This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
Political History Of Pakistan
(12 Volumes) Completed & Compiled By: Hassan Jafar Zaidi
The current crisis and turmoil in the politics of Pakistan is deep rooted in the turbulent Political History of Pakistan, full of conflicts and contradictions between different vested interests, classes, nationalities and groups of political elites. Each tried to forge its own version of history best suited to its own interests, twisting facts into fictions, sometimes coining the abstract terms like Ideology of Pakistan, claiming ideological boundaries being superior to the geographical boundaries, declaring democracy as a Western un-Islamic creed thus depriving the broad masses from their economic, political and regional cultural rights. Most of the times the same also suited to the interests of World imperialism and was therefore patronized by them internally and externally. The objective portrayal of history remained missing in the context of people’s exploitation and their sufferings at the hands of World imperialism and the local despotic ruling classes fighting among themselves and against the people at the same time. The renowned scholar and journalist Zahid Choudhary has attempted to bring out the peoples’ view of objective history unveiling the political crimes committed by the ruling classes and world imperialism against them and their motherland. This research project was still underway when Zahid Choudhary died of cancer and his associate Hassan Jafar Zaidi undertook the task towards its completion and final compilation. The works are not just conventional chronological account of the events devoid of internal and external undercurrents of these events. The works are issueoriented unearthing the underlying dialectics of the main issues confronting Pakistan internally and externally. Each issue is covered in a separate volume and has been sub-titled accordingly. The first two volumes treat the issue of creation of Pakistan; the remaining 10 volumes deal with the origins of each internal and external issue, as it emerged immediately after the creation of the country with a flashback of its roots in the past history prior to the emergence of Pakistan.
Vol. 1 & 2, How Pakistan Came into Being?
(Pakistan Kaisey Bana?) (Pages 591 and 565) The arguments around how and why Pakistan came into being remained current throughout the years after its emergence and is still a matter of debate due to different internal and external reasons. One belief popularized by the ruling elite and the religious parties is that the sole objective of the creation of Pakistan was to implement the Isalmi Nizam or Sharia in this piece of land and they call it Nazaria-i -Pakistan. The other belief prevailing in some of the regional separatist groups and some so- called liberals or leftists influenced by the Indian National Congress has been to dub Pakistan as an illegitimate child of the British Imperialism created to serve as an imperialist stooge after its quitting the subcontinent and Jinnah serving as its agent to push through its policy of divide and rule otherwise there was no issue between Hindus and Muslims of the subcontinent as such. The authors have proved to the hilt that, in fact, both the views are absurd and abstract and are based on fantasy and not on facts. The first 100 pages of Vol. 1 give an overview of the international perspective immediately after the Second World War highlighting the emergence of American imperialism in the wake of the downfall of the British imperialism on the one hand and the Soviet Union emerging as victorious despite heavy toll of human life and wide spread destructions. The US-led Western powers were overawed by the emerging might of Soviet power and resorted to take stringent actions to show their military might; bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki with first ever nuclear devices was just one such measure. The authors put the onus on that brutal US action for the origins of the Cold War and super-power rivalry. On the other hand, the whole of the colonial world was under the sway of freedom movements, some of them armed struggles, to liberate from the yoke of war torn and weakened Western powers. In that international setting, the first priority of Anglo-American imperialism was to keep the unity of Indian subcontinent and its armed forces intact under one government who was to be their successor to look after their interests in the face of Soviet Union and the emerging Red China. The leadership of Indian National Congress was trained under the Anglo-Saxon traditions and had its own ambitions of attaining the position of a regional imperialist power in Asia and was therefore ready and fit to do that job. Given those circumstances, the partition of the Indian subcontinent was never a priority of the British Government.
The works highlight that the British economy was bankrupted due to the War and could not survive to hold the huge infrastructure of its vast empire confronting troubles and rebellions in and around it. The newly elected Labour Party Prime Minister Clement Attlee in September 1945, announced a plan for the transfer of power to the Indian leadership and quit India by the middle of 1948. As a first step towards that end, the elections of provincial and central assemblies were held in late 1945 and early 1946. Muslim League under the leadership of Mohammad Ali Jinnah contested these elections on the slogan of Pakistan and won 428 out of 492 Muslim seats in the provincial assemblies and all the Muslim seats in the Central Assembly. This unprecedented success of League under Jinnah was despite the fact that almost all the religious parties viz. Jamiat-Ulma-I-Hind, Jamaat-I-Islami, Khaksar Tehrik, All India Shia Conference, Majlis-I-Ahrar etc. were staunch opponents of League and Jinnah and stood against the demand of Pakistan and were in favour of a united India. Broad Muslim masses of the subcontinent voted for Jinnah who was clean-shaved, English-speaking, dressed up in Western style, trained in Anglo-Saxon Law and neither had any knowledge of Islamic Fiqh or Sharia nor was abiding the religious practices regularly. He never used religious jargons in his speeches. Nor the Muslim League resolutions ever contained that kind of diction. The works include elaborate discussion about the transfer of power plan prepared by the three Ministers of the British Cabinet; Lord Pathic Lawrence, Secretary of State for India, Sir Stafford Cripps President Board of Trade and A. V. Alexander First Lord of Admiralty, who were sent to India to lay down a plan for the transfer of power to India and safe exit of British administration. They stayed in India from March to May 1946 and offered a plan for transfer of power, later on known as the Cabinet Mission Plan, the crucial part of it relating to the Zonal or Grouping scheme comprising of three zones; Zone A included Madras, Bombay, United Provinces (U.P), Bihar, Central Provinces (C.P) and Urissa, Zone B including Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Baluchistan and Zone C to include Bengal and Assam whereas the states under dynastic rules were also provided with an arrangement to join the scheme. The whole of the subcontinent was to stay under a confederal structure having Defense, Foreign Affaires and Communications with the central government and the residuary powers left for the zones and the provinces. The Muslim League gave up the demand for Pakistan and accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan considering the Zonal/Grouping scheme as its pillar. The Congress gave its acceptance to the Plan with conditions attached to it; dropping the Zonal/Grouping scheme from the Plan as the main condition. Congress wanted a strong center with minimum powers for provinces and no Grouping of the provinces. Gandhi termed the Plan as “worst than Pakistan” and incited Assam to vote against Group C and incited NWFP to vote against Group B. Nehru announced in equivocally that Congress had accepted the Central Constituent Assembly and nothing else, the grouping was non-viable and India should have a strong
center. That is how Congress sabotaged that Plan which was the last hope of retaining the unity of India. The then president of the Congress, Abul - Kalam Azad deplores that act of Congress later on in his book “ India Wins Freedom”. The Viceroy Lord Wavel, in his diary and in his dispatches to London, described the details as to how the Congress leadership played with that Plan to suite to their ends and sabotaging it by eliminating any chance of loose confederation under the Zonal/Grouping scheme so as to make it unacceptable for Muslim League. After the vocal opposition and rejection of the Grouping scheme by the Congress, the Muslim League withdrew its acceptance of the Plan on the grounds that the Plan was worth nothing for Muslims without the lynchpin of the Zonal/Grouping scheme. Acceptance of the Plan by the Muslim League was an indicator of the fact that Jinnah was ready to share a common center with the subjects of Defense, Foreign Affairs and Communications and preserve the economic, political, social and cultural rights of Muslims under the Zonal or Provincial subjects. A Union of India with loose center and the rights of the Muslims preserved in it was always a priority for Jinnah rather than going in for a separate Pakistan. He never had the vision of a state being ruled by an Amir-ul-Momineen under the Laws of Shariah. In order to press for the Zonal/Grouping scheme, Muslim League called to observe Direct Action day on August 16, 1946, which turned into a day of blood bath for Muslims of Calcutta in particular and all over India in general. Heavy toll of Muslim lives in Calcutta running into thousands gave rise to a lash back in the East Bengal where hundreds of Hindus were killed. The wave of Hindu-Muslim riots erupted in all corners of India with heavy loss of Muslims’ life and property in Bihar in particular. Muslim League was called to join the Interim Government which was being run by the inclusion of Congress Ministers after its socalled acceptance of the Cabinet Mission Plan and Muslim League was kept out of it on the pretext that it withdrew the acceptance of that Plan. There was a big conflict between the two parties on the issue of allocation of seats and the portfolios in the Executive Council of the Viceroy. Congress was trying to paint its secular stance by putting one Muslim in the quota of its Ministers (Members Executive Council). Muslim League under Jinnah also placed one Hindu, Jugindar Nath Mandal an Achut leader of East Bengal, as Law Minister (Member) in the 5 seats allocated to it. This gesture of Jinnah was to portray the secular stance of Muslim League and rebut the propaganda that Muslim League wanted a theocratic state of Pakistan. In December 1946, Jinnah and Liaqut went to London to impress upon the British authorities about the implementation of Grouping scheme in letter and spirit. The Congress at that time was pushing to hold the session of Constituent Assembly without Muslim League who was boycotting that session because Congress wanted to go ahead to make a constitution based on a strong center devoid of any groupings of provinces. Nehru and Viceroy Wavell were also called to London by the British authorities to find a way out with Muslim League
leadership. The mission of Jinnah failed. The Congress in fact had concluded by that time as to give up some parts of West Punjab, Sindh and East Bengal to be called Pakistan which to their understanding was going to be a non viable state crumbling down within a short time in the face of a strong centered Indian state and could be bulldozed if needed. Sardar Patel was known to be the architect of that plan and he convinced Gandhi to agree to that diabolic plan of partition suited to fulfill their motives. The British authorities also reached the conclusion that India under a strong center was a better option than a loose confederation to thwart the bulwark of Communism and the rising tides of revolutionary armed movements in South-East Asia and Middle East. Lord Wavell who was staunch supporter of Grouping scheme and genuinely considered that that Plan provided a guarantee of a stable and strong India, was a misfit in the new understanding of British and Congress leadership. Therefore during his visit to London in December 1946, Wavel was told to have been dismissed. He was to be replaced by Lord Mountbatten who again was the choice of the Congress leadership. The Grouping scheme was shelved to appease the Congress leadership leaving no room for a communal solution within united India except that the Muslims give up their rights and knuckle under the Hindu dominated strong central government. In March 1947 Mountbatten took over as the last viceroy of India with the agenda of transferring power to Indian leadership saving maximum of the British interests after their departure from India. The Congress being the biggest Party holding its influence over the majority of people was naturally their most favoured party to trade their interests. Therefore Mountbatten and Nehru were close partners in devising the details for partitioning of India to suite to the motives of the Congress leadership. Mountbatten was extremely against Pakistan as demanded by the Muslim League and he used the term “ mad Pakistan “ in his dispatches and notes. He put up the formula of Pakistan with divided Punjab and divided Bengal not in recognition to the demand of Muslim League but to use it as a leverage to compel Jinnah to give up this demand in the wake of serious consequences due to division of these two vital provinces rendering the proposed Pakistan a non-viable and weak state to survive. Jinnah reacted strongly to the proposal of the division of Punjab and Bengal and termed the proposed Pakistan as truncated, moth-eaten and unviable. Mountbatten contended that the same logic of division would be applied to Punjab and Bengal as was inherent in the demand of Muslim League for the division of India. The objective was to put pressure on Jinnah to withdraw that demand. Whereas Jinnah’s contention was that East Bengal without Calcutta would not be economically viable and Punjab with its integrated river and canal system should stay as a united entity. To keep the unity of Bengal intact Jinnah went to the extent of accepting a United Bengal separate from Pakistan. He instructed Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy to work with the Forward Block leader Sarat Chander Bose and Provincial Congress leader Karan Shankar Roy to reach an agreement on independent United Bengal. Suharwardy was
successful in convincing those Hindu Bengali leaders who under their spirit of Bengali Nationalism agreed to stand with Suhrawardy. Firstly Mountbatten rejected this proposal when placed before him by Suhrawardy on the ground that the British are hard to divide India into two and he was suggesting a third partition. When Mountbatten enquired about this proposal from Jinnah; his reply was that it was moved by his tacit approval and he expected to have good relations with the independent United Bengal in future. But Mounbatten disapproved that proposal. Secondly Congress scolded the Provincial Congress leaders on being entrapped by Suhrawardy and Jinnah and passed a resolution condemning the demand of independent United Bengal. That is how the attempt to create a independent Socialist Republic of Bengal, the name given to it by Suhrawardy and Bose, was frustrated. Jinnah’s attempts for unified Bengal and Punjab even at the cost of Bengal as a separate entity speak for his secular outlook for state or states separating from India. The United Bengal or United Punjab comprising of sizable non-Muslim communities could not be ruled under Sharia Law or so called Islami Nizam. Jinnah never intended to impose Jazia on Sikhs, Achuts, Hindus, Christians, Parsis and other minorities as per Sharia Law. In Punjab Jinnah tried to convince Sikh leadership to stay in united Punjab but the Akali leader Master Tara Singh played into the hands of Congress leadership who promised him an autonomous “ Punjabi Sooba” in the partitioned East Punjab. After the fall of Unionist-Akali-Congress coalition ministry of Khizar Hayat Tiwana in Punjab in March 1947, the Sikh leadership incited violence to subvert any possibility of the formation of Muslim League’s ministry in Punjab. They started preparation for large scale forced migration of Muslims from East Punjab to implement the partition of Punjab. The intelligence reports sent to the Governor Punjab carried that information. Under these circumstances, on June 3, 1947, Mountabtten, after his visit to London and getting approval from the British authorities, announced the Partition Award based on the partition of Punjab and Bengal and transfer of power to take place on August 14 instead of June 1948 as announced earlier. According to V.P. Menon the blueprint of this award was prepared during the meetings of Mountbatten and Nehru in Simla in May 1947. Nehru agreed to the dominion status for India within British Commonwealth and Mountbatten agreed to the details of partition as suited to the Congress. Menon authored the first draft and no other leader including Jinnah was told about those meetings. Such minor details as to draw the boundary crossing through the District of Gurdaspur providing corridor of access to Kashmir with India were laid down by them in these meetings. The appointment of Boundary Commission under Radcliff was just to give a formal and legal cover to what had already been transpired between Nehru and Mountbatten. After the announcement of the Partition Award on June 3, the communal tensions were mounting in Punjab. Sikh Jathas were getting armed trainings and piling up the arms and
ammunition for widespread Muslim massacre in East Punjab to force them to migrate or be killed so that the autonomous Sikh Sooba could take the shape as was promised by the Congress leadership. The facts later turned out that Sikhs had to wage a long struggle to just have a separate province in 1965, and for the autonomy or sovereignty they are still struggling. The unprecedented killings on both sides of Punjab were unforeseeable by any of the contending factions. As the Boundary Commission Award was released on August 17, two days later than transfer of power, there was total confusion on both sides as to where exactly the boundary was going to be drawn. Muslims particularly in rural areas of east Punjab had the impression that the boundary would be close to Delhi and the Sikhs were under the illusion that it would be drawn at river Chanab and the greater part of central Punjab including Lahore, Sahiwal, Sheikhupura, Faisalabad and Gujranwala was going to be included in India. The delay in the announcement of the Boundary Award was intentional; the Punjab governor Jenkins and Mountbatten knew through intelligence reports about the preparations of Sikhs and wanted the situation to erupt only after the last day of British Raj i.e. August 15. The Boundary Award also took good care of the interests of India by awarding two Muslim majority districts to India in violation of Partition Award of 3rd June.. The sub divisions of Firozpur and Zeerah of the Muslim majority district of Firozpur were given to India as Nehru asked for it based on strategic reason that river Satluj could serve as a natural obstacle in the way of anticipated march of Pakistan army towards Delhi as there was no natural obstacle up to Delhi if the Pakistan boundary was extended to include these sub divisions. Similarly the Muslim majority district of Gurdaspur was divided awarding the Gurdaspur, Pathankot and Batala sub divisions to India to provide a corridor of access to Kashmir to pave the way for future plan of Maharaja of Kashmir to announce the accession of his state with India. This was also secretly agreed during Mountbatten’s visit to Kashmir in the third week of June 1947. The ceremonies of transfer of power held in Karachi and Delhi held on August 14 and 15 were qualitatively different in the sense of practice of religion in state matters. Mountbatten in his press conference of June 4, announced August 15 as the date of transfer of power. Hindu Jotishis declared that 15 August would be an evil day inviting future disasters for India if the transfer took place on that day. The so-called secular leadership of Congress knuckled under the pressure of Jotishis to fix the midnight between 14 and 15 and the instruments of transfer of power were exchanged 2 minutes past midnight. Before that, in the evening of 14, when Nehru was getting ready for the take over in accordance with the ancient traditions of Hindu religion for enthronement of Rajas and Maharajas; the two Saniassis carried out theses rituals at his residence. Whereas at the residence of Dr. Rajinder Prasad, the then President of first Indian Constituent Assembly and later to be the first President of India, hundreds of tons of Ghee (fat) was being burnt by the Hindu Mohantas reciting mantras
sitting around the fire to reduce the evilness of the day of the 15th of August; the designated ministers of Independent India were lined up there in front of a Swami who would sprinkle sacred water upon each one of them and then a woman was to put a tilak on their forehead. And the next day, after the oath taking ceremony in Darbar hall of viceroy’s house, when motorcade of Nehru and Mountbatten was passing through the main roads of Delhi, one of the slogans chanted was “ Pandit Mountbatten Ki Jay”. Such an obscurantist was the beginning of secular India. On the other hand in Karachi, on the morning of August 14, the transfer of power ceremony for Pakistan was held without any religious practices. Mountbatten addressed the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan; the proceedings of the assembly started without the recitation from Holy Quran. Next day Quaid-I-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah took oath as the first Governor General of Pakistan; the text of the oath given to him by the British government had in the end the line saying “…So help me God”; Jinnah omitted this line from the text and took oath without it. On 10th of August the first session of the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was held; Joginder Nath Mandal was elected the temporary chairman for this session in which the members signed the role and confirmed their membership to the assembly. Mr. Mandal a Hindu Achhooth leader of East Bengal was also appointed the first Law Minister in the cabinet of Pakistan approved by Jinnah. Was the state law of Pakistan going to be the Islamic Law for which the Law Minister selected was a Hindu? Had it been so, Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, also a member of the CA, qualified to be the Law Minister. But the vision of the founder of this nation, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was a secular vision so far as state affairs were concerned. He brought out his views on this subject on August 11 when he was elected the first President of the CA and he delivered his speech in its opening session. He equivocally stated, “Whatever religion, cast and creed you belong to, has nothing to do with the state affairs. We are starting our State without any discrimination. There will be no discriminating any religion, cast or creed. We are starting our task with the basic principal that we are all citizens and are citizens of one country…. You will see that after sometime Hindus will cease to be Hindus and Muslims cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense because it is an individual’s belief, but in the political sense that they are the citizens of a nation.” This speech was the foundation stone of Pakistan’s constitution and should have been its preamble. Almost all leading religious parties opposed the demand and creation of Pakistan. The one Jamaat Islami whose founder and Amir, Maulana Abul Aala Maudoodi became the champion protagonist for Islami Nizam and who coined the term “Nazariya-i- Pakistan” was an arch opponent of Pakistan movement. Apart from his different writings against Pakistan, one of his articles was published in daily Nawa-I-Waqat dated May 1, 1946. Its full text is complete in the Appendix-A of Vol. 2 of the works under discussion.
A very rare and eye opening data has been provided in Appendix-B in which the position of Muslims in different Government Departments has been tabulated showing their insignificant ratio even in the provinces of the Muslim majority. The information has been collected form the Indian Legislative Council debates and daily Eastern Times of Lahore from 1944 up to 1947. The figures indicate the level of unemployment in Muslim middle classes, which reveal the real material basis for the popularity of the demand for Pakistan. The works prove to the hilt that the Jinnah’s Pakistan was based on real material causes internally and externally and had nothing to do with the abstract “ Nazariya -iPakistan” of Mullahs. The real concern was to secure the Muslim’s material interests whether within the framework of a unified India or a partitioned India. Jinnah struggled hard to resolve the issue of securing their interests in the Grouping/Zonal scheme of Cabinet Mission Plan and withdrew from his demand for Pakistan. But Congress sabotaged that attempt and forced him to the last resort of accepting a truncated, moth-eaten and unviable Pakistan as he termed it. Despite all that, his vision of Pakistan remained to be above board for all religions, communities and creeds living in Pakistan. His state hood knew no religion; it was based only on Pakistani Nationalism.
Vol. 3 The Origins of Indo-Pak Conflict and Kashmir Problem
(Pak Bharat Tanazia Aur Masaala-I-Kashmir Ka Aaghaz) (Pages 447) This volume looks into the origins of conflict between India and Pakistan immediately after the creation of these two states in the subcontinent and the way the Kashmir problem emerged and precipitated this conflict. As told in the first two volumes, the attitude of Indian leadership right from the outset was unfavourable towards the newly born state of Pakistan and they intended this state to succumb like a weak premature infant. In fact India had all the infrastructure of state machinery at their disposal as they simply took over the intact administration in Delhi whereas Pakistan had to start from scratch in Karachi. The offices of central government were established in Karachi without adequate stationery, typewriters, furniture and buildings. The unprecedented massacre in Punjab laid the first foundation of hostility between the two states. Some Indian authors put the blame on the Muslims of West Punjab that they originated the killings of Hindus and Sikhs and then what happened in East Punjab was just the reaction to it. This is based on intellectual dishonesty. The fact was that the Sikhs with the tacit approval of Congress leadership started the massacre in East Punjab in the first week of August for which they had been preparing since March 1947. The Sikh states of Punjab were also supporting these preparations by financing and providing shelter to the terrorists and space to store ammunition. The intelligence reports too were confirming all such activities and the Governor Punjab and the Viceroy were aware of it. Whereas the feudal leadership of Punjab Muslim League made no plans or preparations to counter the Sikh offensive and the Muslims of East Punjab were caught unaware, unprepared and unwilling for migration. The massive and brutal Sikh offensive started against Muslims of East Punjab on July 31 from the villages of Amritsar district. Till that time there was not a single event that had occurred on the Western side of Punjab. The bloodshed, looting and arson of Muslim population of East Punjab continued for first two to three weeks of August; the special trains bringing the government servants from Delhi to Pakistan were blasted and attacked by Sikh Jathas butchering all the passengers. When the trains carrying dead bodies reached Lahore and the hordes of Muslim refugees without enough means of transport, food and shelter reached walking miles after miles from the villages and towns of East Punjab to Lahore and other towns of West Punjab, and they told the events they and their families had been through, then a natural lash back erupted in West Punjab where the first incident occurred after August 21.
The massacre and counter massacre lasted for about two to three months in both parts of the Punjab; hundreds of thousands were butchered to death, millions rendered homeless and the loss of property was beyond the estimates. The events brought the two countries to the verge of war; the Indian leaders including Gandhi were threatening Pakistan to resort to war and gave ultimatum to the Muslims loyal to Pakistan to quit India as soon as possible. The volume covers the details of initial hostilities including the massacre in Punjab and the conflicts on all other issues relating to partition as follows: The division of assets including military hardware. There were no military stores or ordnance factories located in the areas under Pakistan. The supply of arms and ammunition, agreed to be given to Pakistan by India, was hopeless in terms of both quality and quantity and was so slow as to deprive the Pakistan Army from it when they needed it for peace keeping in Punjab and elsewhere. The payments to Pakistan of its part from the exchequer amounting to Rs. 550 Million was continuously delayed until January 1948 whereas Pakistan was in acute need of that money in its initial days. In April 1948 India stopped the release of water from the head-works of rivers Ravi and Satluj for canals irrigating south West Punjab in Pakistan. The dispute remained unresolved for many years. Pakistan imposed duty on Jute export to India; the jute mill owners of West Bengal and Indian Govt. reacted strongly and imposed duties on the goods exported to Pakistan. The interstate free trade stopped for all times to come. The trade war between the two countries continued to deprive each other from the benefits that Pakistan could get from buying the finished products and coal from India and the benefits that India could get from buying raw materials from Pakistan. In December 1949, the trade war turned into Hindu Muslim riots in East and West Bengal and large-scale killings and destruction followed by migration of both communities from both sides. The tension heightened on both sides; war euphoria was spread in all corners of both the countries and forces were accumulated on their respective borders. In April 1950, Liaqat-Nehru pact was signed in Delhi to cool the hostilities but only temporarily. In 1951 the tension again heightened in the wake of rhetoric from both sides and forces started to accumulate on the borders particularly on the line of control in Kashmir. Kashmir was a sore point between the two countries right from the first day. The British in connivance with the Congress leadership sowed the seed of contention by providing Maharaja the corridor through Gurdaspur for accession with India. The volume traces back the history of Kashmir since ancient times and establishes the fact of history that Kashmir,
for most part of its history, remained an independent and separate entity and became part of any Indian empire or an outsider state for very brief periods like the reigns of Ashoka and his Budhists successors in central Asia and then in times of great Mughal emperor Akber, it was brought in the folds of Mughal empire, again for about 160 years, followed by brief periods of Afghan domination under Abdali and Sikh domination under Ranjit Singh. The authors highlight the Budhist-Hindu conflict prevailing in Kashmir for centuries, which culminated in the Muslims infusion and establishment of independent Muslim rule. The events and conflicts are explained in length up to the establishment of Dogra Raj under Gulab Singh with the help of the British. The Muslim majority area of the valley struggled against the Maharajas belonging to the minority community whose tyranny and injustice were prevalent all along the years of their rule. The Volume provides rich information about political struggle of Kashmiri Muslims under All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference founded in 1932 and their aspirations associated with All India Muslim League. Later on it split into National Conference and Muslim Conference each having connections with Congress and Muslim League respectively; Kashmir could not remain isolated from the communal politics of the Indian subcontinent. This situation prevailed until British decided to quit India and Maharaja had to accede in favour of either India or Pakistan. Now there was a hope for the Kashmir valley to get liberation and join the newly emerging Muslim state of Pakistan. The authors also have the critical view of the policy of All India Muslim League about the Indian States having the right of accession being given to the rulers and not to the people. And that was mainly due to Nizam of Hyderabad Deccan, who ultimately betrayed Pakistan by not announcing his accession to Pakistan, whereas Maharaja Kashmir took advantage of that policy and acceded to India. After the announcement of the Radcliff Award, there were widespread protests in the Kashmir valley against the award of Gurdaspur to India that paved the way for its accession to India. The Dogra army opened fire on the rallies, which inflicted armed struggle by the Kashmiri Muslims all over the valley. The volume traces in detail the armed struggle, the participation of Afghan tribesmen in that armed struggle with the tacit approval of Pakistan Government and the mishandling of the issue by the Pakistan authorities that quickened the process of accession by Maharaja with India in October 1947 who entered its regular armies in Kashmir and curtailed the armed movement. Jinnah ordered the then C-in-C General Gracey to counterattack from Pakistan side but he refused to do so. For two months the issue remained under discussion between the leaders of the two Countries including Governor Generals, PMs and British C-in-Cs Indian PM Nehru made promises for a plebiscite in the state. The tension heightened and the proxy war through Afghan tribesmen with Indian regular troops continued in the valley
India took the issue to the UN Security Council in January 1948 who resolved to appoint a Commission to sort out the issue. The authors bring out the detailed account of how UN treated the issue. They also signify the strategic position of Kashmir bordering with the Soviet Union and China and the vital interests of Anglo-American block attached to secure the presence of Indian troops in that area. However in 1948 the Pakistani troops also got involved in the warfare and provided defensive support to freedom fighters. UN Security Council passed a resolution for cease-fire in December 1948 to be implemented from January 1949 and both the governments accepted it. At that time the larger part of the valley and Jammu was under the occupation of Indian troops but Pakistani troops achieved some crucial successes in December and there was a general impression that if the acceptance of cease-fire was delayed by Pakistan, there was a possibility to conquer major part of the valley including Srinagar. There was a general discontent in Pakistan against Liaqut Ali Khan and he was dubbed as a sell-out. This discontent ultimately led to his murder by a fanatic Afghan in October 1951. After the cease-fire India’s hold on its occupied territory of Kashmir grew stronger and stronger. India wanted to change its special status and convert it into an Indian province. Sheikh Abdullah who was appointed the Prime Minister of Kashmir after its accession and was a friend of Nehru resisted the move and wanted to maintain the special status as he enjoyed wide range of powers. Nehru could not afford to let Abdullah last longer in his office. Sheikh was dismissed and arrested in 1953; special status was reduced to an ordinary state and Bakhshi Ghulam Mohammed was appointed as a titular prime minister. Then on India claimed Kashmir to be its integral part (Atoot Ang). The Vol. provides a detailed account of power struggle between Kashmiri leaders in Azad Kashmir, the area on the Pakistan side of cease-fire line, where the Government was formed under the control of Pakistan Government. A conflict erupted between Sardar Ibrahim and Ch. Ghulam Abbas and the two factions of Muslim Conference were formed. The politics of factions, intrigues and deceptions prevailed while the bureaucracy and minister for Kashmir Affairs of Pakistan played one against the other. The decade of fifties is the era of military pacts in the fold of Anglo-American block for the containment of communism for which their efforts were increased manifold after the emergence of Red China in 1949. The rulers of Pakistan played the role of an imperialist stooge in the formation of these pacts. Under the influence of Anglo-American block all the military-emphasis was shifted towards the “Threat from North” and bilateralism was promoted between India and Pakistan just to keep the guns silent without resolving the Kashmir issue. India stayed away from the Anglo-American military pacts and posed as non-aligned and got the best of the two worlds i.e. both Western and Soviet blocks. Indian rulers took advantage of this situation to push the Kashmir issue in the cold storage.
Vol. 4 Jinnah-Liaqat Conflict and Pujabi-Muhajir Conflict
(Jinnah-Liaqat Tazad aur Punjabi-Muhajir Tazad) (Pages 391) This Volume deals with the conflict or contradiction between the two top ranking personalities at the helms at the very outset of the newly born state of Pakistan. The other conflict or contradiction dealt with, in detail is the one between Punjabis and Urdu speaking Muhajirs (refugees), migrated from India. The conflict between Mr. Jinnah and Mr. Liaqat Ali Khan was not merely a personality clash of two individuals based on egotism but it had a class conflict as Jinnah came from the rising urban bourgeoisie whereas Liaqut Ali Khan belonged to the decadent Urdu-speaking feudal class of the United Province of British India. Coming from a family of Ismaili business class, the life style of Jinnah as a young lawyer of Bombay and as parliamentarian and politician, initially in Indian National Congress and then in All India Muslim League, was evident of his liberal and progressive world outlook; making friends with Parsis, Hindus and Christians; marrying a Parsi though converted to Islam, reflected bourgeois traits of his personality. He never liked the feudals and the split in Muslim League in 1928 into two factions “Shafi League” and “ Jinnah League”, the former standing for the separate electorate and the later for the joint electorate was also due to the fact that the feudals of Punjab and UP were favouring separate electorate. And then he left for UK for good after getting disillusioned and disgruntled with the kind of feudal politics perpetrated by the Indian Muslim aristocracy. He also did not take part in the so-called Khilafat movement. He returned to India only after the promulgation of 1935 Act, which opened up new avenues for Muslims in the politics of India. He was elected the president of All India Muslim League in its session of 1936 and remained at this office until August 1947. During this period, on many occasions Jinnah’s anti-feudal attitude caused rift between him and Liaqat or the feudals. The Vol.4 describes many instances in detail, few being as follows: Jinnah’s strategy for the elections of 1936 –37 was to form united front with the Congressite Muslim leaders, mainly middle class, and reduce the feudals amongst the candidates of Muslim League. Liaqat resigned from the League, though he was its Secretary General, and formed a separate party of feudals of U.P known as the Agriculturist Party; contested on its behalf the election for the Provincial assembly
seat and was elected. Liaqat returned to the folds of League in 1938, after his ambitions of finding some place in Congress ministry of U.P were frustrated. In 1939 League Assembly party in the Central Assembly abstained from voting on the bill of trade agreement between India and Britain; the bill was in favour of cotton growing landlords and was damaging to the textile mill owners of Ahmedabad and Bombay. Congress naturally opposed the bill but it would have been passed if League, instead of abstaining, had voted for it as the feudals of League also wished. But Jinnah-led League assembly party abstained and the bill could not be adopted. In 1944-45, when Jinnah fell sick seriously and Liaqat gathered the impression that he might not survive, he as a deputy leader of League assembly party in the Central Assembly entered into a secret pact with Bhola Bhai Desai, the Congress assembly party leader, to join the Viceroy’s Executive council under a formula, which Jinnah had already rejected. Jinnah, after he came to know about it, scolded him and lost all his confidence in him for all times to come. During the Simla conference of 1945 Jinnah was adamant not to accept a feudal Muslim from Unionist party in the quota of the Muslim seats allocated for Viceroy’s Executive Council whereas Liaqat was ready to accept it. The conference however failed on that account. In the interim government formed in 1946, Jinnah nominated 5 members from Muslim League, Liaqat being the only feudal amongst them whereas all other four viz. I. I. Chudrigar, Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan and Jugindar Nath Mandal were from the middle class. In April 1947, Liaqat was ready to accept a hypothetical Mountbatten plan on the similar lines as of Cabinet Mission plan whereas not only Jinnah was now adamant for Pakistan but Congress also had approved it, though on the condition of partition of Bengal and Punjab. Mountbatten made favourable remarks about Liaqat but put derogatory remarks about Jinnah in his notes he sent to his Government in London. In that background when Liaqat was appointed as Prime Minister of Pakistan, there could be no harmony of thought and action between the two leaders. The League assembly party, as is the parliamentary tradition did not elect Liaqat as the prime Minister; Jinnah as Governor General appointed him along with other cabinet ministers. His position was not more than a senior minister; all powers were concentrated in the office of Governor General, which he acquired under special schedule 9 of 1935 Act. All ministers and Secretaries directly reported to him. Naturally Liaqat could not be happy about it but since he had no constituency in Pakistan he had no choice but to obey his Quaid. This situation prevailed until May 1948 when Jinnah fell seriously sick and in June he had to go to Ziarat, 70 miles from Quetta.
Liaqat started to grab powers from June and when he visited Jinnah in Ziarat on July 30, Jinnah told his sister Fatima that he had come just to see as to how long he was to be alive. The authors provide detailed account of the callousness and coldness that Liaqat showed during Jinnah’s sickness. The peak of it was when Jinnah was brought back to Karachi by air on Sept. 11; what to talk of PM, there was not even a minister or a secretary from the Govt of Pakistan to receive the Quaid; only his military secretary was there. The ambulance carrying him home went out of order on the way. The ordeal of life and death struggle that the Quaid had to go through on the roadside has been described in detail. After the Quaid’s death on the same day, Miss Fatima Jinnah and Liaqat Ali Khan remained locked in the same conflict rather more intensely. It was reflected on the issue of trustee ship of the daily newspaper Dawn to be succeeded in place of Jinnah after his death. The contention remained unresolved until 1950 despite the court’s decision favouring both to be the trustees at the same time but finally Liaqat influenced the paper through Government’s loans to the trust. Miss Jinnah used to broadcast a speech on Sept. 11 every year and overtly or covertly criticized the policies of Liaqat’s Government; whereas Liaqat, through the staff of Radio Station would interrupt her speech on air at the crucial moments of criticism. Miss Jinnah patronized or participated in every political front formed against Liaqat. After the sad demise of Jinnah, Liaqat made alliances with the feudal aristocracy of Punjab, Sind and NWFP; deprived middle classes of Punjab from the benefits the country had started to gain due to the departure of Hindus and Sikhs from the West Punjab; and promoted Urdu Speaking Muhajirs to occupy all good offices and properties. That generated severe conflict between Liaqat and the Punjabi chauvinists whose spokesman was the daily Nawa-IWaqat of Lahore. In the provincial politics of Punjab, Liaqat destabilized the Mamdot ministry by making alliance with Mumtaz Daultana and Shoukat Hayat. Mamdot being migrant from East Punjab was accepted by the middle and mercantile classes of Punjab as their natural ally. The alignment was---Miss Jinah, Mamdot faction of Punjab Muslim League, Nawa-I-Waqat representing chauvinist middle and mercantile classes of Punjab, all on one hand and---Liaqat Ali Khan, Mumtaz Daulatana faction of Punjab Muslim League comprising big feudals of Punjab, Urdu speaking chauvinist Muhajirs particularly settled in Karachi, holding the evacuee properties and central Government positions, all on the other side. The conflict accelerated after the dismissal of Mamdot ministry in Punjab in January 1949. The Provincial Assembly was dissolved and Governor’s rule was promulgated. Liaqat had got a bill passed in the Central Assembly called Public and Representative Affairs Disqualification Act (PRODA) to crush his political opponents inside the Government. Mamdot was one of the victims of that act. Mamdot was tried in the court under PRODA for many months and was finally acquitted in Sept. 1950.
Nawa-I-Waqat opened the tirade against Liaqat criticizing his dictatorial policies and highlighted the so-called economic and political deprivations of Punjab meted out at the hands of Central Government. Hameed Nizami, its editor and protagonist of Punjabi chauvinism, used highly provocative language against Liaqat and promoted parochial and regional hatred in his editorials and comments. The paper was critical not only of Liaqat and his nepotism awarding properties to his nears and dears, but also was highly critical of the Urdu speaking culture of U.P and used the term Tiliar for them. The paper took stock of the character of Begum Raana Liaqat Ali as well, criticizing her liberalism, her All Pakistan Women Association (APWA), her patronizing the Girl Guides, and would sometimes not spare her wearing of Gharara and her fur-coat. The editorials and articles titled as “Deprivations of Punjab”, “Injustices with Punjab”, “Humiliation of Punjab” were a permanent feature of that newspaper. Hameed Nizami would never mention any deprivations of Bengalis, Sindhis, Pathans or Baluchis but would always portray as if only Punjab was left out from the fruits and benefits of the new state of Pakistan despite the fact that entire armed forces came predominantly from Punjab and the component of civil servants from Punjab was also not as discouraging as was for the people of other provinces. In central government, the Finance Minister, Ghulam Mohammed, the Secretary General Ch. Mohammed Ali, the Interior Minister Mushtaq Gurmani, Foreign Minister Sir Zafarullah Khan belonged to Punjab. Liaqat took punitive actions against Nawa-I-Waqat; it was banned many times but its editor Hameed Nizami brought it out under a different name like “ Jihad” and “ Nawa-I-Pakistan” each time. The attitude of despise, scorn and spurn by Urdu speaking Muhajirs of U.P towards Punjabis in particular and other local nationalities in general has also been described in detail in this Vol. The excerpts from the writing of a retired civil servant, Mushtaq Wajdi, speaking of typical Tiliar mentality are quoted to have an idea as to how these immigrants from U.P were presumptuous about themselves, posed them selves as coming from the stock of a superior civilization and higher culture whereas the locals, to their mind, were uncouth and uncultured like Cattle (Dhaggey) and animals. They never assimilated with the local culture and language and looked down on it as inferior and backward. They assumed that to be the rulers was their right by default. The despotic policies of Liaqat Ali mixed with such attitudes of Tiliars multiplied the wave of hostility against him in Punjab. In Oct. 1950, Liaqat altered the constitution of Muslim League to allow for occupying both Party office and the Government office at the same time and got himself elected as the President of Muslim League. Suhrawardy, who migrated to Pakistan from Calcutta in 1949 after his attempts of United Bengal were foiled and he was deprived of his seat of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan because he criticized the dictatorial policies of Liaqat and Liaqat was afraid of him as an opposition leader. He took over the leadership of Awami
Muslim League (later known as Awami League), which was founded in East Bengal. He appeared as the defense council in Mamdot case in Lahore and got popularity amongst Punjabi chauvinists; he settled in Lahore in early 1950 and founded Awami Muslim League here as well. He became the leader of all anti Liaqat forces in Punjab. The visit of Liaqat to U.S in the summer of 1950 and his pro U.S line on Korean war received strong criticism in Punjab. In Oct. 1950 Mamdot and other dissidents of Muslim Leagus founded Jinnah Muslim League and termed the Muslim League as “Liaqat League”. Soon it joined with Suhrawardy’s Awami League to form Jinnah Awami Muslim League because elections of Punjab Assembly were announced to be held in March 1951. The Vol. narrates how the PA elections of March 1951 were rigged at a large scale under Liaqat’s instructions through police officers and the district administration. This gesture of despotism on his part took the hostility against him to skies in Punjab; the repressive measures by his feudal ally Mumtaz Daulatana who formed ministry after so-called victory by Muslim League, generated extreme hatred against Liaqat-Daultana axis in the urban middle classes of Punjab. Censorship on newspapers, disbanding of Nawa-I-Waqat and other newspapers, arrests of political opponents under the so-called Public-Safety Act, trial of military officers involved in a coup attempt in March 1951(so-called Rawalpindi Sazish Case) and subsequent arrests of progressive writers and poets including Faiz, all heightened the temperature against Liaqat during the summer of 1951. Liaqat’s contradiction with Punjabi ministers of his cabinet, Ghulam Mohammed (Fianance) and Mushtaq Gurmani (Interior) was also at its peak when he came to Rawalpindi on October 16, 1951 and was assassinated in a public meeting. The highly hostile atmosphere already whipped up against him in the cities of Punjab under the sway of Punjabi chauvinism could trigger a bullet targeted at him any time. The Vol. encompasses on the intriguing circumstances in which the assassin Said Akber, an Afghan fanatic, was lured to do that brutal act and was killed immediately after it.
Vol. 5 The Political Evolution of Muslim Punjab, 1849-1947
(Muslim Punjab Ka Siyasi Irtiqa, 1849-1947) (Pages 470) This volume traces the background of the political evolution of the Muslims of Punjab during the British period to know the historical roots of feudal politics of intrigue and deception and the vehement Punjabi chauvinism among the Punjabi middle and mercantile classes. The Vol. opens with the annexation of Punjab by the British in 1849, relating to the strategic causes and international perspective to contain Russia from reaching the warm waters and to establish strong cantonments to thwart the threat from North. Russia had already occupied Central Asia up to Sinkiang and Kashmir. The British established military governments in Punjab under military officers serving in the administration of this province whose boundaries extended up to Afghanistan and its name was also given as the North Western Province. Soon after the failure of mutiny or war for independence, India was brought under the direct rule of the British Crown and the policies were relatively liberalized compared to the despotism of Company rule in the rest of the India but Punjab remained under military administration due to the strategic reasons. Though the military administration did not permit local participation in the government as the different constitutional reforms permitted in Bengal or Madras or Bombay but the development of infrastructure was very rapid; the laying down of railway track from Karachi to Quetta and later to Peshawer, development of canal system and colonization to ensure self sufficiency in food supplies and establishment of district administration for internal law and order in this strategically most important area where they recruited sizable army from the local stock to defend the threat from North. A new feudal system was evolved based on new land settlement. The new landlords were product of loyalties to the British during annexation and the mutiny. This upstart landlord was economically tied to the money lending system (Sahookara) under the control of Hindus. Also the trade and business was a monopoly of Hindus; the Muslims were either landlords or peasants or small craftsmen with little or no education whereas 30 % Hindus were leading in education; Government College Lahore opened in 1869 and Punjab University founded in 1882 had little number of Muslim Students. The Aligarh movement had its impact registered in Punjab and not only that Muslims started to donate for Aligarh and send their sons to Aligarh, they founded educational organizations on the same pattern; in the
Punjab Anjuman Himayat-I-Islam was established in Lahore in 1884 to open schools and colleges for Muslims. Hindus not only took the lead in taking full advantage of the Government College and the Punjab University but also founded a D.A.V College under Aariya Samaj movement in which no Muslim could get admission. The colonization and canal system invited large number of peasants and small landholders from East Punjab to central and western Punjab; Mandi (Market) towns were built and overnight growth of medium or small landholders emerged amongst Muslims as well as in Sikhs in the early 20th century. The Muslims gradually started to participate in the educational activity but they remained jobless because Hindu-Muslim contradiction was rampant and Hindus after having taken the predominant position always tried to block the recruitment of the Muslims. Anjuman Himayat-I-Islam was the only forum to voice Muslim sentiments where poets like Allama Iqbal would recite their poems. The Vol. traces the origins of the Muslim politics with the foundation of Muslim League in Lahore in 1907 under the president ship of Mian Shah Din, a feudal of Lahore. Soon after, Mian Mohammed Shafi and Sir Fazal Hussain emerged on the scene; the former a feudal and the later a bourgeois with severe conflict between the two. The Indian Coucils Act of 1909 or Minto-Morley reforms opened up some political activity in the Muslims and Fazal Hussain took over the leadership role. The First World War overshadowed the events from 1909 to 1919; formation of Sikh Ghadar Party, origins of Khilafat movement and massacre of Jallianwala-Bagh followed by the first Martial Law in Punjab are the salient features of that period. The Vol. treats in detail the role of Mian Fazal Hussain in the early development of Muslim politics in Punjab. He was the President and the founder of Muslim League in Punjab. He accepted the 1919 political reforms and as a result he was amongst the first two locals to be inducted as minister in the Punjab cabinet; the other one was Lala Her Kishan Lal. He, as Education Minister, fixed 40 percent quota for Muslims in the medical colleges and faced severe criticism from Hindus who in reaction decided to found Ganga Ram Medical College exclusively for Hindus. In 1924 he founded National Unionist party comprising 24 Muslim Feudals and 6 Hindu Jat leaders; it was a secular party to provide a common platform to share power in the provincial government. Allam Iqbal also joined Unionist party and was elected to the provincial council on its behalf. Whenever Jinnah visited Lahore, Fazal Hussain hosted his sessions of Muslim League in Lahore. Unionist Party as a ruling party led many developmental works in Punjab because its leader Fazal Hussain had a progressive and liberal world outlook whereas his fellow party men were predominantly obscurantist feudals. The Vol. brings out the detailed background of these feudals quoting mainly from The Chiefs Of Punjab describing as to how their fathers and/or grandfathers, through their undaunted loyalty to British, earned the huge fiefs and jagirs in Punjab and became the ruling elite overnight.
The reasons why Fazal Hussain had to form a united front with these feudals have been brought out in the perspective of the given conditions of insignificant urban Muslim middle class. The Khilafat movement in Punjab from 1919 to 1924 and its capitalization by Gandhi for his political motives and then shelving or rolling it back caused disillusionment amongst the Muslim masses of Punjab and strengthened their obscurantism. However Jinnah and Fazal Hussain remained aloof from that movement. The Vol. reveals that Lala Lajpat Roy, an Ariya Samaji Hindu leader of Lahore, was the first to put forth the idea of a separate country for the Muslims of subcontinent in his article published in a newspaper of Lahore in 1924. His scheme in this regard has been brought out in full details. The role of Sir Mian Mohammed Shafi has also been highlighted; he differed with Jinnah on the issue of joint electorate and wanted separate electorate; the League was divided into two on this issue in 1927; one faction termed as “ Shafi League” and the other as “ Jinnah League”. Allama Iqbal was the secretary of the Shafi League. At the same time Iqbal started to oppose Fazal Hussain and his Unionist Party. In 1929 there were widespread protests in Punjab and all over India against Simon Commission; Bhagat Singh, a Sikh youth organized a militant gang and carried out different actions of terrorism including the murder of an ASP in Lahore; he was arrested, tried and was hanged along with his comrades. In the same days, a Muslim youth Ilam Din murdered the publisher of a sacrilegious book “ Rangeela Rasool” in Lahore. He was also tried and hanged. This heightened the Hindu-Muslim conflict in Punjab, which was already rampant due to different economic, social and political reasons. The famous address of Allama Iqbal delivered in the annual session of Muslim League in Allah Abad in December 1930, usually attributed to have conceived the idea of Pakistan, is discussed in detail in the Vol. revealing the fact that Allama never presented the idea of Pakistan in that Address; the whole text of the address is quoted wherein Iqbal demanded only an autonomous state as a part of the confederation of India with Defence and Foreign Affairs resting with the center; Hindus and Muslims fighting hand in hand against the threat from the North, the proposed state being a bulwark against all threats from the North. He quoted the era of Moghal emperor Akbar as a model of joint forces of Hindus and Muslims. Actually that Address came in the wake of first round table conference in London in November where different arrangements of self- rule in India were under discussion. Iqbal disowned the idea of Pakistan being attributed to his address of 1930 session of the League in a letter addressed to Prof. Thomson; the full text of that letter is quoted as saying that his address had nothing to do with the scheme of Pakistan preached by a group of the students of Cambridge University; by it he meant Choudhary Rehmat Ali and his group.
The Vol. also provides details of the activities of the Ch. Rehmat Ali group during the Round Table conference held between 1930- 1932 in London. The conference culminated on 1935 India Act of self-rule. The Vol. highlights the emergence of religious parties in Punajb, like Majlis Ahrar founded in 1931 and Khaksar Tanzeem also founded in the same year, both arch rival but united against the Muslim league. Majlis Ahrar was actually founded by Khilafati moulvis after they quitted Congress getting disillusioned from the Congress. Their major plank of politics was to wage war against Qadianis. The other target of their criticism was Fazal Hussain. They tried to exploit the issue of Masjid Shaheed Ganj, Lahore in 1935, deepening the Sikh-Muslim conflict. The Vol. provides the detail of elections to provincial legislatures held in 1936-37 under the Government of India Act 1935. Muslim League in Punjab lost the elections whereas the Unionist Party emerged victorious and was successful in forming the ministry. In the meanwhile Fazal Hussain had died and Sir Sikander Hayat had taken over the leadership of the Unionists. He was a Punjabi Nationalist whereas Jinnah still believed in the Indian Nationalism and that was the one reason of failure of the league in Punjab. The other reason was the weak middle class leadership of Muslim League led by its president Allama Mohammed Iqbal. In that situation Jinnah resorted to enter into a pact with Sikander known as Sikander-Jinnah pact. It envisaged the role of All India Muslim League at All India level with no interference in the provincial matters. Iqbal did not like it and was critical of Jinnah on that account. In 1938 Nehru came to see Iqbal and found that much of his ideas had been changed and he was more inclined towards Nehru than Jinnah. There is a detailed chapter on Iqbal describing him as a human being, committing mistakes as well; he was not a super man or a ‘prophet” as many of his admirers put him. His initial period when he recited poems in praise of Queen Victoria in 1901 and the British crown and Royal Army on the victory of first world war in 1918, he attempted to become a Judge of the Lahore High Court in 1925 but his nomination was dropped by Chief Justice Shadi Lal, his application through an Aide to Governor Punjab to seek a position in the council of ministers of Maharaja Kashmir and his unfulfilled desire to be inducted in the Viceroys Executive Council, all speak of him as a human being, a middle class careerist having all such aspirations. Also his inclination to Qadianiyat in the early part of his life has been established in this Vol. However, in the later years he turned against it when Zafarullah was nominated by Fazal Hussain for the post of the member Executive Council instead of him. There was Ahrari agitation also against the appointment of Zafarullah. Iqbal turned against Qadianis and Fazal Hussain at the same time. The Muslim League’s Lahore Resolution of 1940, its background and preparation of its draft are dealt with greater detail in this Vol. The demand for separate states in East and
West zones of subcontinent was adopted, in fact, as a bargain counter against the intransigent attitude of congress; authenticated through a Muslim Leaguer’s source. The fallacy propounded by Wali khan in his book Facts Are Facts that the resolution was motivated by Viceroy Linlithgo and on his behest, Zafarullah drafted the resolution for League, has also been thoroughly debunked. The actual records from British Museum Library have been quoted to prove that what Wali Khan has tried to build is a product of his imagination and not the fact. The Vol. reveals that opposition to creation of Pakistan form the common ground between Sikander Hayat and Maulana Moudoodi in 1940-41 when a feudal named Niaz Ahmed installed the Maulana in Pathankot. The Vol. also brought out the brief history of Communist party in Punjab and its successes and failures. The party could not develop its own identity; it was only trailing back the line got from Bombay and Moscow. The Communist party of Punjab supported the Muslim League in the elections of 1945-46, which were contested on the issue of Pakistan and a communist Danial Latifi drafted its election manifesto. But later on the party shifted its stand. The formation of the coalition government in Punjab after the elections of 1945-46 by the Unionists, Akali Dal and Congress just to keep the majority party out of power was a fillip to instigate even the Muslim feudals of Punjab to resort to agitation and relinquish their titles. The attempts of Congress to keep the League out of power at all levels ultimately led the League to the creation of Pakistan in August 1947.
Vol. 6 Sindh –- The Origins of Issue of Provincial Autonomy (Sindh-----Masaala-I-Khudmukhtari Ka Aghaz) (Pages437)
Part-1: Sindh Under British Sindh, as revealed in this Volume, stood as an independent entity for most part of its ancient and medieval history. But after its annexation in 1843, when the last independent Talpur rulers were defeated by the British, it was reduced to a Commissionary of Bombay Presidency, with the exception of initial 4 years under Napier who conquered it for the British East India Company. The strategic reasons behind the annexation in the wake of the expansion of Russia in Central Asia and the series of Afghan wars by the British have been brought out in detail. In 1839, Mirs of Hyderabad provided passage to the British troops for Afghan wars and, as a result, 5000 troops were permanently stationed in Sindh. After their defeat in the Afghan war of 1841, the British wanted a secure base in Sindh for their excursions in Afghanistan; Napier was assigned the command of troops in Sindh in 1842, who in less than a year defeated the Mirs who were ruling through medieval despotism and relied on Baluchi tribesmen for fighting and did not develop a modern army. Sindh remained under military rule of Napier as a separate province of British East India Company’s empire till it was merged with Bombay Presidency in 1847. After the annexation of Punjab in 1849, there was a proposal to merge Sindh with Punjab but it remained pending due to one reason or the other. The mercantile communities of Karachi felt more secure under the Public Law of the regulated Province of Bombay, with privileges of rule of Law and political reforms granted to Bombay and other provinces by the British Crown after taking direct control of India after the mutiny of 1857. Whereas Punjab was an unregulated province deprived of political reforms and ruled by military officers under a Lieutenant Governor. The mercantile, predominantly Non-Muslims also had a natural inclination to be with the Non-Muslim majority Province of Bombay than a Muslim majority area of Punjab. They being comprador exerted their influence to stay with Bombay and the proposal of merger with Punjab was shelved. The Hindu money- lenders, under the Civil Law of Bombay, got the right to confiscate the land from Muslim feudal landlords to recover their debt, resulting in the money- lenders turning into a new Hindu landlord class who deprived many Muslim landlords from parts of their lands. That gave rise to Hindu-Muslim contradiction.
There was no local resistance after the annexation except few minor eruptions in some cantonments during mutiny and a localized Hur rebellion, which lasted from 1870 to 1896. The Muslim feudals were mostly addicted to Bhang and were aloof from the modern concepts of education and development. The English education started with the inception of an English school in Karachi in1853; Hindus and Parsis took greater advantage of it for the sake of their business, opened more schools and colleges on the same pattern, availed higher education from Bombay University and, in about 25 years, Hindus got the dominant position in business, education and services. In 1881 Syed Amir Ali of Bengal visited Karachi and founded the Mohammedan National Association on the same pattern as it was existing in Bengal; Hassan Ali Afandi a local Muslim merchant was its first president and some feudals and mercantile joined as members. Afandi founded Sindh Madarsa in 1885, the first school to promote education in Muslims. It was the time when Hindu bourgeoisie was demanding share in administration and local government; Indian National Congress was founded the same year. In the early 19th century Bombay became the center of Hindu revivalist movement led by Bal Ganga Dhar Tilak who also became champion of Sowadeshi movement, an upsurge of rising Hindu bourgeoisie in the guise of Indian Nationalism after the partition of Bengal in 1905. The Muslims awakened from their slumber and the Muslim League was founded in 1906. But all these political currents had little impact on the Mirs, Pirs, Feudals, waderas and haris of Sindh. Even the demand for the separation of Sindh from Bombay was put forward in 1913 by Hindu leaders who, in their own right, had gathered enough strength and aspired to build Karachi as another Bombay. Khilafat movement, in reaction to the fall of Ottoman Empire during First World War (1914-18), was the first fillip to arouse some anti British wave in Sind where some middle class component of the Muslims, educated from Sindh Madarsa and Aligarh University had already emerged. Khilafat Conference was held in 1919 in Larkana and Sun; G.M Syed started his political career as a Khilafat activist. Seth Abdullah Haroon was elected the President of Sindh Khilafat Committee. Earlier in 1918, the Mohammedan Association, during its meeting with Montague and Chelmsford, presented their demand for the separation of Sindh from Bombay. That was the origin of the Muslim politics in Sindh. In 1925, after the failure of the Khilafat movement, the Muslim League reemerged on the Political scene of India and demanded, in its annual session, for the separation of Sindh from Bombay for the first time from its forum. Then on it remained a permanent item on its agenda, on its own charter of demand and a salient point in all the pacts or charters of common cause agreed with other parties, including the 5 points of All Parties Conference of 1926, The Nehru Report and the famous 14 points of Jinnah. During late 20s when Simon Commission was touring India, G.M Syed, Mohammad Ayub Khuru and Ghulam Hussain
Hidayatullah were active on the separation demand; but Sir Shahnawaz Bhutto, who was appointed by Bombay Legislative Assembly to work with Simon Commission, did not demand for it. In 1930, in the 1st Round Table Conference in London, Jinnah and G.H. Hidayatulla advocated for the separation of Sindh; in the third RTC in 1933, Ayub Khuru presented the case for the separation of Sindh from Bombay. Finally in Government of India Act of 1935, Sindh was separated as a full province from Bombay. In 1937, the first elections were held for the Provincial Legislature of Sindh; G.H Hidayatullah, Shahnawaz Bhutto and Seth Abdulla Haroon formed Sindh United Party on the same pattern as of Punjab Unionist Party, Muslim dominated party with a secular stance; Jinnah was asked not to interfere in the provincial politics. Later, on the issue of distribution of tickets the differences arose and G. H. Hidayatullah separated and joined with Ayub Khuru to form Sindh Muslim Party. Actually G. H. Hidayatullah, Ayub Khuru and Allah Bux belonged to the feudal stock and G.M. Syed and Hashim Gazdar represented the middle class. The benefits of development during colonization were reaped mainly by Hindus or non-Sindhis. Building of the first rail track between Karachi and Kotri in 1861 and its subsequent extension from Kotri to Multan in 1870 boosted the trade and business of Hindu bourgeoisie with a small component of Muslim traders of leather. The completion of Sukker barrage in 1932 further boosted the trade of cotton and related businesses, whereas the Punjabis from Jullunder division purchased the barrage lands at nominal prices. The influx of Punjabi settlers in mid 30s generated the debate of Sindhis and Non-Sindhis as the settlers never mixed up with the locals and inducted their own people at all levels thus depriving the locals all fruits of new economic activity. After the 1937 elections, G.H Hidayatullah, though represented a smaller party but was successful to form a coalition Government with the help of Hindu United Party and kept the majority Sindh United party out of power. The political stability could not be achieved; feudal factionalism, intrigue and deception prevailed and one weak coalition replacing another weak coalition was the common phenomenon. Hindu United Party with the help of Provincial Congress Party always took advantage of these feuds and stayed in power in almost every coalition. On the initiative of G. M. Syed, in 1938, Muslim League Assembly Party was also organized in which almost all Muslim members were inducted. The Vol. brings out the detailed account of rise and fall of the ministries from 1937 to 1945; the following ministries were formed: G. H. Hidayatulla (1937-1938) Allah Bux (1938-1940) Bandey Ali Talpur (1940-1941) Allah Bux (1941-1942)
G.H. Hidayatulla (1942-1946, reshuffled three times) In 1938 Sindh Provincial Muslim League demanded for two separate federations in India ___ a Muslim Federation and a Non-Muslim Federation. However both the federations were to stay under a loose confederation. In 1943, Sindh Assembly passed a resolution for the creation of a separate state for the Muslims___ the first of its kind from any Legislature so far. G.M Syed, who later turned an arch opponent of creation of Pakistan, was the staunch supporter of both of those resolutions. The Vol. reveals in detail the origins of conflict between Jinnah and G. M Syed starting in 1943-4 due to inherent conflict between G.H Hidayatulla and G.M Syed, the former being a feudal and the later a middle class representative; Jinnah always sided with G. H. Hidayatullah. The conflict reached its climax on the distribution of League tickets for the elections of 1945-46; G.M Syed demanded more for the middle class candidates whereas Jinnah keeping in view his united front with the feudals listed more candidates from them and rejected Syed’s list who was finally expelled from the League. Syed founded Progressive Muslim League and contested the elections from its platform though gaining little success. Syed now opposed united India, opposed Pakistan fearing Punjabi domination and demanded total Independence for each province. Muslim league was successful in the elections of 1946 to form the ministry under G.H. Hidayatullah with a marginal majority in the house. G.M Syed and other League dissidents in association with Provincial Congress and other Hindu Parties and groups destabilized the ministry by mustering enough support to equalize the number of opposition members to the ruling party members; this deadlock led to the dissolution of assembly in September 1946. However Muslim League emerged with a higher margin in the fresh elections held in December, though G.H Hidayatullah could form his ministry only after Jinnah mediated to resolve his conflict with Ayub Khuru by awarding him to be deputy leader of the house. After Mountbatten’s take over as the new viceroy, as the process of transfer of power was accelerated, a debate opened up about Sindh to be an altogether an/( ) independent state or be part of Pakistan or India. There was a strong thinking among many provincial Muslim League leaders in April 1947 that Sindh should stand out as an Independent state as there was growing a similar probability regarding Bengal. But after the secret understanding between Nehru and Moutbatten on May 10, 1947 to partition India in not more than two parts, such attempts regarding Bengal and Sindh were frustrated. And after the announcement of Partition Award on June 3, 1947, the provincial Muslim League welcomed on June 23, the Central League’s decision of June10 to accept the award; the speeches realized the benefits that Sindh was expected to avail by default due to Karachi being the capital of the new State. On June 26, the Sindh Assembly adopted the resolution by a majority of 33 against 20 to join Pakistan. In July the issue of Sindhi and Non-Sindhi started to simmer in the background of Sindh
having remained under Bombay for about 90 years (1847-1937) and acquisition of barrage lands by Punjabis in mid 1930s. G. M Syed was out to whip up Sindhi Nationalism after his defeat of destabilizing the Muslim League government in the province.
Part-2: After Pakistan’s Establishment
This part covers the initial period from 1947 till Liaqat’s assassination in 1951. The large scale migration of Urdu speaking Muhajirs, not only as the Central Government employees for the new capital from New Delhi Central Secretariat but also in a big number as refugees, disturbed the entire ecological, cultural, political and economic balance of the province. The power struggle between the two stalwarts, G.H. Hidayatullah and Ayub Khuru was settled by awarding the former to be the Governor and the later the Premier of the province. Khuru resisted accepting the huge number of refugees. Sindh Muslim League and provincial Government tried to stop the flight of Hindus from Sindh to India but the Provincial Congress persuaded them to do so. Sindhis desire to benefit from the evacuee properties the positions and businesses abandoned by Hindus but the influx of refugees multiplied in much greater number as the flight of Hindus increased. The refugees clashed in Karachi with Hindus to force them to leave but the timely intervention of Jinnah with an iron hand and strict action through army stopped the clashes. Karachi was separated from Sindh as a federal area; this added fire to the feelings of Sindhis who were already under the pressure of huge influx of refugees. Ayub Khuru, the Premier of the province rebelled against the Central government of Liaqat Ali Khan, a refugee Prime Minister himself, who was encouraging Muhajirs to occupy all opportunities left by the Hindus. In February Sindh Assembly passed a resolution against the Center’s decision for the separation of Karachi: Sindh Muslim Students Federation observed “ Karachi Day” and protest rallies were held. But Yusuf Haroon the provincial league president and representative of the mercantile capitalist class had a different view from the feudal Khuru and supported the Center as he himself aspired for the premiership of the province. The Governor G.H Hidayatullah, who was already against Khuru, reshuffled the portfolios of his ministry without consulting him. The conflict precipitated by the end of April 1948 and the Governor, after getting the approval of Jinnah, the Governor General, dismissed Khuru from the premiership. Pir Ilahi Bux, the education minister in Khuru’s cabinet, formed the new ministry and knuckled under the pressure of Center to accept the separation of Karachi after the assurances by Jinnah that the interests of Sindh would be taken care of in a way that the province should
benefit from the economic activity generated by Karachi as the Capital. A chauvinist Urduspeaking Muhajir, Syed Hashim Raza was appointed the first administrator of federal Karachi as a separate entity established in July 1948; he pushed his policy of rehabilitating Muhajirs in a big way and the influx of refugees from U.P multiplied further; Sindhi-Muhajir contradiction deepened further. Provincial capital was shifted to Hyderabad. Khuru was tried against malpractices allegedly committed by him during his tenure. After the death of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in September 1948, the ethnic and nationality contradictions multiplied when Liaqat saddled strongly in the seat of Central power, patronized Muhajirs’ colonization in Sindh, as he wanted Karachi to be his constituency. A Punjabi, Justice (Rtd.) Sheikh Din Mohammed was appointed the governor of Sindh after the death of G.H. Hidayatulla in October 1948. A few weeks later, the premier Pir Ilahi Bux also faced similar criticism from Karachi circles as was faced by Khuru. In January 1949, Liaqat got the Public and Representation Disqualification Act (PRODA) passed by C.A and was applied with retrospective effect against Khuru. Premier Pir Ilahi Bux also faced an inquiry under the same Act culminating to his resignation in Feb. 1949. The feudal politics of factionalism, intrigue and deception, swayed the same way as it was before the creation of Pakistan; different factions entangled in power struggle for the vacancy of Premier; there was a direct tie between Yusuf Haroon and Ghulam Ali Talpur. In fact, Yusuf Haroon being a mercantile had little influence among the feudals, was a proxy candidate on behalf of Khuru and won the leadership of the house with his help; some of the members changed their loyalty from Talpur to Haroon overnight due to Khuru’s maneuvering. Soon after, Haroon shifted his loyalty from Khuru to Liaqat and Muhajirs who lured him to their side against Khuru. Up to the end of 1949 the cabinet had undergone three reshuffles due to contradiction between Haroon and Khuru; Liaqat played Haroon as an instrument against Khurru. In the meanwhile Hari movement gained grounds and the revelations in the dissenting note of M. Masud on the Hari Report further aggravated the situation. Liaqat and Khuru struck a direct deal in the early 50s for the common interest of saving the feudalism in Sindh and there was no need to have an instrument like Haroon in between them; they were natural allies despite feuds between them. Khuru was evicted from PRODA case and was reinstated on his seats in the Provincial and the Constituent Assembly. In April 50, Haroon was removed and appointed as an ambassador to Australia; Qazi Fazal-Ullah, another horse of Khurru was placed on the vacated seat of premiership. Liaqat ascended to the position of the President of Pakistan Muslim League with the help of Khurru in October 1950 when the rule of having the party and government offices separate was amended to the effect of holding it together. Kkhurru played a key role against the Hari movement rampant all over Sindh during 1949-51. Khurru staged a comeback on the seat of premiership in March 1951 and reverted Fazal-Ullah to a cabinet minister. Five Premiers changed within the span of less than 4 years
after independence. The Vol. provides ample details of this factional feudal politics in Sindh in the early years of Pakistan. In March 1949, the proposal of One Unit i.e. merging Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Baluchistan into one province was propounded by Firoz Khan Noon, Begum Shahnawaz and Yusuf Khattak, the secretary general of Muslim League. Strong reaction came from Sindh; a heated debate in C.A between Sindhi and non-Sindhi members led to a strong agitation by Sindhi youth in the streets; Sindhi-Muhajir contradiction heightened. Urdu speaking Muhajirs held Muhajir Convention in April 49 and Sindhis held a Sindhi Convention in the August of the same year in which Haris participated in great number form all over Sindh. G. M Syed took advantage of this situation and emerged as a strong nationalist leader; he worked with Abdul Ghaffar Khan to form a new party named People’s Party in 1948 but the attempt could not flourish due to their detention; he founded “Awami Jamaat” in June 1951 and tried to develop it as a strong opposition party. The volume covers the politics of struggle of Sindh nationality rights in detail before and after the creation of Pakistan.
Vol. 6 Baluchistan –- The Origins of Issue of Provincial Autonomy (Baluchistanh-----Masaala-I-Khudmukhtari Ka Aghaz)
(Pages 307) Part-1:Historical background of Baluchistan Before the Creation Of Pakistan
It gives a detailed historical background of the area called Bauchistan including the following: History until the Beginning of the 20th Century: Baluchistan _ transformation from nomadic tribes to tribal states. Background of the British occupation of Baluchistan. Internal warfare between tribal chiefs facilitated the British to take full control of this area. British Baluchistan leased from Kalat. The despotic Sardari System of Khans (Rulers) of Kalat and other tribal states. Poltical Situation of Baluchistan in the Context of Politics of Indian Subcontinent _ the early 20th Century: Muslim League and the Muslim Conference’s demand in 1927 for full provincial rights to be given to Baluchistan which was a Chief Commissionary under an Agent to the Governor General; also a salient point in Jinnah’s famous charter of demand called the 14 points in 1927. The coronation of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan in Kalat _ his loyalty to British and the pathetic condition of the people of Kalat. Drama of political reforms in the wake of political reforms in India based on Government of India Act of 1935. Indian National Congress and the British joined hands against political reforms in Baluchistan. British imperialist interests in the Persian Gulf region were the basis of their antireform attitude in Baluchistan. Jinnah’s tour of Baluchistan in 1943-44; he demanded full status of province to be given to Baluchistan, he asked the people to awaken themselves and fight for their political and economic rights under Muslim League. Representation of Baluchistan in the Council of States by Nawab Raisani; Muslim League opposed it.
Jinnah’s tour of Baluchistan and Kalat State in 1945; warm welcome by Khan Ahmed Yar of Kalat. He presented gold and silver to Mr. Jinnah and his sister Miss Fatima Jinnah equal to their weight; he wished the revival of his independent empire of Baluchistan including British Baluchistan with the help of League and Jinnah. The Soviet versus U.S conflict in Azerbaijan province of Iran; Qazi Isa, President of Baluchistan Muslim League criticized the Soviet Union. Cabinet Mission in India in 1946 _ Khan of Kalat demanded for the merger of the British Baluchistan with Kalat and recognition as independent state under his rule. Pashtoon-Baluch conflict _ Pashtoons wanted to join, either Pakistan or India, rather than staying under the Khan of Kalat in the empire he was aspiring to revive. The role of Nawab Mohammed Khan Jogezai, the leader of Pashtoons, has been discussed. Mountbatten’s arrival in March 1947 for the transfer of power sharpened the struggle between the Khan of Kalat and the Pashtoon leaders Jogezai, Abdul Samad Achakzai on the one hand and Qazi Isa the League leader on the other hand. Announcement of the Partition Award on June 3, 1947___ severe conflict between Pashtoons and Baluch leaders led by the Khan of Kalat on the question of joining with Pakistan. The future of the British Baluchistan was to be decided by the Quetta municipality and Shahi Jirga of Pashtoon tribes. The future of Kalat was to be decided by the Khan of Kalat. Jinnah assured the tribal chiefs of British Baluchistan that their customary tribal Sardari system and their rights would be guaranteed under Pakistan. On June 29, 1947 the Jirga and the members of Quetta municipality, in their joint session, voted in favour of joining the British Baluchistan with Pakistan. Jinnah’s statement on June 17, 1947 recognizing the right of rulers of States to decide about their future was exploited by the Khan of Kalat in favour of his ambition of independence. On August 4, 1947 a joint statement was issued signed by Jinnah, Mountbatten, Khan Ahmed Yar Khan of Kalat, Liaqat Ali Khan, Sultan Ahmed the legal advisor of the Kalat State and the Premier of Kalat stating that Pakistan Government as the heir to the British government would be bound to observe all the agreements and contracts already existing between Britain and Kalat and the special position of Kalat State was given recognition. On August 15, a day after the independence of Pakistan’s independence, the Khan of Kalat declared Kalat as an independent and sovereign State.
Part-2: After Establishment of Pakistan
This part covers the following:
Three parts at the time of independence: 1) British Baluchistan consisting of Quetta, Bolan, Chaman, Pishin, Sibi, Shahrig, Zob, Loralai, Marri, Bugti, Sanjarani and Khawaja Imran 2) Political Agencies of Zhob, Loralai, Quetta, Pishin, Chaghi and Khawaja Imran controlled by the Political agents under the Chief Commissioner. The laws framed by Shahi Jirga under tribal traditions were applicable in agency areas. 3) Confederation of States of Kalat, Kharan, Makran and Lasbela under the supremacy of Khan of Kalat. A “House of Commons’ and a “House of Lords” created under the constitution of 1936. These houses were practically working like a Shahi Jirga. The first two parts were under the control of the Agent to Governor General (AGG). When Kalat declared its independence on August 15,1947 there was no immediate reaction from the Pakistan Government. The internal and external reasons behind the silence have been traced. Hindu-Muslim riots in Quetta immediately after independence. The situation brought under control by militia, military and police. The Central Government announced in September that Baluchistan would be given the status of a full province soon and that the post of AGG will be elevated to a full Governor and ministers representing public opinion will be inducted in his cabinet. This promise was not fulfilled until elections of 1970. The role of Iranian despotic monarch and the super power rivalry in Gulf region in depriving Baluchistan from its political and economic rights have been brought out in detail. Pathan’s conflict with Punjabis and Muhajir settlers in Quetta within few weeks of the independence caused local and non-local rift. The British AGG was replaced by another British AGG. Khan Kalat’s meeting with Jinnah in Karachi in October 1947; Jinnah tried to persuade him for the accession of his state to Pakistan but the Khan adopted delaying tactics to muster support from Britain or Afghanistan or India. But due to different reasons described in detail in the Vol., the Khan failed to achieve his objective. Proposal of merger of Sindh and Baluchistan by the provincial League President Qazi Isa. was opposed by the Pashtoon. Speeches against the accession to Pakistan in the “House of Commons” and the “House of Lords” of Kalat State in December 1947. The 4 day visit of Jinnah, the GG of Pakistan, to Sibi to attend the annual Shahi Jirga and make important decisions about the future of Baluchistan; meetings with Pathan and Baluch tribal chiefs of Jirga; Khan Kalat declined to come to Sibi. The political
reform package announced by Jinnah consisted of an Advisory Council to the AGG but did not have anything in regard to the elevation of Baluchistan to the level of a full province; the League’s Quaid himself denied a point always included in League’s charter of demands. Las Bela, Makran and Kharan announced their accession to Pakistan in March 1948. The reasons and background. Khan Kalat’s isolation and embarrassment. Khan Kalat approached India for help and V.P Menon exposed it by the end of March 1948. Khan was summoned immediately to Karachi and was forced to sign the accession document. Despite the accession the tension between Kalat and Pakistan’s Government continued; Prince Kareem, the brother of Khan Kalat sought refuge in Afghanistan and returned in May secretly and carried out rebellious guerrilla activities in Jhallawan area. Jinnah instructed Brig. Akber Khan to crush the rebellion who sent two battalions to fight the rebels in arms; the English commander of the rebel and the English Foreign Minister of Kalat surrendered after little resistance; Prince Kareem was arrested and convicted. That led practically to total decline of Khan Kalat’s power. After the death of Jinnah, Prime Minister Liaqat struck an alliance with the tribal chiefs and the process of political reforms slowed down. The Advisory Committee to the AGG was formed as late as April 1949. The conflict between Pathan and Baluch tribal chiefs on representation in Advisory Council and Liaqat’s policy of divide and rule. The Volume describes in detail the anti democratic policies of Liaqat in Baluchistan. His denial to political and economic reforms in this area was also due to his submission to Anglo-American imperialism’s designs in the Gulf Region as part of their policy of containment of Soviet Union. Khan Kalat also entered a feudal axis with Liaqat who sent him in a delegation to U.S., Europe and Middle East in 1949. Contradiction between Punjabi AGG Mian Amin ud Din and Qazi Isa the Provincial League President and senior advisor to AGG. Qazi was already in conflict with the tribal chiefs. Liaqat cut Qazi to size and supported tribal chiefs and forced Qazi to resign as the president of Provincial League as well as from the position of Advisory Council in April 1950 when Adjutant General of Pakistan Ayub Khan was on his visit to Quetta. Later Qazi Isa was bribed to be a delegate to UN in mid 50. A reforms Inquiry Committee was formed by Liaqat to delay the reform process. The new Advisory Council to AGG was constituted in which the representation of Provincial League was reduced and it was dominated by the tribal chiefs. Punjabi AGG used this Council to get more facilities for Punjabi settlers.
Qazi Isa after returning from UN in early 1951 was again elected as President of Provincial Muslim League. Since he was not given any office he started to raise the demands of provincial reforms and launched an active campaign until he was appointed as ambassador to Brazil in August 1951. Baluchistan reforms remained pending indefinitely. There was no representation of Baluchistan in Central Government either in the secretariat the cabinet, militia, army or police. It was not given the status of a full province to run the administration by its own representatives. Each time they were told to wait for these reforms until the completion of the Constitution; the process of Constitution-making was slow due to anti democratic policies of Liaqat and his successors. It went into the folds of One Unit without any reforms and without being elevated as a full province.
Vol. 8 NWFP –-Historical Background of Afghanistan and The Origins of Pakhtoon Autonomy
(Afghanistan Ka Tarikhi Pas Manzar Aur Pakhtoon Masaala Khud Mukhtari Ka
Aghaz) (Pages 252)
This Volume traces the historical background of Pakhtoon Nationalism before the emergence of Pakistan and then the struggle of Pakhtoons for their nationality rights after the establishment of Pakistan. It highlights the following: Background of first Afghan empire built by Ahmad Shah Durrani (Abdali) in the middle of 18th century extending its borders from Punjab to Central Asia and Iran. His successors could not hold that big empire and it shrank to a small kingdom between Indus and Amu Dariya with Kabul as its centre. Ranjit Singh established his empire in Punjab and emerged as a formidable force in the early 19th century. Warfare between Ranjit Singh and Afghan rulers for supremacy on either banks of River Indus (Attock) and the finally/final occupation of the Peshawar valley by Ranjit Singh. After Ranjit Singh’s death in 1839, the war of succession destabilized the whole area: the British forward policy to curtail Russian expansion in the central Asia led to the first Afghan war in 1840-42 and though defeated in that war they soon emerged as the king makers in Afghanistan. Their forward policy or “grand strategy” as it was called, led to their annexation of Sind in 1843 and Punjab in 1849. They occupied Peshawar valley, Derajat, Banu, Kohat and Khyber Pass after defeating Dost Mohammed who came to help the Sikhs against the British; Durranis lost these area/areas forever but they always aspired to regain it. The Volume traces the establishment of Afghanistan as a buffer state between the expanding Russia and the British Indian empire; they played as king makers after the death of Dost Mohammed Khan in 1863, maintained their military presence in Afghanistan. Kabul was reduced to any Indian State but due to the tacit understanding with Russia they kept it as a separate country, though independent, but as a buffer state between them. In 1893 the formal boundary between India and Afghanistan was drawn by Mortimer Durand on the request to Viceroy by the titular ruler Amir Abdur-Rehman, the grandson of Dost Mohammed. The free area of tribal belt was controlled by establishing political agencies, allowing them their internal freedom to follow their Jirga but no interference with the British
who paid their Sardars (Cheifs) a sort of protection money annually. The Frontier Crimes Regulation of 1872 recognized the local autonomy of Jirga. The political agencies of Malakand, Khyber, Kurram, Mehmand and North Waziristan were established between1895 to 1900 and stability was achieved. Viceroy Curzon, who was appointed in 1899, pursued the forward policy in a big way as the preparations for the First World War were already underway. Until then the northwestern area was part of Punjab; Curzon decided to separate it and put it under the direct control of Center in 1901; named it the North Western Frontier and put it under a Chief Commissioner. Amir Abdur-Rehman died the same year and his son Amir Habibullah succeeded. The British always feared the ambitions of Afghan rulers about the NWF area and had to reassure about their non-interference by reaching agreements with them from time to time; similar agreements were reached with Amir Habibullah in 1905 and with Amanullah in 1919 and reconfirmed in 1921 as a pact. The Volume provides ample information about the rise and fall of Amanullah’s progressive regime; his independent policies and his relations with the Communist Soviet Union culminating to his fall in 1928 maneuvered by the British who were successful to install their titular Nadir Shah in1929 who was a grandson of Sultan Ahmed Khan, considered to be a traitor by the Pakhtoons as he had served the Sikh regime in Peshawar. Mehsud and Waziri tribes were used by the British to back Nadir Shah in his so-called invasion and take over of Kabul. Amanullah remained in exile in Europe attempting to regain his power through Mehsuds and Waziris who were repentant on helping Nadir Shah to come to power. The British bombarded these tribes to curtail their march on Kabul. Nadir Shah was however killed in 1933 and succeeded by his son Zahir Shah. During the Second World War Afghanistan remained non-aligned but was always helpful to the British. No attempt was made to regain the areas of NWFP by taking the advantage of the situation when the British forces were engaged all over the world as Dost Mohammed and Amanullah had attempted under similar conditions in the past. In the Government of India Act 1935, NWFP was elevated to the level of a full province. The provincial Congress won the elections of 1937 and formed the government, resigned in 1939 in the wake of Quit India movement launched by Gandhi. In 1945, after the War, when departure of the British became quite clear, Afghanistan demanded from the British government to return the NWFP to it but this demand was turned down. Again they put forth the same demand to the interim government of
India in 1946; Nehru holding the Foreign office refused to accept it. Until then partition was not decided and Nehru under the impression of transfer of power of entire united India to Congress was not ready to give up even a single inch to anyone. The elections of 1946 brought the Provincial Congress party led by Dr. Khan Sahib to power; that being a predominantly Muslim populated province, the Hindu-Muslim conflict was not locally as rampant as in Punjab or Sindh or Bengal, therefore, the people voted for Congress in this province without discriminating Congress as a Hindu party. But when, by the beginning of 1947, it became clear that Cabinet Mission Plan had failed and some sort of Pakistan was going to emerge, there was a general movement in the province for Pakistan. When Mountbatten reached India in March 1947 as the new Viceroy, there was a widespread agitation going on by Muslim League in the NWFP against Dr. Khan Sahib’s ministry. In April violence broke out against Hindus and Sikhs; it started from D.I. Khan jail where hundreds of Muslim Leaguers were detained. It lasted for many days resulting in considerable loss of life and large scale looting and arson of HinduSikh property. Mountbatten visited the area by the end of April and gathered the impression that Congress had lost public support and new elections would be necessary. The volume provides detailed account of Mountbatten’s meetings with Jinnah, Liaqat and Nehru during May 47 for holding new elections in NWFP but these discussions culminated into holding a referendum on the question of future of the province. When partition award was announced on June 3, 47, the meetings and discussions on referendum were still going on between Mountbatten, Congress and Muslim League and finally Mountbatten announced holding of a referendum in NWFP in middle of July on the question of choosing to join either Pakistan or India. As the governor NWFP Sir Olaf Caroe was not liked by the Congress, he was replaced, on Nehru’s request, by Lt. Gen Sir Rob Lockhart to hold fair and impartial referendum. The Provincial Congress leaders Dr. Khan Sahib and Abdul Ghaffar Khan demanded that a third choice should also be given i.e. to have an independent Pakhtoonistan. The Kabul radio and Afghan government launched a campaign for the independent Pakhtoonistan and expressed claim on that area immediately after the announcement of the Partition Award. Nehru had a different view than the Provincial Congress; he opposed the propaganda and claims of Afghan government. Since the demand of Khan Brothers was not accepted they boycotted the referendum. The referendum was held between July 6 and 16 and the verdict was in favour of Pakistan. The Volume brings out a revealing fact about Sir Olaf Caroe originating the idea of Pakhtoonistan and advising Dr. Khan Sahib to adopt it as their creed; the fact is documented from
the Transfer of Power records now published. Also the analysis of Wali Khan about the results of the referendum has been thoroughly debunked. The vol. traces a detailed background of the Surkhposh Tehreek or Khudai Khidmatgar Tehreek and its leader Abdul Ghaffar Khan. After the establishment of Pakistan, Dr. Khan’s ministry was dismissed by the Central Government on August 22, 47 despite the fact that it enjoyed the majority in the provincial legislature; the Volume is critical of this undemocratic act of the newly born Pakistan Government. It also clarifies certain charges against Khan Brothers leveled by some Pakistani historians to provide a justification of the dismissal of Khan ministry. Even if those blames had some grounds and the loyalty of Dr. Khan Sahib was questionable, the democratic procedure should have been adopted by moving a no confidence move in the house or Governor could dissolve the assembly and would have gone in for new elections. The volume exposes the diabolic role that Khan Abdul Qayum Khan played by misinforming Jinnah about the loyalty of Khan Brothers to Pakistan and the manner in which he grabbed the power of the office of Premier of NWFP by that action. His profile as described in the volume exposes his unscrupulous character; he was an arch opponent of Pakistan and expressed his feelings to that effect in his booklet “ Gold and Guns on the Pathan Frontier” published in 1945. When Qayum Khan took over as Premier, the Party position in the assembly was; Congress 21 and Muslim League 15 in a house of 50. He resorted to all sorts of despotic tactics to pressurize the Congress members to vote for his premiership but they did not knuckle under for quite some time. Ultimately he succeeded in mustering the support of 8 Congress members in January 1948 and got the vote of confidence passed in the assembly. He used brute power to terrorize the Khudai Khidmatgar followers of Ghafar Khan and filled the jails with them. He inflated the activities of Ghaffar Khan and his party workers for Pakhtoonistan dubbed him as anti Pakistan to draw support from the Central Government and justify his despotism. Ghaffar Khan met Jinnah in Karachi in February 1948 and took oath for his seat in C.A in March 1948; in his speech he advocated for Pakhtoonistan but he established his loyalty to Pakistan despite his insistence that it was not the right solution of the communal issue. In May 48, he founded in Karachi a political party in association with G. M. Syed and Khan Abdul Samad Achakzai and named it Pakistan Peoples Party. These were signs that he wanted to pursue his politics within the framework of Pakistan. But as soon as he went back to his province, Qayum Khan issued reports about his activities and meetings purporting as anti Pakistan. He arrested him on June 15, 48 under the Frontiers Crimes Regulations and after summary trial in Jirga the
very next day (June 16), he was sentenced to 3 years imprisonment. Punjabi chauvinists like Nawa -i- Waqat appreciated this despotic act of Qayum Khan in the name of Isalm. After a few days using a newly enforced Public Safety Ordinance, he arrested a/( ) lot of the/( ) followers of Ghaffar Khan including his son Wali Khan. His brother Dr. Khan Sahib announced that a protest rally would be held at in/( ) Bhabra in July but he too was arrested. However the rally of Khudai Khidmatgars was held on August 12 at Bhabra, about 20 thousand people gathered. The police opened fire killing indiscriminately hundreds of them at the spot; wounded were innumerable. The properties of Surkh Poash leaders were also confiscated by the Qayum Government. The Volume traces the worsening of Pak-Afghan relations in the wake of Pakhtoonistan stunt, which was inflated by Qayyum, who blocked any possibility of improvement in relations by continuously inflaming the fire against Ghaffar Khan and Afghan Government as partisans against Pakistan. The Volume provides ample detail of Qayyum’s despotism against his political opponents; he struck a common axis with Liaqat Ali Kahan after the death of Jinnah. The opposition Leader Pir Manki Sharif who founded Jinnah Awami League was another victim of his excesses. On March 17, 1951 the Provincial Assembly was dissolved for the new elections but Qayyum continued as Premier. During the election campaign, the opposition leaders were detained or barred to move from one place to another. Suhrawardy who was going to participate in the election campaign was banned to enter the province at Attock Bridge on October 16, the same day Liaqat fell victim to the bullets fired on him in a public meeting in Rawalpindi. After a large scale rigging in the elections Qayyum’s Muslim League won the elections in December 1951; the opposition Jinnah Awami League got only 4 seats. The details of rigging and acts of oppression were horrible. Qayum gave full support to the new Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin to get support for his dictatorship in return but Punjabi Leaders of the Central Government including Ghulam Mohammed, the then Governor General, did not favour that act. Therefore in 1953 when Nazimuddin was dismissed and a titular cabinet under new Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Bogra was formed, Qayum Khan was inducted in that cabinet as Industries Minister and was removed from his citadel of power to avoid any possibility of his alliance with Bengali Leaders at the provincial level. Sardar Abdur Rashid, former I.G police NWFP, was appointed the new Premier of the province and he proved himself to be more stern and unsympathetic towards his political opponent than his mentor.
When Dr. Khan agreed in 1954 to be instrumental in the One Unit scheme of Ghulam Mohammed and Sikander Mirza, Ghaffar Khan was freed from his detention and the confiscated properties of Khan Brothers, family members were returned, though Ghaffar Khan’s entry in NWFP was banned for two years. In October 1955, Dr Khan Sahib took over as the first Chief Minister of newly created province of West Pakistan as a One Unit; the provinces of Punjab, NWFP, Sindh and Baluchistan lost their identity and entity.
Vol. 9 Bengali Muslim’s Prominent Role in Pakistan Movement
(Bengali Musalmanon Ka Tehreek-i-Pakistan Main Numiyan Tereen Kirdar) (Pages 539) This Volume traces back the long history of Hindu-Muslim contradiction in Bengal and in that context looks into the role of Bengali Muslims in different movements leading towards the creation of Pakistan. Bengal maintained mostly an independent and separate entity from the rest of the India for most part of its history, be it the ancient Hindu or Buddhist period or the Muslim period. When the Turk slaves of Ghauri led by Bakhtiar Khilji conquered Bengal in 1202 A.D, it was under the rule of many Hindu Rajas, Lakshman Sen of Brahman stock having the major principality of area now called West Bengal. The East Bengal was predominantly Buddhist and the Buddhist-Hindu contradiction was very sharp due to Brahman revivalism; that played vital role in the conversion of Buddhists to Islam mainly in Eastern Bengal by the Soofi saints. The Buddhist-Hindu contradiction was replaced by Hindu-Muslim contradiction; the Muslims being in a dominant position whereas the Hindus were subdued politically, socially and economically. The Vol. brings out in detail the Hindu-Muslim relations as the ruler and the ruled relations during Turk-Afghan period (1202-1575) and the Mughal period (15651775). The situation qualitatively changed after Pallasi; the Muslims slided to down trodden position whereas the Hindus were elevated to a dominant position as compradors of the East India Company. The wretched condition of Muslims during Company’s Rule (1765-1857) and their retaliation in the form of Fraizi and Wahabi movements, which ultimately failed due to obscurantist leadership, worsened Hindu-Muslim relationship as Hindus were the beneficiaries of the Company’s Rule; they did not side with anti-British armed struggle of Fraizis and Wahabis during first half of the 19th century. The enlightenment movement of Raja Ram Mohan Roy and modern education saddled them in a dominant position against Muslims who were living under medieval educational and cultural order. Some revealing comparative statistics in regard to Muslims and Hindus in education and services have been provided in this Volume. The ice was broken by people like Syed Amir Ali and Nawab Latif during the second half of the 19th century and a thin Muslim middle class started to emerge; they founded National Mohammedan Association in 1856, a Mohammedan Literary Society in 1863 and
Central Mohammedan Association in 1879.Whereas Hindus had already founded British Indian Association (1851) and Indian Association (1876) and they were more radical in putting forth their demands for having more participation in Indian Civil Service, conducting the exam for ICS in India and more share in the Legislative Councils etc. Those Bengali Baboos, as the educated Hindu Bengalis were termed, were the pioneers in evolving Nationalist movement under Surrender Nath Banerji. The Viceroy Lord Curzon, in 1905, had divided Bengal into East and West Bengal purely from the administrative point of view but by default, the Muslims of East Bengal benefited from it. The radical Hindu middle class and Hindu bourgeoisie in general and of Bengal in particular, took it as an attack on their National aspirations and launched an agitation in a big way all over India, called the Sodeshi movement, to annul the Partition of Bengal. For the first time in India, the militant struggle in the modern context having bomb blasts and guerrilla activities, gained grounds. The Government’s reaction was extremely intense and repressive measures forced the agitators to resort to find hideouts in jungles and hills. A whole host of leaders, intellectuals and revolutionaries were the product of that movement; Aurobindo Ghosh, Bipin Chandra Pal, Rabinder Nath Tagore and M.N. Roy were just a few instances. The Muslims did not take part in this Sowadeshi movement and remained peaceful to pursue their educational program; they founded All India Muslim League in 1906 in Dacca; presented their demand peacefully in a memorandum to the Viceroy, asking to retain the partition of Bengal and granting a separate quota of Muslim seats in the Legislative Councils. Therefore in Minto Morley reforms of 1909, The/the Muslims were granted the separate electorate. The Muslim middle class was very thin and weak and it could not build a strong agitation to retain the partition of Bengal; neither it got enough support at All India level as the Sowadeshi movement got from all over India; the Muslims were spending their energies for the cause of decadent and dying Ottoman Khilafat of Turkey. As the First World War was drawing near, the British could not afford the militant agitation of Hindus in this province, therefore they knuckled under by announcing/annulling of partition of Bengal in 1912. They also shifted their capital from Calcutta to Delhi the same year. The Legislative Council of the united Bengal constituted in 1912 consisted of 23 Europeans, 22 Hindus and 8 Muslims; though even after the unification the Muslims remained ( )/a majority in the province. The Council reconstituted in 1919 as a result of Montigue Chelmsford reform contained 39 Muslims out of a total of 125 members. Each reform package persisted with the political deprivation of the Muslims and worsened the Hindu - Muslim relations rather than improving it. In early 20s a highly liberal and really secular personality emerged on the political scene, his name was C. R Das, who was the mayor of Calcutta Corporation, President of the Provincial Congress and later became the President of All Indian National Congress. His famous Bengal Pact of 1923 granted Muslims
their participation based on their proportion of population in Legislative Councils and in local bodies, fixed 55% for them in services, 80% in the services of Calcutta Corporation, permitted them to slaughter cow and prohibited Hindus to play music in front of the mosques. He offered similar propositions at all India level known as C.R. Das Formula. The magnanimity of that kind would never have generated the feelings of asking for a separate homeland for Muslims, but ill luck would have it that he died untimely in 1926 leaving the arena of politics open for Gandhi who lacked that level of magnanimity. In the First Round Table Conference in London in 1930, Moulvi A.K Fazal-ul-Haq and Abdul Haleem Ghaznavi from Bengal participated to voice the demands of Muslims of Bengal. The first ministry established in 1929 under the rule of Diarchy included Kh. Nazimud-Din and K.G.M Farooqi, the two of the three ministers as the Congress boycotted it. The bulk of Muslim population came from East Bengal was belonged predominantly to the peasant stock, very backward, poor and illiterate, concentrated in the delta area of Ganges and Braham Putra rivers called Padma valley. There was no mention of Bengal in the famous “Concept of Pakistan” allegedly presented in the Presidential Address of Allama Iqbal in the annual session of Muslim League at Allahbad in 1930 asking for an autonomous state merging the Muslim majority provinces of North West of India; Bengal was not included even in the “Pakistan” of Ch. Rehmat Ali who put forth that idea in his pamphlets published in 1933 from Cambridge to press the Round Tablers to demand for it. The focus of these Punjabi leaders was North West of India. As late as 1940, Ch. Rehmat Ali presented a scheme of different homelands for Muslims of India mentioned “ Bang-i-Isalm” as a separate homeland for Bengali Muslims. The Communal Award of 1932 announced by the British Government after the Second RTC granted 119 seats to Muslims in the house of 250 members of Bengal Legislature; though the Muslim population was 54 percent but they were given 48 percent seats giving weightage to Hindus in the same way as the weightage was given to the Muslims in UP and other Muslim minority provinces. The Government of India Act passed in 1935 maintained the same Communal Award. The Volume provides detailed information of Provincial politics of Muslims and Hindus of Bengal in the wake of announcement of 1935 Act. It also highlights the conflict of leadership between Hindu leaders of Bengali and Western or North - Western India; C. R. Das vs. Gandhi, Subhash Chander Bose vs. Gandhi and Nehru. It also brings out the conflict between Fazal-ul-Haq and Jinnah. The Muslims of Bengal could not contest the elections of 1937 through a united platform; there was a United Muslim Party led by Nawab of Dacca, Krishak Parja Party led by A.K Fazal-ul-Haq and Provincial Muslim League led by Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy and Nazim-ud-Din. During Jinnah’s visit to Dacca in August 1936, it was agreed that the three parties would jointly contest the elections under the banner of All India Muslim League. But
in November 1936, Fazal-ul-Haq revolted on the issue of the distribution of tickets and decided to contest independently. The results of elections revealed that though Muslims were divided even then the Congress could not win them over to its side and got only 54 seats in the house of 250, none amongst them was a Muslim. So far as the 119 Muslim seats were concerned, Muslim League got 39, Krishak Parja Party got 40 and the independents got 42. Fazal-ul-Haq first tried to form a coalition with the Congress but the Hindu-Muslim contradiction was so sharp that he could not succeed in his attempt and had to resort to form a coalition with the Muslim League whose leaders agreed to work under Fazal-ul-Haq as Premier. As the coalition government tried to alleviate the long drawn problems of the Muslims and conceded some of their demands like amendments in the Tenancy Act, their quota in Calcutta Municipality and other Provincial Government services etc., strong Congress opposition against it and tried to destabilize it. The Volume covers in detail the attempts of Hindu landlords, capitalists and money lenders led by the Congress and the European members to outnumber the Haq ministry by creating split in his party and some splinter faction withdrew its support of the Muslim masses to him but due to the broad support to his ministry inside and outside Bengal, any splinter faction trying to break away was not just able to do so. However that deepened the Hindu-Muslim contradiction further. Hindu Mahasabha founded Hindu militia in December 1939 to terrorize the Muslims. It was in that atmosphere that Lahore Resolution(Later on termed as the Pakistan Resolution) was passed on March 24, 1940 in Lahore; though the resolution was drafted and finalized by League high command but A.K Fazal-ul-Haq presented it. In April widespread meetings and rallies were held all over Bengal to support the Lahore Resolution expressing the understanding that the resolution stood for independent Muslim States and Muslim Homelands while the provinces would be autonomous. But Fazal-ul-Haq, documented in the Volume as an unscrupulous leader, shifted from his position of March 40, started in June 40 to hobnob with Abul Kalam Azad, the new Congress President, to strike some equation with Congress whose leaders were out to oppose League’s Lahore resolution in very strong words. He went out of the way to support the War efforts and joined War committees whereas League had given clear instructions to its members and ministers in the cabinets not to be the members of the War Committees. The differences continued for a year or so and finally Fazal-ul-Haq lost support of the League who constituted its own Assembly Party in December 1941; Haq ministry was reconstituted with the support of the Congress, Forward Block and the Hindu Mahasabha and the day he took oath of the new ministry he was expelled from the League; Haq lost the support of the Muslim masses very rapidly; Jinnah visited Bengal in January 1942 and condemned Haq’s government using very strong words. In March 1943 Haq’s government had fallen and Nazism-ud Din, as the leader of Muslim League Assembly Party, took oath of the office of Prime Minister.
The Volume brings out the reasons of the Bengal Famine of 1942-43 putting the onus on the wrong British policy of handling the rice supplies to its troops and mismanagement of its reserves after Japan’s entry in the War in 1941. The horrible details of the famine are described in a greater detail. As the stockholders of grain and rice were Hindus, the famine deepened Hindu-Muslim contradiction to its highest peak because the worst hit were the Muslims and Cahoots (untouchables); League’s ministry did not loose support of broad Muslim masses despite the severity of the famine. However the opposition from Hindus on two issues led the Nazim-ud-Din ministry to its decline: one, the settlements of Bengali Muslim peasants in Assam was discouraged by the Assam Government by a law called LineSystem banning any outsider to cultivate in Assam’s public land who had migrated there after 1938, the law was backed by the Hindu landlords and money lenders of Assam who were afraid that with the influx of Bengali Muslims Assam would soon turn into a Muslim majority province, two, the monopoly of Hindu mercantile on cloth markets was curtailed by rationing of the cotton yarn and allowing the Muslims to come forward in this trade, that led to the strong opposition by the Hindu mercantile. Marwaris and upper cast mercantile bribed some members of Legislature to withhold their support to Nazim-ud-Din and his ministry was defeated on a bill in the assembly culminating into promulgation of clause 93 of the 1935 Act by the Governor dissolving that ministry on March 31,1945. Hindu-Muslim contradiction now reached its apex. Muslim masses hated that action of the Governor and developed their full integrity with the Muslim League. In that background the Muslim League emerged victorious in a big way in the elections of 1945-46, which were contested on the slogan of Pakistan. This victory was despite the fact that almost all the religious Parties were against the League and Jinnah and opposed the demand of Pakistan. Moulvi A.K. Fazal-ul-Haq, as a league dissident, was also playing in the hands of the Congress. During these elections, the leadership of Muslim League shifted from the feudal Nazim-ud-din to middle class Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy. Muslim League won 113 seats out of 119 Muslim seats in the provincial Legislature. Suhrawardy formed the ministry making coalition with the scheduled casts (Achoots). Though Muslim League adopted the Delhi Resolution in April 1946 revising the word “ States” in the Lahore Resolution of March 40 by the word “State” but the Cabinet Mission Plan’s grouping scheme offered in May 46 was accepted by the League, which was based on a confederation of zones (groups) in a united India. Congress sabotaged that plan by instigating Assam to withdraw from the group C of Bengal and Assam. The failure of the Cabinet Mission Plan forced the Muslims to resort to Direct Action on August 16, 1947 and Calcutta saw the worst ever bloodshed in the history of subcontinent at the hands of militant Hindus massacring the Muslims. It lashed back in Hindu-Muslim riots in Noakhali and the Muslims killed Hindus but not in as big numbers as the Muslims were massacred in Calcutta.
When the partition plans were under discussion by Mountbatten after he arrived as the last Viceroy in March 47, Jinnah went to the extent of granting Bengal to stay united as an independent and separate entity but not divided. Suhrawardy got the Provincial Congress President Karan Shankar Roy and Forward Block leader Sarat Chander to agree with him to go for that proposal but the Central high command of the Congress snubbed their provincial leaders on that account and the scheme was shelved. On June 20, the members of Muslim majority districts of Bengal Assembly voted in favour of United Bengal but when the members of Hindu majority members voted in favour of joining with India then the members of Muslim majority districts again gathered to vote for joining in Pakistan. Jinnah however instructed Suhrawardy to stay back in Calcutta after August 47 to work on the same plan of united independent Bengal with Sarat Chander Bose; it gained some grounds but it could not get through while Jinnah died in September 48.
Vol. 10 Origins of Separatist Movement in East Pakistan (1947-51)
(Mashraqi Pakistan Ki Tehreek-I- Alehdagi Ka Aghaz 1947-51) (Pages 424) This Volume deals with the origins of separatist tendencies in East Pakistan immediately after the independence due to discrimination and deprivation the Bengalis had to face at the hands of West Pakistanis in general and Punjabis and Urdu Speaking Muhajirs in particular. This was despite the fact that there existed a wide geographical, political, economic, social and cultural gap between the two wings. The first attack on their autonomy was the appointment of Kh. Nazim-ud-Din as the first Premier instead of Suhrawerdy who was the Premier of united Bengal. Nazimuddin had abandoned active politics since 1945 and was not even the member of Provincial Assembly; it was the general impression that he was imposed by the League high command getting him elected by the League Assembly Party on August 5, 1947. He faced difficulty in constituting his cabinet and took a start with only two ministers in his cabinet, Nurul Amin and Hameedul-Haq Choudhary. All the key posts in the provincial administration were filled by the nonBengalis; the Chief Secretary was Aziz Ahmed, a Punjabi bureaucrat who reflected his imperialistic mentality towards the local population right at the very outset. These officers did not know the Bengali language and had no direct contact with the local masses.
There was an acute shortage of food due to widespread floods in Noakhali and Chittagong. The students in Dacca founded a Democratic Youth League in mid-September 47 and held a protest rally against food shortages. Nazim-ud-Din inducted 4 more ministers to overcome the challenging problems. The language issue originated with the foundation of “Urdu Anjuman” in Karachi in mid-September in which Liaqat and other central government ministers sent their messages of goodwill and promoted the idea that Urdu would be adopted as a National Language. In reaction “Tammadun Majlis” was founded in the same week in Dacca University by some Islamist professors who declared to safeguard and develop Bengali language. The Vol. covers in detail the promotional activities for Urdu in Karachi during September to December 47 giving a clear message to the Bengali youth that they would qualify for jobs only if they learnt Urdu; some newspapers advised the Bengali Central Ministers to attend Urdu classes. In these circumstances when it was decided that Urdu and English would be the official languages of the Constituent Assembly, the feelings of deprivation in the Bengali Youth deepened and militant language riots erupted in Dacca in December 47. Kh. Nazim-ud-din could not find a constituency to get elected to the Assembly through by election until January 48 when the education minister Fazalur Rehman was assigned that task by the high command and he maneuvered to persuade a member from Tangail to resign to pave the way for by-election; he also maneuvered to get the nomination papers of opponents of Khawaja to be withdrawn so that he could be elected without balloting as the danger of his loosing the elections was looming large in the wake of students riots on the issue of language and food shortage; he was declared elected unopposed on January 25, 48. He was facing threat to his power from Fazal-ul-Haq, Suhrawerdy and a rebel group of MLAs led by Mohammad Ali Bogra within the Muslim League Assembly Party. His cabinet Ministers Hameed-ul-Haq Choudhary and Habibullah Bahar were also voicing the feelings of their people to open the opportunities to them in jobs, trade and commerce etc. The recruitment to Air Force and Army was made only in the recruitment centers in West Pakistan and no recruitment center was opened in the Eastern wing. Brigadier Mohammad Ayub Khan (later on General), who was appointed the GOC of Eastern wing, had a considered opinion that the Bengalis were unfit for the armed forces and lacked the quality of leadership. In February 48 a battalion of East Bengal Regiment was created under the leadership of Punjabi officers with a little local participation; a volunteer force called Ansar Force was however created to fight an insurgency in the hills of MymenSingh. The proposal of holding one session the CA in East Bengal in a year was debated in CA in February 48; Liaqat opposed it and it was turned down. The CA also turned down the demand of the Bengali members to adopt Bengali as the third language to be used in CA Liaqat and West Pakistani members opposed it. While there was an all out agitation on
language issue rampant in February-March 48, the Central Budget was presented by the Finance Minister Ghulam Mohammad with huge allocation on defence but it had no mention of any defence project or defense plan for East Bengal; the Bengali Muslim League members of the CA in their speeches during the debate on the budget made demand for the recruitment of the Bengalis to the Army and the establishment of a naval base in East Bengal; Liaqat who held the Defence portfolio as well, rejected these demands on the grounds that it would damage the high quality of the Armed Forces and snubbed provincialism. The East Pakistan Rifles, consisting of semi-armed contingent comprised of 1100 officers out of which 600 were Punjabis. Jinnah visited East Bengal in March 48 when the feelings of outrage were already rampant due to the total denial of civil and military job positions, total domination by the nonBengali civil and military officers upon them, denial of economic opportunities in trade and commerce etc. There were large-scale strikes, demonstrations and riots in the beginning of March when the CA members returned home after being snubbed by Liaqat and his Central Government. Kh Nazim-ud-Din temporarily submitted to agree to their demands in view of ensuing visit of Jinnah to east Bengal and the agitation subsided temporarily. However Jinnah, in his speech on March 21, declared unequivocally that Urdu and only Urdu would be the National Language and he opposed the local demands dubbing them as provincialism and parochialism. On March 24, in his speech in the Convocation of the Dacca University, when Jinnah reiterated his stand upon Urdu a section of students chanted slogans “No, No” and he had to leave the Convocation without finishing his written speech. The Action Committee of agitation met Jinnah and presented their memorandum but Jinnah declined to agree to their demands. The Chief Secretary and Ayub Kahn painted these demonstrations as excited by the Hindus and Jinnah was carried away with them. In his speech from Radio Pakistan Dacca he expressed in stronger words the same what he had already said in his speeches against the language rioters and provincial rights seekers; to him it was all instigated by the Indian agents. It was contrary to his views about provincial rights before the independence. In fact linguistic, the regional and the provincial movements were rampant not only in Pakistan but also in India and could not be simply crushed under the slogans of Muslim Nationalism or Indian Nationalism respectively. Mohammed Ali Bogra and his splinter group in the Muslim League Assembly Party was bribed; Bogra was appointed ambassador to Burma and his partners Dr. Malik and Taffazal Ali were inducted in the cabinet. In a three day Urdu Conference of Anjuman Tarraqi Urdu in Punjab University, the speakers including Moulvi Abdul Haq and Abdur Rab Nishter, declared the language issue of East Bengal as a product of mischief mongers and anti-national elements. However in April 48, the Provincial Assembly adopted a resolution that Bengali should be the official language
of the province instead of English; the resolution did not satisfy the public demanding Bengali to be the second National Language paving the way for Bengalis into the Central Government’s jobs. There was rift between the right wing of the provincial league led by Maulana Akram Khan and the left wing led by Maulana Bhashani and Suhrawerdy. Though Suhrawardy was still in Calcutta but he was playing his role through the faction of his followers in the provincial League. In June 48 when Suhrawardy reached Dacca, he was detained the same day under East Bengal Public Safety Ordinance and was deported back to Calcutta by train though he was a member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. The scarcity of food, price hike of consumer goods and pro-Urdu propaganda by Radio Pakistan deepened unrest and caused strikes and riots. The Volume provides detailed background of the Communist Party of East Bengal, which started to gain some grounds and was holding public rallies of workers and peasants. In that situation, in July 48, a mutiny broke out in the Police of Dacca and the mutineers blocked the residence of the Governor and the Premier. The GOC Ayub Khan crushed the mutiny through brutal force of Army. After the death of Jinnah, Kh. Nazim-ud-Din was elevated to the position of the Governor General in place of Jinnah and Nur-ul-Amin was appointed the Premier of the province of East Bengal. Liaqat gained full control of the central Government as Prime Minister by installing a very week person like Nazim-ud-Din as the GG; the Vol. brings out a detailed profile of Nazim-ud-Din who was not an ab-original Bengali but belonged to the stock of the Kashmiri settlers in Bengal who came in the later Mughal period. Nurul Amin ministry encountered a severe challenge posed by the Communist upsurge among the peasants; the West Bengal Premier Dr. B. C. Roy faced the same threat. Both governments used Hindu-Muslim contradiction to get away with that challenge. Liaqat toured East Bengal in November 48; at a big rally of students in Dacca the students put forth four demands: 1) Bengali to be the second National Language, 2) quota in central government jobs for each province based on the proportion of population of that province, 3) compulsory military training in the colleges, 4) abolition of feudalism in the province. Liaqat rejected all the four demands and dubbed them as provincialism and regionalism. However the demand for share in the armed forces by the Bengali people was so strong that Nurul Amin in his radio speech delivered from Karachi on December 21, dealt mainly with the demand of recruiting Bengalis in all the three wings of armed forces in general and in the Navy in particular. The central government rejected that demand and in February 49 ex-servicemen in Punjab were called to join the East Pakistan Rifles, a semimilitary organization. This indicated that firstly the central government considered Bengali youth unfit for the military jobs and secondly the Punjabi recruits could be easily used to crush the peasants’ rebellions led by the Communists in East Bengal. The unpopularity of
provincial government was revealed in April 49 when the Muslim League candidate lost in a by-election of the provincial assembly seat from south Tangail against a young candidate. In June 49, in a meeting of the dissident workers of the Muslim League, a new political party, Awami Muslim League, was founded against the “ Official Muslim League”; Maulana Bhashani was elected the president of the organizing committee, Shamsul Haq the newly elected MLA from south Tangail was elected the secretary and a young leader Sheikh Mujib -ur- Rehman was elected as the joint secretary who was under detention at that time. Hameed-ul-Haq Choudhary the Provincial Finance Minister and his newspaper the “Pakistan Observer” represented the aspiring bourgeoisie of East Bengal propounding free bourgeois politics and economy to grow in the province so that the sense of deprivation in the Bengali masses may not drive them towards Communism. His ambitiousness was not liked by the non-Bengali civil and military bureaucracy who created impediments in his way of establishing industry in the province run by provincial administration and local educated middle class; there was sharp conflict between him and the non-Bengali civil and military officers. In September 49, the Central Government announced that the big industry would be developed under the control of the Central Government and would be out of provincial jurisdiction. Similarly the mining industry was declared to be the subject of the Central Government. Pakistan Observer reacted sharply against that policy. In October 49 Liaqat visited East Bengal when India had already launched trade war against Pakistan and the export of jute to India came to a standstill. It added to the plight of the jute growers who were already under the pressure of price hike. Liaqat, during his tour of two to three weeks adopted negative attitude to all the local demands including the opportunities for jobs in civil and military sectors, recognition of Bengali languages as one of the National language, autonomy for the industrial and commercial development etc. At the same time the Jute Board was constituted under the Central Government to control the trade of jute. Provincial Muslim League and Chamber of Commerce demanded its control to be under the province but Liaqat rejected that demand. The newspaper of Hameed-ul-Haq Choudhary, the “Pakistan Observer” played the leading role to voice on the issue of Jute Board and pressing for the demands of jobs and opportunities for Bengalis in the central and provincial sectors. Therefore in December 49, the instrument of PRODA was used against him as it was already used against Mamdot in Punjab and Khurru in Sindh. Hameedul Haq had to resign as Finance Minister because he was put under PRODA inquiry based on some secret report of the Chief Secretary Aziz Ahmed. The provincial government was already facing strong agitation launched by the Awami Muslim Laeague and its leader Maulana Bhashani was detained. There was a move on behalf of central authorities of Karachi to adopt Arabic script for the Bengali language; it was taken by the Bengalis as a move to exterminate the Bengali language and culture; there was
wide spread reaction and rallies against it. The dismissal of Hameedul Haq Chaudhry aggravated the situation and the Nurul Amin ministry had already lost the public support. Therefore in an attempt to lure people to its side the Provincial League Assembly Party passed a resolution on December 19 asking for complete autonomy for East Bengal in all subjects other than Defense and Foreign Affairs. It also criticized PRODA and demanded its abrogation. President of Muslim Chamber of Commerce also demanded the same on December 11. The newspapers of West Pakistan, particularly Nawa-i-Waqt, criticized these demands. The Volume brings out details of Hindu-Muslim riots that broke out in East and West Bengal and Assam and Tripura at the same time from December 1949 to March 1950. It also highlights how the communist movement in peasants of both East and West Bengal turned into communal riots and both the provincial governments sabotaged the peasant movement. Finally when the situation went totally out of control and the riots spread up to Delhi, Liaqat visited Delhi in April 1950 and Liaqat-Nehru pact was signed to make it obligatory for both governments to secure the safety and security of minorities in both the countries. The demands, which went in a low key during Hindu-Muslim riots, again surfaced in April 50. It was deepened due to the attitude of the Punjabi civil and military bureaucracy towards the Bengalis. Over and above that, a Punjabi, Malik Firoz Khan Noon was appointed the governor of East Bengal who publicly ridiculed the Bengalis and expressed doubts about their circumcision obligatory for Muslims. He invited Punjabis to invest in East Bengal and fill the gap created by the flight of Marwari capitalists from there. The opportunities were squeezed for Bengalis but opened for non-Bengalis. The Korean war in June 50 resulted in the sudden rise in the export of Jute but East Bengal was denied its share from the export duty earned by the Central Government; protests by the people and “Pakistan Observer”. Liaqat expedited the trial of Hameedul Haq after he returned from his USA tour in mid July 50. The volume provides the details of the trial, which reflected the contempt, the non-Bengali mercantile and bureaucracy had against the Bengalis. The volume covers in detail the reactions of East Bengal against the reports of the Basic Principles’ Committee and Basic Rights Committee of the Constituent Assembly issued in September 1950 as the basis for the future constitution of Pakistan; the reports indicated accumulation of powers in the Central authorities of President and Prime Minister and the central government leaving provinces with little powers. The reports were criticized as a whole in Pakistan but in the special case of East Bengal being 1000 miles away from its Western Wing, it wanted some special status and treatment to be given to it. Two houses were created at Center with upper house having equal number of members from each province; that meant the 75 % strength for West Pakistan and leaving East Bengal with only 25 % whereas its population was more than 50 % of the total population of the country.
Provincial Muslim league, Awami Muslim League, the Students Action Committee and Dacca University Students Union staged a very strong protest against these reports; a Grand National Convention was held in November 50; widespread strikes, demonstrations and rallies were held; it was demanded that the autonomy to the Eastern Wing should be given on the basis of the resolution of 1940. Liaqat being afraid of the situation slipping out of hands in East Pakistan postponed the discussion on these reports in CA. But the demonstrations continued demanding the withdrawal of constitutional proposals given in those reports. GG Kh. Nazim-ud-Din toured East Bengal for two weeks in November 50 and tried to use the religious terms like Islamic Unity, Islamic Equality, Islamic Country, Islamic Constitution etc. to defend the constitutional proposals but it could have no effect whatsoever. Liaqat toured in December 50; everywhere he went he faced the demands of Bengalis to be given their rightful share in the political power, in the Government jobs, in the armed forces and in the trade and commerce; whether it was the Provincial League forum or a non-League forum the demands were the same. He was accused of imposing unitary dictatorial system in Pakistan. He refused to accept the allegations and challenged Bengalis to prove that they were deprived or neglected in any way by the Center. The entire Bengali media in general and Pakistan Observer in particular issued rejoinders to Liaqat’s challenge and provided proofs of clear discriminations in all spheres with documentation. His tour deepened the contradiction rather than subsiding it. In early 1951 the newly appointed C-in-C General Mohammad Ayub Khan toured the area and tried to prove that the Bengalis were unfit physically and educationally for the recruitment in the armed forces. In the meanwhile Suhrawardy and Bhashsani toured the province, addressed public rallies and rejected the arguments propounded by the central authorities. In response Liaqat sent Moulana Sulaiman Nadvi and Agriculture Minister Abdul Sattar Pirzada; Moulana Nadvi presided over a special convention of the Jamiat-al-Ulama-IIslam in Sylhat where he spoke against the demands of the Bengali rights and demanded for the Islamic Constitution to be framed; a draft for such a constitution was also presented proposing unitary government under an Ameer-ul-Momineen and a Majlis Shoora. Observer and the Provincial League reacted strongly against the resolutions of the Jamiat. Hameedul-Haq Choudhary was elected as the president of Provincial Muslim League in early 1951; Liaqat maneuvered against him through the working committee of Provincial League and got him and his supporters expelled from the League. In the Center, Fazalur Rehman the Commerce and Education Minister from Bengal tried to adjust Bengalis in the central government but Ghulam Mohammad Finance Minister and protagonist of Punjabi interests would not allow him to do so; Ghulam Mohammad all along faced criticism on his budget from East Bengal as the allocations for that province were much less compared to its
size and problems. The Volume provides details of the position of the Bengalis in the Central Government departments. In mid 1951, the opposition Awami Muslim League and the dissidents of the Muslim League demanded for fresh elections of the provincial assembly as its tenure had been completed. While the language conflict was getting deeper, strikes for political and economic rights were rampant, the provocations from non-Bengali Central Ministers and non-Bengali Provincial officers including Punjabi governor Noon were a common feature. Discrimination went to the that even the allocation of funds for flood relief for East Bengal being less than what was allocated to Punjab flood relief, denial of share to local traders in the Jute trade by the Jute Board under the Central Government and refusal to the benefits from the increased export duty of Jute due to the Korean war, extreme poverty and backwardness of the broad Bengali masses, amidst all these conditions when the news of Liaqat’s assassination reached East Bengal on October 1951, no Bengali had a word of sympathy for him. The foundations of strong separatist movement were already laid down in East Bengal.
Vol 11 The Slogans of Islamic System to Obstruct Democracy and Progress: The Beginning of Mullhaism and Sectarianism
Tarraqi our Jamhooriyat Ka Rasta Roknay ke liye Islami Nizam kay Naarey. Mullaaiat our Firqawariyat Ka Aghaz (Pages 538) This volume deals with the attempt of the Pakistani rulers to use the abstract religious slogans to resolve the internal and external conflicts faced by the country. The Quaid-e-Azam was the only exception. His speech in the inaugural session of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 14/11, 1947 was landmark to lay down the foundations of the constitution of secular grounds. Jinah turned down the proposal, initiated by Pir Ilahi Bux, the then Sindh Education Minister that this name be read in the Khutba (sermon) of the Friday congregations as Amirul Momineen (Head of the believers) Jinah appointed Jugindar Nath Mandal, a Hindu, to be the first Law Minister of Pakistan, to remove the impression that Pakistan was going to be a theocratic state. During his interviews with the foreign and local correspondents he had denied on more than one occasions that Pakistan would be a theocratic state. He tried to rename the All India Muslim League as Pakistan National League but his effort was frustrated by the Punjabi Islam Pasand, the feudal and Liaquat Ali Khan. Pakistani Nationalism was thus negated by abstract Muslim Nationalism. The work takes into account the fact that Jinnah too had to lean toward Islam for support after the failure of his Kashmir policy. However Jinah’s concept of Islam ran diametrically opposed to the Mullah’s designs. Nawa-I-waqt used this opportunity to express its opposition to the western democracy and propagate views similar to that of Maudoodi that Islam and the state could not be separated. In Jinah’s lifetime the proceedings of Constituent Assembly were started without recitation form the Holy Quran, though Moulana Shabbir Ahmed Usmani and other religious figures were present in the House. Moulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani was critical of his August 11 speech but remained in low key, as criticizing Baba-I-Qayum was not easy. Liaqat propounded the idea of Islamisation because he had no local roots and he wanted to create his constituency in the name of Islam. The other reason of Islamisation was the rationale the Punjabis wanted to have in order to deprive the majority province of East Bengal from obtaining its dominant share in political power by default under any democratic system since the Bengalis were in the majority. The Urdu speaking Muhajirs and Punjabis, though rivals in their own right, were united in so far as the use of Islam against Bengal, Sindh, NWFP and Baluchistan was concerned. They delayed the constitution making just to find some way to
reduce the majority of the East Bengalis into a minority. When India completed its constitution by the beginning of 1949 and it was implemented declaring India a republic ending its dominion status, there was common demand from all quarters of public in Pakistan, East Bengal being most vocal, about the completion of constitution by CA as early as possible. Liaqat in those days was also facing strong criticism due to his premature acceptance of cease-fire in Kashmir, decided to make use of religion and brought out an Objectives Resolution in CA in March 1949 consisting of nothing but abstract statements like the “Ultimate sovereign power rests with God” and man was just a deputy (Naib) to implement the will of God etc. In his speech in CA he said that the constitution of Pakistan was not going to be an ordinary one as it was a God-given state and it has to lead the whole world as a model Islamic State with a model Islamic Constitution thus the delay in the constitution making was justified. The objectives resolutions provided a firm basis for Mullahism and Sectarianism. Hindu leader in his speech expressed his apprehension that it was paving way for a despot to take over power in the name of Islam which came issue in the from of Zia ul Haq. The volume discusses in detail the onslaught of the Mullahs and the retreat of the exponent of the secular system and thoughts after the sad demise of the Quaid-e-Azam. A deputy commissioner in Jhang announced the enforcement of Shariat System in the District. Mullahs from UP formed organizations to protect the interests of the Urdu speaking Muhajirs in the Sindh Province. Mullahs vehemently opposed Mian Iftikharuddin’s progressive scheme to settle the poor and landless peasants in Punjab. Mullahs came out openly to support the feudals; Maudoodi propagated openly that Islam had not put any limit on the land holding etc. Ahrars too came out to attack Mian Iftikharuddin. The Mullah victimized the women and worked against their right in the name of Islam. Formation of Purdah League and the opposition of the women to Mullah’s efforts. Liaquat and other feudals were using the name of Islam for their political ends but their effort by default let loose the Mullahs who hitherto were lying low due to their opposition to Pakistan. The volume brings out the role of religious parties like Jamaati Islami, Jamiatul Ulmai Islam, Majlis Ahrar and others seeking share in power by the Mullahs. Moulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani was given the title of Sheikh-ul-Islam and it was demanded that the title should he given official approval and there should be a permanent office of Sheikh-ul-Islam not only at the Center but in each province as well. Jamaate Islami came out against the government declaring the State of Pakistan as Unislamic and that serving such a State was un-Islamic, taking oath of allegiance for that State was un-Islamic. Its Amir Maulana Moudoodi brought out newspapers Kausar and Tasnim to incite religious feelings against the Government and went to the extent of
issuing Fatwa that the war of Kashmir was not Jihad and serving in Pakistan armed forces was un-Islamic, and the Jamaat workers propagated their message in the recruiting area of Jehlum and Gujrat. Maudoodi was therefore arrested by the Government under the charge of high treason. He was however released after some months after he had given written assurances of not repeating the same against the statehood of Pakistan. Liaqat constituted Tallimat-I-islamia Board under Moulana Syed Sulaiman Nadvi and Moulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani to draw the outlines for an Islamic constitution. The recommendations of the board were abstract and paved way for medieval autocratic and despotic rule under one central authority. The recommendation refuted inner democracy and caught permanent place for the Mullah in the state apparatus. The volume also highlights the role of Majlis Ahrar in the provincial elections of Punjab in March 1951 in favour of feudal faction led by Mumtaz Doultana. Also it brings out the role of Jamiat Ulama-I Islam in East Bengal favouring the unpopular Nurul Amin regime and the use of slogan to declare Arabic language as national language in support of Liaqat’s policy of depriving Bengalis from their political and economic rights. The volume provides ample material about the official patronage for the religious fanaticism generated in the country. Speeches and resolutions in the History Conference and CA asking for the steps to be taken for the enforcement of Islam. The views expressed about the Islamic constitution and the Government at All Pakistan Political Science Conference. Daultanas victory in the Punjab election and the Ahrars movement against the Ahmadis Liaquat and Daultana condoned the excesses carried out by Ahrars. Liaqat Ali Khan inflamed religious fanaticism and a religious fanatic assassinated him because he was not up to the mark of a model Islamic ruler idealized by that fanatic.
Vol. 12 How Pakistan Became an American Slave in the Name of Islamic Unity and Islamic Block
(tItihad Aalam i Islasm aur Isalmi Block Key Nam per Pakistan America Ka Ghulam Kaisey Bana) (Pages 580) This Volume describes how Pakistani rulers started to use the slogans of Pan-Islamism and Islamic Block to bring Pakistan into the folds of Anglo American defence pacts and became part of the arrangement of containment of Communism policy finally culminating into total slavery of American Imperialism. The founder of the Nation QA Jinnah also envisioned Anglo American block investing money and providing armaments to Pakistan in the face of Soviet Union; a revealing interview of Jinnah to that effect, given to an American correspondent Margaret Bourkwhite, is included in this volume. But his view was secular rather than going in for Islamic Block etc. Pakistani rulers right at the outset bracketed themselves with the anti Soviet Western block. The Soviet union was the first to invite Liaqat to visit their country but he cold shouldered the invitation, rather used that invitation to flirt with US to get an invitation from the US and to pay a visit to the USA. The appointment of an ambassador to the Soviet Union was delayed. The Soviet trade delegation had come to Karachi and stayed there for long waiting for some responsible Pakistani authority to give them the audience and but its presence was deliberately ignored and to go back unattended.. As opposed to this the US invitation was immediately accepted and the visit was given wide publicity. After the emergence of Red China in 1949, the Anglo-American imperialism decided to use Islam as a bulwark for the containment of Communism and floated covertly the idea of an Islamic block. Liaqat sent Choudhary Khaliquzzaman to tour Middle East to prepare the grounds for an Islamic block in 1949. Khaliquzzaman visited Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Syria and met the rulers and the authorities of these countries to probe the possibility of such a block he termed as Islamistan. He received some encouragement as many of the authorities of these countries were the lackeys of the Anglo American block but he could not make any breakthrough at the other places.. Some of these authorities, on the one hand, were not prepared to accept the leadership of Pakistan and on the other hand they were facing strong anti Anglo-American mass movements in their countries and therefore could not accept direct hegemony of Anglo-American imperialism.. The Saudi Monarch gave a very cold
shoulder to Khaliq Uz Zaman and party and brushed them off with a ten-minute audience. If at all any ground was gained by him during his tour was lost when at the end of his tour he reached Britain and declared after meeting with British authorities that he had also got the approval and backing of the British Government for his plan of Islamistan. Liaqat while attending The Commonwealth meeting at London announced his open opposition of the Soviet Union in the name of Islamic Block and the Commonwealth.. Such an overt attempt of forming any block with the backing of British imperialism could not get through in the moods that prevailed during the middle of the 20th century when the whole world was under the sway of freedom movements and liberation struggles were rampant in the so-called Muslim block too. This attempt was aborted premature. Pakistani concept of the Islamic block was anti Soviet pro - Western Imperialists whereas the Arabs and their Islamic concepts were Anti Western Imperialism. The authorities in Pakistan however continued to work for the idea of the formation of a Muslim block. An International Pan-Islamic Industrial and Commercial Conference of all the Muslim countries was held at the initiative of Liaqat and Ghulam Mohammad in Karachi in 1950. Resolutions were passed to the effect that an Islamic block was in the offing. Many religious scholars and Ulemas from different Muslim countries continuously toured Pakistan. They were welcomed and patronized by the Government to give the people the impression that Pakistan was going to be the leader of the Islamic block. A World Islamic Organization was also formed. Liaqat used these developments to strengthen his despotism in the name of Islam and presented the Objectives resolution. The Arab countries had already formed a forum of their own called Arab League; they believed more in Arab Nationalism rather than Pan-Islamism. Liaqat made a stopover in Cairo while coming back from his US trip in 1950 but could not receive approval for his Islamic block from the Egyptian authorities. The Foreign Minister Zafarullah Khan then started to work for the same plan under a different name called the Middle East Defence Organization (MEDO). The volume provides ample information about the super power rivalry in the middle of the 20th Century and the evolution of pacts under Anglo Americans. The Pakistan PM Liaqat’s speeches during his trip to USA and his singular support to US on Korean war generated severe reaction among the masses of Pakistan. When Nehru was given a more warm welcome by the US, Liaqat got disappointed and turned more towards the British. The volume also provides some detail about the rivalry between US and the British on the issue of withdrawal of Britain from the Gulf region in favour of USA. General Ayub Khan C-In-C and Iskander Mirza the Defense Secretary were tackled by the USA who shifted their loyalty from the dying imperialism to the emerging one. Liaqat was isolated internally and externally when he was shot dead by a religious fanatic in Rawalpindi in October 1951.
The Liberal, Broadminded and Secular Leader
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan
Completed & Compiled By: Hassan Jafar Zaidi Khalid Mehboob
(Pages 280) This is a separate work than the twelve volumes discussed earlier. It enlightens upon many misconceptions about the role and character of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan in the context of second half of the 19th century. The liberals and the so-called leftists bracket him with the British agents and are totally ignorant about what Syed Ahmed really was and what he did for the enlightenment of the Muslim Society. The rightists do not highlight him because his thoughts and message is contrary to the rightists’ interests. As a result such an enlightening and inspiring personality as of Sir Syed Ahmed remained in oblivion for decades whereas the liberals and progressives of Pakistan, to promote their movement, could draw strength from him. The pathetic condition of the Muslim Society of India after the fall of Muslim’s medieval power has been discussed in this work highlighting the decadent leadership of the fallen aristocracy and the obscurantist religious scholars (Ulema) of Deoband and Nadwah where they found refuge after the failure of the Wahabi movement. The Muslims were the worst hit under the Company Bahadur’s rule facing deprivation economically and socially after their political defeat. The Hindus as a comprador of the Company Bahadur soon embraced the Western influence, got English education and opened their horizons to the new sciences and fields of knowledge that emerged after the Industrial Revolution in Europe. Raja Ram Mohan Roy, a liberal Hindu of Bengal, in the late 18th century took the lead to move to the new frontiers opened up by the British occupation of India. By the middle of 19th century the Hindus were in a predominant position economically and socially and also able to press their political demands for share in the local governments.
The plight of the Muslim society further aggravated as a result of the mutiny or war of independence of 1857. They had to bear the major brunt because the English suspected them most and considered them as their enemy No.1 after the final fall of Delhi’s titular Mughal King Bahadur Shah Zafar. The sufferings that the Muslims were undergoing inculcated the realization in the minds of some of them to turn the tide and stand up to the situation courageously and boldly. Syed Ahmad Khan was one of them; he stood against the aristocratic values, the decadent Muslim medieval culture, the obscurantist Mullahs and resolved correctly to open their doors to English education and the modern sciences. He stood for ending the rivalry and hostility against the British and convinced a section of the Muslim Society to go ahead on the road to the modern world. He toured Britain, selling his property to meet the expenses of his trip, learnt closely the education system of Oxford and Cambridge and came back to build a similar institution mainly for Muslims but Hindus could also get admission in that institution. The Mullahs came out to wage an all out war against him declaring his scheme of English school as infidelity (Kufr). However he was successful in mobilizing a cross section of the Muslim society, from a common man to a feudal lord, to contribute for his school and college. Even some of his liberal Hindu friends subscribed for his school. The doors of Aligarh Anglo Mohammedan College were open for Hindus whereas the doors of Hindu College of Banaras and Sanskrit College of Calcutta were closed for the Muslims. Sir Syed was more secular than any of his contemporary Hindu leader or educationalist. An educated Muslim middle class started to emerge from his Aligarh school, then a college and later elevated to a University; the Aligarians predominantly followed similar traditions of enlightenment, openness and liberalism whether they joined the Muslim League or the Congress or even the Communist Party. Aligarh movement was launched not only on educational front but also against the decadent Muslim cultural values and literature of medieval tradition. He attacked both the content and form in his magazine Tehzib-ul-Akhlaq. He rightly considered that the bourgeois system was advanced than the feudal order of the medieval period prevailing still in the Muslim society; though he did not use that terminology but his perception was scientific and progressive. His interpretation of the Holy Quran and his views about Traditions were not agreed by the contemporary Mullahs; a great Muslim leader of his times Maulana Jamal-udDin Afghani declared Sir Syed and his followers as infidel and published articles against him; as a matter of fact Afghani was extremely anti British and could not reconcile with the idea of the Muslims cooperation with the British in India which in fact was a temporary phase. The work brings out revealing facts and documents including the text of Afghani’s article published in his magazine Al-Urwa-tul-Wuthqa that he published from Paris. The views of Sir Syed were suppressed by the reactionary regimes of Pakistan. His Tafseer (Interpretation of the Holy Quran) was never published or publicized nor his views
expressed in his Maqalaat were brought forth in official or unofficial media. The Tafseers of opponents of Pakistan like Maulana Moudoodi were given official patronage, publicized and published by the civil and military institutions but the Tafseer of Sir Syed , the Quaid-iAwwal (the first leader) of Pakistan movement as he is termed, was never given its due place. The work in hand highlights some of his beliefs and interpretations of his religious beliefs. It would provide a much better insight about Sir Syed to those who want to promote liberalism and progressive thoughts in Pakistan.
Zahid Choudhary’s Janoon-i-Shoaq
(Poetry) Collected & Compiled By Hassan Jafar Zaidi Khalid Mehboob
(Pages 434) This anthology of 199 Ghazals by Zahid Choudhary is a great contribution that he made during the last year of his life when he had lost his eyesight. He chose the medium of poetry to express his liberal and progressive thoughts and came out with very powerful expression both in romantic and realistic terms in a short span of just one year. His concept of extreme involvement in love or deep commitment with a cause or idea or zest for revolution is what he terms as “Junoon-i-Shouq”. The honesty of purpose in romance or revolution is the main theme in his verses. His romantic couplets are a creative combination of our tradition of romance in classics and his own vision of romance. He shares his modern sensibility with the traditional sensibility both in form and content so far as romance is concerned but he rebels against the traditional concepts or obscurantist content in the contemporary and past poetry. He would not mind sharing romanticism of Ghalib or Mir but he strongly reacts to the reactionary thoughts of Iqbal. He has demolished the concept of Islamic revivalism preached by Iqbal; he attacks the nostalgia propounded by Iqbal and the falsehood of “Mard-i-Momin” in the real historical vision he has acquired after his in-depth study of the Muslim history without finding any superhuman above board and beyond material interest. He is also critical of Iqbal’s view placing reason (Aqal) as inferior to love (Ishq); to Zahid the reason (Aqal) is supreme and love (Ishq) is subservient to reason. He attacks the Mullah and considers him a dead weight in the way of progress of the Muslim society. He exposes the dual character, dishonesty and pugnacious role of a Mullah. He proposes to the people to get away from the Mullah who is anti knowledge, anti progress and anti human being.
He is critical of the Western imperialism but he loves the science and modern knowledge developed by the West. He believes in the total emancipation of thought and ideas. His quest for modern knowledge and zest for revolution is the keynote of his poetry. He wants the Nations to liberate from imperialism, the downtrodden to be free from the clutches of feudals, capitalists and backward looking revivalists. His love for the country and emotions for the downtrodden are very strong. His nationalism and strong belief in the free existence of motherland draws a line of difference with those so-called liberals who are idealistic for a world free of boundaries and borders. He stands committed with Pakistan and wishes its progress and prosperity. He looks forward to change; he preaches hope and no disappointments; his optimism is drawn from the strength of the people. He finds a very strong but dialectic relationship between mankind and nature, mankind being supreme with the power of reason and knowledge necessary for the conquest of nature. His poetry is poetry of message and commitment, and he does not believe in literature for the sake of literature. In fact there is no literature for the sake of literature; those who propound such ideas actually stand for status quo and literature for status quo. Zahid is an archrival of status quo and his poetry is a word of inspiration for those who are rival of status quo.
CA Constituent Assembly GG Governor General MLA Member Legislative Assembly
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
We've moved you to where you read on your other device.
Get the full title to continue reading from where you left off, or restart the preview.