disrupted their lives. Attention and funds were lavished on those landmarks that stood as symbols of s u c h achievements. Having won their independence. Historical precedents offer only superficial parallels to the situation today. ove rd e n s i fied fabric housing the poor—is fa d i n g away as a complex pattern of interlinked districts takes shape. bypassed by development. and violence. In historic c e n t e rs. Indeed.

With reference to the architectural and urbanistic heritage. The ap p a rent lack of ap p reciation of t h e nonmonumental architectural heritage as a determinant of cultural identity in societies experiencing rapid change is often perp l exing to the outsider charmed by its quaint character. the intrusion of workshops in the 53 . At the upper end. Progre s s ive ly displaced by re t a i l . Changes in production methods and their social implications Traditionally. has been reoriented to serve the tourist trade and is today partly mechanized so that products can be offered within the marketable price range defined by middlemen. there can be no intrinsic value attached to elements of the built environment that have lost their symbolic meaning and their cultural significance. built to serve its present users and destined to disappear when it became phy s i c a l ly or fu n c t i o n a l ly obsolete. The fa c t o rs discussed below account for this attitude. the Ksour range of the Atlas Mountains—to name a few unique and strikingly beautiful historic fabrics that blend perfectly with their natural environment— today stand empty. a clear distinction is made between landmarks and nonmonumental buildings that form the historic fabric and provide the setting for monum e n t s. The mechanization of systems of production undermined the economic base of historic cores as well as their built environment. Loss of use value of the nonmonumental fabric The hilltop villages of Yemen. The massive movements of labor that have prevailed since the mid-s have created complex rural/urban linkages that spill over national bounda r i e s. from Mauritania to Mongolia. The historic fabric that traditionally housed workshops can no longer do so without risk of total loss. The cultural signifi c a n c e given today to the surviving examples of historic fabrics is not intuitively understood by the communities that inhabit them. Traditional house forms and settlement patterns are demolished and replaced by structures built of durable materials which prominently display the signs of improved social status. abandoned by the communities that once inhabited them. older. Siwa. and flourishing civilization. Where land is accessible and inexpensive. Handcrafted wares disappeared as household items were replaced by cheaper manufactured goods. From the viewpoint of p re s e rvation of the cultural heritage. this process started in the early s and expanded rapidly. Value Attached to the Nonmonumental Historic Fabric Attitudes towa rd the cultural heritage embody a c o m p l ex mix of emotional and pragmatic needs. they are bound to disappear.P re s e rvation for the tourist and the scholar took precedence over revitalization for the resident. equipment. the oasis settlements of Turfan. Transport of materials. The new links have channeled capital and introduced models of m o d e rnity that drive an unprecedented transformation of the rural habitat. The nonmonumental environment wa s utilitarian. distinctive features. When they no longer have any use va l u e . Lower-end production. workshops and small production activities gravitate to locations where they can find cheaper and more spacious premises—mostly deteriorating buildings at the edges of residential blocks. Worldwide. particularly in developing countries. and wa rm sense of place. People and activities have relocated to adjacent “modern” deve l o p m e n t s. Environmental pollution and vibration arising from the use of chemicals and machines eventually affects the structural soundness of buildings and erodes the quality of the place. while national and local authorities stru g gle to arrest the degradation of the historic sites and promote their touristic value. as in areas bordering on wastelands and deserts or in the vast expanses o f steppes and mountains. who reap most of the profit. only the monumental was conceived of as a cultural symbol and built to last as a legacy of political power. religious belief. and Gadàmes. as machinery and equipment became more accessible. handicrafts are part of the arts and luxury markets. In developing countries. High rents in the commercial areas limit the amount of space that can be used for production and storage without profit margi n s being affected. From the community’s perspective. there is a convergence toward materials that are convenient to use and toward designs that are economical to build and maintain. compact settlements are often abandoned and new ones built nearby incorporating the desired features of modernity. and merchandise is ex p e n s ive and far exceeds costs at locations more accessible to vehicular tra ff i c.

in recent years. Prog rams fo r public-private rehabilitation partnerships in individual countries are now coordinated at the European Union level. the 54 . these older areas have accounted for over half of their portfolios of projects. Three decades of stability and prosperity have allowed policies fo r preservation and appropriate valorization of the cult u ral heritage to take shape. partly because of fear that restored buildings will be misused and partly because of an inability to c o n c e ive and implement an effe c t ive awa re n e s s building program for residents in historic districts. undermining its desirability and tarnishing the image of historic centers as a place to live and work. When asked what they value most in their neighborhoods. which began in Europe in the eighteenth century. On the other side. Their detrimental effect on the historic fabric endures over prolonged periods and can be devastating. Erosion of the sense of community leads to disintegration of the sense of place and to loss of the signifi c a n c e attached to elements of the physical setting. and regulatory functions traditionally discharged by local leaders. old-time residents in historic centers most often refer to “a way of life” and to “social relations”. to poor families. This incursion by the state eroded the institutional s t ru c t u re at the community level. In most developing countries. administrative. this development then leads to an exodus of longtime re s i d e n t s. and neighborhood groups. Lacking the necessary resources. The former centrally planned economies of Eastern Europe present an interesting example of conservation practices and development policies wo r king at cross-purposes. In France this evolution is marked by the reorientation of the - agencies from urban renewal to the rehabilitation of older areas. or as part of national development policies and modernization processes. The adoption of “ m o d e rn” planning and design standards for urban layouts and public facilities precluded the use of historic buildings for many functions that they originally housed. On one side. transient labor. social. community associations. the legacy of conflicting social and environmental policies that prevailed until the early s has slowly faded away. and the older housing stock The state (through central or local authorities) gradually assumed fiscal. Inva r i a bly the areas around these smaller m a nu facturing enterprises become pockets of poverty housing. these strictures are still in place. local authorities channel the funds they muster into investments to upgrade the public domain while they seek to privatize the residential stock. ill-advised housing policies allocated the older stock. Changing roles of civic leaders and community groups Ambivalence toward the Historic Fabric In the West. and environmental policies prevail and are sustained by legal and institutional frameworks in a state of flux. considered to be of lower quality. The prohibitive cost of rehabilitating the nonmonumental fabric to the unrea l i s t i c a l ly high standards mandated by rig i d c o n s e rvation guidelines makes it unaffo rd a ble to longtime residents in the absence of significant public assistance. The erosion of environmental quality undermines the livability of the neighborhood and accelerates the onset of an i rreve rs i ble cycle of d e t e r i o ration and abandonment. and rural migrants whose needs and living patterns are incompatible with the lifestyle and urbanity of families in adjoining quart e rs. Preservation strategies and practices have yet to be adapted to the politics of decentralized planning. This process. occurred in the developing countries mostly in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries under colonial rule. conflicting economic. preservation policies extolled the significance of the architectural and urbanistic legacy as a repository of historical memory and a symbol of cultural and ethnic identity. mobility. the dynamics of real estate markets. Until the late s. preservation practices did not challenge the building codes and bureaucratic norms preventing the more imaginative designers from exploring innovative. these remarks highlight the importance of community to an appreciation of the built environment that transcends direct-use benefits. adaptive reuse of existing historic buildings. Decades of urban expansion through the development of s u bu r b a n housing estates for young families further skewed the demographic and economic characteristics of the population remaining in the older neighborhoods. In countries in transition. Residential choice.residential fabric is unwelcome. The decay of t h e physical fabric is compounded by the erosion of the community structure.

A schoolboy in Cairo. Functional obsolescence and unre s t ra i n e d misuse of the fabric carry a devalorizing message that reinforces the negative image of the old among a youthful population eager to access the conveniences made possible by new technolog i e s — i f not to embrace the changes in outlook and lifestyles that new technology could entail. This link is unders c o red by the impact of restoration on perception of the heritage. It also signaled the hopeless obsolescence of the historic fabric and its inability to offer the new generation a desirable living environment able to accommodate their rising aspirations. if not allegiance. the stre e t s c ap e with its fully restored façade looks practically new. neglect. irrespective of political affiliation or level of affluence. and limiting reuse 55 . Youngsters growing up in the old city quarters find it hard to believe that society at large places a high value on an environment that is allowed to deteriorate through neglect. The financial hardships they experi- ence during structural adjustment and economic transition are compounded by the restructuring of society and the reallocation of political power that the new order brings. Residents who did not elect to live in the historic centers and do not wish to remain there should be given assistance to relocate. rather than through cultural revival. told of the rich architectural heritage surrounding his house. and prosperous businesses to the modern districts deprived historic centers of effective civic leadership and political clout. Polish citizens who take great pride in their cultural heritage invariably refer to Zamocsz as the best exemplar of their historic architectural and urbanistic tradition. to valued aspects o f the older ord e r. From Lahore to Algiers. are the groups most affected by the path and rate of change. The exodus of local elites. In Zamocsz. affluent residents. why do people throw garbage around them?” At issue here is the link between obsolescence. or to the less well preserved authentic buildings in their own tow n s. and political extremism. rather than to Kraków. images. and the multitude of individual decisions regarding the refurbishing and use of buildings and spaces. the shacks housing the marginalized populations in the older extramuros settlements were cleared over time to make way for modern districts and the architectural symbols of a new age. The rigidity of inherited housing policies and conservation practices is increasingly challenged by a population that views residential choice as an integral component of individual freedom. An urban fabric that is associated with economic stagnation is bound to lose its attractiveness. this exposure has tended to devalorize the historic fabric in the eyes of its inhabitants. a Unesco World Heritage site. Deterred by regulatory controls and the difficulties encountered in penetrating a dense medieval fabric. Their ambivalent attitudes toward the cultural heritage reflect a struggle to reconcile the contradictions inherent in acquiring the requisites for participation in the new systems while retaining ties. Their fru s t rations are ex p re s s e d through ethnic. and loss of cultural significance. Even among those who p r o fess to be tra d i t i o n a l i s t s. their disarray is expressed in the search for coherence through ordering principles that simultaneously offer reassurance of cultural continu i t y. responded in disbelief: “If these buildings are so important. religious. and hope fo r s e l f . and consumerism of mass culture re l ayed by the media is powe r ful enough to affect lifestyles and aspirations everywhere. restoring the buildings. why are they left in a state of disrepair?” And when he was told that resources were lacking.b e t t e rment. The urban middle classes. va rying deg rees of ambivalence pervade attitudes.diversity of institutional actors. In developing countries. Cultural sensitivity can only be inferred from the actual choices and actions of individual households. Devalorization of the old urban fabric The constant ex p o s u re to the messages. which constitute the backbone of the population in the historic centers. Caught in a vicious circle of p o l i t i c a l ly legi t i m i zed aspirations and fru s t ra t e d expectations. promises of p o s i t ive change. Nor can residents take pride in their civic affiliations when historic quarters remain underserviced and bypassed by development. Sensitive rehabilitation and revitalization policies could guide the turn ove r entailed by privatization to reestablish social balance and economic vitality while safeguarding the physical features that give historic environments their special sense of place. “If there is no money to repair them now. Many residents perceive that they are denied the opportunity to share in the benefits of growth and affluence and want to move out on that account. he remarked. development since the s has continued to bypass the historic centers. The pre s e r vation work undertaken under the “ Revalorization” program in the    s and   s entailed emptying the fabric of inhabitants and activities.

by contrast. as happened in the Vieux Carré in New Orleans. In Kraków. The inability of authorities in deve l o p i n g countries to prevent misuse and deterioration of the cultural heritage is routinely blamed on the i n a d e q u a cy of the reg u l a t o ry and institutional framework. and community initiative. including initiatives for conservation of the cultural heritage. Change. the historic core has retained its traditional mix of functions. the management of c h a n g e requires an ability to identify opportunities as well as to avoid pitfa l l s. How people perceive their heritage at a time when society is undergoing change is critical to this task. and new economic systems. Pockets of poverty and gentrified enclaves do not resonate with the memory and inherent vibrancy embedded in the historic fabric. and they are well positioned to engage citizens through sustained outreach. s. Wo rl dw i d e . Despite the fact that they lack capacity and funding. t h e re is an expanding role for nongove rn m e n t a l organizations (s) in the rebuilding of community structure and in the sharpening of awareness of the value and appropriate use of the historic fabric. They must view change as a challenge and learn to handle it as an ingredient of strategy. elected mayors. Historic cores must be integrated into the economic and social life of the settlement within which they are embedded. if enforceable and enforced. private investments. rather than as a force to be contained. this balance will have to take into account the responsibility of the state in the preservation of cultural heritage as part of its role in ensuring the stewardship of resources and the sustainability of development. and civic groups whose mandate or mission is preservation of this cultural heritage. s h ave the freedom and flexibility to innovate. local councils. The f undamental causes of the ineffe ctiveness of conservation measures lie in the stress experienced by communities undergoing rap i d change. Partnerships in the Rehabilitation of Historic Centers Since the early s. Yet the enactment of legislation and the establishment of public and private agencies only rarely result in anticipated improvements. Layers of bureaucracy and overlapping competences multiply without impacting reality on the ground.to civic and commercial functions. end up safeguarding the form but profoundly affecting the function. Their effective interface is the guarantee of sustainability and continuity of initiatives at the community level. historic commissions. and civic groups are the fundamental bu i l d i n g blocks of democratic governance and civil society. The tendency to denigrate or dismiss the potential contribution of public and private local actors is perplexing. The widening gap between the behavior required by preservation codes and rational individual economic. Preservation efforts b egun in the    s seek to rehabilitate the fa b r i c without displacement and to safeguard its vitality and special sense of place. Buildings restored to strict historical standards house a transient population of a ffluent households and tourists ra t h e r than resident families. In the historic cores. The magnitude of the challenges re q u i res part n e rships in action. International organizations can muster the expertise and leverage the resources needed to address critical p r o blems plaguing centers in crisis. Strategies based on this premise. social. Strategic Management of Change and Development in Historic Settings The ability to devise effective strategies for historic districts must be grounded in an understanding of their role as a vital component of a living city. Rebuilding communities capable of valuing and protecting their cultural heritage re q u i res balancing d ive rsity and inclusion so that a cohesive mix of 56 . When little in the forms and experiences of the past seems relevant to meeting the challenges of survival and u pwa rd mobility. a process that deprived the area of its social character and its life. The imbalance between the quasi-static view of management adopted by conservation agencies and the dynamics of development in societies experiencing rapid transformation becomes untenable. social dislocation. Public and private institutions involved in historic centers must develop an in-depth understanding of the urban dynamics affecting the fabric they seek to protect. and cultural behavior produces the seeming disregard for the historic fabric deplored by conservation agencies. Historic districts are not only the repositories of a “quaint and distinctive” architectural and urbanistic heritage that must be preserved for its intrinsic value. whether desired or imposed. entails geographic mobility. urban development strategies have sought an appropriate balance between public commitment.

Te c h n o l ogical innovation has irrevo c a bly altered the patterns of cultural interaction. Stripped of meaning. The reverse flow was confined to a trickle that filtered through an intellectual minority and fueled fleeting fads among the rich elites of the day. When abuse. Interestingly. The stru c t u res are left to fall into ruin. and real time are the powerful carriers of cultural influences around the wo rld. I nvading armies brought sudden and tra u m a t i c change in the wake of wa r fa re and destru c t i o n . Successive stages and relays involved perforce a degree of reinterpretation. the fabric is reduced to a mass of buildings and spaces to which only use value is attached. This flexibility offered the space needed to adapt tra n s fe rred models through creativity and entrepreneurship. Worldwide. encroachment. cultural influences mostly traveled alongside trade and commerce. Promoting widespread acceptance precluded radical departure from accepted practices. The visual experience and the speed of transmission are overwhelming. It has given media an unprecedented capacity to transmit messages in space and time. and particularly of political discourse. the resurgence of identity as an issue in the developing world does not necessarily entail a renewed attachment to the historic fabric. motion. Garish renovations are a direct consequence of this attitude. and neglect gradually erode this value. Leaders who look for recognition find it politically rewarding to ensure the renovation of these landmarks. Models could undergo the mutations needed to avoid conflicts with prevailing value systems and to facilitate their integration into a different cultural setting. The progressive loss of significance undergone by the nonmonumental historic fabric has trivialized the architectural and urbanistic heritage. Then as now. following the introduction of the audiocassette is dwarfed by the dramatic transformation brought about by the ability to carry images across physical obstacles and political frontiers. Rehabilitation with social inclusion. images in full color. and verbal transmission was not devoid of exaggeration and fantasy. as was successfully achieved in the medina of Tunis. they cannot constitute the inexpensive housing stock for the urban underclass and the cheap space fo r marginal production activities. The nineteenth-century European revival of forms and patterns from antiquity and the proliferation of cults and practices of Asian inspiration in the United States during the s and s are examples of the more enduring influences. as well as a reaffirmation of the link between physical condition and perceived loss of importance and significance. and there is no time for adaptation. The dominant power provided the models that others strove to emulate. Reve rsing this pern i c i o u s trend involves the dual challenges of inclusion and the building of awareness. The Challenge of New Patterns of Cultural Interaction Cross-cultural transfers of systems and forms have occurred throughout history. the objects are discarded. Today. however. and the cycle of impoverishment and environmental degradation can be reversed. thereby impoverishing society at large. Discarding previous adaptations to local building practices. If historic districts are to regain their vitality. Respect for the heritage extends only to monuments that symbolize re l i gion and ethnicity. implies that economic gr owth and pre s e rvation of the cultura l heritage should proceed as interlinked facets of development strategy at the community level. and the spaces are abandoned. The changing reach of verbal communication. The arc h i t e c t u re of p u bl i c buildings is equally affected. The strong emotions unleashed by any hint of t h re a t affecting landmarks cherished for their real or symbolic significance testify to the value attributed to meaningful links to cultural roots.socioeconomic groups can be reestablished. no matter how ill adapted it is to climate and lifestyle. Landmarks that have retained their significance stand out as beacons to which citize n s gravitate as they seek re a s s e rtion of identity or solace in times of political or personal crisis. a position often fraught with ambivalence and lacking sensitivity rega rding pre s e rvation of the integ rity of buildings and conservation of their architectural and decorative elements. The constant stream of images displays models and practices asso- 57 . misuse. and revitalization accommodating a wide array of informal activities. There is hardly any discretion left for interpretation. mosques from northwest China to Mali are replicating the forms of the Haram Sharif Mosque in Medina. the California ranch house reflects the housing aspirations of young families.

In a context of fast-paced change. Th ey should contribute to shaping the cultural identity of younger generations caught in the turmoil and crosscurrents of transition. by offering interpretations and strategies that avoid the equally damaging extremes of introspective insulation and confused dilution in a globalized world. The images carry the awesome strength of i rre fu t a ble truth. the availability of imported goods is more indicative of an economy opening up to the global market than of a society experiencing erosion of its traditional values. An integrative framework for the rehabilitation of historic centers will seek an ap p r o a c h fostering social cohesiveness. or cultural expressions somehow perceived as harmful to some locally held value or tradition. residents in historic centers will alter the urban fabric and the buildings. The importance of their role t ranscends conservation activities per se. Specialists concerned with the preservation and conservation of the cultural heritage fear that this connectivity may foster the spread of a hegemonic culture marginalizing vulnerable groups in society. Conversely. Appreciation of cultural heritage by outsiders gives a distorted view of reality. and the consumption of these goods reflects improving living standards rather than loss of cultural identity. Inasmuch as interaction can alter perceptions and stimulate cultural ideas. In a context of fa s t . the new generation will include a vastly expanded circle of computer-literate citizens able to interact directly with others across space and time. gr owing dive rs i t y. Successful conservation efforts have to recognize and reconcile the different viewpoints of groups who have a right to be heard in the matters affecting the historic urban fa b r i c. of the intrinsic value of the cultural heritage around them. new perc e p t i o n s. People will have the option to become active participants in exchanges and debates rather than to be recipients of loaded messages beamed at them by political and business interests. economic sustainability. and the models they propaga t e carry the credibility of demonstrated achievement. After all. particularly among the young. and political backing. They are instrumental in saving neglected heritage. unguided by development regulations and unconstrained by fo rmal controls. valued. Conservation specialists play a catalytic and educational role in assisting responsible authorities to preserve and rehabilitate the heritage they hold in trust for their nation and the world. Residents must be convinced that the objectives of historic preservation and social inclusion can be reconciled and that rehabilitation and conserva t i o n plans will not deny them the opportunities available to citizens living outside the historic core. the challenge for conservation specialists is to dev i s e methods by which cultural heritage can be interpreted. exclusive reliance on the perspectives of uninformed local residents dangerously narrows the significance of culture and impoverishes it as well. The ability to log on through the Internet to networks capable of transmitting individually generated written and visual information has removed the last obstacle to accessing unfi l t e red info rm a t i o n . To the extent that they are financially able to renovate and refurbish. and va l o r i zed in light of e m e rgi n g t re n d s. buildings considered undesirable symbols of foreign domination or undeserving memorials of oppressive regimes. it can be argued that cross-cultural interaction in cyberspace may foster cultural diversity and enrich humanity in the same way that the trade routes did throughout h i s t o ry — but on an entirely unprecedented scope and scale.p a c e d change. as well as of its economic benefits. A sustained outreach effort will be required to build awareness. This fear may be overstated. whether it be archaeological vestiges to which little importance is attached. their voices will express divergent value systems and conflicting interests. Worldwide. 58 . and divergent attitudes.ciated with success and affluence in a gl o b a l i ze d economy. sometimes inflicting irreversible damage to the original structures and accelerating the deterioration of the built environment.

The Making of Cultural Heritage Susan M. as being capable of transmission across generations (for discussion. Heritage is the cultural authority of the past. all of which have been shadowed in the foregoing paragraphs. Heritage (in the sense being discussed here) is also part and parcel of that complex o f beliefs and actions that it is convenient to call European modernism. and like all social facts. No social idea can exist without its physical manifestation—whether it be land. Genesis of Cultural Heritage The term heritage. chiefly northwestern Europe. draws on distinctions between “ours” and “theirs. or performance space. in the real world. e c o n o m i c s. buildings.” and brings all the nationalistic and fascist horrors that can flow from its misuse. and the rule of l aw. This analysis leads to the next signifi c a n t point. as well as a selective construction of individual and corporate identity. it is both passive and active. In it. ideas of heritage have 59 . body use. draws its authority from the traditions of the ancestors. The separation of ideology—ideas and feelings—from property (in the legal sense of material goods and real estate) is. use of re s o u rc e s — wh e re social life touches us as individuals. we might look to see new heritage being created before our very eyes. The idea of “cultural” heritage is an extension of the basic concept of heritage. an unreal dichotomy. consequently. between about  and .” Equally—and I write now as someone brought up in the English system—law only exists as a mixed bundle of customs and judgments that run back to the beginning of l ega l memory in . like the heritage it defines. however. operating in a range of ways and levels. enable the inheritors to enter into their rightful state and be their true selves. to analy ze the fa c t o rs that bear upon its creation. and why no group can afford to preserve all its heritage in the style that it might wish. see Carman ). by definition. the rights of the i n d ividual. food. like physical transmissions. a wrongful slicing up of the seamless garment of culture. This physicality is why cultural heritage requires such a large superstructure of o p e ra t i o n and maintenance. with concomitant notions of responsibility and “holding in trust. It is a social fact. because these are entities that the law recognizes as property and. consequently. inheritance is extended to encompass ideological elements that. why it can be directly politically contested. why it can be owned. Its passivity rests in its role as an arena of selection: most elements (of whatever kind) do not make it into the heritage zone. Cultural heritage is cognitively constructed. objects. and that engage particular notions of the nature of history. Like most modernistic notions. they have a life of their own that affects people’s minds and that consequently affects their choices. and objects loom large in the management of heritage at a practical level. correspondingly. law itself. as an ex t e rnal ex p ression of i d e n t i t y. I hope to do three things: to reprise (briefly) what cultural heritage is. Heritage becomes a representation of beliefs about self and community which nest in with other related belief systems to create a holistic structure that ramifies through all the areas—politics. a borrowing from legal terminology. no physical manifestation lacks its ideological information. and to which descendants of the o r i g inal owner(s) have rights deemed wo rt hy of respect. Pearce This paper is meant to contribute to the ongoing debate surrounding the genesis of cultural heritage and perhaps to stimulate responses. they exercise power. And heritage shares with modernism its dark side: the selection and cultivation of heritage.” “us” and “them. Its activeness lies in its influence: once particular elements are established as heritage. the force of scientific reason. The term also presupposes an intrinsic relationship b e t ween those who went befo re and those wh o come after. It relates to attitudes that emerged and developed in Europe. Here. This legal genesis is one of the reasons that landscapes. and to arrive at some sense of how and where. may be described as embracing that which can be passed from one generation to the next and following generations.

and the states together make up the wo rl d community. professionalism and its resistance to change. to distinguish the elements invo l ved and the fo rce field created by their modes of interaction (Table ). clashes of ideology and religion with. In the contemporary world. and the Tower of London. humans live in family groups. Across the force field of interscale tension plays a range of generic elements that are implicit in the human condition. but key areas do emerge. it is helpful to seek out ways in which we can analyze. and each appropriation is a site of conflict with community groups in the surrounding scales. All these cultural tra d i t i o n s. those that carry out female circumcision). On the next scale. These have in common their physical presence in the landscape.. which are carriers and creators of culture. therefore. Each human being live s within a range of nesting scales. the explicit actions a culture takes to reproduce itself (over and above the re p r o d u c t ive drive implicit in all cultural action) need consideration. gl o b a l ly on woodland): all these spring to mind. along with all the other wavelengths of scale. all ethnic groups exist as parts of sovereign states.spread over the world. both made up of families and their composing individuals. has a certain collective culture expressed through transnational organizations. which. These embrace notions of “education” and “stewardship. a key cultural element.” These elements are appropriated simultaneously by the community at each scale in ways that each finds satisfactory. have arisen among ourselves.g. The result is a matrix of cultural production and clash. or pressures associated with the speed of communication. their important cultural heritage and tourist status. particularly in the a reas of land and food.. among many other discords. Los Angeles (Goldstone and Goldstone ). which then embody and order social relationships and our expression of ourselves. but little else. but as a wo r ki n g g u i d e — given re l a t ive validity by its standard use and in the pragmatic experience of most of us—we can make some suggestions. Similarly significant is the way in wh i c h Nature is produced as Culture. These can be defined in various way s. culture and heritage are habitually cons t ructed. “History” is plainly important—the ter m being used here to mean the appropriation of the record as a legitimizing technique. Utilitarian pressures of population and space. of course. The operation of all these things gives rise to direct political/economic competitive pressures. help provide a framework that can give some insights into how choices about what constitutes heritage come to be made. Notions of “good ordering” or “right relationships” are crucial and are embodied in explicit religions and in political and ideological codes and practices. the potential for ethical clashes over perceived “bad” cultures (e. the exact composition of family groups is. specific economic pressures (e. Factors in the Construction of Cultural Heritage Given this broad context within which cultural heritage operates as construct and practice. and so begin to understand. The relationship among the different scale levels is both intimate and complex and embodies the ideological tensions that in part arise from and in part are expressed by conflicting cultural traditions. As indiv i d u a l s. and I have chosen the Watts Towe rs. An effort to express this has been set out in Table . and others could be distinguished. however. and through which. but we must remember that they are not native to most cultures and are not by any means necessarily the only or the best way of constructing a relationship of identity on the cusp between past and present. like conflicts between elite and popular culture. in relation to interactions among the different scales. 60 . and their definition as towers. we all have patterns of thought and action that draw on and help to sustain c u l t u ral practice. and with the natural environment as the battlefield. the precise d e finition of these is difficult. Two examples must suffice. Finally. Plainly. Plainly this is the merest sketch or skeleton o f the complexities of c u l t u ral dynamic and can never express the fine grain of actual cultural experience. in the sense that even a pers o n marooned alone on a desert island can be said to be cultured. and which create a fo rce field across the system. It may. These may be broken down into a number of interlocking agencies. how the selective process that results in heritage works—that is. The symbolic action of material culture is implicit in the ways in which the natural environment is used to create things. all of which are a field for cultural practice. The same considera t i o n s apply to the local community and to the self-perceived “ethnic” group.g. The notion of scale is significant here. of c o u rse. the media and its “sound bite” agendas.

on its centrality to the image of London. local institutions Ethnic group Clash between elite and popular culture. religious) Desire to preserve memories.” “French cuisine” Creation of icons. etc. create family histories Production and consumption practices seen as “appropriate” Choice of Nature of domestic interiors. interactions..g e n e ra t i n g tourist site. localaccounts Chosen construction of nature as land allocation. think tanks The Tower of London (a heavily visited site) emerged as significant on the scale of national sovereign state. and their “real” effect Creation of stance favoring production over consumption. Selection of originstories. which local resentments. associated institutions Nation/ sovereign state Media agendas.. and emergent tensions relating to the construction of heritage at various scales of social organization. travel.e. agencies of cultural stewardship. effects of mass production.) Direct political/ economic pressure Mode of self-conscious cultural reproduction Scale Individual Conflict between Us and Other (racial.g. Christianity/Islam /Judaism. cultural. 61 . building. labor. since its o n ly “real” role is as a state reve nu e . heirlooms. voyeurism.Construction of class icons—e. capitalism/communism Permitted actions of transnational companies. and hence it has been incorporated into the national agencies of stewardship. a major narrative about Englishness.Table 1 Activities. speed of global communication. callousness.. international media. tourists Creation of originstories. the regimental relics of the Royal Scots. selective autobiography Competition to secure appropriate share Individual tastes. creation of relics Construction of cultural identityas a holistic worldview Perceived fragility of “traditional ways of life”. travel and communication. and the legendary ravens— turned into material culture by their tamed status and their clipped wings.” “good food.” “proper work” Manipulated useof material symbol. It is. Unesco list of world heritagesites Creation of world. psychology of shopping Personal beliefs Individual compromises Chosen attitudes of conformity and rebellion Family Human fallibility (greed. but today it is part of the production of consumption. political and military force. terrorism International agencies. It embraces symbolic material culture icons of potency interwoven with national life in the shape of the crown jewels. “the rice paddy landscape. threats to craft production Choice of those vested with cultural reproduction role. rawmaterial pressures. shopping practices Aspirations to improve status. etc. internal suppressions State education systems. Western. Oriental Choice of various narratives to bedisputed/ reconciled— e. food Creation of culture through pick a’ mix fashion Mix of local family Efforts to channel traditions. e. roles of these in hierarchy World Professionalisms and others Competition between grand narratives involving concepts like neocolonial. “ancestors’” management of discourses Creation of narratives about “well-ordered landscape. “learning from Nelly” Local community Perceived “economic” pressures of raw material.g. pressures of population and space Harnessing of major resources toproduction of selected elite historical narratives Construction of narratives about.g.g. Activity Tensions History Nature (i. souvenirs. tax generation.. father’s stories.. debt. constantly change resistance to pressure to change Accredited seniors: religious. pressure groups. “high culture” andart Chosen attitudes of inclusion and exclusion. possessions.) Desire to preserve family memories. major competing Mona Lisa systems— e. including electronics. family tradition clothes. nostalgia. view and use of land and its raw materials) Material culture Beliefs (religious/ political/ ideological. therefore. warfare. “big men” employers.” and the state has harnessed major resources to produce a selected elite of historical narratives that dwell on its ancient image of stability spiced with ancient tyra n ny to make it a bit sexy (but safe sex). clothes. often seen in technological terms Mother’s knee. The Tower is part of the ideology that embraces all these elements. etc. and at this level its constru c t e d significance runs across the generic categories. and on an association with the English resistance to Continental threat. It is “old.

he constructed seve n t e e n s c u l p t u re s. tiles. then a small town near Los Angeles. interactions of many possible kinds among the entities will evoke ideas of brokerage and negotiation as significant players in the cultural game. when demolition was imminent. all of which feed into personal beliefs. Cultural Heritage in the Making We can. In these complex societies. At the local community level. and provide material (at both levels) for engagement in the actual political process through which change can be brought about on the ground. Nola has a famous ye a rly fe s t ival of S a i n t Paul. over a period of some ye a rs. they began to attract the attention of the Los Angeles artistic and intellectual elite. animated by particular versions of the generic cultural production and worked upon by s p e c i fi c a l ly identified pre s s u re s. At the family and individual levels. for example. In the case of these contrasting heritage sites. The local community—mostly not of Italian descent but equally poor and dispossessed—took little interest in his work. including three tall spires and seve ra l smaller ones. encourage the development of overarching critical or theoretical perspectives. single out some factors in the contemporary world that have global significance and that bear on issues relating to the construction of cultural heritage. however difficult this may be. but what it makes of the Tower of London images—if a nything—is hard to say. From this condition arise notions of cultural fission and fusion which give us a perspective on hybrid or creole forms 62 . Simon Rodia was born in . into a poor Italian family that lived near Nola. photographs. The result is an increasing cultural mix within which people everywhere wish to define themselves self-consciously. Consequently. in terms of what they see as their own cultural style. and national landmark. personal. and shells form a mosaic that decorates the surfaces of the structures.At the ethnic level. Here. a circumstance furthered by Rodia’s difficult personal disposition. and it is clear that the design of Rodia’s construction embodies personal and fa m i ly memories and that in building the towers he was making an individual statement about being Italian and Nolan and about his personal attitudes. Th i s would illuminate the specific cultural community issues. It could help researchers break up the cultural process into useful segments and define research projects that can hone in on particular issues of specific scale. it has little impact. But by  the towers had become unsafe. A project being investigated could thus be placed within an investigative context aimed at a better understanding of the dynamic. and they became headline news across the United States. in southern Italy. without great difficulty. and so on. analysis drawn from the information in Table  has been directed towa rd illuminating what has happened. within a specific time and place. where the notion of scale is a particularly important mode of understanding what happens. Once this change in the belief system had happened. and suddenly. and ethnic/immigrant elements are fused together. This tool may provide a fra m ework fo r improved understanding of the sites within which c o n t e m p o ra ry cultural production is now taki n g place. The Watts Towe rs have emerged into heritage by an entirely different route. its ancient bishop. This situation can be seen to have come about because the belief system had now begun to embody notions about “folk art as icon” and about the signif icance of the bricolage approach to art and life signified by the “fo u n d ” nature of Rodia’s structures and decoration. It still features strongly as a narrative of Englishness that is beamed into our living rooms in. and in  he moved to  East th Street in the city of Wa t t s. the great empire. they have been designated a city. The world at large also sees these dramas. in which the citizens carry a ship and wooden towers on their shoulders. national. and international iconic narrative of self-creation and life as art—with universal resonance. a ship. bottles. the  costume dramas featuring stories about Henry  and Elizabeth . and a gazebo. it has an important role as part of fa m i ly trips to London. which are embalmed in souvenirs. In the side garden of the house. This produces ve ry complex societies with many tapering and intersecting layers. chosen attitudes. and memories. Here the focus is upon a single individual. walls. Bits of s a l va g e d ceramic. keystone of the modernist mind-set. the Tower is exclusive: Scots and Welsh see it as a symbol of oppression. Rodia emigrated to America about . wire or wire mesh. One key factor is the breakup of the grand explanatory narrative. state. the towers could be constructed into a local. All were constructed with scrap steel. and of its direct political expression. family. and Ro d i a ’s own cement mixture.

These are presented below in Table . • Nature of small-scale groups as cultural entities. • Industrial community narratives of origin and identity. • Eclectic fashion. etc. • Feminist ideology and its bearing on consumption. President Mandella.and on notions of pastiche and appropriation—now perceived as creative and significant in their own right. John Lennon. This state of affairs is the postmodern context. how this bears on the notion of popular culture. President Kennedy.e. Marilyn Monroe. Elvis. Malcolm X.) and what happens to work traditions when workplaces close. at work until very recently (is anybody preserving aseventies/early eighties typing pool office?). • How “ancestor” narratives work. places. and practices as they emerge. how it is not. and why. • Obstinate nature of personalchoice. or clash of traditions. How we are.. Brazil and New Guinea and how they interact with outside culture.g. or creole. Consuming passions How shopping constructs its sites.” and it prompts the identification of a number of interesting themes that are potential sites for the invention of new heritage. textile factory.. • Role of international media. • The psychology of grief and self-identification. Shopping malls. The “sites” and “parameters” should be taken only as suggestions drawn from a large range of possibilities.” Catalytic significance of world-class icons How the life and (sudden or mysterious) death of icon figures create “instant” heritage as materialculture. • Relationship between community and workplace (mine. Pacific Rimcuisine. car boot (garage) sales. e. customs. Theme When cultures collide Sites Parameters How multicultural. where today’s “lifestyle” is being transmuted into tomorrow’s “cultural heritage. • How individual passions create significance.. Selected communities and the relationship among grandparents/parents/children.” • The manipulation of symbols.. • Newly or recently discovered tribal communities in. how itis changed. monuments. steel mill. the Indian Gujarati community in contemporary Britain. material culture. Workplaces Selected modes of working in offices. or were. • How families construct memories and autobiographies. culture is created from a hybrid mix. • What are “quality goods” and“rubbish”? 63 . workshops.g. Parents and children How culture is transformed across thegenerations. mail-order operations. • The nature of “relic” and “icon. Selected individuals and culture that focuses upon them (i. role of economic pressures and of ideas of “preservation not fossilization. • National and international companies in operation.g. Table 2 Potential Sites for the invention of heritage.” • Identification of “heritage” sites. farms. e. • Relationship between minority and dominant culture. etc. “recreationalmourning. e. and Princess Diana).

Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute and the J.. The Los Angeles Watts Towers. Deciding upon research topics that will develop the theoretical base while illuminating particular areas or issues is a difficult art—and one that the cult u ral heritage studies grid roughed out here in Table  is intended to facilitate through the focusing on salient topics and tensions. Final Suggestions The forward path to an improved understanding of the nature and construction of heritage clearly lies in the articulation of properly constructed and managed re s e a rch projects geared to illuminate this aspect of ourselves. J. Such projects will inform the d ebate by enhancing theoretical pers p e c t ives (an urgent task) and by broadening the scope of the field in ways that bring it closer to the issues that concern real individuals and communities.These are the merest suggestions from an enormous possible range. legitimated heritage sites will have emerged. Goldstone. They are. Valuing Ancient Things: Archaeology and Law. Goldstone. The next step must be the implementation of research. . however. References Carman. . 64 . interesting areas in which. and A. Paul Getty Museum. a few ye a rs or decades on. P. London and New York: Leicester University Press. B.

but we have yet to apply them toward an understanding of the material aspects of heritage conservation. Along with the process of disappearance of culture. The pressure on the conservation field today undoubtedly derives from the open challenges to t h e e s t a blished canonical ordering of c u l t u ral production. the projection of an identity-based politics. In the face of conservation s c i e n c e ’s fa r-flung technical accomplishment. or rare. This suggests that material c u l t u re be pre s e rved in a way that protects or restores original stylistic and formal integrity. valued and d evalued. or testaments to creativity and cultivated artistic endeavor.” These insights are quite useful. in the ordinary unfolding of their day-to-day work. past or present.” Erik Cohen declared that cultural heritage can be “destroyed or impacted. do not often have the opportunity for thoughtful discussion and scholarship concerning the broader implications of their work. there is the production of culture. a curatorial model of high art has often held the center and bounded the edges of the work. in surprising and quite helpful cross-discipli- nary ways. why should conservation and cultural professionals step in and derail the second law of thermodynamics? A report summarizing an earlier  meeting on the values and benefits of conservation stated that “change can violate traditions. the arguments have simply not been sufficiently considered or articulated. as David Maybury-Lewis argued in a previous  meeting. It can cause a recombining of f ra g m e n t s. Conservators tend to arrive on the scene after judgments of value are. it ap p e a rs. The assertion that singular artifacts can re p resent entire culture s. Their time and effort run toward a nexus of physical material and treatments in projects whose significance is established quite apart from the technical work itself. The ’s efforts to research the values and other social contexts of conservation highlight the broader resonances of c u l t u ral heritage—wh i c h transcend the aesthetic model and reflect the myriad ways in which people invest meaning in and come to understand the buildings. Current conservation tends to valorize artistic value. In an earlier    meeting. we need to develop a similarly rigorous ap p r o a c h t o a rticulating the value and benefits of c u l t u ral heritage. why should conservators intervene in its dynamic operations? Why shouldn’t we accept change with its destructive forces and simply greet new forms with enthusiasm rather than engaging in the conservative practice of holding onto older and more traditional forms of material culture? If this is about culture and a culture doesn’t value its old stuff.” What is a poor con- 65 . and disempower people. More often than not. landscapes. Aspects of every culture are often being t ra n s fo rmed. One of the most useful re s e a rch themes regarding the role of values in conservation is the characterization of cultural heritage as a dynamic process. places. Given that culture is a process. We need to be less abstract to contribute usefully to the policies and decisions made by conservators and cultural administrators. then. for instance. is now untenable in the face of our understanding of diversity within cultures and. Here the value of material heritage is often assumed to be intrinsic—a matter mediated not so much by culture or politics as by aesthetic properties and sensory perception. In major conservation projects. but new cultural forms re ap p e a r. create a sense of loss. such that cultures develop a new sense of themselves from what had existed before. and objects around them. defined and re d e fined.Challenges for Heritage Conservation and the Role of Research on Values Daniel Bluestone Conservation professionals. Suad Amiry insisted that cultural heritage is “never static but always changing. The   ’s re s e a rch has framed some important new ways of looking at the field. It also can inspire the scholarly research that we need to do in order to develop education and interpretative strategies capable of ensuring that cult u ral heritage assumes a more vital role in the development of society. we cons e rve and pre s e rve things that are judged to be beautiful. already established. P re s e rvation and conservation work often unfolds amid unstated or undertheorized assumptions about the importance of conserving things.

the work of conserving. conserved in one way or another. cultural change. places. There will obviously be historical and cultural variations in the strength of connections made among people. Conservation and preservation work would be tremendously enriched if it could recognize. In the face of our notions of dynamic cultural processes. Interpretation needs to be pursued as part of. explored. I wouldn’t blame conservators as a group if they retreated into the comforts of material certainty—this site was structured in this way one thousand years ago. and brought to the attention of the field. develops an alluring portrait of the ways in which place becomes meaningful through nomenclature and storytelling (Basso ). Th e realm of the value and benefits of cultural heritage is considera bly less f i rm than the stra t egies fo r arresting mortar-joint or wood-sill deterioration. Still. This is what I take away from Brian Fagan’s notion of our need to view cultural heritage as part of an educational system. and the social and economic meaning that a culture derives from those things. Case studies might well improve our understanding of the relationship between the work that a conservator does to stabilize material culture in a particular way and our notions of c u l t u re as a dynamic and changing process. destabilizing. His posting to the Values and Benefits project online discussion stated. Conservation should devote itself at a very fundamental level to making places and social connections rather than to simply preserving and making a fetish o f t h i n g s. landscapes. and sensing the concrete in cultural heritage. and memory. and we’ll fix it as best we can to c o n fo rm to our understanding of that date. least articulated ground when it comes to discussing the relationships between things (buildings. Conservation is on its weakest. more materialist ap p r o a c h e s embraced by contemporary conservators and preservationists. material heritage is not understood and valued apart from an act of education and interpretation. B u i l d i n g s. I imagine that most conservators think they are setting the form and the meaning of a place when they conserve and restore it in a certain way. Th e re are any number of buildings or places wh e re the cultural meaning has changed 66 . landscap e s. “Without an awareness triggered by education. for instance. and material culture do not have an intrinsic value apart from culture. usually to its original form. there is an open question about whether the new cultural forms that Cohen and Amiry see developing are any less able to accomplish the task of promoting human we l l being. Interpretation will speak most directly to the values-and-benefits part of conservation. and artifacts). privilege certain meanings by conserving and restoring artifacts associated with them? Many would agree that contemporary culture presents a significantly changed set of circumstances. Case studies could help clarify the avenues through which people could avail thems e l ves of the re s o u rces re p resented by cultura l heritage.” Buildings. Another important direction for re s e a rc h might be to chronicle stra t egies used to come to t e rms successfu l ly with the meaning and importance of place and cultural heritage.” then we might argue that we cannot stand by and watch the disintegration of resources for promoting human well-being. and restoring the material itself. the attention and resources of the field need to be devoted to the i n t e rp retation of cultural heritage. but also over and beyond. and promote a variety of public engagements with cultural heritage. landscapes. It may well be that certain rates of change are too rapid. and art i facts are re l a t ive ly mute—they don’t speak for themselves. preserving. and social and cultural well-being. no society can provide a context for understanding. If cultural heritage contributes to “human flourishing” and promotes “human ha ppiness and societal peace. There are many other approaches to place and heritage that could usefu l ly be surveye d . Beyond a series of case studies. The work explores the deep resonance of place for one society and both challenges and illuminates the less narra t ive. or a group of professional conservators. We need to focus our inquiry on the various ways in which different cultures deal with historic memory and the ways in which place and art i fact become meaningfu l aspects of everyday life. similarly.servator to do? Why should conservators try to stabil i ze a stru c t u re in the face of dynamic cultura l change? Why not simply encourage the appropriation of fragments as the keystone of memory? Why should a culture. to a certain period. Keith Basso’s anthropological work on the Western Apache. It opens a world of meaning beyond the simple commitment to a materialist conservation and curatorial strategy pursued apart from any pre- cise sense of social value or benefit. and destructive. Who determines what well-being is in this context anyway? A series of case studies should be developed that will let us more rigorously explore the connections among cultural heritage. cherishing. draw upon.

they also need to be open to the possibility that the places they conserve for one purpose may take on ve ry diffe rent meanings over time. Among administrators and historians at individual sites. Or think of t h e changed meaning of a royal seat appropriated in the course of revolution. Many battlefields were initially preserved as focal points for memory and commemoration of soldiers killed and wounded. at places like Manassas. analyzed as case studies in military strategy by people training to be soldiers. there is great expertise about what happened from day to day during s i n gle critical we e ks in the early    s. a medieval cathedral before and after the Reformation: the form is relatively constant. Fo r example. their memorial function. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. K. for example. Virginia. How do conservators provide a fra m ework for interp reting such changes? Th e physical sacking of seats of power amid civil unrest or revolution may well be a much more powe r fu l and culturally important wielding of heritage than the meticulous preservation of place in the face of pervasive neglect or apathy. the meaning and understanding a re completely tra n s fo r med. They were also. We need to have a commitment of expertise to issues of interp retation and education that can match the accomplishments of our technical work on cultural heritage sites. We need a system for taking measure of and working with the reception side of cultural heritage. Th e re is. has been elevated in connection with broader debates about development and suburban sprawl. battlefields of the . at times. . Figuring out the overarching significance of particular sites can help conservators and preservationists a rr ive at technical stra t egies that can promote a broader interpretative and civic purpose.. More recently. Getting at the meaning of places should not reside with professionals alone but with the people who use and visit and construct their own meanings out of places. much less understanding of how that narrative promotes civic life. unfortunately. Here conservators can take an active role. Civil War loom large in landscape preservation in the United States. References Basso. Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache. or transcends a somewhat nostalgic antiquarianism. builds community.tremendously—take. 67 . however.

the opinions of the specialists are not taken as articles of faith. and why to apply this new technical knowledge has been less of a concern and has only recently been a subject for research. and there was a consensus among those with the power to act regarding the values to be conserved. are sometimes the subject of confrontation and acrimonious debate between different groups in society. tolerance. These experts. The meanings and functions of these artifacts and places are contested. conservation was a relatively autonomous. In order to conserve heritage in ways most resonant with these real- 68 . natural and cultural landscapes. closed field composed of specialists and experts. as argued throughout this report. and heritage decisions are recognized as complex negotiations to which diverse stakeholders bring their own values. we have seen changes in society that have affected how we view and create cultural heritage. as well as the traditional practices of conservators. aesthetics. and on how it should happen. ensembles of buildings. understanding. As such. curators. the conservation process is best seen more inclusively. and economic development. As we in the conservation field acknowledge the importance of social and economic values along with the traditional notions of conservation value (such as age. and it has changed the heritage field: the old canons are questioned. where. interpretation and education. not just conservation professionals. preservationists. The field of conservation itself is undergoing fundamental tra n s fo rm ations—in some instances. Traditional conservation remains the core of the field’s activity and its raison d’être. decided what was significant and thus needed special attention and care — a n d how to best render that attention and care. including stability. recognition of and respect for cultural differences. government authorities). From a restricted. together with art historians and archaeologists. and the right to make decisions about it. This report has proposed a new definition of c o n s e rvation: it should be understood as a social process. we find ourselves in a much larger arena of decision making. on what merits conservation. encompassing the creation of heritage. The right of these specialists to make decisions was tacitly recognized by those who funded the work (for the most part. Today heritage is seen as the source of important benefits to society. and historical significance). heritage. the many efforts of individuals and social groups to be s t ewa rds of heritage. All the same. as a direct result of these societal changes. Greater understanding of the deterioration processes of materials and the development of new techniques have increased the possibilities of treatments and interventions that extend the life of materials. and shifting economic and political tides. This report advocates acceptance of this broader definition—we see it as imperative to the fu t u re success of the conservation f ield in responding to the demands of contemporary society. Yet the understanding of when. and other objects that are significant to specific groups of society. and other professionals. the concept of heritage has expanded to include materials such as vernacular architecture. others are advocating the interests of their communities) arrive with their own criteria and opinions on how to establish significance. the conservation community and the heritage field have undergone an extraordinary expansion. Some of the changes in the field are generated by technical advances that concern the “ fi rst front” of c o n s e rvation re s e a rch (see “Th e S p h e res and Challenges of C o n s e rvation” in the Report on Research. This expanded notion of conservation reflects trends that have been developing throughout the world in the past several decades. above). In the twentieth century. democratization is a desirable development. canonical perspective of masterpieces and historical monuments. one that includes the work of many individuals and groups.Conclusions Over the past several decades. There still are speciali s t s — who are cert a i n ly needed—but new gr o u p s have become involved in the creation and care of heritage. the physical condition of the heritage. In earlier times. but. These groups of citizens (some are professionals from such fields as tourism and economics.

as well as to strengthen the work of conservation professionals in supporting the broader goals of society. so that it can be effectively integrated into conservation practice. we can create a common ground for the exchange of ideas among the many professionals. rather than simply to document and theorize about how it currently operates. by definition. the conservation of cultural heritage risks being marginalized in the social agenda. It is. Instead of focusing on the objects of conservation—the things and the methods of dealing with them—this research would center on subjects and would involve an investigation of the different actors and institutions and their motivations. But how to do so? The dynamics of this expanded notion of c o n s e rvation—as well as the expanded purview of the conservation field—can be better understood through a conceptual framework for the heritage-creation process (as outlined above in “The Need for a Conceptual Framework”).e. we must make larger sense of the forces behind heritage.ities. research on the following topics is suggested. and take into deeper consideration. value-driven planning methodologies are being advocated more and more in the field of conservation. unive rs a l ly valued) are a more important impulse behind conservation. more generally. there are at least two kinds of conservation decisions: The first kind is how to conserve—this has been the traditional focus and strength of conserva- Universality—the assumption that some heritage i s m e a n i n g ful to all of m a n kind—is one of t h e basic assumptions and matters of faith underlying c o n s e rvation practice and one assumption that emphasizes the positive role of heritage in promoting unity and understanding. legislators. There is a great deal of evidence to suggest that local. The second kind of decision is what to conserve and.and community-bound values (i. the lead has been taken by public officials. the postmodern questioning of canons in eve ry corner of c u l t u re and society) demands that the conservation field explore what universality is. yet the mechanisms for applying these methodologies are inadequately documented and underdeveloped. those not. place. we should aim to arrive at strategic options for how conservation might better function in society. To build on the development of such an explanatory framework. The notion of u n ive rsality remains one of the most important and pressing questions regarding conservation. our research suggests that understanding conservation in social contexts means looking at the entwined processes of valuing. the multitude of social values. and other citizens who can contribute to the increasingly public and interdisciplinary work of conservation. Unless this critical link is forged. through determinations of cultural significance. or rather. we need to develop better tools and methods for the assessment of cultural significance. Thus. universality has long been assumed to exist as a quality of heritage objects and to form the rationale for global diligence with regard to conservation. The Notion of Universality in Cultural Heritage and Its Conservation As argued elsewhere in this report. In order for conservation planning processes to center on. and economic differences—a notion that seems untenable if any of the assertions about postmodern culture are on target. who plays what role and who pays. and decision making. Cultural relativism (and. Under the guise of the “intrinsic” value of art or o f multinational conventions and declara t i o n s regarding the protection of heritage. With rega rd to decision making. and other mediating factors. following on the heels of this. What to conserve has often been left to chance. habits. regardless of cultural. and other policy makers. Valuing and determinations of c u l t u ral significance have a l ready been discussed. valorizing. If the concept of heritage creation can be articulated and mapped as a social process through the development of a conceptual framework. in the development of this framework. and what role it should play in conservation decisions—in particular. why it is so influential.. But universality warrants closer critical attention. Stakeholders in the Negotiation Process tion professionals. Universality assumes that certain aspects of heritage are meaningful to all people. academics. social. the rationale behind Unesco’s World Heritage List. 69 . political. for instance. Just such a critical dialogue already ex i s t s throughout the conservation community in informal ways. As already mentioned. Such a framework would not only foster understanding but also serve as a tool for informed decision making about the effective management of cultural heritage. and formally addressing it through this topic could advance the dialogue significantly.

nation. family. given the forces affecting society today. Global trends certainly have an impact on the valuing and valorization of heritage (identity politics. 70 . for myriad reasons: to construct and negotiate identity. conservation is practiced at several scales— personal. will heritage conservation efforts in the future serve as bridges between cultures or as trenches separating them? Research and discussions will help us construct answers to such questions. global. to send a political message. In the end. and reputation of the conservation field? As Lourdes Arizpe asks in her essay. But what are the a rticulations among these scales of p ractice? Do they nest perfectly? Do they conflict? Cultural Heritage Conservation within the Current Social Climate: “Different. democracy movements. to build bonds within a social group. those concerned with the future of conservation are left with many questions. Heritage is valued in myriad ways. How do these complex dynamics concerning values and benefits affect the prospects. and so on)—but how great an impact? Are these impacts diffe rent from those brought to bear by regional conflicts or local disputes? Where and how does conservation find a place in the constellation of public policy issues? Scenario building. a strategicplanning tool for envisioning several possible futures given today’s complexity of driving forces. and more. The topic would deal explicitly with the externalities generated by larger social dynamics—which frame the conditions in which the conservation field works. by broadening our sense of p u rpose and by clarifying the challenges that lay before us. city. would be an excellent tool for addressing this question. continent. meaning. like a nation or a neighborhood. region. nation-state. versus a national or global scale? In reality. community. market economics. Plausible Futures” This topic calls for an inve s t i gation of the tre n d s shaping the possible futures of cultural heritage conservation. privatization. to turn an economic profit.The Significance of Scale in Shaping the Valuing and Conservation of Heritage Is geographical scale in itself a relevant factor vis-àvis heritage conser vation? Is it more or less effective to conserve heritage (or design conservation policy) at a local scale. which u n d o u b t e d ly will be the subject of c o n t i nu i n g debates and research.

University of California. Japan Uffe Juul Jensen. chief archaeologist.  Erik Cohen. professor of philosophy at the Institute for Philosophy and director of the Centre for Health. A n d e rson Graduate School of Management. project specialist. Graduate School of Design.  K a r en Stephenson. Harvard University. Getty Conservation Institute.  Alessandr a Melucco Vaccar o. Unive rsity of California. Middle East Technical University. International Institute for Environment and Development-Latin America. p r o fe s s o r. Unesco. g roup dire c t o r. and fo rmer assistant dire c t o r. Government of Japan. Paris. Ankara. director. professor of anthropology. Getty Conserva t i o n Institute. Santa Barbara. Charlottesville. United Kingdom Mona Serageldin. Erasmus University.  M a r ta de la T o r re. France Erica Avrami. Rome. d i re c t o r. University College London. Los Angeles. California. Pearce. Argentina Nobuko Inaba. Rotterdam. Massachusetts.  Marg arita Gutman. Tokyo.g e n e ral for culture .Participants Suad Amir y. Getty Conserva t i o n Institute. Ministry of Cultural and Environmental Heritage. dean of arts. p r o fessor of s o c i o l ogy. professor emeritus of geography. Netherlands David Lo wenthal. University of Virginia. Los Angeles. professor of the economics of art and culture. France 71 .  Daniel Bluestone. professor of architecture. Unit for Housing and Urbanization. Riwaq Centre for Architectural Conservation. associate professor of architectural history and director of the Historic Preservation Program. professor of anthropology. California. Centro Regional de Inve s t i gaciones Multidisciplinarias. Universidad Nacional Autónoma de M é x i c o. California. Harvard University. Asdic: consultancy services for community development. Agency for Cultural Affairs. fo r mer professor of m a n a g e m e n t . Italy Susan M. Denmark Ar jo Klamer. Los Angeles. Palestinian National Authority Lourdes Arizpe. Turkey Brian Fagan. fo rmer dire c t o r. senior specialist for cultural properties. United Kingdom David Maybury-Lewis . Los Angeles. University of Aarhus. Program of History and Urban D evelopment. Cambridge. associate dire c t o r. Israel Miguel Angel Corzo. Ramallah. Heb rew Unive rsity of Jerusalem. Cambridge. director.  Hugues de Varine.  Cevat Erder. Massachusetts. University of Leicester. Humanities and Culture. Paris. Buenos Aires.

Mona Serag eldin is an adjunct professor of urban planning at the Graduate School of Design of Harvard University. He has published on materialism and philosophical anthropology. and the philosophy of culture with emphasis on the medical and health sciences. Australia. A g e n c y for Inter n at i o n a l D evelopment (    ). Uffe Juul Jensen is a professor of philosophy at the Institute of Philosophy and director of the Centre for Health. With a current focus on the effects of tourism on Thai society and crafts. A graduate of Cairo and Harva rd Unive rs i t i e s. his areas of specialty are epistemology. Director of Research of the World Culture Report: Culture. where she received her undergraduate and graduate degrees. Th r o s by is immediate past president of the Association fo r C u l t u ral Econom ics Inter national and a member of t h e Editorial Board of the Journal of Cultural Economics. the economics of the lives of artists. expatriate communities. the epistemology. His book Constructing Chicago () was awarded the American Institute of Architects International Book Award and the Historic Preservation Book Prize. Dr. . his work has explored the economics of the arts—with an emphasis on the performance arts.g e n e ral fo r culture at Unesco. and the Unive rsity of Wisconsin. Her ongoing research deals with issues of land management. strategic planning. she was a member of the World Commission on Culture and Development which produced Our Cre a t ive Diversity (). where he received his undergraduate and graduate degrees. and the philosophy of evolution. and awards and fellowships granted by the Fulbright. she has been involved in numerous studies and programs around the world s p o n s o red by the Wo rld Bank. history. She studied art history at George Washington University and management at American University. An anthropologist trained at the Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia in Mexico and the London School of Economics. He is author of the seminal text The Past is a Foreign C o u n t ry (  ). and Unesco. Marta de la Torre is group director at the Getty Conservation Institute. . Randall Mason studied geography. Erik Cohen is a professor of sociology and anthropology at Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She has published extensively in the museum studies field. Guggenheim scholars h i p s. the Institute of Race Relations. Erica A v r ami studied arc h i t e c t u re and conservation at Columbia University. Educated at the University of Aarhus. and associate director of its Unit for Housing and Urbanization. concerning the history and theory of historic preservation. and has directed the Institute’s research on values from its inception. she has published on topics including ethnicity. and the United States. She is currently a project specialist at the Getty Conservation Institute. He promotes community historic p re s e rvation and the cultivation of place as part of b r o a d e r strategies of sustainability. D avid Thr o s by is a professor of economics at Macquarie University.Contributor Biographies Lourdes Arizpe is a professor at the Unive rsidad Nacional Autónoma de México’s Centro Regional de Inve s t i ga c i o n e s Multidisciplinarias. the philosophy of science. England. He was educated at Harvard. She received Fulbright-Hays and John R. ethics and values of modern medical and health care. Lowenthal’s many distinctions include the Historic Pre s e rvation Book Prize. P earce studied history and archaeology at Oxford U n ive rsity and then worked on the curatorial staff o f t h e National Museums on Merseyside and Exeter City Museum. He is currently senior project specialist at the Getty Conservation Institute. Daniel Bluestone is a professor of architectural history and director of the historic preservation program at the University of Virg inia. United Nations Deve l o p m e n t P r ogra m m e (   ). She is also a past president of the Museums Association of Great Britain. professor of museum studies in  and dean of the Faculty of Arts in . He has lectured or been a research fellow at universities in Scandinavia. and is currently Chair of the Scientific Committee for the World Culture Report. The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of H i s t o ry (). the U n ive rsity of C a l i fo r nia at Berkeley. A fo rmer assistant dire c t o r. and was appointed director of museum studies in . Humanities and Culture at the University of Aarhus in Denmark. and is particularly interested in the study of collecting. Dr. and numerous other studies. and tourism and tourist craft. and the interaction of the economic and cultural sectors. and the relationships between global change and culture. the Royal Geographical Society. and United Nations Centre for Human Settlements/Habitat (/Habitat). Cohen has authored over  publications on subjects including the sociology of Israeli and Asian cultures. Dr. and c o m munity-based approaches to urban housing and economic development. and planning and earned a doctorate at Columbia University. He also writes on the history and politics of historic preservation. She joined the Department of Museum Studies at the University of Leicester in . D avid Low e n t h a l is professor emeritus of g e og rap hy at University College London. Professor Bluestone specializes in American architect u ral and urban history. Susan M. A graduate of the London School of Economics. Guggenheim and Rockefeller foundations. Creativity and Markets (). migration. Educated at Harvard College and the University of Chicago. 72 .

edited by Mary Hufford. conservation. editors. He traces several influences on nationalism. A n d e rson. idealized story. Anderson writes that the nation is an imaginative. annotated bibliography of published works and reports concerning economic analysis of heritage. We are certain that many useful additions will come from our collaborators and readers. policy and law.” Although “place” in this collection is not conceived of historically (i. folklore. Kant. A collaboration among English Heritage. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism.) The specific objective of this bibliography is collecting and disseminating information about scholarly work concerning the social contexts of heritage conservation. It endeavo rs to be inclusive. United States. the . and Mike Stabler. This volume is a collection of environmental psychology research on issues surrounding individuals’ attachment to physical surroundings and the cultural meanings generated by group affiliation with “places. The Value of Conservation? A Literature Review of the Economic and Social Value of the Cultural Built Heritage. cultural creation—essentially a political process. this research e ffo rt aims to bolster the belief that conservation cont r i butes to economic well-being. however.Appendix: Values Bibliography This annotated bibliography is an information resource assembled in support of ’s research on the values and benefits of heritage conservation. modern society—for instance. dominant. London: Verso. but rather a foray into fields and disciplines that shape conservation thought and practice and illuminate the role of heritage conservation within contemporary society. Keywords: economics. London: English Heritage. However. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. New York: Plenum Press. environmental studies. Each work sheds light on the relationship between heritage conservation and its social contexts. The report conveys a succinct ove rv i ew of economic methods for appraising the multiple social values of built heritage (contingent valuation. Benedict. and so on). . A b ra m s. but not exclusively. an exploration of some of the boundaries of conservation research. are broad. Marx. values. The works thus represent some significantly different philosophical approaches to the valuing of heritage.. such as religion and capitalism.” In C o n s e rving Culture: A New Discourse on Heritage. the role of heritage in economic development. he begins his narrative with a discussion of monuments and tombs. not heritage places per se) this work does represent a strong cross-section of environmental psychology research. Bergson. Pennsylvania. This is not a survey of the conservation field per se. (Not included in this bibliography. Keywords: environmental psychology. Volume ). wo r ks by Adam Smith. policy. and does not foreground the role of material heritage. This research report covers economic issues relevant to cons e rvation of the built environment. . . Please contact us by email at GCIValues@getty. in effect.” he assert s.e. Altman. philosophy. economics. art history. This is followed by a lengthy. by providing a base of information and academic work. Empirically his focus is Southeast Asia. hist o ry. Nearly  works are included in this initial version of the bibliography—subsequent. Advances in Theory and Research.” The public sphere is “ ra d i c a l ly plural. By design. arc h i t e c t u re. broadening and deepening the information collected here. heritage planning. Place Attachment (Human Behavior and Environment. James F.. Irwin and Setha Low. and the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors. economic restructuring. The professional context of this chapter is folklore studies and economic development-driven heritage planning. 73 . and we welcome your comments and suggestions. foundational works regarding philosophy and the role of values in We s t e rn. Alan Evans. the works included here are drawn from many disciplines and fields allied with conservation—anthropology. sociology. travel-cost method. Heidegger. and of p a rt i c u l a r concern to building owners. rather than exhaustive. this bibliography is a work in progress. Keywords: heritage. The involvement of the state fundamentally alters the ways and the goals for which heritage is valued in these communities—making people. perhaps suggesting the ineluctable role of material objects in any analysis of cultural formations and change. and case studies supporting both these themes. “spectators to their own history. Paul Cheshire. His thesis is that the government uses “heritage” to ameliorate and mask the dislocations brought to such communities by massive economic restructuring. “Lost Frames of Re fe rence: Sightings of H i s t o ry and Memory in Pe n n s y l va n i a ’s Documentary L a n d s c ape. Reflecting the need to reach into many fields of knowledge. Susan Ball. and heritage conserva t i o n should account for this instead of presenting a single. expanded versions will be posted on the ’s web site. . Allison. and so on. place. All the works included here reflect on the issue of values and the way valuing shapes conservation of the visual arts. hedonic pricing. Abrams’ study takes a critical look at the cultural politics of preserving the heritage of a declining coal-mining region.’s Department of National Heritage. Gerald.edu.

Keywords: art. and sociological perspectives. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. and authenticity is a powerful force in valuing heritage. Oxford: Oxford University Press. . Keywords: policy. Smart States.” She portrays the preservation project as both evidence of. Appadurai. explaining how they come into existence and persist. and the religious resonances as seen through the lens of what she terms the broad “preser vation project.. ecology. Boston: Beacon Press. painting. Washington. growth management.” and “place” as comprehensive categories. . and give objects and heritage a central role. (They originated as a series of lectures given at the University of London. consumerism.” “community. artistic perception. consume. Constance Epton. and a means of. Michael. The definition of some aspects of a culture as “authentic” (and thus other parts as inauthentic) is a compelling force in many modern cultures. Better Communities: How State Gove rnments Can Help Citizens Pre s e rve Th e i r Communities. and less as a cultural practice. Washington. space. and approaches architectural preservation and public history in order to understand the social forces behind them. Gaston.: Island Press. the ways authenticity is defined and deployed warrant a full-length s t u d y. Historic Pre s e rvation: Collective Memory and Historical Identity. Howard.. Keywords: art history. Italy. B a rthel. . commodification. heritage is valued more for its utilitarian and economic values and less for its cultural meanings. Keywords: philosophy. . is part of the increasingly influential discourse on sustainability. Art Worlds. Keywords: historic preservation. .) Each illustrates how social conditions influence the development of distinctive visual skills and habits. sociology. . Baxandall. United States. though. The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. He writes of the possibilities of transcending time and rationality to make individual connection with particular spaces. She explores ideas of imitation versus authenticity. and how artworks influence analyses of the arts and the way they are interpreted and valued. sociology. Baxandall’s essays explore the social and artistic conditions that led to the production of value in  th-century Italian painting. Arjun. it largely ignores culture and lacks a sense of history. how they effect the form and content of individual artworks. Indonesia. environmental planning. The success stories chosen reflect the current trend to posit historic preservation as a planning and economic development policy. and other dualities that 74 . art history. Because authenticity is a sublimated and influential way of valuing cultures.. New Brunswick. The Ecology of P l a c e : Planning for Economy. display. Bachelard. written within the discipline of land-use and environmental planning. Like many works on this subject. . the development of taste. considering the subject from various historical. Beaumont. In this context. and validate art through their cooperative activity (i. as a network of people who produce.e. . phenomenolog ical approach to the significance of space. and cultural value. . Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy: A Primer in the Social History of Style. Timothy and Kristy Manning. ecological and political spheres of society. In Search of Authenticity: The Formation of Folklore Studies. Barthel is a sociologist. Keywords: nationalism. Keywords: culture. anthropology. Env i ronment and Commu n i t y. museums. This book documents recent successes of state and local preservation policies (especially significant in the . Diane. social change in modern society. cultural change in post-industrial culture. Bendix. yet culture (and material culture in particular) are scarcely mentioned. Each chapter addresses different sectors and functions within art worlds. and explores analytical themes such as utopianism. Bendix argues. Becker explores “art worlds” sociologically. Typically. map. This collection of essays explores the relationship between culture and commodification. Berkeley: University of California Press. Great Britain. anthropology. B e a t l ey... Bendix ex p l o res the central role of the notion of “authenticity” using folklore as a disciplinary case study of the larger cultural/anthropological issue. regulations and economic incentives in the United States. The Social Life of Things is the result of a ye a r-long dialogue between historians and anthropologists on the topic of commodities and the politics of value. This study. archaeology—which have great power to shape imagination. It deals with “environment. Becker. Keywords: environment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. and by extension to the “spaces. Beatley and Manning’s text is very progressive in insisting on the connections between economic...: Rutgers University Press. The book is a comparative study of Great Britain and the . given the absence of strong federal efforts). Beaumont presents a series of case studies related to preservation legislation. Bachelard writes about the significance of space as a philosophical essential and as the basis for poetic imagination. Regina.One chapter is devoted to powerful “institutions” through which nations are implemented—census. The Poetics of Space. create cultural and artistic value). The Poetics of Space is an individual-centered. While difficult to classify.: National Trust for Historic Preservation. and emphasizing a future-oriented view. historic preservation. ethnographical.” forms and symbolic meanings of material heritage.. . sustainability. United States. .

heritage is the way of life—what academics would call vernacular. In describing the culture of a very distinctive area of eastern North America. . The Aesthetics of L a n d s c a p e. aesthetics. in a collec- tion of essays from  to . Columbia: University of Missouri Press. . culture. Susan Porter. the two books comprise an exhaustively documented case study. School of Architecture. Th e Introduction and Part I are overview in nature. Common Values (Paul Anthony Brick Lecture s ) . Bourassa argues for a cultural determination of aesthetic values and theories. written between     and    . Translated by Richard Nice. Berger and Sinton study the use of the land. New York: Columbia University Press. Water. This is an important theoretical contribution to understanding the relationship between systems of thought. Keywords: heritage. This collection of essays on public history (mainly by social historians) takes a critical approach. P resenting the Past: Essays on History and the Publ i c. United States. might be shared across national. Key wo rds: fo l kl o re. This critical study of cultural practices is a collection of Bourdieu’s major essays on art.” He argues that art and cultural consumption are predisposed—consciously and deliberately or not—to fulfill the social function of legitimizing social and class differences. This slim volume is a philosophical and moral investigation into the nature of cultural values. B o u rd i e u ’s important work on the sociology of c u l t u re i nve s t i gates acts and processes of c u l t u ral “valuation. of the traditional preservation “landmark. culture. and personal strategies governing this experience.’ London: Routledge. films. and other scholars. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Ta s t e. Keywords: folklore. and cultural boundaries. architects. and different forms of material 75 . attempting to reveal the power relations embedded in traditional means of presenting history to public audiences. Keywords: values.: Johns Hopkins University Press. culture. Addressing landscape as an aesthetic object. Earth and Fire: Land Use and Environmental Planning in the New Jersey Pine Barrens. . To those who live in the Pine Barrens. social institutions. Th ey addre s s. and Peter J. Michael. tourism. heritage. Priscilla. B o u rassa. This work is built on a critique of Jay Appleton’s The Experience of Landscape. authenticity. historic preservation. Though one of the authors is an archaeologist and the other a conservation professional. Boniface. University of Texas. The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature. they draw on examples from around the world. and community-based projects. New Jersey. Benedikt. architecture. Contributors include leading economists. heritage. Benson. Stephen Brier. and personal modes of aesthetic experience. and the role that place and heritage play in this change. Fowler. values. Keywords: public history. Cambridge: Harva rd University Press. oral history projects. the work reads as informed cultural criticism. Edited and introduced by Randal Johnson. the construction of archives. edit o rs. . Berger. social history. This is the opposite. if any. Sissela. Stephen C. economics. as well as the biological laws. . which broke new ground by making general insights about the value of landscapes. the social position and role of intellectuals and artists. Hufford’s book is an ethnographic case study. literature. editor. philosophers. the rest of the book focuses on the folklore field. considers the question of what moral values. The collection also includes descriptions of several progressive models for presenting p u blic history. from individual to social scales).define modernity’s approach to constructing and inventing culture. cultural. Bok. . the author sets forth a theory concerning the biological. The author. people and land. This excellent interdisciplinary collection of essays frontally addresses the varied notions of value as seen from many different disciplines (from economics to sociology to philoso p hy. art history. and brings these approaches to bear on the question of how issues of value affect the practice of architecture and the character of urban space. religious. cultural rules. . morality. Jonathan and John W. this book speaks to the everyday use of heritage as a living system of people and land. philosophy. museums. Boniface and Fowler also broach questions regarding how museums and conservation efforts can mediate the effects of tourism on cultures and material heritage. in many senses. or “distinctions. Keywords: landscape.” Keywords: sociology. . Keywords: philosophy. the relationship between cultur al practices and broader social processes. Sinton. such issues as aesthetic value and canon fo rm ation. Pierre. In keeping with the “global” ambitions of the title. and the relationship between high and low culture.” Taken along with Mary Hufford’s book (see below).and public-sector sides. environmental planning. This study interprets heritage tourism as one of the most important and interesting lenses on the issue of how cultures are changing (as part of “globalization”). L o n d o n : Belhaven Press. ethnic. Baltimore. literature and culture. Center /Value. including some aspects of material culture. from both the private. It highlights the continuities of material and immaterial culture. Md. Austin: Center for Architecture and Design. and their development over time. ———. dire c t ly or indirectly. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. The subjects of various chap t e rs include museums. and Roy Rosenzweig. This study is equally relevant to questions concerning m aterial and immate rial cultural heritage. Heritage and Tourism in ‘the Global Village. Bourdieu.

Bru n e r focuses on “the meaning-making process” as the means of cultural shaping of individual psychology. An Invitation to Re fl ex ive Sociology ( C h i c a g o : University of Chicago Press. United States. and persuasive argument. as well as the systems—individual and social—which make up a culture. New York: Noonday Press. Keywords: philosophy. The work is informed by architectural theory. “Cities for Sale: Merchandising History at South Street Seaport. . Ireland: Cork University Press. Berkeley: University of California Press. detailed. Wacquant. this would suggest that this creative process resides in individuals as well as social bodies and institutions. Acts of Meaning. Cocclosis. Keywords: art history. . Brett’s study is impressi ve in scope. . within the broader category of “representations of the past”. The editors use Kevin Lynch’s norma- 76 . . Brett strongly emphasizes the visual. edited by Michael Sorkin. as the heritage of the site and the celebratory story of its contemporary preservation is woven into the real-estate development and commercial development dynamics that are the impetus of change as well as preservation. Jerome. both material and immaterial. De Certeau’s theory of everyday life holds that individuals constantly remake and re-value their lives. that “systems of domination” and power are expressed in virtually every aspect of c u l t u re. i. Ireland. Bruner is a psychologist whose lament is the separation of psychological inquiry from the broader fields concerned with the human condition. The chapters illustrate and discuss different approaches to studying and evaluating cultural-architectural heritage (through econom ic analysis. post-structural theory. the urban and arc h i t e c t u r al historian Boyer documents the use of urban heritage (architectural and narra t ive) in the commercial re d evelopment of a Manhattan waterfront district. Brett.. Specifically. Vis-à-vis the process of constructing heritage. The City of Collective Memory: Its Historical Imagery and Architectural Entertainments. The Fate of Place is a history of philosophical thinking about space and place. . Despite its specific focuses on aesthetics and Ireland. M. The Practice of E ve ryday Life. For deeper insight into the significance of B o u rd i e u ’s re s e a rch. Keywords: sociology. Among other foundational questions. then a series of chapters on modern conceptions of space. The approach of this collection is deliberate and practical. social theory. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. heritage development. Keywords: culture. culminating in the recent past by tracing Heidegger and various postmodernists. Keywords: history. He argues for reinvigorating cul- tural psychology—a field which studies collective. The Fate of Place: A Philosophical History. cities and other displays (mu s e u m s. theaters) as a series of symbols.e. Edwa rd S. In this essay. Brett’s references draw as much from contemporary social theory as from art theory. C e rteau. the editors pose the question of whether “heritage” is confined to the unique and the outstanding. social processes as a factor in psyc h o l ogy. editors.” In Variations on a Theme Park: The N ew American City and the End of P u blic Space. signs and texts. operational concerns. Planning for Our Cultural Heritage.. seen mostly from the perspective of the economist-planner. and especially the work of Benjamin. For example. place. and surroundings within broad socio-economic constraints. Casey builds a dense.e.” Casey follows his subject through a chronology of epochs in the history of the West: from the ancient Greeks to a brief section on medieval and Renaissance thinking. culture. and Peter Nijkamp. psychology. urbanism. Aldershot. . Michel de. place. the act of reading is described not as passive. He investigates both the subtle. Berkeley: Unive rsity of C a l i fo rn i a Press.and symbolic power (i. Randall. His work includes the theory of distinctions. and falls along the lines of David Lowenthal’s wide-ranging inquiries into the uses of the past. cultures. Nijkamp and other contributors deal with () the built environment aspects of cultural heritage and () planning and policy related issues. Although he is an art historian. or whether it includes the ordinary.. art. and the spatial qualities of stories) relate implicitly to cultural heritage by speaking to the diffe re nt ways that space is an important part of consciousness. Harry. Cocclosis. Her critical pers p e c t ive focuses on the simulacrum quality of the history presented/marketed to the public. Bruner. Christine. Specifi c a l ly. Casey’s basic belief is that “place” is important and indeed inescapable to humans. ). but as a creative act—an act of production. . urbanism. memory. ———. most of his examples are drawn from Ireland. this study is extremely useful as an overview of the issues attending the cultural construction of heritage in the broadest sense. C a s ey. Key wo rds: heritage. panoramas. and so on). riding railroads. and his aim is to bring the idea of place out of its “dormant” state in Western p h i l o s o p hy and into “the daylight of philosophical discourse. . David. The Construction of Heritage. Boyer’s dense treatise is an historical and theoretical exploration of the role of historical memory in the architecture of modern cities. D. Keywords: philosophy. evaluation of community impacts. value systems). Cork. New York. The collection’s underlying premise is that issues of defining and planning for “heritage” have a central role to play in determining “social policies” of the European Community. see Pierre Bourdieu and Loïc J.: Avebury. The explicitly spatial parts of his analysis (chapters on walking in the city. She emphasizes a way of interpreting and reading bu i l d i n g s. Tra n s l a t e d by S t even F. “ordinary” aspects of life. heritage. Cambridge:  Press. Boyer.

Washington. that “nature” and “the environment” are in fact highly cultured constructs. collective memory. heritage planning. Denis. as the Australian government intends for this model to be replicable in any number of communities. literary critics and social scientists contributing to the debates surrounding critical theory. . .: Island Press. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. More than two-thirds of the book is devoted to detailed analyses of case-study “ applications” of these ideas in natural areas and parks around the world. its plurality. Steven. Cronon. D i xon. social theory. Baudrillar d and Harvey) suggests that traditional. This book is an excellent overview of the subject of collective/social memory. Norton & Company. and Cost of Sustaining Cultural Heritage. environmental conservation.’ why should conservation and preservation not seek to liberate the fluidity of meaning inherent [in culture and art]?” Keywords: conservation. Cosgrove. Keywords: history. and varying costs are closely associated with cultural conservation. he reasons. . To understand this “unabatable paradox of value. culture. ) as a jumping-off point—a good environment begets a healthy society. Keywords: heritage planning. Connerton. though it is not strongly focused on material objects. E. and S. William. . sustainability. geography. O x fo rd: Basil Blackwell. and therefore both should be embraced instead of seeing them as either/or. and design). environment. in the realm of p h i l o s o p hy and litera t u re. Th e o ry and Cultural Va l u e. policy. C a n b e rra: Au s t ralian Gove rn m e n t Publishing Service. object-centered heritage conservation not be taken “as seriously” as it is. Economics of P ro t e c t e d Areas: A New Look at Benefits and Costs.tive theory idea from Good City Form (Cambridge:  Press. 77 .” Connor a n a ly zes the handling of value questions in the work of leading philosophers. He debunks the purist. and Meaning in the Contemporary World. they suggest that the natural environment should be illuminated by the same kinds of inquiries—sociological. social sciences. Australia. social theory. John A. and creates instead a framework for thinking about absolutism and relativism of values as co-existent and even irresolvable. Sherman. authenticity-focused approach to object conservation in favor of foregrounding the representation of culture as a process. and John B. The essays in this collection argue. and preserved heritage is part of this environment. economics. editor. geographical—that are often used to understand monu m e n t s. W. New York: John Wiley & Sons. though the approach here is somewhat more rigorous and regularized. N ew York: W. measurement of benefits. Krumbein. Cultural geographer Denis Cosgrove argues that recent cultural criticism and scholarship (he cites Ricoeur. historical. Stanforth.. Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature. from a variety of perspectives. the projects are envisioned as leading dire c t ly to plans ensuring the ongoing economic as well as cultural health of a community. and rationales behind.” In The Dahlem Workshop on Durability and Change: The Science. P. “Rather than imprisoning cultural heritage within the ideol og ical straightjacket of ‘ a u t h e n t i c i t y. its contestation. This Australian government report documents an effort to establish a methodology for community-centered identification and conservation of heritage. The existence of both relative and absolute attitudes toward values is a built-in paradox. Paul. Connerton’s survey is a thoughtful review of material and immaterial ways of organizing social memo ry. Seve r al case studies demonstrate diffe re n t methods of economic evaluation and analysis applied to places where heritage tourism and sustainability are at issue. Although it concerns the economics of protected natural areas. values are inescapable. He attempts to transcend the traditional polarization between absolute values and relative values. The scholars here represent a very wide range of disciplines (from humanities. He questions canonical approaches to heritage conservation. anthropological. and argues instead for an appreciation of culture’s fluidity. “Should We Take It All So Seriously? Culture. How Societies Remember. other cultura l resources. Commonwealth Department of Communications and the Arts. . tourism. e s p e c i a l ly the role of o b j e c t s. edited by W. Keywords: philosophy. Cosgrove. community planning. Keywords: heritage. Together. denying that an either/or determination can be reached. This volume is an excellent overview of how natural areas a re analy zed through the lens of e c o l ogical economics. Also. urbanism. Cosgrove asserts that cultural knowledge and power d e t e rmine the value of heritage—not use or exc h a n g e value—thus suggesting a very different way of allocating resources for conservation. the clear and detailed discussions of conflicting values. . The result is an articulate guide to the planning of. The goals are very akin to the efforts of the English organization Common Ground. D. The central question is. Keywords: economics. . values. community-driven inventories. C o n n o r. Responsibility. Connor’s philosophical work begins with the position that. E. Europe. Mapping Culture: A Guide for Cultural and Economic Development in Commu n i t i e s. Brimblecombe. “How is the memor y of groups conveyed and sustained?” The author proposes that the organization of collective memory—through seve ra l means. and conservation. Keywords: sociology. Conservation. including bodily practices—is a dimension of (and a lever on) political power. and the built environment generally.

Such insight is crucial. Bernd von. London: Basil Blackwell. This volume is part of a series published by Ro u t l e d g e — “ Th e Heritage: Care-Preservation-Management. Philosophers discussed r ange from Shaftesbu ry.. Hume and Burke to Ka n t . the volume discusses a number of important contemporary problems. and covers state. . Washington. A Handbook on Historic Preservation Law. including the relationships between natural and cultural aspects of the landscape. The “Conceptual Framework” section outlines the underlying assumptions informing the rest of the book—including the existence of landscapes of universal value—followed by an investigation into cultural landscapes as part of a global world heritage strategy. London: Routledge. policy. The paper thus constitutes a unique. This brief discussion paper outlines a progressive approach to conservation. An update is reportedly in process. and how to build stra t eg ies for protection. In this philosophical history. 78 . law. the need for wider participation (beyond experts) in conservation. Heideg g e r. and the Frankfurt School. local. K i e r k ega a rd.: Conservation Foundation/National Center for Preservation Law. The first part of the book presents his thoughts about categories of value and meaning in various fields of art. Cultural Landscapes of Universal Value: Components of a Global Strategy. to an understanding of the mechanisms by which political heg e m o ny—and its attendant value systems—are acquired and maintained. Ger. Keywords: cultural landscape. editors. he m a i n t a i n s. . and Etlin builds some unifying themes to bolster the existence of meaning and value. It is an interesting example of an analysis that builds on the notion—now widely held—that the meaning and value of n a t u re or culture is ra d i c a l ly contingent. commu n i t y planning. is a comprehensive review of preservation law in the United States. ethics. Benjamin. and ethical issues from the late th through the early th centuries. how to recognize them and document the experience of various governments/groups in protecting them. now somewhat dated.” Keywords: museums. Keywords: art history. England. There are. . contextual phenomenon—nor what generates and maintains value for this kind of heritage in general. E a gleton. It addresses the questions of how to conceive of cultural landscapes. Faking Nature: The Ethics of E nv i ro n m e n t a l Restoration. Keywords: historic preservation. It is welli n t e rp reted for non-lawyers. political. and the difficulties of measuring values and qualities. the analogy to culture and cultural heritage is clear and quite relevant. the second part directly engages and refutes leading poststructuralists (several works of which are included in this bibliography) and their attacks on humanist belief in the values of art. Eagleton examines the category of the aesthetic as a gateway to understanding a wide range of social. which gives rise to obligations to preserve it and to restore it” (p. Gary. This book was occasioned by the inclusion of “ c u l t u ra l landscape” as a category on Unesco’s World Heritage List.). Key wo rds: values. . and the case studies have a correspondingly global reach. policy. Christopher J. Also discussed are the multiplicity of values that shape conservation decisions. This collection. conservation practices and training. environmental conservation. London: Routledge. Elliot. It is extremely useful as a discussion of the variety of novel and important issues raised by the prospect of conserving cultural landscapes. conservation. Etlin offers a defense of the stability and existence of meaning in and of art. Harald Plachter. working/productive places—where nature and culture are a seamless whole—as a legitimate category of heritage. Richard A. in other words. . Museum Ethics. The definition of sustainability used here relates very strongly to social issues such as the questions of who participates in conservation decisions and whose voices are represented in conserved heritage. from interp retation to opera t i o n s. place. The Ideology of the Aesthetic. Though Elliot’s subject is the restoration of nature and ecological systems. academics. Engaging theoretical and practical issues. He makes a nuanced appeal for a version of the intrinsic value argument in favor of conservation—”wild nature has intrinsic value. some essential values to art. planners and designers. . philosophy. Te rry. “Value” is taken to be a monolithic entity beyond critical reproach. such as exhibitions. London: English Heritage. as well as basic operational issues of importance to any museum. such as collecting policies and rights of indigenous peoples. There is little consideration of what constitutes “universal value”—especially in light of the “landscape’s” qualities as inherently local. Ro b e rt. . cross-cultural diffe re n c e s. heritage. and several efforts in England to implement such a de-centered approach. United States. Contributors include professionals from around the world. centered on issues of values and sustainability. Keywords: philosophy. and Mechtild Rössler. Edson. changeful. Duerksen. Nietzsche. against the radical contingency of meaning and value argued by poststru c t u ra l i s t s. ethics. Keywords: philosophy. Etlin. aesthetics. Fischer Verlag in cooperation with Unesco. Sustaining the Historic Env i ronment: New Pe rs p e c t ives on the Future (an English Heritage Discussion Document). The focus on cultural lands c apes is an attempt to re c og n i ze non-monu m e n t a l . and federal legislation and programs.Droste. This collection treats ethics as an underlying force in all kinds o f museum practice. E n glish Heritage. This work falls in the realm of philosophy and environmental ethics. Jena. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. In Defense of Humanism: Value in the Arts and Letters.: G. . values. policy. editor. heritage-specific take on the notion of sustainability.

stretching back to the work of Carl Sauer in the s. uncovering in the process the hidden assumptions that govern the way we view our past. are reprinted alongside newer. the anthropologist Geertz presents his vision. Fekete. it gives a fairly comprehensive account of the different aspects of the preservation field. Luc. This book is a philosophical treatise on the history of democratic individualism and modern subjectivity. . The essays address questions of value and valuation in contemporary politics. philosophers and sociologists) engage these multiple values. Older essays. Foster’s edited volume speaks to environmental conservation as a matter of social process and competing values. h ow they are interp reted. edited by Michael Hutter and Ilde Rizzo. Geertz. Foucault’s analysis is an important contribution to theories of history and how the past comes to be valued. The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. Keywords: historic preservation. The Archaeology of Knowledge and the Discourse on Language. based on extensive empirical studies. Peter J. . John. Clifford. The writers are mainly philosophers and literary critics. Martin’s Press. this collection of essays attempts to put the value debate back on the intellectual agenda. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Life After Postmodernism: Essays on Value and Culture. history. landscape. but focuses strongly on the question of the multiple social values of nature and the inability of economics to analyze and evaluate them. The collection’s critique is centered on the neoclassical economic model. Foote. aesthetics. “culture” encompasses the arts. Kenneth E. of what culture is. Keywords: economics. Frey. In range. Foster.. and society. aesthetic value). In superb detail. In this collection. Keywords: philosophy. This volume was envisioned as a successor to a  collection. Frey evaluates the “willingness-to-pay” method as one particular example of contingent valuation methods. Homo Aestheticus: The Invention of Taste in the Democratic Age. In this report developed by the Council of Europe. and the postmodern theorists. New York: Pantheon Books. aesthetics. and Jonathan M. Given the difficulties and uncertainties associated with this type of economic analy s i s. policy. New York: Basic Books. This is an important theoretical reading for understanding value formation. philosophy. Foucault. Keywords: culture. Given that questions of value have been eclipsed by the “death of the subject” and the denial of value in post-structural theory. In From the M a rgins: A Contribution to the Debate on Culture and D evelopment in Euro p e. and how it ought to be 79 . Arguing against traditional forms of history that emphasize a homogeneous. Fe rr y. Valuing Nature? Economics. critical contributions. New York: St. James Marston. Smith. although arts and media are discussed far more. he proposes popular re fe renda as an alternative means of gauging the (multiple) values of cultural heritage and making conservation decisions. . the social tra n s i t i o n s Europe is undergoing. this book theorizes about discontinuities. Focus is placed on policy-making and policy analysis concerning culture. editors. From the perspective of the economics field. . policy. Nietzsche. This collection concerns the question of value in the postm o d e rn philosophical scene. Martin’s Press. Europe. consistent. editor. He dwells on the relationship of language to knowledge and action. media and heritage. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Fitch’s book is the standard English-language text describing and codifying historic preservation as a “curatorial” practice. in the late   t h through  t h centuries by retracing some of its great conceptual moments in the work of Kant. Ferry provides an historical perspective on the emergence of taste (i. M. . . ruptures. Fitch. heritage. Sheridan Smith. Re-Reading Cultural Geography.” In Economic Perspectives on Cultural Heritage.European Task Force on Culture and Development. Bruno S. treating buildings as objects of stable meaning and fixed value. what role it plays in social life. There are also sections on statistical indicators. Keywords: culture. values. editor. Ethics and the Environment. Keywords: philosophy. Translated by Robert de Loiaza. S t ra s b o u rg: Council of E u r o p e Publishing. and how greater knowledge and debate about values must inform policy and decision-making. New York: St. Hug ill. Austin: University of Texas Press. and the cultural implications thereof. Michel. Translated by A. This collection gathers a wide range of perspectives on culture and landscape—how they are produced and structured. how they relate to one another and to broader social formations. Keywords: economics. Readings in Cultural Geography. London: Routledge. the chapters of this book (authors include economists. environment. geography. “The Evaluation of C u l t u ral Heritage: Some Critical Issues. John. and monolithic account of the past (the “grand historical narratives”). vernacular environments— as evidenced by the work of generations of cultural geographers. and the way that experts and policy reflect values. Historic Preservation: The Curatorial Management of the Built World. and transformative moments as they shape historical consciousness.e. philosophy. Hegel. values. though no emphasis is placed on critical evaluation of methods or ideas behind preservation. . This collection is quite relevant to the heritage field in simultaneously taking on the questions about the values underpinning conservation decisions. . Keywords: heritage. Kent Mathewson. what they mean as academic objects of study and as lived-in. .

Heritage. the community creates a way to represent this heritage (some kind of “map”. Briefly. their formation. relying on the expert judgements of government officials and consultants. Guerrier. spatial patterns. a parish mapping project is an effort undertaken by a community collectively to identify all that is meaningful in their “place”—monuments. particularly ethology. and stemmed from a conference on the subject of how and whether to take landscape study beyond the work of pioneer J. heritage. The approach of Common Ground is very decentered (community centered) as opposed to the normal means of identifying heritage. This small pamphlet from the English group Common Ground presents the idea of “Parish Maps” and guides communities in undertaking a parish mapping project. I: The Philosophy and Psychology of Pe rs o n a l Identity. and are followed by several chapters weighing specific methods of valuation and economic analysis. Keywords: sociology. entitled “Self-Creation. art patronage. Values and the Environment: A Social Science Perspective. Xavier. London: Common Ground. and. Greeves. Victor A. the management of museums. France. how it passes from the artist to those who value it (exchange). Conn. New Haven. focusing specifi c a l ly on questions of value and price. This collection presents thinking about the natural environment. commemorating and conserving what they themselves have deemed most treasured. Jonathan. and Economics. Spaces: Dimensions of the Human Landscape. Ginsburgh analyzes the economics of art markets. Glover’s interdisciplinary study of identity and personhood draws on work in psychology. and philosophy.: Yale University Press. . income and taste. Keywords: economics. investment and theft of artwo r ks. This book is valuable in funda- 80 . that is. which is one distinct way of valuing whole environments and everyday material culture as embodiments of heritage with all the attendant values. Conn. anthropology. Particularly relevant for a discussion of values is part two of the book. The premise is that identifying heritage is the fi rs t step in conserving it. These essays address his interpretive theory of culture (“thick description”). geography. . Greenbie. for Common Ground. La Valeur Economique du Patrimoine: La Demande et l’Offre de Monuments. the work of geographers. ranging from auction anomalies. B. by extension. Greenbie considers the landscape as a human habitat—an environment in which people act and to which they react according to their individual psycho-social make-up and belief systems. Chichester.: Yale University Press. but not exclusively. Yvonne. has both kinds of va l u e . This volume is mostly. Paul and Todd Bressi. common buildings. community planning. and the politics of meaning. G i n s bu rgh. art. they take many different forms). Economics of the Arts: Selected Essay s. This book looks at the arts from the viewpoint of neo-classical economic theory — h ow art is made (supply). . editors. Keywords: landscape. their relationship to other people and the rest of the world. Keywords: psychology. Keywords: culture. England. Glover. clearly. This book concerns the ways people think about themselves. The essays here concern the different interpretations of e nvironmental issues and policies. are culturally conditioned and determined. . and maintenance. General chapters discuss broad issues of supply and demand of heritage. landscape. Understanding Ordinary Landscapes.” as it addresses how frameworks of belief come into being and how they affect human action and interaction. policy. space. the history of collecting. It illuminates creation and maintenance of cultural/artistic value in a market-driven climate. Keywords: public history. Tom. and anything else interpreted locally as being distinctive.studied. . as re f ra c t e d through the issue of values. Keywords: economics. The author draws heavily on theories from the social and natural sciences. . and what determines the value they place on it (demand). Greffe. and prices of o r i gi n a l s versus their copies. Artists. Barrie. and the role and function of the government in arts funding. definition. conceptual understanding of va l u e s. and politics of conservation. New Haven. to the economic analysis of law. New York: Basic Books. Pricing the Priceless: Arts. Issues addressed range from the interrelation of the arts and econ o m i c s. and takes on the conscious task of recognizing. to explore how the relationship between social behavior and space originated. and how they use these ideas in shaping their own distinctive characteristics. . . Jackson. culture. and policy analysis. eve ryd ay pra c t i c e s. habits. ritual and social change. economic regulations. Parish Maps: Celebrating and Looking After Your Place. The economist Greffe explores the ground between understanding heritage as monuments with simply symbolic value and understanding heritage as having primarily economic value. It concludes with a superb bibliographic essay. art museums. art. His collection of fourteen essays covers a large number of issues. Grampp. Harmondsworth. Geertz is a valuable resource for understanding how individual and social values. and the excess supply of labor in the performing arts. Once identified. tra d i t i o n s. Groth. editor. art as an economic good. Paris: Anthropos. to the acquisition of art. religion and ideology as cultural systems.: Penguin. the art market in general. neurology. This anthology is an excellent reader on cultural landscape studies. Amsterdam: Elsevier.: John Wiley & Sons. Keywords: economics.. . . the growth of culture and the evolution of human societies and consciousness.. William. the market power of artists.

Keywords: public history. David. On Collective Memory. geography. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. . contemporary trends in scholarship and collecting habits. Dolores. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Halbwachs. focusing on the influence of art markets. which is continually reshaped. philosophy.” she believes. The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes As Public History. Ditter. The Collective Memory. This presents barriers to popular understanding and action on environmental issues. and by typical citizens). The definition of urban space as “heritage. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and that space is a constant referent in the process of collective remembering. and Collecting in England and France.. Keywords: environment. and collecting in the history of art. more comprehensive work on the subject. Harvey. This essay argues that when resources are treated as a commons. Halbwachs pioneered the study of memory as a social phenomenon. second. Haskell examines the fluctuations of taste in England and France between  and . . . psychological and social—are seen as influencing and determining this history of aesthetic valuing. Hardin. The book argues. an ove rv i ew of current public 81 . an analysis of the financial challenges facing museums and performing arts organizations. This book is his interpretation of the enormous eco n o m i c. His insight therefore provides some essential theoretical groundwork for understanding why social groups value and use material heritage. and a chronicle of the work of a collaborative group she directed in creating public history/art projects in Los Angeles. James and Charles M. Europe. translated. he would argue that the valuing of heritage—along with many other cultural phenomena—flows quite directly out of the needs of capital. fourth. dealers. Heilbrun. collective memory. and part of his research was directed towa rd the central role of spaces and fo rms in the process of collective remembering. an examination of production and consumption of the live performing arts. a sociologist. economic. museums. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. “The Tragedy of the Commons. Jr. ———. sociology. (See the collection edited by Lewis Coser for an overview. His major works on the subject were originally published in French—Les Cadres Sociaux de la Mémoire and La Mémoire Collective. what he calls “mutual coercion mutually agreed upon. Hardin is a biologist.: Cornell University Press. Fashion. apart from a new manifestation of modernity. Garrett. as well as public policy toward the arts. religious. enables marginalized groups to reclaim urban space. This is a compilation of work on collective memory by the sociologist Maurice Halbwachs. This volume draws on two of Halbwachs’ major works— Les Cadres Sociaux de la Mémoire and La To p ogr a p h i e Légendaire et des Evangiles en Terre Sainte: Etude de Mémoire Collective—though not from his other. Translated by Francis J. political. Edited. ethics. but cultural heritage would fit this notion of resources. Many different factors—aesthetic. Drawing on the work of Lefebvre.” Science  (): -. Coser.” The literal subject of the essay is population control. . financial speculation. political and cultural shifts of the so-called postmodern era. albeit using novel and different cultural forms (i. . and Vida Ya zdi Ditter. Keywords: culture. Harvey is one of the leading human geographers working today. His work maintains that human memory exists and takes shape in collective frameworks. that “postmodernity” is nothing new.) Keywords: sociology. agreement on) a normative set of values regarding the natural environment. Keywords: policy. Heilbrun and Gray survey the economics of the fine and performing arts in the United States. Hayden’s book is both a theoretical contribution on the social roles of heritage. New Yo r k : Harper.e. he argues that every social group has its corresponding collective memory. social theory. Keywords: sociology. collective memory. Ithaca. H a l bwa c h s. and obeys the periodic restructuring that capitalism necessarily undergoes. matched with some ve ry empirical studies of h ow such insights might be applied. Divided into five parts. Keywords: art history. translated into English and accompanied by an excellent introduction detailing his life and influence. economics. fashion.mentally rethinking how the environment is valued (by various experts. Haskell. under which the structuring power of market capitalism continues to dominate culture and society. Hayden’s theory begins from the insight that space equals power and has potential political value.. and introduced by Lewis A. As corollaries. the book first o ffe rs an ove rv i ew of the arts sector and its historical growth. The Collective Memory. This is a classic work on issues of taste. Gray. . Re d i s c overies in Art: Some Aspects of Ta s t e. as well as social and political contexts. but is better known for his ethicalphilosophical work. heritage. The Economics of Art and C u l t u re: An American Perspective. essentially. Cambridge:  Press. One of the assumptions underlying these essays is that the diversity of legitimate values (individual and social) prevents the creation of (or. as part of the life of social groups. Maurice. Hayden. environment. was one of the primary theorists of collective memory as an essential social phenomenon. . third. the normal course of events will lead to exhausting the resources. Advancing a strong neomarxist stance. Fra n c i s. Thus Hardin sees a clear need for collective action to regulate resources or. technical. in light of the realities and demands of a market-driven society. renewed interest in historic preservation).

London: Routledge. Hobsbawm. Hester. and fo rm a l ly instituted to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior. and other heritage operations. Tony. . . In the ove rv i ew chapter of this intriguing collection of essays. Hides. edited by Paul Graves-Brown. New York: Knopf. and design.” by reporting on interesting projects being d i rected by a wide range of ex p e rt s. The discourse here is about ethics and culture as much as ecology. Bilanz. are invented. sociology. but it is not unchanging. Key wo rds: place.policy. see his Community Design Primer (Mendocino. environmental psyc h o l ogy. experiential qualities of everyday environments are significant values for ordinary citizens and should be so recognized. tourism. Michael. Heritage. Eric and Terence Ranger. ). Keywords: collective memory. Keywords: heritage. For a how-to approach to Hester’s ideas. in the past. . objective link between artifacts and identity. commodification. “Life. i. prices and their relation to changing economic climates. national identity. . Herbert. sustainability. Keywords: economics. no. Randolph. The book b egins with the premise that heritage tourism/heritage development is “an alternative form of [economic] enterprise” in the post-industrial world. Hiss. some places are for mass consumers. focusing in particular on: tastes in collecting as they evolve over time. Hester. less-authentic kinds of heritage places. In addition to this re p o rting f unction. heritage planning. editors. historic sites. he recognizes the development of new. finally. a business. Hewison levels a critique at the numerical proliferation of museums. Written by a landscape architect. constructed. increasing economic value of heritage leads to its cultural devaluation. Overall. and regional. and his survey is intended to inform the g e n e ral reader about the importance and power of t h e notion of “place. His argument is that this link is constructed out of social and historical circumstances—not essential. universal functions—as are scholars’ ways of theorizing these changing links. and. He discusses examples in which local cultural and ecolo gical patterns form the basis for community planning and design effo rt s. formal education. Tourism and Society. this is a good sampling of different perspectives on the use of heritage. editor. Hides argues that the link between material objects and identity—the keystone to much anthropological theory — m ay be intrinsic. this book takes a broad view of what constitutes a “sense of place. Ausblick. especially within arc h a e o l ogy and its associated fields. This collection focuses on the development of h e r i t a g e places and attractions. anthropology. Out of Place: Restoring Identity to the Regional Landscape. an outlook on the future of art and cul ture in the United States. policy. Liberty and the Pursuit of Sustainable Happiness. Hewison stresses the destructive ends to which the comm o d i f ication of heritage leads—in other wo rd s. United States. Hides’ chapter explores the epistemolog ical roots and changing nature of this connection as it has been modeled and understood. United States. national. and global market dynamics. England. . Keywords: community planning. . and Clive Gamble. This study is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary ar t markets in Europe. Christian. historical reality.e. Hough. economic. In describing the malleability of h e r i t a g e . His aim is to question the longstanding assumption that presumes a stable. provides a rich definition of sustainability.: Yale University Press. “The Genealogy of Material Culture and Cultural Identity. social theory. Hiss builds an argument that place attachment and the visual. primarily as economic entities but also as places of social and cultural significance. Die Neuen Kunstmärkte: Analyse.” It addresses how forces of human and non-human nature have. the book explores how traditions. art. place attachment. and identity-constructing ends. London: Mansell. but questions whether they might not be appropriate to certain kinds of audience to be provided for (i. heritage. Shaun. David T. Robert. : Ridge Times Press. variously. In general. The Invention of Tradition. Sian Jones. a set of ritualized cultural practices. Düsseldorf: Verlag Wirtschaft und Finanzen. material culture. different authors develop the notion of heritage as.. . a phenomenon observable in England (and elsewhere) in the e a rly   s. one that includes cultural patterns as an intrinsic element of the systems that need to be sustained. created characteristic and identifiable landscapes as a 82 .” In Cultural Identity and Archaeology. This collection of historical essays explores how fragments of the past have been appropriated as “heritage” and how heritage has been used for various political. Conn.” Places . Keywords: archaeology. planned and conserve d resource. The Heritage Industry. Theoretical Archaeology Group (). Keywords: art history. New Haven.. Hewison. The Experience of Place.e. this volume provides memorable evidence of the malleability of the past through material culture. The editor notes potential conflicts between preservation and tourism or other economic uses of heritage. lite ra ry place. the Hiss is a journalist. for example. history. heritage development.. a landscape architect and planner. some places are for scholars). London: Methuen. Herchenröder.  (): -. nationalistic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. In deconstructing the myth of Scottish kilts. informal education. Regarding authenticity. Keywords: heritage.

Washington. policy. Mary. folklife. and that contemporary conservation philosophy fails to re a l i ze this value fu l ly by interpreting the value of heritage as narrowly architectural and aesthetic. This report of folklore fieldwork weaves together ethnographic study and an engagement with env i r o n m e n t a l planning and historic preservation in the actual communities of a distinctive cultural and ecological region in eastern North America. and the threatened identities and perceptions woven through these issues. policy. Hyde inquires into the role of creativity in a market-oriented culture. editors. .: American Folklife Center. Economic Perspectives on Cultural Heritage. the effect of different regulatory regimes. environmental conservation. One Space. New Jersey. and psychology—to show how “the commerce of the creative spirit” functions in the lives of artists and culture as a whole. which include. (See the individual chapters cited in this bibliography. and also as a philosophical matter. Huffo rd ’s account is a vivid example of defining “heritage” as the fabric. The heritage field. Drawing on international case studies.  (): -. . not a commodity. architecture. Hutter’s introduction succinctly lays out some of the different methods of pricing cultural heritage. I n ga rden. The case studies center on Italy but include other countries as well. Ada Louise. The Unreal America: Arch i t e c t u re and Illusion. This dynamic is partly ascribed to the destructive power of tourism. Keywords: fo l kl i fe. artifacts and practices of everyday. edited by Mary Hufford. United States. journalistic cultural critique of the “faked” history of places such as Historic Williamsburg and Los Angeles’ City Walk. Conserving Culture: A New Discourse on Heritage. economics. Roman.. and how they are approached and “constructed” through intellectual and policy lenses. no. This collection is an excellent sampling of critical perspect ives on conservation and culture that go beyond the traditional monument-preservation model. environment.” In Conserving Culture: A New Discourse on Heritage. “Linking Culture and Natural Conservation in National Park Service Policies and Programs. Benita J. . traditional life. Hutter notes the parallels between cultural and natural resources. by Abrams. issues of public and private use. in addition to pricing methods. The book ranges across different disciplines—anthropology. Keywords: culture. heritage. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. . and partly to the success of the historic preservation movement and its constant “editing” of history. both high and low. Hufford. Many Places: Fo l kl i fe and Land Use in New Je rs e y ’s Pinelands National Re s e rve. She decries the high value of such places of illusion in contemporary society. Hutter. Many of the contributors are folklorists. He also notes major themes in the cultural economics subfield. society’s indifference to the diversity inherent in ecological systems and human communities—shape our physical environment and hence our ability to mold identities in relation to it. environmental psychology. Martin’s Press. Washington. Hufford. Michael and Ilde Rizzo. and Low). and the universal problem of defining “heritage. Keywords: economics. The author addresses how human values—for instance. Lewis. Howell. ethnography. arguing that a work of art is a gift. planning. urbanism. Hubbard. . philosophy.: Catholic University of America Press. England. Hough addresses native landscapes. the imperative of recognizing regional distinctiveness. ———. Key wo rds: heritage. . New York: Vintage Books. and thus calls for broader study of conservation as a social phenomenon and a central aspect of planning and urbanism. Assigning values a central role in human affairs. . He ex p l o res the nature of the cre a t ive act. Keywords: conservation. Huxtable laments the misuse of heritage—or what is presented as heritage—as an architectural strategy and a marketing ploy. Unreal America is a broad. editor. Keywords: heritage. “The Value of Conservation: A Critical Review of Behavioural Research. Philip. Hubbard argues for an understanding of heritage as key to bolstering communities. and the difficulty (in general) of pricing “public goods” such as heritage artifacts and sites. Keywords: place. in her estimation. .” Town Planning Review . identity. art. Hubbard. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. lite ra t u re. New York: St. The Gift: Imagination and the Erotic Life of Property. Man and Value. Hyde. New York: New Press.source of individual and communal identity and cultural enrichment. . Keywords: culture. and the consequent devaluing of “real” places. Ingarden inquires into the philosophical nature of values. Howell. landscape. has reduced the diversity of culture. heritage. Howell addresses the separation of cultural and natural resources in the context of American federal policy making. United States. reviews behavioral research on the issue of how people experience and give meaning to historic places and environments. . heritage. and stress - 83 . including contingent valuation.” As an aside. It includes several excellent chapters representing the wide range of ways that economists construct the value of material cultural heritage. The essay concludes that heritage at the scale of townscapes is an important contrib utor to cultural identities. writing as a planner. This volume compiles work presented at a conference of academics and practitioners in the field of cultural economics. H u x t a ble.

Most of the participants in the symposium were policy. and illicit traffic in cultural property. It also includes a few countrys p e c i f ic documents such as the . the material in which values are realized and manifested. Jukka.  /     and the . . Alice. Jameson argues that postmodernity is characterized by a fundamentally different relation between culture and economy than that under modernity. Mass. John Brinckerhoff. In some of his work. instead of opposed. the state of preservation efforts in several different countries. Paris: Unesco. g iving the discussion a strong grounding in practical problems. Especially useful are the bibliographical references. Preserving Our Heritage: Catalog of Charters and Other Guides. Keywords: environment. This brief report commissioned by the Australian government examines the notion of social value in general. geography. It raises key questions as to the social purpose of conserving heritage places. “Postmodernism. This booklet collects in one place several of the major charters and other international documents concerning heritage conservation. The Nara document is the result of a major international conference of heritage professionals and institutions. policy. Isar. His body of work and wide influence are perh aps more important than any single essay. and Other Topics. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press. Johnston.: Yale University Press. lies in the disappearance of culture’s “critical distance” from economics. Managing Land As Ecosystem and Economy. the challenges posed by modernization. Keywords: conservation. place. . This book is the proceedings of a conference co-sponsored by the Smithsonian.or practicefocused. Jackson. policy. The Necessity for Ruins. The volume 84 . Subjects include: scientif ic and technological issues. and into the th century. economics. Keywords: landscape. Ja c kson is an important fi g u re as an interp reter of t h e meaning of cultural landscapes. . policy. the problems of assessing social values. and the problematic notion of conserving them. Keywords: heritage. sociology. most recently Landscape in Sight: Looking at America (New Haven.” New Left Review  (): -. It contains a crosssection of the conserva t i o n . The subjects and presenters are international in scope. sources. as developed from the Enlightenment. This slim symposium report rests on the premise that economic and ecological perspectives on land can be woven t og e t h e r. In the essay “The Necessity for Ru i n s.: Yale University Press.” which has been one of the benchmarks for judging and e s t a blishing the signif icance of c u l t u r al and historic resources in bureaucratic contexts. . . policy. Nara Conference on Authenticity./ Paris: Smithsonian Institution Press/Unesco. Most of the documents are printed in English and French. Conn. Chris. What Is Social Value?: A Discussion Pa p e r. Keywords: culture. Jameson. Quebec:  Canada. Ingerson. the author seeks to understand the essence of values. he sees the need for new “maps” to find a way for culture to thrive in the new economic landscape. Yudhishthir Raj. ) and A Sense of Place. as well as its applications to the preservation of cultural heritage. through th-century Romanticism. Fredric. the book suggests that the distinctly diffe rent values inherent in land—and by extension the diffe rent values inherent in material heritage—are not necessarily in conflict. social theory. ). Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Conn. . though does not emphasize non-Western approaches. . Consequently. editor.ing their re l a t iv i t y. intentional monu m e n t s. International Council on Monuments and Sites (). A History of Architectural Conservation. In arguing this. he directly addresses the role of heritage and historic fo rm s and patterns. . Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. . International Symposium on World Heritage Towns. he posits. Keywords: heritage.: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. a Sense of Time (New Haven. The final sections document the spread of this conservation canon to other parts of the world. It is a thorough treatment of the way Western European conservation has established modes of interpreting the past and negotiating different values through the material treatment of monuments. Jokilehto. Cambridge. Keywords: philosophy. . ” Jackson argues that the physical degradation of places and things is a necessary precursor to our valuing it as heritage. authenticity. culture. One of the signal differences. and the manner in which this manifestation is accomplished. S e c re t a ry of t h e Interior’s Standards. and suggested readings. National Trust for Historic Preservation. The Challenge to Our Cultural Heritage: Why P re s e rve the Past? Washington. His essays appear in a number of collections. and other totems of o ff icial culture. conservation. In this touchstone essay for cultural criticism and postmodernism. philosophy. Jokilehto’s history is a comprehensi ve account of the dominant tradition in architectural conservation—it documents chronologically the Western/European tradition of conservation. or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. beginning with the Athens Charter of  and concluding with the  charter on archaeological heritage management. It is the product of an extensive process aiming to reach consensus on the meaning and use of the notion of “authenticity.p re s e rvation field as of t h e mid-s. Keywords: heritage. Nara Document. . His wo r k consists mostly of brief essays and suggests that the ordinary landscape is as much a part of our culture’s heritage as mu s e u m s. Unesco.

. Ivan. Ivan. ———. conservation. New York City. editor. and not for just the objectionable reasons implied by the dominant notions of heritage study such as “the invention of tradition” and “the heritage industry. The contributions to this volume were written mostly by anthropologists. part of a positive search for common values. In complexity. Many of the contributions demonstrate how the contested terrain of cultural representation both brings together and separates museums and communities.” The shaping of memo ry — f re q u e n t ly using material heritage—is often. In exploring how cultural diversity is (or is not) collected. exhibited. museums. Ka rp. Keywords: architecture. Kammen discusses forms of commemoration ranging from the built environment to public celebrations to art and literature. United States. he takes a purposely less cynical view: that collective memory is reshaped for innocuous or even salutary reasons. public history. The essays consider. These are the basic values deemed to be important to human functioning. He offers a framework of nine basic values found in flora and fauna (utilitarian.. In this collection of essays on public history. often used to create social unity (or its appearance). editors. Mystic Chords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in American Culture. Karp. Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. The value of heritage foregrounded here lies in its usefulness in constructing national identity and promoting national agendas. no. Keywords: public history.” Places . exclusive notion. Kaufman speculates about the prospects for a kind of cultural preservation and landmarking that truly breaks out of the canons of public history. and Steven Lav i n e . This collection of essays gives some historical depth to the differences in conservation approach that have developed in a few we s t e rn countries (in We s t e rn Europe and Nort h America). symbolic. Keywords: heritage. anthropology. the American historian Kammen supposes that the malleability of collective memory is not due solely to its politicization.: Smithsonian Institution Press. moralistic. Christine Muellen Kre a m e r. Biologist Stephen Kellert tackles the question of how and why the natural world is valued by humans. Kaufman. The Value of L i fe: Biological Dive rsity and Human Society. United States. The essays focus on how contemporary museums relate to the changing demographic configuration of the communities that surround them. Keywords: museums. and about the role of preservation vis-à-vis the larger project of effecting social change. This book is an encyclopedic chronicle of the construction of heritage and public history in America. London: Mansell. Michael. Washington. Kaufman begins this brief essay with the assertion that her itage is an inherently conservative. Washington. public history. Roger. values—are asserted and negotiated. Keywords: heritage. “Heritage and the Cultural Politics of Preservation. Latin America. Washington. Europe. nationalism. as well as Native Americans). In the Past Lane: Historical Pe rs p e c t ives on American Culture. naturalistic. and managed. focusing on those “outside we s t e rn centers” (including Africa. . Museums and the Making of “Ourselves”: The Role of Objects in National Identity. S. editor. . This collection of essays was first presented at a conference on “The Poetics and Politics of Representation. Keywords: conservation. Pacific. Museums and their collections—the publ i c ly held. from a variety of perspectives (many driven by critical theory).is usefully illustrated with many examples. “Conservation” in this volume pertains to both cultural and natural environments. and nega t ivistic) and connects these to human evolutionary development. Cases and chapters draw on examples from around the wo rl d . . This collection of work was first presented at a conference on “Museums and Communities” at the Intern a t i o n a l Center of the Smithsonian Institution in . . he asks. aesthetic.: Smithsonian Institution Press. whose common focus is museology. .. . Keywords: museums. culture.” held at the International Center of the Smithsonian Institution in . the book argues that museums are political arenas in which definitions of identity and culture—and by extension. history. . . Ned. ecologistic-scientific. London: Leicester University Press. .  (): -.: Island Press. Knopf. and Steven Lavine. short introduction to the developing idea of modern conservation. d o m i n i o n i s t i c. he argues.. and to be most threatened in the current biodiversity crisis. be genuinely plural and inclusive? Citing examples of recent controve rsies involving the preservation of African-American-related historic sites in New York City. history. . Can historic preservation. and is supported by extensive references. Kammen. Keywords: heritage. his question closely parallels the basic question of how cultural heritage is valued. Stephen R. Kain. off icial “cultu ral heritage” l egitimated by inclusion within museum wa l l s — a re “a potent force in forging self consciousness” as well as political consciousness of nation-states and the nations within (and across) them. New York: Oxford University Press. humanistic. Museums and Communities: The Politics of P u blic Culture. That is. Planning for Conservation. The opening chapter (by the editor Kain) is a useful. Ke l l e rt. New York: Alfred A. Fl o ra E. heritage. Kellert considers the effects of demography and cross-cultural dif- 85 . The premise is that museums are “purveyors of ideology” and agents of social change. questions about the interpretation and presentation of c u l t u ral dive rsity in contempora ry museums. culture. Kaplan.

and values as they influence and define cultural evolution and growth. Descartes. “Value. editor. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett uses a conception of heritage that is s t r o n gly visual and has a ve ry important perfo rm a t ive dimension. Klamer. Explanation and Value in the Arts. and patterns of cultural change. philosophy. This volume is a selection of c h ap t e rs reprinted from Kroeber’s classic work Anthropology. Marx. Keywords: anthropology. . Berkeley: University of California Press. heritage. morals. culture.” and suggesting that the measurement of such value is pointless in the face of art’s truly original. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and the value of making art in general. edited by Robert S. literary theorists. . and others. Their discussions range across Kant. Christian. The focus of “ c u l t u re ” h e re is the art wo rld. The Marxist critique is used as an example of available strategies to deal with this problem. .” In Critical Terms for Art History. and focus on examples from many specific places and cultures (from ethnography and Jewish culture to Plimouth Plantation). The authors summarize the philosophy and intellectual history underpinning the ultimate relativism of valuing. The final chapter concentrates on postmodernism as the most recent attempt to come to terms with these issues. Salim. Alfred. O t h e rs examine the construction of value through the study of the arts. . Kemal. New York: Harcourt. Keywords: economics. culture. Destination Culture: Tourism.G i m blett. These essays address the questions of literary evaluation. artists’ earnings.” In Economic Perspectives on Cultural Heritage. . Bourdieu. Joseph Leo and Lisbet Ko e rn e r. dealing specifically with cultural processes. the nature of language and culture. and philosophers. Keywords: value. Freud. edited by Michael Hutter and Ilde Rizzo. Kuttner’s book is a journalistic but learned account of the large and expanding role of market ideology in contempo- 86 . Keywords: philosophy. Keywords: economics. Koboldt writes from the point of view of a conservative economist. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. but not exc l u s ive ly so. environment. The book breaks new ground by engaging economic thinkers in the question of culture’s non-economic values. national identity. and aesthetic ideas with established economic models to address essential economic questions about the value of fine arts. and Heritage. and Ivan Gaskell. A m s t e rdam: Amsterd a m University Press. K u t t n e r. Keywords: art history. Keywords: museums. Frank. New York: St. including considerations of the nature of creativity and the principles of interpretation. Barbara. Displays and exhibits of heritage are thus at the center of her analysis.. on issues central to interpreting literature and painting. philosophy. Ro b e rt. and philosopher Antoon Van den Bra e m bu s s c h e ’s chapter deconstructing the notion of “the value of culture. Of particular interest is the chapter on the nature of culture.” considering from different angles the problem of value in art work s belonging to a period earlier than one’s own. It is focused on art—as the primary lens through which the notion of value has been understood and debated in western culture—but is more widely applicable to cultural heritage. engaging. The first chapters look at the intimate relation between aesthetic and other cultural values. “sublime” quality. The final sec tion addresses issues of ideology and the determining role of power relations. art. Inc. cultural. Museums. The essays are eclectic. A n t h ro p o l ogy: Cultural Patterns and Processes. and the distortions of historical contex t . the value of play. one with faith in the ability of rigorous econometric analysis and objective methods to measure all values. cultural studies. biology. Everything for Sale: The Virtues and Limits of Markets. Kermode. . the value of citizenship. Ko e rn e r. which examines how tourism creates competition and new.” which presents a typolog y describing the “scientif ic” end of the spectrum of cultural economics. through a series of essays and conversations. Part II of the book addresses “History and Value. framing the basic tension between measurable and immeasurable values of culture. Martin’s Press. heritage. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. philosophy. Nelson and Richard Shiff. Koboldt. tourism. artistic conscience and production value. including: pub- lic art. Arjo. Of particular interest are the fo l l owing chap t e rs: Arjo Klamer’s introductory essay. Oxford: Clarendon Press. which contains observations on ethics. This essay is an excellent and erudite overview of the history of valuing material heritage. Keywords: art history. He examines value differences in American society and among Eastern and Western societies.ference on these values. and noting the failure of economists to recognize and respond to this problem. The Value of Culture: On The Relationship Between Economics and Art s. The collection addresses general theories and philosophies of value—both cultural and economic—and specific issues. History and Value. literary criticism. and concludes by considering the applications of his analysis of values to policy and resource management. Saussure. Kroeber. . . p e r manence. the tensions and interrelationships between culture and economics. K i rs h e n bl a t t . “Optimizing the Use of Cultural Heritage. editors. The cont r i bu t o rs combine philosophical. Klamer and his contributors investigate. This book consists of studies by art historians. dynamic modes of cultural production aimed at producing new meanings and new identities. Brace & World. The most useful section is entitled “The Benefits and Costs for the Use of Cultural Heritage.

.. anthropology. outdoor). Jackson. Justin. heritage. the process of producing space. and administrators concerning art. He describes the process of creating heritage and argues that heritage is not an a priori category. Paris: Menges. Though this method privileges patt e r n over process. Lefebv re ’s theorization of the links between society and “space” in metaphorical and real senses was path-breaking in the s. historic houses. Leniaud reflects on the changing role of the state and of heritage professionals in valuing and managing heritage in France. contingent values ascribed to heritage: market/economic value. Antoinette. These are the proceedings of an international conference on “Cultural Diversity in the Arts” held in Amsterdam. and their relation to current social and political changes in Europe. interpretation. . scholars. . Lipe. use. United States. The essays in this collection survey the conservation. museums. ties theory to politics and the making of public policy. . art policies. Keywords: economics. and Riegl. Pe i rce F. of various forms of material heritage. labor history). more important. . and development in the .: Pre s e rvation Press and National Trust for Historic Preservation. Keywords: art. edited by Henry Cleere. Keywords: landscape. economics. This essay comprises a good ove rv i ew of heritage values alongside the cited works from Koerner and Koerner. Lewis. W. . Oxford: Basil Blackwell. history.” I n A p p ro a ches to the Arch a e o l ogical Heritage: A Comparative Study of World Cultural Resources Management Systems. Leniaud analy zes the valuing of heritage in France. Translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith. social realm) of the increasing allegiance to markets as not only generators. but judges. Cultural Diversity in the Arts: Art. on economic development. Lee. 87 . critics.B. “Value and Meaning in Cultural Resources. . wo m e n’s history. Lipe outlines a comprehensive framework describing the several ways “cultural resources” are valued by different factions of society. . France. Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute. New York: Oxford University Press. Leniaud. Warren. An insightful critic of the creep of market ideology. Ria. Lefebvre argues that space “matters”—that the structure and course of society hinges in certain ways on the character and. space. Lefebvre. of value. Subjects include several specific types of museums (urban history. Meinig. “Axioms for Reading the Landscape: Some Guides to the American Scene. to include more representations of AfricanAmerican heritage). Art Policies. Of particular relevance to issues of value are workshops on Art Policy in a Multicultural Policy. (social) scientific value as an object of study. African-American history. L ew i s.” Keywords: historic preservation. Culture. conservation. editors. it remains an impor tant way of i n t e rp reting everyday environments—not only museum collections and designated landmarks—as part of the cultural heritage. He sets out a framework o f the diffe rent. United States. seek ing to define the relationship between those values and a free market society. and Defining Quality in the Arts. Keywords: sociology. . and Roy Rosenzweig. Lewis is a cultural geographer who. Keywords: art. Building on the interpretive tradition of J. policy. Kuttner’s argument clearly speaks to the implications (in any public. Keywords: heritage. . codifies some of the “ways of seeing” built environments. and led the way for a generation of geograp h e rs and sociolog i s t s — wo r k ing from a neomarxist f ra m ework—to explore the relationship between society and space. Washington. New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Europe. values and other cultural patterns that reside in observable environmental and architectural patterns. Keywords: archaeology. and Enterprise: The Politics of Art and the Cultural Industries. Art. Past Meets Future: Saving America’s Historic E nv i ro n m e n t s. L’Utopie Française: Essai sur le Patrimoine. refutes common arguments about the virtue of markets. edited by D. Though heritage is not one of his explicit subjects. in this essay. . natural areas. and commu n i c a t i o n / s e m i o l ogic va l u e . and debates about “livable communities. Emphasis is placed on expanding the canon of which histories are being preserved (e. sociology. Great Britain. and the Facelift of Europe. Leon. buildings and other artifacts that form one of the main insights of cultural geography. History Museums in the United States: A Critical Assessment. he offers theoretical arguments.g. Jean-Michel. The Production of Space. Lewis addresses the issue of cultural and artistic value in contemporary Britain. Lavrijsen. and uses case studies in areas such as medicine and labor markets. William D. This collection serves as a “state-of-the-field” for contemporary historic preservation in the United States. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. geography. batt l e fields and effo rts to expand the canon of h i s t o r i e s p resented in history museums (e. Henri. Tracing change in the objects and status of the heritage field in France.. It outlines a variety of views espoused by artists. London: Routledge.” In The Interp retation of Ordinary Landscapes: Geographical Essays. Keywords: public history.g.rary policy and governance. Defining Qualities as Opposed to Quality. Lewis articulates specific ways of understanding the meaning.

In this classic work of anthropology. Peter and Meredith Walker. Lubar. His work draws on environmental psychology. Keywords: heritage. edited by Mary Hufford.: Smithsonian Institution Press. Lynch. and so on.Low. Keywords: urbanism. The Gift: Fo rms and Functions of E xch a n ge in A rchaic Societies. This is a classic study of the highly varied. Keywords: heritage. . ———. Lurz examines the conditions and nature of aesthetic valuation (are aesthetic values subjective. and what are the implications of such popularity?. moral. an axe) to cultural landscapes as large as an entire town. In other words. . This work is a theoretical treatise on the nature and functions of aesthetic judgement in the history of a rt. historians of art and technology. and political needs of contemporary and historic societies.” a politically charged concept. geographers. The volume gathers examples of different ways to “read” culture in things. We rt u rteile in Der Kunstkritik: Die Begründung Ästhetischer Werturteile Durch Die Sprachanalytische Philosophie. which range in scale from individual artifacts (a vase. Translated by Ian Cunnison. Australia. what do we expect from history and heritage?. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. politics. religious. . culture. Marquis-Kyle. Marcel.). the humanities. Lurz. . He draws a clear distinction between history as study of the past (knowledge creation of whatever objective and subjective quality) and heritage as use of the past for presentist purposes. In this chapter. L owenthal. The Burra Charter adapts the Venice Charter’s focus on monuments to a new focus on “places. . and popular culture. history. This collection engages a broad and basic question: how meanings. . Kevin. highly politicized construction of heritage. Also see Lynch’s far-reaching treatise on community design. and the role of language in the formation and communication of aesthetic norms. Keywords: art history. and sociological phenomena. about the past) can be gleaned from material culture. M a u s s. beliefs and stories (specifically.” The evaluation and designation of heritage rests on the loosely defined “cultural significance” of a place in question. history. In this study. policy. This document is an expanded and interpreted edition of the innovative Burra Charter.” In Conserving Culture: A New Discourse on Heritage. most authentic source of information about a culture. S yd n ey: Au s t ralia     / Au s t ralian Heritage Commission. The Illustrated Burra C h a rt e r. heritage is by definition “partisan. which seeks to guide conservation decision-making while valuing the plurality of c u l t u res contributing to the Au s t ralian past. David. Steven and W. . mythological. conservators. What Time Is This Place? Cambridge:  Press. 88 . Possessed by the Past: The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. N ew Yo r k : Cambridge University Press. Lowenthal explores historically how the past is used to create patterns of meaning in the present. New York: Free Press. juridical. A student of Durkheim. Meinhold. Washington. cultural. The book aims at answering three questions: why is heritage such a growth industry. the social sciences. Kovac. Setha. the ontolog ical foundations of taste. Mauss posits objects as the true. In this free-ranging critique of the role of heritage in socie t y. Key wo rds: anthropolog y. primarily urban. Mauss described gifts as a highly regimented form of value exchange (or currency) which he seeks to analyze contextually as economic. folklorists. This book is a comparative anthropological study on the forms and functions of gifts in the archaic societies of Polynesia. objective. . aesthetic. the author argues that the past (and the tangible and intangible remnants thereof ) is manipulated to meet specific social. or intersubjective?). David Kingery. aesthetics. her primary focus is understanding the need for “cultural conservat