]. Frankenberg

Ramsey, Odd, Social Groups as Systems and Sub-systems, New York: Free Press (I963)' Schaff, A., A Philosophy of Man, London: Lawrence & Wis~art ~I963). Snow, C. P., Science and Government, London: Oxford University Press dU' . - A Postscript to 'Science and Government', London: Oxfor ruversity Press (I962). . Safer, C., The Organisation from Within, London: Tav~tock. (1961). . Webster, Sir Charles and Frankland, M., The Strategtc Air Offensioo against Germany, London: HMSO (1961). . Wootton, B., 'The law, the doctor and the deviant',British Medical [ournal, vol. 2 (27 July 1963), pp. 197-202.

Some social contexts of personal violence
Emanuel Marx
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Coercion is so common in daily life that it often tends to escape our notice unless it is applied forcefully. I shall discuss some of the more extreme forms of coercion, commonly subsumed under the heading 'v.i2l~Q~e', as observed in Maaloth,' an ordinary small Israeli town. I am in full agreement with Bienen, that 'to treat violence ... as pathological phenomena does hinder analysis. Yet much of the literature . . . does treat violence as a phenomenon outside of a "normal" social process." I shall therefore treat various types of violence as normal events, and shall explain them, just like other social facts, within their social context. Many violent acts can be shown to be 'rational' in a Weberian sense, i.e. designed by the actor to achieve a social aim. Others are irrational from the actor's viewpoint because unlikely to succeed; nevertheless they too may be amenable to sociological interpretation. In a comparative examination of my case material I shall try to reach some conclusions about the causes and effects of violence in a complex, highly bureaucratic society.

Maaloth is situated in the mountains of western Galilee. It was established in I956 and almost all its 3,000 inhabitants are immigrants from various parts of Morocco. They were settled there by the Absorption Department" immediately upon, arrival in Israel. The new immigrants were mostly destitute; among them were many large families as well as many elderly and sickly individuals. Each family was provided with a Rat, and for this purpose nuclear families were counted. They were also given some household equipment and essential furniture and some cash to support them during their initial three months in the country. From then on the Absorb-

Emanuel Marx

Some social contexts of personal violence

tion Department's responsibility to maintain the new immigrants ceased and he had to deal directly with the various bureaucratic agencies running Maaloth, of which the Absorption Department was merely one. Many people found it hard to cope with these agencies and became discouraged and resentful. Maaloth is a law-abiding community. Its crime statistics for 1963, as prepared by the police, compare favourably with official crime figures for the whole country (see table). In most respects crime r.ates in Maaloth are relatively low. The numbers of the non-serious violent offences, as shown in the categories 'Assault' and 'Damage
Criminal offences dealt with by the police in Maaloth in 1963, and comparative figures for the whole country" Maalotht Cases Riltes§ Whole cDuntryt Cases Rates 7,191 5,552 11,705 28,936 13,864 72,604
w,,· __ ,.c,,_.~,~~_

Type of offence Assault Damage to property Housebreaking Theft Others All offences


19 9 72

71 52 19

29 232

29 23 48 119 57 299
..~>_,, __
~w _____

no serious violent crimes, such as murder and manslaughter, and no sexual offences were committed in Maaloth, figures on these have been omitted from the table. t Information cited by Police Inspector Shoshani, Nahariah. t Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Abstract of Israel, 1964 (1965), p, 545. § As crime rates are calculated per 10,000 of the total population, they do not take into account the size and specific demographic factors of Maaloth. They can therefore only roughly indicate trends.

* As


to property', are however, rather above the national average. These crime figures may be inflated, because inhabitants have little hesitation about contacting the police. No fewer than fifteen policemen live in the town. They are all stationed outside it, and the nearest police station is two kilometres away. Policemen are officials who do not participate in the running of the town. They are considered to be neighbours and acquaintances to whom one can turn for advice and with whom one can lodge complaints. Inhabitants therefore approach them unhesitatingly, and as equals. Maaloth is a town only in the administrative sense. It is so small that it cannot develop the complex division of labour associated

with town life. There is very little industry in the town, and there are few businesses and no places of entertainment. But it is not a village, for its inhabitants do not own or cultivate land. Official statistics put the number of unemployed, and employed on relief work, at about half the working population," a figure which still understates reality. 5 Maaloth is located in an area of relative unemployment. The inhabitants are, however, restricted in their search for work to the area under the jurisdiction of their local labour exchange. They would be entitled to work in another town only by moving there. Such a step is out of the question for most of the inhabitants, who cannot collect the amount of money needed to acquire a flat or rent accommodation and to maintain themselves during a transitional period. This applies especially to large families, which, therefore, are seldom able to move away from Maaloth. Relief work is supplied by the Ministry of Labour, or by the Jewish National Fund (KKL) acting as its agency. The work mainly goes to men, and only when there is no able-bodied man in the family will a woman be employed. The income of many families is supplemented by grants from the Ministry of Social Welfare, and about half the town's families are on its lists of recipients of aid. The majority of Maaloth's inhabitants thus become entirely dependent on the various administrative agencies supplying them with work and welfare services. The combined income from these services and the additional services supplied gratis are just enough to give people a decent standard of living and provide in addition a modicum of security. While all the industries hitherto established in Maaloth have closed down after a short time, relief work and welfare assistance payments have continued regularly over the years. People realize that,· on balance, dependence on the State may be as good as a job in industry and they express this insight in a frequently quoted equation: Welfare and relief work = Isasbest." Economic entrepreneurship is at a disadvantage in these conditions. The local council sees to it that traders and artisans set up only in suitable premises. As the housing authorities did not include enough facilities in their plans and the potential entrepreneurs do not possess the necessary capital to buy them (according to the rules, commercial premises are only to be sold, not to be let), anyone who sets up in business has to do so illegally. One man hawks his wares on the pavement, another sets up a wooden shack next to his house,· and

and the Nuer congregate in large groups around the perennial pools and rivers. The Nuer's habitat is the flood plains of the White Nile and its tributaries.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence all become involved in litigation with the local authority. Sometimes this leads to excesses and threats of violence. If parents are in need. mainly bought out of his savings. Many simpler societies do not share that attitude. As a rule." and during that time he lives and eats with his parents. Special treatment can. I shall examine several such cases. I shall show that 'violence' is a concept peculiar to modern society. for instance. to be essentially irrational. Thus the welfare office deals regularly with 340 families and the official of the housing corporation deals with all Maaloth's 620 families. An engagement is celebrated. their children ask the welfare office to support them regularly. There men may employ various degrees of coercion rationally and with the support of public opinion. gather and engage in farming. scattered over the plain. On each small ridge a number of families" usually connected by kinship and affinity. and only a limited number of decisions are made to fit individual requirements. There they remain until . become dormant and ineffective. violent marital disputes may ensue. so that he can save money. Natural conditions there constrain them to subsist on a combination of farming. People often stated that 'among us Moroccans [i. young people themselves choose their partners for marriage. in a state of 'ordered anarchy'. After that." They have evolved neither government nor regular political leadership. When the Nile rises in July and inundates the plain. Only a few have the perseverance to fight it out with the authorities. In families such as these. The Nuer nation comprises about 200. Thus many people feel they fare best by staying in regular relief work and supplementing it by welfare assistance. even appear to encourage it. partly for that reason. As there are so many people requiring assistance. and even those that do will not consider violence to be immoral or irrational. The assistance meted out by the bureaucratic agencies is by necessity limited and hedged in by rules and regulations demanding equal treatment for all applicants. corporately organized. the officials cannot possibly attend to each case in detail. according to the accounts of native informants. Their patrilineages are. This applies particularly to middle-aged men supporting large families. relationships among even close kinsmen. After the engagement the groom is supposed to work hard and save money so that he can buy furniture and put down the initial payment on a flat. Most decisions must be made according to formal prescriptions. As the floods subside the villages gradually become: deserted. Water supplies dwindle towards the end of the dry season. I shall discuss such cases below. relationships are affected by the dependence on bureaucratic agencies: the number of primary relationships is reduced. even the obligations between parents and children are limited. But they do not contribute directly to his savings. however. The situation is well illustrated by the customs of marriage. however. Their inhabitants divide into small clusters of kinsmen herding their cattle and moving their camps in various directions in search of pasture and water. the Nuer retreat to sandy ridges and small hillocks. most of whose children still attend school. in Maaloth today] children do not support their parents'. When this happens. and have neither army nor courts of justice. Before entering on a detailed examination of violence in Maaloth some observations on the place of physical coercion in various political systems will be made in the following section.000 persons who live. II Not all societies are equally averse to violence. Knowledge of this tends to increase people's reliance on assistance and induce them to exert heavy pressure on officials. but in reality their members live widely dispersed and thus assemble only rarely and under extreme provocation for joint action. This may take a year or even eighteen months. and as a rule the office obliges. men may despair of obtaining official succour.e. and that only here do certain sectors of society hold individual violence to be intrinsically immoral and. at which the bridegroom presents the bride with a set of clothing. Under certain conditions. Some Stateless societies do not make a clear distinction between non-violent and violent modes of coercion. The Nuer of the southern Sudan. such as brothers. his becomes a separate famil y and neither he nor his parents are expected to support one another. Only when the bridegroom has collected the necessary amount is the wedding celebrated. according to Evans-Pritchard. pastoralism and fishing. be obtained "by repeated and insistent pleading. and to make numerous seasonal moves.

e. use violence. and he will go as far as t~e sl:uatIOn reqUlres. their play passes into fighting." Evans-Pritchard was also told that 'from their earliest years ch.' .." Freedom of movement is a fundamental need for the Nuer. The m:ans of coercion range from verbal persuasion to brute force. But violence may also be premeditated. Violence itself has to the Nuer va~ious degrees: 'Boys fight with spiked bracelets. ~hou1d exercise considerable restraint when fight~g closely associated persons. If slight pressures do not produce the desired results he will employ stronger and harsher ones. 'It sometimes happens that when dancing parties of different villages duel. and it cannot be stopped before considerable loss of hfe has ensued.' we are to~d. alms.eenthat the N ~er tries to obtain satisfaction by agreement and persuasion. The Nuer explained to the anthropologist that they fight whenever they consider they have been insulted: 'When a man feels that he has suffered an injury there is no authority to whom he can make a complaint. and t~ey grow up to regard skill in fighting the most neccessary accomplishmenr'. for he knows that if he indulges in unnecessary violence he will lose the support of his friends. Thus he gradually enlists the moral support of his kinsmen up to the point where they are prepared to use force in his aid." Yet frequent disputes occur. When a fight starts between persons of different ~Illages It IS WIth 0e spear .• Disputes between members of nearby villages . Gluckman concludes that 'it is therefore essential for these groups to be on some sort of friendl y terms with one another if they are to maintain their cattle and themselves alive.the wet season. to vl~lence at the slightest provocation in his daily life.rder to ~each agreement by peaceful means. but not permanently with anyone kinsman. . He shares food and co-operates politically with the members of the community he happens to live in.e settled by agreement .. so he at once challenges the man who has wronged him to a duel . Thus every once in a while the Nuer finds himself in different company. the Nuer never knows whether in any year he can observe his accustomed cycle of movements and remain with the same sets of people.!" This is the Nuer's way of saying that there are various degrees of violence and that one. there is good reason to believe that Nuer will not :es~rt . and a man's courage is his only immediate protection. ~lthlll a VIllage. and in particular with those closely related to him. . In his resume of Nuer political organization. But he does not lightly employ force to obtain his ends..'?" The Nuer must also insure himself against seasonal shortages of food and against violent attacks. If these gentle means fail will he employ stronger pressures and. without any kind of instituted authority. Nuer claim that they usually live with kinsmen. . as the results may be disastrous. that he has exhausted ev~ry peaceful means of obtaining satisfaction. adultery. may insrst on his demanding his rights even if it calls for violence. SOCIety.000 people or more. First they exchange angry words and curses. But even then a Nuer WIll not !lgh~ly ~ght. He will do so only If hIS Ion feel that he is in the right/5 i..'14 Only where the social and physical distance between the disputing sides is great does it become ha. Men. of the same village or camp fight with clubs.. Some erupt spontaneously. The Nuer is reported to be fierce and independent and quick to take offence. 'differences between persons are dIs:ussed by the elders of the vIllage and agreement is generally and easily reached . These ecological necessities force people to co-operate and this helps to explain how the Nuer can be organized in tribes of 60.'> Nuer cite various causes for fighting: disputes about property or rights to pasturage. In the end. HIS. There is no other way of settling a dispute. As the extent of the inundation varies from year to year. Therefore he always lives in a cluster of families. The Nuer does not distinguish between non-violent and violent means of coercion' there is no point of transition from one to the other. when they begin another cycle of movements.'12 Even two dancers bumping into each other may spark off a dispute.. for it is a convention that spears must not be used between close neighbours lest ?ne of th~m be~i~led." Neverthe~ess. for only thus can the common values be ~afeguarded and publicly reasserted. IS It will be s. The various pressures constltu:e s~ many ~egrees on a single scale. . and only. can ~lso b. on whom he depends in all his affairs. ar from objecting to his use f of self-help. They feel free to move all over Nuerland and to attach themselves to any kinsman or affine..Th: Nuer will thus employ various degrees of coercion to achieve his.. and then they get at each other's throats and blood may be spilt. a~ways_provided that he gains the support of hIS vIllage or ~a~p.286 Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence the beginning of .ildren are encouraged by their elders to settle all disputes by fightlllg. and so on. borrowing objects without asking the owner's permission.

A dispute which has reached that stage is considered a 'blood dispute' and concerns the corporate group. Both sectors of Bedouin society defend their contrasting interests through a political organization whose basic units are corporate groups composed of one or more clusters of agnates. 1" The Israeli authorities rule them indirectly through chiefs chosen by the members of each tribe. such as the following. The parties to the dispute reiterated. Whenever a man becomes involved in a situation requiring more than common pressure. was asked to assess the severity of the injury. It can be seen that the agnatic groups in Bedouin society serve numerous ends. who had negotiated the agreement. members of two corporate groups came to blows at a polling station. But in order to fix the indemnity and to settle the case he pretended to see the scar. While the group initiated joint action as soon as its members exchanged blows. this automatically constitutes a case of blood. so as to maintain their supremacy 9vcr the peasants and to prevent the peasants from forming larger groups and from acquiring tontrol over more land. in the settlement of the dispute the spilling of blood was brought in so that the factual situation should be in accord with the tenets of coporate organization. Thus these Bedouin maintain their indigenous political organization. . and one of the main tasks of Bedouin political organization is to resist restriction of their traditional tenure. it could have only been a superficial abrasion or cut. It has to agree at which point a dispute should be considered serious enough to oblige the group to take over. and thus the conditions for the mobilization can be defined on the same principle. The boundary was staked at the point where. then. who gain a livelihood share-cropping for the land-owners.ogy of corporate orga~i~ation: membership of the group IS defined in terms of consangUlfl1ty. whose main task is to resist further pressure. In practice the group interprets the meaning of 'blood' rather liberally. It is connected ~o the ideol. when disputants come to blows. but Bedouin usually prevent this effectively. claim patrilineal descent from a common patronymic ancestor. and the corporate group goes into action. When Bedouin describe the group as composed of those who 'contribute to the payment of blood' (4a{/in qirsh aldamm) they refer to these two aspects of their union of blood. and in that of the land-owning groups. Within a tribe there is a fundamental cleavage between land-owners. but not always. Such groups can formally admit new members. incidentally. in Western cultural idiom. to circumscribe government surveillance.:ch a dispute comes up for settlement the negotiators try to establish that blood has been spilled even if the contention is very doubtfuL This can best be seen in a border-line case. Even where these societies lack centralized direction. The chief is usually a relatively affluent member of the largest land-owning group in the territorial division called 'the tribe'. A month later. Members of a group also act jointly when the interests of one among their number have been infringed. For the land-owning groups are aligned on a territorial basis. It cannot always be clear to members when they ought to mobilize. as tribes and groups of tribes. These clusters of men usually. The assessor was unable to find any trace of it. The group fights for its blood. the almost arbitrary outcome of an organizational principle. The elders of the claimant's group pointed out the exact spot on his check where he had sustained injury. when negotiations had reached the stage of direct confrontation of the sides to the dispute.288 Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence The approach to violence as a political tool differs fundamentally in societies that arc able to activate their corporate groups at all times. and landless persons (whom the real Bedouin consider to be 'peasants'). who consider themselves 'real Bedouin'. they discourage individuals from using violence. the precise point at which a group is to take over from a member in a dispute. but do so only rarely. In the 1961 parliamentary elections. The Bedouin of the eastern Negev are a society of this kind. in spite of constituting part of a centralized modern State. This line is not drawn in arbitrary fashion. A group must thus settle on a predetermined cue for its activation." The group who came out worst in the scuffle claimed the blood of one of its men. The peasants occasionally attempt to increase the size and effectiveness of their political groups. which is legally State domain. Bedouin draw the line at the point where blood is spilt. violence begins. Although he is formally the representative of government in the tribe. The distinction between non-violent and violent action is. At the same time the authorities try to gain control over part of the Bedouin's land. it is in his interest. and especially are they uncertain under which circumstances they should extend help to an individual engaged in a private dispute. the chief of a tribe not involved in the case. When s. his associates intervene and jointly decide on a course of action.

however unwillingly. a system of casuistic regulations is devised. and it is the group's duty to lend him its full supP?rt.. Other administrative agencies are. in Bedouin usage an authorised application of physical force has no opprobrium attached to it.rre. The modern State also defines legally which actions are violent and. The distinction is shown in the manner various cases are dealt with in a modern State like Israel: when the police are called in to handle a fight between spouses they hardly ever take legal action. to ~e legally on the safe side. because refusal would sap its f?undations_. Rulers are particularly sen. In the modern State the rulers assume the exclusive right to use organized force. they tend to call in the ~ohce. and drastic penalties. administratrve agencies cannot employ force themselves22 and cannot even use police forces unless authorized by a law court to do so. defenc:. a machmery of negotiation is set in motion: third parties interpose their 'face' (wijh) and arrange for a truce (. less so to the use of force between private mdlvlduals. so that it can take action. involve bloodshed. thus infringe its monopoly of power: ' . localizes Its e~ect5 and settles it peacefully.a/wah). designated as "States". but a determined client can bring such heavy pressure to bear on officials as to obtain decisions in his favour and even to bend regulations. A man knows that. it can mainly impress on citizens the idea that violence is immoral and it can impose harsh penalties on offenders in order to deter others. . a c~ain of command culminating 1n the holders of authonty. . only certain political associations. and their members are trained to discipline and blind obedience by such means as uniforms and drills deference to f?rm. In other conditions. Not only physical forc~? but even the th~eat of it.. The State then delegates authonty to Its offiCIals to act in a prescribed fashion. Then ~ notable ac~ept~ble to both sides takes over negotiations and carnes commumcatrons from one to the other until direct relationships can be re-established and a formal reconciliation (fu1bah) be staged. just like ordinary crttzens. This means that offi~ials cannot usually respond directly and immediately when faced:Vlth s~rong p~essures from clients.representatI:es. f?r it can only function while all its members adhere faithfully to Its Ideolop. if a violent dispute has erupted. Although one of the group's raisons d'hre is to localize and settle disputes.-empts for itself violent action. is proscribed. especially when not in public. on their accepted definition. It . For the exercise and threat of this coercion .sItlve to una~thoI1zed use of force when it is directed against ~he~r. Disputes between neighbours'" or between dealers and customers are usually settled out of court or. but does not voice any moral objections to individual violence.d:scouraged. all the available members of the corporate group will rush to his aid.s to a certain extent even to police forces. Accordingly. which put considerable pressure on members to avenge real or supposed affronts. Governments do not lightly delegate authority to such agencies. The individual has a right to use violence in self-help. When such situations arise. This ~onstra~nt arplie. may delegate to any other associations the exercise of "legitimate" physical coercion.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence Bedouin corporate organization protects the in~ivid1_1al." It is vested in bureaucratic o~ganization~ specializing in the application of force. On the other hand. in modern conditions . As soon as a fight breaks out. Indepen~ ~ent tho~ght IS . but also engenders violence and perpetuates dl~putes. in the name of this same ideology. then. in the latter case. To reduce this risk military organizations ~lways stress a strict hi~rarchy. In Bedouin society. Rulers jealously guard their prerogative. corporate groups tend to intervene ill matters which. collective pressure will often be put on an individual to pursue personal matters that fall within the corporate group's competence. in the event of a 'spontaneous' quarrel. Bedouin know and admit that corporate organization not only works towards set:lement of disputes. This is particularly true for land-owning groups. to which "legitimacy" L . legally entitled to use force only in self. and look askance at the use of force outside their own organizations.'from violence and. There always lurks a fear that some / J I ofthei~constituent groups will get out of hand Or will even arrogate authority to themselves. Therefore when he exploits a momentary numerical advantage over his opponent a man may well end up by embroiling ~is whole group in a blood dispute.. The local concentration of agnates is not only very reassunng to Bedouinr" but it also often tempts individual members to apply more than the required amount of pressure. which are directed by the rulers.. it does not shrink from the use of violence. The State cannot effective! y protect officials against violence.al insignia of rank.. such as armies and p~hce forces. in others they respond to demands by the public and the courts. only in specific srtuations may they initiate the use of force. The group will take up the dispute. . as civil claims. however.

Physical coercion of any kind constitutes violence in the legal sense. and the perpetrators themselves never claim that. First. either on members of their families.':" His dictum also draws attention to the fact that not all strata of society fear violence. Assaults by drunken persons. Disputes that fall on one side of the boundary are dealt with by civil law and are thought to concern mainly the individuals directly involved. rational use of violence. however. violent ones is often considered so self-evident that violence may be roundly defined as the illegal employment of methods of physical coercion. if necessary. Second. . The modern State. It is likely that those most intimately exposed to the State's schools and oher services have a better chance to acquire a distaste for violence. where threats intermingle with physical coercion. but on the detailed anal ysis of each case within its social context and on the comparative study of the variations found from case to case. punishment by the State. My argument is founded on a limited number of such cases. while those falling on the other side are criminal and call for intervention and. is a universal means of persuasion. and when directed against its representatives even threats of violence are an offence. Secondly. for some citizens. only the knowledge that the State's regulations are backed by physical force ensures compliance. whether it be personal observation or accounts obtained .. These. at school and in play. It does not depend on statistical regularities. irrational outbursts. Such threats may occasionally lead to physical violence but may even then be efficacious. The obverse of the State's monopolization of force is the aversion to its use inculcated in its citizens. or on others. then.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence is attributed. at first sight hardly amenable to sociological explanation. These instances fall in to two distinct categories: while some illustrate the premeditated. 25 Although States discourage violence and parts of the population consider it as immoral. It is thus eminently suited to the requirements of rulers who must sway masses. Verbal persuasion. with its cultural diversity. Sorel has trenchantly summarized one outcome of this training: ' . Physical coercion. III Various instances of violent behaviour observed in Maaloth can now be examined in the light of the foregoing discussion. I shall argue. Middle-class cowardice . are the people who consider individual violence as immoral. some people will always resort to it.. For these violent acts achieve no social aim. I shall attempt a sociological interpretation of these acts of violence. that is. In the home. or of women beating their husbands. even where it consists of dire threats. some of these are found in Maaloth and will be discussed presently. I shall show that some of the seemingly irrational violence contains rational elements. presupposes a specific relationship between the persons concerned. firstly. Therefore it can only rarely be observed at close range/1 and then the observer may not be in a proper state of mind to stand aside and note all the details of the case. consists in always surrendering before the threat of violence. This is particularly true for the modern State. others appear to be spontaneous. I tried to talk to the various persons involved in a case as soon as possible after it occurred. by persons possessing certain social characteristics. there are threats of violence employed against local officials. might also be irrational.. which can be defined as rational. It is significant that the boundary is placed at precisely this point. there occur instances of husbands beating their wives. does not usually intervene when a person 'kills' another's reputation. The statutes distinguish between two varieties of persuasion and usually place the boundary at the point where a 'breach of the peace' occurs. violence is regarded as morally wrong. as something to be shunned. It is in the nature of violence that it occurs sporadically. It is equally applicable to every individual and dispenses with the coerced person's consent. or 'violates' agreements. It often strikes without visible warning. although the semantic usage indicates the seriousness of such acts. They are used as means to obtain concessions from bureaucratic agencies. which could be considered as irrational outbursts. then. that the acts of violence observed in Maaloth are intimately related to prevailing local conditions. from direct participants. Here not every argument is accepted and understood by members of every sector in the population and. These attitudes are elaborated in associations for prevention of cruelty to children or animals.t'" That the State should specify the boundary between non-violent and permissible actions and forbidden. And thirdly. But the State takes a grave view of violence.. The likelihood of violence increases in certain conditions. I shall therefore in each case indicate the sources of my infermation.

A commission set up by the Ministry of Social Welfare to enquire into the frequent violent assaults on its officials stated that 'most manifestations of violent behaviour in the [Welfare] bureaux have taken place in [development and immigrant] townships. and obliged. and holds a secure government job. whose limited resources must be distributed among a large clientele according to defined rules. When spouses quarrel they raise their voices and exchange accusations and abusive language. local corporate groups based on descent and ethnicity played an important part in maintaining public order. whose offices are located in other towns. but only that owing to their cultural background they may have fewer reservations against recourse to violence in personal relationships than people in whom norms of nonviolence have been inculcated since early childhood. The literature on Jewish family life in Morocco makes no mention of violence between spouses and other kiri. While thus enjoying the fruits of firmer government rule. for they have remained relatively isolated from other sectors of the population. a heated kitchen knife pressed against part of his body. in particular. rnent to the local inhabitants. punished physically by both parents and by teachers. resort to violence after peaceful means have failed to obtain concessions from one or the other of the bureaucratic agencies that run their lives. During the last decades many Moroccan Jews migrated from the mountains to lower-lying areas." In that environment. Clients requiring such routine services are often aware of the situation. He works in isolation from departmental colleagues. where public security remained precarious even during the French protectorate (I9I2-56). and against one's dependants. Immigrants coming from territories where the State has not completely taken over police functions may consider violence to be a legitimate means of gaining one's ends. . The following examples will provide the material for an analysis. but not against other close kin and friends. Her son has done well fora Maaloth lad. Children were. When a child ignores the lesson he may be given a harsh reminder. and as long as routine business is involved he has only limited contact with his direct superior. Violence may be employed in relationships with distant persons. This cultural background to violence in Maaloth can be summed up as follows. to make independent decisions. and from villages to towns and thence to the larger cities." it is therefore likely that there was very little of it.. and will not refer them to colleagues.':" A fair proportion of the violent crimes reported to the police in Maaloth are assaults on local officials. Each of the officials represents his particular depart. These aspects of officialdom may be conducive to violence. mate channels as well . when all such channels are barred. He is still unmarried. Physical assault is rare. such as Nahariah. The widow who wanted to change her fiat Mrs Shuqrua's'" husband died two years ago. Acre or Haifa.. and therefore try all possible means of persuasion on their local official rather than turn to his superiors..?" In Maaloth most of the roads of achievement lead through officials. Others may be ignorant of the hierarchical structure of the organization concerned." I do not wish to assert that the inhabitants of Maaloth reveal violent propensities. many of these people were so preoccupied with the struggle to take roots in their new environment that they did not manage to absorb the norms associated with bureaucratic rule. In Maaloth the situation is similar. Within his competence he is free.. and may feel that threats and violence are the only effective way to obtain preferential treatment from the local officials. when required. Many of the inhabitants of Maaloth derive from rural areas of Morocco. and when it does occur the victim is just as likely to be the husband as the wife. violence may offer alternative roads of achievement. predominant! y Berber-speaking regions. however.Some social contexts of personal violence 295 Coser has pointed out that violence can become a means to attain goals in modern society when alternative avenues of achievement are barred: ' . sometimes with a strap or cane. Cas« I. People with this cultural background may reluctantly. as is evidenced by cases to be discussed below. the central government only in recent years succeeded in establishing a firm hold. Many of them do not fully realize how officials of a modern State look at the matter. Certain categories of persons may find themselves in structural positions which effectively prevent them from utilizing not only legitimate channels of opportunity but criminal and illegiti. Children are still punished physically for even minor misdemeanours. In the mountainous. but rationally. Immigrants from such areas were accustomed to help themselves and do not now disdain to use violence.

Chairs may thus have a special significance for them. to make them go beyond their competence.Maaloth. Men were often in such straitened circumstances that they were in no position to gamble on the benefits bestowed by the officials.boys have been registering for many months and there IS no likelihood that jobs will become available. For once. assailants planned beforehand to use chairs. then. better flats. In some of the premeditated attacks. or how and where. I shall just stay with you until you gIve me a good flat. while he insisted he was just an employee who carried out his instructions. .last they became convinced that only violence could shake the officials. she led a long a~d inconclusive discussion with the official. and proceeded to stage a sit-in. For over a year Mrs Shuqrun has tried to obtain a more comfortable flat. One morning she entered the offic~and calmly told the official: '~shall not b. and raised a chair hIgh over hIS head. they believed. to gain their ends by long and weary negonatlOns with officials until at .eat you. Individuals who attacked officials were usually not quite destitute. could be s~lv?d. Squatting on the floor. people permitted themselves to defy officials on whom they depended for various benefits. landlord of practically all the real estate m Maaloth. permanent jobs. As she had none of the latter she would create a row in the mayor's office. as well as his possibilities of exercising verbal persuasion. aged thirty-five. is regularly employed at a Nahariah. he soon reaches the stage . your desk. for the time being. and it is likely that the attackers associate chairs with officialdom and what it stands for in their minds: authority. Accordingly. An angry man waiti~g to see the mayor about an increase.I shall not overturn. for none of them made efforts to see the immediate superiors of the local officials. however. People often said.' Violence was in these cases not only a desperate attempt to attract the attention of an official where no other means were available. the Prime Minister. When they did appeal to higher authority they addressed letters to the President of the State. This aspect 6£ their assault was underlined by the fact that people so frequently employed chairs as weapons." They could take the risk attending such a course of action: they hoped to gain but could also afford to lose." My cases had another characteristic in common: people who cling so tenaciously to their local officials. are apparently ignorant of the nature of bureaucratic organizations. factory and th~s provides reaso?ably well for his wife and four children. I Another inhabitant of . An official of the labour exchange stated that parents of unemployed youths tried on several occasions to break cha~rs over his head. and a few examples of the kinds of demand they made will show this: shop licences. or the Minister concerned. for according to the rules she was not entitled to better housing. by exerting various degrees of pressure on them. and not to care about his clients or his duties. Even a very gentle and polite woman waiting to see the mayor about a job maintained that 'here you can only achieve things by force or by patronage'. Had the official made a counter-move he would almost certainly have brought the chair down on his head. They hoped to circumvent official red tape in this manner. the official's chief preoccupation seems to be to remain secure in his office. signifies an attack on his bureaucratic status and practices. The official did not budge and talked soothingly to him. persuaded her to leave the office. They do not know how competences are hierarchically distributed among various officials. Not just anybody can defy and try to coerce the officials. of course. Eventually he was able to turn the matter into a joke and. and the local representative of Amidar. chiefly because they did not know to whom. To them. 'All the officials care for are their chairs.t'" Fighting the official with a chair. in his welfare assistance spoke in plain terms: 'If you don't beat him you get no response. in which she stated her COnVICtion that he had it in his power to procure another flat for her. Th~y had ~ll tried. One can. or transfer to other places. t~e national housing corporation. he was about to smash his skull. and he added that 'it is especially hard to find SUItablework for youths between fourteen and eighteen. to apply. and hope.' In these and in similar cases the attackers were people whose problems. smugness and callousness. it was also an assertion of independence within the almost total dependence on officials. had regularly refused her request. This ignorance reduces a man's chance to approach the right officials and utilize the proper procedure.n's ~fficial that. A?out fi~ty . he just sends you away. This was 'common knowledge' in Maaloth. When hIS efforts to obtain a larger Bat for his family proved unsuccessful he decided on a more threatening approach: he told the housing corporatio.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence 297 and lives with his mother and maintains her. and they stood a good chance of losing those benefits in future. Several daughters are married or work outside Maaloth. attribute this to the availability of chairs in offices and to their handiness as weapons.

or threats of violence. contrary to the uncontrollable outbursts of violence in the family disputes subsequently discussed. The assailants generally merely swore and threatened violence and occasionally indulged in violent gestures like lifting a chair. so that he could act only if considerable pressure was brought to bear on him.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence where he considers violent action necessary. their thoughts and feelings. Here the official is more inclined to give in. so that it was difficult for him to communicate with them). and officials' withholding information pertaining to the clients' rights and to proper procedures (frequently their instructions were to withhold informationj. such as change of Bats. as the Issue of such a document is not likely to cause him embarrassment. quite contrary to fact. It is often compounded of a limited acqua11ltance with the language ('All the officials at the main office speak Yiddish' is how one man put this point. were so sentenced that actual punishment was involved.tio~ or of cOl~municative devices. Assaults on officials did not usually yield immediate gains. such as empl. That assailants generally stopped s~ort of physical violence. However. and it does not consider violence due to personality disorders. In these circumstances they are likely. Our analysis indicates that there are social environments conducive to particular kinds of violence. so that even if he became involved with the law his risk of being sent to prison was negligible. One of them frankly admitted to me :hat he 'refused petitions in certain matters. as efficacious but risky means to obtain results. In this context. In the cases recorded only one of. by a process of displacement. then it is only reasonable for people to use violence as a last resort. only in two of the cases the accused were sentenced to imprisonment. or thirty-one per cent. were within his own competence. Even the seemingly irrational violent acts to be discussed below are determined by the social structure and contain elements of . overturn the official's desk. except when faced wlt~ t~e threat of violence'. 'only forty-six. if he can shoulder the risk of losing in a violent encounter with the official who represents the obstacle-a person can employ violence rationally. once more confirms that they employed violence rationally." Such violence holds no chance of a way out of the impasse.tnts'privileges) or increases in social welfare grants. The assaults certainly constituted crimes in a legal sense. limited knowledge of bureaucratic procedure. All officials were keenly aware of the constant threat of violence hanging over their heads. and in one case only was hospitalization ordered.the officials attacked suffered physical damage. The fact that threats of violence some- times led to success confirmed the inhabitants of Maaloth in theit belief that one could achieve results by violence. In Maaloth the heavy dependence of so many inhabitants on various bureaucratic agencies often creates competition among them for better deals. were some of the factors leading to increased pressures. Only rarely did they smash office furniture. but they were not really violent to an objective observer. the potential assailant knew from precedent that courts were lenient. People who fail to achieve their ends by the use of moderate pressures may choose violence. Furthermore. Lack of patronage. violence is-to be thought of as an effective but risky means to achieve an end.oyment chits. it turned out. Amir reports that out of 151 persons taken to court for violent behaviour in social welfare offices between 1960 and 1965. In seven cases the accused was put under probation. fines =-ten cases. At this stage I should like to stress that this analysis is not psychological. to become violent towards persons most closely connected with them. . limited previous experience in dealing with bureaucratic organizations and practices. In certain matters he had been instructed 'to remain adamant'. In twenty-six cases the sentence consisted of conditional arrest. where the satisfaction of the demands required prolonged procedures. some people may be in such a precarious financial situation and be so isolated socially that they cannot take the risk involved in such rebellious behaviour against the official. There exist objective factors determining how soon a person will feel that he has to step up pressures. and thus constitutes irrational behaviour. and how far he can go safely. or difficulties in communication. and that they were ethnically different. Some of these matters. 'I'his ignorance may be due to lack of informa.:" The assaults on officials rarely involved serious physical violence. transfer to other towns (with retention of immigr<. They were more effective where the benefit was minimal or could be granted on the spot and without complex procedures.':" If there is a good chance of success and the results of failure are known to be tolerable. If he retains some freedom to manreuvrefor instance. grasp his arm or slap his face. It does not explain people's behaviour in terms of their personalities. He implied that the officials were speaking a language he did not understand properly.

Her remark aptly expresses her predicament: the child was undeniably and irrevocably hers and she was responsible for it whether she liked it or not. There are affinities between this case and that of the Andaman Islander. The teacher sought primarily to put an end to the child's maltreatment. Clashes between obligations occur in any society. the more frightened the girl grew. thus publicly acknowledged that she wished her to attend? The mother found herself in an impasse. Personality could be just one of the factors in a complex situation. but perhaps she realized vaguely that she was also helping the mother out of her difficulty. some excitable and some quiet and subdued. and all her reproaches only intensified her fears. The other parents did not intervene even then. after all. I would therefore hesitate to assert that there was not. This will become clearer in the following section. Perhaps she hoped that the bystanders would understand her plight and help to alter the situation. yet appears at the same time to appeal for public help. the incident was the outcome of a haphazard. at least she could do with her as she pleased. reacts irrationally to it. He has reached an impasse. Case 2. and sometimes in a form that is considered extreme. By destroying his own property as well he indicates to his fellows that he is one with them. slapped the child furiously on her face and body. in the presence of other parents and children. till at last she burst into tears. violent outburst. and thwarted individuals express their exasperation often in a fashion approved or admitted by their culture. His behaviour thus exhibits 'secondary rationality'. only when a teacher talked soothingly to her and introduced her to her class-mates did she gradually calm down. People acted violently because a confluence of circumstances created an impasse for them. momentary and unique combination of circum- IV The following cases will concern 'irrational' violence. some quick-witted and some slow. The following case illustrates the process involved in a simple everyday occurrence. In more favourable conditions. and not just in Maaloth. It might conceivably be one of the factors determining how soon violence would erupt. and these conditions also determined whom they would assault. Although brought about by various factors affecting social life in Maaloth. as actions which did not contribute to a desired end. solve the problem in an indirect. The stubborn child A work-weary mother accompanied her little girl on her first day at school. in this case. Society expected her to make the child stay at school. the violent persons discussed here could become peaceful and sober citizens. for had not she herself brought her to school and .' The mother had left several small children at home without proper supervision when she took her daughter to school. She probably expected to return home within a few minutes. The harder she pressed. but also that of other persons and even his own'. and why these pressures are deflected onto members of their immediate families. and in her rage she struck the child.300 Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence 301 rationality. by antagonizing it if need be. 'The girl is mine." He forces an indifferent public to take up his dispute. including not only that of his enemy. The mother reproached the child and tried to persuade her to stay with her age-mates. and only the teacher felt duty bound to attend to the child. Now the girl delayed her. Violence was committed by people endowed with widely varying personalities. The embarrassed mother then lost her temper and. The beating did not make the child more compliant. who in a quarrel 'may vent his ill-temper by destroying any property he can lay his hands on. then. which will examine cases of violence not directed against officials. Though this be irrational behaviour. The girl was afraid of the unaccustomed surroundings and begged her mother not to leave her alone. a trace of rationality in the mother's seemingly irrational. It communicated her despair to the public and thus constituted an apparently unintended appeal forhelp. 'yet there is method in't'. The mother's violent reaction did. but she could neither make her see reason nor had the time to stay on with her. Nor could she take the girl home. The incident described above could have happened anywhere. non-rational fashion. If she could not make the girl do as she wished. I can do with her as I please. I shall try to find out which social factors force some people to refrain from employing strong pressures against officials where others would use them. When another woman tried gently to restrain her she cried angrily.

She was near exhaustion and wished to give up her job. I shall now examine several cases of this kind. In such cases. At the same time. The family also ran up debts with a local grocer and a haberdasher. that his father had just hit his mother. in a matter-of-fact way and without any signs of distress. The Ederi family dispute Mr Ederi. They all looked to the State's agencies for help. In each such case the police had been called in and the parents warned that they would be charged with desertion of their children. In this case such a gesture was out of the question. the merchants threatened to stop their credit. but the prospect of being unable to provide the family's minimum requirements in the near future. that her husband's concern was not this particular debt. violence can be expected to recur at frequent intervals. occur outbreaks of violence caused by a combination of relatively constant structural factors. and from time to time.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence stances. Finally he picked up a cane and blindly lashed out at her till she ran out of the house.' She realized. Then only a slight additional difficulty is required to create an impasse and provoke a violent reaction. It never occurred to Mrs Ederi to hit back at her husband. The family thus had a small and stable income. It was unlikely that the persons involved would find themselves in the same predicament another time. Case 3. One son informed me. who would find themselves saddled with so many children. Mrs Ederi was inured to such scenes. People may suffer permanent (and relative) deprivations which in themselves are hard to bear. He ran home and accused his wife of wasting money. But she was going to do something about it: 'I shall tell the Rabbi about this bastard and ask him to send him a harsh letter. and her children acted as impartial bystanders. Mr Ederi would beat his wife cruelly. ranging in age from one to thirteen years. There is no avenue of escape for either of them. There may. It will be my task not only to point out the structural discrepancies giving rise to violence. he was expected by the community-and this included the social worker-to dress and feed his children and to see that they attended school. a gentle. While she had her wounds dressed. I know of no divorces among the large families in Maaloth. his wife held a regular part-time job charring for the local council. He attended at the welfare office and the local council office very frequently and there tried to obtain various concessions and benefits. then. In addition. especially in cold wet weather. On such occasions there was little Mr Ederi could do. he then banged her head against the wall. The spouses. so that he can stay at home and attend to the children. she could not count on the support of the welfare officials. Each deterioration in their situation once more brings home to the spouses their irksome mutual dependence. At that time Mrs Ederi suffered pains in her legs and found it very hard to run a large household and keep her job as well. but it worked on a very tight budget. then. blood oozing from the back of her head. As the husband is usually . Since his arrival in Maaloth seven years ago he has only occasionally been employed in light part-time work as a watchman. soft-spoken man. Mrs Ederi muttered under her breath. for most families were in a similar situation. This was on top of his monthly subvention from the welfare office. as Mrs Ederi was herself employed by the local council and could not afford to incur the displeasure of its officials. there was no margin for unforeseen expenses. Mostly he was fobbed of! with promises. Other families had tried this way out. he pushed his flat palm against her face and bent back her head. is the father of nine minor children. are tightly bound to each other. and told me that only the week before her husband had cruelly beaten her. 'What he wants is that I go out [to work]. a very insulting gesture in Moroccan cultural idiom.' This very mild reaction to such cruel treatment is founded on Mrs Ederi's realistic appraisal of her position: she has no relatives or friends who would take sides against her husband (and the following case will further illustrate this point). however. Without waiting for her reply. When things became too much for him. In these circumstances her husband became doubly anxious when he learned of the outstanding debt. but also to examine which circumstances spark off the outbursts. And after more or less prolonged discussions they had al wa ys returned home with their offspring and hardly any improvement in their condition. Were her marriage to break up. One such assault was precipitated when a shopkeeper requested Mr Ederi to settle a debt and he found out that his wife had paid of! much less of it than he had thought. but here and there he also succeeded in getting some money. Mr Ederi knew that he obtained all the aid to which he was entitled and that another visit to the welfare office or the mayor would not help him any more. and claimed that he was not strong enough for relief work in forestry. and in despair had deposited their children at the welfare office or at the local council. There were no kinsmen or friends who would loan money to tide him over the difficult period. when the sums owed had reached a dangerous level. and in the last resort they alone carryall the worries and responsibility for their children. In rising anger. He suffered pains in his legs.

Outside their immediate family they had no kin. and even the victim's submissiveness does not make the assailant relent. On at least one occasion he aba~doned . always on the alert for any concession _or favour to be gamed. The assault took place in the privacy of their home. the family decided to. In their case irrational violence held out no hope of relief. were married in their small native town in Morocco. t~ . his fractured leg hurt and he feared that the doctors would not soon relieve him of his plaster cast (a fear that proved later to be well founded).Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence considered the provider. which yielded an average of £I 60(}--700 a month. He maintained dose contact with the various b. M{' Ben-Hamsh found it hard to make ends meet. he cannot rid himself of responsibility. it is not surprising that she is the obvious victim of the attack. Considering the conditions in Maaloth. He succeeded in capturing one of the m~Jo~ pnzes In tt:1S game: in 1962 he was given one of the first six shops bu~t in Maaloth. and. As his wife is one of the causes of the dilemma (both as child-bearer and as spender of household money).JOInhim there. as. Any unexpected expenditure could upset the balance. The children too took it for that their father would from time to time beat up their mother. the year and also on the great days of their life: circumcision feasts. including threats. and one way to express his helplessness is to resort to violence. When Mr~ Ben-~a~ush. Thus each violent act only demonstrates to its perpetrator more clearly his desperate position. until there seems no limit to his fury. and large sums were spent on food. It is therefore a repetitive event.ureaucratlc agencies a:tive in Maaloth. In this the Ben-Harush acted like most other famil~es in Maaloth. threats and curses. and weddings. and activities for political parties. which then turn into physical attack. the crisis IS often precipitated by her reproaches.ntlOnal means. In preference to many competitors. Mr BenHarush not do badly. friends or other primary relationships. In the Ederi case. Early in 1966. as she is the person nearest to him. There is no way out of the snare in which he is caught. There was no point in appealing to a public with whom the Ederis had no intimate ties. The wife usually submits meekly. The assailant becomes more and more incensed as he (or she) continues to belabour the victim. Mr and Mrs Ben-Harush. on new year s eve and Passover every member of the family received new ~lothes. and does not even attempt to escape from the situation. and on Friday the grocer had refused to sell his wife provisions for the Sabbath because they already eli? . and only serves to increase his annoyance.as if the whole world was combining against him: his wife had Just told him that she was again pregnant. The Ben-Harush family dispute On Mr Ben-Harush's family quarrel I was able to obtain information from ~oth husband and wife.ris did not appeal to the public for help. Only on the Sabbath were some delicacies se~ved at their table. such as profuse bleeding of the victim or the appearance of strangers on the scene. The Ed. his wife can make demands on him. however. while he feels the full impact of the situation. Mr . Only physical exhaustion or a dramatic turn of events. s brother came to Maaloth seven years ago.gain his ~~ds.his chi~dren in the welfare office in protest against what he co~slder~d m.Ben-Harush family lived frugally. Yet he continued his relief work and was also retained on the rolls of the welfare office In spite of his several sources of income. for other instances were observed in several impoverished large families. furthermore. ~he . commg-of-age ceremonies. Their first three years !n Israel were spent in a communal settlement.Ben-Harush . None of his children was old enough to work. who found relief from the penury an~ monotony of daily life by spending liberally on these two major holidays of. The Ederi famil y was not unique in this respect. She knows there is neither help nor remedy for it. And then several things happened that mad~ him feel. she did not approach neighbours for aid and while she stood helplessly in front of the house no crowd collected around her.was very apprehensive about the approaching Passover. feigned epileptic seizures. This restraint was dropped twice a year. Although wounded. violence was the outcome of structured and relatively static conditions. It appears as if the violent behaviour is accompanied by a constant awareness that it does not provide a way out of the impasse. and hIS. which enables me to amplify some of the observanons ma~e on the preceding case. and when Mrs Ederi escaped into the street her husband made no attempt to follow her. can stop the assault. who now have eleven children. There is something very significant about the spouses' behaviour during the assaults in this and in other cases observed: they begin with reproaches. Case 4.suffi:Ient assistance. He employed every conventional and unconve. OWIn?"to a? accident he had for several months not gone on relief work. in turn impelling him to react even more violently.ad also suffered. The following two examples show similar patterns.busmess h. The assailant is often so absorbed in the circular processes intensifying his (or her) own helplessness that he little heeds the victim's reaction. and this was admitted by the victim.

A number of facts indicate that the Ben-Harushes were sporadically slightly better off financially and somewhat less isolated from the community than the Ederis. He explained later how he felt that night: 'A man is like a riverbed. His wife then demanded money from him. spouses are bound to each other through their children. Still. and do not expect their parents to contribute a major share. who lives across the street. the breadwinner. and such a heavy burden ~o carry..--- ---=UCI ~J..<: ":'::"". ~.U". A sister of Mrs BenHarush and her husband from the city were staying with the family at the time as their guests. Their relative isolation from kinsmen keeps them at each other's mercy and at the same time reduces social pressures supporting the marriage..es: and Mr. they also constitute a valuable asset. Thus. I have all the time provided for the family. For while children are the immediate cause of the family's troubles. are closed. The welfare authorities would refrain from helping the spouses to obtain a divorce.. there was Mrs Ben-Harush's brother's wife. that a dispute was extremely unlikely to endanger their marriage. He stalked out of the house and apparently remained overnight in his shop. That this calculation is incorrect does not alter the position. But it also to fore other pressures. Even if the parents realize this-and apparently many of them do not-it will not reduce the value they put on children. but he could not satisfyher demand. Also. for after the couple make it up. and after drifting about for several months he preferred to return to his family. and had her taken to hospital. For the same reason he would not at first allow her to obtain medical treatment. You quarrel and you make it up. she meant that they would bear him a grudge if he dared come between them. The children did not take sides in the quarrel. Children are not just a financial asset but also a support in any eventuality. they did not intervenein any way. Ben~ Harush explained to me a few days later that with a family of twelve children you are tied with chains to your wife. sometimes it is dry and sometimes it carries water. the parents hope that they will later on help to supplement the family's income and gradually become its main support. When he returned home the following morning.. A Maaloth man who left his family of seven after a domestic quarrel found that out to his discomfiture.' Here I must briefly touch on the nature of the mutual of the spouses. the bureaucratic agencies on '-dJ'"U1JC UCfYCLJ'UL.VIarx: personal violence owed more than £1 600. and his wife explainedlater on that 'he did not want to interfere. who came to her aid in spite of her husband's warning. then he lost his temper. people depend in so many ways-for work. the wife behaves as if I had never provided for the family.·rt. a husband getting away with desertion are very slim. and families rarely break up. as It IS to maintain anonymity in a small country like Israel. Mr Ben~Harush did care about public opinion. Formal separation would be even harder to obtain. then they would certainly assist them in every possible way. From then on they save up for their own wedding and household equipment. The brother would not come to her aid. housing. When she sustained the wound Mrs Ben-Harush told her eldest daughter to call her brother. he took an active part in bringing about a reconciliation between his parents. welfare and medical aid-require their clients to document their identity. You leave her. First. If at the moment they are only an expense. and beat her overthe head with his crutch. Although Ben-Harush's eldest son stood aside while his mother was being maltreated. the attribute of his helplessness. as in all likelihood this would leave those authorities responsible for the maintenance of the minor children.m~ bad leg. All these are minor considerations when compared with the fundamental importance of the children.·~c furthermore. The . whose . she fou~d the courage to rush to her sister-in-law'said. This was clear to the spouses themsel. He knew there had been family disputes before that and that the couple had every time patched up their quarrel. his wife continued nagging him for money and they began to quarrel. The reluctance of Mrs Ben-Harush's brother to interfere was prompted by previous experience. Adolescents contribute to their parents' budget only up to the time they decide to get married. as legal procedures are long-drawn41 out and involve considerable expenditure. Mrs Ben-Harush also brought III a local policeman. and for a few days after the assault on his wife he tried to remain out of sight. But in practice the public did hear about the incident and more people became involved in this case than in Ederi's. who talked to her husband but did not prefer a . then he remains outside'. If the State's welfare services should cease one day to provide for their parents. in addition to their mutual dependence. Blood streamed profusely out of a deep cut. and now that I a~ dry because of. and had so little support from kin and friends. .. The spouses were so mutually dependent.

provide for his own growing family.. Mr Fahimah finally became the owner of a stall in the Casablanca market. He felt old an~ use. That morning she returned ho~: With the good news that she would be admitted to the teachers' traInIng college.d d .the verbal level.faIllll¥ m his duty towards his family. he had lost his economic independence and he was becommg a burden to the welfare services. After having engaged in a variety of jobs. and did not contrib~te t~ ~is parents budg~t. He was stationed in another town wo k d hard to. The eldest son got . My wife does not understand. The elde. another time he served drinks at a local council function. the Fahimahs were in a better economic. His elder children were alr~a~y fending for themselves.m Mr Fahlmah's attitude to his wife. position than many of Maaloth's families. and. had provided well for a large family and had ~tt. Abroad he had been relatively success~ul in business.Here. to bring the youngest.Fnday mornmg. and his hint at violence directed against himself.t~ltlOn and boarding. An hour or so after the daughter's arrival. Mr Fahimah tried his best to supplement the family'S income: one day he sold home-made cakes at Maaloth's bus stop. but stayed in the locked-up shop. child to her over the weekend.' Here there may be a connection between Mr Ben-Harush's deeper involvement with the community.children's training.he ~ad to rely were equally unable to hel~. And lastly. incessant shrieks suddenly arose from Mr Fahimah's home. The fa~ily ~s a whole had begun to find its bearings.esslOn. relieve his fears ~ and suspicions. whence it drifted to Casablanca. and thus he constantly suspected her of mantalmfidehty. elghbours would collect in Mr Fahimah's flat. He had lost control over his children: even those still of at the p~lmary s~hool became unruly. Mr Fahimah had not been to work. This connection will be investigated in the following case. Still..stdaughter had been away for a week. his more extreme withdrawal even from his closest relationships after the assault. He was ashamed of his outburst and withdrew from contact with a public that might have censured him. A d~~ghter had entered a nurses' training college. Rushing down to his flat. Both spouses are literate in French. later he became usher in one of the local council's offices. Mor~ ~an once Mr Pahi_mah sought relief from his misery by attemptmg sU1~lde. There is no one who understands. His wife was staymg over the weekend with a brother in a nearby town and one of the grown-up daughters took care of the household and the smaller children. my eldest son just stands there and does not do anything.less. Mr Ben-Harush found a friend willing to loan him £1 500 to tide him over the difficult time. Another son had been admitted to a residential school at no cost to his par~nts. fearful. growing up. others. they also proved an embarrassment. The family was certainly not well off. Case 5. It was.. where the State pal~ for . As such he was at first sent to sweep the streets and was ashamed to have sunk so low. but both incomes combined did not satisfy its minimum requirements. 'For many days after the quarrel I did not live at home. . 'I cannot hear the suffering any longer. Although Ben-Harush's wider connections were useful in helping him out. Only Mr Fahimah's present sl~uatlOn contrasted unfavourably with the past.lllgwere faIlmg.with him. His wife's efforts to find work any kind were of no avail.' During those days he even felt that his family had forsaken him. while the elder girls should attend to their father and the other children.. Mr Fahimah was no longer young and thus was relegated to the category of restricted relief workers. such as waiter. His wife contributed to the family'S comfortable income by part-time work as a doctor's assistant. with its ten children. On such occaSIOns. One or two were beginning to earn independent incomes and others were being taken off their hands. Mr Fahimah never struck his wife. A second daughter had sat. Yesterday I was close to throwing myself into the sea. This reaction found expr. itinerant trader and tailor. are details of one such attempt which I witnessed. She also delivered a message from her mother. The welfare office extended regular Hll"U'C'''"'"""""""" assistance to the family. from time time sold some of the valuables it had brought from abroad.charge against him. after he made it up with his wife. and only the children came to see me. He felt that she could not pOSSIblyw~sh to ~emain . a after their arrival in the country. dh Ii marne an joinc t e po Ice force. He Jealously watched her behaviour and accused her o~ ~ommittin~ various indiscretions ranging from exposing her knee to a VISitor to havmg a clandestine lover. and restore peace for a while. maintain a standard of living according to its expectations. ~or the teachers trammg college entrance examinations and was waltmg for the results. Th~re occurred frequent noisy disputes between the spouses which always rema~ned at . Mr Fahimab's attempted suicide The Fahimah family originates from one of the coastal towns of Morocco. In Maaloth his eHorts to earn a proper hV. As he put it. and the State had taken charge of the tralD111g. In I964 the family. which in his Moroccan environment were considered as demanding very little skill. I hoped no one would know about me. and both parents frequently resorted to phYSical pums~ment. as their eldest children . I .: . Under the prevailing economic conditions there was Iittle Mr Fahimsh himself could do to alleviate his situation and the local officials on ~~om . All these occasional jobs did not add up to much..ended to h:s. against its wishes. emigrated to Israel and was sent to Maaloth.

however. not only 'for his children' was he committing suicide. The fact that so many spectators rushed .Mr Ederi and Mr Ben-Harush. who was also related to ~he fa~ily. or that relationships with his spouse or kinsmen improved after the attempted suicide. Relations With other kin were also kept up by the frequent exchanges of visits and mutual taining. no employment suitable for him was available. Neither they nor the bureaucratic agencies could remedy his plight. only forty-four were alone during the attempt. so here too a structural situation without remedy provoked violence. Therefore the wife does not necessarily precipitate a storm or have to bear its onus. In the literature.doin~nothir:g to help him. He lacks the absorbing.\." In other cases the attempt failed to procure any change in the patient's situation.fact that t~~ Fahirnahs possesseo an active cluster of relationships III Maaloth.he had sligh. here violence was direc~ed not towards another person hut against the self. He had enough economic reserves to make up for deficits. ' The Fahimahs maintained friendly relations with their hours and there was constant coming and going in their home. and each assault was brought on by a combination of circumstances that exposed the impasse. twenty-two had .. she can seek the aid of her relatives or take refuge with them. and thus vents his violence on himself. economic or otherwise. still screaming but . and each of them individually. In contrast to the former cases.h~d come down in the world and did not expect to regam economic independence. He was not in financial straits and did not run up debts with storekeepers. attempted and unsuccessful suicides are necessarily lumped together. Stengel reports that 'of 147 unselected patients admitted to a mental observation ward after attempted suicide •. Whlle they treated his wounds. under conditions in Maaloth he was unemployable. this combination of factors has grave significance: he has lost his hold.'H In many instances Stengel found that temporary or permanent hospitalization solved the patient's problem. it turned out later.to the scene attempted suicide testifi:s to _the. mostly women. have numerous r which reduce their dependence on each other. He had s~ashedhis belly severaltimes with a razor blade. His appeal was heard by his kin.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence 3II found him lying on the Roor in a pool of blood. .. whose new relationships take them more and more out of the family circle. When despair overtakes him he considers himself alone and forsaken. he had fewer dependants. His two grown-up daughters and the other children as well as a number of neighbours.tlyr.!. intimate tie with a single person which could make him turn on her when he finds himself in an impasse. As his family was older. always bearing in mind that I am not attempting to explain the causes of attempted suicide in general but only one particular set of conditions conducive to it. his wounds were only superficialand not dangerous. I did It all for my children. Thus Mrs is not the exclusive focus of her husband's social spouses. The rest Were together with or ncar people.' Perhaps he meant that as he was unable to provide fo: his childre~l he did not wish to become a burden to them. Mr Fahirnnh murmured. His wife also maintains close links with friends and kin within and outside Maaloth. were standing around him.. and accordingly he and his wife are no longer so exclusively and intimately dependent on each other as were the pairs of Spouses previously discussed. of th: neighbours.":\. Attempted suicide is very often a person's appeal to a public to find a solution to a fundamental problem with which he has not been able to cope.:. Mr Fahimah's attempted suicides took place in circumstances which indicate that he wished to mobilize his immediate family and other intimates in the hope that they would find a way out of his impasse. Seen from Mr Fahimah's subjective viewpoint. but they were powerless to help him. Such appeals for help therefore presuppose the presence of witnesses. Forty of the total moved towards people during the attempt. . Mr Fahimah himself possesses a relatively extensive network of relationships.. that he was redundant. But unlike th~ others he .. as in Mr Fahirnah's case.often analytically distinct from suicide. He was conscious. First Mr Fahimah's economic problem was quite different from that of . As in the two cases discussed above. said s~e often got help and good advice from them.but seemedunconcerned with thmgs gOIngon around hlI_ll' By the time the doctor and nurse a~rived. .eco. . as is evidenced by the fact that of the 138 patients whose histories were followed up. over the adults in his family. Stengel points our" that attempted suicide is . HIS daughter s announcement that she would attend teachers' training college made it clear to him that his children were getting on without him. Perhaps th: specific elements of the situation can shed some light on the difference.vered. but also because of them. but. Only with great difficulty would Mr Fahimah have found employment suited to his very poor qualifications anywhere.

through patronage-for instance by becomtn~ active for a politic~l. but it should not be understood as a way of classi~ying acts of violence. Yet from the ?bserver s vlewP. On the other hand. it may be able to help. While such violence is an admission of defeat. The assailants managed to be heard and. it is also ma~e up of ratio~al an? irrational elements. VlO Iapses into an uncontrolled outburst.k involved i e rrsks mvo ve tn. Thus they could have appro~ched oflicials indirectly. that the difficulties under which he labours are chronic and persistent. These attacks were interpreted as cries for help. and all realized the risk involved and took it willlllgly. When a willing public is found. they could not use force to obtain special treatment.their point ~f view. then. this is a clear indication that the difficulties which gave rise to it have not been solved. The situation is the same. .attacke. In the constitute a form of behaviour lying on the border of rati lit This i 'd d ona 1 y. I . In some matters they c~uld have. F~om. and it has yielded a limited number of cases. and after having first tried various gentler means of persuasion. I re-examined EvansPritchard's account of the Nuer and my own material on the Negev Bedouin. violence seems to IS IS eVI ence by the ease with which rational controlled . The persons who assaulted officials considered violence as the last and only cour~e of ~ction open to them. A relative of his told me that about a year after the attempted suicide discussed above he insisted on undergoing an operation which the doctors considered unnecessary. Soon after he returned home from hospital he began to complain about pains and was re-admitted to hospital for observation. Here people were gettmg all the offiCialassistan~e they were entitled to and.d onl~ i~ the cases where the many-stranded relationship With her IS so bmding that nothing can break it. Irrational violence may thus contain traces of a secondary rationality. pa:ty. Their rational action contained important elements of irrationality. for they Ignored alternative avenues of action that carried better chances of success. Where violence is repetitive. Yet their situation often became unbearable and then they would violently assault members of their families. Thus no cases of homicide or suicide were available." Mr Fahimah's repeated attempts at suicide indicate. In a modern State. achieved results by petltlonmg the superiors of their local 0!ficlals.m an economically depressed region.) In this context it IS lt~matenal whether the assailants lrnew about the alternatives at the tune of attack. but when he was sent home the pains set in again. (It should be kept in mind that Maalot~ ~s ~ltuated . could also be explained as rational (but not necessarily as legitimate). for even if they did not they could have consulted other people. however. . Nor have I discussed organized violence. Some of the violence in Maaloth. most violence! where individual violence often invites strong reaction and sometimes collective retribution. The wife is . mutatis mutandis. None of them employed violence right ~rom the start. I am aware that I have not covered the whole range of phenomena subsumed under the term 'violence'. The distinction between rational and irrational violence may have some heuristic value." which made me realize that violence is employed rationally in simpler societies and is often supported by public opinion. He seems condemned to a life in which violence against himself becomes part of a repetitive sequence. The very ineffectiveness of his attempts are pathetic proof of his inability to remedy his situation. this situation permitted me to study violence in its social context and at close range. The doctors found that he was recuperating nicely. When people encountered obstacles which appeared to them insurmountable.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence made previous attempts and eighteen repeated their attempts within the following five years. it turned out. they acted rationally. it may also be an appeal to the public. To reach some understanding of the processes involved. being so completely dependent on officials. It has been shown that people attack the person closest to them because he or she is seen as one of the causes of the difficult situation and because his or her complaints had made it an issue. They embarked on it after careful conSIderatIOn. at least in some cases. The study of violence in Maaloth was only incidental to a regular community study. they would often react violently in ways not designed to advance their aim. The same is true for the cases of 'irrational' violence. It is not impossible that both the desire to undergo the operation and the relapses are variations on the previous theme of violence directed against the self. It is shown also by th ence . where a wife attacks her husband.01nt their behaviour is partly irrational. for although by local standards they were demanding exceptional treatment their demands could have been reasonable b ~ta~dards applied elsewhere. wit~ n~ ri~k to themselves. to be vaguely understood.

This type of violent person appeals to others to act on his behalf. before. but also hoping that help would come from some unknown quarter. from the actors' as well as from the observers' point of view. which he was unable to provide.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence 315 attack. After the attempted suicide Mr Fahimah's wife and daughters rallied to him for a while and sought some solution to his difficulties. Not only are the economic resources very limited. A person in the second category is constrained by circumstances to such an extent that he loses his freedom of action. then. they must use ever stronger arguments to :. in the first place. . He bas no clear notion of what exactly the others can do for him. ::. but is also sharply reminded that he or she is a full partner in the crisis. While. The rabbi is an official. Finally. not only is one spouse made to feel the pain and sorrow of the other. 2. He employs violent coercion in order to achieve a clearly defined goal. unlike Mrs Ederi's to the rabbi. The basic distinctions between the two categories of violent person can be summed up thus: L In the first. in consequence of the attack. I wish to reiterate that my aim has been to examine certain social relationships that engendered violence. For those of its inhabitants who live on relief work and welfare assistance. such as housing and welfare.:. in spite of a limiting environment. On the one hand. and forces him to share his burden. from her brother's family. the spouse takes over his or her share in the burden. Maaloth provides an environment that permits them few choices. but he is prepared to assume full responsibility for his actions.:ho we~e in Maaloth members of a person's family. Hers was an assertion of the independence she had gained vis-a-vis her husband through her brother's help. and hardly ever resorts to physical assault. (Again. held him responsible. All the violent acts observed. to yield up their resources. was not designed to obtain help. . whereas now each of them sought to help the family in her own way. by the deliberate and controlled Useof threats and violence. or the person himself. Conceivably he might offer some material assistance or use his influence in the Ederis' favour. The brother's reluctance to. Mrs Ben-Harush's appeal to the policeman. Against this background the cases discussed in this essay fall into t~o categories. His hospitalization gave them all a short respite. these persons were normally officials). and the victim is often wounded.) Before. and controls some resources of his own. now he was forced to come to terms with the parent or teacher. He was to write a sharp letter to the erring husband. 10 the Andarnan Islands any members of a village might have been included) on whom no concrete demands are made. He behaves in a restrained manner. Later on she got in touch with the town's rabbi. but by a violent act he tries to thrust part of his onerous responsibility onto another person (or onto a group of persons). the individual has some choice between various c~urses of a~tior:. As a result he is liable to find himself in difficulties that cannot be resolved. the child had behaved obstructively. He is willing to do so because he is in a position to risk loss of benefits and possible punishment. vince officials of the justice of their special demands. and my conclusions cannot be applied directly to other social contexts and other varieties of violence. there are ineffective violent assaults on persons (. many people compete for the resources. the wives had blamed their husbands for the lack of money. there are similar elements in some parental beatings of children. not only to get away from her husband. She too was made to seek outside help. Mrs Ederi first ran out into the street. The term 'impasse' was used to denote such situations. In none of these cases was a solution found. step into the breach may have been partI y due to his realization that material assistance was required. Mrs Ben-Harush was persuaded to accept her husband's temporary invalid state and inability to earn enough money for the family. incapable of obtaining their requirements from the officials. but they are also mostly concentrated in the hands of a few officials. The cases discussed all occurred within a specific social context. but he could also take some steps to restore peace in the family. His appeal is usually manifested in violent physical assault. And indeed. and only certain types of violence were encountered. On the other hand. They can all be classified as minor personal violence. though not seriously. mutatis mutandis. he uses mainly strong language and threats. were compounded of both rational and irrational elements. but in each case the cry for help was and renewed attempts were made to solve pernicious problems. He seems to single out for assault a person who is both intimately associated with him and who. however limited and short-lived that independence may have been. That leads some people to use threats and violence against officials and others to feel helpless. there are attempts to coerce persons (10 Maaloth.

151. 183 and 239. It does not refer to persons capable of work. Jerusalem in Febru~ry 1967. in this and other publications of the Manpower Planning Authority. head of Israeli Police criminal investigations. Deshen. . For a discussion of the ideology and practice of feuding see Peters. states that disputes among neighbours are a frequent cause of violence and that the police hard! y ever bring such cases to court. and published in Hebrew as 'Some notes on violence: (l!elmqUt:n. f4 Ibid.cy and Society.held at Brantwood. IX Evans-Pritchard. and do men who command armed force not try to use that force to seize power.. 16 In the language of modern politicians the practice is termed 'escalation'.. Amir kindly put his expert knowledge of the literature on violence at my disposal. 7 This contrasts sharply with former customs. I should emphasize that nowhere has the State gone so fat as to deny citizens the right to use violence in certain circumstances. Custom and Conflict in Africa (1955). in September 1968. shows that this neither was true for medieval European States nor is for the so-called developing States of our times. " 6 A plant in Nahariah producing asbestos building material. P. Pt'Oceedings of the Seminar on Violence in Israel (1967). between August 1964 and September 1966. vol. Professor Gluckman. p. Institute of Criminology. is peculiar to this kind of political organization. Silberstein and Dr R. The Maaloth study constitutes one of a series of researches on Israeli immigrants directed by Professor Max Gluckman and myself in the Department of Social Anthropology. " Early versions of the paper were read at a seminar of the Institute of Criminology at the Hebrew University. 13 Evans-Pritchard. Ben-David. The analysis r~ers to that period. 171.. 2 Bienen. 20 The institution of feuding. 23 Mr A. registered for at least seven as such at a labour exchange (ibid. pp. 73 (in Hebrew).. Dr M. Dr S. 15 Ibid. Only in States which have achieved 'a high degree of utilitarian organic interdependence' do rulers increasingly monopolize the right to use violence. 2410 Gluckman. C~mston. 3). 6.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence Notes Field work in Maaloth was carried out over a period of twenty~two months. 2. 1967). The working population. since I left the field. through a series of acts which provoke reactions. . and public opinion is goaded to support ever stronger measures. 261-82. pp. Mrs B. 3 This is a division of the Jewish Agency. 5 The official figures of unemployed have been calculated for a workmg population' comprising 17 per cent of the town's population. Shur. the Ministry of made it possible for inhabitants of Maaloth to be employed at the It used to employ up to sixty-five men from Maaloth and was considered the best possible place of employment for unskilled labour. 5-6. such as bringing in immigrants and settling the land. p. Dr Y. Drafts of the paper were read. 4 Israel Ministry of Labour. p. Violence and Social Change (1968).. (Hebrew University. p. 6. The Nuer (1940). University of Manchester. 22 A notable exception is the bailiff. Ben-Ami. pp. 151-2• 18 The situation described here is correct for 1960-61. 9 Evans-Pritchard. 'Tribalism. pp. 2.e. 'Some structural aspects of the feud among the camel-herding Bedouin of Cyrenaica' (1967). Kinship and Mart'iage among the Nuer (1951). ". conditions in Maaloth have changed considerably. In other areas marriage took place between one week to three months after the engagement. p. Werbner. the semi-gover~m:nt~l organization carrying out functions considered as central to Zionist Ideology. and financed by the Bernstein Israel Research Trust. 171• 12 Evans-Pritchard. p. Manpower Planning Authority: Employment and Unemployment in Development Towns in August I966 (1966). The Nuer (1940). and at a meeting of the ASSOClatlOn f ~oclal o Anthropologists of the Commonwealth. p. 21 Gluckman. Kinship and Marriage (1951). 17 Ibid. See my Bedouin of the Negev (1967)... a. who investigated traditional marriage among Moroccan Jews. is defined as 'all those employed. Since then fundamental changes have taken place in the Negev. i. informs 1 that in the Atlas mountains marriage was not usually preceded by an engagement. The Nuer (1940). p. Pp·57-8·) . 169. 8 Evans-Pritchard. when I did field work in the Negev under the auspices ofthe Department of Social Anthropology at the University of Manchester.sagainst a working population of 37 per cent for the whole country (tbtd. p. Disputes are allowed to build up gradually. After a of strikes and clashes with the police in I961. Il4). Ben-David encouraged me to go into the subject at greater length. " 19 Some aspects of this case are discussed in my Bedouin of the Negev (190'). Professor J. p. I am very grateful to the scheme's trustees for their generous support. and to some extent for 1963. They make every effort to settle the differences peacefully. in the sense of an endless series of killings between two corporate groups. I am very grateful for their detailed comments and have tried to meet their points in this revision. by Pr~fessor J. ruralism and urbanism in South and Central Africa' (1970). engaged on relief work or unemployed'. p.

African Homicide and Suicide. Chicago: Chicago University Press (1968). p. 659. as discussed in S. 'office'. are second-hand accounts. M. 33 All names. pp. more concerned with statistical analysis or with conditions conducive to violence than with examining case'material. 'Some social functions of violence'. p. which in Israel are competent in matters of personal status. The Andaman Islanders (1922). 81-2. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul (1963)' Bienen. p. Les Bcrberes (1957). He antagonizes them and steals openly from them. Report of the Commission on Violent Behaviour in Government Social Welfare Offices (1967). p. 42 Compare this to the two preceding cases. even dose kin helped reluctantly. Bousquet. on a different analytical level. p. Lasswell on aggressiveness among recipients of unemployment insurance: 'In contrast to the non-aggressive clients. 1961). 28 Coser. Blau. 'Repression'. . D. Jerusalem: Szold Institute (1967). so that in case they did not like it they would not be in a position to ask for other .). to prevent the ideritification of individuals. R. 'The social effects of attempted suicide' (1956). The officials of the housing corporation had been instructed to secure these cards before showing immigrants to a new flat. In some cases the villagers respond by helping the 'wild man' economically and by reducing his social obligations. Formal Organizations: a Comparative Approach. 32 Amir. G. p. 26 Sorel... 41 The rabbinical courts. 40 Radcliffe-Brown. Jacobs. pp. pp.. P. Formal Organizations (1963). uS. 48. The literature on violence is. as a rule. 12. H. 78.. Bibliography Amir. vol. cit. W. 164-7. He capitulates to adverse social conditions. and Donath. 45 Stengel. 618.] P. 46 Ibid.. [Editor's note: See further the discussion of some forms of 'self-help' in Moore's article in this book. (ed. in one of which no one came to the aid of the women attacked. 44 Stengel. pp. 36 Blau and Scott. much as in English. The process of displacement bears resemblance. pp. A Study of Culture Stability and Change (1956). Newman. 38 Amir. Lcs Berberes. 'Enquiries into attempted suicide' (I952).. A. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France (r957)· Chouraqui. 35 The list of items demanded by assailants in the cases studied by Amir. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France (1952). Almond and H. due to his reaching an impasse. 6r7.. shows how a Gururumba attracts the attention of fellow-villagers to his impossible position. in the other. op. and Scott. New York: Atheneum Press (r967). Freud. aggressive clients tended to come from higherincome and education groups: 37 Thus before arrival in the country each immigrant family was given a green card entitling it to cheap. P. p.Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence 24 Weber. M. as well as other details. '''Wild man" behaviour in a New Guinea highlands community' (1964). but as a call for help. 1925). 84--97. A description of the process and its effects on social relationships will be offered below. State-subventioned housing. 43 Stengel. 31 See. Violence and Social Change. 2. 29 The French authorities completed their conquest of the Atlas mountams only in 193+ See Bousquet. 71• 30 Chouraqui. L'evolution de la femme israelite a Pes (1962). 'Enquiries into attempted suicide' (1952). report a similar finding in a study by G. 1-19. to substitute formation for repressed instinctual impulses. 34 In Hebrew the word 'chair' is frequently used in the sense of 'seat of authority'. 47 I turned to ethnographic studies chiefly because much of the sociological literature on violence was found irrelevant to my purposes. Coser. provides data on this internal migration which indicate that male bread-winners moved first and were then followed by their families. L. 19-20. 613. Reflections on Violence (1908. vol. op. at first try to conciliate the spouses and only if their efforts have proved fruitless over several months do they agree to discuss a divorce. IV. Bohannan. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft (1964). p. " 25 So in the article 'Violence' by Hook in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences (1930-35).. 'Some social functions of violence' (1966). L. H. Annals of the American . p. shows many similarities.. les [ui]: d'Afrique du Nord. Report of the Commission on Violent Behaviour in Government Social Welfare Offices. Marche uers l'Occident (1952). His behaviour is not considered as criminal. p. 39 'Displacement' here refers to the relinquishing by a person of an instrumental aim. Marche uers I'Occident. for instance. 10. have been altered.). Collected Papers (London. This is a free translation of the passage. 'accommodation. and. Dr Donath states in a personal communication that she never found signs of violence between spouses. cit. 27 Thus all the cases of homicide and suicide discussed in Bohannan (ed.. and elsewhere. A. 35. African Homicide and Suicide (1967). p.

'Violence'..'Some notes on violence. 613-20. Sorel. Israel. Peters. Custom and Conflict in Africa. 66 (1964). L. vol. pp. Jerusalem: Institute of Criminology (in Hebrew) (1967).'The social effects of attempted suicide'. translation from French edition of 1908). Jacobs. Oxford: Clarendon Press Freud.Ministry of Labour. vol. L. Washington: Catholic University of America Press (1956). pp. 261-82.955). pp. 1-19.320 Emanuel Marx Some social contexts of personal violence 321 Academy of Political and Social Science. F.. V. Marx. vol. Durkheim. Stengel. 4. Aix-en-Provence: Faculte des lettres (1962). M. Hook. Employment and Unemployment in Development Towns in August 1966. P. Collected Papers. Newman. 2 (1967). -Kinship (r951). Weber. and Marriage Among the Nuer. ed. L'Evolution de la femme israelite a Fes. Oxford: Blackwell. 84-97· Gluckman.' American Anthropologist. . G. . The Nuer: a Description of the Modes of Livelihood and Political Institutions of a Nilotic People. New York: Macmillan (1930-35). Canadian Medical Association Journal. (i. London: Tavistock (1967). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul (1952. E. ". . E. Manchester: Manchester University Press (1967).. 1964. Evans-Pritchard. 74 (1956). (1924-25). The Andaman Islanders. Central Bureau of Statistics. 818. S. 15.. 'Repression'. Africa. M. (1940). 45 (1952). A. New York: Collier (1961. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1970).). E. Turner. vol. R. The Sub-culture of Violence: towards an Integrated Theory in Criminology.E. M... S. E. Cologne: Kiepenheuer & Witsch (1964).. vol. pp.).. Manpower Planning Authority.... Donath.. 'Enquiries into attempted suicide'. . Statistical Abstract of Israel. Radcliffe-Brown. Jerusalem: Central Bureau of Statistics (1965). A Study of Culture Stability and Change: the Moroccan [etoess (dissert. 37 (1967). Wolfgang.E. ool. Reflections on Violence. pp. Jerusalem (in Hebrew) (1966). pp. '''Wild man" behaviour in a New Guinea highlands Community. London: Hogarth Press. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine. Oxford: Clarendon Press . pp. 22-5 (in Hebrew). Proceedings of the Seminar on Violence in Israel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1922). E. rr6-20.'Tribalism.. Suicide: a Study in Sociology.' Delinquency and Society. Wirtschaft und Gescllschajt: Grundriss der verstehenden Soziologie (two vols. translation from French edition of 1897).. Hebrew University Institute of Criminology. 15. vo. 364 (March 1966). Encyclopaedia ot the Social Sciences. ruralism and urbanism in South and Central Africa. M.. and Ferracuti. 'Some structural aspects of the feud among the camel-herding Bedouin of Cyrenaica'. vol. Bedouin of the Negev. W. D.. vol. in Profiles of Change: The Impact of Colonialism in Africa.

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