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WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
American Political Philosophy
Edited by Matt Taylor, Jim Hanson, and Brian Simmonds Written and Researched by Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, Sarah Stone
PHILOSOPHERS JAMES MADISON ALEXANDER HAMILTON RALPH WALDO EMERSON JOHN DEWEY WOODROW WILSON FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT TOM HAYDEN HOWARD ZINN JOSEPH NYE, JR. RALPH NADER LANI GUINIER THEDA SKOCPOL bell hooks PETER SINGER
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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 2
WEST COAST DEBATE
PHILOSOPHER AND VALUE HANDBOOK VOLUME 9
Edited by Brian Simmonds, Matt Taylor, and Jim Hanson Written and Researched by
Audrey Mink, Brian Ward, Emily Cordo, Jeff Shaw, Keola Whittaker, Matt Stannard, and Sarah Stone
About this Handbook The Philosopher and Value Handbook introduces you to arguments, values and philosophers. This volume focuses on American thinkers in philosophy and political theory who will be useful in Lincoln-Douglas value debates. Each chapter begins with an essay explaining the life, work, and ideas of each thinker. It concludes with evidence quotations that attack and defend the philosopher's ideas. Using the arguments in this Handbook We encourage you to read the briefs you will use. Highlight (underline) the key lines you will use in the evidence. Cut out our evidence, incorporate your and others¶ research and analysis and make new arguments. File the materials so that you can easily retrieve them for debate rounds. Practice reading the evidence outloud. Practice applying the arguments to your opponents¶ positions. Practice defending your arguments in rebuttal speeches. Use West Coast Handbooks as a Beginning We hope you enjoy our handbook and find it useful. In saying this, we want to make a strong statement that we make when we coach and that we believe is vitally important to your success: DO NOT USE THIS HANDBOOK AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR YOUR OWN RESEARCH. Instead, let it serve as a beginning. Let it inform you of important arguments, of how to tag and organize your arguments, and to offer citations for further research. Don¶t stagnate in briefs--build upon them by doing your own research. Use the essays to brainstorm research areas and use the evidence and bibliographies as a starting point for your exploration. In doing so, you¶ll use our handbook to become a better debater. Photocopying West Coast Handbooks Our policy gives you the freedom to use the handbook for educational purposes without violating the hard work that we put into the handbook. You can photocopy this handbook under the following circumstances: 1. You can make multiple copies of up to five pages of each West Coast handbook for a class handout. 2. You can make multiple copies of briefs that include evidence from this handbook as long as these photocopied briefs are significantly different from the ones in this handbook and include a significant number of pieces of evidence from sources other than a West Coast handbook. You may not electronically share or distribute this handbook with anyone other than those on your team. For other situations, you can also e-mail us at firstname.lastname@example.org and seek our consent.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
JAMES MADISON ................................................................................................................................. 5 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 10 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE ..................... 11 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT ........................................ 12 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY ...................... 13 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS .......... 14 ALEXANDER HAMILTON................................................................................................................. 15 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 19 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED ................ 20 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD................................................................................ 21 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY.................................................................................. 22 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST ........................................................................................ 23 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS ................................................................................................................. 24 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 29 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR.............................. 30 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION...................................... 31 AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE....................... 32 FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS .................................. 33 RALPH WALDO EMERSON .............................................................................................................. 34 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 39 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE ..................................................................................................... 40 POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR......................................................................... 40 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT................................................................................. 41 CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE, TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ............................. 41 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION.................... 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE ................... 43 JOHN DEWEY ..................................................................................................................................... 44 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 49 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING ....................................................................................... 50 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS ........................................................................ 51 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY .......................................... 52 DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED ...................................................... 53 DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY ....................... 53 WOODROW WILSON......................................................................................................................... 54 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 59 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS................................................................ 60 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE............................................ 61 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM ........................................ 62 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE, BUT REPRESSIVE ............................. 63 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT .................................................................................................................. 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 68 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT .............................................................. 69 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT .................................................................................. 70 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY, PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION .................. 71 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE ........................................................ 72 TOM HAYDEN..................................................................................................................................... 73 BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................... 77 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE......................................................... 78 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM .............. 79 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE ................. 80 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE, BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE ............................. 81
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JR......................................................................................... 106 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST ................ 131 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................ 148 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD ............................................................................. 97 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING ........................West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook...................................................................................................... 89 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED .......................................................... 110 LANI GUINIER ....................................................................................................................................................................... 116 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM ..........................................wcdebate................................ 147 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD .......................................................................................................................................................... 107 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS .............................................. 137 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE ................................... 135 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE ............... 109 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE ..... 117 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY .................................................................................................. 120 THEDA SKOCPOL ...................................................................................................................................................................................... 111 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............. 87 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED ... 129 MATERNALISM IS FLAWED ..................................................................... 101 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................ 91 JOSEPH NYE............................................................................................................................................... 126 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD ......................................................................................................................... 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................... 88 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ........... 98 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG ................................................. 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 108 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 146 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL ................................................................. 145 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM .................. 139 PETER SINGER ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 100 RALPH NADER .......................... Volume 9 Page 4 HOWARD ZINN...........................................................................................................................................................................................com ........... 138 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY.................................................................................................................................................................................................. 118 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY ................................................................................ 129 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN .......... 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE .................................................................................................................... 99 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED .......................................................................................................................................................... 82 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................... 90 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS ......... .................. 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................ 127 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED .................................................................................. 128 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE ..................................................................................................... 96 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY .............................. 149 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.. 136 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST ......................................................................... 130 bell hooks......................
It is said that he is a liberal or a republican.James Madison was a unique member of the group known as the Founding Fathers. Madison was an important figure in the early political life of the country. THE LIFE OF MADISON It is with this problem that James Madison enters the picture. one of the youngest. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. like the other leading figures of his generation. Reports that Madison and Clinton invented ³The Funk Bomb´ to contribute to the national defense are unverified. and the structure of representative government remain influential. His idea on the separation of church and state. Though he was a co-author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights. Madison didn¶t adhere devoutly to the party line of any of the three major factions (Federalist. or Democratic-Republican) of the time. As a result.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. men of "preeminent wisdom and approved integrity" who nonetheless were compelled to act outside the bounds of regular authority. Without a predominant concern for the nation as a whole. Madison eventually concluded that constitutional conventions were a necessary device for allowing those like himself--those whom he called 'the most enlightened and influential patriots'--to escape from the hold of democratic institutions. who died in office in 1812. Madison feared no effective national government could be formed. James Madison. though: Madison was the smallest U. the avoidance of oppression. and scholarship on the American founding is no different. Madison was original thinker given to philosophy. he suggests in Federalist 38. We¶ll begin by examining the manner in which Madison busted onto the nation scene in 1780." The example to follow.S. though. Madison scholars agree today ± what Madison and the boys wanted to do was (in Rosen¶s words) ³to circumvent the people. as opposed to a myopic concern for individual states and localities.com . Indeed. like the other leading figures of his generation. and I have gladly availed myself of them on many occasions. Madison wondered how a more effective national government might take shape. which he identified in THE FEDERALIST PAPERS as factionalism. president. A Constitutional Convention was necessary ± but not for the reasons you might suspect. anti-Federalist. in fact. He stepped onto the political scene in 1780.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and scholarship on the American founding is no different.wcdebate. including George Clinton. is often placed into one or another ideological box. was that of ancient lawgivers like Solon and Lycurgus. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. reasons of enlightened men crafting a document in the best interests of all. The problem as he saw it was too great a regional identification. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. It is said that he is a liberal or a republican. Not easily categorizable. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. Madison was much younger than many of the other founders. Volume 9 Page 5 JAMES MADISON Every academic field has its schemes of classification. he often split with co-author Alexander Hamilton on the issues of the day. even if just temporarily. But taxonomies seldom do justice to individuals. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. As COMMENTARY MAGAZINE¶s Gary Rosen put it: Every academic field has its schemes of classification. Interestingly enough. James Madison. a follower of the "court" party or of its "country" rival. As a result. standing 5" 4" and weighing about 100 pounds. and then discuss the ideas he brought to the table. both of his vice presidents passed on in office. Most importantly. There is no denying the usefulness of these labels. is often placed into one or another ideological box. No. when he served on the Virginia delegation in the Continental Congress. Seriously. showing his freedom from dogmatism. and this is especially true when dealing with a thinker of Madison¶s depth. When the Articles of Confederation began to fail. a nationalist or an advocate of states¶ rights.
³Tyranny of the Majority. or will merely have the power to make life miserable for the people who made their lives miserable over the past however many years. As a philosophically inclined individual. (Sorry. This includes the existence of the electoral college and the bicameral legislature system.´ But here¶s where Madison¶s principle of reciprocity comes in: the majority might be self-interested. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he was able to get what he wanted for that state. after all.) What does the principle of reciprocity say? Let¶s get into that when we discuss the notion of majority tyranny itself before getting into what Madison thought that this condition might cause.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Let¶s just say ³it worked´ and move on. The majority voting bloc is probably not going to be together in unanimity until the end of time. Majority group members will worry that the minority may attract defectors from the majority group. People will vote to actualize their own wants.´ Reciprocity is the notion that what one group does to another is reciprocal ± what goes around comes around. Volume 9 Page 6 ³Paradoxical as it may sound. MADISON ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM As an author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. the majority will look to the long-term. The idea is that they might use their power to stifle the rights of others. Madison is famous for having sought to avoid "the tyranny of the majority. republican Constitution only by means of an aristocratic coup of sorts´ writes Rosen ± a charge that Madison¶s critics then and now would jump all over. Hence.wcdebate. MADISON ON THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Madison worried about the overarching power of a powerful mass of people. one must take care to build in safeguards against this. getting ahead of myself ± but I couldn¶t help it. he had ideas about what the ideal state would look like. This might cause problems where the majority runs roughshod over the rights of the minority ± hence. We¶ll examine the criticisms of Madison below. especially if that mass had coincident interests. like John Ashcroft. and hence have the power to govern. In organizing a republican democracy. You often see a good soldier get rewarded with a plum position when his or her party takes power. This does happen in politics all the time. needs and desires. Madison seems to have concluded that America would get a sound. While he was hardly alone in this viewpoint ± Hamilton was another who worried about the majority of people rallying against the few who were elected to govern them ± Madison put the most effort into thinking about the philosophical implications. Either they will become the next majority. Let¶s not belabor the point. Thus. What might that mean? Well. but they aren¶t blind. the majority is inherently self-interested. The safeguards are based on what Madison termed ³the principle of reciprocity. Madison is famous for his advocacy of a federal system with checks and balances to provide stability and satisfy most all interest groups." He did so through placing both substantive and procedural limits on democratic majority rule of the country. even though that person is unqualified and unworthy of the job. As a skillful politician. the self-interested majority worries that the minority may attract defectors from the majority and become the next governing majority itself.com . where the House of Representatives is thought to represent the masses and the Senate the landed elite. Madison's theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity´ as a means of dealing with the unwashed heathen masses pillaging the rich.
He consistently repeated these views in speeches of the time. He wrote in a pamphlet called MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE a defense of these decisions. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals and lose their efficiency in proportion to the number combined together. The politician always has to be on the lookout ± just ask Bill Clinton. written in June 1785. organic food labeling laws. CRITICS OF MADISON People who criticize Madison (and generally Hamilton) do so on one basis: that he was an elitist who was interested in preserving the rights of wealthy white landowners and not much of anybody else." Madison wrote. This viewpoint manifested itself in 1784-85. minority preference laws) that may either alienate their political support base ± or attract minority members. Again. In fact.com . Was the church a positive or a pernicious influence? How best to adapt to its power? The answers to these questions led to the modern notion of two separate spheres for church and state. with Jefferson and Madison on one side (though they split on many other issues. is celebrated by Madison¶s acolytes as "the most powerful defense of religious liberty ever written in America. then the potential for abuse is minimized.´ wasn¶t as pessimistic about the social utility of the church. Number 10." In the most famous of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. Will its effects be greater on them considered in an aggregate view? Quite the reverse. Even Madison¶s own words at the time provide a pretty damning indictment. MADISON ON RELIGION Madison had serious doubts about the role religion played in public life. and Madison had a key role to play in it all. Madison reasoned.wcdebate. The church. he wrote "that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. Could it "be a sufficient restraint? It is not pretended to be such on men individually considered." The debate raged on. The struggle continues to this day.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This helps to explain his support for what we today call the separation of church and state. he warned that it might become "a motive to persecution and oppression. he had this to say: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Indeed. 1787." Even Jefferson. including one given at the Federal Convention on June 6. this is part of the logic of the federal system. In a memorandum entitled "Vices of the Political System" (1787) he express skepticism that religion could prevent oppression under a system of republican governance. The document. as Madison consistently rejected tax support for religious institutions. did best when it was unencumbered from the mandates of a state apparatus. Knowing that most Americans didn¶t support granting the delegates to the Constitutional Convention the power to make a new government. who betrayed his core constituency with Republican style policies to the tune of sweet re-election. where he argued that there was "little to be expected" from religion in a positive way. Speaking of potential for abuse. a prominent issue in public life then as now was the role of religion. 1787. Their charges have serious merit. he believed that separating the two institutions served religion best as well. While his father was an Episcopalian. with Jefferson considering Madison an aristocrat) and men like Patrick Henry and his supporters on the other. published November 22. who warned of the deadly nature of a ³priest-ridden culture. If power is temporary and fluid. They¶ll be voting on tons of issues (road building bills. Volume 9 Page 7 So winning candidates don¶t have to ONLY pay attention to the majority. he kept his religious beliefs largely private. Power is to be kept as separated as possible among interest groups and even elected officials.
All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. and attacked both Madison and Hamilton for it. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. this consideration ought to be disregarded.´ Jefferson also battled with Madison and Hamilton over the ³implied powers´ doctrine. When Madison said ³tyranny of the majority. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual. A reverence for the laws. Madison wanted to deliver power into the hands of a ³better sort´ of people ± the rich. Jefferson¶s first principles included the idea that government was only just with the consent of the governed.wcdebate. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. . This "unreflecting multitude´ was. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. like man himself is timid and cautious. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. Perhaps the defining quotation from this period and this viewpoint comes from John Jay. in proportion to the number with which it is associated.´ he meant that the majority of Americans (still rural farmers. which should be declared "void and of no force. which time bestows on everything. Jefferson wrote a letter to Madison in 1789 as Jefferson was preparing to return to the United States after four years as ambassador to France. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. the people possessed a "natural right" to reject the acts. and its practical influence on his conduct. not particularly wealthy) might gang up and plunder the rich. In order to stay away from factionalism and prevent the people from losing faith in government. while this doctrine effectively gave the governing bodies power to do whatever they thought was best. Jefferson asked his colleague "Whether one generation of men has a right to bind another?" He concluded. IN CONCLUSION Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and the summation of his argument. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. Jefferson believed that the federal government ought only have the powers expressly granted by the people.´ Jefferson was a staunch critic of this viewpoint. . are antient as well as numerous. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude. A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. which John Marshall¶s Supreme Court seemed destined to enforce. Madison replies? In order to promote stability of government. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. is contained in FEDERALIST PAPER NUMBER 49: As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. having witnessed the first events of the French Revolution. the people Jefferson feared and mistrusted. In a nation of philosophers. the people must not be allowed or required to challenge every decision made by the ³better class of men´ ruling them. the powerful. and acquires firmness and confidence. Madison reasoned. Jefferson said that if the federal government was to violate its own laws. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. The reason of man. the mass of American people. the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. And in every other nation.com . His final shot at Jefferson. which fortify opinion. which Jefferson (and every sane person) thought were unconstitutional. . and that bypassing that consent was unjust. the government must continue to go about its business as usual. including the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. When the examples. in Madison¶s view. Volume 9 Page 8 We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. when left alone." Jefferson would fight Madison on many policies over which they differed based on these principles. that "no such obligation can be so transmitted. the third author of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS: ³the people who own the country ought to govern it. they are known to have a double effect.
which time bestows on everything. they¶re worth checking out. to have the prejudices of the community on its side. whose populist ideas lost out in the long run to Madison¶s aristocratic notions. are antient as well as numerous. Should we fall short of the necessary and proper point. When the examples.´ The youngest of the founding fathers. Even if you disagree with their ultimate conclusions.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . His FEDERALIST PAPERS are the most philosophical. and acquires firmness and confidence. in proportion to the number with which it is associated. this consideration ought to be disregarded. All the most enlightened and respectable citizens will be its advocates. . . the most rational government will not find it a superfluous advantage. frequent appeals would in great measure deprive the government of that veneration. when left alone. he had more influence than most any of them ± even Jefferson. . A plan adjusted to this idea will recommend itself. the most based in a sense of ethics. they are known to have a double effect. and without which perhaps the wisest and freest governments would not possess the requisite stability. would be sufficiently inculcated by the voice of an enlightened reason. this influential class of citizens will be turned against the plan. and the most passionately argued. like man himself is timid and cautious. As every appeal to the people would carry an implication of some defect in the government. depend much on the number which he supposes to have entertained the same opinion. If it be true that all governments rest on opinion. In a nation of philosophers. Volume 9 Page 9 James Madison should be known for a lot more than being a short guy who had a wife named ³Dolley. The reason of man. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and its practical influence on his conduct.wcdebate. and little support in opposition to them can be gained to it from the unreflecting multitude.We ought to consider what [is] right & necessary in itself for the attainment of a proper Government. But a nation of philosophers is as little to be expected as the philosophical race of kings wished for by Plato. A reverence for the laws. which fortify opinion. And in every other nation. it is no less true that the strength of opinion in each individual.
Banning. 1780-l792: Ithaca. 1995.org/dailys/11-15-00. Z MAGAZINE. 1776-1826: New York. Va. Hanover. James Madison's "Advice to My Country" (Charlottesville. Chomsky. Lance. "James Madison and the Social Utility of Religion: Risks vs. November 15. 1941-61. Madison. Richard K. FEDERALIST PAPER No. Marvin.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.html and http://www. 1981. http://www. 2001.html and http://www. March 16. THE SACRED FIRE OF LIBERTY: JAMES MADISON AND THE CREATION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC. IF MEN WERE ANGELS: JAMES MADISON AND THE HEARTLESS EMPIRE OF REASON: Lawrence. David.. 2001. THE MIND OF THE FOUNDER: SOURCES OF THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF JAMES MADISON..html and http://www. 10. ³James Madison: Federalist. http://www. Library of Congress.loc.gov/loc/madison/banning-paper.html. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.Y.html.html and http://www. THE LIFE OF JAMES MADISON: Indianapolis.gov/loc/madison/symposium. Gary. Hutson. N. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute.loc. 1912. Smith. 2000.wcdebate.com/federalist10. ³Was James Madison an Original Thinker?´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. http://www. James. http://www.cato.gov/loc/madison/symposium.com.. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. ed. James Morton.html. John.loc.loc.. 1995. Rewards. March 16.gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper..gov/loc/madison/hutson-paper. Mattern. All of Madison¶s FEDERALIST PAPERS are available at http://federalistpapers. Brant.loc.html.loc. University of Kentucky. Irving." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM.´ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS JAMES MADISON COMMEMORATION SYMPOSIUM. http://federalistpapers. N.html. March 16.. Charles historian.loc. Kans. accessed April 22. 1787. June 1997. COMMENTARY MAGAZINE. 2001. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. Meyers. 1995. under the name Publius. November 22. ed. Samples.gov/loc/madison/symposium. James. THE REPUBLIC OF LETTERS: THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND MADISON. Rosen.H.gov/loc/madison/rosen-paper. Volume 9 Page 10 BIBLIOGRAPHY Banning. Lancej. 1997). Matthews. 2002. Noam.com . Beard.
2000. which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. both ancient and modern. been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished. in truth. By that he meant that the Electoral College included both the will of the nation as expressed in the popular vote and the will of the states in a federal system (every state large or small gets two electors). I understand a number of citizens. indeed. none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. and that measures are too often decided. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models. adversed to the rights of other citizens. and confusion introduced into the public councils. As Madison knew. Her opposition to the Electoral College is entirely in step with her underlying philosophy of government: centralizing liberalism. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate. or of interest. 2. November 15. http://federalistpapers. therefore. 2002. as was wished and expected. He found that fair given the influence of large states in other areas. as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. np. The instability.org/dailys/11-15-00. that our governments are too unstable. Washington's newest celebrity. Clinton more credit than that. http://www. is the latest convert to this cause. Hillary Rodham Clinton. effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations. equally the friends of public and private faith. proponents of pure democracy will call for the abolition of the Electoral College. Volume 9 Page 11 MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC MAKES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE 1.html. 2002. accessed April 22. By a faction. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole. and alarm for private rights. particularly. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens. and of public and personal liberty. These must be chiefly. 2002. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute.cato. James Madison. He will not fail. and. of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. 2000. 1787. provides a proper cure for it. that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. FEDERALIST PAPER No. if not wholly. What about the Electoral College? Madison thought it embodied the "federal will" of the nation. 10. Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union. accessed April 22. without violating the principles to which he is attached. Clinton opposes the Electoral College only because Al Gore might lose the presidency despite getting a plurality of the popular vote. However the election turns out. but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. THE ³FEDERAL WILL´ IS MANIFESTED BY THE AMERICAN ELECTORAL COLLEGE John Samples. MADISON¶S IDEA OF A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS THE BEST GOVERNMENTAL POLICY John Samples. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation.wcdebate. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. November 15.html. I give Ms. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC CONTROLS FACTIONALISM AND VIOLENCE James Madison. Some will say Ms. p.org/dailys/11-15-00. have. but it would be an unwarrantable partiality. accessed April 22. injustice. http://www. It will be found. or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community. Sen. that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes. but it will be found.cato. November 22. We should stick with Madison's idea of a federal republic and preserve the Electoral College. But that philosophy contravenes the spirit of our Constitution as expressed by its primary author. 3. to set a due value on any plan which. at the same time. not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party. the evidence.html.com/federalist10. to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side. on a candid review of our situation. as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments. cannot certainly be too much admired. np. p.com . who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion. this amalgamation gave small and medium-sized states more leverage in presidential elections than they would have in a popular vote. for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements.
1787. In the extent and proper structure of the Union. 2000. 10. 10. The inference to which we are brought is.is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. 2002. http://federalistpapers.com/federalist10. have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. If we abolish the Electoral College. Hence. BECAUSE THE ENLIGHTENED WON¶T ALWAYS RULE. http://federalistpapers. ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists. accessed April 22. and their passions. consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here.html. np. that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed.org/dailys/11-15-00. p. http://www. Theoretic politicians. in fine. A common passion or interest will. p. in almost every case. A FEDERAL REPUBLIC IS MUCH BETTER THAN A DEMOCRACY James Madison. they would. be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions. and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. who have patronized this species of government. director of the Center for Representative Government at the Cato Institute. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. it clearly appears. The Founders feared the arbitrary exercise of political power. November 15. 2002. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention. MADISONIAN FEDERALISM SOLVES FOR BETTER DEMOCRACY John Samples. FEDERALISM IS BEST James Madison. against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union. Madison's point about federalism is also well taken. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties. 2002. 10. have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property. their opinions.wcdebate. that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy. Does it. the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage. and they hoped strong states would limit an expansive central government." 2. p.cato. by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens. 1787. is enjoyed by a large over a small republic. in controlling the effects of faction. And we will do so just as bold policy successes in the states have shown the value of these "laboratories of democracy.com/federalist10. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans. 4. np. np. we will make it harder for the states to provide this essential defense of liberty. PURE DEMOCRACY WOULD BE DIVISIVE AND FRACTIOUS: FEDERALISM IS BETTER James Madison. Volume 9 Page 12 FEDERALISM IS KEY TO STABLE AND PROSPEROUS GOVERNMENT 1. we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS. November 22. a communication and concert result from the form of government itself.html. which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole. 2002. increase this security. accessed April 22. accessed April 22. FEDERALIST PAPER No. np. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual.html. be felt by a majority of the whole. in many cases. Nor.com/federalist10.com . Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. November 22. p. can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. therefore. FEDERALIST PAPER No. -. http://federalistpapers. From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy. and render them all subservient to the public good. accessed April 22. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests. who assemble and administer the government in person. can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations. CATO DAILY COMMENTARY. November 22.html. at the same time. FEDERALIST PAPER No. again. 1787. 3.
who urged that "the government ought to possess.Such an aristocratic body will keep down the turbulence of democracy. In the tenth number of The Federalist. they will become the tools of opulence and ambition. he described these impending changes: "An increase in the population will of necessity increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equitable distribution of its blessings. Madison urged: "In future times. According to the equal laws of suffrage." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Mr. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. and in his opinion.in which case the rights of property and the public liberty will not be secure in their hands. NOT DEMOCRACY Charles Beard.wcdebate. 1912. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. but second. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government." Madison doubtless summed up in a brief sentence the general opinion of the convention when he said that to secure private rights against minority factions. p. Governor Morris." Mr. not only first. NOT PEOPLE Charles Beard. historian. Madison warned the convention that in framing a system which they wished to last for ages they must not lose sight of the changes which the ages would produce in the forms and distribution of property. In advocating a long term in order to give independence and firmness to the Senate. the force. as we have understood have sufficiently appeared. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. 2. certainly it ought to be one measure of the influence due to those who were to be affected by the government. and excess" of the representatives of the people by the ability and virtue of men" of great and established property -. historian." And again. the mind or sense of the people at large. having such coexistent passion or interest. p.. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. nevertheless. They were anxious above everything else to safeguard the rights of private property against any leveling tendencies on the part of the propertyless masses. what is more probable. Governor Morris wanted to check the "precipitancy. changeableness." and Mr. then was the main object of government. but symptoms of a levelling spirit. he added. These will either combine. Wilson. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.or. correctly stated the sound historical fact when he declared: "Life and liberty were generally said to be of more value than property. 1912. King also agreed that "property was the primary object of society. Volume 9 Page 13 MADISONIAN FEDERALISM IS JUST AN EXCUSE TO CURB REAL DEMOCRACY 1. to give notice of the future danger. Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". the power will slide into the hands of the former. 1912. MADISON ADMITTED FAVORING INEQUALITY Charles Beard. MADISON WANTED ARISTOCRACY.. No agrarian attempts have yet been made in this country." 3.If property. hence. and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government. men who from pride will support consistency and permanency. in which case there will be equal danger on another side. but without any other sort of property." While these extreme doctrines were somewhat counterbalanced by the democratic principles of Mr. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. from which the rights of property originated. historian. in support of the argument for a property qualification on voters. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties.com .. MADISON¶S VIEW PROTECTED PROPERTY. in a certain quarter. under the influence of their common situation. in speaking on the problem of apportioning representatives. a great majority of the people will not only be without land. These may in time outnumber those who are placed above the feelings of indigence. would prove that property was the main object of society. 31. "the majority. p.. was the great object to which their inquiries had been directed. he contended. 31. An accurate view of the matter. -. 31. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. -.aristocracy.
8. offered only limited public participation in the political arena. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Z MAGAZINE.com . p.'' he meant humans. A CONSENSUS OF MADISONIAN SCHOLARS AGREES HE WAS AN ELITIST Noam Chomsky. 2.'' To achieve this goal. that these principles lost their force as the national territory was conquered and settled. MADISON WANTED TO PROTECT THE RICH MINORITY AGAINST THE MAJORITY Noam Chomsky. It is the responsibility of government. Z MAGAZINE. corporation or other organization (whether or not organized under the laws of any State). June 1997. Property has no rights. typically material property. Whatever one's assessment of those years. as some historians do. In a current official document. association. ``to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority. Z MAGAZINE. partnership. and the constitutional system generally. and is crucially different from others in that one person's possession of such rights deprives another of them. CAPITALISM HAS SIGNIFICANTLY ALTERED THE WAY WE SHOULD SEE MADISON Noam Chomsky. whose views largely prevailed. Furthermore. estate. June 1997. the leading Framer of the constitutional system was an astute and lucid political thinker. But the growth of the industrial economy. he urged. and anti-capitalist in spirit. p. and ``secure the permanent interests of the country. But the formulation is misleading. Among Madisonian scholars. An agrarian law would soon take place. sought to balance the rights of persons against the rights of property. ```Person' is broadly defined to include any individual. the phrase ``rights of property'' means the right to property.'' while the rest are marginalized and fragmented.'' men who would ``sympathize sufficiently'' with property rights and ``be safe depositories of power over them.'' a concept that doubtless would have shocked Madison and others with intellectual roots in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism -.'' ``one of [the] favorite maxims'' of Madison's influential colleague John Jay. we can appreciate the force of the doctrine that ``the people who own the country ought to govern it. there is a consensus that ``The Constitution was intrinsically an aristocratic document designed to check the democratic tendencies of the period. Madison declared. trust. a personal right which must be privileged above all others. the property of landed proprietors would be insecure. by the late 19th century the founding doctrines took on a new and much more oppressive form. his biographer observes. When Madison spoke of ``rights of persons. associated group. 8. or any government entity. 8. The system that he and his associates were designing must prevent such injustice. When the facts are stated clearly. 3. June 1997.'' delivering power to a ``better sort'' of people and excluding ``those who were not rich.pre-capitalist. James Madison. In both principle and practice. Volume 9 Page 14 MADISON WAS AN ELITIST WHOSE THEORIES FAVORED ONLY RICH LANDOWNERS 1. branch. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. political power must rest in the hands of ``the wealth of the nation. the native population driven out or exterminated. One may argue. and the rise of corporate forms of economic enterprise.'' which are property rights. led to a completely new meaning of the term. or prominent from exercising political power. Madison pointed out that in England.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology.'' giving land to the landless.wcdebate.'' These conclusions are often qualified by the observation that Madison. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. In the debates on the Constitution. well born. if elections ``were open to all classes of people. p.
Burr then PUBLISHED a copy of it. After Adams was elected President. blackening Hamtilon¶s eye and ratcheting up tension between Hamilton and Adams ± not to mention Hamilton and Burr. was vocally against states¶ rights. Due to Hamilton¶s inside connections. centralized union that would be a representative republic. Hamilton first began to press the ideas that became extremely important in the formulation of the union ± he believed in a strong central government and a strong national bank. He saw centralization of authority as necessary to protect essential functions. But of all the political ideas and economic philosophy that Hamilton offered to the world. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Shortly before the presidential election of 1800. Hamilton was politically active throughout his life. which Hamilton published (along with John Jay and James Madison) under the name Publius. or the fact that he was killed by political rival Aaron Burr in a duel. an anti-federalist who would scrap mightily over those issues with Hamilton throughout their lives. In those papers.com . He would hold to this model in large measure for all his life. Let¶s start the process of remembrance with an exploration of his life. he did argue that the American government was being divided into a struggle between the ³aristocrats´ who fear and mistrust the people and the ³democrats´ who trust the people and consider them the most trustworthy repository of the national interest. he was an influential figure in the early days of this country who is too often overlooked today. Hamilton signed the new American Constitution for his state. This is one of many issues that he and Thomas Jefferson would clash on. then his ideas. his political rival Aaron Burr secured a copy for himself.wcdebate. coercive. THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. the letter contained some confidential cabinet information. While Jefferson was not necessarily a states¶ rights proponent in the way we understand these terms today. He served as a Lieutenant Colonel under George Washington for four years during the Revolutionary War. Volume 9 Page 15 ALEXANDER HAMILTON Alexander Hamilton is probably best known as one of the authors of THE FEDERALIST PAPERS. talked to cabinet members in attempts to undermine Adams¶s policy. When the Constitutional Convention was convened. One of those actions was to inflame Hamilton¶s feud with Aaron Burr as well. HIS IDEAS Hamilton. opinions that broke strongly from one notable politician of the era ± Thomas Jefferson. the leadership of the Federalist Party split between Hamilton and John Adams. were extremely important during the early days of the United States. making one legendary speech where he attacked the states¶ rights ideas of William Paterson. Hamilton constantly rebuked him in public. making it available to the general public. and generally made himself a pain. Hamilton wrote a scathing letter attacking Adams. This model would have devices that would protect class and property interests. an influential series of pamphlets arguing for a federal constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation. he also offered a life of tragedy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. THE LIFE OF HAMILTON Hamilton started his career with military action during the revolt against British colonialism. While Hamilton intended to closely control distribution of his missive. Much of this is forgotten today. Either way. Either that.an aristocratic. famously serving as a delegate at the Constitutional Convention and encouraging the advance of federal power. as an aristocrat. After Washington died. He was the only delegate from New York to support the ratification of the constitution ± but he did so vociferously. Hamilton cited the British government as the best model for the new government -. rebuke and scandal.
shortened to Republican. or not contrary to the essential ends of political society. Jefferson was considered a Democratic-Republican. In 1781 he promoted the idea that a nonexcessive public debt would be a good thing. Hamilton¶s logic: "[the government has] a right to employ all the means requisite. He wanted to protect the working classes against what he saw as the onset of aristocracy and monarchy." and the "general welfare. Because he advocated the constitutional doctrines of liberal construction. the legacy of Britain. Madison (with strict constructionist logic) claimed that the national bank was unconstitutional since the constitution did not explicitly approve such an institution. Volume 9 Page 16 As labels of the day went. and fairly applicable to the attainment of the ends of such power. America probably would not have successfully industrialized at all if not for Hamiltonian policies of protective tariffs. The Opinion sees Hamilton flesh out his view of the implied powers of the constitution. They probably would not have agreed to the constitution if they had known some of the things he had in mind. we would call this viewpoint ³protectionism. and which are not precluded by restrictions & exceptions specified in the constitution. impressive or important. was a vocal opponent of the national bank. Today.´ This kind of liberal constructionism is deeply at odds with what is called ³strict constructionism.´ These ideas were later codified in the decisions of Supreme Court Justice John Marshall." Washington passed the Bank Bill in February of 1791. The document argued for a system of protective duties designed to promote the interests of American businessmen and manufacturers. "implied powers. Hamilton¶s staunch ally." Ironically. or not immoral. it could be interpreted under on of the more broad clauses of the constitution ± such as the clause that says it¶s the job of the national government to ³promote the general welfare. Hamilton was the Federalist¶s Federalist. wherever a general power to do a thing is given.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. every particular power necessary for doing it is included. opposed the project and intended to veto the bill. As early as 1776. This is perhaps the most concrete consequence of Hamilton¶s idea of implied powers.´ as is often claimed.´ Because Hamilton¶s economic ideas were so influential.´ which argues that the federal government only gets to do what the constitution EXPLICITLY says it gets to do. Jefferson. The Swiss economic historian Paul Bairoch (in his book ECONOMICS AND WORLD HISTORY) has argued that this shows America does not have its roots in so-called ³free trade." one could think of him as one of the first ³big government liberals. HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS His economic ideas were no less radical. Hamilton¶s interpretation opens up the federal government¶s role considerably. This was also one of the most controversial agendas he advanced. His REPORT ON MANUFACTURERS (1791) was the first major departure from Adam Smith¶s WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776). Hamilton had to work magic ± in the form of his now famous Opinion on the Constitutionality of the Bank ± in order to convince his longtime friend.wcdebate. These doctrines meant that even if a role for the federal government was not explicitly stated. Hamilton¶s basic argument is a qualified version of one used by Madison himself in the Federalist. he claims.com . 44) that "wherever the end is required. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he suggested the direct collection of federal taxes by federal agents ± a fairly radical stance in such an anti-tax climate. duties and other legislation designed to shelter fledgling industries. One of Hamilton¶s lasting legacies is the creation of a national bank. Even then-President George Washington. they became relatively widespread in the early days of the United States. (no. In fact. allowing it to do things that many of the anti-Federalists opposed. the means are authorized. who always mistrusted the financier set (and the federal government).
" For those of you that don¶t speak Old Uptight American." Again. which is democracy. Twenty-five men were arrested and their newspapers forced to shut down as a result of this legislation ± including Benjamin Franklin's grandson. has been awarded him by a suffrage now universal. my friends and I are rich.com . and the greater merit of co-operating faithfully in maturing and supporting a system which was not his choice. Even sometime allies recognized the elitist tendency in Hamilton. scandalous and malicious writing.wcdebate. so get over it. HAMILTON¶S OPPRESSIVE IDEAS Hamilton¶s notion of a strong national government did err on the side of oppression at times." He referred (in his last letter on politics) to democracy as a ³disease. without any counterbalancing good. and as novel as it is extraordinary. as much due to his belief in free speech as to his desire to stick his thumb in Hamilton¶s eye. that¶s a price I¶m willing to pay. that men should be deemed corrupt & criminal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their Country.) Hamilton constantly disputed Jefferson¶s claim that the general public should control government. the translation from Old Uptight American: Hamilton preferred a more robust." Such publications were made high misdemeanors. More on that in our final section. his customary colleague. then his closest aide. If his theory of government deviated from the republican standard he had the candour to avow it.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. more centralized government. Jefferson considered rich men who used their capital to invest in enterprises not their own (who we might today call venture capitalists) to be the lowest forms of life on earth. where Hamilton repeatedly ripped Burr in public speeches. disputed the geographical distribution of the benefits (Jefferson thought farmers would get screwed. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. will only be more concentrated in each part. saying this behavior ³nourishes in our citizens vice & idleness instead of industry & morality. And we¶re just going to get richer as the country grows. when Burr sent a contemptuous letter to Washington about Hamilton. compared to Jefferson¶s continued desire to trust the public. and many other things. Madison¶s final assessment of Hamilton was written in 1831: "That he possessed intellectual powers of the first order. These laws were mostly used to silence dissent. Perhaps his sternest rebuke to Hamilton came based on Jefferson¶s moral objections investment speculation. by a subdivision. here¶s a translation: yeah. at least he had SOME integrity and honor about him. administering no relief to our real disease. If some farmers lose out on their land and enterprises so that my friends and I can run the country. Aaron Burr had been a political rival of Hamilton¶s since at least 1777. Jefferson decried Hamilton¶s desire to increase the public debt." he said. editor of the Philadelphia DemocratRepublican Aurora. (When Jefferson was elected. which the urban elite would benefit). DENOUMENT We know about the scandal that ended up killing Hamilton. the poison of which." This shows his opinion of the average American. and the moral qualities of integrity and honor in a captivating degree." Hamilton¶s ideas seemed to Jefferson to be a lot closer to King George III than to any American thinker. as should be clear. This is best evidenced by his warm support for the final form of the Alien and Sedition Laws of 1798. accusing him of engaging in a monarchical conspiracy. "Men. he pardoned all of those convicted.´ saying that "a clear sacrifice of great positive advantages. That culminated in the elections season of 1804. punishable by fine and imprisonment. Allegedly. His morals -. Volume 9 Page 17 Jefferson hated these economic ideas. confronting Washington with a list of 21 objections to Hamilton¶s proposed policies. At least he admitted it and didn't overtly destabilize the government. I know he was smart. and consequently the more virulent. Benjamin Franklin Bache. There are a lot of Hamiltonians still around in American politics. and everyone else knew it too. "are reasoning rather than reasonable animals. Hamilton¶s response: "It is a strange perversion of ideas. Perhaps the most balanced view came from Madison. These acts made illegal the publication of "any false.well.
James Reynolds. and Frederick Muhlenberg ± thought they had found evidence that Hamilton was misappropriating government funds.James Monroe. .Adieu best of wives and best of Women.wcdebate. Abraham Venable. both saw their records tarnished by stunning sex scandals. Hamilton was technically born illegitimate. But it was not possible. But the Burr scandal wasn¶t the only hot water Hamilton found himself embroiled in. when Hamilton headed up the Treasury Department. though he showed up to the duel and took a pistol. greedy. and sexually predatory as the ones we see today. is the final record from his life: "If it had been possible for me to have avoided the interview. the three congressmen were satisfied by Hamilton¶s explanation. One could make a strong case for Hamilton as the Bill Clinton of his day: both were extremely intelligent. CONCLUSION When you learn about the so-called ³Founding Fathers´ in school.´ Amazingly. Hamilton was having an affair Hamilton with Reynolds' wife. As historian Lisa Marie de Carolis noted. you get the impression that they were these morally upstanding men of a bygone era where honor was protected at all costs. Hamilton actually followed through with physical violence against a political rival. As I hope this essay makes clear. At that point. Three congressmen -. it was on. And. Reynolds had evidence. without sacrifices which would have rendered me unworthy of your esteem. he did not intend to fire at Burr.but he said it was his own money. too. and agreed to keep it quiet. That money had changed hands. the public could be kept in the dark no longer. Burr challenged Hamilton to a duel and killed him. a still more despicable opinion" of Burr. but a BRIBE. Some Hamilton apologists insist that. and by the press). Reynolds said that Hamilton could continue the affair so long as the money kept coming. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Hamilton¶s note to his wife. Reynolds was a clever pimp who was now harboring some very destructive information on one of the highest officials in the country. . Monroe et. natural politicians. It gets better. was bragging that Hamilton had given him money out of the treasury to play the stock market. he had more dirt on him that he wouldn¶t dish just yet. it just ain¶t so ± and it¶s somewhat comforting that the politicians of days past were just as sleazy. Hamilton admitted he had given James Reynolds money -. while Clinton was the child of a single mother. and while Clinton merely threatened to bash William Safire in the nose. motivated.. That happened in 1792. Volume 9 Page 18 But he crossed the line when he said (at an event attended by a Burr supporter. That¶s when it got weird. ³Mr. not the government's. And the money wasn¶t for speculation (though that is apparently how Reynolds used it ± proving Jefferson¶s maxim about the moral character of speculators)." No word on whether he penned a similar missive to James Reynolds¶ wife. in Sports Center parlance. It wasn¶t even the juiciest. my love for you and my precious children would have been alone a decisive motive. that though he held "despicable" opinions of Burr. A journalist reported to the country that Hamilton "could detail . al. until July 1797.. went to Hamilton's office to confront him. written directly before the duel with Burr.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. . They apparently did.money.com . a shady character currently in jail. when a pamphlet was published with the allegations. Maria. When Reynolds found out he demanded ³satisfaction´ .
Brookhiser. THE PAPERS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Volume 9 Page 19 BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard. Charles Scribner's Sons. Noam. 1912. Morton J. 1961--79. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1993. Morton J. ed. Lisa Marie.2002. Stanley and Eric McKitrick.com . ed.. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Z MAGAZINE. Gerald. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE IDEA OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America. Chicago. Cooke.rug. University of Groningen. John C. Frisch. 1997. Department of Alfa-informatica. 2002. Noam. Washington/London: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research. SELECTED WRITINGS AND SPEECHES OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Jacob E. New York. Syrett. Richard. accessed April 29. historian. accessed May 1. p. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. 1970.zmag. Charles. New York: The Free Press. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE POLITICAL ORDER. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Chomsky. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. Frisch. ed.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. AMERICAN. Elkins. de Carolis. New York: Harper & Row. ALEXANDER HAMILTON: PORTRAIT IN PARADOX.wcdebate.let. 1982. http://odur. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New York: Harper & Brothers.. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION.html. 1999. THE REPORTS OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 1991. Miller. senior editor. Cooke.htm. Stanford: Stanford University Press. NATIONAL REVIEW. THE AGE OF FEDERALISM. 1985. October 19. Loyola University. Jacob E. January 1995. 1959. Chomsky.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Harold C. Mellon Lecture. Stourzh.org/chomsky/talks/9410-education. New York and London: Columbia University Press. 1964. 13. 1994 http://www.
An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: "NEIGHBORING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC. November 14." 4. From this summary of what has taken place in other countries. till it was relinquished in the treaty of peace.html. or through the submission of the Indian proprietors. It has been the prudent policy of Congress to appease this controversy. There still are discordant and undecided claims between several of them. accessed May 2. This has been so far accomplished as.html. WE NEED A STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT Alexander Hamilton.com/federalist7. We have a vast tract of unsettled territory within the boundaries of the United States. extinguishing that secret jealousy which disposes all states to aggrandize themselves at the expense of their neighbors. under a continuation of the Union. http://federalistpapers.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. accessed May 2. For the Independent Journal. 1787. would be to disregard the uniform course of human events. For the Independent Journal. that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics. np. Perhaps the greatest proportion of wars that have desolated the earth have sprung from this origin. STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED BECAUSE HUMANS ARE VINDICTIVE Alexander Hamilton. BECAUSE THE WORLD ISN¶T PERFECT. http://federalistpapers. and to set at defiance the accumulated experience of ages. 2002. that vicinity or nearness of situation. For the Independent Journal. A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations who can seriously doubt that. For the Independent Journal. the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. in the event of disunion. weaknesses and evils incident to society in every shape? 3. November 14. 1787. accessed May 2. and rapacious. p. unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood. constitutes nations natural enemies. 1787. 1787. http://federalistpapers. accessed May 2. p. np. vindictive. np. the others have contended that the rights of the crown in this article devolved upon the Union. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. by prevailing upon the States to make cessions to the United States for the benefit of the whole. would be to forget that men are ambitious. what reason can we have to confide in those reveries which would seduce us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy. This. especially as to all that part of the Western territory which.wcdebate. was subjected to the jurisdiction of the king of Great Britain.com/federalist6. in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption from the imperfections. 2002. So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the States. 2002. it has been said. was at all events an acquisition to the Confederacy by compact with a foreign power. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. FEDERALIST PAPER # 7. The States within the limits of whose colonial governments they were comprised have claimed them as their property.com/federalist6. p. 2002. http://federalistpapers. Volume 9 Page 20 FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AND STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENTS ARE NEEDED 1. It is well known that they have heretofore had serious and animated discussion concerning the rights to the lands which were ungranted at the time of the Revolution. however. Territorial disputes have at all times been found one of the most fertile sources of hostility among nations. November 14.com/federalist6.com . 2. and would create others on the same subject. and the dissolution of the Union would lay a foundation for similar claims between them all. would revive this dispute. FEDERALIST PAPER # 6. UNION IS THE ANTIDOTE TO HOSTILITY BETWEEN NATIONS Alexander Hamilton. if these States should either be wholly disunited. and their constitution prevents the differences that neighborhood occasions. either by actual possession. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. whose situations have borne the nearest resemblance to our own. or only united in partial confederacies. and which usually went under the name of crown lands.html. TERRITORIAL DISPUTES CAUSE STRIFE: STRONG NATIONAL GOVERNMENT IS NEEDED Alexander Hamilton. A dismemberment of the Confederacy. to afford a decided prospect of an amicable termination of the dispute. November 15. This cause would exist among us in full force. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent.html. To presume a want of motives for such contests as an argument against their existence.
. accessed May 1.independent. the equality proclaimed in the Declaration is not an equality in all respects. and loan the government money in times of emergency. This was Hamilton's most controversial position about which he was quite frank. http://odur. their conception of human equality necessarily excluded equality of condition. HAMILTON BELIEVED IN EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY. 1997. as proprietors. np. Department of Alfa-informatica. and opened up wider vistas in international trade and domestic industrialization. opposed to the principle of equality.intellect. as it were. Volume 9 Page 21 HAMILTON¶S ECONOMIC IDEAS WERE GOOD 1. http://odur.rug. http://www. and.did not mean to say all were equal in. and that the equal right to employ unequal talents would necessarily lead to economic inequality. represented by the Virginia opposition. accessed May 1.let. and that it would unavoidably result from that very liberty itself. NOT FORCED EQUITY David Upham. provide capital for investments and industry.wcdebate. in their understanding.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Private ownership. not only did the Founders¶ understanding of equality not include all kinds of equality (such as the equality of economic condition championed by the Progressives). would prevent the corruption which might result if the bank were run by government officials as was the Bank of England.let. accessed May 1. would benefit the nation as a whole in the long run. magnetic sense.html.com . 1997. Hamilton reasoned. Hamilton envisioned a strong economy in which everyone could participate and profit.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. Department of Politics. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and the pursuit of happiness. was limiting and limited. 1997. Hamilton was.htm.htm.. in the Directors of a Bank. 2002. liberty.2002.. The bank proposed by Hamilton would be a national institution run by a private board of directors.2002. the prosperity of the institution . University of Groningen. As Alexander Hamilton stated in the constitutional convention: "It is certainly true that nothing like an equality of property existed: that an inequality would exist as long as liberty existed. HAMILTON¶S SUPPORT OF THE WEALTHY DIDN¶T INTEND TO CREATE ARISTOCRACY Lisa Marie de Carolis. of their own interest. provide a uniform currency. . Department of Alfa-informatica. Hamilton's vision was dynamic and made use of all the possibilities of a young nation with unlimited resources and boundless potential. abilities which were by nature unequal. Industry would diversify labor. Hamilton saw it as no less than an engine of national prosperity and a necessary ancillary to his overall plan. 3. pointing invariably to its true pole. The "authors of that notable instrument. thus creating more jobs and income sources for a burgeoning population. They believed that everyone had an equal right to exercise his individual abilities to acquire property." Hamilton explained that a national bank would provide a safe depository for government funds.rug. or social capacity.org/tii/students/GarveyEssay97Upham. although not necessarily equitable.. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. Securing the support of the wealthy was only a first step in his complete economic picture. Landed wealth.¶ This they said and this meant. The accumulation of wealth was not Hamilton's goal. and which would incite fierce protest on the part of those who feared that Hamilton aimed to create an aristocracy. simply drawing on realities that he felt. University of Dallas. p. The Founders¶ attachment to economic freedom was in no way. whereas paper wealth was fluid. As Lincoln repeatedly emphasized. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton." Moreover. as usual.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. he wanted to encourage the use of private wealth for beneficial enterprises. in what respects they did considered all men created equal²equal in µcertain unalienable rights. They defined with tolerable distinctiveness. steady. He explained: "The keen.. moral developments." Independent Institute Website. HAMILTON¶S NATIONAL BANK WAS AN ENGINE OF PROSPERITY Lisa Marie de Carolis. "The Primacy of Property Rights and the American Founding. among which are life. University of Groningen." 2. regulate banking practices around the country.
13. 1994. 2002. Volume 9 Page 22 HAMILTON WAS OPPOSED TO DEMOCRACY 1. Madison. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. as he believed the Bolsheviks intended. but were striving with all the resources of political wisdom at their command to set up a system of government that would be stable and efficient. he "had been taught by experience the danger of the levelling spirit. urged that "all communities divide themselves into the few and the many.zmag. Z MAGAZINE. Restating the Doctrine without equivocation. Lansing warned of the danger of allowing the "ignorant and incapable mass of humanity" to become "dominant in the earth. 31. That's the hysterical and utterly erroneous reaction that's pretty standard among people who feel that their power is threatened. historian. Chicago. Professor of Linguistics at MIT. p.com . perhaps rightly. preserved to posterity by Mr. sometimes in chains of dogma and deceit. The first are the rich and well born and the other the mass of the people who seldom judge or determine right. Hamilton. sometimes quite literally. 2. He said there was the idea that your people are a great beast and that the real disease is democracy. Robert Lansing. Eighty years earlier Alexander Hamilton had put it clearly. safeguarded on the one hand against the possibilities of despotism and on the other against the onslaught of majorities." Mr." 4. We may recall. but it is being caged. 3. October 19. that fear of democracy and freedom has always been one of the factors motivating the terror and sometimes outright aggression undertaken to eliminate "rotten apples" that might "spoil the barrel" and "viruses" that might "infect others. http://www. in offering to the consideration of the convention his plan of government. Loyola University. p. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology." and he confessed that while he was still republican. shows conclusively that the members of that assembly were not seeking to realize any fine notions about democracy and equality. The beast may not yet be tamed. p." in the terminology favored by leading planners -. HAMILTON FEARED DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM Noam Chomsky." or even influential. Randolph. in which privilege is enhanced by state power and the general population lack rights apart from what they can salvage on a (highly flexible) labor market. an important victory. rolling back the threat posed by the "great beast" that keeps trying "to plunder the rich" (Alexander Hamilton and John Foster Dulles.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. COMMON PEOPLE A MENACE Noam Chomsky. that they can dismantle the social contract that has been in some measure achieved. speaking for a host of others). Gerry. every page of the laconic record of the proceedings of the convention. HAMILTON SOUGHT TO PRESERVE THE POWER OF THE RICH Noam Chomsky. In the mind of Mr. that some check therefore was to be sought for against this tendency of our governments. Indeed. as Jefferson's fears and Bakunin's predictions were increasingly realised. That's Hamilton. 1912. whatever cast it takes. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in advocating a life term for Senators.the main concern." Mr. attitudes that led to Wilson's Red Scare. of course. January 1995. in passing. np.html. the evils they had experienced flowed "from the excess of democracy. 13. They feel. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. HAMILTON BELIEVED DEMOCRACY WAS A GREAT BEAST. It therefore became necessary to renew with much greater intensity the constant campaign to tame and cage that "great beast. The architects of policy can move on to establish a utopia of the masters based on the values of greed and power. January 1995. which destroyed labour and independent thought for a decade. being independence. as it was called. accessed April 29.org/chomsky/talks/9410education. but now perceive that they can do better. p. in tracing these evils to their origin. and that a good Senate seemed most likely to answer the purpose. Z MAGAZINE.wcdebate. observed "that the general object was to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored. that. the masters have long sought to contain popular struggles to expand the range of meaningful democracy and human rights. Mellon Lecture. HAMILTON THOUGHT THE ³WELL BORN´ SHOULD RUN THE COUNTRY Charles Beard. These ideas have become ever more entrenched in educated circles." as Alexander Hamilton termed the "people" with horror and indignation as he was laying the foundations for state-guided industrial democracy. every man had found it in the turbulence and follies of democracy. The basic attitudes coming into this century were expressed very clearly by Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State.
makes "country gentlemen" out of wealthy merchants. Hume contended.." Uniformity of interests throughout the state. having such coexistent passion or interest.No plan could succeed which does not unite the interest and credit of rich individuals with that of the state. the "invigorating principle" which would infuse the United States with the energy and international respectability he had envisioned. 2002. must be rendered by their number and local situation unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression". Madison argued in a philosophic vein in support of the proposition that it was necessary to base the political system on the actual conditions of "natural inequality.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. np. accessed May 1. He wrote in 1780: "The only plan that can preserve the currency is one that will make it to the immediate interest of the monied men to cooperate with the government in its support. hence. and renders the stock holders largely idle and useless for everything but playing the market. historian.wcdebate. from which the rights of property originated. p. and in his opinion. Mr.rug." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. provide ready capital with the value and function of specie. The support and capital of the nation's wealthiest citizens would provide the foundation and security of his system. from the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately resulted. from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors ensued a division of society into different interests and parties. University of Groningen. the continuing vitality of the British economy was enough to prove the efficacy of their system. in concluding this splendid piece of logic. was impossible on account of the diversity in the faculties of men. http://odur. 1997. However. HAMILTON IGNORED HUME¶S WARNINGS ABOUT THE SYSTEM HE FAVORED Lisa Marie de Carolis. Hume observed. "the majority. Hamilton based his program primarily on the British model. Department of Alfa-informatica." 3. whereas paper capital fosters a more international mentality. the unequal distribution of wealth inevitably led to a clash of interests in which the majority was liable to carry out its policies at the expense of the minority. Hume emphasized the many evils of a credit-based economy.com . which in turn makes commodities cheaper and easier to procure. A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. but pointed out some advantages to a credit-based economy. Nevertheless. Mr. 31. HAMILTON RELIED ON THE WEALTHY ALLYING THEMSELVES WITH STATE POWER Lisa Marie de Carolis. 1997. and thus helps spread "arts and industry throughout the whole society." while the Senate was to preserve the rights of property and the interests of the minority against the demands of the majority.rug. Hamilton pointed out. the convention safeguarded the interests of property against attacks by majorities. p. he contended. the protection of these faculties was the first object of government. In the tenth number of The Federalist. http://odur. 1912.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. with variations more suited to the United States' unique characteristics. Volume 9 Page 23 HAMILTON WAS AN ECONOMIC ELITIST 1. by the system of checks and balances placed in the government.let. Public credit was to become the pillar of Hamilton's fiscal reform package. indebts the nation to foreign powers. Hume in particular was cautionary about the British system.let. Department of Alfa-informatica.htm.. he added.htm. 2002. p. University of Groningen. np. it was the great merit of the newly framed Constitution that it secured the rights of the minority against "the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. Hamilton needed big investors. Hamilton dismissed Hume's warnings and instead focused on the positive aspects of national credit. warning that a funded debt necessitates oppressive taxes to pay the interest. accessed May 1.nl/~usa/B/hamilton/hamil00. FRAMING THE CONSTITUTION. and a more diverse economy. Hume felt that the evils greatly outweighed the advantages. The House of Representatives. Securities. the availability of which enables merchants to engage in more extensive trade enterprises." Landed wealth. "was so formed as to render it particularly the guardian of the poorer orders of citizens. creates dangerous disparities in wealth. 2. HAMILTON¶S GOVERNMENT IDEAS FOCUSED ON PROTECTING THE RICH Charles Beard. . A Biography of Alexander Hamilton. In order to stimulate the economy.
written by Alexander Hamilton. some of the major figures behind the movement. amending the Articles required unanimity among the states. This is partially due to the less organized nature of the Anti-Federalists. but it is not always conclusive which actual person lies behind what name. First. the identity of the authors of the Anti-Federalist papers is not always known. During the time of various Constitutional Conventions. Even though the Federalist Papers bore the same pen name. The Confederation could not collect taxes.com . many called for some kind of reform.wcdebate. However. supported a more direct democracy. Given their position in history as one of the main political groups at the time of the crafting of the Constitution. the benefits of which were lost in such a massive government. Although the new Constitution was passed largely the way that the Federalists hoped it would be. and John Jay under the pseudonym ³Publius. or a great many other things that are matter of course for the federal government today. Viewing these and many other aspects of the Articles as deep flaws. and the various potential pros and cons to such a political system. There have been a variety of different approaches to that question over the years. The inability of the federal government to take care of a lot of problems. or Madison) is well documented. but instead have had a profound influence upon the entirety of American politics. HISTORICAL CONTEXT The driving issues in early American political theory arose as a response to the treatment of the original colonies by Great Britain. Anti-federalists. it is important to keep in mind that terminology changes. there is not an established number to each document or speech that constituted Anti-Federalist contributions to the political debate. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. as opposed to the republican government that connected to the citizens only via mediating representatives. and back at the time of the signing of the Constitution the Anti-Federalists were those opposed to it on the grounds that it gave too much power to the federal government. all connected to the desire to have independence from the tyrannical rule of the British monarchy. the Anti-Federalists are no mere moment in history. Secondly. The Anti-Federalists also used pseudonyms borrowed from past figures from Rome (as well as other names). the Anti-Federalists were not as organized in their publications. This federalist camp by and large supported the proposed Constitution that was being debated at the Conventions. This essay will explore the context surrounding the Anti-Federalists.´ advocated a much stronger central government than what the Articles provided. Although far from universally read at the time ± the pamphlets were mostly published in New York ± a group of 85 documents which came to be known as the Federalist Papers came to be the most famous articulation of Federalist views. notably the Shays Rebellion that occurred in Massachusetts for half a year before it could be quelled. regulate commerce. The contingent of people who felt that the proposed Constitution had too strong of a Central government were known as the Anti-Federalists. a great deal of writing was done by various political figures that advocated different positions on what direction the country ought to take. given that in today¶s lexicon ³federalism´ refers to the doctrine that the federal government should not encroach upon the proper powers of the states. Moreover. Anti-Federalist differ from the Federalist Papers in a few significant ways. which established a very limited central government with strong powers left to the individual states. who did which paper (Hamilton. with that of the Anti-Federalists being one of the most extreme.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Jay. support for it was by no means unanimous. Therefore the issue of liberty was foremost in the minds of Americans when considering how to craft a government of their own. Contemporary readers might feel as if these terms are backwards. Volume 9 Page 24 THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS Perhaps the greatest question that American political theory has struggled with is to what extent the power of the federal government should be limited. They felt that the essence of democracy could only be carried out on a small scale. The first attempt was guided by the Articles of Confederation. seemed to the Federalists a clear signal that a new Constitution was needed. and partially to the fact that history has not glorified their accomplishments as it has the Federalists. James Madison. The American Revolution came about for a myriad of reasons. These papers. therefore.
but they would also stress that said governing body has to be concerned with a vastly smaller area than the US currently is. To understand Anti-Federalists merely in terms of modern-day states-rights discourse would be in a sense misleading. where representatives are elected with the supposed task of voicing the opinions of all of the people in Congress. one of the authors of the Federalist Papers. While his famous quotation in which he prefers liberty to life became one of the central rallying cries of the Revolution. or amount of control. The inclusion of a Bill of Rights into the Constitution is owed in part to Patrick Henry. Clinton despised Madison. When the words ³big´ or ³small´ are used to describe governments today. For one. Henry associated the Federalist supporters with the kind of aristocracy that the Revolutionary War was meant to free America from.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and so on. direct democracy becomes simply unfeasible.´ Clinton did his best to block ratification of the Constitution. Robert Yates. The closest way to understanding the will of the electorate ± polling ± is remarkably inaccurate. Direct democracy of that sort is appealing to Anti-Federalists because it makes up for the myriad of shortcomings in the current system of ³representation´. George Clinton was the first governor of New York during the ratification of the Constitution. one of his greatest criticisms of it was the lack of any explicit limitations upon the powers of the federal government. Henry did not support the Constitution that was eventually passed in 1787. Since potential actions to be taken by Congress are almost never a black and white issue. while he never supported the Constitution. and only samples a small part of the population. and later would become Vice President for both Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. There would be no way for common individuals to stroll onto the floor of Capitol Hill any time they wished and have a real voice in crafting national legislation. Clinton acquiesced. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. This is because when a regime is in control over a large enough populace. that the government has. And it is true that Anti-Federalists would argue for a less massive government. cultures. Samuel Bryan.wcdebate. Clinton authored some of the Anti-Federalist papers that were published under the name ³Cato. THE CASE FOR THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS So what is it that is positive about the theory of Anti-Federalism? The primary emphasis is upon promoting liberty and freedom. No.com . Anti-Federalism is an entirely different view of what government means than is considered in contemporary political discourse. but when it was approved by the requisite nine states at the Convention in his very own state. Richard Henry Lee. Especially given the US¶s self-proclaimed status as a melting pot of races. which the Bill of Rights provided (to some extent). One such person is Patrick Henry. There are a great many other important Anti-Federalist thinkers: James Winthrop. it becomes all the more difficult for any group to get the policy they want.´ or ³Federal Farmer´ may be an ongoing debate. While of course they all had minor differences. This ensures that oftentimes the majority opinion does not even constitute over half of the population.´ ³Old Whig. While the Bill of Rights was not included in the initial signing of the Constitution. the problem of majority tyranny arises. Another prominent Anti-Federalist was George Clinton. Even were polling perfectly accurate. Today what we have is a republic. making most of the people¶s wishes going unheeded. the thread running through them all was a mistrust of too massive a government. it was promised to be included by Congress shortly thereafter. some of the more important figures in the theory are well known. but took the post after his own Presidential ambitions were dashed. not the one in the Funkadelic Parliament. there are a host of different possible options to be argued for. there is no way for Representatives to actually know the desires of the people they are voting for. But what liberties are being shoved aside in the current system? The premise behind AntiFederalism goes deeper than knee-jerk mistrust of the federal government. The first major premise in Anti-Federalism is that true government is only possible on a small scale. it is typically meant to designate the bureaucracy. ideas. while they share some of the same beliefs. and others. Ironically he ended up Vice-President to Madison. This is democracy at its most tenuous. Volume 9 Page 25 WHO THEY WERE While the issue of which Anti-Federalist authors were behind the works of pseudonyms such as ³Brutus.
The same problems that were apparent at the time of the Articles of the Confederation are still present in a system that devolves a great deal of authority. contends that the highest form of human existence lies in the participation in politics. The lowest is that of labor. How can a rich white Senator born into privilege know how difficult it is to be poor? It becomes difficult for any interest aside from the elite¶s to be advanced in government. and similar pursuits. the arts. Indeed. one would have to not be tied to any sort of private concerns that would distract from that goal. say. some economic resources? Threats from other countries are even more frightening. First and foremost is a problem with security from threats both internal and external.com . In fact. there is no way a national army Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. people tend to be only concerned with issues such as representation insofar as they get what they want. AntiFederalists. it would seem difficult to coordinate efforts. Finally. the type of person who is elected into office will never be the same type of person that she or he is supposed to represent. In other words. No one struggling to earn enough money to survive. This problem has gotten even more out of control given the importance of self-advertisement during campaigns. But even if stringent campaign finance reform measures were to pass. whereby one toils to take care of private necessities. and therefore used slavery to divest themselves of the need to do tasks that they consider menial. let alone the middle class who spend a great deal of time working to (for example) put their kids through college. Christopher Duncan explains why it is that Anti-Federalists place intrinsic value upon direct democracy. Arendt. many Anti-Federalists charged that it was elite interests that motivated the structure of the government set up in the Constitution. one can readily find fault with such a small-scale system of government. The reason for this is because. Once all private demands are met. precisely because they see participation in politics as an end to itself. Anti-Federalists desired the smaller town-hall type governments were individual could have a say and come to some consensus about issues that affected them and their town. an important political theorist from this century. The current controversy over money spent in campaigns is telling. the political sphere and one¶s own relationship to it can be safely ignored. There is the possibility of public appreciation of work. and Senators and Representatives were somehow able to represent the wishes of their constituents completely accurately. on the other hand. find that situation lacking. interestingly enough. The ancient Greeks despised labor. This is not to suggest that the Anti-Federalists merely wanted to copy the Greeks. Even if every state kept standing militias. Volume 9 Page 26 Part of the problem stems from the type of people that are going to be the Representatives in a large republic. But even if all of the things above were not true. The incapability of internal uprisings and the like to be dealt with a weak central government was arguably shown back as early as Shay¶s Rebellion. What is to stop one state from deciding to use aggressive force against another to take. Provided that a Senator votes the way someone theoretically would want them to. The Anti-Federalists argued that a result of that type of government would be that only the elite would have the capability to run for office. While it is certainly possible for a person of a different station to understand the situation of a common person. and without a strong federal ability to tax. such as food and shelter. have the time and resources to become a serious politician. there would still be cultural and economic barriers that would make it extremely difficult for anyone but the elite class to realize the goal of playing a role in the public sector. To achieve enough public recognition to get elected. She draws upon Greek culture in her book THE HUMAN CONDITION to explain the various degrees of human activity. The difference lies in the fact that our conception of politics is as a means to an end.wcdebate. Anti-Federalists would still have a large problem with the massive republic that we live in today. Only that way can the desire to life a public life.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but it is often still private in nature. Therefore the most glory came from being an honored statesman in the city-state. The next highest is work. the highest type of human activity is what Arendt says the Greeks considered true ³action´: politics. this is often not the case. be achieved. then one can spend their time caring for the polis (city). and therefore be happy and free. but instead that understanding the rationale behind the Greek priority of action in the public realm sheds light on why AntiFederalists find value in pure democracy. which encompasses crafts. many of the Anti-Federalists papers make explicit reference to Greek and Roman societies ± before they developed strong tyrannical central governments ± as being ideals insofar as democracy is concerned. Therefore. Anti-Federalism dovetails nicely with one of the main tenets of Hannah Arendt¶s belief on the nature of politics. THE CASE AGAINST THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS As pretty of a picture of an idyllic small town democracy this paints.
By passing amendments that protect rights not merely through limiting the power of the federal government but instead positively restricting certain behavior of the states and local governments. While the fundamental motivation for the Anti-Federalists was the protection of liberty through democracy. is it not obvious that life and peace are more important? Being free from one¶s own government is hardly a concern when another country is invading. such as funding of the sciences and arts. Given how complex the economic system is today. With regard to the security issue. schools wouldn¶t allow blacks the same educational opportunities. Having a national bank system. One of the revolutions in the past hundred years has been the increasing role of the federal government as the protector of individual rights from state discrimination. The negative effects of industry in one county or state could most directly affect another area completely. Until the Supreme Court decision of Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka. Many authors claim that the federal government has proven to be selflimiting in such a fashion so as to avoid the pitfalls the Anti-Federalists predicted. A strong central government seems to be a prerequisite of peace and order. it is natural that uprisings like the Shay¶s Rebellion would occur during a country¶s birth pangs. the Federal Reserve ± all are functions that are distinctly national in character. Many authors specifically respond to some of these criticisms and explain why they might not seem as problematic as they seem. The 50 states retain a massive amount of control over criminal laws. Would the technological and cultural progress that has been made in the past two hundred years be possible in a country with decentralized governments? Yet another goal that has become of more importance in recent years that seems impractical without a strong central government is the protection of the environment. it is very possible that their mistrust of a strong central government was not merely reactionary fear stemming from their dealings with Great Britain. RESPONSES TO SOME OF THE ATTACKS ON THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS While this list of problems might seem difficult for the Anti-Federalists to overcome. hope is not lost yet.wcdebate. there are a variety of important tasks that can only be performed by the national government that seem integral to maintaining a healthy economy. a brand new turn is taken in the relationship between individuals. with those citizens lacking any method of recourse. These protections against discrimination apply to sexism and other forms of oppression through the Equal Protection amendment. but it is a huge issue now. Power over such things as taxation has certainly not spiraled into overwhelming tyranny. None could be performed during the Articles of Confederation. one might question the incentive for other countries to attack the United States if it were more decentralized. Volume 9 Page 27 could be built and maintained that would comport to the standards necessary to be competitive. There might not be any way to have stopped that discrimination throughout the country in the system promoted by the Anti-Federalists. A thriving economy is a necessary condition for a lot of other things. internal commerce.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. economic prosperity seems to be a direct result of a strong federal government. Nor is there a complete disregard for the rights and powers of the states even within this system. In addition to security. This picture of rights flips on its head the problem envisioned by the Anti-Federalists of a tyrannical national government. Few would call the powers that the federal government claims right to now ³tyrannical´ by any means. and so forth. and the government. wars tend to start due to tensions over disagreements. issuing bonds. This case was but the most visible of a massive effort by the federal government to outlaw a host of racist policies held by many States. Countries don¶t just go around attacking each other for land nowadays. rights.com . countries would no longer have cause to resent the US throwing its superpower weight around world affairs. but there is less reason to believe such events would be a matter of course without a powerful federal government. Strict laws governing the states are needed to keep them accountable for their environmental damage. Environmental disputes were not much of a problem back in colonial times when the majority of the United States had yet to even be charted by European settlers. In that sense there likelihood of an attack against the US might decrease. The most famous example of this comes with the controversy concerning segregation in the South. Even if there is some sacrifice of liberties in order to make those things possible. environmental theory has taught that those situations are dangerous given the transitory nature of pollution. As for internal problems. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. While the Anti-Federalists sought to organize small like-minded communities.
there is little denying that politics in this country has become an affair of the rich and elite. Moreover. CONCLUSION Anti-Federalism.wcdebate. as a political theory taken in general. or to help argue for or against other political objectives that would affect the balance of power between the people and their state. Volume 9 Page 28 Issues such as the environment and minority rights could be dealt with in a collective fashion. Participation in a public democracy. The Federalist model did establish an effective system for pursuing one¶s private wishes. instead of merely a republic where no one¶s interests but the very powerful are furthered. can be much more fundamental to human happiness than amassing material wealth.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. has many potential benefits and downfalls. and it can even create tensions in a society where the wealth is increasingly becoming concentrated in a small percentage of the population. The American political tradition has always been a product of the dialectic of both of those movements. Given the swing in opinion towards protecting the environment and ending discrimination. Both theories have strong advantages and disadvantages that can be used to shed light on a variety of political issues in our own day and age. the Constitution may have been promoted mainly by Federalists. Money alone cannot produce happiness. but those are nothing more than glorified necessities taken too far. it is logical that even without things like strong Supreme Court decisions it is still plausible that those problems would be voluntary dealt with by the states.com . it is natural to question just how successful the country is economically. excluding most people from participating in it in any meaningful way. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Perhaps the widespread depression exhibited in American society today is a result of the alienation felt towards one¶s fellow humans. Just because power would be devolved to a large degree does not mean that national laws would not work pending the acceptance of the majority of states. but economic might is not necessarily the highest aim for a country. One thing that is important to keep in mind for the purpose of utilizing this theory in a debate round is that one does not necessarily have to advocate every thing that the Anti-Federalists would. its principles of maintaining a genuine democracy can be utilized to argue in favor of smaller changes. It is certain that the country would be less economically prosperous if it had developed more along AntiFederalist lines. It can be used in its specific historical context to criticize or justify the Constitution. but its inclusion of a Bill of Rights. no matter what the Gross Domestic Product statistics say. local. As the lower class gets larger and poorer. and therefore in direct democracy. federal governments. no political system is wholly comprised of one ideology or another. as well as a few other modifications to it are distinctly Anti-Federalist in nature. Instead. Truly understanding the various twists and turns of American politics requires a grasp upon its roots in both the Federalist as well as Anti-Federalist traditions. as Hannah Arendt suspects. such as greater states rights in a particular area. The most skillful use of it will be to argue for a particular type of democracy that actually involves people. True happiness is found in one¶s civic existence. Even if the federal government has not proven to turn into a tyranny.
AND LETTERS DURING THE STRUGGLE OVER RATIFICATION. Kenneth. Alfred Knopf. TAKING THE CONSTITUTION SERIOUSLY. Penguin.wcdebate. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. University of Chicago Press. Gordon. THE HUMAN CONDITION. Dolbeare. Bruce. THE RADICALISM OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. University of Chicago Press.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Ketcham. Ralph. THE COMPLETE ANTI-FEDERALIST. Christopher. Herbert. 1958. 1995. Bailyn. 1981. Hannah. 1992. Murray. Northern Illinois University Press. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. Sinopoli. Harvard University Press. University of Chicago Press. THE ANTI-FEDERALIST PAPERS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION DEBATES. Bernard. ARTICLES. WHAT THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS WERE FOR. and Storing.com . 1997. THE DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION: FEDERALIST AND ANTIFEDERALIST SPEECHES. Wood. 1992. Georgetown Press. 1993. FROM MANY. 1969. A POLITICS OF TENSION: THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND AMERICAN POLITICAL IDEAS. Storing. DIRECTIONS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. Simon & Schuster. Richard. Walter. 1987. Dry. University of Colorado Press. 1981. WE THE PEOPLE: FOUNDATIONS. 1986. Hoffer. Duncan. Volume 9 Page 29 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman. 1992. Robert. Arendt. John Wiley & Sons. Berns. Herbert. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Library of America. inc.
and the consequence was.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. there can be no virtue. If this be not the case. but would be composed of such heterogenous and discordant principles. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. and in some opposite. and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country. a legislature. Volume 9 Page 30 THE ANTI-FEDERALIST VISION OF SMALLER GOVERNMENT IS SUPERIOR 1. The productions of the different parts of the union are very variant. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. Anti-Federalist Writer. The United States includes a variety of climates. In a small one. that their governments were changed from that of free governments to those of the most tyrannical that ever existed in the world. of consequence. and the representatives of one part will be continually striving against those of the other. and their sentiments are by no means coincident. Anti-Federalist Writer. any thing like the extent of the United States. 1997. so also was that of the Romans. the manners. turbulent. FROM MANY. better understood. If we apply this remark to the condition of the United States. it is true. and of course are less protected. p. Agrippa¶s claims that ³freedom is necessary for industry´ and that ³in absolute governments. In a republic. in many respects. extended their conquests over large territories of country. and vicious to an extreme´ are but his way of saying that without the sense of attachment and empowerment that comes with public participation. it is subordinate to exceptions. The laws and customs of the several states are. and without virtue there can be no happiness. document will leave them bereft of their power to save themselves. Self-government for the Anti-Federalists was not just a mechanistic device to ensure the safety of their fortunes. diverse. are in general lazy. the people. each would be in favor of its own interests and customs. we shall be convinced that it forbids that we should be one government. Political participation for the Anti-Federalists became an end to be pursued as well as a means. 37. 3. In a large republic. IT IS EMPIRICALLY SHOWN THAT ONLY SMALL GOVERNMENTS AVOID CORRUPTION Brutus. there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject. by oppressing his fellow citizens. great and glorious. he has interest of his own. 38. cowardly. and demand of them that they mind their own private business. Both of these. there will be a constant clashing of opinions. ³banish the citizens from the public realm into the privacy of their households. be the climate what it may be. The Grecian republics were of small extent.wcdebate. would not be too numerous to act with any care or decision. and consequently of less moderation. Professor of Political Science. 2. It is the notion that the Constitution as a centralizing. p. The question the Anti-Federalists worried about was not how we organize our polity for order and greatness but how we organize our polity for public happiness and political salvation. SMALLER SCALE POLITICS ALLOW FOR HAPPINESS VIA A GENUINE PUBLIC SPHERE Christopher Duncan. p. Their manners and habits differ as much as their climates and productions. it was an opportunity to transform themselves and expand their circle of concerns while encouraging others to do the same. 1995. and more within the reach of every citizen. he soon begins to think that he may be happy. and their interests. This is the theoretical thread that ties Anti²Federalist thought together. and interests of the people should be similar.´ History furnishes no example of a free republic. ultimately disempowering. and. in process of time. in the words of Hannah Arendt. very diverse. and prevent such conclusions as will promote the public good. as would constantly be contending with each other. This will retard the operations of government.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. 170-171. the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views. 1997.´ This would certainly be a torturous existence for a people who believed their individual chance for redemption was tied intimately to their shared public life. the interest of the public is easier perceived. of consequence. sentiments. GOVERNMENTS THAT RULE OVER SIMILAR PEOPLE OPERATE MORE EFFICIENTLY Brutus. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes. formed of representatives from the respective parts. abuses are of less extent. and depends on accidents. FROM MANY. that it will ultimately.
Associate Professor of Law. it should be clear that there was no such thing as the general welfare of the country. or the opinion. into the hands of individuals. Communal welfare and justice were both the products of local political conversations. Political liberty. which results in the continuing existence of white bloc voting. Locke remarks. Keith Reeves demonstrated the continued presence of bigoted attitudes among white voters. Volume 9 Page 31 ANTI-FEDERALISM GIVES RIGHTS AND PREVENTS DISCRIMINATION 1. they have agreed to protect each other from external dangers to their collective²not individual²liberties. Anti-Federalist Writer. 37-8. 42. It is this stubborn persistence of racially polarized voting that confirms the enduring wisdom of and necessity for the Anti-Federalist view that representatives should be "made of the same stuff collectively as their constituents. consists in security. Using an innovative mixture of campaign news stories and public opinion surveys of voters.wcdebate. Professor of Political Science. the science of government will become intricate and perplexed. p. 1997. Furthermore. were open to a good deal of ³relative´ interpretation). by indispensably placing trusts of the greatest magnitude. 1995.the compelling interest of solving racial problems through representation in Congress by those who share a commitment to this unique interest in political liberty on account of their membership in the historically "raced" community. or the opinion. from the vast extent of your territory. that transcended the local community and its own particular determinations about right and wrong. will oppress and grind you²where. is best obtained in moderate governments.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ONE: READINGS IN AMERICAN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHT. in that under the Articles of Confederation there was no ³truth or Platonic form. In other words. nor compact. or at least in the opinion we have of security. and the complication of interests. From this picture. other than those basic natural laws (but these. connected with their political distribution. ONLY SMALLER LIMITED GOVERNMENTS ALLOW LIBERTY Cato. Loyola University New Orleans School of Law. FROM MANY. whose ambition for power." ONLY ANTI-FEDERALIST POLITICS ALLOW TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE MULTIPLICITY OF INTERESTS Christopher Duncan. and too mysterious for you to understand. the phenomenon of white bloc voting makes race-conscious districting a properly narrow means to further the "compelling interest" in full freedom for black Americans -. and by which you are to be conducted into a monarchy. useful or not. p. to whose contumely you will continually be an object²you must risque much. the great Montesquieu again observes. depends in a great measure on their limits. too. the latter. 2000. rather. This moderation in governments. and observe. where the mildness of the laws. Thus the mode of operation was consensual rather than majoritarian or adversarial. If that latter clause is read correctly. The distinction here is once again of critical importance from a theoretical perspective. is a government derived from neither nature. which accounts for the nine-vote decisionmaking threshold and the provisions for unanimity with regard to amendment that marked the Articles. 78. into one government²impracticability in the just exercise of it²your freedom insecure²even this form of government limited in its continuance²the employments of your country disposed of to the opulent. and aggrandizement. LOYOLA JOURNAL OF PUBLIC INTEREST LAW. Mr. and any attempt to conflate the judgments of those independent entities had to be agreed to by them and the like associations involved in order to be legitimate. p. which produces this security. and this racially biased voting excludes blacks from the fair and equal representation recommended both by the Anti-Federalists and Section 2 of the VRA. THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS AND EARLY AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT. on the score of consolidation of the United States. and to work together. and the equality of the manners. not on questions of the general welfare but on questions of mutual and general welfare. 2. shared racial experience and the legacy of white hostility and bigotry constitute the compelling reason for majority-black districts as a necessary means to effectuate the Anti-Federalist insight that in order to guarantee liberty "like best represents like. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ANTI-FEDERALISM STOPS RACIAL DISCRIMINATION James Etienne Viator. beget a confidence in the people.com . either limited or despotic. there was a series of particular ³welfares´ that could only be considered general when in fact the question at issue was one of mutual concern as determined by the state itself. Spring." Thus. and this security therefore. what can you promise yourselves.
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AN ANTI-FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT WOULD BE UNSAFE AND INEFFECTIVE 1. AN ANTI-FEDERALIST SYSTEM WOULD BE VULNERABLE TO FOREIGN ATTACK Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 9. The first of the advantages is the increased safety from foreign attack that comes with Union. ³Among the many objects to which a wise and free people find it necessary to direct their attention that of providing for their safety seems to be the first.´ Other nations must be prevented from having just causes for warring with the Americans and they must also be discouraged from attacking injustly on the pretext of trumped up charges. With the Union the Americans will be less likely to present just causes for war to foreign nations because there will be a single interpretation of the law of nations and of treaties. That single interpretation will not be dominated by the unjust desires of any part of the Union. Moreover, should the national government provide a just cause for war to a foreign nation it is far more likely that the dispute will be settled without recourse to war with one large nation than it would be with several smaller confederacies. Publius notes the reality that ³acknowledgements, explanations, and compensations are often accepted as satisfactory from a strong united nation´ when they would not be accepted from a weaker power. 2. THE ORDER THAT COMES FROM A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT OUTWEIGHS LIBERTY Thomas E. Baker, Director of the Constitutional Resource Center, BYU JOURNAL OF PUBLIC LAW, 1999, p. 76. In any civilized society the most important task is achieving a proper balance between freedom and order. In wartime, reason and history both suggest that this balance shifts to some degree in favor of order - in favor of the government's ability to deal with conditions that threaten the national well-being. It simply cannot be said, therefore, that in every conflict between individual liberty and governmental authority the former should prevail. And if we feel free to criticize court decisions that curtail civil liberty, we must also feel free to look critically at decisions favorable to civil liberty. To conclude his historical exegesis, the Chief Justice brings us back one last time to Lincoln's dilemma to ask and answer rhetorically, "Should he, to paraphrase his own words, have risked losing the Union that gave life to the Constitution because that charter denied him the necessary authority to preserve the Union? Cast in these terms, it is difficult to quarrel with his decision." 3. ADVANCES IN CULTURE AND TECHNOLOGY MAKE ANTI-FEDERALISM IMPRACTICAL Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 291-292. The specific limits of federal power envisaged by the Founders in 1789 are gone, and any effort to roll back federal power to what it meant at the Founding would be foolish as well as utterly impractical. Even the harshest critics of New Deal jurisprudence acknowledge that changes in society, culture, and the economy require a different kind of national authority today, both practically and as an interpretive matter. Hence, notwithstanding any purported claims of fidelity to original intent, the limits on Congress proposed by today's advocates of judicially-enforced federalism in fact look nothing like any limits that existed when the Constitution was adopted. The question thus becomes, which process should determine the appropriate revised allocation of authority between the federal government and the states: constitutional politics or judicial edict? Mesmerized by the mantra "our Federal government is one of limited powers," the Justices assume that it necessarily falls on them to define new limits - some limits, any limits, even if those limits bear no resemblance to anything imagined by the Founders or observed in the past. But imposing novel judiciallydefined limits just for the sake of having judicially-defined limits is an ill-conceived formalism. In a world of global markets and cultural, economic, and political interdependency, the proper reach of federal power is necessarily fluid, and it may well be that it is best defined through politics. Certainly, as we have seen, this is more consistent with the original design than the Court's new made-up limits-for-the-sake-of-limits. Embracing the hurly-burly of politics while paying attention to how states protect themselves in that domain is a much "truer" interpretation of our Constitution.
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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 33
FEDERALIST THEORY PROTECTS INDIVIDUAL AND MINORITY RIGHTS 1. STRONG CENTRAL GOVERNMENT IS SELF-RESTRAINING Larry D. Kramer , Professor of Law, New York University Law School, COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW, January, 2000, p. 252-3. North Carolina lawyer-planter Archibald Maclaine, writing as Publicola, made the charge of Anti-Federalist duplicity even more explicitly: I find some people are so strangely infatuated, as to think that Congress can, and therefore will, usurp powers not given them by the states, and do any thing, however oppressive and tyrannical. I know no good grounds for such a supposition, but this, that the legislative and judicial powers of the state have too often stepped over the bounds prescribed for them by the constitution; and yet, strange to tell, few of those, whose arguments I am now considering, think such measures censurable - The conclusion to be drawn here is obvious - The objectors hope to enjoy the same latitude of doing evil with impunity, and they are fearful of being restricted, if an efficient government takes place. 2. A FEDERALIST GOVERNMENT ENSURES PROSPERITY AND INCLUSION OF MINORITIES Robert Webking, Assistant Professor of Political Science, ³The Federalist: Government Power and Individual Rights,´ THE CONSTITUTIONAL POLITY, 1983, p. 7-8. Publius¶ original argument about how a people can secure the advantage and avoid the disadvantage of majority rule rests upon a distinction between species of popular government. In a pure democracy, where people gather to rule themselves directly, he writes, the danger of majority faction is unavoidable. Such a form of government can exist with only a small territory, and in a small community it is virtually certain that there will be a majority with the same partial interest. In a republic, however, the problem can be avoided. The difference between a pure democracy and a republic is that in the latter the people do not rule directly, but through representatives. Representation yields a number of happy advantages for Publius, but the decisive one is size. A republic can be very much larger than a pure democracy, and because it is larger it can include a great variety of people with many different kinds of economic activities and, hence, a multiplicity of interests. The existence of many distinct interests means the existence of many interest groups or factions. The existence of many factions rather than merely two makes it likely that there will be no majority faction. All factions will be minority factions and each faction will be prevented from using the government unjustly by the fact of majority rule. ³Extend the sphere,´ Publius writes, ³and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens.´ 3. A FEDERALIST THEORY OF LEGAL RIGHTS STOPS DISCRIMINATION Daan Braveman, Dean and Professor of Law, Syracuse University College of Law, THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY, February, 2002, p. 619. Perhaps the most significant breakthrough in the transformation process occurred in Brown v. Board of Education. In striking down state segregation, the Supreme Court dramatically altered the relations between the states and the national government, and made the federal courts the primary guardians of federal rights. In the years following Brown, the lower federal courts became the litigation forum for state school segregation cases, as well as actions challenging a wide range of other state activities, including zoning, reapportionment, police misconduct, and prison conditions. Notably, Brown was not decided in isolation but rather at a time when the world outside the courtroom was changing dramatically. The other branches of the federal government had a national and international agenda, which included the expansion of federal rights and a federal interest in protecting those rights from state deprivation. "A new spirit of nationalism" replaced the isolationism of the turn of the century and, as Judge Gibbons stated: "In the global village, deference to local solutions for problems that transcend local interests is a quaint anachronism." By the 1960s, the structure envisioned during Reconstruction was firmly established. Individuals had federal rights, federal remedies, and a federal forum to challenge state conduct that violated federal law.
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West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook, Volume 9 Page 34
RALPH WALDO EMERSON
"It is one soul that animates all men." -Ralph Waldo Emerson INTRODUCTION Ralph Waldo Emerson surely epitomizes the uniqueness of 19th century American philosophy. Emerging at a time when American thought was struggling to forge its own identity, reflective of both the optimism and the cynicism of the American political experience, Emerson¶s transcendentalism is a spiritual and philosophical reflection of his time. But it is also an inspiring statement of the universality of human experience. By painting humans with broad brushstrokes as half-animal and half-divine, and by attempting to chronicle humanity¶s relation to the ³absolute,´ Emerson is the American Hegel. Emerson¶s work included poetry and personal essays as well as philosophy, and there is a heavy religious element in all of his writing. Nevertheless, his work contains important implications for political philosophy. In this essay I will attempt to explain his philosophy as a whole, but I will also pay special attention to the political implications of Emerson¶s work, along with the way in which these political elements can be used in value debate. EMERSON¶S LIFE AND TIMES Ralph Waldo Emerson was born in Boston, Massachusetts in 1803, into a family whose male members were typically clergymen. He studied divinity at Harvard. Well-educated and taught to embrace open-mindedness as well as religion, Emerson was ordained a Unitarian minister in 1929. He was a good speaker, delivered a good sermon or two, but something was missing. ³He would begin his sermons with words from the Bible, but would gradually find himself discussing the unfathomable ideals found in nature,´ or abstract philosophy. He had problems trying to find ³his way back into the Bible to close the speeches.´ Although some of his parishioners liked his style, others did not. ³Stumbling for appropriate words at the bedside of a dying veteran of the American Revolution,´ the dying man reportedly told Emerson: ³Young man, if you don¶t know your business, you had better go home´ (www.litkicks.com). Although he had entered into the ministry with high hopes (and Unitarianism has always been a liberal and progressive religion, even back then), Emerson resigned from ministry and journeyed to England in 1832 following the death of his first wife, Ellen Tucker. She had died of tuberculosis after they had been married only eighteen months. This broke Emerson¶s heart and caused a deep spiritual crisis. His time in England was spent cultivating friendships and intellectual associations with people like William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, John Stuart Mill, and Thomas Carlyle. Needless to say, by the time he returned to America, Emerson had a newfound optimism, as well as a greater understanding of philosophy. He returned to America in 1834, but tragedy would strike at his optimism once again. That same year, Ralph Waldo¶s brother Edward died. To make matters worse, his brother Charles died in 1836. Emerson would be a haunted man the rest of his days. His writings and lectures contained dark clouds even in his most arduous attempts to celebrate the glory of humanity. By the time Charles had died, Emerson had remarried (his second wife was named Lydia Jackson), settled in Concord, and begun to publish essays about the human spirit, freedom and independence, and the undesirability of following tradition. Among these early essays was one of his greatest, ³Self-Reliance,´ a polemic about the necessity of complete individual freedom (http://www.pbs.org/wnet/ihas/poet/emerson.html, www.litkicks.com). Emerson co-founded a journal, and collected a group of fellow writers (both male and female; like his friend John Stuart Mill, Emerson believed in women¶s emancipation), and started a tradition known as the New England Transcendentalists. Expanding outside that small circle of colleagues, Emerson discovered one of the most influential thinkers of the 19th century, when he met and wrote a letter of recommendation for Henry David Thoreau. Two decades later, Emerson would again contribute to the intellectual history of America by promoting the work of poet Walt Whitman. Along the way, he promoted Buddhism and other eastern religions, opposed slavery, fought for women¶s equality, and remained a dedicated, if cynical, proponent of democracy.
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However.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. To understand transcendentalism. living entities died. Plato envisioned a realm of "perfect forms. one of the most influential thinkers in the history of Western civilization. and lived through the Civil War. certain major themes stand out in his writings. His life had never been as peaceful and content as his privileged New England upbringing might have predicted. In this sense. they could only contemplate it. EMERSON¶S IDEAS "Whosoever would be a man. removed from day-to-day history. optimistic about humanity. Emerson. a continent perhaps more ready for it that Europe had ever been. Plato. he had his house burn down. and his mystical vision of ³feeling´ or ³mood´ over logic as the basis of human understanding. And his marriage of philosophy. non-linear thinking as an alternative to the dry. But humans could never really reach such a world. Even to call it ³transcendentalism´ seems a stretch.To be great is to be misunderstood. and incorruptible. values. in doing so. Ordinary humans could contemplate this world of spirit provided they shed their worldly concerns and concentrate only on philosophical ideals.. unchanging.. even as they sought to reform the conditions of the time. who he saw as intrinsically tied to the transcendent and divine.. This mystical trust in human transcendence led many of Emerson¶s contemporaries to view him less as a philosopher than a divine seer of sorts. seemed to de-value understanding in favor of heavenly emotions. As George Santayana characterizes him: Similarly. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com . Emerson was the first major thinker in America to offer up non-Western. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. must be a nonconformist. Volume 9 Page 35 Ralph Waldo Emerson died of pneumonia on April 27. He held Daniel Webster in such high esteem for Webster¶s opposition to slavery that he identified Webster as ³representative of the American continent´ (Thomas J.A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds." Things changed. in contrast. since ³-isms´ are usually systems. he lost a spouse." In this section I will argue that it is possible to trace several complimentary (if sometimes contradictory) ideas in Emerson¶s writings. Plato believed that the realm of "being" was absolute. he was even more a mystic than Plato. and have great potential for debates over morality. Brown. two brothers. 2000. Spring. 669). Today.wcdebate." where the things and ideas we contemplate exist in a state of unchanging consistency. a child. I will describe his Platonic conception of spirit as primary and matter as secondary. inspired civil disobedience advocates from Ghandi to Martin Luther King. his differences from Plato (especially in Emerson¶s faith in humanity and democracy). and Emerson was as anti-systemic as they come. This paradoxical figure would influence a certain strain of American thought well into the 20th century. people and history existed. was the first major figure to posit a distinction between spirit and matter. theology and poetry brought romanticism to America. one must first and foremost understand its derivation from Platonism. But he remained. while the realm of "becoming. it is impossible to systematize or categorize Emerson¶s thinking. Philosophers usually seek some kind of analytic understanding. immaterial. and politics. was a degraded and corrupt reflection of "being. He influenced Henry David Thoreau and. and perfection was unattainable. Emerson had a habit of characterizing important figures of his time as somehow transcendent. however. p.. academic science of modernist philosophy. 1882." where matter. at least in principle.
As mentioned. on the other hand. This is apparent in Emerson's position against slavery. transcends the old Aristotelian maxim that things cannot be both true and false.com .stanford. Emerson¶s "epistemology of moods" is an attempt to construct a framework for encompassing what might otherwise seem contradictory outlooks. He wrote: "Our spontaneous action is always the best. as its name implies. Emerson believed that it was possible to ³think too much.wcdebate. based more on feeling than analysis. it would make sense that a transcendentalist would value the ³spirit´ of emotion more than the analysis of individual thoughts." as he puts it. the coming only is sacred" (CW2: 189) (http://plato. Although. because. He was very close. whilst you rise from your bed. the notion of a "unitary soul" uniting all humankind seems more "Eastern" than "Western. come so close to any question as your spontaneous glance shall bring you. Emerson. he did believe that a mystical spirit-reality existed and was the true inspiration for human greatness. I wish to concentrate on this last point a little more.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. there is nothing stable to be responsible to: "every moment is new. the past is always swallowed and forgotten. He means to be irresponsible to all that holds him back from his self-development. with your best deliberation and heed. as the basis of genuine knowledge. as we shall see.edu/entries/emerson/)." But the idea that we are all joined by one common soul has immediate and important political implications that give a strong metaphysical basis to the American political ideal of equality. as corruptible facets of the realm of becoming. history. to being a pantheist. "the clangor and jangle of contrary tendencies" (CW3: 36). Whereas Plato ultimately appealed to reason and a kind of logic to govern philosophical thought. at the end of "Circles.´ Like the German and British Romantics. and in turn viewed the divine as an aggregate reflection of all creatures and things. being and becoming. Emerson combined this idea of the essential unity of all things and creatures with a belief in the innate goodness of humanity. Like Hegel. Volume 9 Page 36 Emerson's transcendentalism was an optimistic version of Plato's distinction between spirit and matter. believed it impossible "to extricate oneself from the questions in which your age is involved." including emotions such as love. In the world of flux that he depicts in that essay. Emerson believed contradictory premises were simply stepping-stones to a higher. Plato rejected human matters. Emerson viewed emotion as the emanation of the divine. 3. This was reflected in Emerson¶s faith in democracy." he writes that he is "only an experimenter«with no Past at my back" (CW2: 188). which he saw as our connection to the divine. That is why. viewpoints.´ 2. in this respect. unlike Plato. Emerson and the other transcendentalists turned toward the mystical world of the Romantics. higher understanding. Emerson believed human beings and human endeavors were innately good. Transcendentalism. This way of thinking has been called Emerson¶s ³epistemology of moods. Emerson did not believe history or human interaction were irrelevant. It was fortunate that Emerson believed history and human interaction were important. or doctrines. politics and the like. It is instructive to note that Emerson differed from Plato in a few important ways: 1. Like many of transcendentalism's central themes. comprehensive understanding. or walk abroad in the morning after meditating the matter before sleep on the previous night" (Emerson. "Intellect"). In other words. After all. a system of government Plato categorically rejected. more than he trusted logic and analytic thought. You cannot. holds that all living creatures and things of the earth are united as something mystically higher and more whole than the sum of their parts. Emerson trusted instinct and emotion.´ and in doing so lose the spontaneous connection to creation and nature that Romantics saw as vital to a higher kind of understanding. Emerson put forth a mystical sense of "vision. This serves as a useful transition into Emerson¶s belief in the connectedness of all creatures and things. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Emerson really means to "accept. Since that connectedness is more real than the analytic separateness of individual thinking.
democracy. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.' ´ (Thomas J. was a method by which human beings could serve as "lenses through which we read our own minds. In ³The American Scholar´ he argues that institutions and books do not reveal truth as well as can be revealed through our personal relationships with the divine² mediated. 2000. morality is more important than obeying the law." As each person searches for the perfectly fitted lens. or other distinct groups. Emerson was a strong supporter of civil disobedience against unjust laws. This is another instance of the inconsistency cited earlier. In his essay ³Self-Reliance. Those arguing against Emerson can gain a great deal of ground by citing the numerous instances where his thoughts lead to mystical pronouncements instead of solid and warranted conclusions. critics sometimes contend that he glosses over many injustices that are on par with slavery. Obsession with power: As much as Emerson extolled the sins of slavery and patriarchy.´ The problem is that Emerson never really comes to terms with how his pronouncements on power (³Life is a search after power. the necessity of self-reliance. OBJECTIONS TO EMERSON As already noted. This. First. Some critics. and for thoughts. Because of this. Emerson refused to see distinctions based on skin color or national origin as being more important than the common humanity that unites Black and white. they will perform virtuously. but it also reflects Emerson¶s desire to be a truly ³American´ thinker at a time when Americans were confronting and conquering ³the frontier. Emerson is part Plato (humans must understand the transcendent world in order to be good) and part Aristotle (humans must actually practice virtuous behavior to be in tune with the divine). ³self-reliance´ is valuable to Emerson because he sees ³power´ as something that makes us human. "the otherest. p. and it inspired Henry David Thoreau¶s entire essay ³Civil Disobedience. There are two more important political implications found in Emerson. doubt that it¶s even proper to call Emerson a philosopher. George Santayana among them.´ Emerson¶s embrace of civil disobedience comes from two areas of his philosophy: antimajoritarianism. Second. Volume 9 Page 37 For Emerson. and dependence on others as a natural indictment of that power." Like friendship and reading. democracy offered a variation of the process by which other individuals act as "lenses through which we read our own minds. Insofar as human beings embrace their connection to transcendent. Emerson¶s philosophy makes a very optimistic statement about human nature.´ Emerson argues that Nature reveals moral truth. LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. Brown. since governments are not the ultimate source of morality. explains his opposition to slavery and his position in favor of women¶s emancipation. Emerson¶s philosophy strongly supports civil disobedience and the refusal to follow unjust laws. Because he held an almost Nietzschian awe of power. and the power of individual action. Spring. presumably. of course. In this way. This is true of every human being. he also extolled the virtues of capitalism. and the notion of morality transcending states and governments Second. divine virtue (which Emerson also calls ³beauty´).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This obsession with power has long been a rallying point against Emerson. This is the most well-known of Emerson¶s philosophies.wcdebate. through Nature. however imperfect.com . Implications for Debate First. critics fault Emerson on two levels: Inconsistency and lack of coherent foundation: Emerson was as much a mystic and poet as he was a philosopher.´ he declared) problematized his political stance against oppression." some geniuses manage to serve large groups because they 'stand for facts. 669). such as rapid industrialization or capitalist exploitation.
his optimism about humanity and democracy. For example. Emerson takes virtuous behavior to be among the highest ethical goods. it may be reasonably replied that Emerson simply believes seemingly miserable situations (such as poverty) will ultimately culminate in human growth and transcendence. since all phenomena and actions are linked in some way. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. while utilitarian ethics mandates an exclusive focus on consequences. Third. and his powerful statements against human bondage and majoritarianism. meaning that there will be a certain awkwardness involved in using his ideas for the sometimes-binaristic world of debate. because it is a reflection of transcendent beauty and goodness. Debaters interested in incorporating Emerson into their arguments should be cautioned that he is far from a systematic thinker.wcdebate.W. These ethical codes arguably allow one to escape from various moral responsibilities by assigning greater and lesser values to respective moral commands. Emerson is like John Stuart Mill (who believed capitalism would evolve into a just economic system) or G. It may even be an alternative to deontological or utilitarian modes of ethics. This may be among Emerson¶s most ³Platonic´ philosophical notions. his stance often seems anti-foundationalist and anti-analytic. deontological ethics mandates the disregard of consequences. Hegel (who believed all bad states of affairs would transcend into good things).F. Transcendentalist ethics. However. Emerson¶s eloquence.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.com . Volume 9 Page 38 Although critics accuse Emerson of justifying evil. As noted above. It serves as an intrinsic justification for moral behavior. In this way. would probably call for a unity of intentions and consequences. compensate for his imperfect attempt to do justice to the paradoxical nature of human existence. exploitative systems (such as ruthless capitalism). on the other hand.
N. Volume 9 Page 39 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen. Ralph Waldo. Milton R. POEMS. and Ferguson. Len and Myerson. 1995). Joel. eds.. THE CONDUCT OF LIFE: NINE ESSAYS ON FATE. RALPH WALDO EMERSON: A BIOGRAPHY (New York: Viking Press. Emerson.: Friends of the Dartmouth Library. eds. Ralph Waldo. ADDRESSES (New York: W. GROWTH. EMERSON¶S NATURE: ORIGIN. N. 1900). Ralph Waldo. Arthur Cushman Jr. Ralph Waldo. INDIAN SUPERSTITION (Hanover. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS (Westport: Greenwood Press. REPRESENTATIVE MAN: RALPH WALDO EMERSON IN HIS TIME (New York: Oxford University Press. Gordon Sherman. 1866). McGiffert. Mifflin. 1878). NAPOLEAN. Huggard. J. Gougeon. WEALTH (New York: Scott-Thaw. William Allen. Joel. Ticknor and Fields. Sealts Jr. APOSTLE OF CULTURE: EMERSON AS PREACHER AND LECTURER (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.. Robinson. OR THE MAN OF THE WORLD (Bloomington: Indiana University Press. EMERSON AND THE PROBLEM OF WAR AND PEACE (Iowa City: The University Press. Merton M.wcdebate. A YANKEE IN CANADA. MEANING (New York: Dodd.: Kennikat Press. David. 1938). 1968).H. Smith. Ralph Waldo. YOUNG EMERSON SPEAKS: UNPUBLISHED DISCOURSES ON MANY SUBJECTS (Port Washington. 1941). eds. Emerson. Black. 1966). FORTUNE OF THE REPUBLIC (Boston: Hougton. Mead. 1982). 1978). POWER.. Gay Wilson. AND OTHER PAPERS (Boston: Houghton. Stephen E. 1981). Osgood and Company. Emerson. ed. Haight. Konvitz. ed. Ralph Waldo. and Whicher.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1978). Ralph Waldo. THE TOPICAL NOTEBOOKS OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Columbia: University of Missouri Press. Emerson. Emerson. 1969). Susan Sutton. 1947) Emerson.. WITH ANTI-SLAVERY AND REFORM PAPERS (Boston. THE EARLY LECTURES OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1990) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1954). NATURAL HISTORY OF INTELLECT. ed. THE BEST OF RALPH WALDO EMERSON: ESSAYS. Alfred R. EMERSON ON EDUCATION: SELECTIONS (New York: Teachers College Press. Emerson.Y. Porte. 1959). EMERSON¶S ANTISLAVERY WRITINGS (New Haven: Yale University Press. 1903).com .
in its largest and profoundest sense. among sordid objects. out of deference to others has been a sacrifice of a certain amount of his power over other men. and this knowledge must inevitably determine his respect. One measure of a man¶s character is his effect upon his fellow-men. American transcendentalist philosopher. and nature became ancillary to a man. Willingly does she follow his steps with the rose and the violet. namely. and the day. p. Beauty is the mark God sets upon virtue. For every man knows whether he has been accustomed to receive truth or falsehood² valuable opinions or foolish talking²from his brother. It is his. POWER IS DERIVED FROM VIRTUOUS BEHAVIOR 1. Beauty. 2000. p. Homer. He may divest himself of it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. that it to say.--the persons. VIRTUOUS ACTS PLACE US IN UNISON WITH THE POWER OF NATURE Ralph Waldo Emerson. every departure from his own convictions. Only let his thoughts be of equal scope. The presence of a higher. Phocion.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. And in common life whosoever has seen a person of powerful character and happy genius will have remarked how easily he took all things along with him. A virtuous man is in unison with her works. 1986. only let his thoughts be of equal greatness. and makes the central figure of the visible sphere. Nature stretches out her arms to embrace man. as most men do. of the spiritual element is essential to its perfection. In private places. The visible heavens and earth sympathize with Jesus. 2. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. and the frame will suit the picture. American transcendentalist philosopher. 1986. 2. Every natural action is graceful. 12. and abdicate his kingdom. And any one who will steadily observe his own experience will I think become convinced. 1986. and goodness. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. the opinions. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM.wcdebate. associate themselves fitly in our memory with the geography and climate of Greece. the sun as its candle.com . VIRTUOUS ACTS ARE BEAUTIFUL AND EXPRESSES THE RATIONALITY OF THE UNIVERSE Ralph Waldo Emerson. an act of truth or heroism seems at once to draw to itself the sky as its temple. Truth. Every heroic act is also decent. p. and bend her lines of grandeur and grace to the decoration of her darling child. We are taught by great actions that the universe is the property of every individual in it. American transcendentalist philosopher. Pindar. The high and divine beauty which can be loved without effeminacy. WE DERIVE POWER FROM BEING VIRTUOUS AND HONEST Ralph Waldo Emerson. he may creep into a corner. and causes the place and the bystanders to shine. 15. is one expression for the universe. No reason can be asked or given why the soul seeks beauty. Socrates. p. This element I call an ultimate end. Every rational creature has all nature for his dowry and estate. but he is entitled to the world by his constitution. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. The world thus exists to the soul to satisfy the desire of beauty. and beauty. American transcendentalist philosopher. if he will. Volume 9 Page 40 BEAUTY IS THE HIGHEST VALUE 1. 13. 15. God is the all-fair. is that which is found in combination with the human will. are but different faces of the same All. BEAUTY IS THE ULTIMATE END OF THE UNIVERSE AND ALL ACTIVITY Ralph Waldo Emerson. that every false word he has uttered.
muscular force. Volume 9 Page 41 MORALITY IS INNATE AND TRANSCENDENT 1. and not subject to circumstance. man. pp. These laws refuse to be adequately stated. at every hazard. 361. fear. love. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. as laws do not make right. Thus in the soul of man there is a justice whose retributions are instant and entire. and no judge exerts original jurisdiction. He who does a good deed is instantly ennobled. when I see that the public mind has never less hold of the strongest of all truths. yet we read them hourly in each other¶s faces. if judges only quote authorities. justice. or spoken by the tongue. The child amidst his baubles is learning the action of light. when a bad act of Congress finds a willing commissioner? 2. The sentiment of virtue is a reverence and delight in the presence of certain divine laws. for. p.com . WE HAVE A DUTY TO BREAK IMMORAL LAWS Ralph Waldo Emerson. American transcendentalist philosopher. appetite. I question the value of our civilization. p. covers. gravity. CIVIL LAWS MUST BE A REFLECTION OF TRUE. I cannot think the most judicious tubing a compensation for metaphysical debility. LAWS WITHOUT TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE ARE USELESS Ralph Waldo Emerson. THE TRUE SOURCE OF MORALITY IS IN THE UNWRITTEN LAWS OF HUMANITY¶S RELATIONSHIP WITH THE UNIVERSE AND EACH OTHER Ralph Waldo Emerson. a sure sign of the shallowness of our intellect. EMERSON¶S PROSE AND POETRY. under what seem foolish details. The sense of injustice is blunted. p.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. For virtue is the very self of every man. and God. motion. or recurs to first principles? What is the use of a Federal Bench. if a hurricane of party feeling and a combination of monied interests can beat them to the ground? What is the use of courts. 2000.wcdebate. It perceives that this homely game of life we play. principles that astonish. The intuition of the moral sentiment is an insight of the perfection of the laws of the soul. 72-73. out of space. TRANSCENDENT MORAL LAWS EXIST IN HUMAN INTUITION Ralph Waldo Emerson. 362. 2. They will not be written out on paper. it is not to be presumed that they can so stultify themselves as to command injustice. 1986. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM. in each other¶s actions. 73. An immoral law makes it a man¶s duty to break it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. They elude our persevering thought. in our own remorse. American transcendentalist philosopher. American transcendentalist philosopher. if its opinions are the political breath of the hour? And what is the use of constitutions. It is not skill in iron locomotives that marks so fine civility as the jealousy of liberty. 1986. if all the guarantees provided by the jealousy of ages for the protection of liberty are made of no effect. and in the game of human life. and that an immoral statute is void. American transcendentalist philosopher. TRANSCENDENT JUSTICE 1. They are out of time. 2000. that an immoral contract is void. interact. but are simply declatory of a right which already existed. It is therefore a principle of law. These laws execute themselves. What is the use of admirable law-forms and political forms. I cannot accept the railroad and the telegraph in exchange for reason and clarity. EMERSON ON TRANSCENDENTALISM.
EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES UNCHECKED CAPITALIST EXPLOITATION Robert Milder. Volume 9 Page 42 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LEGITIMIZES RUTHLESS POWER AND COMPETITION 1. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. which alone permits and authorizes amelioration in mankind. since aligning himself with the divinely empowered forces of the age was always the condition for a living philosophy. In these essays and elsewhere. not to block improvement. in its room.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ³Life is a search after power.´ he announces. 1999. in doing so. philosopher. but to watch the uprise of successive mornings. ³marry Right to Might. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON. and the successful men who understand the laws of Nature and respond to the godhead within themselves. Emerson¶s respect for power and its achievements is even more glowingly expressed in two others essays. 1962. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. p. EMERSON SAW CAPITALIST IMPERIALISM AS THE UNFOLDING OF DIVINE WILL Robert Milder. p. The difference is that where Adams the ironist would dwell on multiplicity and a vertiginous acceleration of energies without immanent purpose or foreseeable end. 68-69.´ Emerson can associate capitalism with ³amelioration in nature. 3. 90.´ as his editors call it²is therefore less an apology for Laissez-faire capitalism than an attempt like Henry Adams¶s sixty years later to plot the lines of force that were remaking contemporary society. 68.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and sit till we are stone. THE CAMBRIDGE COMPANION TO RALPH WALDO EMERSON.wcdebate.´ the ³men of the right Caesarian pattern´ who transcend the pettiness of ³talkers´ and ³clerks´ and dominate the world by sheer force of character. By emphasizing the ³anti-feudal power´ of trade. he was also outlining a code of behavior that the superior man must follow. EMERSON GLORIFIED POWER AND ELITISM Daniel Aron.´ Here he reiterates his preference for the ³bruisers´ and ³pirates. and to conspire with the new works of new days. Emerson was not ³co-opted´ by liberal capitalism so much as he hastened to join it. 1999. information (and) science. Emerson was not only synchronizing the predatory practices of the entrepreneur with the harmony of the universe and permitting merchants (as Bronson Alcott shrewdly said) to ³find a refuge from their own duplicity under his broad shield´. ³The Young American´ (1844)²Emerson¶s ³battle cry for the new era of industrial expansion and manifest destiny. who convert ³the sap and juices of the planet to the incarnation and nutriment of their design. Emerson the seeker of unity is at pains to assimilate the new forces to a cosmic and social teleology²to survey history for the perspective of the ³over-god´ of the Channing ode and.´ 2.com .´ are unconsciously fulfilling the plan of a benevolent providence. pp. The political corollary to this belief is an almost unmitigated laissez-faire: ³Trade is an instrument of that friendly Power which works for us in our own despite«Our part is plainly not to throw ourselves across the track.´ Implicit in his words are the notion that the civic world is part of nature and subject to its processes and that advancement occurs by cooperating with these processes rather than directing them toward immediate human ends. ³Power´ and ³Wealth. Professor of English at Washington University of Saint Louis. which displaces the ³physical strength´ of kings and aristocrats and ³installs´ the enlightened forces of ³computation. combination. and sketching the ideal political economy under which the superman might best exercise his uncommon talents.
James writes (and he means Boston to stand for Emerson).´ he recalled. Law. however. an island above the extremes of common human experience. is the surrender of a category of thought because we divine its relativity. as he thinks.´ The ³decidedly lean Boston´ of Emerson¶s day was self-enclosed. or even of a definite conception of ultimate truth. 1996. perpetually untested by the ³beguilements and prizes´ of experience. For if the understanding is rejected because it cannot grasp the absolute. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. Professor of English at Michigan State University. by its very definition.´ his inability ³to look at anything but the soul´²was the result of his coming to maturity in a community that ³had to seek its entertainment. The deeper he went and the more he tried to grapple with fundamental conceptions. in his 1888 essay.´ James concludes. the poetic and moral categories no less than the physical. panting for sensations. As every new category. and the consciousness of that incapacity was so lively within him that he never attempted to give articulation to his philosophy. as we have said. Emerson¶s limited moral world was. Empty. descended again to make authoritative report of it to the world. By attacking the authority of the understanding as the organon of knowledge. Common sense and poetry must both go by the board. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1996.com . the emptying of his whole heart and mind to make room. dogma. He was not a prophet who had once for all climbed his Sinai or his Tabor. as Matthiessen notes. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY LACKS ANY SPECIFIC CONTENT OR DEFINITION George Santayana. p. Benefit. 32-33. Nature. Mysticism will be satisfied only with the absolute. almost exclusively in the moral world. EMERSON AND POWER. 4. 31. is not representable by any specific faculty.´ ³We get the impression. could be ³condensed into the single word Concord. the imagination and all its works²art. EMERSON AND POWER. EMERSON: A COLLECTION OF CRITICAL ESSAYS. p. Mysticism.´ sealed off. For James. Far from it. Volume 9 Page 43 EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IS IRRELEVANT TO EVERYDAY AND POLITICAL LIFE 1. ³Emerson¶s personal history. ³enacted a series of experiments in the void. worship²must presently be rejected for the same reason. that his eyes were ³thickly bandaged´ to all ³sense of the dark. the foul. so constantly on his lips. Boston existed serenely. the base. and having there beheld the transfigured reality. 35. with something of the movement of the gills of a landed fish.´ the ³achromatic picture´ his environment presented him.´ Emerson¶s ³special capacity for moral experience´²which for James meant Emerson¶s ³ripe unconscious of evil. so that the end of his purification is the atrophy of his whole nature. its rewards and consolations. for God. 1962. ³of a conscience gasping in the void.´ He continued.´ 3. philosopher. vacant²the image is invoked repeatedly in Henry James¶s and Santayana¶s portrayals of Emerson.´ and no surprise that there was ³a certain inadequacy and thinness in (Emerson¶s) enumerations´ and ³quaint animadversions. As far as James was concerned. then. This effect was by no means due to the possession on the part of Emerson of the secret of the universe. the whole ³Concord school´ had. like the ³New England (of) fifty years ago. 1962. and as the absolute. TRANSCENDENTALISM PLACES ITSELF ABOVE ORDINARY HUMAN EXPERIENCE Michael Lopez. and conscience must follow after: for all these are human and relative. the vaguer and more elusive they became in his hands.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and all the condensation in the world will not make it look rich. p. 2. the imagination thus prepares its own destructing. Did he know what he meant by Spirit or the ³Over-Soul´? Could he say what he understood by the terms. EMERSONIAN MYSTICISM VOIDS ALL REASON AND UNDERSTANDING George Santayana.´ It was no surprise. EMERSON¶S PHILOSOPHY IGNORES THE EVILS OF THE REAL WORLD Michael Lopez. ³like a ministry without an opposition.wcdebate. God. or Beauty? He could not. by substituting itself for it as the herald of a deeper truth. to associate Emerson with the ³terrible paucity of alternatives. Professor of English at Michigan State University. At bottom he had no doctrine at all. philosopher. Emerson¶s memory evoked an unforgettable series of ³impressions´ of New England¶s cultural barrenness. p. the mystic is obliged in the end to give them all up. 32. must share this reproach. it must be approached through the abandonment of all.
and grow accordingly. Burlington possessed paradoxical traits (and in many ways. Maryland. still does): It was both a local intellectual center and a community of simple farming and trade. He graduated in 1879." ²John Dewey INTRODUCTION This essay will explore the life and thought of John Dewey. Dewey enrolled in the philosophy graduate program at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. He was beginning to realize that what separated these extremes was not so much the "natural talent" of students as the philosophical commitments of the instructors and administrators. Dewey possessed an unreasonable utopian trust in communities.wcdebate. For Dewey. and the belief that humans can progress and improve themselves over time. psychology and pedagogy at the University of Chicago. Vermont. I will attempt to explain both the philosophy of pragmatism and Dewey¶s educational philosophy. In 1894. the son of a grocer. and received an appointment from the University of Michigan to teach philosophy and psychology. It was at Chicago where Dewey would begin experimenting with Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. After examining Dewey¶s interesting life.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. from the naive provincialism of small town public schools to the progressive possibilities of advanced study in philosophy. as some critics have charged. Volume 9 Page 44 JOHN DEWEY "Men have never fully used [their] powers to advance the good in life. and enrolled at the University of Vermont. Students were herded in and out of classrooms. because they have waited upon some power external to themselves and to nature to do the work they are responsible for doing. Dewey has influenced famous contemporary thinkers such as Richard Rorty and Donald Davidson in the area of philosophy. Dewey's father owned a general store in the small Vermont community. the young scholar had experienced a wide range of educational models. a distinctively American pragmatist philosopher. the primacy of collective and community activity over individual reflection.com . These early teaching experiences no doubt forced Dewey to realize that something was not quite right with the education system in America. saw students as valuable in and of themselves. he received his PhD. Not surprisingly. from base "vocational" education to higher forms of learning. There seemed to be different "tracks" for different students. From a very early age. Dewey stayed in Burlington after graduating from the public schools. along with some ideas about how Dewey can be used in value debate. If. What makes Dewey uniquely American is his pragmatism. in philosophy. and expected to regurgitate them faithfully. Both of these philosophies stem from particular assumptions such as the vitality of experience and usefulness. Dewey held that transcendent ³truths´ were not as important as the collective experience of ordinary human beings. 1859. A brief synopsis of some general objections of Dewey follows. Two years later. Dewey left public school teaching in favor of exploring the alternatives that might be available. Dewey was appointed professor of philosophy and chair of the department of philosophy. and taught high school for three years. politics and education. LIFE AND WORK John Dewey was born in Burlington. He would come to understand that if teachers and administrators believed in students. as well as countless teachers and educational theorists. John Dewey witnessed the kind of community participation that would inspire his views on society. taught to memorize proofs and facts and histories. At the same time. most students would take advantage of the opportunities afforded them. it may very well have been his youth in Burlington that inspired that trust. By now. and these divisions were often based on students' economic circumstances rather than any useful distinctions. the ultimate test of a theory or idea was whether it ³worked´ for ordinary people applying the theory or idea. rather than seeing them as defects to be corrected or workers to be trained. Dewey would come to reject the small town provincialism of Burlington in favor of the changing and growing national community that characterized the second half of the 19th century. and Dewey grew up listening to local customers at the store discuss politics and culture. at the age of twenty. on October 20. In the fall of 1882.
1952. www. James and Peirce believed that theoretical soundness was not a matter of adherence to some kind of transcendent logic. and he would produce a body of work nearly unmatched in the history of American philosophy. This near-certainty results not from an abstract examination of a theory or idea. Dewey's role in vindicating Trotsky is important because it shows how his concern for justice and solidarity overrode his differences with the communists. and concerned with social justice. both as a race and as individuals. Humans may.htm) Perhaps one of the most significant.wcdebate.com . who by all accounts represented exactly the kind of "old school" traditionalism Dewey opposed. Dewey sees humans as part of nature. "Truth" for pragmatists is not determined in reference to absolute metaphysical principles.edu/~mafjerke/dewey." in theory or practice. "A thing is its history" for Dewey. I might be a liberal." and Dewey replied "If more socialists were like you. engaged to the child by teachers who visibly value the child. and least known. I might be a socialist." This exchange speaks volumes about Dewey's philosophy and politics. few philosophers are more misunderstood. To them.net/tzaka/deweynew. He believed that shared experiences were always more important than ideological doctrines. Like existentialists.shtml). His writings and experiments enjoyed free reign and institutional encouragement. Dewey believes that what constitutes "human nature" is a history of experience. as part of nature. he was viewed by leftists as fair. but through a contemplation of the consequences of behaving as if the theory or idea were true. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Dewey believes that history and experience are collective as well as individual." and what coheres with the genuine experience of living subjects. He wrote essays and books about epistemology. and these experiments. Dewey left the University of Chicago to become a professor of philosophy at Columbia University in New York City.fred. Similarly.html). although Dewey was no socialist. and despite this impact. and allow the child to participate in his or her own education. He influenced teachers and educational theorists all over the world. and sees nature as constantly changing. politics. along with his prolific and rigorous essays in philosophy and psychology. Ziniewicz. But unlike existentialists." an effort to clear Soviet revolutionary leader Leon Trotsky of Josef Stalin's charges that Trotsky was a counterrevolutionary sabuteur. (http://inst. Volume 9 Page 45 his progressive theories of education. concerning the philosophy of religion. the experiments and the progressive thinking also brought Dewey directly into conflict with University of Chicago President William Rainey Harper. genuine experience. Humans. and education. This will become important later.augie. reach near-certainty about theories or ideas. removed from everyday experience. and that history is lived experience (Gordon L. brought national fame to the young man from Burlington. John Dewey died on June 1. This explains why. impartial. Pragmatism holds that there is no such thing as "absolute certainty. also have a history of change. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF PRAGMATISM Dewey's metaphysical assumptions naturally lead to an embrace of the kind of pragmatism advocated in the 19th century by William James (1842-1910) and Charles Saunders Peirce (1839-1914). No other 20th century American philosopher has enjoyed a greater impact on the day-to-day workings of the system. William James was more concerned about people's personal religious experiences than with the various logical "proofs" for God's existence. ethics. when we see how strongly Dewey believes in cooperation instead of competition.org/history/1997/may1997/dewey. However. John Dewey would stay at Columbia for the next 47 years. At a gathering of Trotsky's defenders. but rather in reference to what "works. A collection of anti-Stalinist left activists and anti-capitalist figures asked Dewey to chair the commission because. which did not stop Stalin's agents from assassinating Trotsky in Mexico a short time later (wsws. In 1904. The fact that he could share such honest and sincere humor with one of the most dogmatic ideologues of the 20th century underscores Dewey's commitment to pluralism. Dewey's commission cleared Trotsky of all of Stalin's charges.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or appeals to the truth of scripture. Dewey and Trotsky shared a laugh when Trotsky reportedly said "If more liberals were like you. he offered a notion that was both politically radical and educationally sound: Education must occur through real. through experience and reflection (in fact. Dewey sees mental reflection as part of the sum of human experience). of Dewey's achievements came in 1937 when he chaired the "Dewey Commission.
It may even include mystical. his collectivism stems directly from his belief in the universality of experience as the arbiter of knowledge. My experiences include the stories and experiences of other people. Abstract principles are only valuable insofar as they cohere to our experiences of and in this ever-changing natural world. Rather. I hold something true as long as my experience verifies it. My assignment is poorly written. This example illustrates two important aspects of Dewey's pragmatism.´ In sum. in imaginative rehearsal of conflicting habits of action. The best political world is one that maximizes the strength of communities.wcdebate. Dewey insisted. They experiment. the example shows that theories and ideas change. which we'll examine in the next section. my lived experience is more important than logic or metaphysics in determining the truth or falsity of a claim. then they are valuable parts of the way I know things. as a result of collective experience. I do not learn things merely by self-reflection. I reconsider the original idea. When my experience no longer verifies it. This explains Dewey's strong support of schools and progressive education. and through trial and error reach a higher stage of understanding. What is required in all cases is the application of intelligent inquiry. I may have this idea because my parents kept pounding it into my head." In fact. just as available in matters of morals and politics as in matters of physics and chemistry. It includes long-term. test. propose and oppose. the self-correcting method of experimentally testing hypotheses created and refined from our previous experience. But unless the "procrastination is bad" idea is validated by my lived experience. and so on. because my teachers warn me about it. First. that I should adhere to my schedule and not put things off until the last minute. in legislation that changes some functions of a government . the simple reception and contemplation of external data.com . as already stated. however. rigorous meditation on ideas and things. my experience may contradict the advice of my parents and teachers. (http://www. and being in turn transformed by the inquiry. I fail. At least. I may work well under the pressure of the last minute.com/entry/551811) Finally. Moreover. I may be talented enough to pull off last-minute miracles. to the maximum benefit of all participants. (Ziniewicz. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. I no longer have sound reason to hold it true. "community ideals" are those ideas and principles that a community develops over time. and includes reflection as well as interaction. Dewey is a strong proponent of collectivism and cooperation. where we learn from and with other people. I am part of the world).but in all cases there is a social context. as there is no absolute certainty: Dewey's 'instrumentalism' defined inquiry as the transformation of a puzzling. What counts as 'testing' may vary with the 'felt difficulty' in need of resolution-testing may occur in a chemistry laboratory. IBID) Many scholars refer to these pragmatic ideas as John Dewey¶s ³instrumentalism. and the knowledge that is the object of inquiry is. instrumentalism holds that humans encounter problems and exercise mental inquiry to solve those problems. I may have the idea that procrastination is an undesirable character trait. Finally. My lived experience tells me that it is okay to procrastinate. Volume 9 Page 46 For example. mediating both the terms of the initial problem and its solution. until the inevitable time that my last-minute miracle doesn't happen. As long as those things add to my understanding of the way the world works (and remember. In summary. Dewey supports community ideals because. and begin to think that procrastination might be bad after all. For Dewey. Dewey's philosophy is an affirmation of humans as part of an ever-changing natural world. At that point. Thus. or religious experience. There are many reasons for this beyond mere progressive political sentiment.xrefer. emotional. my teacher tells me it's obvious I wrote it the night before.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. experience can be active or passive. experience is not (as it was for the empiricists). we achieve more cooperating with others than we achieve on our own. Part of this experience is our membership in a community. pragmatically speaking. The journey to higher levels of understanding has no end. indeterminate situation into one that is sufficiently unified to enable warranted assertion or coherent action. I could never consider it "true. Second.
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DEWEY¶S VIEWS ON EDUCATION ³Education is not a preparation for life; Education is life itself.´ ²John Dewey As might be suggested by his pragmatism, John Dewey believed education must be informed by genuine experience, constant interaction, and community values. Although he did not reject the notion that some individuals may be more motivated than others to learn, he nevertheless believed that one's environment was a huge determining factor in one's educational development. In many ways, then, Dewey's theory of education was a direct result of his pragmatist philosophical perspective. (www.infed.org/thinkers/et-dewey.htm) One of the most significant differences between traditional educational approaches and Dewey's "progressive" views of education was his perspective on the role of teachers. Dewey did not view instructors as absolute authorities imposing ideas and practices on students. Rather, he saw teachers as facilitators, guiding students through the learning process, and he believed this ought to be done as democratically as possible. Contrary to the picture some critics have painted of Dewey, he did not believe in some kind of simplistic (and utopian) democracy where students have as much authority as teachers. He simply believed that much more democracy was possible in the classroom; that students could be taught the virtues of democracy by learning to participate, in feasible ways, in their own educational experiences. Dewey rejected the "checklist" rigor of individual assignments and isolated studies in favor of group learning, discussion, and genuine experiences. If students are learning about agriculture, Dewey would rather students visit a farm and share in some of the farm work than just read about farms in a book. If the subject was politics and government, Dewey would prefer that students form their own governments and raise issues and solicit votes than merely listen to a lecture on how governments function in a democracy. OBJECTIONS TO DEWEY Critics of John Dewey¶s philosophy include both philosophers opposed to pragmatism, and political activists opposed to the soft, utopian ³liberalism´ of Dewey¶s political positions. Objections to pragmatism usually come in the form of metaphysical assertions that the truth of a claim is not dependent upon the experiential validation of that claim. To cite the example I used in the section on pragmatism, those opposed to Dewey would argue that the statement ³You should not procrastinate´ has a truth-value independent of my verification of that statement with my own experience. However, more strongly worded objections come from the political side. Primarily, Dewey is charged with having utopian aspirations regarding cooperation and progressivism, but at the same time ignoring real-world barriers to his utopia. Conservatives, for example, charge that Dewey believes all citizens (and particularly students, in regards to his educational philosophy) have the same basic abilities, or the same potential for genius; that Dewey seems to believe that all differences come from the environment. Conservatives believe that people have different abilities, and that perceived ³inequalities´ in society are really just the result of the cold, hard fact that some people are more talented and industrious than others. More criticism comes from those to the political left of Dewey, such as Marxists. For them, Dewey is a ³liberal´ in the negative sense of the term. He believes everyone can ³get along,´ even though Marxists believe that there can be no reconciliation between the ruling class and the working class. Thus, Dewey offers a vision of universal enlightenment and progressive, community virtues, but offers no material means of getting to such a world. The desire that we all get along and progress together is not enough.
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IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE Dewey¶s educational philosophy is in a class by itself, and any value debate topic dealing with education should inspire a great deal of research on Dewey¶s ideas. But in this section I will concern myself only with his general philosophy. The following main points suggest ways in which debaters can incorporate the ideas of John Dewey: Democracy: Obviously, Dewey is a strong proponent of democracy, for unique reasons. Dewey believes that we learn, both individually and collectively, through experimentation and the consideration of all ideas and possibilities. For Dewey, the clash of ideas and approaches found in a healthy democracy is the paradigm example of a progressive society. Necessity of Experience rather than Idealism: Dewey provides a solid answer to philosophers such as Plato, Hegel, Ayn Rand, Leo Strauss, and other thinkers who believe that the ³Truth´ is a transcendent set of principles simply waiting to be discovered. Rather, Dewey believes, we ³make the truth,´ not in some relativistic sense, but through genuine human experience. Moreover, Dewey would accuse these idealist and objectivist philosophers of being foundationally anti-democratic. A natural conclusion to Dewey¶s philosophy is that our collective notions of truth ought to be decided democratically. The idea that ³Truth´ emanates from on high is contrary to the notions of progressive, participatory democracy. Cooperation versus Conflict: Obviously, Dewey believes that we learn more together than we do apart, and that we achieve more when we unite around common goals than when we compete with one another. He rejected the notion of competition in academics and embraced the idea that we can learn cooperatively, helping each other out, learning from common struggles. CONCLUSION John Dewey represents something very important about American philosophy. Instead of being concerned about what is ideally true, metaphysically true, logically true or mathematically true, Dewey was concerned about the truth of what works for people in their everyday lives. This is radically democratizing, and wholly appropriate to a people who, at least in principle, rejected the divine right of kings and the assumptions of aristocracy. It is appropriate to an experiment in democracy amidst pluralism and uncertainty. Debaters wishing to incorporate Dewey's ideas ought to research both the foundations of his pragmatism, and the implications of his pragmatism on his educational theories. Although these two aspects of his philosophy are intimately related, the literature is divided rather distinctively. Debaters might also contemplate the fact that, as they search the library for Dewey's works, they might well be using the Dewey Decimal System, devised by John Dewey to catalogue books in libraries. In many ways, Dewey would be a strong advocate of academic debate. Like the participatory models of education he advocated, debate is an exercise in empowering, involved activity. It is student-centered and relies on the students experimenting, succeeding and failing, and learning from each exchange. In fact, understanding why debate is educational for you can help you understand exactly the kind of education that Dewey wanted for students. At the same time, debaters should be aware that objections to pragmatism are important. Dewey and his followers talk about the importance of democracy and participation, but they seem unable to suggest ways to dismantle the very real power structures that block these possibilities. Perhaps creative debaters can synthesize Deweyan pragmatism with effective political strategies for actually opening up the real, material possibility of change in a world where, despite Dewey's efforts, elitism still remains.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Baker, Melvin C. FOUNDATIONS OF JOHN DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORY (New York: Atherton Press, 1966). Campbell, James. UNDERSTANDING JOHN DEWEY: NATURE AND COOPERATIVE INTELLIGENCE (Chicago: Open Court, 1995). Dewey, John and James Hayden Tufts. ETHICS (New York: H. Holt, 1936). Dewey, John. A COMMON FAITH (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1960). Dewey, John. ART AS EXPERIENCE (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1934). Dewey, John. ESSAYS IN EXPERIMENTAL LOGIC (New York: Dover Publications, 1953) Dewey, John. EXPERIENCE AND NATURE (La Salle, IL: Open Court Publishing Company, 1958). Dewey, John. FREEDOM AND CULTURE (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1939). Dewey, John. HOW WE THINK (Boston: D.C. Heath, 1910). Dewey, John. INDIVIDUALISM OLD AND NEW (New York: Minton, Balch & Company, 1930). Dewey, John. LECTURES IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1899). Dewey, John. LECTURES ON ETHICS, 1900-1901 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). Dewey, John. LIBERALISM AND SOCIAL ACTION (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963). Dewey, John. THE CHILD AND THE CURRICULUM, AND SCHOOL AND SOCIETY (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Dewey, John. THEORY OF THE MORAL LIFE (New York: Irvington Publishers, 1980). Dewey, John. DEMOCRACY AND EDUCATION: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION (New York: The Macmillan company, 1916). Gavin, W. J. CONTEXT OVER FOUNDATION: DEWEY AND MARX (Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1988). Haskins, Casey, and Seiple, David I.. DEWEY RECONFIGURED: ESSAYS ON DEWEYAN PRAGMATISM (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999). Nissen, Lowell. JOHN DEWEY¶S THEORY OF INQUIRY AND TRUTH (The Hague: Mouton, 1966). Popp, Jerome A. NATURALIZING PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION: JOHN DEWEY IN THE POSTANALYTIC PERIOD (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1998). Schilpp, Paul Arthur. THE PHILOSOPHY OF JOHN DEWEY (La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1951). Soneson, Jerome Paul. PRAGMATISM AND PLURALISM: JOHN DEWEY¶S SIGNIFICANCE FOR THEOLOGY (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993).
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and the emphasis is on the other side of the identity between the two. 298. The point of simple tension between the two has been passed. not abstract knowledge and abstract thought. For these take effect in making preference. freedom is a resolute will operating in a world in some respects indeterminate.´ are not a hindrance to freedom. American pragmatist philosopher. because open and moving toward a new future. If the other arts have to be acquired through ordered apprenticeship. between the natural self and the ideal self. 2. Freedom is the equivalent of the reality of growth.wcdebate. The actual self is not complete as long as it is stated simply as given. abstract possibility but is the possibility of the actual self. and canvas. alert. but power of vision and reflection. ADAPTING TO SOCIAL CONDITIONS DETERMINES OUR ABILITY TO THINK WELL John Dewey. and that the gift operates by a kind of spontaneous combustion. We take for granted the necessity of special opportunity and prolonged education to secure ability to think in a special calling. 89.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. just as the art of painting requires paint. Carry that identity farther. the element of tension or resistance between the two is perhaps the more emphasized. and you have freedom. But the necessary unity between the two is involved. desire and purpose more flexible. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. In obligation. and resolute. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 296. SOCIAL CONDITIONS INTERACT WITH INDIVIDUALS. That is the basis of responsibility. Social conditions interact with the preferences of an individual (that are his individuality) in a way favorable to actualizing freedom only when they develop intelligence. p. LECTURES ON ETHICS. 1968. FREEDOM CONSISTS IN RECOGNIZING AND ADAPTING TO CHANGE John Dewey. It is complete only in its possibilities. p. Volume 9 Page 50 TRUTH IS PROGRESSIVE AND EVOLVING 1. however. is the most difficult occupation in which man engages. Freedom has too long been thought of as an indeterminate power operating in a closed and ended world. American pragmatist philosopher. American pragmatist philosopher. like mathematics. No more than any other art is it developed internally. In the idea of responsibility that unity of the natural and the ideal self (that it is the business of the natural self to become the ideal self and of the ideal self to be realized in the natural self) is the prominent thing. PRODUCING CHANGING CONCEPTIONS OF MORALITY John Dewey. In its reality. 3. The most important problem in freedom of thinking is whether social conditions obstruct the development of judgment and insight or effectively promote it. the possible self does not represent a remote. Thinking. In other words. but a necessary factor in coming to be effectively that which we have the capacity to grow into. the explicit thing.com . It requires favorable objective conditions. But we appear to assume that ability to think effectively in social. Few would perhaps defend this doctrine thus boldly stated. political and moral matters is a gift of God. brushes. 1968. Make it not merely an identity in conception but in action. p. 1991. Judgment or responsibility depends upon the balance between the subject and the predicate. the power to think requires even more conscious and consecutive attention. Constant and uniform relations in change and a knowledge of them in ³laws. but upon the whole we act as if that were true.
morally they alone are ³real. which were embodied in a mass of legal decisions. that is. Since it is only genuine and sincere things. I sum up by saying that the possibility of freedom is deeply grounded in our very beings. 48-49. BUT CHANGE IN RESPONSE TO HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. that is for practical purposes. 139. is not good reality. 1968. 297-98. perfectly real.´ A reality which is taken in organic response so as to lead to subsequent reactions that are off the track and aside from the mark. it is this kind. whether moral or psychological. MATERIAL MEANS TO ATTAIN CHOICE John Dewey. Pragmatically. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. explains the otherwise paradoxical fact that the slogans of the liberalism of one period often become the bulwarks of reaction in a subsequent era. FREEDOM REQUIRES THE OBJECTIVE. use of coal and steam. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The question of political and economic freedom is not an addendum or afterthought. The latter merely liberates force and ability as that happens to be distributed by past accidents of history. one which will be as favorable as possible to a consistent and liberal or growing functioning. Adapted well enough to the localized and fixed conditions of that earlier age. as facts have demonstrated. It is one with our individuality. effective. ABSTRACT FREEDOM IS NOT ENOUGH: WE NEED THE MATERIAL AND ECONOMIC MEANS TO BE FREE John Dewey. this possibility has to be actualized. like all others.wcdebate. But the absolutistic logic of rigid syllogistic forms infected these ideas. FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY REQUIRE MATERIAL EQUALITY 1.´ 2. VALUES ARE DEPENDENT UPON REAL WORLD CONSEQUENCES AND CIRCUMSTANCES John Dewey. one absolute and static because exhausted.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. needing to be constantly tested by the way in which they work out in application to concrete situations. pp. p. and are not found in the original and isolated constitution of human nature. The movement of emancipation expressed itself in principles of liberty in use of property. emerged. it leads to the notion of the duplicate versions of reality. 2. American pragmatist philosopher. It lacks the hallmark of value. which we want or are after. 1968. and the control of the social environment which is furnished by the institution of property²is a pure absurdity. much less a deviation or excrescence. American pragmatist philosopher. things which are good for what they lay claim to in the way of consequences. For ordinary purposes. Since actual. 1968. 281. But like all other possibilities. Volume 9 Page 51 THERE ARE NO TRANSCENDENT MORAL TRUTHS 1. We are all children who saw ³really and truly. rights and demands are products of interactions. For the conditions that form political and economic liberty are required in order to realize the potentiality of freedom each of us carries with him in his very structure. 1968. existentially speaking. American pragmatist philosopher. in command of capital. and freedom of contract. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. Failure to recognize that general legal rules and principles are working hypotheses. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. p. the true kind. PHILOSOPHY AND CIVILIZATION. while it is. mere elimination of obstructions is not enough. our being uniquely what we are and not imitators and parasites of others. The notion that men are equally free to act if only the same legal arrangements apply equally to all² irrespective of differences in education. it can only be actualized through interaction with objective conditions. MORAL AND LEGAL RULES ARE NOT FIXED AND TRANSCENDENT. which for us monopolizes the title of reality. Since it is a certain kind of object which we want. this identification of truth and ³reality´ is sound and reasonable: rationalistically. teleologically.com . the other phenomenal and kept continually on the jump because otherwise its own inherent nothingness would lead to its total annihilation. they became hindrances and annoyances as the effects of new methods. and. American pragmatist philosopher. pp. There was a time in the eighteenth century when the great social need was emancipation of industry and trade from a multitude of restrictions which held over from the feudal estate of Europe. in the problem of personal freedom. the truth and the realness of things are synonymous.
Peters. should have done no less. which claims to be so realistic and practical. Dewey¶s view of the teacher. Deweyism has been caught off guard and overwhelmed by the sweep of events. This disparity between teacher and taught²especially in the primary school²makes talk of ³democracy in education´ problematic. as by Dewey. Volume 9 Page 52 DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY IS GENERALLY REMOVED FROM REALITY 1. is also unsatisfactory. 2. an authority on some aspect of the culture. Just as ideas have no validity before all the returns are in but must be tested afresh in each instance. But he did not ask the questions ³which home?´ and ³which local community?´. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY HAS BEEN DISPROVEN BY 20TH CENTURY HISTORY George Novack. without examining the requisite objective grounds for the hypothetical belief. its adherents have been towed along in the wake of the more aggressive and dominant forces of plutocratic reaction. p. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. DEWEY FAILS SYNTHESIZE THE TEACHER¶S ROLES AS PARTICIPANT AND AUTHORITY R. 1977. p. The most it can offer is a reasonable assumption or hopeful expectation that this way may be better than that. by the informal learning that went on in the home and in the local community and wanted to forge a link between this sort of learning and learning at school. Dewey was impressed. If ³democracy´ is to include. DEWEY¶S MORAL PHILOSOPHY HAS NO OBJECTIVE BASIS George Novack. PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM. at least in broad outline. as it usually does. for it combined a conception of the child. like a football captain. Certainly a philosophy like instrumentalism.´ A teacher is not just a leader in a game. to have interpreted their meaning. p. Dewey¶s theory of ethics suffers from the same faults as his theory of knowledge. who is society¶s agent for the transmission and development of its cultural heritage. it has been duplicated in every serious crisis convulsing the United States since that time. and thereby to have helped influence the course of events in a progressive direction. for sociologists have catalogued the vast disparities that exist between homes in this respect. the growth and outbreak of these upheavals. Their perplexity and powerlessness was first exhibited in the First World War. we are then confronted with current tensions underlying the question of how much ³participation´ is compatible with the freedom and authority of the teacher. 1975. Dewey¶s treatment of the psychological principle was equally unsatisfactory. Instrumentalist morality goes from case to case and from one step to the next without reaching any general standards of right or wrong and what makes them so. 115.com . and he or she is meant to be. so moral judgments have no verifiable value or weight in advance of their results in action. unless ³democracy´ is watered down to mean just multiplying shared experiences and openness of communication. Marxist philosopher and activist. some suggestion of participation in decisionmaking.wcdebate. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED.S. Marxist philosopher and activist. However. Any philosophy which had not lost contact with the realities of social life should have been able to foresee. which was almost as idealistic as his conception of democracy. to have prepared and equipped people to cope with them. as I have reiterated. Peters. with a too limited view of what he called ³the social medium. but pupils come to a teacher because they are ignorant. 2. p. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London. DEWEY¶S EDUCATIONAL THEORIES IGNORED SOCIAL CONDITIONS R. 256. JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED. Instead of playing a directing role. the record shows that at every critical turn of American history in the twentieth century. for it slurs over the dualism between the teacher¶s position as an authority and the legitimate demand for ³participation. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION IS FLAWED 1. professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London.S. to some extent. 114.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 1977. 1975. In a game most of the participants know how to play. 251.´ This led him to oversimplify the dualism between what he called ³internal conditions´ and what is the result of social influences.
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DEWEY¶S JUSTIFICATIONS FOR DEMOCRACY ARE FLAWED 1. DEWEY¶S PHILOSOPHY OF DEMOCRACY IS MYSTICAL AND IMPRACTICAL R.S. Peters, professor of the philosophy of education at the University of London, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, pp. 114-115. Dewey himself never paid much attention to institutional issues. This was not just because he lived before the days when ³participation´ became an issue. It was also because his attitude towards the democratic way of life was semi-mystical. ³When the emotional force, the mystical force, one might say, of the miracles of the shared life and shared experience is spontaneously felt, the hardness and concreteness of contemporary life will be bathed in a light that never was on land or sea.´ I wonder if he always felt like this about sitting on committees! 2. DEWEY¶S BELIEF IN DEMOCRACY IS BASED ON MYSTICAL, RELIGIOUS NOTIONS George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, p. 291. Dewey derived his basic stance toward democracy not, as he contended, from a scientific investigation of the history of society and a realistic analysis of American conditions, but rather from a tradition that was rooted in the mystical equality promised by the Christians. He accused the dualistic idealist philosophers of Greek and modern times of ³operating with ideal fancies´ instead of dealing with the given facts. Yet he committed the same error of metaphysical abstraction in the pivotal question of his whole philosophy: the origin, meaning, and application of democracy. He approached democracy not in its concrete manifestations throughout class society, but as an abstraction to be stuffed with the content he preferred to give it. Democracy to him was less a historical phenomenon than a secular religion. DEWEY¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IGNORES HUMAN NATURE AND HISTORY 1. DEWEY IGNORES NATURAL DIFFERENCES AND INEQUALITIES Anthony Flew, professor of philosophy at the University of Reading, JOHN DEWEY RECONSIDERED, 1977, p. 87. But even if we do concede that this opposite tendency really is implicit in the original insistence upon maximum ³interplay with other forms of association,´ there is no getting away from the truth of Bantock¶s contention that ³there are strong pressures of equality of outcome in the work of John Dewey;´ for if associations are good and democratic in so far as their members share numerous and varied interests, and if education for democracy is to be a matter of concentrating on the development of various but always shared interests, then the variety of those shared interests, and the scope for independent individual development, necessarily must be limited correspondingly. It must, that is to say, be limited by and to whatever happens to be the maximum attainable either by the least richly talented or by the modal majority. Maybe Dewey himself would have been unhappy about the full force of these implications. But he never comes to terms in this context with the truth that people vary enormously in all natural endowments. 2. DEWEY IGNORES CLASS CONFLICT George Novack, Marxist philosopher and activist, PRAGMATISM VERSUS MARXISM, 1975, pp. 250-51. Dewey refused to believe that class conflict arises from deep-seated, compelling, and ineradicable causes in the capitalist system. It was an occasional and subordinate phenomenon that could be overcome by joint effort, good will, mutual give and take. He therefore looked to different agencies and means than the Marxists for achieving the desirable ends of a better life. He wrote: ³That work can be done only by the resolute, patient, cooperative activities of men and women of good will, drawn from every useful calling, over an indefinitely long period.´ In other words, class collaboration is the preferable means of social reformation, political action, and moral improvement. Class struggle goes in the wrong direction and gives disastrous results.
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When most of us think of Woodrow Wilson, we don¶t necessarily think ³philosopher´ -- but that¶s what this visionary president of the United States was. Best remembered as the progenitor of the League of Nations (the precursor to today¶s United Nations) and of the fourteen point program for peace, Wilson¶s name is also invoked by students of international relations theory today in the context of so-called ³Wilsonian idealism´ -- the notion that an interventionist American foreign policy can spawn positive changes in other countries and cultures. This, for better or for worse, is the former president¶s predominant legacy: the liberal internationalism that continues to inform American foreign policy under most Democratic presidents (and some Republicans, such as the first George Bush). Like most historic ³truths´, these simple summations contain quite a bit of accuracy and a little sleight-ofhand. The veracity of these statements depend on one¶s political perspective, on one¶s position in the world, and various other factors. I will try to present diverse perspectives on the life, work and thoughts of this embattled and interesting president. Though perspectives differ on his ideas -- and the efficacy of those views in a swift and fierce world -- it cannot be denied that those views have had a major impact on American and global visions of justice. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON Thomas Woodrow Wilson was born in 1856 in Staunton, Virginia, and grew up during and immediately following the Civil War. His father was a Presbyterian minister, and at times taught college courses. He was inspired by his father¶s religion and love of education. Young Woodrow Wilson first went to Davidson College in North Carolina, but was forced to withdraw due to illness. He graduated what was then the College of New Jersey (and what later became Princeton University) and went on to get his law degree from the University of Virginia in 1879-80 and passed the Georgia bar in 1882. His law practice floundered, though, prompting a career change into government and politics. He returned to school in 1883, studying government and history at Johns Hopkins University. His book Congressional Government was accepted as his dissertation in 1885, and led to his receipt of the Ph.D. degree in political science from Johns Hopkins. To this day, Wilson is the only U.S. president to hold a Ph.D. proving that most presidents just aren¶t too smart. But Wilson was, teaching at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan University and Princeton University. After an accomplished career as an author and essayist, he was named president of Princeton University in 1902. From there, politics was a natural step. In 1910, Wilson won the Democratic nomination for governor of New Jersey, subsequently winning the election by a wide margin. His agenda was a progressive one: he focused on preventing the public¶s exploitation by monopolies and trusts. This earned him serious popularity with the masses, and just two years later he accepted the Democratic nomination for president. Wilson called his platform the "New Freedom" platform, and gave keen attention to stimulating the American economy. Again, he earned a landslide victory, winning the presidency with 435 electoral votes out of a possible 531. His brother wasn¶t a governor, and he did not have to cheat to win. True to his word, Wilson followed through on a domestic agenda based on busting corrupt trusts. To this end, he created a dramatic array of economic reforms. He pushed through the Underwood Act (which reformed tariffs and instituted a progressive income tax) and the Federal Reserve Bill (which established our modern banking system, creating new currency and establishing the twelve Federal Reserve banks and their board of governors) in 1913. Yes, we can partially blame Alan Greenspan on Wilson. He also established the Federal Trade Commission in 1914 to restrict "unfair" trade practices.
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These economic reforms show Wilson¶s brand of liberalism: create reforms that stabilize a functioning market economy and offer marginal protections for the poor, while promoting international trade to enrich the wealthy. You can see the economic legacy of Wilson in today¶s New Democrats. THE WAR YEARS Some of the controversy surrounding Wilson¶s ³idealism´ involves the way he handled American involvement in World War I, which began in 1914. Wilson, despite growing pressure from allies like Britain (who were losing an entire generation of young men), resisted American involvement in Europe¶s war. In fact, he ran for reelection in 1916 with the slogans "he kept us out of war" and ³peace without victory.´ Conventional wisdom holds that escalation of submarine warfare by Germany forced Wilson¶s hand in declaring war -- the sinking of the passenger liner Lusitania is often cited. It may be, however, that these events came at the same time a revolution in Wilson¶s thinking was brewing --a revolution that would inspire his ideas on how to make peace. Some critics believe that Wilson, despite his public pronouncements, had already decided to enter the fray. They point to that fact that he created the U.S. government¶s first major state propaganda agency (the Committee on Public Information, also called the Creel Commission). The population of the U.S. didn¶t favor war at the time, and the theory goes that Wilson intended to change their minds. At any rate, he asked Congress for a declaration of war in April 1917. This turn of events led the United States into the fight, and led to Wilson¶s famous efforts at peace -- culminating in the Fourteen Points Address of 1918, which we¶ll discuss below. The critics on the right accused Wilson of thinking wrongly that the United States owes an obligation to the rest of the world -- that instead of intervening to help other nations, we should tend to our own business. The critics on the left had then and have now a radically different take: that not only are their few if any places where American intervention can help the rest of the world, the impulse to intervene is itself a pernicious manifestation of liberal internationalism that desires to control the rest of the human community. This type of thinking reveals itself at home, too, when people opposing governmental policies must also be controlled through imprisonment. Historians such as Howard Zinn point to the Sedition Acts that were used to jail opponents of the war. He criticizes the administration for passing such legislation and the Supreme Court for failing to challenge it on a constitutional basis: This shows the irony of liberalism: Wilson supported many progressive social agendas (women received the right to vote when he was in office, for example), but when one¶s own power and decision-making are challenged, that commitment to social progress sometimes flies out the nearest window. Domestic policy aside -- and it was not an insignificant part of Wilson¶s presidency -- most people remember Wilson for his foreign policy, specifically the role he played in the ending of World War I. Let¶s turn to his ideas on that front now.
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Still. and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. they might have been written after the Gulf War by George Bush or Bill Clinton. the Europeans considered Wilson a key factor in making peace -. FOURTEEN POINTS The best single summary of Woodrow Wilson¶s political philosophy came in his Fourteen Points Address to Congress. so far as possible. however.´ That doesn¶t mean.wcdebate. II. A separate peace had to be negotiated between the United States and Germany. open-minded. Open covenants of peace.he was awarded the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize. be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which. except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. that the ideas behind the league have lost their relevance. wishes to live its own life. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas. III.com . unilaterist school of ³diplomacy. where he promoted his plan for peace in Europe. including the internationalist tendencies favoring collective security that are even today rejected by many Republicans who favor the big-stick. There. an international regime managing trade.´ One can see in these first several points the framework for establishing what we would call today a ³neoliberal´ economic order -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Wilson had this to say about the end of the ³war to end all wars´: ³We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. IV. However. and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims. Why was the peace negotiated by Wilson so controversial at home? Many of his ideas were quite ahead of their time. How to establish justice? The first five points hold up remarkably well in today¶s political climate. outside territorial waters. is nothing peculiar to ourselves. based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. skeptical of the League of Nations. of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. The removal. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. therefore. ³I.´ Wilson said. Volume 9 Page 56 THE IDEAS OF WOODROW WILSON In 1919.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. we see the ideas he held most dear in both promotion of peace and economic justice. In fact. A free. What we demand in this war. the Versailles Treaty was signed with Germany during the Paris Peace Conference. Before presenting the fourteen points themselves. openly arrived at. V. like our own. after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. a new Republican Congress in the United States rejected the peace negotiated under Wilson.one largely supported by both political parties in the United States. The prime points of this neoliberal order include free trade (absolute freedom of navigation. and a colonial system that would provide raw materials and labor for the trading system) and an international market that today we might call globalized. alike in peace and in war. determine its own institutions. the removal of all economic barriers to trade. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest.
the nation-building activities have bad tradeoffs. Others see him as a man who wanted to bring ³peace´ to rich nations and rich men living within them. it¶s overly simplistic to say that only the right favors this line of analysis.´ which mean different things to different people. solve disputes. Abraham F. Some see him as a man who naively believed one powerful country could bring peace to the world. they argue. These thinkers claim that it¶s a fallacy to presume we can effectively promote those institutions worldwide. It is better. and work together toward common goals. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and established the progressive income tax. -. We¶ve talked a bit about the left¶s criticism of Wilson as a Machiavellian liberal who wanted to build a world he and his country could control. Many left-wing thinkers have taken a similar angle. groups like the Cato institute toe a more isolationist line. stabilized the economy with numerous reforms that foreshadowed big-government liberalism. then. DEBATE APPLICATION Motives are a difficult thing to ascertain in any human being. etc. Not even the mainstream right takes him seriously. the establishment of an independent Polish state. is Wilson¶s legacy. Take the example of Latin America.´ As we¶ve talked about.wcdebate. Overseas. It is possible. while maintaining other kinds of dominance (economic. The right has a somewhat different slant. His ideas have impacted today¶s Democratic party in at least two major ways. he sought to promote trade as a path to peace. but made more of these policies¶ effects on the nations in question rather than the impact they had on the United States. where Wilson once refused to acknowledge non-democratic governments. One scholar on inter-American affairs. both in domestic and foreign policy. and even if we can.N. Volume 9 Page 57 View this in the context of his domestic economic policy: Wilson established the Federal Reserve Bank. preferring to think of Wilson as a meddlesome tinkerer who bumbled into trouble by trying to do too much good overseas. this vision is what¶s behind today¶s U.) From another right-wing perspective. Wilson is important to understand as a precursor to today¶s modern liberal politicians. A more concrete term we can grab onto might be ³liberalism´: the belief that government economic or social interventions are necessary to build a just world. Points six through thirteen establish the territorial settlements following the conflict. including evacuation of conquered lands. a ³consensus´ to Horowitz means something different than what it does to the rest of the world. to examine the policies Wilson favored rather than muddy the water with simple labels like ³idealism. given the myriad factors at play in the formation of one¶s thinking. As long as the United States can protect itself with the most powerful military in the world. and arguably the one with the most historic staying power: ³XIV. in my estimation. But the fourteenth point was the most controversial to the Republican Congress Wilson faced at home. was quoted in a Cato publication as concluding: Of course.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Lowenthal. Wilson would argue that promoting ³justice´ (through institutions like American democracy) abroad is the best way to get peace. for example). This shows that he believed in government as a positive force for change in economics as in foreign policy. why blunt the focus of American foreign policy by taking on multiple ³humanitarian´ missions? This kind of misguided internationalism. As the far-right author David Horowitz wrote this February: (Of course.com . But that¶s another story.a collective body for the nations of the world to gather and discuss problems. they would argue. to see Wilson at once as overly idealistic and overly cynical.
CONCLUSION: THE LEGACY OF WOODROW WILSON When Wilson was president. He passed the Family Leave Act as a domestic reform to marginally benefit working Americans while vigorously pursuing free trade agreements abroad.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. D. as Wilsonian in nature -. either). One can see Bill Clinton¶s economic policy¶s roots in Wilson. He never saw most of the impact his ideas would have on the world.the defense of a nation from an attack by an autocratic and oppressive neighbor (though Wilson wouldn¶t have been a fan of Kuwait¶s oppressive monarchy. Foreign policy: Wilson. but then pursued his own policies after employing substantial spin from his propaganda agency. his dogged pursuit of the Versailles Treaty necessitated traveling 8.000 miles by rail around the country. Harding in 1920. Overseas. Wilson retired to Washington. He believed the government should take an active role in stimulating the economy through establishing necessary regulations at home. for example. he backed the free trade policies that modern Democrats fall over themselves to back.. he fell ill and never fully recovered. Cox took the Democratic nomination and was beaten by Warren G. This can be explained by the American public¶s marked opposition to the war: he knew from polls what a winning election issue would be. Volume 9 Page 58 Economic policy: unlike his Republican successors such as Calvin Coolidge. despite his initial reluctance to get involved in World War I. where he died in 1924. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Since Wilson was unable to campaign for the presidency. Wilson didn¶t believe in ³laissezfaire´ (let it be) economics.wcdebate. was interventionist by nature.com . After this effort. For these reasons. James M.C. it is possible to see both Bush¶s and Clinton¶s attacks on Iraq.
West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. CAMPAIGNS FOR PROGRESSIVISM AND PEACE. 1986 Knock. Princeton University Press.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 1991 Zinn. PAN AMERICAN VISIONS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE. 1956 Rowen. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. WOODROW WILSON AND WORLD POLITICS. 1980 Link. accessed April 22.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. Princeton University Press. John Morton. 1998 Chomsky. TO END ALL WARS: WOODROW WILSON AND THE QUEST FOR A NEW WORLD ORDER. 2. 2002. 1990 AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON.zmag. 2000. November 1994. http://www.htm. accessed May 1. Greenwood Publishing Group. WOODROW WILSON: A LIFE FOR WORLD PEACE. Lloyd. http://web. May 7. University of California Press. Viking Press. Noam. Volume 9 Page 59 BIBLIOGRAPHY Adar. Ambrosius. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. University of Arizona Press. available online at http://www. Louis. Norman Gordon. Gilderhus. Addison-Wesley Pub Co. 1998. KEEPING THE COVENANT: AMERICAN INTERNATIONALISTS AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. South Africa.html. 1913-1921. PBS documentary. Korwa G.com . Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1971.htm. 2002. WOODROW WILSON AND THE AMERICAN DIPLOMATIC TRADITION: THE TREATY FIGHT IN PERSPECTIVE. 1920-1939.wcdebate. Josephus. WOODROW WILSON AND THE POLITICS OF MORALITY. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. Political Studies Department. Auchincloss.ufl. Daniels. 2000. Howard. Herbert. Thomas. 10. 2002. Arthur. 1997 Levin. Warren and Lynne Dunn. Kent State University Press. Blum.africa. 1995 Kuehl. accessed April 22. Z MAGAZINE. Mark. THE NEW FREEDOM. 2001.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Vol. Oxford University Press. Arthur. Rhodes University. 2. Cambridge University Press. p. AMERICA'S RESPONSE TO WAR AND REVOLUTION. Princeton University Press.pbs. THE LIFE OF WOODROW WILSON. No. 1965 Link. WOODROW WILSON: A PENGUIN LIFE.
ufl. Wilson matters as the first modern president. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. Political Studies Department.pbs. In the spirit of Wilsonianism. accessed May 1. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. http://web. 2002. prohibition. and women¶s suffrage.could well prove to be the decisive factor between the forces of freedom and international communism". 2..pbs. WILSON¶S LEGACY INCLUDES MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. Vol. After his visit to Africa. PBS documentary. THAT PROMOTED COLONIALISM Korwa G. accessed May 1. 2001. with Cold War prism taking a centre stage. accessed April 22. 2002. 3. Historian. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. PBS documentary.htm. BUT THE COLD WAR.com . AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. PBS documentary. No.africa. as well as presidential ambition. p.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Wilson matters as someone who followed a progressive political agenda and who established a model for subsequent possibilities.html. 2001. The direct election of United States senators.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. emerging American national interests became defined in terms of combatting communism in Africa and other parts of the world.. 1998. I see Wilson's life as tragic in the sense that he obviously lost on the League. such concerns were evident even prior to much of Africa's independence. 2. 4. IT WASN¶T WILSONIANISM. 2002.html. WILSON SUPPORTED MANY PROGRESSIVE AGENDAS Ira Katznelson. available online at http://www. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Volume 9 Page 60 WILSON PROMOTED PROGRESSIVE SOCIAL AGENDAS 1. 2001. Rhodes University. Historian.wcdebate.pbs.html. Indeed. available online at http://www. The period of his presidency was a period therefore of extraordinary new assertion of governmental capacity in the United States. the US welcomed decolonization and independence in Africa in the 1960s. np. accessed May 1.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Wilson matters as the person who led the United States into global geopolitics. Adar. np. Mulder. available online at http://www.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Wilson's also important as the president who presided over a number of major constitutional changes. 2. WILSON¶S CONCEPTS OF POWER AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ARE STILL USEFUL John M. p. South Africa. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. The Wilsonian concepts of how political power should be used on behalf of social justice are still defining assumptions for twentieth century American political life. some of which had to wait a long time to come back. np. p. p. Vice-President Nixon in his report to Eisenhower explained that "the course of Africa's development. 2002. However. Historian. He's not tragic however in the larger scope of American history because what he did was to help us understand the complexity of power both domestically and internationally in ways that we are still working with. np.
ufl. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Political Studies Department. What Wilson was capable of was as a president. p. 3. WILSON¶S IDEAS WERE VICTORIOUS EVEN THOUGH HIS POLICIES WEREN¶T Jay Winter. South Africa. http://web.pbs. WILSON¶S IDEAS HELP CONTROL POTENTIAL INTERNATIONAL ANARCHY John Morton Blum. 2002. p. Such thinking would go on to inform the founding fathers of the United Nations. 2. 2. Wilson¶s ideas were victorious even if his policies weren¶t. p. np. WILSONIAN THINKING HELPED PAVE THE WAY FOR DECOLONIZATION OF AFRICA Korwa G. would promote America's long term interests. No. 4. PBS documentary. 1998. available online at http://www.com . PBS documentary.africa. 2002. He left his stamp upon the way in which American foreign policy has been formulated throughout the 20th Century and the paradox is that a man whose vision was repudiated by the political leadership of his time managed to achieve a way of framing the language of American foreign policy throughout the 80 years since his death. Vol. accessed May 1. AND HAD A GLOBAL IMPACT Korwa G. accessed May 1.html. http://web. It isn¶t the League of Nations but the importance of thinking through a way to the control the potential anarchy and the relations of states.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. For the colonized peoples of Africa. limited government. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 2001. accessed April 22. the realization of individual freedom. democracy and human rights (or self-determination in general) was equated with the absence of colonialism. WILSONIAN PHILOSOPHY HELPED CREATE THE U. p.ufl. This idealism culminated in the formation of the League of Nations in 1919. Wilsonianism had a global impact. 2002. One of the central concerns at the time was how to avoid war and conflict in general.htm. Wilsonianism emerged as a distinct policy philosophy at the end of the First World War. accessed April 22. Historian.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. Vol. Political Studies Department. No. Wilsonianism not only challenged dictatorial and authoritarian systems worldwide but it also helped oppressed people become aware of their rights. he argued. 2. I see it at least more in terms of a process than I do in terms of a product. If one wants to talk about Wilson¶s legacy. Adar. Volume 9 Page 61 WILSONIAN THOUGHT HELPED CREATE INTERNATIONAL PEACE 1. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy.htm. Thus.wcdebate. Although the United States did not become a contracting party to the League. This.html. For Wilson. 2. 2002. np. In this respect.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 2. Rhodes University. The results of Roosevelt's Commission were the establishment of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its corollaries the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. and legitimacy of power held the key to both international peace and the emancipation of humanity from injustice. The UN system tangibly paved the way for the process of decolonization in Africa through the UN General Assembly resolutions. Adar. np. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. to involve himself in great affairs and to try to find ways in which to work out the problems created by those great affairs. the momentum on the issues of democracy and human rights was evidenced with the appointment of Eleanor Roosevelt to Chair a Commission on Human Rights. with African countries which were independent at the time as well as India and the socialist countries taking the lead. Wilsonianism was not only internationalised but also institutionalised. 2001. In his foreign policy pronouncements vis-a-vis the European colonial powers President Woodrow Wilson advocated for the pursuit of democracy and human rights conceptualized within the context of selfdetermination for the colonized peoples. he was never evasive in that way. In his view.pbs. np. Social and Cultural Rights. Historian. 1998.N. South Africa. It was within this philosophical context that he advocated for the need to make the world safe for democracy. The idea of universal morality was central for Wilson. available online at http://www.africa. the crucial priority was the need to establish people-oriented internal and international democratic institutions that would act as the custodians of democracy and human rights as conceptualised within the general rubric of self-determination. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. Rhodes University. Moreover.
As the matter is now rephrased. 2001.html. The military and police forces were established during Woodrow Wilson's invasion as an instrument to control the population. rejecting Aristide's plea to reduce them along lines that had proven successful in Costa Rica. "in most Latin American countries. and the world did not want the American principles. revealed by the belief of half the population that the political system is so rotten that both parties should be disbanded. They were proven right. AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. we should look carefully at the plans for the security forces and the economy. much of it organized right where Hakim speaks. Volume 9 Page 62 WILSON SUPPORTED AMERICAN COLONIALISM AND IMPERIALISM 1. The Haitian military. 2. well-informed about the hemisphere and far from a ranting ideologue. the things that Americans had evolved over threehundred years and incidentally in the process of which we had killed six hundred thousand of each other in the Civil War because it hadn¶t worked too well. has taught people to abandon hope for freedom and democracy.S. the head of the OAS/UN mission through December 1993. Martin observed. This was one of the successes of the educational program designed for the "doctrinaire monomaniac. np. the phrase conceals a grain of truth. and have been kept in power by U. just now attaining the proper broad consensus after many years of education.N. Hakim also surely knows the nature of the "consensus" at home. To evaluate what lies ahead.wcdebate. If he is. on a par with "Wilsonian idealism. unlike the U.S. the one partial exception to the array of horror chambers that Washington has maintained in the region.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. Father Aristide resisted having so many former soldiers in the police force. but Administration officials said they persuaded him to accept them. the consensus is "broadly based" in the sense that sustained terror and degradation. despite its rhetoric of democracy. Ian Martin. He took a kind of an American liberalism and essentially tried to create a form of world institutions: self-determination. and to accept the rule of private power. It hasn't been easy. aid and training for that purpose since. open trade. 2002. PBS documentary. reported in Foreign Policy that negotiations had stalled because of Washington's insistence on maintaining the power of the security forces. p. accessed May 1. Consider Peter Hakim.. While Aristide was elected by a two-thirds majority. 10. Washington director of the Inter-American dialogue. domestic and foreign. recognized that the U. That is to continue. Z MAGAZINE. Whether Aristide is allowed to return in some fashion is anyone's guess at the time of writing. The Europeans knew this. November 1994." so the New York Times reported on the eve of the invasion. He still keeps his allegiance to the general population and their organizations -. it will be under conditions designed to discredit him and further demoralize those who hoped that democracy might be tolerated in Haiti." Like many other mindless propaganda slogans. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.com . Aristide has been unwilling to shift power to the "enlightened" sectors of foreign and domestic Civil Society and their security forces. witness the case of Guatemala. or by its traditional master. WILSON FAILED BECAUSE HE TRIED TO APPLY AMERICAN PRINCIPLES TO THE WORLD Walter LaFeber. was its friend and protector. movement from authoritarianism to democracy tends to reflect a more broadly based consensus than is currently the case in Haiti. It is intriguing to watch the process at work. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. France. Historian."Aristide's unwillingness to "broaden the political base" has become a kind of mantra. And he knows full well what efforts are made to broaden government to include authentic representatives of the overwhelming majority of the population in Latin America. trusting that "the United States.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. The Europeans knew that Wilson¶s principles had problems. and Canada. available online at http://www. "At first. As discussed here in July. WILSON¶S ³IDEALISM´ CONTINUES TO JUSTIFY HORRIBLE TRAGEDIES IN HAITI Noam Chomsky. It seems to me that Wilson failed because he tried to apply American principles to the world. Hakim observes. The generals continued their resistance to a diplomatic settlement." It is true enough that from the southern cone to Central America and the Caribbean. was ambivalent about that power shift" to popular elements represented by Aristide.pbs.who could teach some lessons to their kindly tutors about what was meant by "democracy" in days when the term was still taken seriously.
WILSON¶S IDEAS JUSTIFY VICIOUS COLONIALISM Noam Chomsky. 10.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. accessed May 1. South Africa. 1998. p. p. followers of General Cedras and the former Tontons Macoute retain their homicidal tendencies. 2001.zmag. Z MAGAZINE. In the current era. shouldn't we remind his admirers that he insisted on racial segregation in federal buildings.html. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. 2. http://web. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. 2002. Volume 9 Page 63 WILSON¶S SOCIAL IDEAS WEREN¶T NOT PROGRESSIVE. civilized mediation. November 1994. but it is a novelty to see Napoleon's invasion. Vol. but his behavior was often very paternalistic. is that his rhetoric was pro-democratic. 2000. has been an altogether different story. leaving concerns for democracy and human rights aside. "Perspective" on what is taking place was provided in the New York Times by R. As for Woodrow Wilson. like the Marines who occupied Haiti from 1915 to 1934. PBS documentary. however.org/Sustainers/content/2000-05/07zinn. The linking of such Wilsonian precepts with foreign policy practice. to say nothing about their weapons" -. brought our country into the hell of World War I.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. 2. themes within the rhetoric of American foreign policy toward Africa since the end of World War II.ufl.com . Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. No. sent an occupation army into Haiti and the Dominican Republic. WILSON¶S RHETORIC WAS PRO-DEMOCRATIC. US policy makers consistently followed the dictates of realpolitik in the era of the Cold War.wcdebate. very controlling. 2002. WILSON¶S PHILOSOPHY INCLUDED RACISM AND WAR-MONGERING Howard Zinn. portrayed in the same light. 3. np. He saw democracy as a tool for creating harmony. and put anti-war protesters in prison. p. np. available online at http://www. BUT HIS SOCIAL POLICIES WEREN¶T Victoria Bissell Brown. "For two centuries. one of those Wilson sent to prison. also occupying an important place in the pantheon of American liberalism. np. The principles of democracy and human rights have been persistent. the question emerges as to the resonance of such Wilsonian principles in US foreign policy towards Africa. We might understand this as another small contribution to the broader project of revising the history of Western colonialism so as to justify the next phase.africa. BUT REPRESSIVE 1. accessed April 22. if at times secondary. Should we not bring forward as a national hero Emma Goldman. Rhodes University. who reviewed the lessons of history. very unsympathetic with and having very little patience for the messiness of democracy. Historian AMERICAN EXPERIENCE: WOODROW WILSON. Apple.htm. or Helen Keller. 2002. Professor of Linguistics at the Massachussets Institute of Technology. http://www. one of the most hideous crimes of an era not known for its gentleness.pbs. He wasn¶t always comfortable with the fact that democracy is a noisy and messy business. May 7.org/wgbh/amex/wilson/sfeature/sf_legacy. accessed April 22.htm. Adar. 2. who fearlessly spoke out against the war? 3. "Like the French in the 19th century. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. "political opponents in Haiti have routinely slaughtered each other. conditions are now in place for the tangible and coherent pursuit of an American foreign policy based on democracy and human rights.which the homicidal maniacs in the slums have cleverly concealed." One takes for granted that the vicious terror and racism of the Wilson administration and its successors will be transmuted to sweet charity as it reaches the educated classes. W. Backers of President Aristide. Professor Emeritus of History at Boston University. the American forces who are trying to impose a new order will confront a complex and violent society with no history of democracy. that he bombarded the Mexican coast. His greatest contradiction from my point of view. WILSONIAN POLICIES AREN¶T IDEALISTIC: JUST THE SAME OLD REALPOLITIK Korwa G. the noise of democracy." he wrote. Z MAGAZINE NETWORK DAILY COMMENTARY. Political Studies Department.
but we¶ll get to that below. Leuchtenburg. Why the hatred from the right wing? After all. neither the left nor the right felt they had to restrain themselves when criticizing FDR: FDR was "carrying out more thoroughly and brutally than even Hoover the capitalist attack against the masses. I say with a smirk. Another element is that most American of traits.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.according to Gentile standards. Historians. What is legitimate depends on what side of the political discourse you come down on. Whatever the roots of the anti-FDR sentiment.) We¶ll discuss how that applies in a bit. and it happened 70 years ago. It wasn¶t. There¶s no way to anger a political opponent than by passing popular and effective legislation. anyway. a horrific violation of civil liberties and a betrayal of what would appear to be FDR¶s own principles. William E. Volume 9 Page 64 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT Of all the former presidents the United States has seen leave office in the past 100 years. Only recently has there been mass outcry about this mass violation of human rights. The architect of the New Deal. of course -. one has doubtless done something right. perhaps none (even including Richard Nixon or Bill Clinton) has inspired such virulent criticism and simultaneously vociferous defense as Franklin Delano Roosevelt.not a bad record for a man who left office nearly 70 years ago. while American fascist William Dudley Pelley called him the "lowest form of human worm . He passed important legislation. So what¶s up with the bitterness? Well.but no one accused the far right of being rocket scientists. That¶s not to say the left doesn¶t have problems with FDR. anti-Semitism. at the Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University. popularly known as FDR. it is certainly remarkable that the enmity exists more than two generations later in this country.but there are certainly things we can all now (hopefully) agree on as grievous acts on FDR¶s part. you¶ll see conspiracy theorist websites devoted to decrying Roosevelt¶s influence on the country -. Roosevelt isn¶t just the man who pulled the country out of the Great Depression. he was perhaps the living embodiment of that ³rugged individualism´ and ³pulling yourself up by your bootstraps´ stuff that conservatives like to bluster about.wcdebate. FDR is feted by liberals and reviled by conservatives to this day -. which tells you we have a ways to go yet in this country.com . which proved that private industry isn¶t the only way to create jobs. and was generally beloved by the public. This isn¶t to say that there aren¶t legitimate criticisms of FDR. The best example: the massive internment of Japanese Americans in concentration camps. He wasn¶t -. said that ³The presidency as we know it today begins with Franklin Delano Roosevelt. even people that hate Roosevelt acknowledge his importance. The New Deal included massive government spending to create jobs and the creation of the Civilian Conservation Corps. Many saw the New Deal as a cop-out." (Told you so about the anti-Semitism). In fact." according to Communist leader Earl Browder. the charming and affable voice behind the Fireside Chats.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. from right to left to centrist. All this should tell you that Roosevelt had a monumental impact on American life. the majority of it is due to the success of FDR¶s liberal social programs. though. except Werner von Braun. If one can inspire vitriol of this nature from both sides of the American political spectrum. FDR nevertheless rose to great heights as a statesman. ROOSEVELT¶S IMPORTANCE As I said above. (³But I didn¶t know FDR was Jewish!´ you say. It also says something about the limits of mainstream liberalism. the first president to truly take his case directly to the people.and academic articles from scholars and think tank employees slathering over why the New Deal was unconstitutional. agree on this. He was elected to an unprecedented four terms. Debilitated by a youthful bout with polio. but the threat of a good example of liberalism is still pretty threatening to these people. Even today. a bone thrown to the masses who demanded an alternative to the capitalism that was starving them in droves (in their view).
he included economic rights in that list. too. These are the simple. and you have to put your 10-year-old to work in a factory. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. from his leadership in World War II to his economic ideas to his intangible inspirational qualities. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. In his famour ³Four Freedoms´ speech. you¶re a lot more susceptible to someone preaching overthrow of the existing system than.com .and perhaps they are right. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. say. Leuchtenberg continued. someone making a union-won family wage who can provide for his or her family and even be a little bit comfortable. surpassed only by the legendary Abraham Lincoln. Volume 9 Page 65 There are many reasons for this. FDR laid out exactly to what he thought humans ought to be entitled: Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. Jobs for those who can work. He noted ³so powerful an impression did FDR leave on the office that in the most recent survey of historians he was ranked as the second greatest president in our history. the government had no rhetorical or actual commitment to the average working person. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. FDR saw the economic system of the early 20th century as too harsh. If you¶re starving. The preservation of civil liberties for all.´ This did not stop some of his contemporaries from referring to FDR as "that megalomaniac cripple in the White House. as failing to meet the needs of the public. someone had to do something fast to preserve the positive aspects of the old order. ROOSEVELT¶S IDEAS Much is made of Roosevelt¶s social and economic reforms. He also thought there were certain fundamental rights to which humans were entitled. This is also why the right sees him as a betrayer of unfettered capitalism -. Perhaps the best manifestation of these ideas came from the man himself. Security for those who need it. This is why the left sees Roosevelt as a betrayer of social revolution. ECONOMIC POLICY: THE DEFENDERS The left saw FDR as a sellout who saved capitalism as we know it when it was on the brink of collapse.wcdebate. sewing clothes for 16 hours a day for pennies a day (due to no child labor laws and no minimum wage). The right see him as having betrayed capitalism for a more socialist model. The four freedoms which give the famous speech its name are listed here: One would think that this made FDR a pacifist. Unlike most every other president. Before. foregoing more revolutionary change for institutional reform.where significantly more power rests in the hands of the executive branch -.began with FDR and his legislative ideas. The thing they both agree on is that a fundamental shift occurred during his time in office. and perhaps they are right. as we will see later. the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The ending of special privilege for the few.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or at the very least an advocate of disarmament. it is important to understand the ideology behind them. some of that sentiment stems from the same root. In order to understand these. Many believe that today¶s so-called ³imperial presidency´ -. This is not quite true." But believe it or not. FDR recognized this. He figured if America as we knew it was to survive intact.
who admits that ³In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state. and the blind. to him. Aside from the governmental influx of capital to boost the economy. the aged poor. the physically handicapped. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. pensions for the elderly.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families. 3). the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. the Rural Utility Service (formerly the Rural Electrification Administration). from the day he is born. He had his own ideas -. Sure. Cradle to the grave . Specifically. 2). were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. industry. As evidence. Higgs writes. unemployment insurance. Things we take for granted today include: relief programs for the unemployed. It¶s also pretty interesting how he skips over free-market conservative Herbert Hoover. Volume 9 Page 66 In January 1935. One of them is Robert Higgs. pathological anti-communist who saw such things as laws against child labor as a sign of the creeping red tide. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal´ -. he was a man with certain values (expressed above) that was willing to listen to professional economists about how to achieve those values. and who continued to adopt laissez-faire policies that deepened the depression until 1932. FDR is best known for promoting what is known as ³the welfare state.but he was more a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. All of these were first established under Franklin Roosevelt. He explained his rationale in the Four Freedoms speech: ECONOMIC POLICY: THE CRITICS As I mentioned." You may have heard this ³cradle to the grave´ rhetoric before. The reason was not that Roosevelt was revolutionary economic thinker himself -. Social Security. no one looms larger than FDR.but. finance. the aged poor. the National Labor Relations Board. and labor relations to prevent market failures and offer governmental support of certain businesses in danger of failure.´ This imprecise term covers a variety of reforms that constitute a safety net for the poor and otherwise disadvantaged. the establishment of a legal minimum wage. when voters unceremoniously dumped him in favor of FDR. but no one heard it from the President before then. these policies are a power grab by liberal economists! Of course. the conservative economic theorist.instead. the Rural Development Administration (formerly the Farmers Home Administration). such programs as massive relief programs for the unemployed. who was president when the Great Depression started in 1929. and was arguing in the 1950s and 1960s along with Joe McCarthy that Communists were infiltrating the American government.wcdebate. he doesn¶t mention that Kershner was a paranoid. Nope. FDR emphasized his commitment to social security this way: "I see no reason why every child. shouldn't be a member of the social security system.´ He does not say this as a compliment. and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions.Barber says he was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" -.from the cradle to the grave they ought to be in a social insurance system. and labor relations. Higgs breaks out the organizational chart of the federal government. the Social Security Administration. and the blind are not beneficent ideas designed to make the functioning of government and economy more humane. unemployment insurance and aid to families with dependent children. The FDR years. the Federal Housing Administration. the Securities and Exchange Commission. He also promoted expanded federal regulation of agriculture. the expanded federal regulation of agriculture. finance. the FDR experimentation resulted in an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which relied on government stimulation of private industry.com . He points to such agencies as the Export-Import Bank. there are lots of people that won¶t let 70-year-old policies go. industry. ³with few exceptions. the Farm Credit Administration. wrote William Barber in his book DESIGN WITHOUT DISORDER. the physically handicapped. Higgs and the like paint FDR as a big-government liberal who created federal agencies for their own sake and no other.
One would think. No act of espionage by any Japanese American was ever proven. who didn¶t see the murder of European Jews as any of out business. Love him or give in to insane and illogical hatred of him. Charming.´ and called his policies ³the Jew Deal. this was not the case. being a victim of race-baiting himself. say. regulating. And what about all those that got their jollies in hating Roosevelt? My favorite story is this one. financing. The vast majority of it was never returned.000 loyal Americans of Japanese descent to prison camps for years. which consigned over 100. Sadly. FDR signed Executive Order 9066. it seems the argument here is that NO federal agency is EVER justified in helping to stimulate the economy or to ameliorate the effects on a market collapse on average people.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. To his credit. isn¶t it a good rather than a bad thing that farmers get subsidies that help family farms stay afloat.wcdebate. Even if you¶ve got a problem with. No similar policies were enacted for Americans of German or Italian descent.´ playing to racist notions of wealthy Jews running the government. Volume 9 Page 67 and the Tennessee Valley Authority as ³the offspring of the New Deal´ and argues that they are pernicious in their effects. United States. It also helps to explain the hatred of FDR by the anti-Semitic right. and didn¶t think Roosevelt should be sticking his nose in Hitler¶s business as the German leader committed the most horrific act of the 20th century. CONCLUSION FDR might be the most important president of the 20th century. Korematsu v. only sometimes. insuring. too.´ he writes. was at war with them. this much is undeniable. The legal precedent that justified this vile act. William J. narratives end with perfect poetic justice. vanden Heuvel argues.S.com . who praised Hitler and continued to trade with Nazi Germany AFTER World War II began). and thereby diverting resources from the uses most valued by consumers. ³Each in its own fashion. that students have their college loans federally provided. FDR would have seen the folly in his most shameful act of the war. The nutty right spread rumors that Roosevelt¶s real name was ³Rosenfeld. was upheld by the Supreme Court and stands a valid legal precedent to this day. including Holocaust deniers like David Irving and his ilk. vanden Heuvel has noted. the ONLY) political leader to stand against Hitler from the very beginning. Leuchtenberg: ³In Kansas a man went down into his cyclone cellar and announced he would not emerge until Roosevelt was out of office.)´ Sometimes. though the U. each renders the economy less productive than it could be-and all in the service of one special interest or another. including Henry Ford. ³interferes with the effective operation of the free market. but virtually alone among prominent Americans (many of whom. Famously. but that¶s the way it is. FDR was the first (and. This nonsense about Roosevelt and about Jews continues to this day among the racist right. the Export-Import Bank. (Which he was there. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. it certainly serves as a major mark in Roosevelt¶s favor. so even (gasp!) the middle class and below can attend universities. told by William E. By subsidizing. Considering that this made him alone not only among the political leaders of the world.´ Regardless of how one feels about each of these individual agencies. and one can certainly debate about the impacts of some of them. his wife ran off with a traveling salesman. Their property was seized. by the way. that old people with no family can rely on Social Security checks rather than cat food in order to eat? WAR POLICY It¶s unfortunate that we have to sum up FDR¶s World War II actions in so short a space.
org/wgbh/amex/presidents/nf/resource/fdr/primdocs/socsecspeech.ECONOMIC HISTORY. THE JUGGLER: FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AS WARTIME STATESMAN.org/chat/chat03. http://www. FDR: THE NEW DEAL YEARS 1933-1937. DETERRING DEMOCRACY.1987.html. ³Purposes and Foundations of the Recovery (Fireside Chat)´. James MacGregor. Princeton: Princeton University Press.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. 2002. Roosevelt.shtml. July 1997. accessed May 9.htm. FRANKLIN D. New York: Dodd.independent. Chomsky. 1979. http://www. accessed May 5. ROOSEVELT AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY. 2002.. Robert.eh. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Higgs. Jr. Oxford University Press. Schlesinger. University of Mississippi . Kenneth S.com . Boston: South End Press. 1991.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. 1986. 1933.wcdebate. 1970. 2002. Arthur M. Hugh Gregory. Namorato. ROOSEVELT: THE SOLDIER OF FREEDOM. Michael V.html. Robert. accessed May 02. 1992. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. 2002. 17. 1985. Leuchtenburg. accessed May 10. September 1998. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. http://newdeal. Gallagher. 1935. 1959. Roosevelt.net/bookreviews/library/0024.washingtonpost.NET BOOK REVIEW . Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. Franklin Delano. Noam. 2002. THE COMING OF THE NEW DEAL. July 24. ³A Message to the Congress on Social Security. New York: Random House Publishing.htm.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. THE FREEMAN. http://www. EH.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. 1932-1945. Kimball. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.pbs. FDR'S SPLENDID DECEPTION. Department of History. http://www. Davis. accessed May 1. Mead and Company Publishers.´ Jan. Dallek. Franklin Delano. William E.feri. Warren F. Volume 9 Page 68 BIBLIOGRAPHY Burns.
2002. Leuchtenburg. FDR WAS KEY TO SOCIAL JUSTICE FOR THE DISADVANTAGED William E.htm. responding to left-wing critiques of FDR. np.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. too.. p.eh.com .net/bookreviews/library/0024. Volume 9 Page 69 FDR¶S ECONOMIC LEGACY IS CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT 1. was "an uncompromising champion of consumer sovereignty" (p. not least those who are disadvantaged. the Rooseveltian years were "a watershed in economic policy and in economic thinking" (p. Roosevelt listened to and responded to their suggestions. without which the New Deal would indeed have been mindless and devious.. 1). In the homes on the streets. July 1997.ECONOMIC HISTORY. Only a few weeks after Roosevelt took office. 2). Namorato. FDR REPRESENTED A WATERSHED IN ECONOMIC THINKING Michael V. the political paralysis. He provided those with more learning and understanding of economic matters an opportunity to develop their ideas. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. IN JUST A FEW WEEKS.Happy days are here again.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. FDR TRANSFORMED THE NATION¶S ECONOMIC OUTLOOK William E. accessed May 5. where trading resumed on March 15.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. and the ultimate impact these economic thinkers had on long-term federal economic policy. and in the New Deal that continued throughout. Washington seemed like Cambridge on the morning of the Harvard-Yale game: "All the shops were on display. Roosevelt's Washington. Roosevelt himself. In the case of Franklin Roosevelt. has written: ³Roosevelt was no hard-eyed merchandiser. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.1987.just where they are going. "The people aren't sure. 2002." On the New York Curb Exchange. Department of History. 2002. 2.. in Barber's opinion.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. EH. one eyewitness later remembered.1987." Again and again.. the stock ticker ended the day with the merry message: "Goodnite. Roosevelt brought the Welfare State to America. 3). Designs Within Disorder concentrates on what economists were saying during the New Deal. np. "but anywhere seems better than where they have been. Although not a great economic thinker.wcdebate. University of Mississippi .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. There was something in the air that had not been there before. his opportunism was grounded in social concern and conscience. how Franklin D.washingtonpost. observers resorted to the imagery of darkness and light to characterize the transformation from the Stygian gloom of Hoover's final winter to the bright springtime of the First Hundred Days. Leuchtenburg." noted one business journal. everyone was joyous.washingtonpost. accessed May 1. Barber believes that professional economists had a president who was willing to listen to them and who was a "consumer" of what they had to offer. Roosevelt rested his legislative program on the assumption that government should actively seek social justice for all Americans.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in short. accessed May 5. Similar to his earlier study. in the offices there is a feeling of hope reborn. p. Overnight. It was not just for the day as it was in Cambridge. the notion of the State got little attention in America before FDR.NET BOOK REVIEW . http://www. Patterson. p." 3. In this sense. was a "laboratory affording economists an opportunity to make hands-on contact with the world of events" (p. the spirit of the country seemed markedly changed. crowds moved excitedly. After much experimentation. http://www. np. Starting in the spectacular First Hundred Days.htm. years after it had become a fixture in other lands. Gone was the torpor of the Hoover years. gone. The historian James T. Although European theorists had been talking about der Staat for decades. . http://www.shtml. the end result was an "Americanized version of Keynesian macroeconomics" which became part and parcel of governmental policy by the end of the 1930s.
http://web. FDR¶S LEGACY IS THE ABOLITION OF INTERNATIONAL ISOLATIONISM William E. 2002. Volume 9 Page 70 FDR¶S OVERSEAS POLICY WAS EXCELLENT 1. given the nature of nuclear weapons.htm.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. can now escape from the compelling fact that if it is not framed with reference to the world. a position he was said to prefer to all others. Denied by Congress the discretionary authority he sought. 2." 3.htm. 2.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. FDR¶S INTERNATIONAL ROLE WAS FIRST-RATE William E. When he took office. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy. 2002. Leuchtenburg. Roosevelt. http://www.´ Conference on Leadership in the Modern Presidency at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University on April 3. Leuchtenburg. and it seems improbable.washingtonpost. accessed May 5." Robert Divine has concluded. Roosevelt not only supervised the mobilization of men and resources against the Axis but also made a significant contribution to fashioning a postwar settlement and creating the structure of the United Nations. As a wartime president.wcdebate. np. professor of International Relations at the International Studies Unit. Vol. 1998. late in his second term. that such a circumstance will ever arise again. So far had America come by the end of the Roosevelt era that Henry Stimson was to say that the United States could never again "be an island to herself. Political Studies Department. No. Never before had a president been given the opportunity to lead his people to a triumph of these global dimensions. crafting the Good Neighbor Policy. although promulgated by Franklin D. President Wilson's global campaign as the champion for the silent majority also set the stage for a United States democracy and human rights foreign policy in the twentieth century. Wilson's intellectual heir. As commander-in-chief.africa. "His role in insuring the downfall of Adolf Hitler is alone enough to earn him a respected place in history. the United States was firmly committed to isolationism. p. South Africa. Roosevelt had wide latitude to demonstrate his executive leadership by guiding the country through a victorious struggle against the fascist powers. in any sector of our national life. Rhodes University.1987. providing aid to the Allies and leading the nation toward active involvement in World War II. No private program and no public policy. Roosevelt made full use of his executive power in recognizing the USSR. p. accessed April 22. np.ufl. "He overcame both his own and the nation's isolationist inclination to bring a united America into the coalition that saved the world from the danger of totalitarian conquest.edu/asq/v2/v2i2a3. 2002.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2. http://www. Wilsonian precepts resonated clearly in the messsage of the Atlantic Charter which. manifestly indicated US dissatisfaction with the lack of sovereignty for colonised peoples. Roosevelt's high place rests also on his role in leading the nation to accept the far-ranging responsibilities of world power.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/fdryears. it is framed with perfect futility. Adar. p. AFRICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY. np.com . it had refused to participate in either the League of Nations or the World Court." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. FDR HELPED PROMOTE SOVEREIGNTY FOR COLONIZED PEOPLES Korwa G.htm. accessed May 5. and.washingtonpost.1987. ³The FDR Years: On Roosevelt and His Legacy.
As John T. Rather. ³it was always easy to interest him in a plan which would confer some special benefit upon some special class in the population in exchange for their votes. accessed May 02. Between 1929 and 1939 the economy sacrificed an entire decade of normal economic growth. THE NEW DEAL PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs. But however significant his legacies. by ranting against "economic royalists" and posturing as the friend of the common man. np. September 1998. In the face of the interventionist onslaught. Had Roosevelt only kept his inoffensive campaign promises of 1932²cut federal spending. he was an exceptionally resourceful political opportunist who harnessed the extraordinary potential for personal and party aggrandizement inherent in a uniquely troubled and turbulent period of American history. p. uncertainty.independent. accessed May 02. high unemployment.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. FDR¶S POLICIES ACTUALLY PROLONGED THE DEPRESSION Robert Higgs.html. p. http://www. September 1998. which would have increased the national income 30 to 40 percent.html. he got himself elected time after time. the root cause of the prevailing malaise was the continuation of the depression. Volume 9 Page 71 THE NEW DEAL WAS BAD FOR THE ECONOMY. no economy can grow.wcdebate. http://www. After all. 2. subsidies. maintain a sound currency. Roosevelt deserves no reverence. 2002. By wheeling and dealing. September 1998.html.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. p. Coming into power at a time of widespread destitution.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. and direct government participation in productive activities. taxes. September 1998. With its bewildering. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He was no hero.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the American economy between 1930 and 1940 failed to add anything to its capital stock: net private investment for that eleven-year period totaled minus $3. he prolonged the depression and fastened on the country a bloated. the New Deal did prolong the depression.independent. the New Deal created so much confusion.2 Without capital accumulation. 2002. THE FREEMAN. PROLONGING THE DEPRESSION 1. incoherent mass of new expenditures. np. FDR and Congress. by taxing and spending.independent. balance the budget. THE NEW DEAL WAS A MASSIVE VOTE-BUYING SCHEME Robert Higgs. the New Deal served as a massive vote-buying scheme. as many observers claimed at the time. np. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. and hostility among businessmen and investors that private investment.org/tii/news/x980900Higgs. intrusive government that has been trampling on the people¶s liberties ever since. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. accessed May 02. THE FREEMAN. the Roosevelt administration recognized that the president and his Democratic allies in Congress could appropriate unprecedented sums of money and channel them into the hands of recipients who would respond by giving political support to their benefactors. In fact.independent. THE FREEMAN.´ and eventually ³no political boss could compete with him in any county in America in the distribution of money and jobs.com . ROOSEVELT¶S LEGACY IS TO TRAMPLE ON LIBERTY Robert Higgs.1 billion. 2002. p. THE FREEMAN. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. accessed May 02. the New Dealers had a method. Senior Fellow in Political Economy at The Independent Institute and editor of The Independent Review. regulations. embraced interventionist policies on a wide front. In this madness. never recovered enough to restore the high levels of production and employment enjoyed in the 1920s. 2002.html. http://www. But instead. and business failures. Despite its economic illogic and incoherence. and hence overall private economic activity. The government¶s own greatly enlarged economic activity did not compensate for the private shortfall. The irony is that even if Roosevelt did help to lift the spirits of the American people in the depths of the depression-an uplift for which no compelling documentation exists-this achievement only led the public to labor under an illusion. But for all his undeniable political prowess.´ 4. http://www. especially during the congressional sessions of 1933 and 1935. stop bureaucratic centralization in Washington²the depression might have passed into history before his next campaign in 1936. np. Flynn said of FDR. fear. 3.
wcdebate. Chapter 2. Barber takes his argument through the later 1930s.. left-liberal social critic Murray Kempton describes the "majesty" of Roosevelt's smile as "he beamed from those great heights that lie beyond the taking of offense.. accessed May 1. a secret love affair. DIDN¶T ADDRESS INEQUITY Noam Chomsky." Roosevelt and Lucy Mercer "were persons even grander on the domestic stage than they would end up being on the cosmic one. etc. Barber concluded that the Full Employment Act was more of a victory for the opponents of the Keynesian approach than one would have suspected. Seeing Harry Hopkins' appointment as Secretary of Commerce as a turning point towards official acceptance of Keynesianism. http://www. Barber details how Hopkins brought in young academics sympathetic to this approach. FDR SHOULD NOT GET CREDIT FOR KEYNESIAN ECONOMICS Michael V.. World War II.NET BOOK REVIEW .. There was one published reaction." and met the great crisis in their lives.. http://www. EH. indeed revere. University of Mississippi . this demeanor as the aristocratic style. 2. Roosevelt took such complete command that he "left social inquiry. Department of History. THE ECONOMISTS SHOULD GET THE CREDIT.ECONOMIC HISTORY. Galbraith in the Office of Price Administration helped to mobilize America's wartime economy. no less analyzed in terms of his own thinking on what these economists were telling him and his close advisors.owing to his engraving upon the public consciousness the sense that men were indeed equal. FDR.. and the immediate post-war era. Department of History. http://www. Still. Namorato. "in the grandest style. July 1997. Franklin Delano Roosevelt attained similar heights among large sectors of the population. Volume 9 Page 72 FDR¶S ECONOMIC POLICIES WERE NOT TRULY EFFECTIVE 1. July 1997.. [His blend of elegance with compassion] adds up to true majesty..org/chomsky/dd/dd-c02s03. Finally." etc.shtml. NOT FDR Michael V. 2002. DESPITE ESTABLISHMENT HISTORIANS." whatever the record of economic reform and civil rights may show. including many of the poor and working class.. Those of us who were born to circumstances less assured tend to think of.net/bookreviews/library/0024. Roosevelt is lost amidst the intellectual environment that Barber has created.html.splendidly eternal for romance..ECONOMIC HISTORY. in his last chapters. 3. however. The important fact is that Roosevelt brought us "comfort. Reviewing a laudatory book on FDR by Joseph Alsop in the New York Review of Books. through Roosevelt and Truman.." He left us with "nostalgia" that is "aching. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1992. but the president himself is seldom even mentioned.." But that is only the carping of trivial minds." Try as they might." His "enormous bulk" stands between us "and all prior history. 2002.. the spinners of fantasy could not even approach such heights in the Reagan era." so much so that "ten years went by before a Commerce Department economist grew curious about the distribution of income and was surprised to discover that its inequality had persisted almost unchanged from Hoover. Namorato.endearingly exalted. accessed May 1. Finally. individuals like Galbraith left the New Deal.zmag. 171). how the president barely tolerated Thurman Arnold and his anti-trust movement. Keynesianism took hold after 1945 only after it had infiltrated the universities (p... by Noel Annan.eh.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. DETERRING DEMOCRACY. who placed their trust in him. The aura of sanctity remains among intellectuals who worship at the shrine.NET BOOK REVIEW . [We are] as homesick as Alsop for a time when America was ruled by gentlemen and ladies.a wasteland. In the end. Somehow. accessed May 1.. EH. who praised "the encomium that Murray Kempton justly bestowed on Roosevelt. and how people like John K. 2002.eh. University of Mississippi . In fact.shtml. Barber credits Roosevelt with so much in terms of providing economists with an opportunity to influence policy.." "That Roosevelt was the democrat that great gentlemen always are in no way abated his grandeur.net/bookreviews/library/0024.
some of whom even tried to expel him from the Legislature as a "traitor. It wouldn¶t hurt to have a gander at what they have continued to do in the ensuing decades. Who is right? Well. 1939. the 7th U. and whether some of the political movements of the time were benevolent or detrimental.com) admits. TOM HAYDEN¶S LIFE Regardless of your opinion of Hayden as an activist or as a person.S.and when he was elected as a state assemblyman 20 years ago. One of those movements. The other defendants. which he sees as necessary for a rich and stable intellectual culture. we¶ll have to take a look at Hayden. he was arrested as a member of the "Chicago Seven" for inciting a riot at the Democratic National Convention. wrote the national correspondent of The Atlantic.wcdebate. were acquitted of additional conspiracy charges. had a charismatic and thoughtful leader named Tom Hayden who has continued (as an activist and as a California state legislator) to work for change in the American political arena. Along with four other defendants -.com . Far from it: Hayden welcomes the dialogue. he has lived in Los Angeles since 1971. While it¶s certainly impossible to sum up either the SDS or Hayden in just a few pages -. ³he was regarded warily as an invader and outlaw by his fellow lawmakers. who were not convicted. Circuit Court of Appeals.committed to the Socratic and Platonic tradition of logic and rhetoric -.the issues they tackled ranged from the war in Vietnam to racial injustice to anti-nuclear politics to American economic inequity -. "Tom Hayden changed America". with that said. he was best known for his 16-year marriage to actress Jane Fonda. Born December 11. Volume 9 Page 73 TOM HAYDEN It says a great deal about American academic thinking that we are still arguing about the 1960s.S. Abbie Hoffman. his life. As some former radicals did. Basically. were John Froines and Lee Weiner. they participated in many controversial events demonstrating their opposition to the Vietnam War. He was elected to the state Assembly in 1982 -.tomhayden. So. Together. there are two camps that feel strongly as regards Hayden and SDS. There are those who consider them to be heroic protestors. including Froines and Weiner. he was a prominent defendant in the Chicago Seven trial. though. and what he and those inspired by him did during the 1960s."´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. He later served as a ³freedom rider. challengers of the status quo and defenders of the downtrodden -. Rennie Davis and David Dellinger -. you¶ve gotta admit he¶s led a pretty interesting life so far. his ideas.Jerry Rubin. Hayden -. All the defendants.it is possible to sum up the academic debate surrounding them. anti-American louts who have frayed the fabric of the blue jeans of American life. in order to answer that question. In 1969 and 1970. Students for a Democratic Society. As his own website (www.does not shy away from nor roll his eyes at debates on the impact of the 1960s.´ The freedom riders were a group of mostly white students from the north who traveled to the American south in efforts to assist racial desegregation the South. That court based its decision on procedural errors by U. District Judge Julius Hoffman. And unlike me. let¶s examine one of the most fascinating periods of recent American history. Hayden continued with his activism.and those who consider them to be troublemaking. Hayden decided to run for elected office. even those ³intent to riot´ convictions were overturned by a federal appeals court. Nicholas Lemann.Hayden was convicted of intent to riot at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Undaunted by his legal trouble. Later. In 1968. the Los Angeles Times reported.
he sponsored numerous bills. and more. That includes student groups. his tenure as a state senator was not the first time Hayden had influenced legislative agendas. Hayden wrote the Port Huron Statement while a student at The University of Wisconsin. he credits that issue as one of the factors inspiring the SDS movement: SDS moved from a mere problem identification mode to a serious institutional analysis of American politics. the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was still two years away -. activist. It¶s been a tumultuous ride for Hayden. convict with his sentence overturned.Hayden decried the injustice of the discrepancy in material wealth and economic opportunity between the white and black communities. again husband of different actress. IDEAS OF TOM HAYDEN Perhaps the most important item to read in studying the ideology of this and other radical organizations is the Port Huron Statement. What kind of action? Well. Hayden fought against university tuition increases. At least one prominent political figure. While he didn¶t pass much legislation -. and other activists of various stripes. In fact. but a general desire for leveling the economic playing field in the United States. Hayden recognized that power could not truly be challenged without alliances between various progressive groups. including legislation on behalf of women. the SDS got its name from a desire for what they termed ³true democracy. As one might expect given the racial intolerance prevalent in America at the time -. too. and on and on. hailed by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his civil rights achievements. former husband of actress.not necessarily the hard Marxist leaning of various communist groups. He backed pro-labor. politician. Hayden was called the "legislator of the year" by the American Lung Association for taking on the tobacco industry. kids). convict. author. he was given kudos by the Sierra Club and the California League Conservation Voters for backing protection of endangered species and proenvironment record. Even in his youth. Unlike many of his fellow radicals. workers. presidential assistant Richard Goodwin. Until he was forced out by term limits. to take action. wrote Sacramento Bee columnist Dan Walters. Then statement encouraged other students to research and understand the world at large. Hardly a single issue activist or politician. husband of actress. the SDS had socialist leanings -.remember. anti-sweatshop legislation -which you might expect of a former 1960s radical. Activist. the culmination of seven consecutive electoral victories representing the west side of Los Angeles and the San Fernando Valley. Like many of the so-called New Left groups of the time.his radical views often polarized even friendly legislators -. and decried the prominence of special interest waste and abuse of power in California politics. He has an infant son with Williams.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Hayden also has two grown children from his earlier marriage to Fonda. lots of different kinds. Indeed. He is currently married to the actress Barbara Williams. of course. But mainstream groups honored him. While a state legislator. Hayden never decried the existence of the political system as such. Recognizing that this would require revolutionary change. (Look it up. the founding document of Students for a Democratic Society. African-Americans and Latinos and Holocaust survivors. which was written by Tom Hayden in 1962. even when he wasn¶t married to Barbarella. as he was elected to the state Senate in 1992. Volume 9 Page 74 This didn¶t stop him. he was "the conscience of the (California State) Senate".com . The conclusion of the Port Huron Declaration reads: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ using rhetoric reminiscent of early American rabble rousers such as Thomas Paine.wcdebate. fought for reform of the K-12 educational system. has said that Hayden ³created the blueprint for the Great Society programs´ of Lyndon Baines Johnson during his tenure as an advocate for the working poor. praised by the Jewish National Fund for his support of Israel.
Pursuit of knowledge is then eclipsed by the needs of the moment and the opinion of the masses. ³the enclosing fact of the Cold War. higher education is not separate from democracy. on the failure of the university to stand as a critical institution representing inquiry.com . He responds to the charges of people such as Allan Bloom and David Horowitz thusly: What Bloom and others see as moral relativism -. and our friends. Bloom continuously asserts that higher education has failed democracy. that Hayden and SDS defended a multidisciplinary activism that recognized the need for progressive groups of all stripes to come together toward overlapping goals. Let us turn to the latter group now. THE CHARGE OF MORAL AND CULTURAL RELATIVISM Conservative academics interesting in revising history have tried to give a black eye to the 1960s student movements by accusing them of moral and cultural relativism -. Hayden expanded upon this defense of his philosophy: NPQ: In Bloom's mind. As a result. Hayden might say. but it seems difficult for him to comprehend that.wcdebate. and some of the charges they have levied against Hayden. insists Hayden to this day. The 1960s radicals were not defending Vietnamese (or Chinese. one would hardly be given to support any of the prevailing agendas that Hayden or his allies would. or Soviet) communism -. brought awareness that we ourselves. then. This man who makes so much of being able to distinguish between shadow and substance in Plato's cave becomes blind to the fact that the anguished cry of the students in the 60s was not so very different from Bloom's own lament. Just because it isn¶t your morality. and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril. might die at any time.of turning a blind eye to oppression if it suits their political ends. symbolized by the presence of the Bomb.´ It seems. Volume 9 Page 75 While Hayden has never focused on one issue to the exclusion of all others. even people that consider themselves ³progressive´ on one or more issues might not be given to the kind of movement-building that SDS advocated. Like many of his vintage. Rather than moral relativism. It is not Plato's cave. Especially because of the nuclear age. And. it is certainly possible to decide based on his activist priorities which are the most important to him.. It's an institution that is a full participant in our democratic society.they were defending their own brand of moral claims.Hayden sees as merely a shift in morals. improving cultural literacy or improving the quality of life. the Vietnam War provided his activist awakening. on the cowardly silence of the intellectual community in the 50s. Naturally.or contaminated by. the university loses the critical detachment necessary to preserve and pass on the core values of Western civilization. Higher education is fully integrated into . this was actually the mirror image of the moral absolutism that Bloom and his allies defended. there was tension in this: many labor groups distrust environmentalists because of perceived inattention to the cause of workers. When he was interviewed by the journal NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY.they argue that the student movements essentially defended the right of societies to choose communism -. and indeed the 1960s in its entirety.. on the remoteness of the curriculum from the real dilemmas of life. Thus. The editorials I wrote from 1957 to 1961 in the Michigan Daily were based on Cardinal Newman's concept of the university as a community of scholars.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Quite the opposite is true. when the current preoccupations of a democratic society become the primary concerns of the university. the SDS. for example. that the United States should not engage in what the SDS felt were immoral activities. doesn¶t mean there isn¶t a moral system behind it. pacifism and the avoidance of war were a pressing concern for Hayden: as he wrote then. of course. at least in the United States. as long as we have a US Constitution there will be the possibility of strikes or Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. HAYDEN: Bloom has it backwards. if one is not progressive at all. We live in an economy and a culture where ideas are not separate from improving productivity. depending on how we view it American society.
even if they weren¶t violent themselves. Hayden told the group: "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. they might be criticized for methods -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. whether it is justified in an advanced democracy which generally protects freedom of speech -. others maintain that Hayden and SDS were supporters of violent groups. Many say that the riot was something the SDS planned all along -. philosophies and ideas -. Critics cite Hayden¶s speech to the radical group The Weathermen. The question of whether violence is justified as a political tactic -. it¶s this: he isn't afraid to change with the times.wcdebate. However. OTHER CRITICISMS OF HAYDEN Even if individuals agreed with the goals of the SDS.com . According to observers.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Volume 9 Page 76 other disruptive activity any time the component members of an institution are treated like numbers or feel their point of view is not represented. Because of the overturned conviction. who refused to rule out violence as a political tactic.certainly. Nevertheless. He is unafraid of a vigorous and public discussion on policies.is not something we will concern ourselves with here.not unlike many members of the debate community. this is far from undisputed. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now." This would seem to be at least a tacit endorsement of the group¶s tactics. that was the basis of the government¶s case against the Chicago Seven.and the vexing corollarly question.HAYDEN AND DEBATE If there is one thing that we can say about Tom Hayden. it is worth reporting and considering that Hayden and SDS were certainly on the edge of the debate. CONCLUSION -.such as a willingness to riot at the Democratic National Convention. at the Weathermen¶s Days of Rage gathering.
1967). author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left. Tom. accessed May 1. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.htm.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. REUNION: A MEMOIR. THE LOVE OF POSSESSION IS A DISEASE WITH THEM. http://www. 1972. 1999. accessed May 2. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. http://coursesa. Radosh. Chicago: Holt. 1966 (pb New York: Signet. 2002. activist and former California state legislator. New York: New American Library. WASHINGTON POST.wcdebate.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. former radical.htm. #4. 1962. Hayden. Ronald. activist. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Hayden. 2002. Volume 9 Page 77 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aptheker. New York: International Publishers. Tom. the New Left and the Leftover Left. Hayden. MISSION TO HANOI. Herbert with prefaces by Staughton Lynd and Tom Hayden. 2002. Hayden.org/taemj97s. Fall 1987. New York: Random House. http://www. Rinehart and Winston. p. The Other Side. Volume 4. Tom Hayden.frontpagemag. 1988. 20.theamericanenterprise. 2001. 1966. Tom. November 27. accessed May 2. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE.msu. Tom. May/June 1997. activist and former California state legislator.com . B1. Port Huron Statement.html.matrix. David. Lynd. December 5. Staughton & Thomas Hayden. Horowitz. p.
I have to say I am glad to have lived long enough to see a new generation of rebels accomplish something bigger here in 1999 than we accomplished in Chicago in 1968 with our disruptive protests at the Democratic National Convention. that something can be done to change circumstances in the school. 20. 1962. Our world is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. we hope. on the contrary. AND HAVE MORE IMPACT Tom Hayden. p. THE 1960s WERE THE UNIVERSTIES¶ FINEST MOMENT Tom Hayden. THE NEW MOVEMENTS ARE LIKE THE NEW BOSTON TEA PARTY Tom Hayden. THE NEW MOVEMENTS CONTINUE THE LEGACY OF THE 60s. Professors at Columbia and Berkeley were among the intellectual architects of that war. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency. WASHINGTON POST. 1962.. not that of their opponents.. It was honorable to protest that situation. WE MUST CONTINUE TO EXPERIMENT TOWARD TRUE DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden. the government? It is to this latter yearning. the bureaucracies. hundreds of Americans per week were coming home in body bags. #4. environmental protection and human rights? Are American democratic values and middle-class interests secondary to those of transnational corporations? As a grass-roots movement seeking the overthrow of what it sees as an oppressive system.edu/~hst306/documents/huron.wcdebate. paralyzing policy discussion. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Port Huron Statement. 2002. calling on us not to be "good Germans. They were. 2002. accessed May 2. being gassed myself. one which moves us and. activist. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present. B1. do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present. In actuality it frustrates democracy by confusing the individual citizen. sitting on cold pavements and hard floors.edu/~hst306/documents/huron. is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise. B1. But we are a minority . the workplaces. For the first time in memory. activist. Fall 1987. 1999. and a commitment to social experimentation with them. 3. that we direct our present appeal.. others today.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. December 5. 2. Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity . activist.the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. http://coursesa. the patriotism of the corporate globalizers is in question. WASHINGTON POST.matrix.html. p. Comparisons between the World Trade Organization protests here and the protest movements of the '60s became a media micro-industry last week. activist and former California state legislator. They are the exact opposite of Nazi storm troopers. Based on five days of joining in protests. np. one can argue that the finest moment of the university was when students and faculty stopped the university's business-as-usual during a time of national crisis. yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. The American political system is not the democratic model of which its glorifiers speak. Volume 4. Seattle '99 was more like the Boston Tea Party than the days of rage we knew in the late '60s. My serious take on the question might surprise you. activist. and to this day I am astounded by the fact that of nearly 1000 academic articles written for leading political science journals during the 60s. Port Huron Statement. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. is the pepper spray helping you relive your youth? My response was that it beats taking Viagra. only one was about Viet Nam. December 5. 5. np. 1999. marching. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM ISN¶T REALLY DEMOCRACY Tom Hayden.matrix. Do the Clinton administration's investor-based trade priorities benefit America's interest in highwage jobs.msu.msu. and consolidating the irresponsible power of military and business interests. p. http://coursesa. and those who did so should be blessed in our history. at once the spark and engine of change. 4. On the contrary. Volume 9 Page 78 THE 1960s ACTIVISM OF SDS AND HAYDEN WAS POSITIVE 1.com . p. One reporter even asked me. accessed May 2." That's what Bloom doesn't understand. We were spending $30 billion a year on death and destruction.html.but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply-felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed influence to human affairs. p.
That was the University of Michigan in 1960. that erosion comes from turning the university to the specialized uses of society. HAYDEN¶S CRITICS HAVE MANY MORE MORAL PROBLEMS THAN HE DOES Tom Hayden. 3. the most traditional US Secretary of Education we have ever had. but it's confused because the cloistered community of scholars Bloom describes has not existed for many centuries. Fall 1987. p. At my university. She was deploying a network of informants who notified parents of the white girls who were seen socializing with black men in the student union. Volume 9 Page 79 HAYDEN¶S CRITICS ARE WRONG ± THE 60s WEREN¶T ABOUT MORAL RELATIVISM 1. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in the 60s. Volume 4.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Fall 1987. Furthermore. p. NPQ: Bloom argues that. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. and it's not anti-intellectual to revolt against those attitudes. 20. how are we to interpret Edward Teller's views on limited nuclear war? If academic leaders proclaim that the university is doing the best it can. We have the most conservative president we have ever had. The 60s were an intellectual and intensely introspective decade. #4. That administrative behavior deserved a revolt. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. and Bloom knows that. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY. That omission is another reason why his book is so baffling. p. To view the 60s as mindless because many of us followed C.the legitimacy of questioning everything . let's also not forget the 60s are over. the Dean of Women was not encouraging reading in Greek tragedy. Fall 1987. Volume 4. or Morningside Heights. #4. And it did. ALLAN BLOOM¶S FOCUS IS CONFUSED: HE SELECTS THE WRONG ISSUES Tom Hayden. thinking stopped with the moral indignation over the Vietnam War and racial injustice. led one thousand Yale students to Washington in protest.wcdebate. But far from being a time which gave birth to moral relativism. What would Bloom make of that situation? His focus is so confused because he chooses his events so selectively. 20. the university will unfortunately reap a whirlwind. Fall 1987. Does Bloom have a point? Hayden: Of course he has a point. activist and former California state legislator. I'll give another example. #4. THE 1960s WEREN¶T ABOUT RELATIVISM: THEY INTRODUCED REAL MORALITY Tom Hayden. the whitest universities elitists could want and the income base of the people attending our universities is safely affluent. Volume 4. He complains that students become economics majors prematurely and they all go to university with fantasies about becoming millionaires. activist and former California state legislator. 4. How was that caused by the 60s? Those attitudes obviously result from the drive of the marketplace and the tendency of the university to provide for the immediate professional needs of society. They spent an entire week involved in the process of lobbying the government to terminate the war. Volume 4. 2. how should we regard the official claim that the US was in Viet Nam to stop Chinese communism? Speaking of moral relativism. the 60s introduced morality into an amoral society and a materialistic university. activist and former California state legislator. Speaking of mindlessness. One week after the Kent State shootings. and they say those things loudly on the edge of the Oakland ghetto. Did that damage Yale? Did it morally and intellectually cripple the thousand students who participated? I think not. the president of Yale. 20. activist and former California state legislator. NEW PERSPECTIVES QUARTERLY.com . #4.then of course one of the occasional consequences will be rebellious behavior. BLOOM IS WRONG ± HIS IDEA OF THE UNIVERSITY HASN¶T EXISTED FOR CENTURIES Tom Hayden. Kingman Brewster. p. to be much more accurate about the 60s than Bloom. but it can't improve on a black admission rate of 5% or 6%. If there has been an erosion of general education. Was that a worthy undertaking by a university leader? Absolutely. If we accept Bloom's Platonic model . 20. Wright Mills and Albert Camus rather than Allan Bloom's prescriptions is wrong.
com . former radical.org/taemj97s. One of the conspirators. former radical. Because of such considerations. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. The now-famous pictures of demonstrators being bloodied by police. HAYDEN PROPELLED THE LEFT WING DEMOCRATS INTO POWER David Horowitz. Tom Hayden had helped launch Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). everybody knew it meant a confrontation with the Chicago police that could prove bloody.theamericanenterprise. 2." as Mao¶s Red Guards had done during the cultural revolution in China. During the trial. HAYDEN LURED PEOPLE TO CHICAGO FOR THE EXPRESS PURPOSE OF RIOTING David Horowitz.htm. Hayden¶s plans attracted only two or three thousand people to Lincoln Park.org/taemj97s.wcdebate. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. were indicted for conspiring to create a riot. Volume 9 Page 80 HAYDEN¶S POLITICAL AGENDA WAS SECONDARY: HE JUST WANTED TROUBLE 1. http://www. A radical street protest would put people¶s lives at risk. Ramparts editor-in-chief Warren Hinckle decided to participate by publishing a "wall paper. When people¶s heads are cracked by police. Jerry Rubin. May/June 1997. May/June 1997. Chicago¶s Mayor Daley had recently ordered his police to shoot looters. it "radicalizes them. As principal architect of the Port Huron Statement in 1962. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. May/June 1997. which soon became the largest student organization of the New Left. Seale was so obstructive that the judge ordered him bound and gagged. This fit with the general strategy Hayden had laid out in private discussions with me. http://www. http://www." The trick was to maneuver the idealistic and unsuspecting into situations that would achieve this result. including the Black Panthers¶ Bobby Seale. destroyed the presidential chances of Hubert Humphrey and moved the Democratic party dramatically to the left. But that was enough to generate trouble²Hayden¶s real agenda. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE.theamericanenterprise. When the dust cleared in Chicago.theamericanenterprise. admitted a decade later that the organizers had lured activists to Chicago hoping to create the riot that eventually took place. accessed May 1. Hayden and the protesters provided the push and the party rule changes that pushed the antiwar candidacy of George McGovern and propelled the party¶s left wing into power. 3. and the chaos on the convention floor. Four years later. HAYDEN AND SDS ONLY WANTED TO STIR UP TROUBLE David Horowitz. The ensuing melee changed the shape of American politics. Hayden and seven other radicals.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The picture of a black man in chains was a made-to-order script for the radical melodrama. 2002. he said more than once. During the riots that followed the assassination of Martin Luther King. 2002. 2002.htm.org/taemj97s.htm. accessed May 1. former radical. accessed May 1. the defendants created a near-riot in the courtroom itself. When he called for a demonstration at the 1968 Democratic national convention to protest the Vietnam War.
http://www. assuring everyone that his intentions were nonviolent. one of SDS¶s first leaders. HAYDEN TRIED TO MAKE BLOOD FLOW ALL OVER THE CITY David Horowitz. accessed May 1.htm." Anyone who knew Tom knew that the bombthrower was the real Hayden. FRONTPAGE MAGAZINE. and on Tuesday. We¶re gonna barbecue us some pork!" Once the violence started. Wednesday." You won¶t find this in Hayden¶s own memoir. Hayden defiantly incited the crowd to "make sure that if blood is going to flow. and Seale addressed the crowd with the suggestive exhortation that "If a pig comes up to us and starts swinging a billy club. Volume 9 Page 81 HAYDEN SAID HE WANTED PEACE. It is therefore good that Ayers reminds us of Hayden¶s speech to the Weatherman at their Days of Rage. Hayden then went to the most radical elements in the Left²those who actively advocated violence as a political tactic²and proposed that they provoke a conflict with the police who would be at the demonstration.frontpagemag. 5. Todd Gitlin. Hayden proposed to them that "It might be useful if someone were to fire-bomb police cars. 3. accessed May 1." and accuses him of responsibility for destroying what he saw as becoming a mass democratic Left. November 27. but it gives the lie to those who argue that there is simply no connection between the early humanist New Left and the later Weathermen. Having secured pacifist cover.htm." and he told his co-organizer." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. later told me with somebitterness that Hayden had been "extremely deceptive" in outlining his agenda for the gathering. the New Left and the Leftover Left. May/June 1997. former radical.theamericanenterprise. Sid Peck.com . 2002. when Hayden told the rioters "Anything that intensifies our resistance«is in the service of humanity. BUT HE REALLY WANTED VIOLENCE 1. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. Hayden gave Bobby Seale a platform in Lincoln Park. Hayden¶s duplicity continued throughout the event. and Friday [Hayden] was a National Liberation Front guerrilla. Thursday. accessed May 1. a group organized by Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin. showed the possibility of a true democratic radicalism. a member of mobe. who wrote the famed SDS Port Huron statement in the movement¶s early days. he warned one group in New York that "they should come to Chicago prepared to shed their blood. 2001. who alarmed Chicago officials by immediately threatening to put lsd in the Chicago water supply. 2002. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. causing the radical historian Staughton Lynd to comment that "on Monday. PREACHING PACIFISM. which had issued a call for "armed struggle" in American cities. 2002. Some would like to separate the rest of the so-called moderate New Left from the Weatherman. At the event. has condemned Ayers as a "failed terrorist. that he expected 25 people to die. As one of the Weather leaders told me later. Hayden gave the New Left the alternative of entering into the nation¶s democratic political structure and waging a serious political fight for left-wing social policies within the two-party system. former radical.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the pacifist group that issued the call to the Chicago demonstration. http://www.org/taemj97s. Hayden also met before the convention with the Weatherman faction of sds.theamericanenterprise. he«was on the left wing of the Democratic party.org/taemj97s. you got to down that pig in defense of yourself. We are so often told by Gitlin and others that Tom Hayden. According to Hayden¶s own retrospective account. author of Commies: A Journey Through the Old Left.theamericanenterprise. former radical.com/columnists/radosh/2001/rr11-27-01. http://www.wcdebate. HAYDEN WAS A GUERILLA BOMBTHROWER David Horowitz. May/June 1997. May/June 1997. and you check around and you got your piece. The Weathermen are setting the terms for all of us now. THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE. http://www. and Saturday. it will flow all over the city." 4.org/taemj97s.htm. He recruited the Yippies. Rennie Davis. HAYDEN REALLY ADVOCATED FIREBOMBING COP CARS David Horowitz. 2002. accessed May 2. HAYDEN ADVOCATED VIOLENCE Ronald Radosh.htm.
These books have a vested interest in making their version of history appear definitive. The second way that Zinn¶s historical methodology challenges the dominant orthodoxy is that it describes history from the standpoint of the oppressed. and the lies propagated by ³politicians.2 One of Zinn¶s primary arguments against this approach is that the disinterested and ³rational´ approach to history facilitates a distance between the historian and the subject matter that leads to complicity with evils in history: It is precisely by describing the brutality of war. revolutionized the way history is told. and an autobiographical commentary on politics and history. Howard Zinn takes an entirely different approach to the writing of history. this essay will engage each of these values in the context he provides. and ignores the daily lives of ordinary citizens. 2002. CRITIQUES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY Zinn¶s seminal text. His progressive history text. http://howardzinn. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. The author of more than 15 books. such as history textbooks used in schools.e. History has traditionally been told as though there was an objective truth waiting to be discovered and written. the church. it makes them appear more credible and authoritative than their competitors. [and] popular leaders.html Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. p..com . A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. Most United States history is told from a perspective that puts the government and politicians at the center. the character flaws of our leaders. because.´4 for example. ³Zinn is a champion of the notion that historical change occurs more through mass movements of ordinary people than through the wisdom and insight of so-called Great Men. he integrates the concepts of historiography with activism. Because many of them are framed in terms of their historical context.metroactive. p. within the context of history. from the perspective of those who have been disempowered throughout each era. he tells the narrative of history from the bottom up.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.com/papers/sonoma/04. 2002. http://www. that students can be taught to think critically about the world that they live in. no date. the mass media. THE ZINN READER. 506 4 Zinn. ³Zinn and the Art of History. Volume 9 Page 82 HOWARD ZINN Howard Zinn is a historian and activist to take note of by any measure. np. accessed May 12. He received his Doctorate in history from Columbia and is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. 507 5 Zack Stenz. In his essay ³The Uses of Scholarship. has sold more than 800.96/books9616. I will address each of these in turn. There are a number of different values and philosophical arguments that Zinn writes about.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´5 This is due. 503-506 3 Zinn. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. This is particularly the case in texts that claim to be at all comprehensive.1 In addition to his historical writing. spoken word CDs. rather than shying away from controversy. Zinn is not only prolific but is considered one of the most accessible modern historical writers.18.org/index23. in part. April 18-24 1996. to Zinn¶s personal background 1 Interview of Howard Zinn by Robert Birnbaum.wcdebate. rules for ³good´ scholarship. p. accessed May 11.000 copies. These are that writing should be disinterested. objective. he actively engages it. scientific (i. that is. neutral). but almost universally accepted. THE ZINN READER.htm 2 Howard Zinn. In contrast.´ Zinn critiques what he sees as the sometimes unspoken. he has authored several plays. There are four ways in particular that Zinn¶s historical methodology radically different from the norm: he recognizes (and even embraces) the bias in perspective that is a natural part of historiography. and rational (unemotional). 1997. narrowly tailored to one academic discipline. either nationally or in terms of his own life. from the author¶s perspective.
lived in tenements. np. the guardians of the old order will spring to the attack. which was painful. In 1956 Zinn moved his wife and children to Atlanta. http://howardzinn. from his role as a professor. Zinn does not shy away from controversy in either his historical writing or his commentary on modern political events in magazines such as THE PROGRESSIVE. YOU MUST ACCEPT PUNISHMENT IF YOU COMMIT CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE This fallacy derives from the glorification of Socrates¶ decision to accept his unjust death sentence. a ³Negro college´ in a deeply segregated area. each of which refutes one of the primary arguments made by opponents of civil disobedience. Zinn came from a working class background. 2002. he is a proponent of progressive social and economic policy. he does not identify with those who argue that hard work is all that is needed to get ahead. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. and at a young age was influenced by the writing of Charles Dickens. This makes him simultaneously one of the most loved and hated historians of this era. AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES Zinn writes extensively. you'll find that most of the legislation passed is class legislation which favors the elite. This is the perspective of much of his historical writing (A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES includes lots of infrequently taught labor union history) as well as the chapter of his memoir called ³Growing Up Class Conscious´ from YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN. Instead. np. However. Z MAG. the role socioeconomic class played throughout history greatly effected Zinn. Zinn's brand of "bottom-up" history has been reviled by political conservatives. One of his lesser known books. about the role of social protest and civil disobedience within democratic societies. he won a New Deal job as an apprentice shipfitter. and ³when 6 7 Stenz. physically demanding." Zinn says. 1998. This stems.´7 In addition to these issues of racism. At age eighteen. MOTHER JONES. particularly former Supreme Court Associate Justice Abe Fortas. The book is organized into nine sections. accessed May 12. Volume 9 Page 83 with the civil rights movement and the labor movement. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. Some of these fallacies are specific to the role of the court system in ensuring justice. and anti-fascist writers. Zinn is well known for integrating his own personal advocacy and activism with his writing.htm Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. is focused specifically on this topic.´8 Despite being someone who might be described as having ³pulled himself up by his bootstraps´ to raise from a working class background to a famous intellectual.org/index23. Inspired by his students. Third. and he confesses that he isn't surprised«. Finally. to take a position as the chair of the history and social sciences department at Spelman College. during the depression. in nearly all of his books. however. to a great degree. p.´6 His perspective is that revolutionary and even utopian ideas are crucial for shaking up the stronghold conservatives have over academia. p. and closely related to the last point. Zinn explained: ³I could see history being made before my eyes by ordinary people who are never written about in the history books. Georgia. he participated in extensive protest with his students. Upton Sinclair. particularly the United States. A PEOPLE¶S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. in part because of his commitment to stirring up controversy. which favors the rich. Marx. who were engaged in non-violent civil disobedience. and as a result eventually wrote the book DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY (his treatise on civil disobedience).wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. then the punishment itself is unjust. Zinn argues that if one is punished for breaking an unjust law. Despite the benefits of that job. anarchist. such as his retelling of the colonization of North America from the perspective of indigenous peoples. his youth heavily influenced his perspective on class in the United States: ³If you look at the laws passed in the United States from the very beginning of the [A]merican republic down to the present day. as well as many essays about his specific experience at Spelman. but I will focus on those concerning the role of the social protester."Whenever you introduce a new view of historical events. 8 Howard Zinn. December 3. and his next job as an Air Force bomber. and various communist.com . but extends to all of his writing.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. and prohibited union membership. NONVIOLENCE. ³[D]espite his popularity. John Stienbeck. You'll find huge subsidies to corporations all through [A]merican history. and others. Stenz.
Zinn argues that all things being equal. Furthermore. Generally. p. a massive amount of violence for a small or dubious reason would be harder to justify than a small amount of violence for an important and a clear reason. etc. the reason this principle is invalid is that it fails to distinguish between important and trivial laws in the context of preventing massive injustice. Zinn distinguishes between different levels of violence. Martin Luther King Jr.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. In any humanist philosophy. blocking streets. 1968.g. and progress generally. Zinn points out. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. Volume 9 Page 84 unjust decisions are accepted.com . by Zinn. the more it is aimed carefully at either a foreign controlling power. Zinn outlines several situations which demonstrate the inanity of this principle. for example.wcdebate. or a local tyrannical elite. Planned acts of violence in an enormously important cause (the resistance against Hitler may be an example) could be justifiable. nonviolence is better than violence. as being a nonviolent world. but the failure of the government to enforce just laws (e. injustice is sanctioned and perpetuated. One virtue of Zinn¶s writing is that he does not explicitly encourage violence. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. Perhaps the most obvious example were the ³sit ins´ in the segregated South which violated laws against trespassing. 45 11 Howard Zinn. Unfortunately. desegregation). even thinkers like Gandhi and Thoreau at times defended the use of violence when no other option was available. in his essay ³Letter From A Birmingham Jail. p.´10 The litmus test for determining the legitimacy of violence in civil disobedience has to do with the degree to which it is discriminating: Violence might be justifiable as it approaches the focusing and control of surgery. he sees the ultimate end of civil disobedience.. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. 1968. p.´ which Zinn argues are taken out of context when they are characterized as arguing that protesters must accept the punishment for their acts of civil disobedience. This argument. he points out that the severity of the protest must be weighed against the severity of the injustice: ³Would not any reasonable code have to weigh the degree of violence used in any case against the importance of the issue at stake? Thus. but instead finds a middle ground between violence and nonviolence. 48 10 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. On the one hand. This would include violating curfews. In a theoretical sense. may be morally defensible. when the segregation was not a public law but a decision by a private business owner. in the course of a protest. is useful in answering quotations from Martin Luther King Jr. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE ABSOLUTELY NONVIOLENT There are a plethora of excellent theorists²including Gandhi. Moreover. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MUST BE LIMITED TO LAWS WHICH ARE THEMSELVES WRONG Statists argue that violating laws other than those which are directly unfair is unjustified. it treats protest like a game to argue that protesters should accept the penalty for losing instead of continuing their protest to the end. 29 Howard Zinn.. Zinn writes. Self-defense is by its nature focused. 1968. most of the people who respond to this argument are people²such as Malcom X and Ward Churchill²who explicitly espouse levels of violence that may be difficult to defend. On the other hand. because it is counterviolence directed only at a perpetrator of violence«. a distinction must be drawn between violence against people and violence against property. This principle would also proscribe any solution to injustice resulting not from unjust laws.. and Thoreau²who argue for the benefits of nonviolence.11 9 Howard Zinn.´9 In fact. Revolutionary warfare.
³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent. social. There is no better example of such a case than in the civil rights movement in the United States.18. and will therefore be just. as we have seen throughout history. Zinn argued that ³the great writers could see through the fog of what was called µpatriotism. be it material. the minority is structurally precluded from using the law to advance their rights.¶ what was considered Zinn. civil disobedience may be the only possible method for fighting for justice. Zinn argues that there is a substantial difference between loyalty to the government of a country and loyalty to the country itself.´14 It is in these instances that civil disobedience is justified. RULE OF LAW HAS INTRINSIC VALUE / DEMOCRACY MAKES PROTEST UNNECESSARY There are two primary justifications for the argument that the law has intrinsic value and that. The problem with this view is that it places stability at a premium while ignoring the price of that stability: ³Surely. p.96/books9616. as Zinn writes: ³The law may serve justice. I take a very positive view toward the mass movements of people in America who have fought to make the country a better place. have ³µcharacterized A People's History as a ³Hate America´ book. particularly for a United States historian. as when it forbids rape and murder or requires a school to admit all students regardless of race or nationality. p. Volume 9 Page 85 In essence. THE ZINN READER. Often. do citizens have a greater obligation to ensure lawfulness or justice? Zinn writes: Thus. Nevertheless. It is too simplistic to argue that because democracy is majoritarian. 2002. the majority denies basic principles of justice to the minority for the sake of the majority¶s benefit.´12 The most important question then becomes: when the law does not serve the cause of justice. THE ZINN READER. is that law is created by the people. Zinn¶s argument is that limited violence is justified when the oppression being fought is extreme.html 13 12 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Absolute obedience to law may bring order temporarily. It is hard to imagine how anyone could read Zinn¶s articles or book chapters about the civil rights or labor movements without sensing the strong sense of pride he feels in American people. peace. and she sees no other effective method. when there are no other viable means of successful protest. therefore. µBut«while it's true that I take a very critical view of the United States government in history. they maintain peace and stability. THE ZINN READER. The first of these arguments is that regardless of whether the laws are just or unjust. and must therefore be followed. and in these cases it is irrefutable that the law ought be followed. then law and justice are opposed to one another. There are two primary differences First. thus making civil disobedience unjustified. thus represents the common sentiment of what is just. it will protect whatever the majority sees as just. http://www. But stability and order are not the only desirable conditions social life.metroactive.com . she is justified in violating laws²even if that lawlessness leads to social instability²to fight to stop the injustice.¶ Zinn says. in various terms. Chaos and violence are not. There is also justice«. and order are desirable.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. even civil disobedience that has good intentions is unjust. p. 370-371 Zinn.com/papers/sonoma/04. 370-371 15 Zack Stenz. In these situations. and when the target of the violence is directly responsible for the oppression. This is certainly true at times. when it protects the rich and punishes the poor. stability. But when it sends young men to war. accessed May 11. The second justification for the argument that the law (at least in a democracy) has intrinsic value.wcdebate. April 18-24 1996.¶´ 15 This demonstrates the fundamental distinction Zinn draws between how conservatives define patriotism and how he defines it. PATRIOTISM AND OPTIMISM Zinn is frequently criticized for not being sufficiently patriotic. Thus. 371 14 Zinn. when an individual sees injustice in the world around her. but it may not bring justice. or anything else. Many conservative historians.
The second aspect of Zinn¶s redefinition of patriotism is his insistence that criticizing the government. by protesting we strengthen and engage in the true democratic spirit of America. he quoted from the satire A CONNECTICUT YANKEE IN KING ARTHUR'S COURT. Zinn is not purely critical of the United States government and its leaders.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://www. to show people in the present day that they can fight back and win. but they haven't shown what people have done to resist these policies. Only by exercizing the right (and duty) to protest do we as individuals truly participate in democracy. 2002.progressive. 2002. in which the government is overwhelmingly bad and cannot be resisted.metroactive. accessed May 11. eternal part of what makes America America is not the government. And that's a critical thing to do. attempt to describe a world of oppressive futility. accessed May 11. challenging unjust governmental policies is an integral part of being a citizen of a democracy. As he argues in his examination of civil disobedience. often successfully. ³Artists of Resistency.html 17 Howard Zinn. far from being unpatriotic. They've done a very good job of illuminating the various bad policies of the American government. 2002. ³Howard Zinn brings his passion for history to Sonoma County´ in The Sonoma Independent.18. by Mark Twain: Similarly.´ THE PROGRESSIVE. July 2001. Zinn feels that the real.progressive.´ THE PROGRESSIVE.96/books9616. he writes history from a perspective which demonstrates the gains that have been made by social movements since the government was established.html 16 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. but the people and the social movements that have fought for justice for all people.´18 One important aspect of Zinn¶s writing is that it does not. accessed May 11. April 18-24 1996. http://www.org/zinn0701.com/papers/sonoma/04. His optimism leads him to take a more balanced approach: ³the left hasn't balanced its act very well«. However. July 2001.html 18 Zack Stenz.com .org/zinn0701. Instead.¶´ 16 To demonstrate the distinction. ³Artists of Resistency. is actually one of the best ways of being a patriot. http://www. in contrast to the perception of his critics.wcdebate. Howard Zinn. Volume 9 Page 86 loyalty. Thus.
New York: Signet Books. Abe. et al. 1997 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Howard. 2002. 1968 Zinn. New York: Harper Perennial.cfm?authorID=97 Zinn. New York: Seven Stories Press. THREE STRIKES: MINERS. Howard. MUSICIANS. 1999 Fortas.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY : REFLECTIONS ON THE ROLE OF ARMED STRUGGLE IN NORTH AMERICA. Boston: Beacon Press. Accessed May 17. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. 2000 Zinn. 1994 Zinn. YOU CAN¶T BE NEUTRAL ON A MOVING TRAIN: A PERSONAL HISTORY OF OUR TIMES. Accessed May 17. Howard. Howard. A PEOPLE'S HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES: 1492 TO PRESENT. Howard. Boston: Beacon Press. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. New York: Harper Perennial. SALESGIRLS. New York: Seven Stories Press.howardzinn. 2001 Zinn.org/evolution/articles. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY: NINE FALLACIES ON LAW AND ORDER. 2002.wcdebate. http://free. 2002.com . TERRORISM AND WAR (OPEN MEDIA PAMPHLET SERIES). Howard. Howard. Howard. New York: Seven Stories Press. http://www. 2001 Zinn. Ward. 1964 FREESPEECH. New York: Seven Stories Press. AND THE FIGHTING SPIRIT OF LABOR'S LAST CENTURY. HOWARD ZINN ON WAR. 1991 Zinn. 2002 Zinn. New York: Vintage Books. Accessed May 17.org/ HOWARD ZINN¶S ZNET HOMEPAGE.ORG. Volume 9 Page 87 BIBLIOGRAPHY Churchill. Howard. Winnipeg: Arbeiter Ring Publishing.org/bios/homepage. http://www.zmag. DECLARATIONS OF INDEPENDENCE : CROSS-EXAMINING AMERICAN IDEOLOGY. 2000 Zinn.htm HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.freespeech. HOWARD ZINN: ON HISTORY.
juries acquitted them. Because juries recognized the morality of what they were doing even though they had broken the law. Volume 9 Page 88 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS JUSTIFIED 1. And so laws that sustain injustice should be disobeyed. http://howardzinn. to the 1850s. in situations of urgency where very vital issues are at stake.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. What it does do is refuse the universal principle that you must always obey the law. black people. and indiscriminate violence turns people (rightly) away. And what it does is declare a willingness to decide when laws are consonant with morality and when laws are immoral and support terrible things like war or racism or sexism. limited. 2002.org/index23. escaped slaves. you'll see that it wasn't Lincoln who caused the anti-slavery sentiment in the country to grow. 2. One is the moral reason: that violence is in itself an evil. There are two reasons for such criteria. And in the 1850s. They broke into courthouses and into jailhouses to rescue escaped slaves. All this is to suggest what criteria need to be kept in mind whenever civil disobedience. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. to overt violence: it would have to guarded.htm I think that the history of the United States indicates that when we have had to redress serious grievances. Sometimes though it's the law itself that's disobeyed. manifested itself in many acts of civil disobedience against the Fugitive Slave Act that had been passed in 1850. 1998. It's always taken the actions of citizens and actions of civil disobedience to bring these issues to national attention and finally force the President and Congress and the Supreme Court to begin to move. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. 1968.org/index23. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY BE JUSTIFIED BY SPECIFIC CRITERIA Howard Zinn. And in a number of cases. and other means have been exhausted. aimed carefully at the source of injustice. The Fugitive Slave Act required the federal government to aid southern slave owners in bringing escaped slaves back to the South. Lincoln was reacting to the growth of the movement that became stronger and stronger from the 1830s to the outbreak of the civil war.wcdebate. accessed May 12. http://howardzinn. or in) self-defense. 3.com .´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE.htm The principle of civil disobedience doesn't state as a universal that you must always disobey the law (laughter). p. And they used certainly acts of civil disobedience. that has not been done by the three branches of government that are always paraded before junior high school students and high school students as the essence of democracy. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. You were talking about this going on for hundreds of years. white people. injustices of all sorts. December 3. free black people. and so can only be justified in those circumstances where it is a last resort in eliminating a greater evil. But the idea of civil disobedience is that Law is not sacrosanct. December 3. may move from mild actions. they gathered together in committees. accessed May 12. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. sometimes the law that is disobeyed is a law against trespassing or a law against picketing and people will commit civil disobedience and trespass as the sitdown strikers did in the United States in the 1930s when they took over factories or as the black protesters did in the civil rights movement in the United States when they sat down in lunch counters and refused to move. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2002. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DENIES THAT LAWS ARE ALWAYS MORAL OR CORRECT Howard Zinn. and preferably directed against property rather than people. Well people in the North. The other is the reason of effectiveness: The purpose of civil disobedience is to communicate to others. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. 1998. If you go back a hundred and fifty years ago to the middle of the nineteenth century. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS NECESSARY FOR JUSTICE Howard Zinn. to disorder. when they were brought up on charges and put on trial. 48-49. It hasn't been Congress or the President or the Supreme Court who have initiated acts to remedy racial inequality or tho do something about the government going to war or about economic injustice.
The result of all this is that most of us²when we are honest with ourselves²feel utterly helpless to affect public policy by the orthodox channels.´) The truth is so often the total reverse of what has been told us by our culture that we cannot turn our heads far enough around to see it. the representative takes over (as Rousseau. We forget (hence all the emphasis in recent years on voting rights for the Negro) how inadequate is the ballot.com . Historically. p. for Michels¶ ³iron law of oligarchy´ operates to keep us at the mercy of powerful politicos in both parties. DEMOCRATIC LAW IS NOT SACROSANCT. So to me the idea of civil dissobedience is to really enhance democracy. but how much of an audience we can speak to depends on how much money we have). when Dan went underground. and it's a profoundly undemocratic idea to say that you should judge what you do according to what the law says.´ Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or finally.htm So the Law should not be given the holy deference which we are all taught to give it when we grow up and go to school. 3.that wealth dominates the electoral process (see Murray Levin¶s meticulous study. freedom.org/index23. And the rights of even a portion of the laboring population were secured only by extra-legal uprisings in a wave of violent labor struggles from 1877 to 1914. 1968. DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. the law of the politicians´ to obey the higher law²what Reverend Coffin and Father Berrigan would call ³the law of God´ and what others might call the law of human rights. Surely. We have been naive in America about the efficacy of the ballot box and representative government to rectify injustice. 400-401.wcdebate. Victor Considerant pointed out) and we have lost our freedom. their calls for war. The feeling is justified. that the moment we have cast our ballots. and justice. ³Gray Matters Interviews Howard Zinn. Slavery probably could not he ended without either a series of revolts by blacks. December 3. 2. a devastating war waged. for the most part nonviolent. accessed May 12. she responded quietly. Volume 9 Page 89 DEMOCRACY DOESN¶T DELEGITIMIZE CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE 1. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ENHANCES DEMOCRACY Howard Zinn. and again during the sit-down strikes of the 1930¶s. http://howardzinn. THE ZINN READER: WRITINGS ON DISOBEDIENCE AND DEMOCRACY. 1998. in their appeals to patriotism. Kennedy Campaigning). that the two-party system is_only slightly less tyrannical than the one-party system.. ³It¶s not God¶s law. PROTEST IS NECESSARY WHEN VOTING FAILS TO PROMOTE JUSTICE Howard Zinn. it is obedience to governments. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. 2002. The disobedience of conscientious citizens. that is responsible for the terrible violence of our century. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. has been directed to stopping the violence of war. Professor Emeritus of Political Science at Boston University. The psychologist Erich Fromm. once referred to the biblical Genesis of the human race and the bite into the forbidden apple: ³Human history began with an act of disobedience and it is not unlikely that it will be terminated by an act of obedience. p. We forget that the information on which the public depends for judging public issues is in the hands of the wealthiest sections of the (true. IT MAY BE VIOLATED ON BEHALF OF JUSTICE Howard Zinn. thinking about nuclear war. and before him. the principles of peace. we have freedom to speak. by the very government that condemned John Brown to death for seeking a less costly means of emancipating the slave. (Daniel Berrigan¶s elderly mother was asked by a reporter. how she felt about her son defying the law. Or perhaps we should say ³ignore man-made law. we have found it necessary to go outside ³the proper channels´ at certain pivotal times in our history. 1997. We forget what the history of American politics has shown repeatedly: that there is only the vaguest connection between the issues debated in an election campaign and those ultimately decided by the government. Undemocratic because it divests you as an individual and the right to make a decision yourself about what is right or wrong and it gives all of that power to that small band of legislators who have decided for themselves what is right and what is wrong. 65-66.´ HOWARD ZINN ONLINE. ironically.
to make every effort to provide adequate facilities so that the demonstration can be effectively staged. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. He cannot pick and choose. JUSTIFYING ITS RESTRAING Abe Fortas. indeed. He may be motivated by the highest moral principles. CITIZENS SHOULD NOT VIOLATE THE RULE OF LAW FOR THE SAKE OF PROTEST Abe Fortas. No city should be expected to submit to paralysis or to widespread injury to persons and property brought on by violation of law. he should be punished by fine or imprisonment. He may. GOOD MOTIVATIONS FOR CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE DO NOT MAKE IT JUSTIFIED Abe Fortas. This is very different from the kind of civil disobedience which is not engaged in for the purpose of testing the legality of an order within our system of government and laws. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. 64-65. 1968. Each of us must live under law. and civil disobedience may turn into riot. so each individual is bound by all of the laws under the Constitution. 3. 1968. The motive of civil disobedience.wcdebate. Law violation or intemperate behavior by one demonstrator may provoke police action. Just as we expect the government to be bound by all laws. however noble. and restrained law enforcement. does not confer immunity for law violation. of course. always involve the danger that they may erupt into violence. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE. ordered. However careful both sides may be. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MAY SPIRAL OUT OF CONTROL. 70-71. but his essay should not be read as a handbook on political science. If he is properly arrested. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. civil disobedience is prompted by both motives²by both a desire to make propaganda and to challenge the law. It must be prepared to prevent this by the use of planning. Frequently. persuasion.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and controlled. charged. Let me first be clear about a fundamental proposition. An enormous degree of self-control and discipline are required on both sides. it is the state¶s duty to arrest the dissident. These are not controlling. so that it can be conducted without paralyzing the city¶s life. He may be passionately inspired. or both. however peacefully intended by their organizers. Both of these are essential. Agitators and provocateurs. it is the city¶s duty under law. so it also depends upon the individual¶s subservience to the laws duly prescribed. must be identified. isolated acts of a few persons will overwhelm the restraint of thousands. It was true in the case of Mrs. however large and inconvenient. and as a matter of good sense. and any move that they may make toward violence must be quickly countered. there is always danger that individual. police and citizens must be tolerant of mass demonstrations. who refused to pay withholding taxes because she thought they were unlawful and she wanted to protest the invasion of her freedom as a capitalist and citizen. Volume 9 Page 90 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE IS UNJUSTIFIED 1. Police must be trained in tact as well as tactics. We are a government and a people under law. be right in the eyes of history or morality or philosophy. in accordance with the provisions of law. p. These mass demonstrations. whatever their object. p. For example. but which is practiced as a technique of warfare in a social and political conflict over other issues. p. as well as practical wisdom. for the rules of law. and at the same time claim a right in himself to break it by lawless conduct. 1968. free of punishment or penalty. a young man may be advised by counsel that he must refuse to report for induction in order to challenge the constitutionality of the Selective Service Act. Thoreau was an inspiring figure and a great writer. 62-63. The city must perform this duty. CONCERNING DISSENT AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE.com . 2. Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. Vivian Kellems. But at the same time. Demonstrators must be organized. But despite this. and convicted. Especially if the civil disobedience involves violence or a breach of public order prohibited by statute or ordinance. This is true in many instances of refusal to submit to induction. It is not merely government that must live under law. This is the dangerous potential of mass demonstrations. He cannot substitute his own judgment or passion. whatever its type. and to provide protection for the demonstrators. Intemperate or hasty retaliation by a single policeman may provoke disorder. A citizen cannot demand of his government or of other people obedience to the law. unless the law is invalid in general or as applied. our Constitution and our traditions. Just as our form of life depends upon the government¶s subordination to law under the Constitution. It is the state¶s duty to arrest and punish those who violate the laws designed to protect private safety and public order. teach us that city officials.
The aftermath of the Iranian revolution was equally disastrous. and continued repression in following decades. pacifism and its attendant sacrifice of life cannot even be rightly said to have substantially impacted the level of evident societal violence. brought into being on the basis of the principles of pacifism. pseudo-praxis). To make themselves a clear and apparent danger to the state. 3. in which case they will likely be largely ignored by the status quo and self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. the successful nonviolent insurrection against the Martínez dictatorship did not lead to long term improvement for the El Salvadorean people. Perhaps more worrying are the dispiriting aftermaths following some short-term successes of nonviolent action. 44 Absurdity clearly abounds when suggesting that the state will refrain from using all necessary physical force to protect against undesired forms of change and threats to its safety. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. was crushed in the Beijing massacre. The fallacy of such a proposition is best demonstrated by the nazi state¶s removal of its ³Jewish threat. more appropriately. or. Professor of Ethnic Studies and Coordinator of American Indian Studies at University of Colorado. in practical terms. Nonviolent action is not guaranteed to succeed either in the short term or long term. Bomber pilots show little remorse for the agony caused by their weapons detonating far below. In either event ² mere ineffectuality or suicide ² the objective conditions leading to the necessity for social revolution remain unlikely to be altered by purely pacifist strategies. http://www. or even a substantial social reorganization. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. the induced starvation of whole populations and the like. The mass suffering that revolution is intended to alleviate will continue as the revolution strangles itself on the altar of ³nonviolence. but has little chance when cause and effect are separated. it is inadequate on its own..e. In every instance. Associate Professor in Science. Accessed May 17. p. As these conditions typically include war.wcdebate. np. at least a relative degree of nonviolence). 2001. worthwhile change. In El Salvador in 1944. violence has been an integral requirement of the process of transforming the state. Technology & Society at the University of Wollongong. ³ Violent intervention by others divides itself naturally into the two parts represented by Gandhi¶s unsolicited ³windfall´ of massive violence directed against his opponents and King¶s rather more conscious and deliberate utilization of incipient antistate violence as a means of advancing his own pacifist agenda. NONVIOLENCE VERSUS CAPITALISM. Associate Professor in Science.html The consent theory of power Gandhi approached nonviolent action as a moral issue and. 2002.html It is important to note that not all uses of nonviolent action lead to long-lasting. np.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. There was a military coup later in 1944. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/01nvc/nvcall. 2001. Nonviolent tacticians imply (perhaps unwittingly) that the ³immoral state´ which they seek to transform will somehow exhibit exactly the same sort of superior morality they claim for themselves (i. The new Islamic regime led by Ayatollah Khomeini was just as ruthless as its predecessor in stamping out dissent. if followed to its logical conclusions. as a means for persuading opponents to change their minds as a result of their witnessing the commitment and willing sacrifice of nonviolent activists. The 1989 prodemocracy movement in China. leaves its adherents with but two possible outcomes to their line of action: To render themselves perpetually ineffectual (and consequently unthreatening) in the face of state power. after a short flowering.´ 2. Australia.edu. http://www.edu. NONVIOLENCE FAILS IN THE CONTEXT OF MODERN CONFLICTS Brian Martin. Australia. While this approach explains some aspects of the power of nonviolent action. Volume 9 Page 91 NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE FAILS 1. but variations do little to alter the crux of the situation: there simply has never been a revolution. p. Moral persuasion sometimes works in face-to-face encounters. while managers of large international banks have little inkling of the suffering caused by their lending policies in foreign countries. p. History is replete with variations on these two subthemes. NONVIOLENT STRATEGIES ARE UNABLE TO EFFECTUATE CHANGE Ward Churchill. Accessed May 17. 2001.uow.uow. Pacifist praxis (or. 2002. in which case they are subject to physical liquidation by the status quo and are self-eliminating in terms of revolutionary potential. PACIFISM AS PATHOLOGY. NONVIOLENCE DO NOT CREATE SUSTAINABLE VICTORIES Brian Martin.com .
and Nye¶s likely got it.D program in government at Harvard. Nye is currently Dean of Harvard University¶s Kennedy School of Government. While he is certainly a product of his upbringing and intellectual culture. from the Democratic establishment sources like Strobe Talbott and Madeleine Albright to academics of all kinds. Nye grew up on a farm in Northwest New Jersey. and imagine the wings praising Nye as belonging to some giant bird. those are some big outstretched wings. after which he returned to Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government to teach. Jr.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and received his bachelor¶s degree in an interdisciplinary major from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1958. The further right won¶t like his reluctance to use American power in every situation. Speaking of his upbringing and intellectual culture. is one of the most influential modern voices in American governance and political science. THE LIFE OF JOSEPH NYE. let¶s look at where Nye has come from in order to understand where he is today. he is also an influential thinker on the domestic scene. Joseph Nye. He is a Rhodes Scholar. Jr. serving as an editorial board member of Foreign Policy and International Security magazines. he is at least apparently willing to try to step outside that rigid intellectual framework as he explores the issues of today. The fact that Nye is neither a lifelong government official nor a lifelong academic may have some influence on his thinking. I wouldn¶t want to wash my car while that seagull is flying overhead. But the guy is a pretty sharp old. That¶s not to say there is something in Nye for everyone. When Cyrus Vance was appointed secretary of state. Nye was recruited to join his transition team as a consultant on nuclear proliferation. bald white establishment guy. Nye kept up his prolific writing on international security issues. Joseph Nye. to the extent that Nye is reluctant to adopt the ideological fabric of any particular pigeonhole. Just look at the wide variety of sources that have praised his work: from Machiavellian realists like Henry Kissinger to loose cannons like George Soros. Volume 9 Page 92 JOSEPH NYE. you¶d sort of be right. And. and a graduate of the Ph. well. He fluttered between governmental work and university work over the next several years.wcdebate. You might think that Nye is merely another old. All the while.com . JR. Intellectual chops that are unquestioned? Check. He stayed on in that capacity from 1977-1979. It¶s hard to imagine the left cozying up to him very much. and his viewpoints are refreshing in their lack of ideological predisposition. If we are to think of American politics in terms of the left wing and the right wing. doing his post-graduate work at Oxford University. However. He seems decidedly less dogmatic than a great deal of his contemporaries who have spent their entire careers in the Beltway or the Ivory Tower. He has written more than one hundred articles in professional journals. After Jimmy Carter won the 1976 presidential election. was born in 1937. Well versed in foreign policy. Longtime professor? Check. JR. he asked Nye to serve as deputy undersecretary in charge of Carter's nonproliferation initiatives. bald white guy that has worked in the government and worked with universities. Name a qualification that holds weight in the policy wonk world. Written for the heavy-hitter journals? Check. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. he is an intriguing thinker who appears to approach each problem as a fresh challenge.
. a hawk per se. But if I get you to want what I want. then the United States must not isolate china.´ Nye wrote an insightful article with a global focus in the Guardian on March 31.always reacting to emerging situations rather than viewing emerging phenomena through a fixed lens. He meditates on the differences between soft and hard power in his book THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE. Nye is not. 2001) that will of necessity engender a military response. might turn into a self-fulfilling prophecy. "Soft Power is your ability to attract others to get the outcomes you want. for example. economic. for example. where one uses foreign policy tools to isolate an adversarial power. as should be clear.com .. "Hard power is when I coerce you--if I the use a carrot or a stick to get you to do something you otherwise wouldn't do. in fact. Will this strategy work? No one can be certain. then. It would be one of Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. that's hard power. That¶s true of most adversaries in addition to traditional allies like Japan. and I don't have to use a carrot or a stick. Nye is a believer in war as a last resort. ³If China can be brought into a network of rule-based relations. Nye reasons. the case of China. engagement. We¶re going to either negotiate with them or flex our own economic muscles (as George W. 2002.especially against American allies like Taiwan (an island nation that China considers a part of its country. considering it a ³solution´ that is often actually creates worse problems.wcdebate. particularly in the post Cold War world. An attempt to treat China as a threat. Nye¶s idea is that a strong China is better for the world community than a weak China. How. especially in the face of competing and potentially adversarial powers? The answer is a question of containment vs. his views of power and global politics is much more nuanced than the big-stick diplomats that dominate the scene today. Nye is a realist who does seek to advance American interests through the policies he advocates. War is an impractical and problematic means of enforcing American interests and desires. despite the United States so-called ³war on terrorism. such an evolution may continue. While Bush has been threatening to invade Iraq almost constantly for the last year.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. given that a weak China would be more given to lash out to shore up its power -. It¶s only for a truly dramatic event (like the terrorist tragedy on September 11. other measures (such as the multilateral United Nations oil embargo and other sanctions) are really more effective with less of an opportunity cost. that's the ultimate because it costs me almost nothing but I get the outcomes I want. Nye coined the marvelously efficient phrase ³soft power´ to refer to those non-military forms of exerting influence -. Containment is a more hawkish strategy." Nye has said. etc. That said.cultural. diplomacy and other channels in an attempt to exert influence over the other state." This has not changed since September 11. though the Taiwanese don¶t agree) or Japan. If that is true. NYE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS While technically Nye falls under the school of ³realism´ in international relations. Engagement is where a nation continues to interact with the adversarial power through trade. Bush did by imposing steel tariffs recently) in response. An emerging power with one billion citizens and a growing economy. does one secure American interests. Volume 9 Page 93 As Nye himself has observed This lack of a fixed plan mirrors his thinking -. If we disagree with Japan¶s trade policy. China will be a force in the new century. which included the following: Soft power is an important concept to understand. Nye is usually an advocate of engagement. but it is clearly better than the containment strategy . Take. we aren¶t going to invade them.
In an article for FOREIGN AFFAIRS.com . that might satisfy the majority of the populace and confer a legitimacy on those institutions they haven¶t seen yet. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.wcdebate. Nye takes the line on globalization that you might expect from an establishment centrist. While he surely agrees with virtually none of their prescribed solutions (calling anti-free trade protesters ³demagogues in the street´). the International Monetary Fund. and the World Trade Organization. and that citizens might have better opportunities to influence those decisions. Volume 9 Page 94 history's tragic ironies if domestic politics leads to an unnecessary Cold War in Asia that will be costly for this and future generations of Americans. he at least has attempted to address the flaws in the system some have identified.´ he wrote.´ He sets out a program of action for increasing transparency and democratic accountability for actions at organizations such as the World Bank. Nye knows what kind of policies led to increased tensions during that period in history. even the poor ± he is one of the few mainstream analysts who has attempted to seek out ways to assuage the concerns of protesters. NYE ON GLOBALIZATION Neither a demagogue nor a radical.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. it will help allay the fears of most Americans and other world citizens. As an intellectual who lived through the darkest moments of the Cold War. While himself an advocate of a globalized economy and free trade ± believing that the rising tide of economic growth lifts all boats. an establishment journal that some call the most influential in the world. Nye wrote on ³Globalization's Democratic Deficit: How to Make International Institutions More Accountable. While Nye recognizes this probably won¶t satisfy everyone. He is keen on avoiding that kind of situation with other powers. in his view. such as China. especially the radical left. we should be using our influence in a positive manner. Rather than isolating other nations. He reasons that if decisions are made out in the open. It should be noted that this falls right in line with his idea of soft power: the ³big stick´ approach is a counterproductive one.
Where there is a foreign policy crisis that affects the United States. No great radical thought here: everyone from the establishment to Noam Chomsky agrees on that.´ No matter how you slice it. However. critics say. and that Nye misanalyses available data from polls and opinion surveys. serves to perpetuate the hegemonic imperialism of the United States just as much as the more realpolitik theorists. critics say. They have a common denominator -the term ³power. including the Japan Policy Research Institute (headed by the noted Asian scholar Chalmers Johnson) argue that the American military presence is more destabilizing than anything. It is more likely. security relationship. than the U. on too many fronts.wcdebate. according to Johnson. critics would say that the lens he uses to evaluate such phenomena is fundamentally corrupted. liberal internationalist thinkers like Nye -. American credibility is diminished. if you go looking for enemies.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. it is possible to sketch out the general precepts that Nye values ± and to watch as his thinking continues to evolve. Further left. For example.-Japan arrangement might be just such an example of overstretch. Instead. and he continues to write for the most influential periodicals in print and on-line.are still trapped by the paradigm of American imperialism in the view of these critics. Nye¶s defense of the U. Johnson argues.´ Imperial overstretch is where an empire (like the United States) tries to project power into too many places. the JPRI and Johnson claim that the American military presence overseas. The mainstream left criticizes Nye¶s optimism about the positive influence of American soft power and the stabilizing character of the American military presence overseas. Johnson argued in his 2000 book of the same name. This lens seeks threats in the world for the United States to solve. you can be sure this scholar will have something to say about it.com . and any military utility of these bases is speculative at best. Similarly. Volume 9 Page 95 CRITICS OF NYE Critics of Nye fall into several different categories. Take. the distinction between soft power and hard power. the United States is going to be extending its influence on the world in a manner designed to advance its interests. that the arrangement is contributing to ³imperial overstretch´ rather than ³soft power. Critics of this policy. There is no better example of this blowback. The difference between Nye and his critics is that Nye believes American influence is generally benign or positive. even if the ³soft power´ phenomenon is true. you will probably find them. Even open-minded. The American military bases on the island are the subjects of constant protests from the locals. people looking for a role for the American military (or even ³soft power´) will probably find an indispensable role for it.-Japan relationship. While Nye might say that the United States should continue to maintain a forward presence in Asia in order to prevent a power vacuum in the region.who take a broader view of the American national interest -. This type of self-justifying behavior. many take issue with Nye¶s notion of the American national interest -and his assumption that advancing the American national interest is in the interest of the world at large. As the old Chinese proverb goes. for example. His most recent book was just published this year. America keeps itself in the news in a negative manner due to the annual rapes of young Okinawan girls committed by American servicemen. Perhaps there is a reason that Henry Kissinger has praised Nye despite their differences? IN CONCLUSION It¶s always difficult to analyze a scholar¶s impact while that scholar is still producing materials ± especially when that scholar is as prolific as Nye continues to be.S. by this unwieldy and counterproductive arrangement. is engendering a ³blowback´ -. and in Japan particularly.S. Nye is a staunch defender of the Japan-U. thus preventing a war that is damaging to American (and world) interests.S.unintended and unpredictable consequences which threaten security instead of enhancing it. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. This entails both the United States maintaining a military presence in Asia (predominantly on the island of Okinawa) and the United States continuing to exert influence over Japan in international relations. Just look at Okinawa. not enhanced.
.3858. Nye.. FOREIGN POLICY (spring 2000). 1990). August 2001) Nye... Jr. Jr.com . Joseph S.4384507.co. Bound to Lead: THE CHANGING NATURE OF AMERICAN POWER. Nye. Jr.C.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. D.org/jpri/public/crit5. Jr. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. GOVERNANCE AMID BIGGER. Jr. Nye. WHY PEOPLE DON¶T TRUST GOVERNMENT. Jr. Jr. http://www. January 1998.com? Governance in A Networked World. Keohane]... Jr. Jr. JPRI CRITIQUE... co-edited with Philip D. GOVERNANCE IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD. ³The US and Europe: Continental Drift?´ INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (January 2000). co-edited with Elaine Ciulla Kamarck (Hollis Publishing. Nye. coauthored with Graham Allison and Albert Carnesale (New York: Norton.. Joseph S. Nye.observer.´ CURRENT (September 1999). Nye. 1997).. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. HAWKS. January 2002) Nye. March 31. Nye.. Joseph S. co-edited with John D. Joseph S. accessed May 5. Joseph S.. Joseph S.wcdebate. THE PARADOX OF AMERICAN POWER: WHY THE WORLD'S ONLY SUPERPOWER CAN'T GO IT ALONE (New York: Oxford University Press. 2000. Joseph S. BETTER MARKETS (Brookings Institution Press. Joseph S. Number 1. Joseph S. ³Redefining America's National Interest: The Complexity of Values. 1986). NUCLEAR ETHICS. ³Globalization: What's New? What's Not? (And So What?)´ [co-authored with Robert O. King (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 3d ed. 1999) Nye.. (New York: Longman. 2002. ³Military Deglobalization?´ FoREIGN POLICY (Jan. democracy.html.. Nye. 2002.jpri. Jr. Nye. Jr. (New York: The Free Press. (New York: Basic Books.00. DOVES AND OWLS: AN AGENDA FOR AVOIDING NUCLEAR WAR. Joseph S. Volume 9 Page 96 BIBLIOGRAPHY Japan Policy Research Institute. Joseph S. Donahue (Washington. Zelikow and Davic C.html. 1985). accessed May 1. UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS: AN INTRODUCTION TO THEORY AND HISTORY.: Brookings Institution Press. Nye. Volume V. Joseph S. THE OBSERVER.1.uk/Print/0.-Feb. Jr. http://www. 2000). Jr. Jr. Joseph S. 2001). Joseph S. Nye. 2002.
html. http://www. http://www. D. those with the most access to multiple channels of communication. are industrial economies analogous to parts of the West in the mid-twentieth century. Nye. Much of Africa and the Middle East remains locked in pre-industrial agricultural societies with weak institutions and authoritarian rulers. 2002.html. The countries that are likely to gain soft power are those closest to global norms of liberalism. These protesters are a diverse lot. 2002. accessed May 1.. THE OBSERVER. Quebec City. Protest organizers such as Lori Wallach attributed half the success of the Seattle coalition to "the notion that the democracy deficit in the global economy is neither necessary nor acceptable. Some reject corporate capitalism. THE OBSERVER. Power in the global information age is becoming less coercive among advanced countries. economic. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government.4384507. accordingly.3858. Jr.military.co. Of all their complaints.foreignaffairs. 2002. Other countries.. Imperious policies that utilised Soviet hard power actually undercut its soft power.uk/Print/0.wcdebate. Nye.C. Seattle. accessed May 2.3858. Nye. 2. 2002.. Conversely.co. the Netherlands. finding some way to address its perceived democratic deficit should become a high priority.00. this last concern is key. if current economic and social trends continue.html.html. And countries like the Canada. and their coalition has not always been internally consistent. It is becoming difficult for international economic organizations to meet without attracting crowds of protesters decrying globalization. 2002. 2002. and the Scandinavian states have political clout that is greater than their military and economic weight because of their support for international aid and peace-keeping. and soft .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.observer. The Vatican did not lose its soft power when it lost the Papal States in Italy in the nineteenth century. GLOBALIZATION SHOULD BE MORE DEMOCRATIC Joseph S.co. coming mainly from rich countries. and autonomy. March 31. LIBERALISM. accessed May 1. Jr. FOREIGN AFFAIRS. leadership in the information revolution and soft power will become more important in the mix.3858. THE OBSERVER. Jr. the Soviet Union lost much of its soft power after it invaded Hungary and Czechoslovakia. However.observer. India. March 31. even though its economic and military resources continued to grow. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government.. In such a variegated world. such as China. 2002. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. Nye. Volume 9 Page 97 SOFT POWER AND DEMOCRACY PROMOTION ARE INCREASINGLY KEY 1. and Brazil. Washington. SOFT POWER IS MORE IMPORTANT NOW THAN EVER Joseph S. Jr. SOFT POWER DOESN'T DEPEND ON HARD POWER Joseph S. But most of the world does not consist of post-industrial societies. and those whose credibility is enhanced by their domestic and international performance. all three sources of power ..remain relevant. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.00. whereas others accept the benefits of international markets but worry that globalization is destroying democracy.observer. environmentalists concerned about ecological degradation and anarchists who object to all forms of international regulation. March 31. http://www.4384507. Dean of Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government. 3. and that limits the transformation of power. These dimensions of power give a strong advantage to the United States and Europe. 4.com .uk/Print/0. accessed May 1. Soft power is not simply the reflection of hard power. http://www. July/August 2001. They have included trade unionists worried about losing jobs and students who want to help the underdeveloped world gain them. PLURALISM AND AUTONOMY INCREASE SOFT POWER Joseph S." For globalization's supporters.00.uk/Print/0.4384507. pluralism. Some protesters claim to represent poor countries but simultaneously defend agricultural protectionism in wealthy countries.org/articles/Nye0701. Prague.
Jr. we are guaranteeing ourselves an enemy.nyu. Unlike the Soviet Union. Third. 2. China lacks the capacity to project military power much beyond its borders. http://www. p. np.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. Nye.nyu.. while engagement can be reversed if China changes for the worse. 2002. np. Disagreeing with those who want to isolate China. accessed May 3. ISOLATING OTHER COUNTRIES IS BAD POLICY Joseph S. in the new dimensions of military strength in the information age. Jr. Washington's current hysteria about China is largely driven by domestic politics. Ever since Thucydides and the ancient Greeks. but it makes no sense to throw away the more benign possibilities at this point. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. No one knows for certain what China's future will be. Isolating other countries is bad policy. Second. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. particularly given the fact that nationalism is rapidly replacing communism as the dominant ideology among the Chinese people. the United States could not now develop a coalition to contain China even if we tried. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. p.nyu. only China can produce an effective containment policy. Jr. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1998. Clinton defended his trip in a recent speech. But it is not true in every case. In an election year. 1998. Nye. Jr. It would be a pity if domestic politics caused Americans to lose sight of our long-term strategic interest in East Asia. But the current debate between containment and engagement is too simple. First.´ June 22..html. split over how to handle human rights during Clinton's trip. which had an expansionist ideology and conventional military superiority in Europe. EVEN IF CHINA RISES AS A GREAT POWER.´ June 22. For one thing.wcdebate. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. Democrats looking forward to the year 2000. Moreover. Containment is likely to be irreversible. 2002. http://www. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. CONTAINMENT HAS THREE FATAL FLAWS Joseph S. Nye. historians have known that great wars are often caused by the rise of new powers and the fears such change creates in established powers.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. In that sense. Containment has three fatal flaws.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. 1998. Volume 9 Page 98 ISOLATION AND CONTAINMENT DON¶T WORK IN POLICY-MAKING 1. 4. http://www. ³The Case Against Containment: Treat China Like an Enemy and That's What It Will Be. America's edge will continue to persist. accessed May 3. 2002.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. as a quick survey of Asian capitals makes clear.´ June 22. Nye. the House of Representatives rebuked the president over China. A POLICY OF CONTAINMENT SIMPLY WILL NOT WORK Joseph S.html. WE CAN ACCOMODATE THEM Joseph S.´ June 22. 3.com . Pessimists about China's future and about America's continuing strength argue for a policy of containment analogous to our response to the Soviet Union after World War II.html. 2002. a crude policy of containment would not work. it exaggerates current and future Chinese strength. np. and illegal technology transfers to build campaign issues. np. http://www.html. Three times in two weeks. That is the overarching question the United States faces in its relations with China. containment is mistaken because it discounts the possibility that China can evolve to define its interests as a responsible power.. accessed May 3.nyu.. Only if China's future behavior becomes more aggressive could such a coalition be formed. p. 1998. accessed May 3. If we treat China as an enemy now. he argued that such a course would make the world more dangerous. I agree. Republicans seize on allegations of campaign finance scandals.edu/globalbeat/asia/china/06221998nye. Dean of Harvard¶s Kennedy School of Government. China's neighbors do not see it as a current threat in the way the Soviet Union's neighbors did during the Cold War. New powers can be accommodated if they can be persuaded to define their interests in responsible ways.
relies on the force of ideas rather than the force of arms. In this context. 2002.as Operation Desert Storm and Operation Desert Fox presumably demonstrated. Fall 1999. or to be more precise. 2002. In Nye¶s writings this longer scholarly tradition goes unremarked upon. In short. As such it allows for the free play of creative instincts. quantifiable and direct while µsoft¶ power was subjective. 2. (Operation Allied Force. http://www. p. Involved as well were competing conceptions of political community. np. Volume 9 Page 99 NYE¶S NOTION OF SOFT POWER IS WRONG 1. 2. JANUS HEAD Vol. The first was readily understandable because it spoke to the traditional role of the state which was to provide for security of the person as well as the security of property. as. and at a greater philosophic remove. SOFT POWER STILL DEFENDS AMERICAN TECHNOSTRATEGIC INTERVENTION Wayne Hunt. He implies that it is superior to µhard¶ power because it relies on uncommanded loyalties. The terms originate with Joseph S.org/2-2/whunt. 2. µSoft¶ power. According to Nye. in areas where there is not an obvious national interest at stake. µHard¶ power was objective. http://www. 1999. No. Jr. had given the United States a "dominant battlespace knowledge"-.cfm. by contrast. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. insisting that it can be a force for good throughout the world. Mainstream Hollywood movies as well as sophisticated advertising techniques came into this category.wcdebate. put many of the beliefs about µsurgical¶ intervention. as do the requisite material conditions necessary to sustain this force.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. http://www. and on the other there were those who looked to what ought to be. situational awareness of military field operations exceeds that of all other nations combined. it was further assumed. NYE¶S SOFT POWER JUST SEEKS TO PROJECT CAPITALISM Wayne Hunt.cfm. p. JANUS HEAD Vol. Entrepreneurial dynamism. Thus µsoft¶ power can work in tandem with µhard¶ power. This assertion rested on the strategic argument that America¶s capacity for accurate.org/2-2/whunt. The comparative dimension was critically important.org/2-2/whunt." Space-based surveillance. np. In his view of the world there is a subtle but implicit business orientation in which the notion of µsoft¶ power takes on entrepreneurial boldness. Mount Allison University.¶ he argued. Mount Allison University. accessed May 1. More ancient still. Allied to this was a bifurcated view of the nature of public action.) Assumed here was a technologically-driven view of American intervention. in his phrase. np. accessed May 1. to the test. Nye clearly sees µsoft¶ power as the way of the future. 2. 1999. 2. In the study of transnational relations. 2. "a force multiplier in American diplomacy. Fall. Included in this first definition are the ethical values which have been injected into the international arena by a number of mediating institutions. NYE¶S VIEW OF SOFT POWER IGNORES HISTORY Wayne Hunt. No. by contrast. µhard¶ power was about ends and the bottom-line criteria necessary to achieve those ends while µsoft¶ power was about process and the means to an end. This was observed in the tension between realpolitik and idealism which analysts have long detected in America¶s relations with other powers. was the contrast between authority and liberty. JANUS HEAD Vol. 2002. was tied to the ability to innovate. The second seemed to indicate a larger transformation.. with coercive measures on one side of the divide and co-operative ones on the other.janushead. His concern is with the present and the way in which the future can be brought to the present. µSoft¶ power was associated with the relative strength of the American economy in relation to its competitors..janushead.janushead. But on closer inspection these categories seemed to take on an older dimension. On the one hand there were those who engaged with the world as it is. a µparadigm shift¶ as some enthusiasts would have it. 4. Fall. it approximates an anglo-American form of capitalism. Nye and Owens (1996) examine this from a geopolitical perspective. the state-sanctioned application of force comes under the definition of µhard¶ power. No. the strategic balance between µhard¶ and µsoft¶ power has been much commented upon. an idealized version of what this form of capitalism represents. p.cfm. Mount Allison University. direct broadcasting and a high speed µsystem of systems. real-time.com . Nye. unquantifiable and indirect. accessed May 1. as did advances in communications technology.. 2.
These are sizeable percentages. While he acknowledged "some perception gaps between the two countries on military cooperation. Volume V.html. The latter's little treatise is long on cliches and short on substance. investment adviser. Yet we must choose.there are more options for our country to follow and more spokespeople to advocate them. When respondents were asked which nations or regions they believed might pose a military threat to their own country. In some respects. Today. The chief difference. Both authors argue that we cannot retreat from most or all of our present involvements. January 1998. whereas 58% of U. 2002." JPRI's reading of the same statistics is far less sanguine.9% of the Japanese and 20. NYE SEVERELY MISANALYZES THE DATA ± U. he argues that it is not just hard power (guns. Volume V.S. Only 26% of the U. January 1998. is that Mead has written a valuable book while Nye's effort is feeble. While approximately half of both Japanese and U. So we get nuggets such as "countries that are well-placed in terms of soft power do better. NYE IS WRONG ABOUT COMMON INTERESTS BETWEEN U.. accessed May 5. 3. p. 69% of the Japanese named the Korean Peninsula. in a world with such diverse developments -Muslim hostility.org/jpri/public/crit5. respondents gave the Middle East top billing. outvote their 'guests' by two to one in calling for a reduction of troops must tell us something. military presence reduced. Both make the same basic assumption: The United States is the world's only superpower. aspirations that would not surprise any reasonably studious 15-year-old.S. http://www." he professed to believe that the poll reveals "Japan and the United States share common interests in the Asia-Pacific region. our freedom to do just what we want is limited.-JAPAN RELATIONSHIP IS FLAWED Japan Policy Research Institute. for failing to make up our mind. That may not have been how it seemed at the time. respondents think that the U. JPRI CRITIQUE. 2. 2002. NYE¶S EFFORTS AT EXPLAINING THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 WORLD ARE FEEBLE Joseph Losos. so that this should be taken as the basis for decision.4% of the Americans want the U.S.S. perhaps even a superduper power. Volume 9 Page 100 NYE¶S FOREIGN POLICY THINKING IS FLAWED 1. planes.S. one of the principal architects of last year's revised Security Treaty.wcdebate.jpri.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 982 responded. is in itself a choice. Security relationship"-40.jpri.952 people were interviewed. But in working out our strategy. the air surrounding Japan's American bases is decidedly unhealthy. 27. Moreover. In an accompanying article. In Japan.S. JPRI CRITIQUE.S.S. Security Treaty. it should tell us that we have become an unwelcome army of occupation rather than of liberation. Feb. increased Chinese potency. Most likely. uncertain economic trends and many other crosscurrents -. or simply drifting from one crisis to the next. and that if security is the air we breathe (to use Professor Nye's tired analogy). B1. respondents believed that the Korean Peninsula posed a military threat. of course.S. Number 1. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH. and the fact that the 'hosts.1. Joseph Nye. Thus. in the U. tried to put a positive spin on the poll's results." Throughout the book there are tables that propose desirable projects. accessed May 5. matters are much harder to figure out. 1. mainly over details for implementing new defense cooperation guidelines. AND JAPAN Japan Policy Research Institute.org/jpri/public/crit5. to put the matter bluntly. but despite the immense might that that implies.1.html.com . http://www. these books definitely differ. There is a further statistic that should give both sides pause. military presence in Asia should be maintained-which Joseph Nye cites as evidence of "the broad public support in both countries for the reaffirmation of the Japan-U. money) but also soft power (what anybody else calls influence) that counts. the Yomiuri published the results of an opinion poll it had commissioned from the Gallup organization concerning Japanese and American attitudes toward the Japan-U. Last November 30. and a rather bad one. and this is especially so now that we have entered the Age of Terror and anti-terror.S. these books are similar. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and professors Joseph Nye and Walter Mead have come forward to explicate our condition and prescribe programs of policy. Number 1. ST. 2002. so they say. but commentators are notorious hindsight experts. Confusing situations produce squadrons of deconfusers.' the Japanese. So much for some of those shared common interests.
and. Nader wanted to study the legal issues involving food production and automobile safety. in fact. but wishes there were others like him. and like most immigrants they experienced some dissonance upon coming into the country and witnessing both great acts of public good and objectionable acts of elitist exploitation. He has been a thorn in the side of corporate power and governmental corruption for nearly forty years. Ralph Nader recalls. Lebanese immigrants who owned a restaurant in the small town of Winstead. Connecticut. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He immediately developed an aversion to the corporate orientation of both the courses and the professors' ideologies. nourished by public enlightenment and civic participation. he wishes that contemporary American politics was full of Ralph Naders. Ralph Nader is one of a kind. just as the rich blame the poor for being poor.com . took issue with the assumption. and simultaneously brings other radical thought into the mainstream. illiteracy. of course. The automobile industry spent millions in "public service" propaganda blaming "the nut behind the wheel" for auto fatalities. but wishes he were not. which. Nader. we can better use our wealth and power to benefit all Americans. from the preface to Crashing the Party Among contemporary political figures. He had to do most of this on his own.000 automobile deaths every year in America. finding these endeavors unsuccessful. and infectious diseases that threaten to jeopardize directly our own national security as well as that of the rest of the world. Guided by such values. resigned himself to studying Chinese and preparing for law school. Volume 9 Page 101 RALPH NADER Great societies must have public policies that declare which rights. He attempted to get the administration to ban the spraying of DDT on campus trees. Nathra and Rose had strong opinions about democracy. and in 1959 published his first article. This essay will explore both the philosophical foundations and the practical political implications of Ralph Nader¶s work and thought. UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE. I will conclude with some thoughts on using Ralph Nader¶s writings in debate rounds. can provide wondrous opportunities to improve our country. people who devote their lives to working for reforms and exposing corruption within all power centers. he entered Princeton University. came to the defense of small business owners being abused by larger businesses. Nader believed--and would continue to believe--that car companies simply didn't believe safety was worth the cost. After exploring his life. environmental perils. just as all perpetrators tend to blame the victims. these values can help us astutely wage peace and address the extreme poverty. and then his political project. By 1965. and so on. Applied beyond our borders. NADER¶S LIFE AND WORK Ralph Nader was born in 1934 to Rose and Nathra Nader. in a larger sense. An excellent student. from his student activist days to his two presidential runs. where he would have the opportunity to test his father's enthusiasm for public protest. as Harvard Law School didn't offer such courses and the professors were enthusiastically uninterested. is almost uniquely attributable to Nader in American politics: corporations habitually blame consumers for defects in their products. would encourage patrons at his restaurant to participate in informal political debates. assets and conditions are never for sale. By age 14. oppression. Such policies strengthen noncommercial values. He researched automobile safety anyway. I will try to explain his philosophy.wcdebate.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. there were nearly 50. Nader radicalizes the Jeffersonian tradition of democratic participation. At age 17." in THE NATION. he had expanded the article into a devastating book. ²Ralph Nader. Nader entered Harvard Law School in 1955. Nathra. "The Safe Car You Can't Buy. and more than twice that amount of permanent disabilities incurred in automobile accidents. At the time. and justified his position with painstaking research and eloquent prose. Ralph Nader had closely read the classic journalistic muckrakers of his day as well as several years of the Congressional Record. The book contained a theme that.
By campaigning to the "left" of Gore politically. taxpayers. and General Motors' attempt to discredit Nader assured his fame. In fact. innovative development in American politics at the time. Bush in 2000. In 1969 he and his comrades formed the Center for Study of Responsive Law. have predicted how competing special-interest factions might not yield the public good. This is Jeffersonian democracy at its most extreme."the public interest" -was a bold.html) Nader¶s second philosophical premise is that power tends to corrupt unless it is checked by a wide array of citizens. The creation of a citizens' lobby to represent the people as a whole -. While politicians have now made an art of populist symbolism. should corporations be held to the same standard as politicians? There are several sensible reasons for this. contrary to his predictions." as they came to be called. Throughout the next thirty years. This is why it is grossly over simplistic to view Nader as merely a proponent of greater government control.wcdebate.2/nader. "I know of no safer depository of the ultimate powers of society but the people themselves. Nader has continued to organize grass roots activists against corporate power and irresponsibility. virtually none have a serious agenda to strengthen Americans in their key roles as voters. the people are the ultimate authorities. workers.. Many hold him uniquely responsible for Democratic candidate Al Gore's loss to George W.nader. could not have envisioned how moneyed special interests. and a plethora of other causes. most contemporary followers of politics identify Nader with his 1996 and 2000 Presidential runs on the Green Party ticket. but. albeit reluctantly. would have a similar idea in 1970. a good government lobby that focused primarily on procedural reforms such as campaign finance reform and government ethics. the democratic "experiment" is about checking excessive power. Nader took voters away who would have voted for the centrist Democrat Gore. who had written." John Gardner. A statement Nader made in 1993 sums up his political perspective: What neither Clinton. fought for increased water quality. 10 essay. it is argued. some decades later. While other activists dedicated themselves to ending the Vietnam War. Education and Welfare. Nader believes that ordinary people must make both corporations and governments more accountable. consumers.. It represented a creative attempt to reclaim Jefferson's faith in "the people themselves. reforms in the Food and Drug Administration.com . in mandatory seat belts and air bags). Nor could James Madison. Of course. then. He is also not a ³radical revolutionary.org/history/bollier_chapter_3.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. a former Secretary of the Department of Health. Volume 9 Page 102 The book launched the consumer rights movement. the highest office is the office of citizen.nor most other Democratic Party proponents of change seem to realize is that significant. based on their tendency towards theory at the expense of action.html) THE PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF NADER¶S POLITICS "In a democracy. official secrecy. in a democracy. First and most importantly. Nader spent the rest of the 1960s expanding his project to include the creation of various task forces and groups of young advocates dedicated to consumer safety and rights. of course. Congress enacted tougher automobile safety laws (eventually culminating.edu/BR18. (http://bostonreview. indistinguishable from typical liberal democrats. There are two basic philosophical premises behind Nader¶s politics.´ despite the best efforts of conservatives and moderates to paint him as such. when he founded Common Cause. Nader¶s philosophy can be summed up as ³citizen empowerment. First. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ and as such. (http://www. author of the famous Federalist No. Nader's "Raiders. it is also a contemporary application of Jeffersonian democracy to conditions he and the other founders could not necessarily have foreseen: The inspiration came directly from Thomas Jefferson." ²Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter Ralph Nader is not a philosopher.mit. he seems to have an inherent distrust of academic intellectuals (not a hostility. Because of UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED. simply a distrust). Why. procedural complexities and the brute size of the nation would erode the sinews of government accountability. enduring change will require an institutionalized shift of power from corporations and government to ordinary Americans. which he exploited in order to launch a career of public service and anti-corporate activism. and shareholders. Since the 2000 campaign. as the quotation below explains." But Jefferson. draws upon the American political tradition in much the same way as any social movement.
All of these reasons provide sound philosophical justification for an increased watchdog role on the part of concerned citizens. Since most corporate decisions are made behind closed doors. Set term limits for Members of Congress: Term limits allow the system to constantly rejuvenate and reinvent itself. p. 56 Over the past two presidential races. giant corporations. Little did I know then that in 1999 this very thing would be occurring. We are losing the two great pillars of American law. So corporations need to be accountable because corporations could. He is in favor of more accessible voter registration.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. most recently. over the past few decades. sometimes stretching centuries into the future. Ralph Nader has tended to stress the following points as a political program: 1. even a Stalinist. He sees the democratic process as little more than a joke if elections come down to who has the most money. 4. Wealth is not generated through the individual actions of individual innovators. and since advertising does not normally reveal the truth about the production process. And. we had a joke that at Harvard they teach you how to distort the law of contracts and contract the law of torts. literally. He was instrumental in encouraging ³public access´ laws Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. He does not call for the end of corporations or market economies. the multinational status of many corporations makes them. referred to Nader as an anti-capitalist. are available to the highest bidder. They can make decisions that have far-reaching environmental and economic effects. 1999. and the use of referendums and initiatives to increase public control over the lawmaking process. any elected or appointed political leader. sellers need consumers.´ ±Nader. 2. Nader is none of these. NADER¶S POLITICAL PRINCIPLES ³When I was in law school. Reclaim the public airwaves: Nader is very concerned that radio and television waves. a socialist. Such an argument assumes what many capitalist apologists assume without proof: that citizens possess near-perfect information about public and private transactions and the effects of corporate decisions. Facilitate voter initiatives: Nader wants to make it easier to vote. In fact. and frequently more power than. rather. who warned about corporate law firms losing their independence to corporate clients by becoming mere adjuncts to the corporation's priorities. not exist without the collective masses that sustain them. torts and contracts. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. and also increase the number of things people vote for and against." Aside from the fact that this means people with a million dollars get a million votes. 3.com . the kinds of "checks" which defenders of corporate power claim exist are not really effective. limiting the amount of money people can spend on political campaigns. citizens do not have the kind of information that voters in political elections possess. Volume 9 Page 103 Corporations have as much power as. The classic argument is that citizens "vote with their dollars. Reform our corrupt campaign finance system: Nader is a strong proponent of viable campaign finance reform. and discourage ³career politicians´ who tend to become cynical and greedy. a communist. Second. "above" the laws of most nations. They can control resources and make large-scale decisions about production and distribution. to institutionalized.wcdebate. and increasing public financing of elections. Corporate law firms are composed of lawyers who have forgotten what it means to be a professional and who are themselves losing their independence. many on the anti-capitalist left see Nader as wanting to "save" corporations and capitalism by forcing reforms that smart corporate executives would favor as a way to make themselves look better. checks must exist on corporate power because the classic individualist metaphors of entrepreneurship and hard work hardly do justice to the corporate juggernauts. literally. which should belong to everyone. wealth is a social creation: capitalists need laborers. Term limits would increase opportunity for ordinary citizens to participate in government. They are not heeding the warnings of Justice Louis Brandis and Henry Stimpson and Ella Herue. Finally. Some less-than-eloquent critics have. and the resources extracted from the earth do not belong to any one individual in some a priori sense.
2002) The argument is that we must be willing to compromise. since they alienated the voters who ended up either not voting at all. worse than nothing!). One must assert and prove not only that capitalism is desirable. This is because those people believe that. "the Green Party has a dozen chapters around the state. It is much more fruitful to concentrate on the pragmatic implications of Nader¶s beliefs than to question whether democracy and citizen empowerment are good things. Democrats respond that. to accept some of what we want. Create shareholder democracy: Nader wants shareholders in corporations to have greater power over corporate decision-making. Most of these platforms stem from the overarching desire on Ralph Nader¶s part to increase citizen empowerment. Even many non-libertarians favor measures such as tax incentives rather than regulatory schemes to make corporations behave better. and they are planning to run a candidate for every statewide office in Wisconsin. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ we end up with nothing (or. To begin with." In Wisconsin. 5.com . Bush. He believes that ordinary people are not stupid. but the Green Party's current plans. they simply find ways around the tough regulations rather than ways to comply with them. we should settle for checks on that drift rather than try to get everything. shareholders possess minimal power compared to the day-to-day power of corporate executives." (THE BULLETIN'S FRONTRUNNER. and more restrictions on what people can do with their money. especially when they are given a chance to participate in the large-scale affairs that determine so much in their lives. say Greens end up hurting the very causes that they support by playing the spoiler in many races. or voting for Nader: Sam Smith is right when he points out that the liberal establishment in the Democratic Party--which includes the current congressional leaders of the party--''yawned as the Clintons disassembled their own cause and became incensed when Ralph Nader dared to defend it. May 21. Steverman) reports. many people are angry that Nader¶s dogmatic and ³purist´ run for the presidency in 2000 supposedly cost the Democrats the White House. It places in question Nader¶s whole philosophy of stubborn and dogmatic insistence that only his platform is viable and democratic. including candidate Jim Young for governor. while Gore and the Democrats may not have been as faithful to Nader¶s ideals as the Greens were. Nader supporters responded that the Democrats had themselves to blame for the election loss. Along the same lines. they were still comparatively closer to those ideals than were the Republicans and George W. only four of which existed before the 2000 election. many people advocate pollution trading permits rather than strong regulations against pollution. his ideas clearly include tougher regulations.'' (VILLAGE VOICE. At present. Democrats. Although Nader is not simply a pro-government liberal.wcdebate. as some would say in reference to Bush. This is an ongoing argument. OBJECTIONS TO NADER To answer Ralph Nader's underlying political philosophy is difficult. 2002) Another source of objection to Nader¶s ideas is found in libertarian philosophies. Volume 9 Page 104 requiring cable companies to devote some of their stations to public use. Regulations fail. libertarians claim. especially liberal Democrats. and often makes things considerably worse. " Ralph Nader's 2000 Green Party presidential run angered many Democrats.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. but if they are threatened with punishment. Of course. because people respond better to self-management than hierarchical management. The idea is that people respond favorably to carrots (rewards). as recent events demonstrate: The Capital Times (5/21. He would like to see much more of this. May 7. at a time when many citizens seem to be drifting to the right. Green Party activists say they have learned a lot since 2000. if successful. if we hold out for ³everything. Libertarians generally believe that regulation of the market never yields the results intended. could frustrate Democrats in Wisconsin and around the country even more. but also that elitism is desirable. The problem here is not merely one election. higher taxes for corporations.
his stubborn insistence that the people not compromise with those in power cost him a great deal of credibility in 2000. Volume 9 Page 105 Overall. Greater participation by third parties and citizens¶ movements can help this happen.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. read commentary about him. not merely philosophically. while the other side emphasizes the problems of selfishness. and that lesson might itself serve as a reminder that alternatives must be pragmatic. CONCLUSION Ralph Nader is currently America¶s loudest and most passionate advocate of citizen participation and greater corporate accountability. Debaters wishing to explore more about Ralph Nader can do many things: read his books. since it¶s what we have. Writing about a living person is a lot different than writing about a long-dead philosopher. it would be citizens making the news instead of corporate news agencies.com . since such ideas prevent the excesses that fuel the anti-capitalism movement. it remains to be seen whether advocates of Nader¶s ideas can articulate the sense in which citizen empowerment differs from traditional advocacy of government intervention. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and not just theoretically attractive. government is the people. and even update their files with the daily news reports about Nader and his movement. Nader is no fan of capitalism. IMPLICATIONS FOR DEBATE In my mind. but with many historical examples of the disasterous effects of unchecked power among governments and corporations. Democracy must be participatory: More than any other idea. either-or. At the same time. Unlike so many of our sources. However. After all. debaters might argue that political and economic alternatives exist. One side argues that capitalism is necessary because it maximizes individual freedom. Ralph Nader advocates the notion of citizen participation and a breaking down of the distinctions between government and people. but he argues that. Were it up to him. Alternatives to capitalism and globalization can be explored through a widening of the political arena: Conversely. Ralph Nader inspires three main ideas with immediate and far-reaching implications on value debate: Capitalism can exist with checks and balances: Traditional value debates about capitalism and its alternatives tend to be very black-and-white. Debaters may even be able to argue that the ideas of people like Nader are essential to capitalism¶s survival. most of the objections to Nader¶s ideas work well within the general framework of libertarianism and belief in a minimal state. He might also open the door to more radical alternatives to the kind of politics and economics we seem destined to accept in the status quo. in the strongest democratic traditions. and that we should explore those alternatives by broadening the political arena. we should keep it in check.wcdebate. exploitation and imperialism. Nader eschews elitism. Ralph Nader continues to make news every day.
1996). Ralph. NO CONTEST: CORPORATE LAWYERS AND THE PERVERSION OF JUSTICE IN AMERICA (New York: Random House. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK (Chicago: Regnery Gateway. Gorey. Nader. Nader.com . RULING CONGRESS: A STUDY OF HOW THE HOUSE AND SENATE RULES GOVERN THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS (New York: Grossman Publishers. NADER: THE PEOPLE¶S LAWYER (Englewood Cliffs. Ralph. Ralph. NADER AND THE POWER OF EVERYMAN (New York: Grosset & Dunlap. 1997). Franklin D. Burt. Robert F. CRASHING THE PARTY: TAKING ON THE CORPORATE GOVERNMENT IN AN AGE OF SURRENDER (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. 1972). Ralph. 1974). N. THE MADNESS ESTABLISHMENT: RALPH NADER¶S STUDY GROUP REPORT ON THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH (New York: Grossman Publishers. THE BIG BOYS: POWER AND POSITION IN AMERICAN BUSINESS (New York: Pantheon Books. CITIZEN NADER (New York: Saturday Review Press. Nader.: Prentice-Hall 1972). Martin's Press. Ralph. RALPH NADER¶S PRACTICING DEMOCRACY 1997: A GUIDE TO STUDENT ACTION (New York: St. Hays. Katherine. Nader. 1977). Ralph. 2000). UNSAFE AT ANY SPEED: THE DESIGNED-IN DANGERS OF THE AMERICAN AUTOMOBILE [Expanded ed. Ralph Nader Congress Project. Charles. THE CONSUMER AND CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Nader. 1975). 1976).West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Chu.wcdebate. Nader. 1972). THE RALPH NADER READER (foreword by Barbara Ehrenreich (New York: Seven Stories Press. Nader. CORPORATE POWER IN AMERICA (New York: Grossman. Nader. Ralph. Martin's Press. McCarry. 1982). 1986). 1973). 1975).J. Ralph. TAMING THE GIANT CORPORATION (New York: Norton.] (New York: Grossman. THE MENACE OF ATOMIC ENERGY (New York: Norton. Nader. Volume 9 Page 106 BIBLIOGRAPHY Buckhorn. 1973). Ralph. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Dan M. Isaac. 2002).
The data one would use is arguably nonexistent. enable pharmaceutical companies to gouge consumers. ELITE CONTROL OF THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE ENSURES FURTHER INJUSTICE Ralph Nader. the stock market is up. Corporate welfare programs siphon funds from appropriate public investments. we would begin to see that twenty-five percent of children grow up in poverty and that this is the highest in the western world. Smith¶s ³invisible hand´ of 1776 has been joined two centuries later by the ³invisible atom. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY. 56.wcdebate. debt revocations. CAPITALISM REQUIRES CHECKS AND BALANCES Ralph Nader and William Taylor. If people think more about how major business executives work. injure our national security. 13 Corporate welfare²the enormous and myriad subsidies. political activist. 1999. p. I think that the level of injustice in our society is partly a reflection of expectation levels. If we were to use the people's yardsticks to report on the state of the economy. bailouts. If someone were to ask how much injustice exists in society. This is very far from the way modern corporations plan to reduce risks through market power and to get the public to help pay their costs through tax breaks and other subsidies.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 2. WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF LAW AND POLICY.having accepted their condition and resigned.´ the ³invisible gene.´ Working at high levels of abstraction. perpetuate anti-competitive oligopolistic markets. 1986. mass famines. CUTTING CORPORATE WELFARE. schools. and public utilities are in extreme disrepair. Yet. and genetic engineering are added to the stresses of conventional chemical. political activist. political activist. THE CRITERIA FOR JUSTICE SHOULD BE THE CONDITION OF THE POOR AND OPPRESSED Ralph Nader. Homelessness and poverty are affecting large numbers of families and people than ever before. inflation is down. giveaways. he uses oligarchic indicators that imply the economy could hardly be better . There are a record number of consumers filing bankruptcies and living beyond their means in order to subsist. p. production. clinics. 56. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and marketing technologies. tax loopholes. Eighty percent of the workers in the bottom eighty percent of the job force have seen their wages decrease since 1973 when adjusted for inflation.com .´ the ³invisible pollutant. p. 1999.´ the ³invisible currency. those at the peaks of corporate power need to have their thoughts and actions better known to the public. and weaken our democracy. then those executives may think harder about how their work affects people. Adam Smith knew that the ideology of the ³invisible hand´ was an idealization quite removed from market reality. If the oligarchy controls the yardsticks by which we measure progress and justice. what Congress hears is that our economy could not be better. artificial intelligence. Poor or oppressed persons are often downtrodden . 2000. then they also control agendas and that is what is happening. CORPORATE POWER THREATENS THE PUBLIC GOOD 1. If the larger society has a higher expectation level. pampered executives can distance themselves from everyday life. and unemployment is down. 521. p. subsidize companies ripping minerals from federal lands. loan guarantees. limiting their ability to deal with reality. We are then at a point where such a question cannot be answered without a firm understanding of our past. When Alan Greenspan reports to Congress every few weeks on the state of the economy. discounted insurance and other benefits conferred by government on business²is a function of political corruption. then we become very uneasy with the state of affairs.profits are up. totaling record amounts of consumer debt. 2. THE BIG BOYS. how would you respond? The criteria for analyzing a just society is very primitive and unclear. To introduce more managerial foresight and honesty. political activists. CORPORATE WELFARE SIPHONS FUNDS FROM OTHER PRIORITIES Ralph Nader.´ and the ³invisible bureaucrat. The need for distance grows more insistent every day²the mounting challenges of doomsday weapons. Volume 9 Page 107 EGALITARIAN CRITERIA OF JUSTICE IS BEST 1.
Enactment of the free trade deals virtually ensures that any local. GLOBALIZATION HURTS DEMOCRACY AND PROMOTES AUTOCRATIC SECRECY Ralph Nader. the North American Free Trade Agreement) and an expansion of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). AND WORKERS¶ RIGHTS Ralph Nader. depress wage levels. It would cost jobs. adoption. AND NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY Ralph Nader. the U. If you do. and land. The process by which a policy is developed and enacted often yields insights into who stands to benefit from its enactment. The megacorporations are not expecting these victories to be gained in town halls. political activist. the U. state. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. hoping to insert a special tax exemption or subsidy in the dark of night and have it voted on before the public (or even most Congressional representatives) know it exists. and environmental protections won by citizen movements across the globe in recent decades. and make workplaces less safe. THE ENVIRONMENT. 1993. political activist. Volume 9 Page 108 GLOBAL FREE TRADE HAS HORRIBLE IMPACTS 1. state offices. Capitol. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Secrecy. An unprecedented corporate power grab is underway in global negotiations over international trade. 3. It would destroy family farms and undermine consumer protections such as those ensuring that the food you eat is not compromised by unsanitary conditions or higher levels of pesticides and preservatives.wcdebate. 3. and implementation of the trade agreements is designed to foreclose citizen participation or even awareness. Operating under the deceptive banner of ³free´ trade. or even national effort in the United States to demand that corporations pay their fair share of taxes. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE. 1993. 1993. By contrast. The Fortune 200¶s GATT and NAFTA agenda would make the air you breathe dirtier and the water you drink more polluted. They are looking to circumvent the democratic process altogether. We¶ll have to close down and move to a country that offers us a more hospitable business climate. or even at the United Nations. political activist. will be met with the refrain. 2. GLOBAL FREE TRADE UNDERMINES LOCAL. Congress. called the Uruguay Round.S. we won¶t be able to compete. 6.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. safety. corporate lobbyists roam the corridors before a budget or tax package is to be voted on. STATE. for example. THE CASE AGAINST FREE TRADE.-Mexico-Canada free trade deal (formally known as NAFTA. abstruseness. in the halls of the U. multinational corporations are working hard to expand their control over the international economy and to undo vital health. ³You can¶t burden us like that. 1 Citizens beware. private interests inevitably prefer secrecy. Every element of the negotiation.com . in a bold and brazen drive to achieve an autocratic far-reaching agenda through two trade agreements. GLOBALIZATION UNDERMINES HEALTH. and unaccountability: these are the watchwords of global trade policy-making. p. p. and they know all to well from experience that threats of this sort are often carried out. or limit their pollution of the air.S. Narrow. provide a decent standard of living to their employees.S.´ This sort of threat is extremely powerful²communities already devastated by plant closures and a declining manufacturing base are desperate not to lose more jobs. water. citizenbased initiatives generally succeed only if they generate public debate and receive widespread support. p.
Burt. or in the investment markets. They do not put much faith in the democratic process that has been America¶s unique tradition for the past 200 years²that is. NADER¶S POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY WOULD CULMINATE IN TOTALITARIANISM Dan M. Ralph Nader seeks nothing less than a transfer of power in America. In some cases.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. at the bank. is not considered adequate to achieve the ³public interest´ or the ³common good. where more decisions will be made by a few to affect the many. 1982. Mr. In other words. a new elite of un-elected. 8. This is a distinct political ideology. President of Capital Legal Foundation. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. state. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. and local governments. political tradition of the last 200 years. on our daily lives. individualistic nation. p. p. government would probably become more authoritarian or even totalitarian by encroaching more on our private lives as workers. Government would have an especially large influence on the functioning of the economy and.´ 2.´ ³Public interest´ groups seek an alternative means of influencing decision-making in both government and industry. Burt. and the economic votes we make every day with our money at the cash register. away from the individual and into the hands of the government and ³public interest´ groups. and seek to change it. 1982. President of Capital Legal Foundation. NADER¶S ADVOCACY TRANSFERS POWER FROM INDIVIDUALS TO ELITES CLAIMING TO SPEAK IN THE ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ Dan M. In this regard. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. SEC. Nader and his groups seek a greater politicization of life in America. Volume 9 Page 109 NADER¶S PHILOSOPHY HURTS DEMOCRACY 1. This most often takes the form of intervention in the regulatory processes of the federal. and their ideology would have immense impact on political and economic activities and society as a whole. Burt.S. 1982. President of Capital Legal Foundation. p. Our diverse. 1982. the groups elect to fight the issues out before the courts. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. 20 What is clear is that Mr. with its heavy reliance on individual choice. 2. America would become a more centrally governed and less free. President of Capital Legal Foundation. ABUSE OF TRUST: A REPORT ON RALPH NADER¶S NETWORK. In sum. the political votes we cast regularly at the ballot box. p.com . It embodies an inherent distrust of traditional political and social organizations to represent the public adequately and to wage the fight for the ³common good. and social system. NADER¶S ADVOCACY DESTROYS INDIVIDUAL CHOICE AND THE DEMOCRATIC PROCESS Dan M. Burt. And it has been and would be a government they run. ³Public interest´ advocacy has become one of the signs of our times. ³Public interest´ advocates would become new power-brokers. professional ³public interest´ advocates would acquire a substantial amount of power to make decisions in both the private and public sectors. 20 Instead.wcdebate.´ NADER IS ELITIST AND TOTALITARIAN 1. EPA and similar agencies do²the ³public interest´ groups would appear to want more politicization of life in America. which has been and remains in vogue in Western thought. in turn. Testimony is often given on behalf of the ³public interest´ before congressional committees and federal regulatory panels. and it does not square with the common view of the nature of the public interest. economic. But it is a radical departure from U. ³PUBLIC INTEREST´ ADVOCACY UNDERMINES DEMOCRACY Dan M. employers. and consumers. Nader and his network distrust the current political and economic system in the United States. de-centralized political. 135 In place of our system of modified and limited individual choice and private enterprise²we certainly recognize and welcome much of what FDA.
000 to 400. July 25. although limiting his campaign spending to under $5. the product of freedom to acquire and strive and create for personal gain. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. had it right when he characterized the Nader reason-for-being as "irritating others for the public good. because chemical companies have to put their gunk somewhere. in 1996 he "received nearly 700. If you look for a unifying theme in all these causes. He complimented rightist politician Patrick Buchanan. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. concentrated corporate power and the excessive disparities of wealth.) Similar fears led Nader to condemn South Africa's new constitution. C3. 2. To block opportunities for corporate profit he is quite willing to prevent desperately poor nations from selling their goods in U." At the same time. Cohen. NADER IS A NATIONALIST WHO EXPLOITS AMERICANS¶ FEAR OF IMMIGRANTS Patrick O¶Neill. prevent patients from getting drugs that might give them a decent life and prevent a moderate who gets along with business from becoming president. we are the happiest. it seems to be not consumer protection but general hostility toward corporations. who put forward economic nationalist slogans that drew favorable comment from Buchanan. Those demonstrations were led by union officials and liberal and environmental activists. Because multinational corporations go their amoral way.com .000" to Mexico. Volume 9 Page 110 NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE AGENDA IS UNDESIRABLE 1. most prosperous nation in the world. He isn't like you and me.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. NADER¶S ANTI-CORPORATE RHETORIC OVERSIMPLIFIES THE ISSUES Paul Krugman. 2000. A-19.like the laws of every market economy -. Nader says he will concentrate on "democracy. NADER¶S OPPOSITION TO TRADE AGREEMENTS HURTS DEVELOPING NATIONS Paul Krugman. PITTSBURGH POST-GAZETTE. because -. But it is less well known that he was equally adamant in opposing a bill removing barriers to Africa's exports -. Professor of Economics at MIT. 2000. That's the problem with Ralph." But you can't create a public good until you recognize the reality of a private good. 2. In 2000.I'm serious -.a move that Africans themselves welcomed. markets. p. or any corporation. NADER PRACTICES A RHETORIC OF FEAR AND OVERSIMPLIFICATION 1. NADER IGNORES THE CONTRIBUTIONS CORPORATIONS MAKE TO OUR PROSPERITY Laurence D. 3. p. editor of Slate. columnist." Nader will invoke "the message of last year's Seattle demonstrations against the WTO. he said.it grants corporations some legal status as individuals. Professor of Economics at MIT. The North American Free Trade Association treaty means "we're exporting jobs--probably about 350. p. Nader presented his campaign as a "pull to the left" for the Democratic Party. now vying for the Reform Party presidential nomination. he blamed liberalism for the Columbine school shootings. the Nader campaign intends to raise $5 million dollars. healthiest. or Pfizer. because insurance companies have to say no to some doctors sometimes. At times Nader's hostility to corporations goes completely over the edge. Michael Kinsley." The campaign will have similar themes to the effort of four years ago. A-19. must be bad for the world. Nader's 1996 campaign was marked by nationalist themes. 2000.S." (Most African countries would be delighted to attract a bit of foreign investment. columnist. but which Nader denounced because of his fear that African companies would be "run into the ground by multinational corporations moving into local economies. According to the February 21 Green Party news release announcing Nader's bid. THE MILITANT.000.corporate influence.000 votes and finished in fourth place. Everyone knows about Nader's furious opposition to global trade agreements. But several days before Gingrich spoke. Newt Gingrich disgusted many people when. saying he has "learned a lot in the last few years about corporate power. July 25. Ralph Nader published an article attributing those same shootings to -. October 22." The Green Party's press release states that "Nader's advisors claim that his campaign will help turn out the vote and could assist the Democrats in taking back Congress. p. 2000." reads the statement. THE HARTFORD COURANT. Nader now apparently believes that whatever is good for General Motors.wcdebate. March 6. the one that ended apartheid. in his first major speech after leaving Congress.
we get to inspect the ideas of one of the most forward-looking thinkers on race in America. and publish books. write manifold articles on the subject of race in the United States. such a right was not truly meaningful. And even then and immediately thereafter. if you can¶t vote. Guinier was unjustly denied her rightful post as Assistant U. As the woman herself said in a subsequent interview on the topic: ³Because we are in a sound-bite culture. So the first wave of voting rights laws dealt with these Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. It had nothing to do with what I had written. they claimed.´ Guinier¶s version of affirmative action.com . Attorney General for Civil Rights because. As for the second proposition -. can it be said (really) that slaves were living in a functional democracy? How about a non-member of the communist party under the Soviet Union. Guinier's intellectual honesty made her politically unacceptable.S. After all. or create new forms of discrimination? These are questions without easy answers. We get to watch as one of the best legal minds in America grapples with issues to which there are no easy solution: to what extent does the pact inform today? What kind of remedies are effective for centurieslong discrimination? How can we ensure those remedies don¶t inflame the problem.´ Just one problem: Guinier had never advocated quota-based hiring. which also had elections? Any democratic theory worth its salt has to acknowledge that an inability to vote equals an inability to call one¶s government a legitimate and functioning democracy. Now. Let¶s start with what white citizens of this country take as a given: voting rights. Voting rights are the essential element of a democracy. we define you by no more than three or four words-in my case. though.wcdebate. For understandable political reasons. including slavery. alliterated metaphor that served partisan purposes at the time. As Mark Tushnet has written: ³Guinier's nomination to head the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division foundered because she understood those tensions and her work makes them apparent. two: Quota Queen. right? During and prior to the Civil War. she believed in quotas for minority hiring in order to make up for the problems caused by systematic racism for the past 200 years in this country. a ³quota queen. it wasn¶t until the mid-1960s that African Americans had the right to vote. it isn¶t a true democracy to you.´ Guinier continues to teach law at Harvard Law School. but it was a very useful. For them. places dealt with the issue in a straightforward manner: if you were black. you didn¶t get to vote. That¶s not just me being partisan.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the right wing said. many places in the North). to be fair.´ What do we learn from reading the work of Lani Guinier? What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? To answer the first question. In fact. She was. In the South (and. Volume 9 Page 111 LANI GUINIER Lani Guinier was unjustly passed over in one of the most highly publicized confirmation hearings ever. she OPPOSED quotas ± they went contrary to her notion of ³confirmative action. the politicians who control the nomination process preferred to keep the tensions under wraps. She examines all kinds of issues relevant to racial politics in this country. That didn¶t stop the hounds once they had been released. GUINIER¶S THOUGHT Guinier doesn¶t just talk about affirmative action ± far from it. Period.What do we learn from the fact that her nomination was torpedoed? ± we learn that being an insightful critical thinker instead of a partisan demagogue is a sure way to avoid public service at a high level.
if you¶re one of the 90 percent of African Americans that voted for Al Gore. minorities often have a problem electing what voting rights law calls "representatives of their choice. For example. Something between a very bad thing and a disaster. and a slew of representatives who owe nothing to minority constituents. The problem is that in other districts. Harvey Gantt. racial minorities are so few in number that candidates can simply disregard them. it takes all kinds). it has another value: an instrumental value. imagine you are a member of a minority group (and maybe you are): are your interests being taken into account? Since white folks are the majority in many places. Hence. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The result is that you get one minority representative. Cracking and stacking are more complicated. You vote for Jesse Helms because you¶re a psychotic racist (hey. and Jeb Bush¶s thuggish state troopers told you to turn around and drive home ± do you really have the right to vote? As you can see. whites have gerrymandered districts so that minorities couldn¶t overwhelm the white majority and elect candidates of choice. alternatively. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 made sure of that. and stacking. people -. As Tushnet notes. though. this is far from an issue we¶ve left behind.mostly Republicans -.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. this ³turned out to be something between a very bad thing and a disaster for racial minorities. if you go to vote. if the right to vote represents full citizenship. And depending on how old there are. You sue your vote to elect people who will do the things that you want done. but they have the same result: the legislature has the "right number" of minority representatives.com . The Voting Rights Act Amendmnts of 1982 recognized that this was a problem. white people keep electing the aforementioned Mr. is that concentrating minorities in certain districts means that OTHER districts can effectively IGNORE their interests altogether. you can guarantee the election of a minority representative by packing as many members of that minority as possible into a single district. and they are regularly outvoted. Again. You vote for Jesse Ventura because he says he¶ll battle special interests. is an excellent candidate who is notably NOT insane. The techniques are known in the voting rights field as packing. and some guy has a pit bull that snarls at you every time you approach the polls ± do you REALLY have the right to vote? Or. Helms despite the fact that the Black man who keeps running against him. So. Plus. We had to deal with it in the LAST presidential election.´ After all. Volume 9 Page 112 ³formal exclusions´ from the franchise: they FORCED states to allow Black Americans to vote. of course. the votes of minorities can be trumped by the White Folks Vote. indeed.wcdebate. and created a right to select representatives of choice. The thing is. Particularly as it became easy to use computer technology to draw district lines. cracking.´ The other problem. and you headed to the polls in Florida. What is the solution? Some suggested establishing "majority-minority" districts so that minorities would be assured of candidates that reflected their interests.discovered techniques that would guarantee the election of some members of racial minorities while actually reducing the chances that the views of those representatives would prevail in the legislature. your parents (and certainly your grandparents) might remember a time when Black Americans didn¶t even have the lip-service right to vote. The only question was how to actualize this? In the past. You vote for Ralph Nader because he says he¶ll challenge corporate rule. we ought to defend it for minorities.
too: voters and politicians have to think about the long term. there needs to be some check on that abuse. Hence. for example. you don¶t want to totally ignore the minority (whether racial. When you¶re in power.com . and you¶ll be in big trouble. why don¶t poor people just vote to take all the money from rich people through taxation? Well.wcdebate. but because it¶s just as integral to the thinking of Lani Guinier as anything else. whose theory of representative democracy appealed to "the principle of reciprocity. but there¶s another reason. They will vote to advance their own interests. economic. Since every vote counts. SOME OF GUINIER¶S SOLUTIONS We started out discussing voting rights law not just because it¶s an important subject that often gets short shrift. Sound radical? Ever heard of the filibuster in the Senate? That¶s an example of how. the first of which is just logical: if the majority votes to legalize cannibalism ± or to legalize discrimination against homosexuals (as my hometown of Canby. Guinier borrows the title of her book from James Madison. or we¶ll filibuster and block the bill which brings the pork barrel project to your district. So. by merely threatening a filibuster on a certain bill or resolution.´) After all. This is one major reason both parties talk about bipartisanship: they want to appeal to voters of the other political party.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Reagan was re-elected primarily with the votes of traditional Democrats. or political) ± because they may be the MAJORITY in four years. every vote counts. it doesn¶t work that way. People are self-interested. every interest group is up for schmoozing ± even traditional enemies. It could provide them a valuable commodity (a small voting block) where they could trade votes in exchange for other favorable legislation. even though he spent 30 years trying to screw them sideways ± in a close election. there¶s the well-established propaganda system. some might say there is nothing more democratic than majority rule. stupid things. for one thing. a structural reform might be adopted where passing some policies might require a greater margin than a simple majority ± it might take a two-thirds majority to pass policies that could systematically have a negative effect on minorities. the tribes Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Some involve changing the internal decision-making structure of state and local legislatures. For example. Similarly. not all of which involve modifying affirmative action. Total majority rule. Volume 9 Page 113 Enter Lani Guinier. And nice as that sounds. and that includes affirmative action. usually Ted Kennedy? GUINIER AND THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY Now. Oregon did in the 1990s) or to do other unconstitutional. you see things like former Washington Senator Slade Gorton cozying up to Indian tribes. That¶s why we have three branches of government ± to stop excesses and abuses of power by those who reach past their intended authority. There are a couple of reasons why. There would be problems with identifying these policies. what is a filibuster but a minority veto ± enacted by a minority of one. but let¶s review some of the high points here. This is especially true in close races or districts where there is an even split in political opinion. legislators can get concessions on another. of course ± but even requiring a super-majority on all legislation might help minority constituencies. Just because you¶re in the majority now doesn¶t guarantee that you will ALWAYS be. Guinier has many ideas for transformation of the current situation.´ This topic is covered in great detail in the Madison essay. (³Give us labor provisions in the FTAA bill. The second reason is that those are the principles the Republic was founded on. That includes people living in a democracy.
" Guinier's books and law review articles support only one conclusion -. Stephen Steinberg. because he controls appropriations money for their environmental restoration projects. That means includes continually updating affirmative into new policies that Guinier calls ³Confirmative Action. and carry out the criteria that are adopted? Do their decisions support the institution as a public place? Are graduates contributing back to the institution and the society it serves? This continual review process would involve. This is your basic Ward Connerly school of thought. and abrogate their constitutionally guaranteed treaty rights). GUINIER AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION As noted above.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.´ This includes modifying preference policies to consider class ± so minorities that are truly disadvantaged get the most preferences. and so poor whites are also considered in programs like jobs and university admissions. If admissions policies and employment opportunities are truly to be merit-based. after all. The best strategy lies in other means. has thoughts I feel are worth considering: Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. that Indian tribes hate him so much. we need to admit that those merit-based criteria exclude certain people ± you¶re not going to get as good grades as other kids. You might be surprised. Her rationale for these reforms is simple. college administrators. (He tried to take away their fishing rights. What does confirmative action entail? It entails a merit-based approach that is continually evolving. Guinier writes: So a policy of ³confirmative action´ would include economics as a decision calculus. More often. However.com . Guinier asks. to revamp their admissions policies based on various factors: Practicing confirmative action. if you need a 40-hour a week job and/or don¶t get enough to eat. though. give feedback on. Volume 9 Page 114 don¶t want to blast Gorton with both barrels when he¶s in office. seeing what is working and what is not. SOME CRITICS Critics of Guinier fall into basically two categories: the conservative and the liberal. their interests will be better served by legislators. and would include an assessment of what contributions society as a whole can expect from the student or worker after the preference policy assists them. for example. people like Gorton just ignore their traditional enemies altogether ± or worse yet. health care projects. The conservative critics are relatively easy to understand: we should all be evaluated on an individual basis. with its specific mission in mind. try to actively undermine their interests. presumably. programmatic change) thinker. and is relatively easy to understand. crush their economic infrastructure. each institution would. This is a flaw Guinier finds in traditional affirmative action. usually.she believes a quota of minorities taken as representatives of the minority races as a whole will not truly give minorities a fair chance. etc. but many liberals consider Guinier a fairly ³conservative´ (in the sense of being careful and wary to offer wild. That¶s why she¶s so concerned with voting rights reform: if minorities can be represented in fact. And it would ask several important questions to guide such efforts: Are admissions processes consistent with the institution's purposes? Do they award opportunity broadly? Do they admit people who demonstrate competence and potential under a range of relevant measures? Are the relevant stakeholders involved in helping formulate. This doesn¶t always happen that way. There is a reason. a left-wing critic of Guinier. Hence. Guinier's political views in no way support her designation as a "quota queen. rather than just in name. and neither race nor class should not be a determining factor in discussions. Guinier recognizes this. regularly review and seek feedback on its admissions program.wcdebate.
People that are interested in building a more racially just. economically viable future should check out her work. Volume 9 Page 115 CONCLUSION Whether you agree or disagree with Lani Guinier¶s ideas -. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.and whether you disagree with her from the left or the right ± you have to admit her ideas are provocative.wcdebate.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.
December 200/January 2001. New York: Simon & Schuster.edu/BR25. Lani. "President Clinton's Doubt. http://bostonreview. 1999.html.. p. Smith. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. C. Guinier. Vol. 1998. Lani. LIFT EVERY VOICE: TURNING A CIVIL RIGHTS SETBACK INTO A NEW VISION OF SOCIAL JUSTICE. New York: Free Press. http://bostonreview. edited by J.html. 1994.mit. Guinier. Guinier. Lani.3/tushnet. Jr. 1-16. Lani. p. 89." In REBELS IN LAW: VOICES IN HISTORY OF BLACK WOMEN LAWYERS. Guinier. Tushnet. p. Lani Guinier's Certainty. 2002. Boston: Beacon. No. Lani. "The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success. Guinier. "Reframing the Affirmative Action Debate. Volume 9 Page 116 BIBLIOGRAPHY Connerly. 1077-1154. Ward. 2002. Mark.6/connerly." THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Lani. http://bostonreview. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. BOSTON REVIEW. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. Stephen. January 8. accessed May 1. Lani.edu/BR25.edu/BR19. 36-37.mit." MICHIGAN LAW REVIEW. 2002. Guinier. THE TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY: FUNDAMENTAL FAIRNESS IN REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY. Guinier. Foreword to REFLECTING ALL OF US: THE CASE FOR PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION." KENTUCKY LAW JOURNAL 86.com ." NEW YORK UNIVERSITY REVIEW OF LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE 24.wcdebate. Steinberg.html. "Don't Scapegoat the Gerrymander. accessed May 1. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center.6/steinberg. March 1991. Guinier. by Robert Richie and Steven Hill. "Lessons and Challenges of Becoming Gentlemen. accessed May 1. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. 1995. 1998. December 200/January 2001. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 1998. p. 1998.mit. 5. Lani. 505525.
" In reality. Volume 9 Page 117 GUINIER¶S VIEWS AREN¶T BAD: THE MEDIA LIES TO US ABOUT THEM 1." a buzzword that almost killed the 1991 Civil Rights Act. Apparently. so the majority at any moment will be just a transitory coalition of minorities. EXTRA!. No one who had done their homework seriously questioned the fundamentally democratic nature of "my ideas.wcdebate. One of the most prominent themes of the attack on Guinier was her supposed support for electoral districts shaped to ensure a black majority -. How could Guinier's positions be distorted so thoroughly? Part of the problem was simple laziness: Rather than doing research into Guinier's record. p. as George Will did.which appeared on the day her nomination was withdrawn (6/3/93) -.there still was not a single quote from any of her writings.a process known as "race-conscious districting. Professor of Law at Harvard University. July/August 1993. p.Yet these same two journalists and many others condemned me as anti-democratic. Guinier is the most prominent voice in the civil rights community challenging such districting. p. her views were not only distorted. July/August 1993. two votes' remedies. THE MEDIA ADMITS THEY ARE BIASED AGAINST GUINIER Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas .was based on the premise that Guinier was in favor of "segregating black voters in black-majority districts." George Will wrote: "The Framers also understood that stable. about the need sometimes to disaggregate the majority to ensure fair and effective representation for minority interests. The difference is that the minority that I used to illustrate my academic point was not. but we brand as "divisive" and "radical" the idea of providing similar remedies to include black Americans. EXTRA!.on June 4. George Will and Lally Weymouth. about the minority of wealthy landlords in New York City. EXTRA!. Nor did I write. Clinton's nominee as assistant attorney general for civil rights. but in many cases presented as the exact opposite of her actual beliefs.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. I wrote instead about the political exclusion of the black minority in local. In the media smear campaign against Lani Guinier. 3. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting." But once the stereotype was affixed to her. "Almost everyone is relying on reconstructions by journalists and partisans. rather than to the political firestorm that raged around them -. 4. he admitted in an interview with Extra!. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. 3." columnist Ray Kerrison wrote in the New York Post (6/4/93). many journalists preferred to simply repeat the charges of ideologically motivated opponents. color-coded ballots. 3. the white minority in South Africa. injecting further distortions into the process." 2. In sharp contrast to her media caricature as a racial isolationist. some of us feel comfortable providing special protections for wealthy landlords or white South Africans.com . 3. as it was for Lally Weymouth." a phrase first used in a Wall Street Journal op-ed (4/30/93) by Clint Bolick. both wrote separate columns on the same day in the Washington Post (7/15/93). When the New York Times finally devoted an article to her views. two conservative columnists. THE MEDIA DISTORTS GUINIER¶S VIEWS TO THE EXTREME Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . Lally Weymouth wrote: "There can't be democracy in South Africa without a measure of formal protection for minorities. county and municipal governing bodies in America." An entire op-ed in the New York Times -. The racially loaded term combines the "welfare queen" stereotype with the dreaded "quota. p. 9-10/92) because it "isolates blacks from potential white allies" and "suppresses the potential development of issue-based campaigning and cross-racial coalitions. who after centuries of racial oppression are still excluded." In my law review articles I had expressed exactly the same reservations about unfettered majority rule. the woman known as the 'quota queen' claimed she did not believe in quotas. electoral quotas or 'one black. CONSERVATIVES ARE HYPOCRITICAL WHEN THEY CHALLENGE GUINIER¶S VIEWS Lani Guinier. tyrannical majorities can best be prevented by the multiplication of minority interests. GUINIER IS THE OPPOSITE OF A ³QUOTA QUEEN´ Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . The problem is that Guinier is an opponent of quotas to ensure representation of minorities. Another media tactic against Guinier was to dub her a "quota queen." Indeed. after the nomination had already been killed -." reporter David Margolick wrote -"everyone" including himself. she stated that "the enforcement of this representational right does not require legislative set-asides. In an article in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review (Spring/89). EXTRA!. a Reagan-era Justice Department official. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. she has criticized race-conscious districting (Boston Review. praising ideas remarkably similar to mine. there was seemingly no way she could dispel it: "Unbelievably. July/August 1993. July/August 1993. 3.
because it takes lessons from both the testocracy as well as affirmative action to confirm a set of experimental and pragmatic actions that begin to link (ad)mission practices for all students to the broad mission and public character of higher education in a multiracial democracy. Volume 9 Page 118 LANI GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE GOOD FOR MULTIRACIAL DEMOCRACY 1. allows us to reconsider the relationship between individual merit and operational fairness. we must more carefully explore how to measure and what to call merit." as George Will put it (Newsweek. 2000.shtml. 2002. THE CHARGES OF REVERSE RACISM AGAINST GUINIER ARE LUDICROUS Rob Richie and Jim Naureckas . Dynamic merit involves a commitment to distribution of opportunity not only at birth but also through one¶s life. we confirm the benefits of affirmative action² but not simply to people of color²by re-casting merit as a practical term that is intimately connected with each institution¶s specific mission. Many commentators painted Guinier as a racial polarizer who implies that "only blacks can represent blacks. And she was repeatedly charged with believing that only "authentic" blacks counted.shtml.com . np. between claims of individual desert based on past opportunities and individual contributions based on future societal needs. Merit. p. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. in turn. 2002. Professor. ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE¶S STATE OF AMERICA 2000 CONFERENCE. That focus. who carry a commitment to contributing back to those who are less fortunate.´ Merit becomes a forward-looking function of what a democratic society needs and values rather than a fixed. It is contextual and resistant to standardized measurement. which showcase the experience of people of color and many women. we should seek to reconfirm the democratic role of higher education in a multiracial society by re-connecting admissions processes to the public mission of both public and private schools. while keeping firmly in mind the democratic purposes of higher education and the specific mission of most institutions of higher education. Guinier stated that "authentic representatives need not be black as long as the source of the authority. In doing so. 2000. np. http://www.org/mainart/confirmative_action. ³CONFIRMATIVE ACTION´ IS A COMMITMENT TO DEMOCRACY Lani Guinier. AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AIDS DEMOCRACY. But in a Michigan Law Review article (3/91). Harvard Law School. in other words. and what constitutes fairness for all. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. EXTRA!. In this fuller accounting of the democratic values of publicly supported institutions. 6/14/93). p. can be chronicled with the proper instruments. p. Harvard Law School.wcdebate. It is changing and manifests itself differently depending on how you look at it. legitimacy and power base is the black community. In other words.org/mainart/confirmative_action. 3. even as it demands clarifying and explicitly stating our institutional objectives. describing it as a "limited empowerment tool. AND SHOULD INCLUDE POOR WHITES Lani Guinier. she was not endorsing the concept of authentic representation. A first step is to view ³merit´ as a functional rather than generic concept. I tentatively call this a process of confirmative action. accessed May 1. Our commitment to democratic values benefits from studies like the one at the University of Michigan. she was critiquing it. quantifiable and backwards-looking entity that. June 14. 2.minerscanary. Professor. 3. accessed May 1.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. like one¶s family tree or family assets. but to ³lift as we climb. http://www. in a multiracial democracy. June 14." Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. If we are to move beyond the present polarization in a manner consistent with the commitments to fairness and equality that both positions endorse. July/August 1993. each of us is then obligated not only to succeed as individuals. becomes future-oriented and dynamic." But more important.minerscanary. It requires modesty in our beliefs about what we can measure in human beings.
Their prescription of emphasizing race anew merely resurrects the worst of our history. Hispanic. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.mit." Sturm and Guinier implicitly concede that preference proponents cannot carry the day while traditional measures of merit prevail. one for which we should all be ashamed. in which what one group wins necessarily comes at the expense of another group.edu/BR25. accessed May 1. people -. accessed May 1.mit. Which invites the pessimist to reply that the failures of policy show that the principle of reciprocity really doesn't work on matters of importance to African Americans. Nor do we lack for evidence about how their proposal would work. they mount a frontal assault on the "prevailing selection procedures" of American society: academic standards measured by paper-and-pencil tests.mit.com . The next step in fulfilling America¶s promise is to create a colorblind state. http://bostonreview. December 200/January 2001. their argument is not at all new.apparently in the face of the failures of public policy -. While the City College administration shared their concerns about racial equality and merit. SORTING PEOPLE INTO CATEGORIES AS GUINIER DOES IS RACIST Ward Connerly. is develop procedures which will allow all of us to work together to find the policies which will do that. Caucasian. is how optimistic and fundamentally conservative she is. Unfortunately. American governments at all levels have sorted us into categories based on our skin color: slave.that society is not so racially polarized.edu/BR25.mit. accessed May 1. BOSTON REVIEW.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.edu/BR25. http://bostonreview.html. 2002. BOSTON REVIEW. and refreshing. we ought to believe -. The substantive failures of policy can be eliminated by following the indirect strategy of using the right procedures. Volume 9 Page 119 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WON¶T HELP SOLVE RACISM OR PROMOTE DEMOCRACY 1. the history of City College¶s experiment highlights the inherent problems in sacrificing merit on the altar of race. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. given these tensions. In 1970. BOSTON REVIEW. Thus. All we need to do.have mistakenly seen politics as a zero-sum game. GUINIER¶S IDEAS WERE TRIED AND FAILED 30 YEARS AGO Ward Connerly. Instead.wcdebate. For its entire history. 2002. Sturm and Guinier ignore this fundamental reality. attracting topflight students from around the world. City College¶s experiment has failed. For her. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. City College of New York embarked on precisely the same social experiment advocated by Sturm and Guinier today: open admissions.6/connerly. 3. accessed May 1. to see Susan Sturm and Lani Guinier propose "shift[ing] the terrain of the debate. BOSTON REVIEW June/September 1994. Students admitted based on their prior academic performance continue to succeed. Both departments¶ alumni often proceed to top graduate programs in the country. etc. 2002. Indian. GUINIER¶S IDEAS LEAD TO RACIAL POLARIZATION Ward Connerly.html. 4. according to Guinier's optimistic vision. It is a long and sordid history.perhaps most particularly whites -. 2. Thus. City College¶s School of Engineering remains one of the best schools in the country. EMPIRICALLY. free black. she proposes. http://bostonreview. and that those failures must result from a more deeply-rooted racism than Guinier is willing to acknowledge.html. The English Department is also enjoying a renaissance.3/tushnet. it was surprising.html. octoroon. GUINIER IGNORES THAT RACISM IS TOO DEEPLY ROOTED FOR HER PROPOSALS Mark Tushnet. 2002.edu/BR19. Carmack Waterhouse Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown University Law Center. http://bostonreview. Chairman of the American Civil Rights Institute. public policy could generate gains for everyone. December 200/January 2001.6/connerly. December 200/January 2001. What is most striking about Guinier's work. Its efforts to create a student body with the right mix of skin colors have polarized it into two schools.6/connerly. Unfortunately.
there are compelling arguments for abandoning standardized tests that favor privileged groups who. THE SOLUTION IS TO MEND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION. 2002." 2.html. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 3. Though they do not say so explicitly. they seem resigned to the fact that the Supreme Court. is now poised to deliver the coup de grace. December 200/January 2001. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW.wcdebate. What evidence is there that overhauling the selection criteria would open up avenues for women and minorities? In most large-scale organizations±corporations and universities alike±employees are routinely evaluated by superiors on an array of performance criteria. However.edu/BR25. At first blush. GUINIER¶S IDEAS ARE IMPRACTICAL Stephen Steinberg. Against this background. 2002. The problem is that "for more than two decades.6/steinberg. here the syllogism runs into trouble. have the resources to pay for expensive prep courses. First. but they end up acquiescing to the reversal of hard-won gains and falling back on reforms that are unlikely to be enacted in the foreseeable future. 2002." 2.com . Sturm and Guinier declare that "it is time to shift the terrain of debate. accessed May 1. On closer examination. accessed May 1. Their ideological enemies will revel in this retreat to a second line of defense by two law professors who are identified with the cause of affirmative action. accessed May 1. Affirmative action is assailed by critics as violating cherished principles of "merit. http://bostonreview.mit. Instead Sturm and Guinier make a case for overhauling the selection process that evaluates candidates for jobs and college admissions. though. As the saying goes.edu/BR25. aside from the advantages that derive from better schooling. The problem. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. affirmative action has been under sustained assault. Volume 9 Page 120 GUINIER¶S IDEAS WILL NOT BE EFFECTIVE 1. http://bostonreview. even if enacted. is that they implicitly advocate these reforms as a surrogate for affirmative action policy. Indeed.mit. two troubling questions arise. December 200/January 2001. would their proposed reforms of the selection process. http://bostonreview. which has already eviscerated affirmative action through a series of decisions.edu/BR25.html. Nor will Sturm and Guinier get the concessions they are bargaining for. provide the access to jobs and opportunities that are today secured by affirmative action? The logic of Sturm and Guinier¶s brief can be stated as follows: 1. this strategy may appear to be a sensible concession to political reality. December 200/January 2001. especially when the people doing the evaluations are white and male and the people being evaluated belong to stigmatized groups. To be sure. Therefore±alas.6/steinberg. studies have consistently found that performance appraisal ratings of women and people of color are prone to bias. NOT GIVE UP AS GUINIER DOES Stephen Steinberg. rather than scores on "paper-andpencil" tests.6/steinberg." The entire thrust of their argument is to explore alternatives to affirmative action that will broaden access of minorities and women to jobs and universities. THERE IS NO EVIDENCE GUINIER¶S PROPOSALS WOULD WORK Stephen Steinberg. Sturm and Guinier could have concluded that the case against affirmative action is specious and therefore affirmative action should be upheld.html. Is this not the lesson of Bill Clinton¶s ill-fated proposal to "end welfare as we know it"? 3. "if it ain¶t broke.mit.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. author of The Ethnic Myth and Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy BOSTON REVIEW. the "testocracy" that is used to assess merit is neither fair nor functional. don¶t fix it. They may tell themselves that they are driven by realpolitik. Sturm and Guinier also make a compelling case that it would be fairer and more productive to judge applicants on the basis of performance criteria." as Sturm and Guinier write in their opening sentence. Is so-and-so a "team player"? Does she do her job well? Does he have good communication skills? Does she make the tough decisions? Does he demonstrate leadership? Such judgments are easily tainted by personal prejudices. are Sturm and Guinier capitulating to the anti-affirmative action backlash and prematurely throwing in the towel for the sake of an illusory consensus? Second.
´ This type of change is not the only force of change in the modern world. especially in analyzing revolutions. As well as political revolutions that transform the state but not society and do not necessarily involve class struggles. shows Skocpol. STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS. Skocpol and Sociologists for Women in Society (SWS) filed charges against Harvard with the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission (E. She argues that social revolutions involve two coincidences. ³class-based revolts from below. Skocpol argues.E. Next. The examples she points to are rebellions that. in fact. she then returned to Harvard¶s Sociology Department. From 1975 to 1981 she taught as a member of the non-tenured faculty at Harvard (Homepage). Skocpol¶s way of tying social and political forces together and analyzing those issue which effect both provides debaters with a model for effective argumentation through a discussion of past events. She is a native of the state of Michigan. Social revolutions are fundamentally different. Skocpol a researcher.wcdebate. basic transformations of a society¶s state and class structures.) on her behalf (Impersonal at Best). Skocpol utilizes her experience in sociology and political science to analyze the nature of public policy and social revolutions. involve class-based revolt but not structural change. She points out that they are accompanied and partially carried out by. She now has tenure in both Sociology and the Department of Government at Harvard. From 1981 to 1985 she taught Political Science and Sociology at the University of Chicago. full scale social revolution has been quite rare. a social revolution involves the coincidence of societal structural change with class upheaval. Through comparative historical analysis she helps to create an understanding of international contexts and changes in domestic policies that spawn revolutionary change in a particular society. Her earlier works focused more on revolution while her more recent literature tends to deal extensively with the United States¶ domestic social policies. I will end with a general discussion of the importance of Skocpol¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debaters. This perspective is useful for Lincoln Douglas debaters because it allows for method of examining values within a particular social and political climate and the effect they will have on particular resolutions. In 1981 the all-male department of Sociology at Harvard refused tenure to Dr. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. by nature.´ (4). Her work focuses on a structural perspective and pays special attention to the specific contexts in which certain types of revolutions take place. EXPLAINING SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS In her early work.O. She then uses her knowledge of history to create a more generalizable framework and allow readers to move beyond particular cases. ³rapid. professor and well-known author. Her work includes discussions about the nature of the state. The nature of the social revolution is unique because of its mutually reinforcing nature and the intensity through which they work. She received her Bachelor¶s degree from Michigan State in 1969 and then went on to study for her PhD at Harvard. Theda Skocpol defines social revolutions as.com . they involve the coincidence of political and social transformations. She is involved in the community around her not only through her books but by contributing to local newspapers. an active citizen. Other forms of change never achieve this unique combination. Skocpol¶s work refutes such mechanisms as the best method. Thomas Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard. In addition to all of this responsibility she still finds time to be what she calls her readers to be. but she is a wife and mother. than other types of societal change. Each section should provide another useful way of approaching domestic and foreign topics in the realm of social policy or social change. Not only is Dr. Dr. that this particular form of change deserves special attention because they are a distinctive pattern of sociopolitical change that has a large and lasting effect on both the country where the revolution occurs as well as other nations around the world. First. However. It also allow debaters to utilize historical examples without making it sound simply like a list that can be easily countered by a list on the other side. Debaters are often drawn to a social science perspective on social change in order to explain the effects of their views on society. social policies and revolution through historical and comparative methods.C. In this essay I will briefly describe some of Theda Skocpol¶s most prominant works and the theories she has developed in them. Volume 9 Page 121 THEDA SKOCPOL Theda Skocpol is the Victor S.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook.
Britain and Germany where governments enacted laws concerning hour and wage regulations as well as arbitration of labor disputes for workers. The term ³welfare´ has always been a negative term in United States political discussions. never followed a noncontributory model and in only one instance was anything allotted directly from the federal government to the citizens. MATERNALIST SOCIAL POLICY FRAMEWORK In American political debates it is common to hear politicians refer to this nation as a ³welfare state. Her claim is that: First.that consciously undertakes to overthrow the existing government and perhaps the entire social order. and examining how their development was effected by who could vote and have an effect on the legislation.´ Though many politicians would like to believe that the U. Volume 9 Page 122 Skocpol¶s work draws heavily on Marxist tradition from which she recognizes that class conflicts figure prominently in social revolutions. While all of the previously mentioned nations provided social benefits directly from the nation¶s budget. In the past individuals in a variety of areas. political science and history being the most prominent have discussed the concept of welfare. Skocpol examines these issues in order to analyze the way the United States chooses to give out social benefits. These countries also began noncontributory pensions for the elderly. For this understanding political-conflict theories are necessary in Skocpol¶s analysis. ³«collective action is based upon group organization and access to resources«´ (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14). through this analysis the debater should be able to show how their stance can create positive changes in society. She takes the Marxist analysis further by examining other factors that have an influence on social change. Then there develops a purposive. which started long after these other nations¶ programs. social disorientation. if it wins. A debater can use this strategy to make the argument that the status quo is good or at least that the case brought about by their opponent. for better or worse. The Social Security Act of 1935 included contributory retirement programs as its only national program. The idea of political-conflict is based in the assumption that. (STATES AND SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS 14-15) Obviously. and the resources available to the group. or new class or group interests and potentials for collective mobilization.´ The concept of the welfare state began in countries like Australia. Americans tend to perceive these programs as handouts to people who are lazy and haven¶t earned them. Finally. Early social spending in these countries continued to spread to other nations as well including Denmark. which they labeled ³the warfare state. in following Skocpol¶s model successfully a debater would outline a particular stance on the resolution. exists in the framework of the ³welfare state. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. changes in social systems or societies give rise to grievances. Thus.wcdebate. mass-based movementcoalescing with the aid of ideology and organization.com . The structural perspective taken by Skocpol is one that examines.´ that view is inaccurate. and insurance for workers. the revolutionary movement fights it out with the authorities or dominant class and. the United States¶ model. During wartime nations like Britain became successful in maintaining and increasing such policies by juxtaposing their model of the ³welfare state´ against the Nazi model. undertakes to establish its own authority and program. not all social revolution is a positive thing.S.S. Hopefully. if affirmed. the conditions that cause change. After understanding that a particular class may come to a place where they realize the can struggle for change it is also important to understand how such groups may carry out their objectives. Skocpol takes the work from both of these areas in to consideration in understanding the development of social policies in the U. The federal government has never created a national health insurance policy and though it offers some subsides for public assistance programs it is left up to the states to administer such policies. which left states in charge of taxes and allowed them to determine coverage and benefits.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. New Zealand and Brazil between 1880 and World War I. those individuals capable of creating change. could create a situation that would lead to an undesirable revolution. their social position. Other issues dealt with by the Social Security Act were things such as unemployment insurance. This concept makes receipt of such benefits demeaning and citizens attempt to avoid them. The same method may prove successful in answering a plan that could have detrimental effects.
Welfare literature often ignores the gendered dimension when examining American politics. She explains the powerful place middle-class women found themselves in once they began to organize around particular issues affecting their place in society. this different perspective is one that allows debaters to emphasize the role of women in the history and development of United Stats social policy without painting the male population in a negative light. This has a number of implications for debate.com . A shallow analysis of this problem may yield support for an understanding that American media is inaccurate. was published in 2000 and all of the issues that she addresses are still important in current political debates. The work done by Skocpol in her book.´ When talking about the middle she refers both to those individuals who fall into the middle of the socioeconomic spectrum as well as the middle of the generations. THE MISSING MIDDLE.wcdebate. which included the charities and the home. This mentality causes theorists to miss important issues when attempting to understand the history and development of social policy in the United States. a widely accepted understanding in the U. having trouble obtaining health care and proper treatment at their jobs and not seeing the great wealth they heard about every night from the news media. THE MISSING MIDDLE The late 1990s were a fairly positive time in American history. Volume 9 Page 123 The welfare state concept has always been approached from a masculine standpoint. This could be followed by reports of the Clinton administration¶s success at keeping the economy up and unemployment rates low. politics and business.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the stock market was up and social spending was high as well. while paying the taxes that sustain retirees now and into the future. In order to explain this paradox Skocpol developed her theory of the ³missing middle. They are adults who do most of the providing and caring for the children. Her theory applies to Working men and women of modest economic means. political institutions and variously structured social movements and political coalitions´ (PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS 36). PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS. She argues that up until this point the role of literature on women and welfare has been to sensitize readers to the subject and it therefore treats the subject through the use of narrative and interpretive essay. ³U. The framework she sets up in this work provides yet another useful mechanisim for analyzing problems with the social and political structure in the United States while finding workable solutions to those issues.people who are not children and are not yet retirees. Her book. this perspective allows debaters to move beyond shallow criticisms of a patriarchal structure to a full understanding of what that term truly means and how it may be an inaccurate criticism of United States policies.S. Skocpol takes on the challenge of creating a straightforward treatment of gender and social policies while learning from the more tentative arguments that have previously been made on the subject. Skocpol alters that reality by examining gendered social policies as well as maternalist policies in her work.S. First. However. In such a political climate it struck many people as strange that Theda Skocpol would choose that time to speak out about inequality in America. was for males and females were responsible for the private realm. unemployment was down. This book defends an understanding of the power of various women¶s organizations that make up the women¶s movement in America. However. in this case the media was absolutely right. Most nights the average American could turn on the news and see President Bill Clinton or Vice President Al Gore promoting their latest policy to put health care in the hands of the people and provide opportunities to the working class. Second it provides a well rounded concept of social policy in the United States. Skocpol develops a maternalist theory of the United Stats social policies. by examining pensions and programs for males and the elderly as well as subsidies for women and children. Most importantly however. the subject is not presented as one sided but rather analyzed through an understanding of the interplay between a variety of forces which she claims include women¶s organizations as well as. The fundamental understanding and belief has been that the public sphere. Despite media reports that America was in a prosperous time the majority of the country was feeling overworked and underpaid. (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8) Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. moves away from an understanding of United States history as one where powerful men made all the decisions and women could only make marginal gains under a patriarchal framework.
She points out that political debates devolve into conflicts between what are seen as the ³rich´ and ³poor´ in American society on issues such as welfare. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The low unemployment rate sounds good but ignores the fact that more Americans are working harder for less money than they have before and a majority of those same people could care less about a rising stack market because they don¶t own stock or have the time to learn how to invest their money because they are too busy getting out there and trying to earn it. society and economic life´ (THE MISSING MIDDLE 8). mainly.S. Often working parents make up a large portion of the audience at tournaments and Skocpol¶s theory of the missing middle may be the perfect perspective with which to approach a resolution and make arguments that your audience can relate to. Those individuals who fall in the middle of the generational and socio-economic spectrum. More recently social policy debates have become an issue of the elderly verses the young. because the theory of the missing middle addresses. First. Though the Clinton administration can tout low unemployment rates and a high stock market it is irrelevant to a large portion of the population. taking this approach insures that politicians leave out the largest portion of American society. are generally ignored in political debates. Skocpol argues that because politicians continue to ignore the middle section of people in America¶s diverse spectrum of individuals they continuously miss the needs of this population.com . Politicians tend to juxtapose the needs of an aging population with the programs designed to help underprivileged children. Skocpol argues.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. While college student and professors who judge Lincoln Douglas debate may be more amenable to radical discussions on either the right or the left of the resolution these individuals are not always the largest portion of a high school debater¶s judging pool. this theory differs from most current social and political theories in that it stand right in the middle of the dominant perspectives and still provides tons of clash with all of the things around it. This work is especially important for Lincoln-Douglas debaters to have as a tool when determining a perspective with which to shape the debate for a couple of reasons. The group Skocpol seeks to address are generally working Americans who spend long hours at a job because they need to feed families and want to create a decent life either as a single parent or in a dual income home. and still are. because Skocpol¶s theory tends to address the unspoken majority in American society she may provide a safer perspective when you are having trouble with audience analysis. why would I want to take a middle of the road stance if there will still be a lot of literature that clashes with it? The answer to this is simple. The reason many Americans found themselves feeling overworked at the end of the 1990s while the media reported on the positive status of America was because they were. Additionally. ³are truly at the epicenter of the changing realities of U. working class parents it provides a realistic mechanism for assessing the resolution which your judges may often relate to. who Skocpol argues. While all of these groups are relevant to discussions on social policy. Volume 9 Page 124 The people she is referring to are the one who fall somewhere in between the ³poor´ that are often the focus of welfare debates and the wealthy professionals who are usually defended in political debates by the conservative politicians.wcdebate. the working population. many of them parents. By examining a resolution through the missing middle perspective you seem to be avoiding the extreme positions and providing a discussion that is more palatable yet it will always clash with the dominant positions in these debates. This may leave some debaters thinking.
which LD tends to draw upon. to explain events. Following her structure will allow debaters not only to have a political theory on which to base their arguments but it will provide a logical structure that culminates in a workable mechanism for change that should make sense to the critic.com . Here I would like to give a more broad discussion of the application of Skocpol¶s work to this activity. Instead. No matter what subject a debater may access this author¶s work to find she will end her discussion with a workable solution to the problems laid out in the discussion. The final reason that debaters may find Skocpol¶s work accessible is that she does not merely offer an explanation of why things are the way that they are nor does she stop after a thorough criticism of a particular structure. reading Skocpol¶s work will assist debaters in understanding perspectives that may be used to answer their case and providing them the tools necessary for refuting such arguments. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Volume 9 Page 125 LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE APPLICATIONS Some of the implications of this author¶s work for Lincoln-Douglas debates have already been outlined in previous sections.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. She takes great care in pointing out the roots of social policy as well as explaining work done in a variety of fields and showing what other scholars have contributed to the research.wcdebate. Her work provides a mechanism for examining proposals made in the form of policy action as well as those that are created more as social changes. they will find useful examples and explanations that support the arguments they choose to make. her criticisms and explanations end with plans for practical actions that could bring about desired change. She also does a beautiful job of answering those theories that she chooses to disagree with. In Skocpol¶s book a debater will not only find a framework through which to construct a case. Additionally. Skocpol¶s work is useful for any Lincoln Douglas debater who finds themselves in a debate about domestic or foreign social policies. tied together with values and political context as well as factors such as class. This particular theorist¶s work is a great tool for debaters because she takes the time to analyze situations from a viewpoint that allows the reader to examine historical examples.
com . 1992. p. Steven. Volume 9 Page 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY Barker. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. Halliday.W. 1999. 2000.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. p.wcdebate. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1996. STATES & SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FRANCE. Theda and Stanley B. Dubrow. 1982. Case. Ritter.S. Boston: South End Press. 1984. THE NEW MAJORITY. Wineman. Skocpol. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. Theda. Skocpol.´ OFF OUR BACKS. July 31. 1997. RUSSIA & CHINA. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. 28. Kristin Kay. Kornbluth.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. September 2000. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. Gail Lee. Skocpol. May 31. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. Theda. and Nicole Mellow. Terrance C. 1979. PROTECTING SOLDIERS AND MOTHERS: THE POLITICAL ORIGINS OF SOCIAL POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES. ³Impersonal at best: tales from the tenure track. Fall. New York: W.171. Gretchen. Skocpol. Greenberg. p. 1997. April 30..183.´ FEMINIST STUDIES.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Felicia A. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. THE MISSING MIDDLE. Theda. New Haven: Yale University Press. Norton & Company.
" whereas historic monarchies like Sweden and France have strong central states-has enormous weight in shaping public policy. Associate professor of American Politics at University of Texas at Austin and Nicole Mellow. Simply stated.wcdebate. organizationally grounded analysis of American political development"(526). The negotiations and conflicts among politicians.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. Skocpol introduces the term "structured polity" to describe the mix of political autonomy and social constraints that operate to produce social policy.183. I will necessarily condense her account. Gender is being used not just to add women to a fixed political picture. Skocpol pushes social determinants out of her study so far as to load the dice in favor of autonomous state actors. the shape of a government in itself-which she takes as mostly invariant over time. To this already weakened edifice of Marxian theory. In her newest work. 1996. Although not always explicitly. political parties and officials. Case. However. and the random walk that such policies often take along their autonomous historical paths. 14 In Skocpol's vision.. Professor of Sociology. Given the enormity of her undertaking. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U.´ THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. bureaucrats. it provides an analytic concept for understanding the nature of political relations and state institutions. Mink follows the development of this welfare state through the New Deal and argues that it was not only gendered but also racialized in ways that lowered the civic status of poor women and nonwhites. resulting in over 500 pages of text. in combination with the postmodern suspicion of theories that make social life sum up into a neat coherent whole. and elite interest groups account for much of the remainder. 1997. Rather. "[C]apitalism in general has no politics. the literature under review profiles both the tight links between sexism and state policies. April 30.a polity-centered perspective -.for accounting for the trajectory of social provisions.S. has helped in describing the complex historical relationships between masculine power and government policy. Research on policy in a historical context tends to be preoccupied with broad theoretical questions that are of concern to feminist and other political theorists. the history of social policy is understood by situating it "within a broader. Volume 9 Page 127 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE IS GOOD 1.com . a graduate student in the same department. the emphasis of both models on determination and autonomy. Skocpol asserts that the early development of American social policy was shaped by a social feminist movement that advocated for the establishment of a maternalist welfare state. in her polity-centered perspective (much as in her earlier state-centered model). In other words. to the emergence of particular government policies from particular governments. In The Wages of Motherhood (1995). historical sociologist Theda Skocpol delivered a series of blows that threatened to bring it tumbling down. and policy feedback loom large. these institutionalized forces create policy opportunities and barriers." 13 Skocpol and her colleagues redirected the focus of study." she argued in 1980. [S]tate structures and party organizations have (to a very significant degree) independent histories. Kornbluth.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY.. 3. governmental institutions. Together.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. Neither neo-Marxists nor Skocpolians offered a model that entirely works for feminist students of welfare. 2. There is a tradition of research in the area of social welfare exemplified by scholars such as Theda Skocpol and Gwendolyn Mink that has influenced not only scholarship on American political development but interdisciplinary feminist scholarship as well. This type of policy and law research offers one of the most promising venues for integrating gender in such a way as to both critique and reformulate standard theories and interpretations of AP. July 31. INCLUDING GENDER IN POLITICAL STUDIES IMPROVES THE ANALYTIC FRAMEWORK Gretchen Ritter. September 2000. weakly bureaucratic "Tudor polity. that is. In Protecting Soldiers and Mothers (1992). SKOCPOL CAN ACCOUNTS FOR INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS BEARING ON POLITICS Kristin Kay Barker. the United States possesses a decentralized. Skocpol's larger theoretical agenda is to substantiate her framework -. bureaucrats. p..171. However. electoral rules. ³The State of Gender Studies in Political Science. from whether and how economic elites could determine political outcomes. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. just as the neo-Marxists admitted the "relative autonomy" of politics while loading the dice in favor of "determination in the last instance" by economic power. p. SKOCPOL¶S EXPLAINS STATES POLICIES' RELATIONSHIP TO SEXISM WELL Felicia A. "only (extremely flexible) outer limits.
Historical accounts of the emergence of maternal policies are significant not only because they make for a richer representation of the crucial years of welfare-state development in Western capitalist democracies between 1880 and 1940. More important. April 30. programs designed "in the best interest" of workers.. p. 1996. exhausted. "Pioneering European and Australasian welfare states. For over 20 years feminist scholars have outlined the ways in which maternalist rhetoric and strategies were employed in the formation of social policy campaigns and crusades. that women as mothers deserved a return from their governments for the socially vital work they performed by raising children. 317) As paternalist social policies were paternalist in two ways-in their content. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. federal social programs for mothers.171. Volume 9 Page 128 SKOCPOL'S UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALISM SHOULD BE ADOPTED 1.com . and other reform ideologies by emphasizing its special. and in their processes of creation.wcdebate. ³Federal Maternal Policy and gender Politics: Comparative Insights. echoes of what historians of the early national United States have termed "republican motherhood. which treated men as fathers and heads of families. 3. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. time-bound contribution to political thought. July 31. Readers may also hear in maternalism. Case." However.S. 1997. potential mothers. Maternalists were those reformers at the turn of the twentieth century who believed that motherhood or potential motherhood was a legitimate basis for women's citizenship. Many women reformers in U. ³The New Literature on Gender and the Welfare State: The U. These texts continue to advance the larger claim of feminist scholarship that existing categories of analysis fail to capture adequately women's realities. they treated women as mothers who made claims on the state thereby. p.S. maternalism represents a unique political philosophy that is particular to the historical moment at which it emerged. in their processes of creation. MATERNALISM UNDERSTANDS THAT WOMEN HAVE A POLITICAL ROLE AS MOTHERS. Maternalist reformers may be familiar to some readers. history may have believed (in Ladd-Taylor's phrase) "that there is a uniquely feminine value system based on care and nurturance" or (in Gordon's) have "imagined themselves in a motherly role toward the poor.183. 1996. (P. rather than just along the lines their organizations requested. were doubly paternalist: Elite males." But we can distinguish maternalism from social feminism.171. they were designed by ambitious middle-class women for working-class women.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. Professor of Sociology. THE HISTORY OF MATERNALISM SHOWS THE IMPORTANCE OF WOMEN¶S EXPERIENCES Kristin Kay Barker. which were largely closed to their putative workingclass beneficiaries-so were maternalist policies maternalist in two ways.´ FEMINIST STUDIES. in Protecting Soldiers and Mothers. they offer a fundamental restructuring of our current understanding of what is political.S. p. who know them as "social feminists. bureaucrats and national political leaders. April 30. In content. post suffrage women's movement. with the latter's perceived best interests in mind. SKOCPOL PROVIDES THE CLEAREST UNDERSTANDING OF MATERNALIST POLICIES Kornbluth. [W]hile very little paternalist legislation was passed in the early-twentiethcentury United States. and/or that governments had a special responsibility to ensure the health and welfare of children.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook." or as the fractious. Felicia A. Skocpol clarifies her operating definition of maternalism by analogy to the "paternalism" she argues characterized most other welfare states. and children figured prominently in the configuration of early welfare politics. which simultaneously justified a public role for women and affirmed women's primary responsibility for children.´ JOURNAL OF WOMEN¶S HISTORY. established regulations or social benefits for members of the working class-that is. the story was different when it came to what might be called maternalist legislation. Felicia A. Case. Kornbluth. republican motherhood. Although often overlooked in scholarship focused on state provisions to workers. 2." she writes.
New York: Routledge. Theory of the State. Similarly. This function proceeds despite the conscious of many individuals. they represent a different version of how to sustain the corporate capitalist structure.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. to "do good. which continued to be reproduced not only by experts on children and the family. the hidden function of the welfare state is to maintain political and social stability and to deter fundamental change.centered approaches. Shamir sympathizes with Theda Skocpol's thesis that state managers develop their own agendas. Instead. in both class and state. a substantial literature has arisen that critiques the failure of pluralist theories to recognize the centrality of the state as an institutional actor with interests of its own with some measure of autonomy from the economic and political interests that emerge from the market and civil society. Senior Research Fellow. 2. it is also good enough to take seriously the autonomy of law. Northwestern University. If the true agenda of the conservative program is to serve the interests of big business. teaches American women's gender. Ironically. SKOCPOL¶S THEORY OF THE STATE FAILS TO RECOGNIZE THE AUTONOMY OF LAW. 1993.com . What became extracted and reified was the single trope of the woman as mother in the home. liberal human services leave basic elements of the political economy in tact: structural unemployment.wcdebate. It is a mistake to view the welfare state policies as representing a qualitatively different system from the conservative program. Michel. "The Limits of Maternalism. THIS CAUSES THEIR POLICY INFLUENCE TO OFTEN BE COUNTER PRODUCTIVE.´ LAW AND SOCIAL INQUIRY. Sonya. 307. it was maternalism that fueled the campaign for mothers' pensions. 1999. law and its carriers had been reduced to a mere instrumentality" (p. p. p. The case of child care and mothers' pensions reveals both the strengths and the limitations of an ideology rooted in arguments about women's natural capacity as mothers. np." MATERNALISM IS FLAWED 1. but he criticizes Skocpol and other state theorists for failing to comprehend law's autonomy: "In asserting the autonomy of the state. Adjunct Professor of Sociology. Within political sociology. 165). While maternalism empowered the early female philanthropists to establish day nurseries and the NDFN to improve them. American Bar Foundation. 1984. THE WELFARE STATE IS AN INSTITUTION OF EXPLOITATION THAT CAN'T BE REFORMED Steven Wineman. ³Review Section Symposium: Lawyers and Politics and Civic Professionalism: Legal Elites and Cause Lawyers. Fall. maternalism can also cast public child care as peculiarly unstable enterprise with a self-divided and self-defeating sense of purpose. Author. and that became maternalism's legacy to the American welfare state. Halliday. Hence Shamir maintains that if it is good enough to argue for the autonomy of the state and its managers." MOTHERS OF A NEW WORLD (ed. the predominance of giant corporations. not the idea of child care as public service to all. but also by policy makers seeking to restrict governmental services for women.in the interests of the corporate order. reliance on industrial production which poisons the planet. and social welfare history at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. It was the limited vision of women's rights and responsibilities. but also maternalism that contributed to the humiliating and punitive treatment of recipients. after the turn of the century maternalist ideology began to weaken as parent education and other fields challenged the notion of maternal instinct and called for training and professionalization for those who dealt with children. Koven & Michel). from legislators to bureaucrats to social workers. Point for point. Terrance C. Volume 9 Page 129 SKOCPOL¶S THEORY CANNOT CREATE CHANGE 1. severe stratification of power.36. she is also the co-editor and author of a variety of works on these subjects. THE POLITICS OF HUMAN SERVICES. MATERNALISM CAN ONLY PROVIDE A LIMITED CONCEPT OF RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES FOR AMERICAN WOMEN.
Gordon indicates that Skocpol's analysis is not matched by familiarity with scholarly debates on gender. in a context of male domination.PHILOL.wcdebate. Spring. Volume 9 Page 130 MATERNALISM IS BAD FOR WOMEN 1. "Specifically. not merely a neutral or benign difference. but one that did not fit the needs and understandings of many less privileged citizens". Gender means "female" for Skocpol. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. in order to maintain the family wage system. and thus the concepts of paternalism/maternalism refer to an inequity of power in relation to both gender and generation. PhD. Gender is. a result of gender values shared by both men and women. p. 2.male and female welfare reformers worked within substantially the same gender system. Gordon is able to underscore that men and women were holding similar visions of the economic structure of the proper family in which the welfare state took its form.. with the exception of the structural differences mentioned above. and Gordon claims that "she produces an entirely celebratory account of the women's organizations she studies. By not employing gender as a male/female opposition. NORWAY. THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. Gordon continues: "This failure exemplifies ways in which Skocpol's approach to the influence of gender is undeveloped in relation to the theoretical level of much scholarly gender analysis today". without directly expressing the distinctions between the two concepts. to put it inversely. says Gordon. . THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY. Women's activism was as much as men's. The stratification of the American welfare system into the social insurance and public assistance program. She has no critique of maternalism". They did share some fundamental beliefs and assumptions about proper role of government and the proper construction of families. Skocpol uses maternalism as an opposition to paternalism. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. while these gendered assumptions did not necessarily express antagonism between men and women. However. np. the same set of assumptions about proper family life and the proper sphere for men and women.The maternalist strategy was after all a result of women's lack of political power. UNIVERSITY OF BERGEN. it is a difference. researcher at European University Institute. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. this supposed unity denies that women's agency also derives from other aspects of their social position. 1996. 1996. of the fact that the forms of political power with which Skocpol is so concerned are shaped by their maleness. p. In the entire book there is no discussion of male power in general or in its specifics -or." Gordon continues: She [Skocpol] generalizes about these "maternalists" as if they were manifestations of some universal female principle. Spring. to be sure. In other words. or rather a set of meanings culturally constructed around sexual difference. To Gordon. SKOCPOL'S GENDER ANALYSIS IS SIMPLISTIC AND INCOMPLETE Eirinn Larsen. researcher at European University Institute. determined by class as much as by gender..com . The absence of such a specification and definition is a result of her failure to ground her concept of gender in questions of male and female power. after all. says Gordon. but Skocpol identifies these commonalties no more than their differences. Gordon thinks it is false to believe that a kind of unity among women was present at this time. in the way Gordon sees it. often called the two-track welfare system.PHILOL. np. Eirinn Larsen. "Gender and the Welfare State: Maternalism: a New Historical Concept?" A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF CAND. the problems in Skocpol's interpretations are already present in the outset of the book: she fails to produce any adequate definitions of what she means by "paternalist" and "maternalist". Clearly. SKOCPOL'S ESSENTIALISM REINFORCES A DESTRUCTIVE GENDER BINARY.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. PhD. NORWAY. was. they were anything but universal: "they expressed a dominant outlook.
She follows his model because it is participatory and employs the notion of praxis. as it might be today. which allows the author to combine reflex and action. She could often be found curled up on her bed on a mental escape in a good book. Hooks describes her grandmother as: bell hooks is a prolific author. especially Friere. In her classes. Despite this realization hooks continues her practice because she feels the accessibility of her work to those outside of the scholarly community is more important. WRITING STYLE bell hooks is a scholar. racism and classism.com . hooks argues that her choice to avoid particular citation formatting of her work is not careless writing but rather a conscious choice to make her writing more accessible. In the period from 1980 to 1998 she produced sixteen books as well as numerous articles and speeches.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. This is part of her attempt to decolonize her mind and the minds of other colonized people. correctly it turned out. Growing up hooks was taught that men did not like to be with smart girls and if she ever wanted to marry. politics. perceived as a productive activity for a young girl to be engaged in. academia and her southern upbringing to a criticism of society that speaks to readers among a variety of audiences. This is accomplished in most of hooks' work through the contribution of her own life experience.D. race and gender studies but she more often chooses to write from her experiences and to adopt a more narrative style regardless of the type of work she is composing. The desire to marry was not something bell hooks chose to focus on. it was simply recreated in new ways. Though hooks will make reference in her works to scholars who have influenced her work. including hooks. that too much reading would change her life. She points out that. hooks continued writing and went on to Yale after graduating. She has been extremely successful in applying her personal experiences in feminism. For her. self-actualized woman who survived harsh racism. she does not generally conform to rules of source citation or footnoting. she found a hostile reaction toward discussions of ³feminism. Unfortunately she realizes that it is this choice that often causes her work to be passed over for use in institutions of higher learning. have indicted Friere as "partially blinded by sexism"(Women Writing Culture 106). from the University of California in Santa Cruz. She uses her own experience to help others understand the hierarchy that exists in American society. hooks was born in 1952 in Hopkinsville. and the destructive effects of sexism. At the university she found herself further away from individuals expecting girls to seek out married life but the sex discrimination was not gone. Paulo Friere.´ Determined to overcome these notions. there are many aspects of his work that have nurturing qualities for hooks and she feels justified in overlooking the sexist tendency. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. generally taught by white males. Despite the fact the many feminist critics. Friere's work has served as a model of critical consciousness. she would have to avoid excessive involvement in books. In her reading hooks found one author who she had a particular connection with. From the age of ten she was sure she wanted to become a writer. She earned her bachelor¶s degree from Stanford University where she expected to find a more enlightened view on the role of reading and education in a woman¶s life. She knew there was something else out there for her. She later returned to California to obtain her Ph. Kentucky. highly knowledgeable in a variety of areas including literature. her writing style functions as a critical tool that breaks down accepted notions of proper and improper in academic scholarship. sexism and classism. which was supposed to be the primary goal in every girl¶s mind. This interest in books was not. Volume 9 Page 131 bell hooks bell hooks is the name chosen by Gloria Watkins as her pseudonym. Like everything hooks does. Her father feared.wcdebate. She chooses to use this particular name in honor of her great-grandmother who she sees as a powerful.
Classism creates an elite group. Let's start over. not very different from anything the students could relate to. hooks has written so much and had such an effect on so many lives that her name is highly noted but she hope that the lower case letters at least cause people to consider what it is they have attached themselves to.wcdebate. Mass media is generally seen as a mechanism for entertainment but with the frequency that it is viewed in American society there is a tendency for individuals to accept those things consistently seen on television as normal. Let's share them. this essay will deal with her general theoretical arguments and the literature on those subjects. hooks explains that the mass media plays an enormous role in the construction of images that construct America¶s social reality. no bussing. The letters at the beginning of her first and last name are lower case to how that the person is not as important as the message and in hopes that people would become more connected to her words than simply attaching themselves to a name. Vernacular is another tool she uses to maintain connection with her roots as well as connections to her audience. No one ever informed her that she was living in a white-supremacist nation. and classist educational policies. and it privileges that group over disenfranchised peoples. FEMINISM "Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist movement has lost clear definitions. Frequently the media represents black people in subordinate roles to whites and fails to represent their reality or daily concerns. Because of this values conveyed by television play themselves out in everyday life. Let's reclaim them. legitimating standard English. hooks discusses pictures in her all-black school that portrayed black people as primitive savages in loin cloths. She argues white supremacist values continue to develop in society even today. in a capitalist society it is those with the most money. social movements and educational biases. She indicts institutions and promotes a multitude of values. Volume 9 Page 132 She often feels free to alter the structure or grammar of her writing depending on the audience. This process. No matter your debate topic hooks has probably written something that applies. We have those definitions. Even the smallest elements of bell hooks¶ work are purposeful. sex or class. RACISM Growing up hooks attended segregated elementary schools. Patriarchy is the privileging of males over females. She remembers getting up in the earliest hours of the morning so that she could make the long bus ride she always noticed as they passed the white school those student appeared well rested because they lived in the area where their school was located. Her argument is that we live in a patriarchal. capitalist culture that uses racist. The prominent group controlling American mass media are white males. hooks articulates the impact of white supremacist media influence as socialization and colonization of the mind. (KILLING RAGE) There are five major angles from which hooks chooses to analyze white supremacist tendencies in society: American nationalism. The bus riding process seems minor but it was one major example of the racist dehumanization young black children like bell hooks were forced to endure. sexist. The lower case letters were an attempt to avoid the status of icon but the name remains one regardless. hooks deals with issues that are important in the lives of everyday people. Racism privileges one group of people over another based on racial classification. racism within feminism. representations of their value structures and a devaluing of non-white people further marginalizes those groups. It is experiences like these that cause her to point out that the ³world is more a home for white folks than it is for anyone else«´ (BONE BLACK 31). also occurs in the classroom where students are presented with white heritage and values but not called upon to consider the history of any other cultures and when those cultures are presented they are generally shown as they are perceived by the white historians. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. after gaining a better understanding of bell hooks¶ thoughts on society it would be beneficial for debaters to examine the literature in her books or online dealing with any variety of issues in society from education to politics and medicine. which seek to create a more open society free of oppression on the basis of race. white supremacist. which was obvious to her as she took the long bus ride to her all-black school. in a white supremacist society white individuals have the highest concentration of power thus white people are seen as superior to any other racial group. There are a few terms that are frequently used in criticisms of the structure hooks describes. hooks argues that this acts as a barrier to self actualization by creating a false consciousness. she argues.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. they just got up in the morning and went.com .
Let the movement begin again. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. hooks identifies this as the most destructive force in current feminist ideology. and oppression. Occasionally an author. When talking about a particular feminist position it is important to clarify what the author's point of view is on the subject so that everyone is functioning in the same conceptual framework. men are not the sole reason there is sexism in society and feminists had to eventually learn to fight the oppressive structures through sisterhood. We can share the simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression. She argues that feminists are made. like hooks. hooks¶ argument is that these groups need to come to this realization and reunite to regain power for social change. At the core of her feminist theory is the assumption that racism and sexism are intimately intertwined forms of oppression. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The goal of her writing is consciousness raising in order to overturn the ³white supremacist patriarchal system. In FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY she points out: This is the reason many early feminists lashed out at men. about women becoming equal to men and she indicts the notion that feminism is anti-male. is the heart of the matter. As women identified structures that were hindering their self-actualization they looked to their own lives and realized that nearly all structures in American society were part of hooks¶ ³white supremacist patriarchal system. hooks¶ version of feminism is one that goes beyond traditional notions of a feminist movement that only deals with women¶s issues to include race. bell hooks is in the business of consciousness raising. These structures are mutually reinforcing and dependent. The white supremacist culture has less difficulty recognizing upper class white women¶s experience then the experience of those generally excluded from this grouping. she argues. not division in the movement. Feminists who are recognized by the media and the American culture are generally white women and black women in the movement."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 6) Often people will refer to the feminist movement as a collective whole and while they do tend to come together on many issues each major feminist thinker in American society has their own take on the definition and qualities of feminism. She points out that when feminist politics can be divided and connected only to equality with elite white males it prevents society from recognizing the need for revolutionary change and allows small gestures toward equality to pacify people. She believes that this is a good definition of the feminism because it does not imply that men are an enemy of the movement. While it is important that feminism address all of the structures that support oppression they have decreased some of their power by dividing on particular issues. The women¶s movement has fractured into multiple movements based on the area certain women are most concerned with. or their critics. It is broad and able to include institutionalized sexism. However. She argues that in order to rectify the problem we must. Volume 9 Page 133 postcards and hip hop music.wcdebate. Let's start there. not only on feminist issues but a variety of social concerns.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ³acknowledge the ways politics of difference have created exploitative and oppressive power relations between women that must be contested and changed´(SKIN DEEP 272). and always. In her book. hooks argues against the impression that feminism is only. Sexism. not born.´ This lead women to begin working on things that most affected them. ads everywhere and billboards. Work on personal issues have caused feminists to group together based on their lifestyle. RACISM DIVIDING FEMINISM Earlier it was said that there are a variety of definitions of feminism.com ."(FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY 1). sexist exploitation. may even create a new type of feminism for the ideas presented in their work. "a movement to end sexism. Because of this a more beneficial definition of the feminist movement is the one used above by hooks that provides cohesion. television and radio commercials. and all manner of printed material that tells the world about feminism. Issues of who perpetuates sexism or whom it is directed toward are irrelevant. bell hooks sees feminism as.´ She argues that most women became involved in women¶s rights movements as a result of their efforts to create change in a cultural setting. Though hooks advocates unity among feminists she realizes that the prevalence of racism even in the roots of the movement itself create a problem. have often felt marginalized. they perceived them as the problem and the reason for the perpetuation of a sexist structure that allowed them to be dominant. and that individuals who choose to advocate feminist ideals do so as a result of a conscious choice that comes from consciousness raising.
wcdebate. She may criticize the educational process in America but her books also discuss what can be done to alleviate detrimental effects of a problematic educational system. Finally. While white supremacist sexist society guarantees a devaluing of women¶s experiences and their bodies white women will always be better off on this structure than black women because of their race. Having the dominant culture speak for black women in the movement is not only damaging because it creates misunderstanding but. Type her name into any library data base and you are bound to find something written by this author. Freedom of expression is another great area to use hooks¶ work. LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE bell hooks is a wonderful resource for debaters because of her application to a wide variety of concerns. in this area she not only has a vast array of works dealing with expression but also mass media and she attempts to come to grips with what society can do to move away from destructive expression without censoring out groups who are already marginalized by the dominant culture. one of the most important parts of winning a debate is the ability to persuade your audience that the stance you have taken is correct. The wonderful thing about hooks for debaters is that she does not simply critique. Manifestations of this racism can be seen in schools as well as in the workforce. White feminists also have been known to express connection with black women¶s experiences while completely missing their point of view all together. she even writes interesting children¶s books! Bookstores often carry a sampling of hooks¶ major works as well. Her use of personal experience allows her work o be passionate and compelling. These are only a few of the many areas bell hooks has chosen to write about. Not only is her work easy to locate but it is simple to read. This critical approach may seem most accessible for a debater on the negative who wants to critique the dominant stance of the affirmative case.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. She looks at issues of poverty and class and discusses the ways that a feminist perspective addresses those issues. She provides a unique perspective for creating practical approaches to societal issues. even worse. When faced with a case that advocates a particular ideology. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Her theories work well to indict any affirmative case that does not question its own underlying assumptions. Volume 9 Page 134 White women often speak for black women without fully understanding their experience and thus complicating the problem with increased racist assumptions under the guise of positive social change. it silences their voices out of the movement further denying self actualization to this group of people. Whatever the flaw. even her publishing company has made parts of the book FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY available on their website for free.com . hooks will generally have something to criticize because even when someone is conscious to avoid racism and sexism they often don¶t recognize the critical role class plays in the assumptions we make about the way society functions. A careful deployment of hooks¶ work can bring audiences to your side. Not only can you find her work but when you sit down to read it you will not be lost. The key is finding the appropriate discussions to have with particular audiences in order to raise consciousness. That makes her a good person to refer to when constructing cases as well. She wants to make her work something that everyone can understand the issues that are important to her. Combined with knowledge of social realities and academic subjects hooks is an author many audiences can relate to. Because she is so interesting people want to provide information on her. Her criticisms apply to every conceivable area of American life because she critiques the fundamental structures in which we live. One of the most important issues for hooks as an author is a student¶s ability to read. debaters tend to want the information accessible on the computer as well. using hooks¶ work debaters should be able to uncover the problems with assumptions made in the case construction process. Let¶s face it though. The next great thing about bell hooks is her accessibility. Type the name bell hooks into internet search engines and you will find tons of information. media and the academy.
WOMEN WRITING CULTURE. bell. WOUNDS OF PASSION: A WRITING LIFE. 2000. FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY. 1995. Gary A. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. ³Black Woman Artist Becoming. YEARNING: RACE GENDER AND CULTURAL POLITICS. Marita and Susan Richards Shreeve. 1998. Albany: State University of New York Press. hooks.´ LIFE NOTES (ed.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. BONE BLACK:MEMORIES OF CHILDHOOD. bell. hooks. Norton & Company. Patricia Bell-Scott). 1999. New York: Henry Holt. 1990. bell. Olsen.W. hooks. 1996. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. New York: Henry Holt. Golden.com . Volume 9 Page 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY Florence. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. New York: W. New York: Doubleday. SKIN DEEP: BLACK WOMEN & WHITE WOMEN WRITE ABOUT RACE. bell. 1995 hooks. Boston: South End Press.wcdebate. 1995. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. bell. 1994. Cambridge: South End Press. bell. hooks. hooks. and Elizabeth Hirsh. Namulundah. New York: Henry Holt and Company.
feminist and multicultural critics highlight the fallacy behind mainstream norms and practices. 1995.58). 1992. While assimilation is seen as an approach that ensures the successful entry of black people into the mainstream.com . AMERICAN CULTURAL BIAS IS ROOTED IN COLONIZATION Namulundah Florence. Chinese Americans. Namulundah Florence. feeling and knowing as the norm. However. My concern about the process of assimilation has deepened as I hear black students express pain and hurt. Boston: South End Press. but threaten their very existence. Embedded in the logic of assimilation is the white-supremacist assumption that blackness must be eradicated so that a new self. and Mexican Americans faced greater challenges in trying to assimilate as a result of possessing different cultural traits and characteristics from the mainstream (Banks. groups such as African Americans. 1996). adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. THINKING BLACK. White people¶s values. p. Critical. currently policy makers(Banks. this very effort promotes and fosters serious psychological stress and even severe mental illness. gender. In the United States. white supremacy could be effectively maintained by the institutionalization of social apartheid and by creating a philosophy of racial inferiority that would be taught for everyone. traditions. just as racism overshadowed any bonding between black women and white women on the basis of sex. p. Students from marginalized cultures find their primary cultural values and traditions inadequately represented and/or denied. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. as I observe them suffer in ways that not only inhibit their ability t perform academically. AMERICAN SOCIETY HAS A WHITE SUPREMACIST CULTURE. It is argued that a pervasive false consciousness is reinforced in society due to the sanctioning of exclusive ways of being. 14. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. McNaught. at its very core it is dehumanizing. a ³white´ self. hooks. 1988. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. Historically.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. for the space it sought to own and conquer was the minds of blacks (1995. and class specific. 67. adjunct faculty member in Fordham Univeristy¶s Graduate School of Education and College of Bussiness. Westport: Bergin & Garvey. p. Essentially. in this case. Volume 9 Page 136 RACISM PERMEATES US CULTURE 1. colonization of the continent led to the institution of economic. 1994.wcdebate. Of course. This strategy of colonialism needed no country. BELL HOOKS¶ ENGAGED PEDAGOGY: A TRANSGRESSIVE EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONCIOUSNESS. 1989. 1998.109). Anglo-Saxon sociocultural traditions functioned as a ³prerequsite to social acceptability and access to the political structure´ (Banks 1988. 1998. in America. 1988. educational. can come into being.. 1996). Nelson et al. since we who are black can never be white. p. unlike Northern and Western European immigrants. 2. Insisting on the primacy of racial discrimination. (1981. hooks contends: Racism took precedence over sexual alliances in both the white world¶s interaction with Native Americans and African Americans. 11. The subordination of one group¶s cultural traits and characteristics has significant impact in marginalized students¶ experiences of schools and/or incorporation of official curricula. TALKING BACK: THINKING FEMINIST. p. and practices are engrained in social policies and norms serving as basic criteria for social and economic mobility. In a white supremacist society. and political structures that primarily served the interests of the colonizers . hooks succinctly states: In the beginning black folks were most effectively colonized via the structure of ownership. Once slavery ended. p. these values and traditions are racial.122) 3. ASSIMILATION HAS A DESTRUCTIVE EFFECT ON BLACK STUDENTS bell hooks.
2. Certainly.´ CONFLICTS IN FEMINISM. p. p. that concerns itself with ending sexism and sexist oppression in our diverse communities. with different ³inherent´ characteristics. I don¶t think we really understand either historically or in terms of contemporary circumstances why we view each other in such incredibly negative terms. active and passive. that they receive in the existing social structure. INCORPORATION OF FEMINISM IS NECESSARY FOR BLACK LIBERATION bell hooks. 69. We need to do more work examining the reasons white women and black women of all classes view one another with suspicion. What do you do when you are not privileged and have contact with a privileged woman of any race? Or when there is race and class difference? What gives us a space to bond? These are questions we have had trouble answering. New York: Routledge. np. social critic. a strengthened when black males and females participate as equals in daily life and struggle. Women seem to be particularly threatened when our differences are marked by class privilege. New York: Henry Holt. Often this condescension merely masks the allegiance to sexism and patriarchal thinking in black life. author. Feminist theory needs to study historically. it is clear that we cannot create a cultural climate where these conditions exist without first committing ourselves to a feminist agenda that is specific to black life. to assume that black folks. and all our efforts at self-determination. with the understanding that both categories are synonymous with selfhood. to assume that black females are incapable of embracing revolutionary feminism in ways that would enhance rather than diminish black liberation. sociologically. Certainly as a group white males have been more oppressive to black women. particularly sexist black men. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. If we start with the premise that black liberation struggle. girls women. And I would say vice versa as well.75. we would acknowledge it in relation to biology: boys become men. 3. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. thinking we are trying to take something from each other (whether it is the privileged white woman who thinking that a black woman is trying to take some of her power from her or to make herself more powerful or it is black women feeling like thee are these white women who have everything and want more). despite the continued overt racism and racist agendas of those groups of white women who can most easily lay claim to the term ³feminism´ and project their conservative and reactionary agendas. Volume 9 Page 137 THE INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH IS BEST 1. New York: Henry Holt. Rather than continuing to see them as opposites. professor. 1990. yet black women don¶t unequivocally view white males in the hostile. This would mean no longer thinking that it is ³natural´ for boys to be strong and girls to be weak. In this case both groups are acting to protect and maintain the privileges.com . Surely it is patriarchal condescension that leads black folks. particularly sexist black men. suspicious ways that we often view white women. p. and Mary Childers. 1995. the labeling of black women who engage in feminist thinking as race traitors is meant to prevent us From embracing feminist politics as surely as white power feminism acts to exclude our voices and silence our critiques. Ours task in parenting and in education would be to encourage in both females and males the capacity to be holistic.wcdebate. and anthropologically how we see one another and why it has been so hard or us to change how we see one another. ³A Conversation About Race and Class. 1995. we would need to recognize biological differences without seeing them as markers of specific gender traits. to be capable of being both strong and weak. Associate Professor of English and Women¶s Studies at Oberlin College.. FEMINISM ALLOWS THE BREAKDOWN THE RACIAL DIVISIONS AMONG WOMEN bell hooks. To advance this agenda we would need to rethink our notions of manhood and womanhood. Rather than defining manhood in relation to sexuality. however relative. professor. for boys to be active and girls to be passive. CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE INTERSECTIONS OF RACE AND SEX IS KEY bell hooks. etc.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. author. I want to privilege political commitment because in this culture we do not emphasize enough that you can choose to be politically committed in ways that change your behavior and action. in response to specific contexts. KILLING RAGE: ENDING RACISM. social critic.
50. 3/14/98. I was impressed with her passion in telling the historical oppression of Black women in America.´ MICHIGAN CITIZEN. B1. yet at one point. 53." I wish I could tell you in more detail what hook¶s revolution might look like. 1/22/2001.com . co-author (with Linda Waite) of The Case for Marriage: Why Married People Are Happier. p. It is clear from her Essence interview the "rage of youth" in Ain't I a Woman is gone. NATIONAL REVIEW vol. Volume 9 Page 138 HOOKS' CRITICISM IS INEFFECTIVE 1. Kelly. lulled into a more "comfortable" and "middle class" existence. Which is exactly bell hook¶s complaint.wcdebate. Let's have T-shirts and bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music. but in 123 pages she never gets around to explaining what "ending sexist oppression" means. Healthier. Her follow-up works equally impressed me. HOOKS' FASCINATION WITH POP CULTURE WEAKENS HER CRITIQUE Catharine R. HOOKS FAILS TO PROVIDE AN ADEQUATE ALTERNATIVE VISION Maggie Gallagher. Black people and especially artists are often pigeonholed." in which "the politics was slowly removed from feminism. An unreconstructed black radical feminist. and all manner of printed material that tells the world that feminism is a movement to end sexist oppression.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. Hook's interview actually reinforces white-male-dominated patriarchal ideas she built her career fighting. I read Hooks' first book as a young women in college. she has gone mainstream ." hooks is equally disdainful of what she calls "lifestyle feminism. hooks (who insists on the lowercase letters) has nothing but disdain for "reformists" like Estrich who sought only to claim the "class privilege" their brothers enjoyed. "While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces. Posing as a "feminist author" Bell Hooks' interview with Jada Pinkett in the March issue of Essence magazine falls short of her used-to-be scathing critiques of dominant culture. However. ads everywhere and billboards. Maybe. Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. I was surprised by what I read. love goes the way of BMW's. Buppiedom and Big Houses.a potentially informing. In the past hooks has defended this move by arguing she should be allowed to "grow" and should not be pigeonholed.her passion lost.Bell Hooks interviewing Jada Pinkett for Essence . I was initially excited by the cover story . in recent year Hooks' work seems to have gone the direction of pop culture rather than a critique of dominant culture." 2. like the older civil rights generation. empowering article for Black women. ³For bell. Equally hard to explain is her naive idea that all that prevents the triumph of radical feminism is bad marketing: "Let's start over. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. p. Yes. Like Jada. Hooks was an important player in developing Black feminist theory. television and radio commercials. and Better Off Financially. Bell Hooks and her BMW have disappointed me for the last time. aside from abortion on demand and contraceptives for all. She began Ain't I a Woman in college. staff writer.
p. J. These "postintersectionality" scholars are collectively pushing jurists and progressive theorists to examine forms of subordination as interrelated. These scholars.. 2. structural problems in antisubordination theory: the embrace of essentialist politics." Multidimensionality posits that the various forms of identity and oppression are "inextricably and forever intertwined" and that essentialist equality theories "invariably reflect the experiences of class-and race-privileged" individuals. B. Lesbian-feminist theorists. law and sexuality. Spring 2001.. rather than as potential alliances and coalitions. Their work on the intersectionality of subordination has encouraged some judges and progressive scholars to discard the "separate spheres" analysis of race and gender. University of Pennsylvania. While essentialism remains a prominent feature of progressive social movements. rather than as separate and mutually exclusive systems of domination. class domination.wcdebate. University of Pennsylvania. the positioning of progressive movements as oppositional and conflicting forces..D. for example. patriarchy. The HRC endorsement controversy reflects broader. have challenged the patriarchy and heterosexism of law and sexuality and feminist theorists. MULTIDIMENSIONALITY ALLOWS THE EXAMINATION OF MULTIPLE INTERSECTIONS Lennard Hutchinson. recently. Yale Law School. Assistant Professor.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. p." Multidimensionality "recognizes the inherent complexity of systems of oppression . single-issue politics and have proposed reforms in a variety of doctrinal and policy contexts. arises out of and is informed by intersectionality theory. I have examined the relationships among racism. Assistant Professor. patriarchy. and the social identity categories around which social power and disempowerment are distributed. Spring 2001. 288-290. The powerful intersectionality model has also inspired many other avenues of critical engagement. Southern Methodist University School of Law. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality. and poverty studies. Volume 9 Page 139 MULTIDIMENSIONALITY IS SUPERIOR TO INTERSECTIONALITY 1. race-sexuality critics.A.´ MICHIGAN JOURNAL OF RACE & LAW. like the intersectionality theorists.. respectively. Although heavily influenced by intersectional analysis. In a series of articles. OPPOSITIONAL STRUCTURES OF RACE AND SEX BECOME BARRIERS TO COALITIONS Lennard Hutchinson. The intersectionality scholarship has inspired helpful analyses in areas outside of the contexts of feminism and antiracism.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. heterosexism. In particular. are currently developing a sizeable body of scholarship that extends intersectionality theory into new substantive and conceptual terrains. and class oppression utilizing a model I refer to as "multidimensionality. The feminist of color critiques of feminism and antiracism provided the earliest framework for analyzing oppression in complex terms. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and other scholars have utilized the intersectional model in order to counter essentialism in feminism. whose work examines the relationships among racism. Southern Methodist University School of Law. the "post-intersectionality" theorists have offered several improvements to the intersectionality model. and.D. rather than conflicting. gays and lesbians of color. J.. therefore. and heterosexism.A. Yale Law School. Feminists of color and other critical scholars have examined racism and patriarchy as "intersecting" phenomena. and the failure to recognize the multidimensional and complex nature of subordination.´ ³Multidimensionality. B.. Multidimensionality.´ and the Development of an Adequate Theory of Subordination. critical scholars have offered persuasive arguments against traditional. Lesbian feminists. a growing intellectual movement has emerged that responds to racism within gay and lesbian circles and heterosexism within antiracist activism. phenomena. ³Symposium Article: Identity Crisis: ³Intersectionality.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 309-310.´ ³Multidimensionality. critical race theory.com . have also examined the experiences of persons who suffer from intersecting forms of marginalization and have proposed policies to address the reality of complex subordination.
HOW ARE WE TO LIVE? ETHICS IN AN AGE OF SELF-INTEREST in 1995. He explains that conceding the differences in beings does not mean they are unworthy of equality. Women were given the Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.´ 2 SINGER AND HISTORICAL OPPRESSION Singer uses a comparison of ³speciesism´ to the historical concepts of racism and sexism. with what he has to say or will reject some of the premises upon which he bases his arguments. Monash University. 1946. THE REPRODUCTION REVOLUTION: NEW WAYS OF MAKING BABIES (co-author with Deane Wells) in 1984. IN DEFENCE OF ANIMALS in 1985. His writings include discussion of issues like animal rights. but that society has since realized its mistake. and thinks that they have gotten rid of the last form of discrimination. Singer was a professor at the Center for Human Bioethics. what makes an individual or creature a ³person. But Singer explains that equality can be extended with attention paid to detail.or ways of avoiding thinking -.about them. HEGEL in 1982. He has lectured at Radcliff. SHOULD THE BABY LIVE? THE PROBLEM OF HANDICAPPED INFANTS (co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1985. At age 30. INDIVIDUALS. whereas a man cannot physically require an abortion and so does not have this right. Peter Singer¶s educational experiences include a BA with honors from the University of Melbourne in 1967. it was widely criticized as absurd. He believes that society has become far too complacent.wcdebate. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS in 1975. liberation movements for minorities and women seemed far-fetched. they merely need different considerations.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. we classify members of other species as undeserving. His works include DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE in 1973. MARX in 1980. 3 The barrier that causes society to not extend rights to animals is their view that these species are fundamentally different. ³But some of the controversy arises from the fact that he works on difficult and provocative topics and in many cases challenges long-established ways of thinking -. the Director of the Center for Human Bioethics. La Trobe University. Instead. He is the author of the major article on ethics in the current edition of the ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA. ANIMAL FACTORIES (co-author with James Mason) in 1980.´ and democracy. ETHICAL AND LEGAL ISSUES IN GUARDIANSHIP OPTIONS FOR INTELLECTUALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE (co-author with Terry Carney) in 1986. EMBRYO EXPERIMENTATION in 1990. and was awarded the National Book Council of Australia Banjo Award for non-fiction in 1995. HUMANS AND PERSONS: QUESTIONS OF LIFE AND DEATH (Co-author with Helga Kuhse) in 1994. a woman can claim that she has a right to an abortion. and Princeton University (where he currently is a professor). He also reminds us that for a long period of time. His works have appeared in nineteen languages. and co-director of the Institute for Ethics and Public Policy. he was given a professorship at Princeton University amid much controversy. PRACTICAL ETHICS in 1979. A COMPANION TO ETHICS in 1991. When Mary Wollstonecraft published her VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN in 1792. the decision was met with much enthusiasm and controversy. In 1998. For example. ANIMAL RIGHTS AND HUMAN OBLIGATIONS: AN ANTHOLOGY in 1976.com . Volume 9 Page 140 PETER SINGER Peter Singer was born in Melbourne. and ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT in 1998. instead of classifying those of other races or women as less deserving of rights. As the President of the University noted. PRESENT TECHNIQUES. and a BA in philosophy from the University of Oxford in 1971. he began his teaching career and has been teaching and writing since. RETHINKING LIFE AND DEATH: THE COLLAPSE OF OUR TRADITIONAL ETHICS in 1994. Even careful readers of his works will disagree. sometimes quite vehemently. He was a senior scholar in the Fullbright Program. Australia on July 6. 1 When he was hired at Princeton University. AND FUTURE POSSIBILITIES in 1982. Now. Singer understands that extending rights to animals seems a bit far-fetched. He was awarded a fellowship by the Academy of Humanities and the Academy of Social Sciences in Australia. While at Monash University. New York University. an MA from the University of Melbourne in 1969. TEST-TUBE BABIES: A GUIDE TO MORAL QUESTIONS. and again turns to the women¶s rights movement as an example.
moral capacity. and differing capacities to experience pleasure and pain. But if a creature can suffer. and a decision can cause that suffering. then they cannot have interests. and not merely an assertion of fact. differing abilities to communicate effectively. is not descriptive of they way beings are. however. A difference in ability documented in fact does not justify any difference in the consideration we give them.wcdebate. Thus. and explains how it is not necessary for a healthy diet. Furthermore. CRITERIA FOR EXTENSION OF EQUALITY Critics of Peter Singer often offer criteria that attempts to include all of humanity and exclude non-human animals. The first is the ability of a being to suffer. His critics often ask. rather. and the second is if they have interests. The first idea that Singer deconstructs is the notion that equal consideration should hold until there is a clash between the interests of humans and nonhuman animals. would that be ok? Singer responds with another hypothetical situation: would the experimenter be prepared to conduct the study using a human infant? If he is not. Another proposed criterion to decide upon the extension of equality is intelligence or the capability to reason. differing amounts of benevolent feeling and sensitivity to the needs of others. That is. and use them to do our labor. THE DEFINITION OF EQUALITY Before we can explore the ways in which Singer believes equality should be extended. as noted above. is equality of consideration for different beings may lead to different treatment and different rights. do not have that same capability and should not be allowed the right to vote. Volume 9 Page 141 right to vote because they are capable of rational decision making just like men are. Singer offers the following definition: ³The basic principle of equality. then it is simple discrimination. But because we believe our interests are always in conflict. Singer explains that if fails since our interests are constructed to always be in conflict with other species. If a creature cannot suffer. Singer is quick to explain the problem with this criterion: it necessarily excludes humans who are infants and those who have mental defects. Fundamentally. Others have proposed differing criterion that Singer responds to. We eat them. factual equality comes with no guarantee that the abilities and capacities that humans have are distributed evenly throughout the population. Singer notes that. In his All Animals are Equal. if harming one animal in tests could save thousands. He poses the hypothetical situation of an experiment that needs testing. Singer¶s ideas here begin with the notion that not all human beings are the same. however. we must first have a clear understanding of how he defines equality. the determining factor is the capacity to suffer or experience happiness. is sentience.com . but that does not mean that the basic principle of extending equality to non-human animals is invalid. Equality. Because the notion of basing equality on a fact.´ 5 This helps to further clarify the notion that equality does not mean an extension of the exact same rights. or other matters. we will never give equal consideration.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ³Humans come in different in different shapes and sizes. 8 There are a few other arguments that Singer answers. they come with differing moral capacities. it is a prescription of the way beings should be treated. Singer¶s notion of equality is that it is a moral ideal. His critics claim that the reason why infants should be included in the criteria of intelligence and reasoning is because they have the potential to develop those things. This would mean that individuals with mental defects still would not be included. 4 Singer concedes that there exist important differences between animals and people. their interests must be given equal consideration to human interests or any other animal¶s interest. points out that all of the proposed criterion exclude some of humanity while including some non-human animals. a new criteria becomes necessary. It would also mean that Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. The proposed criterion are ways to determine who is worth of having equality extended to them. Perhaps the conflict of interests is not real. like intelligence.´ 7 These differences make it nearly impossible to create a criteria that encompasses all of humanity. The criteria agreed upon by Singer. After noting the similarity this principle holds with the racist and sexist policies of the past. differing intellectual abilities. creates divisions between humanity. strength. according to Singer. Singer. wear them. 6 This consideration is based on two things. a criteria based on equality only in certain circumstances fails. I shall argue. Singer notes how much money and resources it requires to raise animals for food. Dogs.
be right to kill him. Singer dismantles this position by noting that a plant doesn¶t have a choice as to whether or not it grows toward the light for its own interest. indeed to care for a biospheric Earth.´ or that ³humans are ends in themselves. would be considered persons. He supports his idea with the thoughts of Paul Taylor. and runs through Judeo-Christian doctrines. to plants. Rolston concedes that our views regarding ethics prior to Singer were too humanist. policy decisions would be made to protect the environment in the interest of persons. those with some forms of psychosis. Volume 9 Page 142 sperm and eggs would also have to garner equal treatment as a full-grown being. Singer notes that this is couched in many elegant phrasings. Singer maintains that this idea only holds up when it goes unquestioned and assumed. Rolston says value comes from having a respect for life. and more specifically.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. The loss of the happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second. too focused on people. Singer goes on to add that by the logic of those who advocate looking to plant¶s interests. who details that every living organism has a will to live. if the killing of the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others it would . Once we ask the question as to why all humans have this worth we are only taken back to the previous issue. Again.com . It leaves us searching for the characteristic that all humans possess and other animals don¶t that would qualify them for intrinsic dignity. human embryos. human fetuses. Since those persons depend on the environment. He also explains. like dogs and bears. 13 Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. rather it is just what the plant does and cannot be anything else. ³"When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. After all. many animals.´10 This leads many beings to not get classified as persons. the good of a missile is to blow up and should be considered. Here Singer enters territory that offends many and has helped to create a feeling of hatred towards him. those with significant mental retardation. that ³Singer has proven himself blind to the still larger effort in environmental ethics to value life at all its ranges and levels. Singer argues that you would conduct environmental policy with regards to the interest of those who are granted the status of person. and that even plants are pursuing their own good. find themselves in a precarious situation without the ability to distinguish a defining characteristic. and fish. critics of Singer argue that those with mental defects should still be extended equality. . therefore.wcdebate. SINGER AND BIOCENTRISM Holmes Rolston III and some green philosophers argue that Singer¶s position is detrimental to biocentrism. However. but cannot articulate why their criteria of intelligence and reasoning apply. such as ³the intrinsic dignity of the human individual. and a river is seeking its own good to reach the sea. Those who advocate this position. Therefore. INTERPRETATIONS OF SINGER¶S CRITERIA While Singer does frequently make reference to the fact that most proposed criterion would include some animals but exclude infants and those with mental defects. However. ." 11 While many people disagree with Singer¶s position. The final argument Singer addresses is that humans have an intrinsic dignity.´12 The implications of this view outlined by Rolston are those of an anthropocentric society. few are able to articulate a standard that includes all types of humanity and excludes all non-human animals. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed.´9 This dates back to the ideals of the Renaissance and humanists. an environmental ethic that is based on human needs does not often differ in policy recommendations from an environmental ethic based on the biosphere as its center. and therefore be seen as unworthy of equality. fellow humans are not eager to disagree with the view that they are members of the highest order. Critics of Singer say that his criteria for declaring someone a person are ³rationality and self awareness over time. Singer questions this criticism by pondering how we assign value if not based on sentience. In PRACTICAL ETHICS. Singer writes. interpretations of these references is varied and controversial. however. This would include brain-damaged people. chickens.
does raising animals for food cause more benefit than harm? R. Unless your opponent can identify why that belief is justified.wcdebate. The first is that it is revisionary. Singer notes that the way animal production works within the system does not take into account animal suffering. First. He says. An understanding of the way things are is necessary to determine the way things should be. Practical ethics have three primary characteristics. the painful ways in which they are killed. SINGER IN DEBATE Singer¶s framework is particularly useful for calling into question the underlying assumptions of your opponent. the disease and filthy living conditions. it must cause suffering. engaging the argument still yields some debate. Singer argues that allowing death is as bad as causing death. Any advocacy of valuing progress. will most likely rest on the assumption that humans are inherently more valuable than non-human animals. that is. even if it is a short one. the way we should strive to make things. Second. or the distance between an individual and a famine. Many philosophers and their positions seem to invite action. humanity. Most importantly. However. so breeding a new existence is not some sort of net gain for the animal. He first alludes to the notion that philosophy and ethics should entail action in the introduction to a book that developed from his thesis project at Oxford. We cannot compare what an animal would have in nature to what they would have in a farm. is irrelevant and uninteresting unless it calls for an action in a way that individuals can have power. Here. but few have gone so far as Singer in making it a primary goal explicitly explained to his readers and audiences. In Democracy and Disobedience. The confinement that these animals endure. The implications of the distinction between causing a death and allowing a death carry over from the realm of non-human animals into the world of humanity as well. Hare takes the position that it is not. 16 Singer feels that a discussion of an argument. but to change it. Singer discusses the ideas of our responsibility in world famine. This position is initially weakened by the fact that it ignores the entire premise that killing animals in any way could be simply wrong. however. in order for an action against an animal to be wrong. ³For it is better for an animal to live a happy life. This is why Singer discusses action as well as right and wrong. Singer claims that proximity. The second is that in Singer¶s work. Singer explains how philosophy should be accessible to everyone by noting. it would still not justify the use of the creatures as a means to an end. whether is causes more benefit than harm. Complacently allowing death to happen is just as morally and ethically wrong as dong the killing yourself. Volume 9 Page 143 ³THE GOOD OF THE ANIMAL´ Some have argued (and attempted to use Singer¶s utilitarian framework to do so) that raising animals to eat is not causing them to suffer. especially citizens of a democracy. If humans simply took advantage of the fact that animals died. is no justification for a lack of action.com .West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. the absence of a benefit is not harm.´ 15 Singer¶s view of accessibility extends to the way people use philosophy. ³As the subject of this book is one that concerns not only those studying or teaching political philosophy in universities but also any citizens. facts matter. he notes that mere existence is not in itself a benefit. growth.´ 14 Singer answers this claim on several levels. This perception that philosophy is not just for the academically inclined and is not to be merely kept in books and the classroom helps to distinguish Singer from not only his contemporaries but philosophers throughout history. a counter-advocacy of a value that encompasses all those considered ³persons´ would be more beneficial.M. than no life at all. even if the benefit that this existence creates is good. all suggest a lack of concern for the animals. who find themselves faced with a law they oppose. I have tried to write throughout to write in a way that can easily be understood by those who have never studied philosophy. etc. an understanding of a position. why he tries to make his work easy to read and applicable to individuals. From a utilitarian perspective. The question then becomes. A third is that there is an assumption that individual action can make a difference. PRACTICAL ETHICS The philosophy of Singer is based on the idea of practical ethics. its purpose is to not merely explain the world and the way it works. The creature would be allowed to live without human interference. that is. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www.
15 Peter Singer. 10 Smith.com/ 11 Smith. or student. 4 Peter Singer.´ It also calls for a questioning of the basic assumptions of the age. is invariably formulated in terms of human equality.html 2 Princeton Weekly Bulletin. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. Wesley J.M. 1993. ³It is the significant problem of equality. 6 Peter Singer. All Animals are Equal. Peter Singer Gets a Chair. http://www. 16 Dale Jamieson. Singer also offers a critique of modern philosophy that can be applied in many ways. Counter values that rely on inclusive values of animals and all life are much more preferable. All Animals are Equal. 14 R. It calls for a justification of the superiority of human beings that does not rely on rhetoric such as. All Animals are Equal. 17 Peter Singer. medicine.com/ 12 Holmes Rolston.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. 8 Peter Singer. __________________________________________________________________________________ 1 http://www. Singer and the Practical Ethics Movement. 7 Peter Singer.frontpagemag.and this is already an indication of the failure of philosophy to challenge accepted beliefs. Essays on Bioethics.princeton. Volume 9 Page 144 Singer¶s advocacy also has implications to any topics that particularly deal with science. Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account.edu/~uchv/index. All Animals are Equal.frontpagemag. All Animals are Equal Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. All Animals are Equal. Wesley J. 1973. 1998 3 Peter Singer. 1999. Hare. as an issue itself. and academics. All Animals are Equal.wcdebate. 1993. December 7. The effect of this is that the question of the equality of other animals does not confront the philosopher. Democracy and Disobedience. http://www. 1999. and use animals to further human aims. All Animals are Equal. 9 Peter Singer. in moral and political philosophy.com . Respect for Life: Counting what Singer Finds of no Account. 5 Peter Singer.´ 17 A critical discussion of what makes beings equal must escape the normalcy of an assumption that humans are and animals aren¶t. 13 Holmes Rolston. These lines of study all rely heavily on the superiority of humanity. ³intrinsic worth of humanity.
ESSAYS ON BIOETHICS. 1997). 1998). (Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pojman. Terrence and Richard Dagger. 1994). (Belmont. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1999). R.. Hare. DEMOCRACY AND DISOBEDIENCE. (Malden. Singer. 1975). Jamieson. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. Peter.M. (Oxford: Claredon Press. Dale. IDEALS AND IDEOLOGIES. Singer. 1993). (New York: Longman. 2nd ed.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. (Lanham. Peter. MD: Rowman and Littlefield. Peter.com . Mass: Blackwell Publishers Ltd.wcdebate. ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS: READINGS IN THEORY AND APPLICATION. CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Peter. (Oxford: Oxford University Press. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. ETHICS INTO ACTION: HENRY SPIRA AND THE ANIMAL RIGHTS MOVEMENT. PRACTICAL ETHICS. 1973). 1993). Peter. ANIMAL LIBERATION: A NEW ETHICS FOR OUR TREATMENT OF ANIMALS. ETHICS. 2002). (New York: Review/Random House. Singer. Singer. Volume 9 Page 145 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ball. Singer. Louis J.
3. Can they reason? nor Can they talk? but. they necessarily have selves. instead of building on our natural impulses. XVII. and one that threatens to exclude animal experience from the moral realm. to speak of experiences at all is already to assume bearers for them. Philosopher and Jurist. But I want to be equally cautious about premature enthusiasm for those universal feelings of love. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. since pain matters only because it is pain for someone. p. Solomon. however noble their object or intent. But suppose they were otherwise. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. will degenerate into a diffuse and ultimately pointless sentimentality. are reasons equally insufficient for abandoning a sensitive being to the same fate. What else is it that should trace the insuperable line? Is it the faculty of reason. that form of hypocrisy that 9as has often been said of such ³lovers of humanity´ as Rousseau and Marx) adores the species but deplores almost every individual of it. The natural sensibility that is at issue here is nothing so lofty as love or even universal care.. in over-enlarging the circle to include everyone and everything or in turning from the personal to the impersonality of reason .by Frege¶s point. This may seem like a major provision. Volume 9 Page 146 SPECIESISM IS THE NEW RACISM 1.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. or the termination of the os sacrum. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. is not so much a particular attitude or emotion as it is a sense of belonging.An experience always comes with an owner built into it. animals need to be granted selves if their sensations are to matter morally. but in fact it is simply a point about the very concept of experience. If the basis of ethics is personal feeling for those we care about. Putatively ownerless pain sensations have no moral weight. 1999. rather.) So. the villosity of the skin. Can they suffer? 2. It is not that you bundle some inherently ownerless experiences together and get a self. In other words. since the alleged pain is not painful to a subject of awareness. The point is that we should not think of animal pain as intrinsically ³ownerless. (This is so whether or not the experiences are conceived to be embodied in an organism. since animals have experiences. SPECIESISM ATTEMPTS TO LOWER GROUPS JUST AS RACISM DID Colin. or worse. 152153. It may one day come to be recognized that the number of legs.. TOO MUCH FOCUS ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS DIVERSITY AS AN IDEAL Robert C. Professor of Philosophy at Rutgers University. or perhaps the faculty or discourse? But a full-grown horse or dog is beyond comparison a more rational. There is the very familiar danger that such feelings. the social sense as such. ch. than an infant of a day. then we will not see why it is morally significant. If we conceive of animal pain in this subjectless way. may instead undermine them.´ Animal minds are not just bundles of subjectless sensations gathered around a single body. Austin. old. 1999. what would it avail? The question is not. 1789. The day may come when the rest of the animal creation may acquire those rights which never could have been witholden from them but by the hand of tyranny. Thus it is wrong to cause them pain. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. in other words. The basic biological sense we seek. REALIZATION OF THE FAULT OF RACISM IS LIKE REALIZING THE FAULT OF SPECIESISM Jeremy Bentham. The danger is that reason. as well a more conversable animal. McGinn. The French have already discovered that the blackness of the skin is no reason why a human being should be abandoned without a redress to the caprice of a tormentor.69. there is the very real danger that.subjects of experience. because this will necessarily be pain for a subject of consciousness.com . called agape. we will lose precisely that dimension of the personal that produces ethics in the first place.wcdebate. or a week. Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. or even a month. which may well produce much caring and many kindnesses but will also provoke rivalry and competition. as Hume was (partially) inclined to suppose. which have been defended by some of the great (and not-so-great) religious thinkers of the world. but rather a kind of kinship or fellow-feeling. p. thus refusing to grant genuine selfhood to animals..
a twenty-three-year-old Chicago housepainter. WHY ARE WE AFRAID OF PETER SINGER?. one must (to some extent) acquire such skills but it doesn¶t follow that such skills are not also (or may not alternatively be) genetically engineered or that the general capacity for strategic behavior. 1999. Austin.mother birds pretending to have broken wings to lead predators away from the nest. SINGER MAKES STRONG ARGUMENTS. a man who measures happiness in numbers and considers love a replaceable resource. half an hour later. EUTHENASIA ALLOWS GREATER HAPPINESS FOR ALL Jeff Sharlet. even Darwin himself seems to have erred in giving too much credit here to the role of ³reason´ and not enough to heredity.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. and Singer knows that. They ³just know´ what to do. When the death of a disabled infant will lead to the birth of another infant with better prospects of a happy life. Few people will ever consider infants replaceable in the way that they consider free-range chickens replaceable. Therefore. A good billiards or pool player simply ³sees´ the shot. p. 1989. Yet many of those who would never act on his conclusions still agree that if an infant really had no hope of happiness.73. When Samuel is free of the respirator at last. Linares cradles him in his arms until. when a grand jury refused to indict him. keeping nurses at bay with a gun while he disconnects the respirator that for eight months has kept his comatose infant son Samuel alive. the total amount of happiness will be greater if the disabled infant is killed. Critics often accuse Mr. the child dies.without any need on our part to postulate Pentagon-like tactical mentality behind their behavior. Singer of being cold-hearted. Solomon. EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE COUNTER-INTUITIVE Michael Specter. Then Linares puts down the gun and. according to the total view. monkeys fooling one another by uttering a misleading cry to distract the others. death would be more merciful than a life governed by misery. p. standing in a hospital ward. Of course. September 6. Successful traders and businessmen often claim (truthfully) that they don¶t ³think´ about what they are doing. animals display a remarkable array of strategic behaviors. So. she doesn¶t calculate it. Volume 9 Page 147 REJECTING THE CRITERIA OF RATIONALITY IS BENEFICIAL 1.wcdebate. weeping. But to him the symbol of the "tragic farce" brought on by an inhumane adherence to the sanctity-of-life principle is "Rudy Linares. Good game players usually describe their own skill in non-intellectual terms.must not be so engineered. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. np. but to attribute strategic skill to heredity is not to relegate it to merely automatic behavior. A good poker player doesn¶t sit skimming a mathematical odds book on the one hand and a psychology of facial expressions text on the other. 1999." That was April 26. Cook County charged Mr. be right to kill him. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. The loss of happy life for the first infant is outweighed by the gain of a happier life for the second.the tit-for-tat attitude as such. Linares with first-degree murder. but the criminal case was over by May. writer. It is not necessarily thinking or negotiating that are essential here. 3. FOCUSING ON RATIONALITY DESTROYS INTUITION AND DEVALUES IT Robert C. gives himself up. it would.com . too. The New Yorker. THE DANGEROUS PHILOSOPHER. if killing the hemophiliac infant has no adverse effect on others. 10 March 2000. 2. The Chronicle of Higher Education. In such cases.
As intelligent and sensitive human beings. If we do not think in this way about dogs...wcdebate. 1967. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. with its own standards of normality. that we should give to the interests of each the same serious consideration as claims to considerations necessary for some standard of well-being that we can recognize and endorse. one had to decide between feeding a hungry baby or a hungy dog. by reason of not possessing these characteristics. therefore. for instance. Volume 9 Page 148 RATIONALITY IS BEST STANDARD 1. we can acknowledge the harshness of the world. 2. and not just ordinarily dishonest. one could argue. We are. that distinguish the normal man from the normal dog make it intelligible for us to talk of other man having interests and capacities. 3. and yet not accept it at all. as opposed to all the other creatures in nature. p. RATIONALITY DISTINGUISHES SPECIES AND IS ACCEPTED STANDARD Stanley Benn.. anyone who chose the dog would generally be reckoned morally defective.if. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. p. It too. p.com . The characteristics. that is. our breeding patterns. It would be odd to say that we ought to respect equally the dignity or personality of the imbecile and of the rational man. NOMOS IX: EQUALITY. Not to possess human shape is a disqualifying condition. just as it would be unfair.but there is nothing odd about saying that we should respect their interests equally. our habits. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. This is what distinguishes our attitude to animals from our attitude to imbeciles. We. We have what is uncritically called ³free will.´ We are able to reflect and choose our food. 1999. to steal from a blind man. involves a certain distance. but because rationality is the human norm. and therefore claims. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. ad aggressive campaigns on the behalf of sensitivity when we become adults. unable to recognize a fundamental inequality of claims. as an expression of a certain sentimentality as well as a Christian allegory. We say it is unfair to exploit the deficiencies of the imbecile who falls short of the norm. We respect the interests of men and give them priority over dogs not insofar as they are rational. But compassion. and this is precisely because a man does not become a member of a different species. 1967. Solomon. 69. we can understand that. 62ff. above the food chain. part of culture rather than nature. are rational. of precisely the same kind as we make on our own behalf. or the distinguishing criteria of the class of morally considerable persons. As for the saccharine quality of those Christmas greetings and that biblical fantasy. too. is not opposed to but a consequence of reason. in an important sense. too. RATIONALITY DEFINES A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HUMANITY AND ANIMALS Robert C. Senior Fellow in Philosophy at the Research School of Social Sciences in Australia. they are not in fact the qualifying conditions for membership. 62ff. the result of so many cuddly teddy bears and puppies when we were children. it is because we do not see the irrationality of the dog as a deficiency or a handicap. Our strange compassion for other species is a ³natural´ projection of our more immediate concerns but something learned and cultivated. RATIONALITY IS THE HUMAN NORM AND ALLOWS FOR EXCEPTIONS Stanley Benn.. Austin. But although these characteristics may provide the point of the distinction between men and other species. However faithful or intelligent a dog maybe. We are not merely at the top of the food chain. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. it would be a monstrous sentimentality to attribute to him interests that could be weighed in an equal balance with those of human beings. but as normal for the species.
p. np.According to Singer. However. or have different abilities than the person engaging in moral deliberation are not considerations that in themselves justify differential treatment. GRANTING ANIMALS EQUALITY HARMS POLITICALLY DISADVANTAGED PEOPLE Lori Gruen. Suppose one were all the things Singer attacks: a meat eater. that some people have a different skin color. p.wcdebate. is a theory that violates the principle of equal consideration of interests. Professor at Webster University. and they many not compete well with contrary interests toward humans. on the role of normative ethical theory) underestimates the power of compassion. At the same time one noticed a small kitten. The point here is that many of us have some intuitions toward the interests of animals. my number three. unconcerned with the processes of producing meat for the table. perhaps returning to some of those personal sentiments or intuitions might be a good place to go. even though our lives as a whole might suggest we were speciesists of the worst sort.com . seemingly hungry and crying. most of us are familiar with anti-speciesist sentiments. As Singer discusses the principle. simply because they are men. Reason. are of a different gender. and they might not be sentiments of equality. AN EMPHASIS ON REASON BY SINGER DESTROYS THE NATURE OF COMPASSION Robert C. Quincy Lee Centennial and Distinguished Teaching Professor of Philosophy at the University of Texas. This requires what many theorists now call ³empathy´ or ³feeling with´ (which Hume and Adam Smith call ³sympathy´ and which might more accurately be called ³fellow-feeling´). however.. adds universal principles to the promptings of our biologically inherited feelings. Volume 9 Page 149 THE INCLUSION OF ANIMALS AS WORTHY OF EQUALITY IS BAD 1. all that is considered in deciding the morally correct course of action is the strength of the interests or preferences and the degree to which the interests and preferences of those affected will be thwarted or advanced. I want to argue that what allows the circle to expand is not reason (in the technical sense of calculation on the basis of abstract principles) but rather knowledge and understanding in the sense of coming to appreciate the situations and the circumstances in which other people and creatures find themselves. on the other hand. in a sentence. My argument.. Professor of Philosophy at Stanford University. 1999. An adequate sense of ethics requires not only reason but concern and curiosity..´ Thus.West Coast Philosopher and Value Handbook. p. 134-135. 75. are from a different country. WE ALREADY GIVE CONSIDERATION TO ANIMALS Bob Corbett. Solomon. They may not be dominant. At the same time. is that reason will also leave those feelings behind. it prohibits granting any weight to particular features of a situation. such differences do not provide a rational basis for differences in our ethical considerations or treatment. The danger. For example. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. so does it condemn granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of humans over non-humans. a zoo goer. Let me begin with the easiest one. in his emphasis on reason (and consequently. the emotional sense that what happens to other matters. According to this principle. Austin. and it requires care and concern. Suppose one were drinking a large glass of milk and had drunk one's fill. as evidenced by any number of philosophers who simply ³talk a good game. 1999. In most cases.. 3. we still often have some positive sentiments and intuitions toward the interests of animals. a need to know about the state of the world and plight of people outside of one¶s own limited domain. COMMENTS ON PETER SINGER'S ANALYSIS THAT LEADS TO SPECIESISM. is that Singer.Just as Singer¶s substantive impartiality condemns granting additional consideration to the interests or preferences of one¶s racial or ethic group. SINGER AND HIS CRITICS. Singer rightly points out that most of us are living examples of speciesism in the same sense that radical Ku Klux Klan's people are racist. 1999. We would not be absolutely immune to the "interests" of the kitten. a pet owner and so on. according to Singer. The notion that Singer will develop in ways that may well be strange and new to us. Many people would be enough moved by the "interests" of the kitten to look for some container to pour the remaining milk into so the kitten might drink it.. WE HAVE NO NEED TO GO FURTHER. Visit West Coast Publishing at: www. and most people seem to. If we have a hard time grasping his view. Nonetheless. simply because they are humans. 2. are not 100% novel. one might have an experience that is contrary to this position. a theory which justifies the distribution of goods under which men receive greater benefits and thus have more of their preferences satisfied than women do.
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