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Social Change and Violence

The Indian ExPerience

Social Change and Violence

The Indian ExPerience



Under the AusPices of Centre for Policy Research


3, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New


Centre for potcf Research New Delhi

First Publishe{,


ISBN 8l-8s0p+27-8

PRINTED IilI INDIA IT{ Published by B"S. Uppal for Uppal Publishing House, New Delhi and Ph[totypeset by Ess Bee Printers, F17, Secton8, I.IOIDA and Printed at Efficient Offset Priniers. New Delhi-28.

The Centre for Policy Research has been engagedin the study ofviolence aod its roots over the last two years or so, As

the societal transformation moves on in India the level of viqlence seems to, escalate. Even so the problem is obviously not new either to the world or to India itsel,f Violence has been endemic in many countries and in many civilizations

In India itself, Gautam the Budhdha and MahavirJain devoted and puilt most of their religious. and spiritual thought around iron-violence: Both had profound influence on Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian freedom movernent

Ye[ as the wheels of economiq social and political developments have moved on, especially since independence, so has the level ofviolence Is it a cancer ofthe Indian society or is merely a symbol of the process of societal readjustments? Is violence going to eat up the vitals of the India{r society or will it merely act as a catalyst or an inevitable part of the change process?
This study is the second in the series on violence by Shri Rajgopal. As a distinguished police official, Shri Rajgopal has seen the various faces ofviolence at first hand In the present study, he has examined the variety of socioeconomic factors which lead to violence Policy makers as well as lay citizens will find his practical insights useful in understanding the phenomenon-


Centre for policy Research New Delhi

V A Pai Panandiker Director.

It is dilncult to comparbnentalise neatly a subject
as social change and violence sOch

ia India s'ithout an overlap of the dilferent elements that constitute this complex subject Even sq an ittempt has been made to present this Study in five separate parts. In the first pa4-ad attempt has been made to conceptualise violence that this study seeks to pro ject This study has tried to go beyond mere manifest violencd into areas of economic exploitation, violation of human rights and affront to human digotty. In the process it has touched on subjects which may be seen to be outside the scope of a study on violence" But as I viewit, violence latent in these areas of human behaviour is far more malignant and sustained than manifest violence which iq in the very nature of it, self limiting The second part deals with the socio econonic disabilities suffered by very large sections of our population who have been at the ftceiving end ofa type of latent violence that is referred to both ia the lirst and in the second parts A brief educational and, employment prolile ofthe Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes has also been attempted in statistical terms which should give an idea ofthe
efforts that the stat goverDments have made and the measure ofsuccess that they have been able to achieve in this fietd An effort has'also been made to discuss briefly the inadequacy of the institutional infrastructure for resolving the conflicts that have bcen the inevitable concomitants: of social change' The third part deals with the gap between the promises made by the Governmrcnt and their implcmentation in respect of the sweral aspects of agrarian reforms This has relevance to laad reformg tnurial rights and minirnum wages Arousing hopes witlout fulfilling them creates a crisis of expectation u" atmosphere iri which violence breeds easily' The agrarian reforms have been dealt with in the context of the SLrcs of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and West Bengal The fourth part illustrates with specific instances' the^ nature viole4ce that have charactrised the States of


""a "uti"ty "f

Bihar, UttarPradesll rtr4 Karnataka and Guiarat The fifth anrd the last part delineates the broad conclusions that llow from the sn of yiolence in the variou$ state s in different contexts :dly, these conclusions are of a general nature based on studies drawn from only a "' few of the states in the atrd not from all the states. Even this limited study took Iifteen months. The nature of the study r that I identi$ and Iiocus on the dark areas of failures thAt resulted in violence in some the states Nevertheless this does not in any way deftact several achievements which the country can legitimately be ofand which have been achieved not through force coerciod by the State but through some of the most democratic processes attempted anywhere in the
Certain parts ofthis study These have been deliberately can do better in these
make distressing readi'.g ted in the belief that we the necessary political and

administrative will, which weakened by the influence of

thesis is that geographically a exploding population, having

it hag through democratic p1 process should be an example tro many Countries undiluted stat dictatorship have failed to pro comparable developmental results Even iq those parts of country which have been disfigured by violence it sh d have been possible to redeem the situation if onlv l had made the necessarv administrative and institutional ons to cope wrth the demands arising out of social It is still not too late to make such an attempt
needed institutional points to concerns the t infirrnities and inade matter of a separate
the third part ofthe overall

have been temporarily interests My simple country like India with its the social change that

studywhich I have undertaken

by the Centre for Research Study on Vi'olence s19n1ored New Delhi The first part was published

ililcy I[;;L

""I.i r""r"al"* tdthe third part will be published under the of the Indian
iiii.. 'viot".,.. and

,1. o,r.'bommurial Violence in India'; this is the

A critique

Criminal Justice SYstern

the am deeply grateful to Dr. V'A' Pai Panandiket for Policy Research for his everwilling ni..ctotoftti ieitre ftap in all mattirs connected with this study' "Jg.i"-* hive contributed their time and labotrr !o Seveial friends present ."t tftit tttAy what it has come to be in the Mr' LP' form' I Si"*: word of thants to A""l iU"- ali A special qith some vry valua-ble^suggestion$ aad n"to tttip"A -" figure in this study, and also for painstakingly ia.u. "'fr'i"ft reading through the draft of this txt

I am extreme$ grateful to S.P. Mathur for helping me in con*.rn J *uy, in comliting and processing.the material responsible for the yiews taineO in itris stuay. I alone am expressed in the studY'





I 2 3 4 5 6 ? 8 9

PART-I Concept of Violence

10 Social Inheritance at Independence t7 Scheduled Socioeconomic change among Tribes - Education and Castes and Scheduled EmploYment Profile

Infrastructural infirmities




Gap between promise and performance Land Reforms - General Land Reforms in Bihar Land Reforms in Uttar Pradesh Land Reforms in Gujarat Land Reforms in West Bengal


IJ 76


Caste conflicts and agrananviolence in Bihar



Violence against the tribals in Bihar Violence in Uttar Pra$esh Fake encounters with dacoits
Caste conflicts


in Uttar Pradesh


15 16

Bonded Labour
Caste conflicts in Maharashtra - Rise of the Mahars'



130 The Marathwada fuitation p"litics as an instrument of change 134 i{u*at"t a -

l8 l9

Gujarat - The three and 1985. Reservation as an issue

tions of 1974.





PART-V Conclusion and policy








Indian history abounds in illustrious men who had renounced violence and had been great votaries 6f nonviolence Buddha lived and preached non'violence In the precepts of the e,ight-fold path propagated by him' nonviolence was the cardinal tenet Buddha's message was adopted as the state policy by Emperor Ashoka in the third centur' B.C. Emperor Ashoka himself turned to nonviolence after the Kalinga war in which tbousands were killed. Mahavir, a contemporary of Gautam Buddha and propagator of Jainisr4 was the exponent of non-violance which embraced'all living creature$ The poet saints of the Bhakti Cult, down to -Mahatma Gandhi were all practitioners of non-violence

The greatest apostle of non-violence in the twentieth century was Mahatmd Gandhi who has gone down in the

history of our country as the Father of the Nation Gandhiji himself did oot disapprove the use of violence ir certain extreme conditions He wrotq "I would rather have India resort to afms in order to defend her honour than that she should in a cawardly manner become or remain a helpless victim of her own dlshonour". While Gandhiji believed that noa-vioience is i{finitely superior to violenvioleace to cowardice if that cg he would have preferred *I ihaU risk violence a thouwas the choice before him. sand times rather than risk the dmasculation of a whole


It is also relevant that s concept of Ahimsa or non-violetrce was far than mere abstention from physical violence; it avoidance of injury to others in any form This will show that the cause of physical violence is ofGn the to the poor and the underprivileged, and their
not only in action but realispd and often regrett
agitations launched by him violent lines for long Even mnt would.have resulted in

Thoug! Gandhiji

was wedded to non-violence


that demonstratioirs

thoueht and word, he

and d not be kept along nonthe Independenc move

for the restraining inlluence the Malatma exercised over Gandhiji that rhe blood and not in peacg and at the hands of an assassin Wg as a peoplg are as other, in spitd of the age long

greater blood shed but the moral authority that outrtry. It was tro fault of of India was born in he himself died a martvr

In faet, Indian people vislence as a lirm guide in practical lifg nor have accepted the view that recourse to vi,olence even ag last resort to get justice is wrong Events preceding Independence of India demonstrated how little the le of the coutnry believed in non-violenca as a concept The Indian youth had by the cnid of the lgth lost faith in the moderates, Mre talk of passive .noo-violent resistance did not.safisfy them. Filled with burning hatred of foreign ttrlerg they came to the that colonial rule should be ove rthrown by every type of physical force available to them The '. , a daily published from Calcutta, representing this wrote in April 1906: "AF ter the Police assault on the tsarisal conference, the 30 crores of people India must raise their 60 crore hands to stop this of oppression Force must be stopped by forcs".l
cultural and spiritual
ge4erally have not accepted

prone to violence as any of non-violence in our




in the Indian ConQxt

1904, V.D. Sawarkar had organised Abhinav as a secret society of revolutionaries' After 1905' Bharat several newspapers openly' and a few leaders secretly' L"oun to adtocate revolutionary terrorism' The era of reiolutionary terrorism had then begun Their activitics mainly took two forms: the assassination of oppressive oflicers, informers and traitors from their own rank and dacoity to raise funds for purchase of arms' The latter cum" io be popularly knowr as 'swadeshi dacoities'' As a historian pot lt 'fn"y (the revolutionaries) gave us back the pride of our manhood'.2


About 700 incidents of terrorism were officially listed all over the country during the years 1917 to 1936.

satyagraha helped to create and arouse the nation's aware


It was not satyagraha alone'that brought freedom to India" While individual and collective non-violent
revolutionaries and among thern' the examples of Bhagat Singh and Chandra Shekhar Aza4 fired the imagination ofthe youth and made them pledge their lives to the cause of the count4y's freedorn

- to the problem, the




Indian National Army created such an impact on the minds of the people of the country that even Jawaharlal Nehru donned the black gown once agairl long after he had given up practice at the Bar, to stand up for the defenie of the ,rnen and women of the Indian National Army at their trial in Red Forr The contribution to the Independence movement by the naval mutiny was also
Thus there was considerable physical violence accompanying our Independence movemenl When a movement is on a national plane and with reference to a cause which affects the entire population, the normal reaction is to condone the accompanying violence in view of the importance

The exploits of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose and the


and the dinensions of the

that violence generated is tance of the cause in so Violence both in its quality
related to the intensity of the the cause" It is not entirely lc view violence oaly in the ness of the causg but more involvement of the people happens to be at the given objective importance of the number of people committed the furtherance of the cause

itself This is turn implies against the impon as it affects the society. quantum is in fact directly of the people to
and correc( ,therefore, to of the largeness or smallthe light of the degree of the causg whatever that e It is not so much the that mattem; it is the it and the extend to which the lives of the people


The simple defrnition

inflict injury on a ty. This definition conceals
designed to



or damage to properthan rweals and explains..In any human society, aphysical strike or hurt is undentood and accepted as th$ most obvious expression of violence but this is only one df its several forms or faces I have already referred to ijls concept of violenca According to Martin Luther depriving a Negro child of decent food and clothing is a severe form of violence. Nearer home in our own ; treating a section of our population as untouchables nirt allowing them to come anywhere near hundred of the secalled upper caste, a practice in certain of the country until a few years back and which has sinc$ disappeared, was one of has fears the cruelest forms of violencg mluch more humiliating and destructive of lru:nan dignity even physical assault To people who hive been io h

is it


chological relief and release, when all their silent sufferings and fi had only given then fresh doses of humiliation an individual or a group to patent acts of is another aspect of violence. Exploitation in any social or ecqnomic, is yet another angle to violence, Trpating people in a manner which is contrary to the norms of human dignity


of Violencein the Indian


categories of' too is a form of violencq That the latterin-jury.or wen subjected to ottc"t physical ;.dr;t;;; n"n dgeinot exclude such cases from the con"iil-*"lviotence ut r$ comprehensive sweep' Broadly any cept of

or causes physical ac! whether overt or covert'that coerces or which degrades hurt, material loss or mental anguish or which miutat* against hriinan riehts ffi;;;G act of violer ;t-"il "oa L""""y should'be viewed as anamong-others' ;-Th'J"ll """ *ilipn have any&ingto-do, practice of child labour, UonaeO- !boyr'. ;;;,h and sinilar acts of discriminatior either ""rl""i"Uifirygroups or communitie$ fall within the scope with regard to this of iiotence ln the process' I lccenSd ;i;;;; to its to"i "L"""p, of violence, insGnd of liniting it-oolv manifestations It is violence in this linited ;;;iltlci attenrion of aonceDt which bas generally received the ,1.-n.ra of social sciences' even thougb ;;;?h.di" O"-t*"-.f physical violence lie in the organisaiion and Itogdqning of a societY'

violence is based oo my oi n"o'Oiog violence in the frel4 as a pofice "r.p"iJo.. thirty trro years My emphasis therefore will tte offrcer for o" the socio'economic, political lad administrddve -"t" which contribute o and create condrtons cor factors elfort ;;;;; ;;hysical violence' In this contex! an areas will and of the inportant IJ-;il io'identi$ some states the causes of violence in a few of

My own concept of

to make it Before proceeding further, it is necessary 'violence' has been used throughilut tn. expressi'on "f"". study in the context of social violence and not'of ooi


violence Proneness to violence in individuals ental. factors But can be inherited or acquired by ewironnproduct- of a sociocconomrc LiJ"iot.""" is largely the gross u"Oot political system which is characterised by violence " ,oJJ iojntri." and Lxploitation' In such a systerl depriYed and depressed secdons tryn"t Oue to tht U" "i """ a utt"n ,nemselves ani acquire their legitimate role and i"g try.o1,1"-"o,t uod/or it can also be due ro vested interests



ing to hold on to what control violence for years and refusing

have over the victims of part with this control

While we foutinelv violence, we fail to take of the contributions each one .of us is unconsciously making towards in our efforts to promote our own vested interests. we do shun violence as a general principle, we do not to take recourse to it if it helps us to realise our sellish or goals Most of us do not hesitate t0 use violence in or more of its formg may not always be in its phyr manifestation in the pursuit of our goalg and we see wong in the process. At the same time, we woul not like to see the other person or group use violence a us As long as this dichotomy in our perception of as applied to "us" and "them" persistg violence will continue to be the ultimate sanction for decidine ci interests between unequal segmonts in a Iar exploitative society. Whether this violence is and is desirable or not, will be determitred by the con in which it has been use4 by whom used" for what purpose it is used and from whoss point of view it is perceived Therefore it is necessary to start with assumption that while violence per se is an undesirable avoidable element in human dealings, its inevitability function 'have also to be viewed in the various and political contexts in which it is to. Seen in this light, violence rnay be unavoidable in human affairg particularly in a society where segments of the population are the vlctims of ir arising out of gross inequalities and unequal o ties. Thus considered. violence or even the mere of it, if it is credible enough, can well be an agent social change. Violence may be inevltablg except in utopian society. Ofterq violence may be the spui to the political will for the creation of a just society.


To quote from John Society': "Violence has important to our evolution Its

s 'Violence in lluman and social functionc

eliminatiorL therefore.




in the Indian


will leave a hiatus; Unless that can be filled by an equally r"*itfti*"t"tionary forcg it is possible that man will be lorse, not better off' Perhaps all we need to do is to ensure

so that we can avoid the ultimate calls for the iostruments of the state EuL"f"tO"3 This -n"fn. to deal with violence to be maintained in a *fti.n J"" of functional competencs This -has .special "i.o* to the Criminal Justice Svstem of which the il;;t; the judiciary are the two major of the three". ""a pomponents. the thitd being the jails

n.i-oti of hand


violence may cofltinue, destructiveness does not

The failure of the Indian state and its instruments to socio' cope with the problems arising in .the process of in a society with adult suffrage and e"ooo*i. change .q""fity of opp-ortunity and status, among other similar o6i""tiu"t ptouiA.d in our Constitutioq has led to rising exoectations on the one han4 and growing consciousness oiine exploitatlon and indignity in social relations' on the other. Such a combination has inevitably led to strong rsentment expressing itself in physical violenca Policies are proclaimed and promises made which remain unfulfilled" Laws are enacted which are not fairly strong vested aJ effectively implemented because ofwill and inade with the weak political i"i.t"ttt combined quacies of the adminstration Unless these infirmities are removed and progress made towards the creation of a truly just and non' conexploitative social order, violence is not only likely to growth of tinue but may get aggravated" With tremendous population, problems have become more acute'
Sean Mac Bride, a Member of the Irish Republican e.-V in the 1920s and 1930s and winner of the Nobel Prizi observed in the course of his Nobel Prize acceptance practice speech: "If those vested with authority and power

iniustice resort to torhrre and killing is it not inevitable *nli thot. who are victims will resort to similar methods?


injustice done to them.

This does not condone the or inhuman conduct but does providp a part of the for the increasing violence" Thus viewed. a which seeks to abjure violence has to ensure a based on equality of Otportunity, equity and justice the state itself should play the role of an impartial neutral umpire between conflicting groups and coi regions and states If the state can be faulted to ' degreg whether'big or smal], itis the state itself that is blamg i[ as a result of its actions or failure to act there is violence from individuals or groups, regions states fior any wrong or

the rising tide of

This is the basic already exist are capable of escalating into manifest social changes can be expected


the institutions which

this conflict from violencg to that extent be peaceful I[ however

the society will have to face Whether this violence will be the threshold level or whether it will cascade in its and frequency to a level which would imperil the ic structure that we h-ave given ourselveq will entirely on effective and eflicient political management f the changes through existing administrative i or if necessary through new ones designed to bring in tune with the new demands If the state s response violence accompanying change is in the form of as a substitute for efficient political m4nagement as th agent of change, instead of solving the pr.oblern, it will drive it underground and therefore exacerbate it

mechanisrns and there are no to take effective charge of the

down the control

onbs replacing the old from the changeq consquent violence.

An unjust social order an envlronment which fosters and nourishes forms of violence. If the state fails to redress such an r just social order, to that rpdress such extent it forteits its legitimacy i the eyes of the people who are its vic ,rhs Thc process I change that has been inaugurated in Itrdia promises be long and arduous


of Violencc in the Indian


The extent to which we are able to anticipate and provide the institutional iofrastructural needs in the context of the velocity of changg as also the contents of chaigg will decide whether we would be able to control viglence consquent on the socioeconomic change or whether vjolence will control us This is the central theme of this stud!.


Thc Telcgraph-A national daily publishcd from Calcutta DL l2th

July, 1985.

2. IBID 3. Johtr GWan:

rYiolcncc in Human Socictyr (f93).


Bob Jessop makes the I


patible with social change order may well depend on institutions and also on inst order is possible only throrlgh between individuals and cr struggle atrd to confine of resolution"l Article 15 of the
to Equality as a Fundamntal

"that social order is comthe stability of social



innovations Social regulation of interaction to prevent unlimited to institutionalised modes

of Indla mentions Right

"Article l5(2): No citizen religrorl race, caste, sex, place subject to any disability, with regaid to-

on grounds only of birth or any of them, be restriction or condition

restauants, hotels and

(a) access to shops, places of public entertainment

(b) the use of well, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort wholly or parfly out of State funds or dedicated to the of the general public"
After Independence we economic rforms. One of which will eventually have
introduced sweral sociomost important of these greatest impact on the


Social Inheritance at



the law which. seeks to structure of the Indian society is penal uv makin-s the practice of it a has been *ri erect oithis measure ioosen and unsettle a structural arrangement ;;;a of ilii"fr n"a-L.." legitimised bv custom and centuries

il;;;il;n*litv ;"ffi;;-iiil6

;.;d;';;'.:'1":::l:*iiilj!1fi,|}o:T*'J,',:i on the basls


""i""?i.a ;;;;;;;

dernur. in spite of the several iniquities human respect and dignity- inherent in -i-'fitt i"g against system had entrenched itself so.deeply irt"-wrttL'Trtis time iiioirr. -i"4. of the people that every chil4 from.the to "";il;;uut" to trtittt t"as influenced and-oriented ;il;"tyd which becameAintegral to his or her^mental syi-tem so deeply rooted and *"#ft ""a developmenl thl people at all.levels' which !.i.ia.J r" ,ne psyche of advanr""i"J"J irt. oeprivea as much as the privileged' was being sought to is the disadvantaged' ;;d;;;t

tp"n by all

sections of the poqulation without

ff;:;fi;;;dh, fv Ggislative-nrocesses in the.wake of ;;Ji;;;..o"? of india' Now the measures introduced yield to change the system are gradually. beginning,to sudwould be ;;Ji;; f" "*p..i ho*eutr, tf,at this changeclear cut break the form of a i."-"i th", it would be in would be smooth *iiii.-p"t, or that the transitionsociety struggling toand be new ;lrJ tire bi*h pangs. of a reactions and resistance ;;it to undereitimif'e human
to change. as it came to The perniciousness of the caste system form is the largest single be practisecl in its most degrading ;";-;;;ilnjrr.tic" for-which our counrry with all its ;;;;;-;htl.sophical and spiritual' had been Whether i"uii*tfv l"aicted at the bar of world opinion ndt the of the sys'tem or i"i"tJJ'uv ,rte original founders its most blatant form in ;;;;;itiJ,,_eh ;f the'caste sYstemhuman rights to the castes denied almost the entlre range of ones ffi;; ;il; -i"J..a of the hierichv' These u:f9ftunate as i[ face but werg born with a human ""t thtit human emotions It would of




appear tlat even their recognised Except for their . terms of huhan attributes entitled to in dheir dealings were borq in which thev s tually made tfeir exit Societv faceless and iarnslesr 64ng; sumer durabls and no relevance to themselves, m Their relevance was only in society had determined for to_ fulfil from the beginning whatever of their ovm or in They were as ftuch as ovmed nant castes in society and they could call their own E had in some cases to wait on nant caste members who only mison d'etre for their conditions were decided Heschel wrote: "There is a more painful and scathing economic privAtion It is public
Next to slavery in its most pensation qhich packed into violence. In such a situation, was so convincingly credible to test This violence of and violence of denial of h part of the concept of violence able as physical violence whic

to feeling had not beet

there was very little in

rights that they were

and from which even-

the society in which they

dealt with them as so many using them almost as cone in the extreme They had ch less to the lives they led. to the role that the which fiey were expected


thern Abraham Joshua of oppression which is than physical injury or

fornn, here was a dis, system so much of latent

the end with no choice enpersonal relationships the members of the domi: Ieft with nothing which their wives and daughters pleasurbs.of the domithem and provided the ued survival, in whatever

mere threat of violence t it had seldom to be put ; violence of expleitation rights, is an important is as much condemdhowever, forms the cintral theme in most studies of violence. That thcse categories of violence were pra as a matter of course and remained aoncealed any tangible or dramatic impact in the society does not ;ate its heinousness and viciousness or the damge it did the human personality, "No matter what psychic armc we we4r, none of us is immune to thi rnessage we from others about our own worth And the primary lower class people


Inherinnce at




rcceive about themselves is that thcy have no worth-that they are irrelwant or expendable' if indeed they exist at

reading of the Con' of India on Novemstitution in the Constituent Assembly ier 29, 1949, observed "On the secial plane we have in India a society based on the principles of graded iae quatity which means elevation of some and degradation for otiiers On the oconomic plang we have some who have immense wealth as against many who live in abject poverty. On 26th January 1950 we are going to enter into a iife of contradiction- In politics, we will have equality and in social and economic life we will have inequality' We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible mordcnt or elsg those who suffer from inequality will blow up Se structure of political democracy which this Assendbly has ss laboriously built up."

BR Ambcdkarr moving the frnal

We are still in the priocess of dismantling what we had inherited and are seeking to replace the system with one based on equality and adult suffrage We have set ouF selves the taik of ushering in a society in which violence of

injustice, violence to human digm,f, and violence to human rights will all become a part of history that-we have left behind" For too long we have had a society which can aptly be described in the words of Rabindranath Tagore as one-in which'the few are more than the many', though Tagore himself had used these words in the context of the
unequal world.

Even now, more than three decades after making untouchability a penal offencg there are several States in the country where this sinister pnctice has survive4 though in a diluted and concealed form. There is consider -gap eYen now befieen the intention of the Con' able stituti6nal abolition of untouchability wiht a law to punish it; and what actually obtains on the ground.



lt N. Shrtniwas, the noted Indian



Sociologis( ttt subject of as practised in Karnataka According to him, society in Karnataka has arrived at an unspoken between the Scheduled Castes and the castes He refers to this "as a separate but unequal While all the needs ofthe Scheduled Casr are met they do not come into open codflict with fte susceptibilities of the upper castes. This in effecr a continued observance of untouchabiltty by both lvithout making it appear to be so. Thougb there are complaints by the Scheduled Ca$tes against upper casteq these complaints are seldom followed to their logical conclusion in the courts of laiv in accordance the statute.
The Indian caste system ment which automaticallv society to whioh the lower alone arrive at In a sense this at the lower level in the demned to their social and basis of social disabilities which were part of the systenl selFfulfilling since there was to disturb the system over tle were peculiar to and charactel The result was that the extent the backward without any means to higher level of social and also did not have the

an arTatrge
the upper castes a place in

could never aspirg let

tbat those who were of castes remained con-. existence on thc the economic deprivation arrangement remained any organized effort for reasons which of the successive rulers Castes, and to a lesser ies not only remained themselves forward to a existenc" but thev to do so in as much as was no place for them had been determined and history. There was no upward social mobility.

they took it for granted that above a certain leyel

ge4erations before them by point for them in aspiring for

It was thio mental inherited state of affairs which sought to be changed by that rcre takon in the





for the first time being social rcformatory stps immediatel' followiag

Social Inheritance at



lndependence' Thus when the Harijans a,nd- lhe Adivasis urpit't fo. a higher position in life which had been denied the upper castes feel their social ou.t economic opportunities and political power status, threaiened from below The strains in tbe rural as well as the urban set up and the violence that spills over occasionally u.e uil th. birth pangs of the transformation that is being witnessed in different communitigs constittrtine the natlon "All modern societies have to resolve the rteisions between the ideal and the realitieq but the tradition is most glaring and extreme in Indian society""""' It is only when things are changing that worst brutalities take place especially where any attempt is made to improve the conditions of Scheduled Castes'4. Even sq what is being attempted now is merely the equal treatment of unequals' We aie yet far from the constitutionally stipulated goal of equality in its various forms.



It would be simplistic to pretend that the concept of equality, merely by being enshrined in olrr Constitution would frovide the ultimate solution to the problems of economic and social inequality. We are living in a society
where the hiatus between the rights enjoyed by the poor and those by the privileged is far too wide for an

increasingly conscious peoplg politically aware of their rights to iontinue to tolerate the present systen They do n6w articulate thoir demands as they have never done beforg and what is more can disrupt the delicate structure of democracy by organising themselves into so many pre ,ru.e g.o.tps. They are so very vital to the integrity of the systeni thai they cannot be ignored" Poverty in its most dis' tiessing sense is not mere want It is want without the hope of a foreseably better future


L Bob Jessop: !'social Order, Reform and Revolution" (192)' Abraham Joshua Heschel quoted by Charles E Silbernan in *Criminal Violence aad Criminal Juetice" (198).



3. 4.

Charles E Silbcrman: (le?8)' Andre Beteille's intervieq The

Violence and Criminal Juetice.

a national daily

Dr 6rhAprit


Two fabtors which have considerably contributed to in the country in the past years have been communalism and socieeconomic change'arising from the upward mobility of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and the other weaker sections through several pro. grammes initiated by the Government I have dealt with communalism in a separate booL There are certain important aspects of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled kibes, which should first be rnentioned in broad terms These are: the Scheduled Castes suffer not only from economic exploitatioh but frsm social discrimiaation Their poverty is appalling and'they have very little by way of assets The bulk of them depend on agricultural wages for their livelihood (Annexure A and B). 48.2i6 atd32.7% of the agricultural workers in India are drawn from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Aonexure Q. 28,2% of the Scheduled Castes are cultivators, nostly small and marginal farmers, sharecroppers and tenants Annexure Cl gives information on the percentage of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to the total agricultural labour in different states along with the percentage of land allotted to them" Annexure at C2 gives the total area of land allotted to Schedul6d Castep and Scheduled Tribes, statewise. Considering the volump of violence to which the Scheduled Castes sharocroppers are sub' jecte4 the report of the Workiig Greup of.the Dwelog ment of Schbduled Castes had recommeaded in l9E0 the
violence t7



conferment of legal rigns of ownership on easy termg as.' stcps in the economic tes Even the land allotted to ectual control in some of tle the Government level economic depdvation and the Scheduled Castes and the committed on them by the a recent natbnal survey, the the estimated number of Scheduled Tribes constitute an

pangr and purchase oF of the most importani : qf the Scheduled Cae lag not been in their There is awareness at the nexus. between the discrimination of the that continue to be castes According to C6stes form 66% of labourers while the

The statedent at D gives an idea of some notorious cases of atrocities on Harijans Though the police ts expected under the of the Protection of Civil RJghts Act to prosecute those who discriminate against the Scheduled Castes, actual impact of this Act has been nominal In the of prosecutio4 they face several constraints. most of they are not able to overcome. One of the major is that tle complainants thernrselves as well the witnesses do not want to pursue thesd cases in courts fear of reprisals, as they still have to live in the same with those who discriminate agairist them" The str at Annexure E gives an idea about the percentage acquittals of cases under the Protection of Civil Righs in the courts. Out of all the cases registered by the only between 55 and 60% are prosecuted in courts. Out the cases thus prosecuted as many as 89% ended in in 1982. This speaks amply of the utter ineffectiven of the prosecutions prescribed for curing society of is grave social malady. Statements al El and E2 grve Statewise picture of the cases under the Protection of t dl Rights Acg 1956. Interestingly, the social of untouchability is not as much in evidence in West and the eastem states compared to other states the only yardstick for measuring this evil is the num of cases registered under the Protection of Civil Rights At best this is a crude

$ocioEconomic Change Among Scheduled Castes and Scheduled

Tibes l!

tool of measurement since for various reasons, many of the cases reported at the Police Stations are not registered by
the Police.

Statements at E3 and E4 give statewise number of of atrocities committed on the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 'Atrocity' is not a legal terminology. However, crimes committed against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes by others are generally referred to as atrocities

The figures of atrocities on Scheduled Castes and

Scheduled Tribes are available upto 1982. The data shows

Scheduled Tribes was made by the Commission for Scheduled CasteS and Scheduled Tribes The Commission came to the conclusion that in 32% of the casec the motives Could not be ascertained" Of the remaining 68% of the cases, the largest single cause was land dispute which accounted for 16% of the cases In many cases allotment of surplus land to the landless poor was the cause of trouble The Commission recommended that actual hancling over of the physical possession of surplus land to the allottee must be ensured even if it would entail an amendment of the existing law. Next to land dispute, denial of minimum wages accounted for 12% of the cases Demand for minimum wages, as fxed by the Government and refusal by the land owners to pay according to the prescribed rates have been responsible for creating many situations even resulting in murders
Increasing number of crimes by the other caste groups againt the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is in no

an upward trend in certain states from 1980 onwards The highest number of atrocities was registered in Madhya Pradesh during 1982, followed by Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan An analysis of the motives behind the cases of atrocity- against the Scheduled Castes and

small measure due to the delay in the investigation of .cases and the poor rate of conviction of the accused pen sons The Commission in its second report for the period

:nding March, 1980 and acquittals ratio



Scheduled Castes and Sch

"A review of convictions of atrocities against the tribes in Gujarat from

reveals that the percenided cases for Scheduled of Scheduled Tribes it is

perce ntage........ ...... 95.45% This is an exceedinglY is the acquittal te in the case of murders and 9l.4lVo Scheduled tribes respecagainst the Scheduled Castes The same pattern with ery slight variations is seen tively." the Scheduled Castes.and in most of the other states wh of atrocities Unless this Tribes are the Scheduled nal innovations in the through i trend is reversed S ter[ the relief to victims prevailing Criminal Justice through criminal prosecution f the offenders would continue to be insignilicant

In Uttar Pradesh and Bil up Harijan Police Stations. intended exclPsively to regi agaiost Harij4ns, regardless and geographilcal location of One wonders whether this is blem so very widespread in complaints at Police Stations tion of the corhplainanfs Poli of the cases art rendered m most of the complaints have into serious Iaw and order keep the concerned police initially as it dlilutes their res detection of sr:lch outrages.

there is a system of setting

atrocities constraints f iurisdictional e homes of complainants. correct approach to a pro ese States. By re$stering ocated outside the jurisdicStatio4 the investigations difficult than necessary. As potential of developing blems, it is inadvisable to tions out of the picture nsibility for prevention and cases


Police Stations are


In a letter addressed on Chief Ministers aod Governo ved : "There is a clear nexus the Scheduled Castes and abilities to which they are sub are intended to terrorise

March 12. 1980 to all the Smt Indira Gandhi obser' tween economic plight of atrocities and social disected Many of these grimes

cow down the Scheduled

and Scheduled Socio-Economic Change Among Scletluled Castes

Tribes 2l

labour Castes when they seek their wages for agricultural the land legally allotted to.thern A peri.y ," cultivat; on the "i .u*"t solution to this situation must be basedcastes.'' or the scheduled ;;;;;-;";;;*ic development Prime This shows awareness at official levels especially at the resistance that the vested interests level to ^fru". offering to the upward economic mobility of the


Scheduled Castes.

The literacy rate of the Scheduled Castes and the the years 1931' Scfreaut"O Tribes for the whole country for be seen at Annexure Fl' It was isoi, rSzr and 1981 may to get information on this for 1951' It would "ot-pottitf. ihere has been a distinct improvement in L-. ."ia.", that il levJ of education of these two weaker sections The ,tua.*it" Iigures of literacy among the. Scheduled. Castes may be seen and Schediled Tribes in 1961, 1971 and 1981
in Annexure F2, F and G.

According to the report of the Com-missioner for for the period SctreOuteO Cistes and Scheduled Tribes programmes for the isig ," 1981, the educational had 3.ft.aui.O Castes and the Scheduled Tribes have not Census' .literacy rate ir. a..l..O impacL According to 1981 u-ottg ttt" Scireduled Castes was 21'38%' This was comoot.a-ot 31.127o males and 10'98% females' The corres' of ;;;l"c figures for the general population 4l'30% which .exclusive was !"ft.J.T.O tastes and Scheduled tribes *ut-.o-pot.a of 52.34o/o males and 29 '42% females' ln sihui Hityu"a Madhya Pradesh Orissa' Punjab' I-Ittar"tn and West Bengal" the female illiteracy among the was over 907o' Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes l98l resport' Kar' ;";;;;iG to the Education Ministry's age ,rututu ttu-a more than 50% of non-enrolled boys in the school level from the nro,.ro of 6 to I I ie. at the primary"f.O castes and scheduled tribes' Similarly' figures i.; Fi. from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in 79%' this"age group in some of the sfates were Bihar ^Karnataka Uttar Pradesh 74%' 58% and ii"t),"i" 7"3%,



educational backwardness The report of the Comand Scheduled Tribes 1979-1981, revealed that these rates at the primary school stage were 7 4o/o in Bihar, 77o/o in Karnataka; 74o/o in Uttar Pradesh and 807o in Madhya sh. Though the all India ntage of literacy among the Scheduled Castes and the duled Tribes stood ar 21.38 and 16.35 accordins to the I I Census. the Scheduled Castes have done educati much better in Guiaral Maharashtra and Kerala. A le giving the literacy rates of the Scheduled Castes and e Scheduled Tribes in the states may be seen in Ann F and G. The distincr improvement registered by the Scheduled Castes in Gujaral Maharashtra and Kerala compared to the Scheduled Castes of Bihar Uttar Pradesh between 1971 and 1981 should exolai to some extent the greater awareness and self-assertio which characterise the Scheduled Castes in those states compared !o' the Scheduled castes in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. The improvement registered by : Scheduled Tribes- in the field of education in Gujarat and Maharashtra has not been to the same extent as by the Scheduled Castes although the literacy rates ng the Scheduled Tribes in Gujarat and Maharashtra are ctly higher than those in Bihar. The number of post-ma c scholarships awarded to the Scheduled Castes and Sch ed Tribes students show an extremely steep rise in 198 -82compared to 1951-1952. In terms of public expen involved, the inirease in higher still as shown at Anne H.

is the high rate of missioner for Scheduled

Another indicator of th

In the case of scholarships paid to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes a test' has been laid down According to this. students whose parents/ guardians' income from a{l urces does not exceed Rs. 750/- per month will get full waiver. Students whose parents'/ guardians' income m all sources exceeds Rs. 750/- per month but does not Rs. 1,000/- per month

Tribes Socio-Economic Change Among Scheduled Castes and Scheduled


and who pursue professional studies such as Medical' Engineering and B.Sc. Agriculture -get- full maintenance allo'wance and full fees waiver' Students who pursue Jipfo-u courses in Medicine and Engineering get half full fees' Students -uirrt.nun.. allowance and waiver of all sources exceeds par"ttt.'/guardians' income from who.e ir. t,OCn/'p"t rionth get no scholarship' One unique feat".. lf the scheme is that all eligible Scheduled Caste/
Scheduled Tribes students are awarded scholarships and sore4 it is operated through the State Governments

their number is not predetermined nor limited by allocated funds. Though the scheme is centrally spon'
Unless the authorities ensure that these scholarship holders use the money for the purpose for which it is intended, the effort for the educational improvement of the weaker sections may be substantially defeated' I was told that in Bihar the Tribals who avail of the scholarships do not pursue their studies diligently' Their link with the educational institutions is limited to collecting the monthly scholarships. Inspite of such aberrations, it is hearteninj to note that the Scheduled castes and the Scheduled TJbes have registered a distinct improvement in terms of educational qualifications of all categories as will be evi-r dent from thi numbers of educated job seekers on the registers of employment exchanges in some of. the. selected sta-tes. While one does feel encourgaged by the improve ment that these categories are showing considered in absolute terms, they stitl have considerable leeway to make rp. ift. statements at Annexures I and J give the position of Sctreduled Castes and scheduled Tribes enrolments in the Universities at th Sraduate and post-graduate levels bettwo ween 1977 and 1979. The percentages quoted in these give the relative position of these two groups in statements the total Jnrolments in the Universities' The growth achieved by these communities during the period between 1977 and i979 though only marginal, is still significant ihe tables at Annexures K Kl and K2 grve tfre progressive total of the unemployed (both educated and uneducated)




in the live registers of the

and 1985. The Scheduled Castg in the total
1978, 1984 register of the Employment

ing 1980 is shown in

ployment exchanges during component of the frguring in the live for the period end-

The statemetrts at M and N give information on the increase registered the Scheduled Cates and the Scheduled Tribes in the registers of the Employment Fxchanges during 1980 to 1984 in all the faculties including the professional Even between the period 1980 and 1984. one can see increase registered in courses such as Commercg Medical and Sciencg particularly in the States of Pradesh, Maharashtra. Gujarag Karnataka and B This would give an idea of the trend that is discernible the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in of demand for employment oppornrnities The position Tribes is that their Scheduled Castes as may be Annexure O gives the the Scheduled Castes and regard to the Scheduled
has been poor compared to

from Annexure N.

in the percentage of

Tribes employees under the Central in the various categories between 1970 and 1980. the increase in the number of professional under both these categories between 1980 and 984 in some of the states (Annexure M and N) it is to expected that the employment figures in the various I, Class II and Class III services will record a m steeper and more rapid increase in 1990 compared l98O in turn compared to

According to the 34th Re1 of the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) for period April 1, 1983 to March 31, 1984. candidates to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes contin to be recommended for employment by the n by relaxed criteri4 pro

and Scheduled SocioEconomic Change Among Scheduled Castes



par vided they wer considered ht for appointment to the able to recommend tia"fu. pott* The Commission was belonging to Scheduled Castes against all the """JiO*. ,"r"*"d for them in the examination requiring nu"un"i.s g"".Lf academic qualifications such as a degree of a the iecognisea University or equivalent as. in the case.of Economic SerCiuii S.-i""t Examination, 1982; Indian .rrices E*aminatio4 1983 and Assistants' Grade Examinatioru 1982. In other examinations iucluding those requiring of i".n"i."f or professional qualifications the performancethe and l"ft"J"f.O Castes candidates had been satisfactory quota for Comrnission was able to meet fully the reserved S"tt"O"t"A Castes candidates in the case of the combined Medical Serviee examinatiorl 1983 (Annexure Q)' In res' pect of the engineering Services Examination' 1982' Indian F"rlri s"*i& Exaiination 1983 and Stenographers not examination 1983 even though the Commission could of the Scheduled -""1 tft" quota fully, the performance had shown an improvement over the C"tt"t auodidates prerrious years [n the case of the Scheduled Tribe caniiOut"t aiso, the Commission recommended candidates for all vacancies reserved for them in the examinations req" technical or professional . qualification$ Canrecomdidates io the full extent of reservation could be of the combined Medical Services -."0.0 in the case 1982 and 1983' but not in earlier n*u-ittution only in years The performance of the Scheduled Tribes in the 'Eneineering Services examination" i982 was on the whole ;#;;;t;""tlttugh the Commission could not recommend vacanthe required o.t.b". of candidates to fill up all the cies reserved for them'
The UPSC figures of selection for the period 1968 to to get 1972 may be seenit Annexure P. It was not possible tft. frgu..t for the period earlier to this The only significant iomparison between Annexure 'P' and 'Q' is the ii"."u." .igistered in the number of Scheduled Castes and in the ScfreaufeO't iUes candidates who had appeared recruitment to the Engrneering Services ,*u-ittutioo. for



This shows a distinct increase

the number of

examinations though the of candidates who qualified themselves and recommended for employment continurbs to be very m h lower than the.quota for Scheduled Tribes In this the Scheduled Castes have improved distinctly in 979-1983 over rheir performance in 1968-1972.

who appeared at

the period 1979 to 1983 in the

It will be seen from

services there were more

P aqd Q that in a few

Castes and Tribes can-

didates than the decided

with the open market jobs, they may feel resentful young mert" In the very educational capability of Scheduled Tribeg by not worthwhile jobg an additional tension and eventual class of candidates who have quite a number who may be seeking the benelit of the have been edgcd out by can but were economicallv stro have availed of the reservati rations. With the stronger am reservation advantages in ible to visualise a stage when benelit of the reservation even tate for modification of the for'descheduling' those Tribes who have availed of generation benefits

If they are unable to comtes for selection in other swell rhe ranks of angry of increasine the Scheduled Castes and ing able to offer them
contributing to social would be created In this left out there may be first generation applicants quota and w-ho may tes from the same category and whose families may IOr One of even two gene
the weaker snatching the generauons, rt ls possose who have not had any

though qualified, may agi tion concept to provide ed Castes and Scheduled e first and even second of human activity does le factors such as ; equity and the like tional and economic different in the attitude

Statistics of growth in any not reflect intangible and sense of justicq self- respecq which should also result from

betterment The se components

Costes and scheduled SocieEconomic Change Among Scheduled

Tnbes 27

The frus" and character between otre persotr and atrother' utremployed youtb can anger of ao educated "",f"" -ot" dJstructive than that of an uneducated one' Ua f"t ""a lVtr* *"U frustration builds up over a period of time' one air' Unemploycan sense and almost smell violence in the issue- in the coming ment will be the most ovenarching p"tti"g in the shade the other problems' Th^e, reser".ao pnfi"i*itl then have to be reviewed even if it may is so ensure that the benefit cif the resewation of the families of the as to benelit as many

iil." ;;-;;i;i. ror""i sections as Possible weaker ".,

of According to a report in the Illustrated Weekly Lakshmtil' the state I"d;-N;;;-ber 30, l9i6 bv Nikhil in the country even in 1986 was quite .? h1d "L-pf.V*ent uiut-i"d iht B.ggut Home in Bangalore"When two the members eradua6 add two post-graduates as examination for ild"-e; conducteJ its competitive Tamil Nadu jobs, 45,000 candidates applied' iOO "f"ti""fpiofessionals registered including.24l4 doctors r .and it"ies,sl in the-Employment Exchanges West tdaO "rrginu".t of State for Labour told the state ;;ieala Mi"oitt . were Asr-.?Ufv that 2000 doctors and 1490 engineers unemnf.9v1g In Bihar, a group 9t1t9"""-pi"v.a descended in the heart of Patna wrth beg$ng erreiniets unem' ioif. ""0 carrying placards that read 'We arebegging step from rr"".A Cit. "t uttit'i lt is only a short i" i"ia""' unemployment figures are in Annexures K Kl and K2.
parts of The incidence of social conflicts in different pronounced than rural India since the seventies has been more this in nrt, *o decades after independence' To an exten! following ;;; ;" explained- In .the yiars immediately enactmens Independence, though there were legislative changes in. the and verbal assurances about the intended vanous social and economic system of the country' lor land limited' The t""t""t, implementation was extremely and even reforms tool their own time to become effective

were yet to grasp the value absence

of newly conferred rights and entitlements. This suited the upper castes and in the
of an asseilive
for the enjoyment of the

acquired mobility in their and economic status, the upper castes were pleased to l$t them wallow in the same state in which they had been for centuries- But as years passed and the impact of the ldnd reforms, tlie Removal of the Untouchability Act and thq reservation policy was felt, larger segmenb of the became aware that a

qualitatively better life


inwitable that rted a supine acceptance into an active and exploitable Almost from the beginning of the seveaties, with the awareness among the weaker sections increasing cqnflicts consequent on the social change became m6re s{rident Nobody parts with power, wealth and privileges willingly. This results in inevitable conflict and this is dhat has been in evidence in the.rural sector in the s_ever{ties and eighties. The very idea of having to respond to ! demand fiom the weaker sections who rrrntil recently had accepted whatever was thrown al and to them condespendingiy was taken as an indignity by certain sections of the upper castes who over the centuries never had tf,e e{perience of responding to any demands posed by Sched{led Castes and Scheduled Trites The question of dema4ds from these groups just did not arise.

bestir themselves to reach out tp what were their legitimate dues It is this awakening of what had been deinieO to them, and an understanding this condition Was not


only they would

Revolution2 has pointed out frow the tradition-al caste hierarchy in tho country has reCulted in a particular ethos of social relationship between the people pursuing diF ferent trades and operations With ihe -abolition of

M.N. Srinivas in his paper on .Living in

SocieEcononic Change ArrprA Schduld Cq$a dnd Schduled

fnbr,l 29

untouahtbfliry in law if not ooDpletety in facg and the pronsions -aae ty the Government in service and in educatiol, this cthos has undergone comiderable change The Scheduled Castes who earlier were always at the rcceiving end of patronage from the upper- casteg found that the position has been partially rwersed by the democratic process by which they had oome to occupy-positions -where they wcre in a position to dispense favours to from the upper castes Many members belonging to the upper high castes Lad now to approach ministers, legislators 6ad belonelng to the Scheduled Government functionaries Castes and Scheduled Tribes for help and support This is a reversal of roles which occured for the first time in the history of our country. This is one of the most significant social changes that has been achieved by the country thrcugft democratic process alone We are witnesses to the impact of this in the Indian society'
This change is certainly whetting the appetite of large sgnents among the weaker sections who have not yet had thlir share ef rhings This in turn will naturally breed a desre of frustration and even violence because open dis' ola'v of defiance of the high caste dominance by the lOucated youth among the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is becoming a cornmon phenomenoc This trend is likely to become mone pronounced in the yean to come as the numerical strength of the provileged among the weaker sections increases as also their level of education, and with it their sense of awareness new pattern ol intet-penooal human relationship which rcq"i* a mqrsure of adaptability of the participants which hai not been forthcoming to the extent rcquried in some regions and in some states This too has given rise to conniits ana consequent violence which appear to be the cor igomitant of the ongoing social change So long as a society remains relatively stable and unchanging the problems generated in the society are of a routine and predictable


changes that have been brought about demand a


nature. As society changes! preparation and without a of the effects of change by concerned, the fall-out from violence. This has happened belt The intensity and the states of Bihar and Uttar the social changes thaf have two decadbs The social been spread gver a longer manifest violencg thought ness for adjustment on the been the same.

in the absence of adequate period for absorption groups and communities changes often inciudes the states in the Hindi. of violence in the should be atkibuted to about during the last in the Southern states has frame with much less reluctance and unwilling. of the vested interests has
status of the Scheduled. started in the South much

The process of improving before India attained known as Mysore Statg a r Committee had gone into other aspects of life of the early twenties. This mendations for mitigating the their conditions The figured prominently in the comprised much of the area Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Keri Government of Madras presi munal G.O. ( Government
Castes and backward castes ha

Narayana Guru had launched the Travancbre State of the latter half of the lgth century. have had a much earlier economic reforms for the munities Even though spread change that has come about extent the sharpness of the of it stiil exists though in a version of hundreds of Hari

jobs and education to

In what was then known as the Miller conditions of living and codmunities in the had come up with recomrrdships and ameliorating class movement had also Madras Presidency which in the states of Andhra As far back as 1926 the had issued a comextending facilities for backward communities reformist movement itr day Kerala even in the Thus the Southern States I in implementing socioof the backward comover several decades the only blunted to some divide in the Sourlr Much subdued form The conEknilies to Islam in

and Scheduled Socio-Economic Change Among Scheduled Castes


3l -

is a Meenakshipuram in Tamil Nadu a few ybars back lhat the ;;i;t to'the continued presnce of ostracism of other 'S"n"aof.a Castes still have to suffer at the hands was a castes In the Meenakshipuram case the conversion of the interDrotest by the Harijans against the atrocities --.aiu,. castes who themielves until a few decades back wer at the receiving end of the indignities meled out to them by the upper castes They conveniently forgrt that what they are Ooing today to the Harijans was what was done to them by thJupper castes uotil the other day' Their socio-economic upward mobility has given thern a status po*.t and with it an aggressiveness which is. difhcult "oJ to a*ptuio There is something common berween the North and the South in this context In the States of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar some of the atrocities on the Harijans today are committed as much by the intermediate castes who'hat'e stood tb gain more than aoyone else because of the land reforms and other ameliorative measures since Independence
The point however, that needs to b made is that the number of incidents of atrocities-' against Harijans culminating in violence is much lower in the Southern states than in the North though it is still present The number of olhcial posts occupied by persons from rhe back*a16 ss--uniies in the South is particularly high and in the States of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu it is as high as about 7095. All these factors have certainly blurred the caste divide even if it has not completely eliminated it



: 'Dcspair, Fnrstration and Angpr" Illur (lgti)

trated wechly of India' 30th November' 1986 Itr|,N srinivas-A paper: 'LiYing h a Rcvolutiol'


Thoughout this snrdy'Harijans' aad'schedrlcd Cascs' have been usd ; iilschanSlble tc'ms This has been tk pracrie now fc




of the problems leading to minimum wags, land

While accepting the fact change, and. even to some extent the fall-out ofviolence will have to be treated as a concomitant of changg we ild be in a position to control and limit it if only we ha the necessary institutional infrastructure designed for tbis Our old institutions have grown decrepit, obsolete such an extent that they are incapable of coping with the ety of problems in their new virulence The Situation has compounded by the absence of insdtutions for the first time problems nwer encountered beforg new challenges Some

follows the elections in

terms for share croppers, labour even after legislation tribalg consequences of vast programmes, intercaste tnsiong elections to bodies and legislatures on the basis ofadult franchise d the trail ofbitterness that

are: non-payment of uncertainty, unfavourable ofbonded and child them, exploitation of

impgrative that special institutional safeguards are available close to the areas of their origiil to contain them i aggravating into avoidable violence. Instea4 what been attempted is a mere patchwork of the inherited Many of the issues which eventually erupted into encg and often violence of a very serious nature in Bihar Uttar Pradesh initially came to the notice of agencies only through routin reports o,f complaints, wh were casually treated by the police as coming under provisions of law. Complaints arising out of between different

institutions havp come up in the developmental plang characteristics and the seri up by various hew issues. it

states. Though sweral

in the context of the

the peculiaritieg special of the problems thrown




castes, or conflicts between

tribals and no&tribals'or col' ii"i"l"i"t"a t" agrarian problems such as tenuli{ incipient fshts' or tft p"i..", of m-inimum wages' would- noJin tleir under .tui".io*e ,tod"r the category ofcognizable offences ,h"-fu",. fi rn"t" was a provision under the law, or somethhg of an administrativ arrangment capable of ;i;;t*. of these types of problems at their..inrcipient t"ti"g "ft"tg" was taken to resolve them before they led to .-.tion rt ".J""a um.rness and hostility, many of theissues which l.i!-rt1"*.d -"i""Uv erupted into multiple murders could well have .t are b"eo avetted. iven the institutions that exist at-present of extraneous il;"d purposefully and promptly, because
considerations Laws, regulations and powers of agcncies of enforce under trri sritisn regime, were designed

-""l"t ;;;

"o"J"ived requirements different from those of post-Inde In^dia Under imperial rule, there had to be '"""..*.ffv """J."t a docile acceptance of authority' The Indian economrc society was strongly structured and social and t"futiJ"t *.t. tarieiy stable and static' With some cosmetic n"" ar" Jill-"otttinuing with the same institutional "L""*"t, of legal and administrative saGguardq though ii"-J*.tt *nditio". havelhanged radically' The ethog psycholory from and values of a free people are substantially different peace and ttt*e of a subjugated population In terms of costli omission not to make fundamental ora"t, it ftut t "en-a attd to reformulate the powers and ;i;il.t in laws' functtns of governmental agencie$ in order to control and which is incidental to social change' It has oi"n."t 'aiso "iof.Ioce to be recognized that the higher lwels of administrators ffi;il-Bff;n rute couu tunction with greater indepenl a""". ""4 impartiality, circumscribed the kind of politi' 9n!1 !f lar8er mp";uf i"t ."rt* Th"y n""tt oot subject to castg and other extraneous pressures that year& ""f "o.-,tttul have been plaguing the administration in recot peace and For"igt rote naa toprove itself by maintaining ;;;;;:;;J by apparentlv fair dealings; foreign. rule would it ft"u. t.." *n iitt toleiable if the administration under



were not effectivg and another or one individual and appear fair in order to continue peared at least partly with the

tween one group and This compulsion to rule seems to have disap

of self-rule
composition and even totally redesigned to meet number of new problems of the social reforrns and in the post-Independence institution is left woefullv of the changed scenario, the vital instrument in and preventing
system and to restruc-

In terms of attitude, deployment the police need to the demands made on it by which are the by-products of programmes of the period The Indian policg as out of tune with the requi forgetting that the police the hands of the government for yiolence. Failure to update the ture it on attainment of
one of the seriorls mistakes

in meeting the problems of

system devised rbore than a possible to do better ifonly the

retained their dlscipline, obligationq integrity of the Unfortunately, there has been values arising from the debilita and the politicians This dealt moded police system crying for

should be recorded as le for the inadequacies Even with the police agq it should have been forces in the states had to their professional and line of command erosion ofeach of these nexus between the police further below to the out-

This has been further by thejudicial system which was originally and establishe4 like the policg to suit socie econorpic ns and political ethos different from tlle post-in eia While the separation of the judiciary from the made the judiciary independen! which is a very le judicial concept ade quate provision was not made ultaneously to ensure dispensation of speedy justice to of thousands of supplicants who convorge on the in the hope of receiving quick and fair disposal of their ts. The increased pressure of litigation was a outcome of the socio economic changes that swept countryside.




The techniques devised for meeting the problems of a found' country at a poini of time in its history which had-been changed conditions' The ru.""tif"f may not work under


".pi.i and e"onomi" techniques

had evolved an almost perfect lega[


the Jefending itself againsi external enemieq and managing goods' But in the third century nroductio-n and elchange of institutions *hi"h *ett considered neanperfect lft.r. ".w by the Baroroved inadequate to prevent civil warg invasion because new events Larians and depreciation of the currenry had rendered the existing institutions ineffectiva The deficiencies or the inadequacy or even the inap to look oropriateness of the institutions which are expected 'uite'. changes in ttt. caused by the socio'economic percep the couniry have unfortunately given rise to distorted the political executiva iion of ttte .eatities on the ground to frit it tu* has set in motion a series of administrative and executive actions which are not compatible with democratic pro".tt." This is noticeable in the political reactions to the

for maintaining law

and^ order'

iemands of the weaker sections, which militate against vested intersts. Proper enforcement of the Minimum Wages ,t t or ttr. tenuriil rights is an important obligation which to fulfil the weaker sections expect the Government agencies indifference of the ii, tto*.u.., this is noidone either due to enforcing agencies or their collusion with vested interests' there is a=very real danger of disenchantment of the affected population with the Government who may even suspect the rnotiu", of the Government By the use of force in such a siiuation by the Government agencies against the weaker to sections, accusing them of being Naxalites or belonging groupq the Government other ideologically motivated exposes itselfio the charge of colluding with vested interests ani going against the weaker sections' This is the dilemma -righi-thinking individuals face when they suwey the that rural icenes involving violence in the States of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh among others The dehciencies of the institutional arrangement with regad to the implementation of the several well'conceived



to improve
will be


weaker sections

extracted frorn an Guarantee Scheme in

condition of the from the following which is study of the Employment trq quoted by D. Ban-

dopadhyay, Secretary Government of India. in the following the National Training and Development in
"The Maharashtra Emp tion study brought out certain tion of the programme. employment was signifi cantly group (agricultural workers study concluded'EGS had

Development Ministry
ion Papers compiled

of Indian Society for

ber 1984-January 1985. Guarantee Scheme evalua-

in the implementa-

of the non-target goup in

than that of the target marginal farmers). The
more to the cultivators


higher holding groups than requiremnts of landless agricultural labour or smaller torhousehold. Sharing of benefits of the assets crea through EGS was more skewed than the sharing of nt According to the joint evaluatio4 as many as 9l of user household belonged to the category of cultivators. e next important category being agricultr.lral labourers fo ed about 6%. It was further
observed that the benefits


S assets had gone to a large

extent to the medium and marginal farrners constitute


farmers. The small and



user house

Commenting generally, D Bandopadhyay has obserof and confrdence on the part of the benehciaries and use of absence of institutional suppor[ a whole host of ment of middle men have sprung up who cheat the ficiaries in the name of illegal gains with the to facilitate sanction or aceptance of household ori schemes. The situation calls for urgent remedy."
ved, "Because of lack

Defeudalising a traditional up is not a process which can be completed instantly. if external and tangible manifestations of feudalism dismantled, it is not equally easy to remove the mental bs, reform and refrne the




mental attitude of the people who have stood to lose in the oew dispensation Even if they part with all that has been legislatei out of them, they are not likely to adjustthemselves difa?" o"* relationship between persons and betweenhave changes ferent groups which the socioecooomic broughiabout The hangover offeudalism will take a long timeL disappear. In the meantime it lingers on with, effects which can taie diverse forms and patterns distorting human relationships and giving rise Jo violence

"No society is strong which does not acknowledge the protesting man And no man is human who does not draw ittengn irom the natural animaf'.IIn this context it would bewJrthwhile to bearin mindthe historyofourcountry dur'
ine the British period- We as

poople have in a sense already dayg ro-ne through a situation during the prelndependenc sections are presently iomparabli to the one that the weaker going tntoogft For instance there was the Rowlatt Act which -u fiua Ud.f-t"t ignoble life span From the point of view of the framers of that Act, any form of protest against misrule and high-handedness was seen to be conspiratorial and seditiois In a different contex! we would do well to guard ourselves against -labelling of even normll and- legitimate reactions against iome of the prwailing injlstice as con'

N11att{9s Once the spiracies hitched or acts inspired iiCian police as it is presently constituted, realises what the it Government expects and wants in terms of law and order' In con' will stop short of nothing to please the Government tineencies of this type when heads have to roll to achieve t ritts, l"uat do start rollingwith increasingvelocity' In this the observations of Pandit Motilal Nehru on the "o"t Ac! made duriag his presidential address at the Rowlatt Amritsar Corigress in l9l9 would be of relevance: "No one can but deploie violence and political crima But let us not forget thatihis is the outcome of continued repression' It is duJ to the perversity of the Executive which blinds itself to the cause oi the distontent and like a mad bull goes about attacking all who dare stand up against it"






In a democratic society it essential to en$ure that tle reaction of the state to viole indulged in by ideologically motivatd groups does not d into a form ofcounten terror. The state through its such as the police, should not itself practice the cult of violence that it accuses offenders of practisin

In the rural scene in vast changes have come about during the last three No single measure has released such complex and reaching forces as the introduction of adult franchisr for elections to Panchayatq local bodies, S{ate Legislatures the Parliament The new administrative functionaries the Gram Sevak, the Village Acount or the kkha and others in the rural hierarchy who have been to administer welfare and administrative units educ institutions, primary health centurgs, rural dwelop organis ations and the anti-poverty pnogrammes hav creatcd an impact on the socieeconomilc set up of the ' Tlie improvement in agricultural irtputs and exten services have produced their own effept on agricultural allied activities. The halting and evasive manner in r the land reforms were implemented have created cer tensions, The creation of sweral infrasttuctures such as facilities for setting up cottage indrrrstries have brot about a visible change in the countrysidb, The poor secti of the cultivating tenants who did not hhve enough casl for acquiring ownership of the land. had oither to borrow or had to deny themselves tenurial security and to become non-owning

backdoor tenants" This had created

harassments and uncertainties. ing several centres of power ween the several competing

its own hazards. the changes while creatcreated focii of tension betconllicting groups.

in an equitable society and initiated What is more tle

rese are becoming aware


they had tived through" promises of the State as

and resigned themselves to the pernicious socio'economic system as something ordained by God and hence inwitabla iquality of political rights and socio'economic exploitation cattnot go togeiher. The same millions have now become aware ofthe fact that they do not necessarily have to traverse

through the travails which their forefathers had gone

through over the centuries The evils that have been removed from the system to the extent possible during the post' Indpendence'decades have only heightened the conscious' ness among the affected of the evils that continue to persist It is true that the evils have diminished but the sensitivity has become more acute and to that extent the clamour for relief more strident aod at times even violent References


J. Bronowski :

"The Face of Violence : An Esay with Play."


of violence in India should


That a study on the contain a relbrence at som

Reforms needs some in which there has been

ible lwels, if not double think

Reforms were conceived and the spirit inwhich the state of implementation Here was where political power was in

power in utter disregard

political platforns by national polioy, when it declared policies and statutes. political powor thwarted
reforrns, throu gh subterfuges


a party. Even sq the

even to the extent to which

have brought about a

transform ation of the social examine some of the gaps

fulfilment whlch has con violence in the rural areas"

to the status of Laad Land Reforms is one area double talk at respon* The spirit in which the Land was enacted was not got down to the job area in some of the states collusion with economic was announced from the leaders in pursuance of the to gving effect to these vested interests wielding implemenation of the which bur-eaucrats were also of the agrarian reformq have been implemented, in society, though not a An effortwill be made to the promises and their to social tensions and

Agrarian Reform is a Enensive concept and is composed of several Some of these are; re distri iution of laud among landless, security of tenurg crcation of individual security of rentals, favoun able ;r'd easily available credit easy availability of

Gsp Beflveen Promise and



the several agricultural inputs required for modernmrcthods oifarming aid cooperative marketing facilities While each oi tn.t. .6onpoo*tt it important ln its owrr way' ownersliip ofthe 1an4 ind in its absence, the security of tenrrre are the two elements which set the pace of the rest of the reforms' Though these aspects had been taken care of in the land reforis legislation in different states, there is still consider' able weakiesg ambiguity and even deliberate negligence in

practice in some of the states, particularly Bihar and Uttar itradesh. As long as the security of tenure and certainty of

rent are not aJsured unambiguously, the potential for violence in the rural areas of the coutrtry will cootinue to

exist By keeping alive the uncertainties with regard to the tenure and tire reng the State opens itself to the charge of encouraging a society based on iniquity and exploitation in stead oflosiering the formation of a society based on social justice and equity. A categorical assertion in these matters is possible only through the political will of the Government ihis in turn dependi on the source fron which it derives its political strength and sustenanco As it happened in the iecades immediately following the declaration of Independencg the ruling party had derived its legislative and political support from the .,ery segments of society which had had a vestid interest io t"laiaing the economic power arising out of the ownership of large land holdinge Land reforms legislation and its implementation which alfect this landed cliss which constitutes one of the most important centres of power have therefore been successfully thwarted by it The -Gonettt-"ot of Bihar. and to ao extent Uttat Pradesh have not Fken the objective of the land legislation to'its logical conclusion as thii would have inevitably alienatod the major source from which the Governments have beeo deriving political support

Mrs. Gandhi addressing the Chief Ministers Con' *The warning of the ference in November, 1969 observed :

time is that unless the Green Revolution is accompanied by a

revolution based on social justice, I am afraid the Green Revolu.tion may not remaio green." Mrs Indira Galdhi


waahd Chief Ministers to"act when there is still '.ne aad hope.... No single so intinately slfcde 80 many millione of our pcople ar reforms." ln &r allusion to the land grabs thatwas t8*it place in scveral states dur inS 1969, Mr* Indira Gaadhi may organizg even exploit discortent but they do not crat it Tbc'time hqs one face the facts.... the latd rcform measutes imolemmrc have feilid to match the lcgitimate erpectations which first forstercd among milli6l of culdvators during nati0nal movement.,. In sho4 we have yet to create i conditions which would enable shall farmers, and landlcss labourers to ghare in the agricrrltural deaL"t
The status of land reforms Sixth Five Yeal Plan in 1980 ten the necessalry tively uadertake action

it existed on the eve ofthe describd ag followl: "Ofhas beeo lacking to effce

the Conference of the Reveuue oa 18th May, 1985. The show that therc are even trow and even tenants holding their sharecroppers fiho are not on

implementatior of ceiling consolidation of holdings and in not vigorously pursuing conccaled tenancies and haring them vestedwith tenanc, occupacy rights ar cojoined under the Act '2 This was again to on theoccasion of


the matter of


of this Confernce cleadv unsecured tenants on oral agrreements and

In theaourge ofhis spoech the Confcrence of Revenue Ministers in 198p, the Union A "Considerable gaps exist beturc the area'estimated as sun plus and area adtuatly declared surplus, the area declared surplus and th4 area tikeu i of thc arca tatcn possessioh ofand the are a distributd....... Adequate protection has lto be provided the beneliciary by the Government T\e Enwnte that exists between tbe Iocal reveauc stnff and the rieh is a 'najor inhibitiag factor. Nearly 6.55 lath of landis locked in litigttion in spite of the protection given to tlo variouc Ceiling [-aws."3


Bewen Prcmise and



io thc ru."f'areas b;tweeo the Govemment fuictio-naricg has beeaecknowledged iliLn t"tt"O l"t"*t t' a factwhichrespoosible and Gormal a vcry il tU. C""t f lwel at
forum. otliance btween ree Occasionally there is an unholy and vestld ioterests at ot functiouaries """JUti-Cott-n it go"t further aad leads to.lvrecking ",u" Jiiii"g wn* those wio are protesting agsinst the denial

Itec ir proof, if p'roof

was svcr necde4 ofthe collusion

te" ;;;;A"frtt f"dt ate dues, the deprived

"iif;iit dubbed

sections sometimes get


According to ths Agricultural Census of 198G'1981' lofaings Uefoi2 hectareJformT4'S% of the total numberof o*tffo"d Uoldings but account for26'3% of the area only' l0 f,ectarcs, though constitutingonly2'4% of ii.1oi"*t "u""t of holdings envet T2'8% area Thug con' td;t"t number in c""ttutio" of fand in big land holdins is still very much pockets ;d*;1" effect it haJcreated in the countryside turn has oii""a o"""t* witi stroflg economic base which in promoted theit social and political inlluence
After 1972 National Guidelines, the State Governments rtti-utua O"t about 23'54 lakh hectares would be surplus declaret il p.titi"" i" 1985 January was : the. areapossessionsurplus of was 17.46 lakh hectare* Arca taken ;;;Jv was 9'02 lakh i'iiif"il n*tarcs and the area distributed L""t"t * The area taken possession of is 72'6%.of the area a""i"t O *tpt"s and the area distriburcd is 5 l'7% of the area taken possession of, iJi"*a tttirt"s atd74'3% of the areabenefrciaries together S"nJJ"a Cluttes and &heduled Tribe ;;;;;;4'i% of the allottes and account for 50'5% of the a; Statewise figures may be seen atAnnexure Cl "-J"-"U.t fnit refers to the position as it stood in 1983'


in their multi'dimensional the Scheduled Castes and thrc-Scheduled *pcctlifighi ifiU"t t* inio tle economic mainstream' This is indicated
The acrarian reforns


landSchoduledTribe*, by thc Census of196l. l97l and l98l (Anncxures A B 9. Tholgtr l6snumber of Schedulcdaciteg and Tribes dependent on agricultural activities marginalg in l98l whcn comparcd with lgl Ccnsue fact remains that their dependence on agriculture co to be heaw. The Annerure at Cl and Scheduled Casts and cultural labour in the differenf tage of land allotted to Scheduled Castes and
percentagc of Tribes to the totsl agrites along with the perccnSince the bulk of these Tribes ar dependent on that the prescribed strictly through appfop machinery. Any elfort at wages will only fuel and those for whom thcy provide content and jus. political parties to plans ofaction This is and'Llttar Pradesh"

by the percentago ofSchcduled dcpendcnt on rgriculture as

Q, $ve the

agricultural labour, it is minimgn ygggs rules are riately designed depriving thcm of their further tensionr between them work Thc discontent tification for the ideologies of
exploit the conditions to pursue already in evidoncc in parts of

agrarian reforms are in a Independent India. The a prcperforumwhich difficulties arising from the implementation of the reforms promptly has resulted in heavy litigation teris of thousands of cases which have dragged on for with the end nowhere the contenders who i' rigtt In the procesg the poor had longingly hoped for a bette happier and more settled tomorrow have only got cntangled in harassing and interminable court cases
sense the first-rime problems failure of the Gwernment to could'or should have resolved

Theprcblens stemming

Law and order receive land reform laws as far as tle cerned [n states where they are intercsts ensur that etrforcene

over the enforcement


governments are constrfong the vested

of the laws is impeded or

GaD Between Promise and


45 support-

ideological evaded io onc way or another' Wberever bythc iotcnrention i*:"ro"J to the affectcdpoorclasses


" ;tttt";i;;td.s

ffi;it;;l ;;ih.i;;t;f;eal

dil.*ii"" iuviandingthemselves ;;;ffitly;;ntrived-for them bv the vested interests' The on behalf of organized and stroogpre$sureingroupresulted in fact
"'" oiGr r""O.t. aid the weaker sections has tothe iuifutt toot tt the implementation of the relwan(laws has rightlv observed ia i;A ;;dhtion dunnar Mvrdal will reforms lEGt ratian Drama' : "Fundamental sustainedthat pre by be UlrJ rl'p"ti.n in rural India must
ssure from below."

committed to the welfare of the rural pooq on the wrong side of the Government either for the cause which often out-ruas their in situations which have

The Connmission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled that in Tribcs in its 5th report (Marcb 1983f had concluded will to implement the many States the necessary political fu"a't ru.-t was singularly lssking Even in.cases wherc to tf,e Scireduled Scheduled Castes and i"ia "Utt"d the beneficiaries were not in actual llit.aJ"J itibes, erstwhile oos*ession and enjoyment of the same as the including recource to iwners had adopted unfair methotls iuAicial process to deprive the deemed beneficiaries the 6ituoo on"o.tship. Even inclusion ofvarious land i"-io* f"*t in the 9th Schidule of the Constitution had not judicial p-rocesses treiped in carrying forward measures and owning classes to ;;.:ttttt ueing wiaery used by the land



defeat these measures.

the State aectarea surplus and taken possession .of . by marginal lends with Cot --."t' are understandably poor productivity' Some outlay for the develop "-*il.--ay hnds and certain inpus in the shape of fen -"irofift. pesticides etc' f,rill be needed to make their [fi".* t.iat, a scheme for .Jtit"ri"" via'tlo rnough there isoo prolter use iscentral beiog i*"""i"f "*ittance in tiis regar4 a[otment of land is the maae of tlis facility. tn certain itates,

land The Commission has gone on to observe that the



Department whereas

the jurisdicrion of tle was no coordination


onLandReformS appoinits reports : "In spite of the existence of article 3t-A 3l.B 9th Schedule the fact remains that a large number o petitlons pertaining to land reform laws and their are awaiting disposal inHigh Courts Someof them been pending for longer periods The that ownefs Qontinue to be in possession of land held to be le to the landless Tenants have also been denir for long periods righb to which they were entitled under laws In spite of the economic weakness of tenants. have been involved in prolonged and prohibitively cr litigations Therefore, it has become necessary to take measures urgently to speed up the final disposal ofall land reform cases at all levels Otherwise the of improving the status oftenants and the redistribution nds among the landless may continue to remain " If for this purpose a constitutional amendment is D rry, it should be unden taken Denying a penlotr or of individuals their legitimate entitlements is a kind disguised violence which can have as per{icious an as manifest violence"
ted in 1978 had pbserved in one

The Raj Krlshna

by the State Governments

The steps which

The very practical and Raj Krishna Committee do nor forence to the mode and me relating to land reforms Ns

recommendations of the
to have made any diF of handling the problems efforts have been made to the Committee's


are capable of reducing rural

properly and correctly,

to prevent arbitrary


Certainty regarding tenurial


Gap Betteen Promise and Perfqrlnance


2l Reasonable rent levels; ii Conferment of homestead rights to the landless; of the 1; nii"t "."", "f the Ceiling Laws and distribution available surplus among the landless
To quoto the Minutes of the Revenue Ministers Con' f...rrc" if tpgs: "sizeable areas in Andhra Pradesh' Beogal iu*"" Punjab,.Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West a rpsult of surplus land as thi total quantum l*! ""* "",6f oi.oitt a""itions Even land already distributed had to be to denotified in many cases causing considerablghardship
a statc the assigneeswho had invested their resources"/ Such


"ffuii b..t u""o-punied

need not have come about if the land reforms had

by a strong institutional back up'

will and administrative

commitment and impartiality teq"it"a to implement the reforms Heightened political in coisciousness and the success of agitational methods to strengtften r""tti"g reforms elsewhere will continue political movements on agxarian issues of the enforcement machinery agricultural labour which remains unorganised in most of the states continues to to nofr receive wages below the prescribed rninimum' Due part of the ur"if"tiuti of regular employment during most vear the asricultural workers have no choice but to accept
partisanship Due to inadbquacy, iollectiYeness or even

political There seems tobe a distinctlackofthe requisite


tnan minimum- The Commission for Scheduled Cuittt u"a Scheduled Tribes has observed: "It is most leave unfortunate that even prescription of minimum-wages' of infliction of aside their actual payment, has been the cause

the most inhumin atrocities on the helpless agricultural pres' labour when they dare to demand the minimum wage ameliorative ctiU.O Uy Government olhcials4 These good fail in their imple -eusur"s'*nl"h are intrinsicallyof purpose That- they are mentation for want of sincerity mileage more often projected with a view to derive political from tle ."tU"r tUao ucii""l"g social objectives is evidcot



observaiions made by the

and Scheduled Tribes in irs 5 small size ofthe housesites Scheduled Tribes The ing area in several cases was How a family consisting of children is orpcted to live in comprehensioo lYhen wir. that the liying area providedto least two roomq he pleaded When we suggested reduction thought that we were being b pulsions According to hin, it is bers and no Chfuf Minister number of houses and make specificationg slnce he would number of beneficiaries and suicidal to him The fact that in being wasted merely to reach seem to concern him very

for Scheduled Casts report with rogard to the to Schduled Castes and has obseryed: "The lirn than l0 feet by l0 feet wifc and two or three small place is beyond our with a Chief Minister family should consist of at of fioanc-lal resourceg ihe number of houses. he

to his political
a game


of numbe prepared to reduce the rem larger and of better unable to satisfr the large would be politically process, public money is target did not ,;nrealistic

Il Pais wbo is the Dean of the National Labour Institutg Delhi in his paper in December, 1986 on "Unorganised Labourt has : "Minimnm wages fxed by the centre and state fall far below the poverty line... Labour particularly that relating to the unorganised sector remained more or less static in comparison with the of the problem and its growing needs... Our paper has early brought out the linkages between an equitable wage cy for the unorganised sector and develOpment Jn fact, the absence of an equitable wage polioy, integrated other developmental inputg tle expectations in the Seventh Five Year Plan regarding crossing of the line by a major chunk of the population in the sector might prove to bra myth...... Conditions of labour cannot improve unless they are organised The of their organisation should be the primary conoern the state but generally governments have failed to their responsibilities

Gap Bemem Promise and



in this area mainly

of the social strucfirre-which lan&


*a.oottolt tte

government apparatu$"

part of Since the transferof more than avery sqrall f"U""i

to non-agricultural sectors

""..ieasiUf" orr"t" *"ca,

fullcr employment in the agricultural sector "od vitat issusrne fact which has to be faced ;;;rv il;;il; relatively small souaretv is tnat if the security of tenure for a any impact wen after all ;ffib-ei;i;;uott n"t not made A;;;;;* Shte action to eoforce minimum wages for UUour is likely to face much greater resistance "gti"itt.i faced now than is being

in the ihmediate futurg the demard f9l ade

will not be easy or

On land reforms and is implementatioo' it is worth ono,i* tft. oUservations of Shri P'S' Appq the ex-Chief Sec'

posts under the ;;;;iBih"t, who having held important retirement from d*iJ cot"-ment had chosen prmature land tn"-fl$ and who is an ackno*ledgedinauthority on srnce coudtry

our reforms : "[n no sphere of public activity iiJ.p""A""* tas the hiatus uetwen precpts and practice been betwien policy pronouncements and actual execution With resolute and *"ut uL in thi domain of land reforms "t p.litical wilt' all ttie other short-comings and such Oiff*ulfit *"ld have beenovercomei in the absence of roa& obstacles have become formidable tn" patu of Indian land reforms Considering the ii;i""t"ti.ti"Lf the political power structure gbt3ining in y, ft o'ut ooly natural that the required political


.will was not forth'coming" References

L The Sclectcd papcrs of Woff

"rilt;;;;i"or ;I".il i; ii. *""t

fadcjilgl : Agnrian Xcforns waliilkv 0977I


""n;n"a , Mil.t* ;th; a;.fercocc

on 18th MaY,

u"iioos -

Editcd bv Louic

ofthiRsvcnuc Ministcrc held itr Nw Dclhi

3. 5.


of thc Comnission for Schedulcd Cases aad Schc&fed mUcreprit 1982- March 1983 - Vth rport


sqclAl cHANGE



? g,

The Raj Krishna Comminee Reqorr on Land Reforms 097E). Mrnuesot the Confercnoe ofthe \evenue Ministers heldin NcwDelhi on lSrh May, 1985.

Rcpori of the Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduted




March t9g3

- Vrh RcDorr


Feudalism with all that it


tipifies in human relationg which continues to be a lingering aspect of the socioeconomic life of Bihar, can-be better uaderstood in the

text of the conditions that prevailed in Bihar prior to tle introduction of the land reforms This will be wident from the following which is based on the paper authored by Fran' cine R Frankel lgt4.t "Under the permanent settlement full priprietory riShts in over 90% of the cultivated land were conferred on a small class of Zamindars - perhaps 4% of the populatioo...- The new class of Zamindars and their agents were armed with lormidable power$..... While it proved easy to use British authority to intimidate the ryo! the same power appeared impotent to protect hin The Zamindars frequently ipored the Government regulations to give the tenants written pattas stipulating the rent and other conditions of the leasa...' Political advantages to the State of the growing Government' Zamirdar alliaoce were purchased at a very high cost to the majority of the peasantry. By the 1870s the 'higb-handed abuses" of the Zamindars had reduced the cultivators oI Bihar to a "state of extreme depression and misry' which marked them as "the most wretched class" we find in this courtry.... Agricultural labourers whose wagps were paid in kind lived in some areas in a kinC of social thraldom' some times selling themselves, their wives and children to life long servitude for paltry sums"

The Brahming the Bumihars, the Rajputs and thc

IGyasthag who constitute what has come tobc referredto as the uppcrcastes havefiaditionally ownedthe major sharc of




the land in the State of munities had held positions in the politics In the new of independencg a small and Scheduled Tribes who
the adminis trative positions

Members of these comsenior and responsible in professions and in dispensation in the wake ofthe Scheduled Castes
been able to get a share in who with that strength have

moved up the dislodge the upper castes they hold in the politics and will take quite some time beli ing that in the mean.:me set back to the upward

have so far failed to the strategic positions that of the State. It

they are able to do so assumhappens.which may give a


of the


The Yadavg Koeris and by virtue of the land ttrat they acquired as at the time of the abolition of the Zamindari system have a new class of haves pitted against the havenots, Zamindars used to get their land cultivated by the members fthese comunities who over a period of time had become agriculturists. These cultivators became owners of land as a result ofthe land reforms and were the classes stood to gain more than anyone elsa Thug these caste improved their relative economic and social positiorq their large numbers give tlem positive strength under adult suffrage. Thousands of tenants were deprived of their holdings during the long gap between the enactment of land reform and its implementationAs late as in 1970, it was possible Iind ex. intermediaries in possession of estates over 5,0(X) acres or mor resorting to varlous devices to on to the land. The manner in which the enactment the land ceiling Act was delayed, and thf number holes it carried with it when eventually passed, are a meC of the power and inlluence that the large land holders at the administrative and political levels in Bihar. The limit of the ceiling was more with reference to the al than the family as a

Land Rejorns in



Every conceivable ploy was devised by the owners to escape from the provisions of

unit Benami transfers proliferated

the Land Ceiling Act Provisions were made for orchardg pastures and even for animals which were treated as pets ! The law allowed each laod owner a period of six months to enable him to transfer the land to those entitled to it through inheritance. Notice of enforcement of the 1962 Act was issued as late as in 1965 giving adequate time to the landlords to evade the provisions There was also a provision for the tenant to surrender the land voluntarily which could then be settled with another tenant This provision has been the cause of a large number of disputes giving rise to consider' able violence in the rural areas,2

In Bihar, the estimated surplus land under the Ceiling

Act should have beerq as per the Agricultural Census 1976' 1977, about 11.29 lakh acres. But the estimate given by the State Government on l-l-1984 was only 2.99 lakh acres' Out ofthe declared surplus of2.99 lakh acres, 1.9 lakh acres were distributed" Total land involved in litigation was 77J00

"In Begusarai district,2,108 acres of landwere allotted to Harijans out of9,000 acres ofland declared surplus follow" ing enforcement of ceilings. 26,129 possession slips were issued to laodless persons including 9,490 Harijans But till May, 1979 only 950 persons were able to secure physicdl possession of the land allotted to them. The reason fior this delay was stated to be the fact that the revenue records were not up to date as land survey had not been undertaken for many years in most of the districts"3
The only visible consequence of Zamrndai abolition can be said to be the reduction in the number of large holdings But even this could well be a matter of credit for the manner in which the provisions of the Act were successfully defeated by the Zamindars by distribution among the several members of the familieg according to the maximum admiss' ible limits


A Government working evaluating the imple *By mentation of the land reforms 1973 had observed: their abysmal failure to imp the laws, the authorities in Bihar have reduced the le package of land reform measurcs to a sour joke This the land owning class to treat the entire agrarian with utter contempt Elsewhere in the country, the evaders have a sneaking respect for the law enforcing Their approach is furtive. their method In Bihar, the land owners do not care a tuppence for the Their modus operandi open and insolent'a
Census of Bihar done in (8320,600) ofless than one ofthe hectare each are marginal hol covering 26.7% of the area" .{s against this 6% (68,11 large holdings covering more than ten hectares acco for 10.5% of the total operational area of the State, of the total operational holdings of I,10,29,(fi0 the Castes' share comes to 928.061 which works out to 4l% of the holdings The operational area covered by th holdings of the Scheduled Castes works out to 4,56% of total operated area in the State. The figures for the Tribes is 828.399 holdings which is 7.2lVo ot the total holdings in the State covering an opierational area 16.24%. Though seemingly well of[, the figures indicating e Scheduled Tribes' share apparently do not take into the fact that a good part of the land legally owned by Scheduled Tribes had actually got alienated to non-T However. as a subterfuge and a legal fiction this is not reflected in the

According to the


Government records as the ible under the law and hence r sion for Scheduled Castes and in its 5th report that in Bihar 52, was alienated involving an ar registered and in 27,454 cases I restoration of land to the
32,636 acres. Gotting such a

of land is not permissrecordable The Commiseduled Tribes has stated cases oftribal land which

of 76.411 acres had been deciiion was in favour of The area in question was
frorir the Government is restoration of the land and

one side ofthe coin" but the

Land Reforms in Bihar


its enjoyment is another. As a matter of fac! only in 1,774 cases had land been actually and physically reslored to the tribals out of 27,454. Even out of the total holdings of the Scheduled Casteg 89.3% fall in the category of marginal 66lfings belowone hectarg covering an area of5l.8% of the total area and6.3% fall within the category of one to two hectares, covering an area of 15,6% of the total area belonging to the Scheduled Caste$ The figures for the Scheduled Tribes under the same head comes to 51.3% covering an area of 10.3% ofthe total area and 15.9% covering an area of 10.4% of the total area

The system of sharecropping which is prevalent in

parts of Bihar has several sinister aspects. The land owners do not allow the sharecroppers to cultivate the.same land in successive years This is because of the fear among the latrd owners that if the sharecroppers are allowed to cultivate the same land in consecutive years, they may stake their claim

for occupancy rights Though according to laq the land

owner is entitled to only /+th of the producg in actual fact the

land owners insist and take half the produca With no security of tenure and no bargaining power, the share croppers are entirely at the mercy of the land owners Most of
the sharecroppers belong to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes or other backward castes In some of the districts of Bihar, the sharecropping system has given rise to considerable rural tensions culminating in bloodshed-

Anand Chakravartis writing in the Economic and Political WeeHy dated October 25, 1986 has observed that the belligerence of the land owners in general in contem: porary Bihar is so very blatant that wen the working committee group on land reforins of the National Commission on Agriculture had observed on the basis of experienco in some areas of Bihar that "land owners are organised and aggressive........ with an obliging administration on their side, they are definitely not going to give up an iota of their rightq privileges and economic dominance without a stiff fight.... no law, however, good it may be in conferring on pape!



rights, title afld interest on

slightest chance of success

e bataidars, will have the

the bataidars have a strong of their own, capable of not given by the law - but also ion to prevent and forestall

and militant mass only defending their own capable of mounting counterany direct attdck on them."

is crucial is that in Bihar Ladejinslty observes : leading politicians have n really accepted the idea of the change as a rneans to improve the conditions of the tenure" makers or unmakers And yet only they are the a

of reforms" According to the agenda Revenue Secretaries and the and25th November. 1986, a

for the Conference of

ue Ministers dated24th to amend the BiharTenancY on share crctppers has been Act to confer ownershiP It rehains to be seen what extent this Bill when drafted6. implemented by the vested enacted will be allowed to

interests who wield political

based on land assets

arising from affluence

out by the Revenue and According to the report of Government of Bihar for Land Reforms Department with regard to the disposal of theyearl983-1984, the is. total cases which cases involving the March 9. 1984 were 58,860 of related to the share croppers in favour of Bataidars which 16,622 cases were against Bataidars and (share-croppers), 33,283 were the cases pending were 8,955.

Land Relorms in



3,121 acres went against the Tribals The remaining cases were pendin& Considering the very large number of cases

that have gone against the weaker sectionq one worders whether the institutional arrangement provided for the settling of sucb cases which can make all the difference between destitution and subsistence are really in tune with the spirit of the land legislations In the absence ofperiodical land surveyg it is very dif' ficult to fix the land ownership and more so in the crime ridden vast'Diara' area ofthe State The boundaries even if fxed are washed away by flood and by sowing time the next season, there is practically no sign whatsoever left to prove ownership. In such a situation might is right and violence is inherent What has changed the situation sharply in the recent years is the induction of muscle meo by the different parties to the dispute.
The dispute ovr land which is primarily of a civil nature is very often converted into a criminal case by some overt criminal act on the part of one of the parties The calculated move to bring a criminal elemetrt into the transaction is to give the case a criminal dimension in the hope that it would get a comparatively speedy disposal I was told by a top police official in Patna that thousands of cases of land disputes are pending over several years with no hope of the issues being resolved in the foreseable future Hence their recourse to action coming witlin the criminal law in the hope that at least the original land dispute which may have been hanging frre over the years may get resolved one way or the other. The result has been a colossal increase in the number of criminal cases and mounting pressure on the already over worked criminal courts

At the same time Bihar provides a very rerrcaling example of how and when the political will and administrative compihbot converge with a $ense purpose evor seemingly diflicult issues tlat have defied solution over sweral yean
and have generated needless and mindless violence, become resolvable issues within the capability of the functionaries in

occupancy rights


the aalministration The three issues of debt redemptiog of sharc and higher wages for agricultural labourers have sharpened the antagonism between the peasants and the land owners. and generated considerable rce During the national Emergency of 1975-1976 when every aspct of administra tion was totally set on certain desirable and demonstrable results, 50,000 of surplus land were acquired in Bihar in marked to the acquisition of a mere 9,700 acres under the Laws over all the years prior to the Emergency. The Govemment also received 2Q431 acres under the surrender scheme which called upon the big landlords see the writing on the wall and disclose their surplus About 10,000 acres of acquired land were
Agricultural wage s were Iixed under the Minimum Wages Act in 1948 and 196G1967. They were however not implemented in a single village in Bihar. They were again revised in I 75. In the 19 months of the Emergency, 68,fi)0 agricultural were helped to get arrears of wagps totalling crore from the land


olnners, Indebledness

of agri

peasants totalllng Rupees 4.5 were s'rittetr off and redemption certificates were ir The achievements dur. ing the Emergenry amply tlat we as a nation are capable of doing wen the ftings only under duress and under fear ofbeing called to account for failure to fulfil targets It is a sad on tbe working of the political-administrativ system a draconic Emergency regime should be necessary to results which ought to be attainable through processeg and functioni.g When will we do the right things because they have to be dong and not because we have render an account of our haling done them?

labourers and poor

There are three types of

each ofwhich has beea the


in Bihar

the rural areas


of considerable violence in class of land owners most

Land Reiorms in



ofwhom belonging to the backward communities, eajoy certainty of tenancy or ownership. They cultivate the lan4 work hard and have emerged as a force in the rural as also the urban life of Bihar. Their land holdings are by and large within ceiling limits This class consists largely of Kurrnis and Yadavs This is one stablising factor in rural Bihar
though this also has a destabilising aspect to the extent it has led to increasing conflict with the landless who work in their lands A good part of Naxalite activities are centered in the districts of Bhojpur, Rohtaq Aurangabad and Gaya Certain

pockets affected

in the districts of

Patna and Nalanda are also

The second category of land relationship refers to the Iirst genera tion land owners who have come by their small or marginal holdings by way of gift from Bhoodan movement or as a result of re.distribution ofa part ofthe land declared surplus when the Ceiling Act was given effect tq even though partially and with reservations. Mostly the Harijans fall in this category some of whom may have come by their possessions after considerable court proceedings. They expect to hold on to th eir land against all efforts to dispossess thenr" In the process, they find themselves more vulnerable than they would have been if they had bee n without their little possessions of land The bigger land owners constitute the third source of land relationship. They have the bulk of the land carried over from the days ofthe abolition of the Zamindari system and have retained their hold overtheirland in spite of the Ceiling Act When they deny the minimum wages to the landless peasants, we hear of the peasants organising themselves under the leadership ofthe Naxalites or picking up an open fight with the land owners and making examples of the selected arnong them by attacking their farms and killing thern The land owners as also the peasarts who are pitted against them hold fire arms illegally and they conspire dgainst each other for revenge which leads to a chain of violence. It is the conflict between these two groups which is the source of much violence.



Ifthe State ofBiharis of violence which today

to be

of the types and quantum

require the polilical and in all honesty in an effort to deal

the horizon, it will will coming together

sometimes the contractor to public funds. The extra the legitimate slare is either terrorising or bribare also a vote-bank which hold on the Mukhias make sure that the dependent or beholden to voters of the parf or of land ovttners.

The Bihar land holder is

in which capacity he has profit that he makes over and

used to make illegal payments

ingthe officials" The land h

function they fulfil through

(leaders) of the villages The weaker sections ofpeople who
them in several ways are the

the candidates supported by Most political parties any time do not have their to the grass-root level in the

happen to be in power at
reach in the State in a structured and dis. gap which is very serious significance in the elections as also during

ciplined hierarchical fornr even in normal times assumes days immediately preceding periods of uncerlain political which, as it happens in Bihar is a chronic and protrlern The void is generally sought to be frlled by political leadership by utilising intermediate groups landowners and other influential segments such as and conkactors These agentg if they are to be at the time of elections. and at other critical times have be kept happy andcontented at all times There is a price be paid for such support which requires the Government tum a blind eye towards their questionable dealings may sometimes even be blatantly illegal This takes forms There are malia leaders who have to be kept by letting them carry on their nefarious activities which they generate money power. Contracts are to malia leaders against all norms of propriety. In one reported from Dhanbad

Land Reforms in Bihar


that the person to wnom a district, when it was pointed out

;#;;;-.;;"*''*:."'ng;:'9,?:3; hT:;1"iil',iffi i being Paid was not a oesln

said:."I lave to io-i.ii6nu.y of the time is reported to have Having purchased it by such *"*il"t" tdffi;;;itiypolitical power"' po*eiiao onlv be used for sucn politicar ends dubious
the rural life of The iniquities that are associated with from Situi ut id end results ofvested interests operating restraining-influence iltril;o.f.Jtt "Cth and free from the Since they have taken care of the needs ""J*rrtoity. at state level thev conduct themselves to anybody' The caste ridas though they are not answerable Governm:nl flnction' den society of Bihar ensures that the the requisite hglp to thearies in different departmetrts extnd o the respective casres' lnmindful of and di-sciplinary constraints Pos' om"iurt are often governed bv caste

iii"* ;;il;;;;;;"t*s

ffi;;il;];"giirg "t#;;;.purfr"it"t


In an arrangement where

ctrtres of power proliferate

andeachsuchcntrconstitutEsapressurgroup'lheyhave ;;-ililt;tout using the police or the administrative sectarian' caste or group -"ririo.ty fot subserving sectional' led o an accretionin ;;t;;-ilG ironi"af"oougb' hasdott not legitimately the influence of the police ihi"h uut whicil it has acquired-o;er.a p-eriod bv -This has operating outside io rtguUy recofuised.limits ;"i;;;i"; "tlture of mitual sttpport ao<laependence betil"e;il;"lice ;d the pressure grbuPs This anexus between ;;'ili.": rh; pohticians and thJir co;irorts is daring fact in acquiring power Sii'ut A" ariangement that thrives by using it through q""ttion-able means and tlen



coteriesandvestedinte'e't"inevitablyleadstowrongand in iiJiiJo-n*6;;.of nunan activities and eventsThis to unders' levels ii* Jo"titot nilp the powers at responsiblefrom- th9 villages signals that enanate i""a-."**Oy the d. ;;lt" ;;ry ofteiin the state machinery shooting down


the messenger in the belief lt in the process the message itself has been killed Manv o t}te problems of Bihar can oe

attributed to this sad

administrative set up is who are socially and the real beneficiaries of the as minimum wageg health
back they had resigned

that a large chunk of

Another effect of such a

economically backward are Government's programmes

and education Until onlv a themselves to this fate. the worm has begun to furn have woken up to their rights

them. They are no longer rec living These constitute procesg they have also in
style of

during the last decade or so youth among the Harijans are prepared to fight for

to their old fatalistic

Naxalite following Io the in unpardonable cruelty
owners by way ofvendattheir long and what might inable wail They have lost to deliver the goods and that what they thought was unless they wrested it from systern If only the develop carried out honestly and the benefits of the programfor whom they were intengone the way it has Even of the fe[ce sittrs would go to that extent the trature and erupting over the last few

justice would not come by i an unresponsive and unwilli ment programmes had without misusd of funds. and mes had reached the

and indiscriminate killings ta They have been frustrated have seemed to them an in their faith in the system's have willy-nilly come to

de4 the situation would not now ifjustice could be done along with the Government scope of violence that has years would be minimised

atrocities on people), a front of Gn likeminded Kisan

The left wing extremists the Bihar Pradesh Kisan Sabha in 1978 and a sizeable hold among the landless agricultural labouS belonged to the Harijan and other backward comrr Pockets of their concentration have boen limited ro districts of Patn6, Rohtas. Bhojpur, Nalanda and Gaya Octoberd 1985 the Daman Virodhi Jan Sangarsh Morcha an orgauisation to oppose

Land Reforms in



staged a.massive orsanisations of prcextremist persuasion' district The demands irGava

;itr iil,*i";i'ulu"uu"grt or ihe agitato* y:11 :l".H:;Tht tro Waees Act, exemptlon;1"""i
to flush out the extremists'

deploved in the area purportedlv

unresolved Problems of Bihar which have remained grave tragedies' in over the years have repeatedly resulted Lf 44 Thuktttt bv the--Y:dvas in il; il;;ur.u"r. 1987 was proerr""g"U"O Oistrict in the last week of May' was a sample *o.rt in a chain of such killings This t "iit ti, ugtutian grievances get an infuffi;.;;;;;;4."i*tt"tt yet nothing seems to be getting done to iio" or""ut whose proper' "onflict a.iott" ,ft. institutions such as the police on peace of anv ;i;dy ft;fi;;tive functioning depends the uttA more so in a state like Bihar'


Dominance ia Bihar: BreakFrancine R Frankel: 'Caste, Land and ordef' (Quoted from Bihar Social

z. 4.


Gazetter. MonghYr district)'

IBID. Francine R frankel'

i*ay ty-S*"". of Police Research and Development the book: from I'i#ui's* copra: "Agrarian Movements in Bihai' Ceotury Bihar' i; India - Studies of lhe 20th ao"J"t f"r"*i."nts unfinished struggle of santhal Blqd:T ffi;;A;t";; : "The lea2-les3" in thi Economic and Political ;*#;-il;;6iiar) - 1986' weeklv - Dt 25th Octobr. "i"t -ii" C""rut** of Revenue Secretaries and iJ""io'" "i""tt R;";;"'Mi"i"^ - DL 24th and 25th November' 1986'



Pradesh" in 1984. In the drawn on that paper as on officials of the State


Prof Imtiaz Ahrned and paperl on: "Caste Land

C. Saxena had written a Political power in Utar

paragraphs I have own discusions with the
among others.

the. necessary adjustmenlts and transfers before the law was implemented" Tampefing *itn funJ ...o.i. *u. widely reported. The villaee level revenue functionaries wruery rcpurreG rne vrllage played a very crucial rolJ in manipulating tfre -..cora, which enabled the land owners to transfer their lands as it suited thern Benami transfers i1r the name of relatives and friends were freely resorted. to. In the ,ra-e of p.omoting religious institutionq charitabfe trusts and educational institutions, large chunks of larld were set upu.f ,in.. tfr. Iand shown as belonging to such instituiions ara not attract the provisions of the cei[ing prescribed in the law Unscrupulous land owners avaifledoi this provision to get exemption for the excess land that rhey still had with

-;;;-;;, in lt;, implementarion which began in 1955. Th;;;lil *... close to the power elite knew about the i-p.rJing tu* much belore it was erracted[Vany of tt. i*J-o*n... made
ing Tl.:: -*"r of the zamindari

a time lag years 9f -t{r" -Act berween the passaUofitlor,


The maintenance of land [ecords in Uttar pradesh, though better than in Bihar, stifi left serious lacunae. The important functionaries in the lovernment are uery Ols pleased about this state of,affails which apart frorn being responsible for tortuous litiga{ions has also generared violence between contending iactions in ttre vilta-ges. Tnis



problem has been further compounded by the institution if rcnu Pal who has taken the place of the .Panrari *ftl"tt p"tt was a hereditary office with its built-in. social vital ,u*iioit* The Lekhapai who has succeeded to thisenoroffice is an appointee bf the Government He enjoys ruin the landowners by -o.r, po'o..i and can make or into the records A disto interpolate *frut tt. chooses tto".ri r-.trtu Pal in colluiion with a casts'conscious electeJ Pradhan can sow the seeds of a great deal of.violence i"lft" *t"f area; there has in fact been enough evidence of it Further, failure to make timely entries of mutatioos have created long term Problems' According to a senior Police Officer' in Uttar Pradesh have a doubtful ut r.uti +b"l oithe block Pramukhs elected These elections have generated con..*.0 of inrcgrity. of bitterness riJ.i"tf" violJnci and left behind a trail violence betagain into serious *tri.h fi" and erupts -factions at every opportunity The mahas conween the tribute the money and muscle power'
res' The Revenue Department functionaries are also and their preoccupation with oorrriUt. io, latt and order, order autiet stands in the way of accurate and il-il leads to ,irn"ty .ui",."ance of land records' which in turn mass murders because of land ;;;;.". There have been a-re vague dispute. In the absence of pillars' the bou,ndaries, be done on the basis of maps' urri C"-uru"tions have to co-operation of it i, iut"t time and it requires the willing Otlen these are the local level the Revenue officials at not forthcoming

In Uttar Pradesh the Brahmins constitute 9 '2o/o and ttre i:ttat".t 7 '2o/o of the population Brahmins and
Thakurs who constitute

167o of the population corner more political ofhces' Land Reforms measures than 50% of the aiJU.".nt the intermediate castes which make 42o/o of th.e popufutlorl. They have, however, not been able to the supremacy of the centuries old proprietory "



castes namely, the and the Thakurs. The Scheduled Ca$tes contstitute 2 % and the Muslims 15% of the population Only in the the Thakurs constitute more than 5070 of the populati Nowhere elsg any single caste constitutes more than of a district's population Thus an important feature of e districts of Uttar Pradesh is their multi-caste character.2

Of the 12 lakh acres of tributed in the last ten years the Scheduled Castes h similar benefits in the distrib amendment of the Land Ref Castes agricultural labour highest priority in the di house sites. In terms of higher however, the lower half of this avail of these benefits, largely the benefits by an elite group
Castes themselves.

which have been disce 1974,507o has gone to olds. They have derived

on of housesites. By an

Act 1973 the Scheduled ouseholds are given the rtion of surplus land and ucation and employment p have not been able to se of the cornerins of rom among the Scheduled

N. C. Saxena and Imtiaz greater area under prop rietory rights than under cu tion rights. This was true also for Banias, Kayasthas the Muslims. As against thig the Brahmins cultivated land in many districts rather than re$t merely on ietory rights. The result was that the land reforms affi the Muslims. Banias Kaysthas and the Thakurs as they stood to lose more land as a result of e tenurial reforms than Rrahmins who stood to gain b way of ownership because of the Zamindari abolition. intermediate castes composed of the dhirs, Jats, Khu Lodhas, and Guiars. actually cultivated about half the total land and to that extent benefited by the land brms. They were also considered good cultivators comp to the upper castes who shied away from manual la

According to the study Ahme{ the Rajputs owned


to the


dari Abolition AcL


I-and Rejorms in Uttar



Zamindars rvere alowed to retain their sartlari and l(hu& kasht (self-cultivated) land. Over a period of timg becausc of the control exercised by the Zamindars on the bureauc* racy, a good deal ofland was added under this category to the ownership of Zamindars" As mentioned eadier, though the Act itself was passed in 1952 its implementatiotr began




The result was that Patwaris falsified land

records extensively.

The progress of land reforms in Uttar Pradesh can be gauged'from the fiollowing figures: 45.31 lakh householders with land upto one acre owned a total of 9 '23 lakh acres in 1953-1954. The same category of households owning upto 197l-1972 one acre increased ta 86.26 lakh households a total of 16.60 lakh acres. The number'of owning households owning one to 2.5 acres was23.23 lakbin 1953' 1954, owning a total area of 39.39 lakh acres The corres' ponding figures for l97bln2 were 33.38 lakh households owning a total area of56 lakh acres. Households owning


2.5 to

acres ofland was 37'28 lakh in 1953-1954 owning a total of 188.26 lkah acres. The corresponding figures for l97l-1972 were 44.15 lakh households owning 213.50 lakh


acres The number of households owning land between 10 to 25 acres was 8.37 lakh in 1953-1954 owning a total area of 151.90 lakh acres. The corresponding frgures for l97l1972 werc 6.61 lakh households owning 95 lakh acres The number of households owning more than 25 acres in 19711972 was 72,000 who owned a total of 24.14 lakh acres (These figures are from the National Sample Survey 8th and 26th round quoted by N.C. Saxena). "707o ofthe rural households in Uttar Pradesh owned less than 2.5 and 5 acres Uttar Pradesh is a state of tiny holdings'z the Scheduled Castes households operate on 9.5Vo of land Percentage of area of land holdings upto 5 acres owned by Scheduled Castes is 68.9 of the total area held by them' Of those who operate on large area of 25 acres and above, only 3% belong to Scheduled Castes

As against their share of


of the total populatiorl



As estimarcd the


should have had 5.62 lakh

on l-l-1984 was only 2.94 of the extent of evasion According to the figures by the State Government it had distributed all e available surplus land by May, 1985. However, 5,327 involving l.zl45 lakh acres were pending in various co In effect it means that nearly 50% of the surplus I intended for distribution under the Ceiling Act was subject of litigation The estimated su{plus was only half of what it should really have bgen banned in Uttar: on shareoroppers This silence was deliberate and calculated But there are administrative instructions the field officers forbiddins them to record the names of b-tenants or share-croppers in the land records. to the 26th National Sample Survey, the total number households leasing in land in Uttar Pradesh was about .5 million out of which 3.4 million owned less than 5 They are entirely at the Leasing out land is Pradesh" Law is. however.
mercy of land ownerg have names are also not recorded National Sample Survey ted to be erring on the lower share croppers and sub. million According to the s security of tenure and their the Revenue registers. The under this head are repor-

acres surplus land under the given by the State lakh acres This gives an


But the estimate

and the actual number of ts is estimated at about 5 by N.C. Saxena and Imtiaz

out of land has broguht in the back-door, driving the rding to a survey conducn of absentee landlords was the most fertile districts In menon is found on a much una also happens to be the th dacoits. The extent to which land reforms have been allowed to be implemented in spirit in which they were conceived in Uttar Pradesh as been deterrnined by a
share-croppinlg system sub-tenancy underground ted in 1980-1981, the proporti highest south of the Jamuna i the eastern districts" this p smaller scalg south of the J area which is most infested

Ahme4 restrictions on I

Land Reforms in lJttar Pradesh


combination of factors such as the class compositio4 of the MLAs and the Ministers, the orientation of the bureaucracy and the extent of pressure from.below exerted by the potential beneficiaries on the politicians.and the administritors In the first three assembly elections' according to one study by Mayer in 1969 (quoted by N'C' Saxen4 ind Imtiaz Ahmed) 30% of the MLAs came from the family of Zamindars and Taluqdars and 43\o from the ranks of cultivators with proprietory right$ Only 24oh had non- agriculturdl background"
The cultivated areas in Tarai of Nainital district was in the posiession of the tribals till 1950' Under a scheme of colonisatio4 huge pieces of land extending from 100 to 5,000 acres were given on lease to refugees from the Pun' jab and retired military and civil officers The scheme Lenefited mostly the Sikhs who came from Pakistan' Gradually these big land owners started encroaching and -occupy the tribdl lands also. Sensing the danger began to inf,erent in such a situatiprl the State Government passed a law declaring further transfer of land from the Tribals to non-Tribals Jnlawful The transfers effected till 1969 amounting to about l'50,000 acres were regularised' In spite of tfie tgislatioa illegal transfer and occupancy of land continued either through physical force or through payrnetrt of a paltry sum of about Rs 500 per acre of land ihich would have cost several thousands In all such cases, the Revenus records continue to show the ownership of triUats over the land because of the restrictions imposed by the Act of 1969. About 15000 acres are reported to have changed hands under this category after the legislation In an effort to help the Tribals^ who were the ,riitims of the greed and high-handedness of the large land ownrs, the Rivenue Secretary pryposed that so acouired by the land owners should be taken back by the'

Assistant Collectors suo motq and he should be a"tft";t"O to restore the lands to the original Tribal
owners using force where necessary. It was also provided that wherever any person after being so evicted f,rom such


land by the assistant Collector or part thereof without any punished with itnprisonment to three years, with a tion ,a fine, Offences were to be cognizable and this effect was issued in June 'hation was not keen to the medntime- representatives tral Cabinet Ministers and minorities There was a spate and Farmers Association of Govemment was accused of central and Punjab solve the Sikh problems'2 reinforcements were placed at district authorities kept non-tdbals on various pretexts, ing on the district officers were of the Gvoernment'2 In spite Revenue Secretary on the ordinance which was converted acre of land had been three years precceding 1984. the transfer of the Revenue In yet another instance cultivators were involved it was take possession of the land labourers from the Gaon Sabha prosecuted Though the Cabinet till 1983 only 158 none of which iesulted rn culprits who would have had to have to be relieved of the more influential sections of the lukewarrn implementation of the

re.occupy the land authority, he should bo a term which may extend six monthg and in addiunder this amendment An ordinance to "The Dishict adminis, this ordinance,.......... in non-Tribals met the Cenof harassment to letters from the Ministers The Uttar Pradesh ing things diflicult for the which were trying to though additional police disposal the Nainital physical wiction of the e informal forces workthan formal orders of the insistence of the of the into an Ac! not a single to the Tribals in the only outcome had been



the interests of the poor that those who

to the agricultural
should be criminally was accepted by the

tions had been liled, Here again the prosecuted and would possessions were the landed class; hence the
Govemment's decisions.

The above ifistances deserve to be viewed in the context of yet anothcr Government in which the targets



in lJttar



were the poor Peopla According to a decision taken in 1978, it wis proposed to oust agricultural labourers from those of the baon Sabha lands where permanent cultivation was not possible or which were being used by the entire village community as pasture or grazing- land "Within six months more than 60,000 cases were filed in the revenue courts against the rural poor' The Government got alarmed at the high number of conviction it would f,ave led to and, therefore, stayed further action Finally in pro' 1981, the allotment was regularised and the conviction ceedings were abated'2
implemented correctly and strictly the land reforms in Uttar Pradesh are bound to disturb the existing political and economic structures. Undestandably, thereforg those who stand to lose their political leverage arising out of their economic a(Iluence are the ones who resist the strict implementation of the land reforms. They have the money


power and with it goes the political - power'-- In Uttar bradesh and Bihar, they virtually dominate all political parties except the leftist parties. S.P. Gupta who served in serreral capaiities in Uttar Pradesh before retiring from the Indian Administrative Serviceg has observed: "The Uttar Pradesh imposition of ceiling on land Holding Act' 1960 was amended eight times between 1961 and 1976"""' In our politiceAdminiitrative culture the field revenue officials iike other field officials, are completely demoralised (wen if not comrpt) and are at the mercy of locally influential people (mostly large land holders). The report of the Utlar 'pruiesh Commisslon on District level Administration of Augusg 1986 concludes that the cases under the Uttar Fridesh imposition of Ceiling on Land continue to linger on for years; the revenue staff at the lower level is hand in glove with large land holders In some instances the Ceil' ing Act cass are pending for over a decade. In many cases po-ssession of the allottees is on paper only',"" Unless the ieprived sections of soiiety organise themselves and wage a ielentless war agaisnt delays, comrptioq evasion and social and ecooomlc injustice, the administration includ'





:_rf^,::^:,":1i who wield money and muscle power '3


will conrinue !o be m-anoeuvred by be



Prof Imtiaz,Ahmed and N.C. Saiena:



2. IBID. 3. S.P. Gupra:

in Uttar pradesh" fl9g4)'

Land and political

..Uttar pradesh Lanp-Reforms., national daily. Dr 5rh November. lg 19g6.

in Indian Expresq a



According to Ganshyam Shahl : On the first day of the formation of Saurashtra State in April' l%8' th new Government dominated by Vanias and Brahmins ganted occupancy rights to the cultivators without compensatory oavment Foithe first timg the cultivators got the right of -transferring and inheriting land The result of the land reforms in-saurashtra in the wake of independence led to one of the most even distribution of land holdings of any resion in India Though some of the Girasdars who were thi pwners of land launched agitations aginst the reforms and some of them resortQd to daboities, the stern handling oi the problems by the State led to the collapse of the


Unlike the Girasdari Act of Saurashtra the tenancy is act was not rigorously implemented in Gujarat This -ttt. puitidu.t, commonly known as Patels' o"rtlu b..uut" l"iiut u"o Brahmin landownerg who would have been aJrne.sely affected by the Act dominated the- Congress the Act did i"* ""a the adminisiratioo At the same timgquotes M'B' Dr. Ganshyam Shah lot iuif altogether either. b"rui *tto f,ad carried out a sample survey in 65 villages thus: "About half the area previously under tenancy oassed into the ownership of the respective erstwhile ienants. About l27o of the land held by 9% tenants conof the iinrrea u.taet recognised tenanc)" A little ove-r 27o sliiped from them in default of payment of iu"Jtf i""u"ts tutiott ambunt The rest were cases' in which the "o.p.t either denied their tenancy, surrendered the land i.""ittt to the land owners, or kept away from the hearings of the tribunal an4 therefore, missed of their own volition to be




has been that most of the tenants belonging to the castes or Scheduled Castes did not havg rg courage to avail of the provisions of acqurnng ownership as it wor l. have meant standing up and claiming their rights fror tne upper castes For this ttrey were not prepared They, org surrendered their

owners of the land thev able tenancy escaped or The net result of the land ref

ted on lease." Thus a size p under tenancy abolition

Concealed tenancv in land ceiling law which was later amended in 1974 ta largely on paper. Only 43.721 qualrty was surrendered ..The the simple suggestion of observe the implementation of Government take any other st( rative machinery to implement pledg-e in public that iurplus dered to the Government 'for less under the land Ceiline Act they led ro redistributioo -of I", substantially changed the land caste or class.

forms continued The in 1960 and which was the ceiling has remained acreas of land of inferior .overnment rejected wen
Ceiling Act Nor did the to gear up the adminsit_ Act The farmers took a d would not be surrennbufton among the land_ The land reformg though to some exten( have not relationships in terms of
a watchdog committee to

agricultural labourers in of less than one lakh to number of agricultural workers. The majority of them I not organised for collecnve bargaining They display a degree of militancy and resort to of work demandins higher wages or village common for housesites or foi giyi"C rheir cattle or proresting against land owners sexually assaulting their women

rural Gujarat with mem which is barely 4yo of the

There are about 19 unions

watchmen called ..Rakha' to p

The landed classes have


a number of instances of

system of employing Inerr crops. There are e'by Rathas against

Land Relorms in



the area labourers. Rakhas are usually people from outside selected for their muscle Power' Though the Minimum Wages Act rSSZ raisifu w4ges from Rs' 5'50 to


Rs lll-

U991 revised




wages' aericultural labourers rarely get their prescribed. Officers appointed to ;;6; i; Saurashtra The Labour it They never,visit the ;;f;" the liw hardly ever enforceto visit their orlices and ;ii;;;.ii';t;"p."t irt. labourers Act the farmers are reooit abour lower wages' Under the ;;p;;iJ1; Gep 'ecJrds of the wages pai4 but such fine reiords are hardly ever maintained' The amount of 'Courts their from the land owners for *if.","0 by the pay minimum wages tlg -f^T^ 1le^, non' ialure to *ui"i""u".t oistipulated records in 1981' 1982' 1983 were itli,;67:, nt- s2,ssrl- and Rs' 2'06 lakh respectivelv' ffrui ttt" trend is towards non'conformity with the legal stipulation is evident from this

In the light of the foregoing the conclusion that ...o., is thai Gujarat like Uitar Pradesh and Bihar has violence


considerable volume of exploitative induged in by the vested. interests' References

l. Dr. Ganshyam


"Caste Sentiments Class formation and

dominance in Gujaraf'




Rural unrest connected with land reform started in West lryil_1lS pea$ants Bengal aroupd 1967.It started as a prot* against rhe non-implemeiiatioi or tfre l" The peasant! under in" l1i_d_::4iryS_r Naxalite leadership started oc$upying tle".*ryi-.rgrog fani O io the State on- the ground that tfjianis did ;; "ot Uetog to


be disnibJed-"-log tn" landless. Ho_op"d Government of West S;g"f The then d."fuA to


3_.-t?:Mo"rsyh9 9o1tinu9d to claim it;;; A;G i in excess of what they hqd been allowed geilfC 4"! nr"y demandid rliat such of tnela"a *ticn "O"rTn.
ro the peoplf

various. political parties as ailo tne C"r"*..nt fn" Committees were to decide on the allomenioi,urpf", land among the landless on thg spot after eiamining the claims on their merits The Cogmitte.wo.[;;-f.ffi*;; by spgt orders by the MinisterJ 6v"-_ ment issued instructions that i{ all the disputes bltween the.tenants and the land ownen[ tne pofice-woufJextena or 1:i1,ryoog" to rhe tenants T{is system or wgrked very well itl"l.l*a {f ff'of *l*presidenfs u serbacK_tollowing the introductibn of the rule in the lfta_fhis gave an impefus to tle Naxafite-_orrement with all its violence and {he numerous *".alm i" which,have sipce become a purt of tfr" ::t9_!tT9, "tl of gory unforgettable and history of West n""gui i"i"g Aat period

:f:11t*g_P.?Ilef the distribution of vested lands The Committees. iyas composed of represe"t"ti".i


-;t"^htp ffiil;




The bulk of the rural poor West Bengal are share croppers and landless labourers Tenancy in the past had

Land Reforms in West Bengal


been based largely on informal arrangement$ As 4 conse'

quencg laws designed to reduce the amount of the crop tLat the sharecropper had to give to the land owner, and


operationally ineffective' To altet this situatiog the Csmmunist Party (Marxist) regime had undertaken a concerted effort to legaliy register the share croppers' names in the


improve the security


tenure had


hope that this would improve d(eir income and provide them greater securitY.
One of the early acts of the CPM Government was to introduce The Land Reform Amendment Bill in 1977' This Bill introduced a few important safeguards which taken together were designed io provide a definite sense of seiurity to the tenants' The Bill placed the onus of proving that a man is not a share cropper on the landowners' This protected the tenant farmers from arbitrary wiction "Per-

sonal cultivation" was defined to exclude cultivation by servants or hired labourers Failure to issue receipts to share croppers was made a cognizable offence' The Amendmini also sought to remove absentee landlordism and the related large scale holdings by non-agriculturists' These steps gave te-eth to the implementation of the land reforms in West Benga! a characteristic all of its own and which has contributed significantly to defusing tensions and violence arising out of possible conflicts over- land in the countryside. This is in such sharp contrast to the situation obtaining in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh-

Mr. Atul Kohli has dealt with in his paperl the special steps taken by the Communist Party (Marxist) in West fengat witn regard to the land laws The Government undirtook a special drive called'Operation Barga which *Teams of facilitated rapitl registration of share croppers' bureaucrats lad/or parly members, activists and Kisan Sabha members were sent out to the countryside to announce the laws and to register the share croppers on the spot The operation has had considerable sucgess While'over the irevious threc decades' fewer than 600fl)



shar croppers were

CPMs success is papers of the Reveuue Novembe4 1986 till the end sharecroppers had been of sharocropping families is The sharecroppers who amended laws constituted party cadres in the rural trated on providing extra setting up employment genr seen to the effEctive enfotcei "As the political fortunes of

is now operating in its first in registeriag over 1.2 formances of Congress and

in the areas where the CpM years the CPM succeeded Compared to the past perregimes in the area. the According to the agenda Conference held in 1985 a toral of 1.3 million The estimated number


the success of such. ssure through party I throlgh has comrption and maladn

stood to benelit from the sheet anchor of the CpM The CPM has also con@n.t in the rural areas bv schemes It has also nt of the 6inimg6 araqgg e CPM are closely tieJ to scheme g sustained pre tlpicat problems of ,the

uoos were a oearrepeat along with newly create-d r$etrts tlvo interlinked organisational penetratibn 'peripheqy' and a institutional power.Z

The CPM Government of est Bengal allowed political parties to compete for local positions The resrrlt was that 98% of the at the district levelT4% at the block level and 67% atthe village level were caphrred by the CPM candidates in I The 1983 Panchayat elec-

of political change in the 'centre' into the shift in the class basis of

"The CPM regime goYemments thus rcp


The CPM has of land reforms is a feasible will to ensure that vested gress of the reforms The own brand of violence in the

that the implementation given the political do not impede the pro of CPM generate tleir of their conllict with



in llesr



what they consider as their class enemie$ But looking merely at the limited problem of the economically marginalised peasantry the manner in which the CPM brought about the redistribution of land among the peasantry with little or no violence carries its own political



Atul Kohli : "From Etite Radicatism to Dmocratic Consolidation The rise of Reform commuaism in West Bengal" (1984).


ry rl0


this part to illustrate with $peq and the intensitv of d the rural areas of Bihar and Gujarat durcourse of this study, the West Bengal have been how politics when changg social change can a necesary concomitant

An effort will be made the help of specilic cases. violence that have and parts of Uttar pradesh. ing the last decade. In the experiences of Karnataka alluded to with a view to employed as an instrument be effected without violence as

which was othelwise to be

This is not intended to a catalogue of violent incidents Much less does account give details of incidents involving violencs the various states. This is an attempt to analyse a few of several causative factors that have contributed to and to the extent possible identi$ such of the as would lend themselves to a 'therapeutic' eflorl I focussed on those areas where with proper planning the many programmes in the context of the institutior capability of the deliverv system, it should have been to avert violence
several incidents referred eaningless statistics in the One does not have to

The mindloss killings in t to here have just become mere climbing graph of devastated labour the point that the both udth regard to their the outcome of the during the last decade We

in the instances cited and variety are largely ic changes in the country wait for a change in

Caste Conflict and Agrarian Violence in



human nature for achieving semblance of peace and har mony ln a society under change. This has to be brought uUo"t UV the innovation and even radical changes in institutions If there is one truth that has been consecrated its Uy ttittoty, it is that a country can achieve nothing if is cornrp! partisan, ineffective institutional infrastnrcture and inefficient Those who prevent creatior of institutions paay of or subvert them, however insidiously, for personal, volume of violence in our caste interests, cotrtribute to tle society, each in his own self'serving ways Many of the issues which eventually ended in violence existing halr begun as first'time problems- have they cope with nor itt*tit rtiottL were not designed to

ilee" t"itaUfy innovated or the required number of

to aooropriate new ones create4 and strategically locate4 socioeconomic contn" changes in the political and ditions wbich characterise independent India"


One aspect of violence in Bihar which needs to be emphasizedis that a large number of people have come to o*"py positions of eminence in the economic and politilowest cat nfe of tne State whose upward mobilif from th. e Bihar has rung was facilitated by violenca Violence in beei receiving a social acceptability as an inevitable con' comitant of growth of political and economic power' Otherwise it is=not possible to explain why individuals who power had used muscle power cam to occupy positions of in the socioeconomic and political life of the Stats These in centres of power became an invitation to others waiting successful tl. *l"gt *ittt th. same "qualifications" as the and poUticat power' If anything they *iuld"rt'of ".ottomic more sophisticated form of violence' are practitioners of a

Violence by the economically strotrg against the weaker sectioni has become endemic in Bihar' The labourers in Karghar block of Rohtas district had organized a strike in March, 1977 ra secure- minimum waies This provoked the landholders to attack the Hari'


mg occupang/ rights on incidents it was openly enjoyed the tacit backing of allegedly belonged to onJof t.

the labourers who had wages were attacked by the Many of them were injured 19th Jung 1977 in Patahada i and women from amone the school building and britally share.croppers were killed bv

jans in their residential were shot and burnt alive in

in which three labourers haystack In Gopalpur also work demanding minimum landholders in June. 1977. their women molested On Bhagalpur distric( 36 men were conlined to a rulted In Bharampur4 4 landholders for demand27, 1977. In all these that the landholders local police chief who eir castes,

The shameful Belchi in< in 1978 in which t1 Harijans were burnt alive was upshot of a long standing feud between Kurmi lar and the. Scheduled Castes agricultural labourers over the payment of the minimum wages and of forced labour. The entire crime was and organised It was alleged that there was J tacit between the local police and the It was not a sudden erup tion Economic issues of a standing nature were involved Evidontly nothing done at the administrative level to sort out the dilferer which could have prevented this ghastly incident the existing administrative institutional arc either unsuited or inadequate to meet the
That a distinct
the police in the handline of Harijans is proved by the-m: dled some of the cases in Bi
is required on the part

Monghyr district in 1979. a some Rajputs in collusion Guards This incident which standing land dispute was Magistrate. He came to the reported by the police Sub

of atrocities against the in which they had hanIn a case reported from rge cobbler was killed bv the police and the Home the outcome of a lone 'ed into by the Districi that the story as the area was false.


Caste Conflict and

Agrarian Violence in



The Scheduled Caste individual was the aggdeYed party and needed to be protecte4 which was not done which resulted in his death

In another case reporled from village Samhanta in Rohtas district of Bihar in Jung 1979, four Harijans were killed by some Rajputs. The underlying cause was again land dispute which had been going on for about ten years. The Commissioner for Scheduled Castes had this inquired into by a senior Police Offrcer who came to the conclusion that the Sub'Inspector in charge of this area was in collusion with the local Rajput landowners and they were resr

ponsible for the killing of the four Harijans The local Fofce had tried to give the incident the colour of an encounter with dacoits resulting in the death of four per' sons which was totally false. The concerned Police officials were later ordered to be prosecuted'
The Harijan locality of Pipra village in Patna district was invaded by the Kurmi land owners on 26th February 1980. The invaderq numbering about 200 were armed with guns They were alleged to have set fite to 27 houses of Harijans and shot the peoplg looted their property and burnt alive their cattle. It has been reported tbat the assailants indulged in unbelievable brutality like throwing a threeyear-old child into the fire. In all' 14 Harijans lay dead which included 5 women, 3 adults and 6 children Though the incident stretched over 6 hourg the Police from the nearest Police Statioq which was only 3 kilometres away from the scene of the tragedy, did not reach the spot till after the whole tragedy was over' The Kurmis in this case were avenging the murder of one Bola Slngh by the Naxalities who were organising the Harijans of this area to resist the tyranny of tbe Kurmi landholders. Considering the manner in which the Police behave on all such occasions, it is difficult to disbelieve the allegations made by the weaker sections that the Police is quite often in collusion with the upper and intermediate


rlders. To expect the; of the landholders is of policing in which the changes that have been reforrns and tle other into consideration But the Police system continues to function in much the same way as it was several decades to Independence, with marginal changes if at all

in rural areas for police detachments have to stav dgvelop links i"ith rhe tliereafter tnerealter to act against the asainst th, just not possible Here is an fall-out from the taking place following the changes should have been

patrol the aroas of Naxalite (Katcheries) of the landh ty, as therc is no provision fi

caste landowtrers. In Bihar, ted in the rural areas to

of the armed Police pos the local Police and live in the. Estate and avail of their hospitaliindependent accomodation These extra Police long periods when thev

posluon ot the police force wfrich has a cruicial "o_role to play in resolving the conflicts is a very i.po*uir'f""ro.. The representation of the *elk", sections'in ttre potice force has to be visibly improv{d at the operational twel Not much attention was paid ifr the past io ,fri, u.o""t of caste composition of police force Raliq Khan and Shiv the Gandhian Institute of
Singht, two scholars of Varanasi, did a case with special reference to block of Rohtas district ; "So much insecuritu on accoult of inefficient e illegal arrns to protect

In a State where caste cdnflict is endemic and the society stands hopelessly dividtd on caste fi""r, th"

derers who are regularly many of whom are imponant The illegal anns are so wideson by non-Harijan castes

oneself from robbers is Policemen are never tired of

administration that possessing

study of the atrocities on the Bhishramprtr village in Di in Bihar (1978). According to has come to dorrninate the vill

rating dacoits and mury leader "'d by this or that leaderin tle Gvoernment It is widely beliwed number of Harijan

as a



Conlict and Agrarian Violence in



grenade$ bouseholds are fully equipped with guns and told us that evry f.amilv il;ii;t""; on thi otheihand i".the fit-i caste has gung in some casps with licence atrd in some without"

dirtti";;; i;;6;;;il

Gaya Parasbhiga village of Jehanabad subdivision of worst massacres result' tf. scenJof one of the conflicts This happened in Februarv.' 1980' Tiis village was invaded by the Bumihani and th iouses to oitft. ffuitj""s were set on fire" When th inmates tried In the flame' back ..*pc ttt.y were ghot aud pushed of rwenge by the -i2-i;;'*"re lost This was an act -in ;-lt a nimilars for the suspected involvement of a member of of one of the rn*i.tJ f"-ify of the village in the murder Sumihar landowners in October, 1979' the Thcre have been allegations of collusion between who were-responsible Police -foitttiand the upper caste Bumihars role of the adminis"The -utt""re at Parasbhigaadversely commented upon t it reporte4 has been ;;dd by the oneman commrssion under Mr' ld'K Prashad go {"u.ou, Member, appointed by the Gorernment tonot -tftit was incident It iJ significant that this-report int Some Members ;i;;J;t the table of thJBihar Assemblv'that it.contained ;ii;;l",t; Assemblv told this author behaviour of the i""ltii".ti"g information regarding the ua-i"itt utio" and the politicians'2 Police On April 3, l9E2 six persrons wery -tittgf in the district f"i"Ji" s'"l"tta in Rajnagar block of Madhubani of B-ihar. Two more persons were reportedly baten to oflicial list a"uttu ttto"gft their names did not figure in the Harijans and firit it-'ut a-sequel to the conflicts between caste backward caste peasants on the one side and upper peasants had demanded on'the other' The i;;.;;* *u"" io"t.ut. as stipulated under the law which was connot given effect to bv the landowners' The ;;A;;t;t L'iri"" .r."l"ted gr-adually over certain other incidents till -t i t"f*a in Police firing The Baluha outrage was 'in a



sense an instance of the peasant labour movement b one more instance in which with the vested interests

police response to the up in Bihar. This is police had allegedly sided

the Government programto be viewed in the that it holds. Unless

The widening gap mes and their implem context of the potential for the adminis trative agencies interests will regard what in acting in their exploitative


impartially, the vested

has accrued to them by as legitimate part of

their privileges.

was launched in MarclU ransom, which had been six years. The dacoits who links with big lanWest Champaran Duroutlaws was killed in the tical leader, while another of an M.Ld Accordmusclemen of landowners took to crime following land These musclemen staded helping sugarcane cult tors to sell their produce and also made advance t on behalf of the big traders at a considerable Thus a nexus developed between the big cultivators, h traders and the musclemen Since the musclem knew how much money these traders and cultivators they thought ofthe idea of kidnapping ,A.ccording to oflicial figures, only5 kidnapping cases were registered l98l but the number rose to 16 in 1982,48 in 1983 and in 1984. Till June of 1985 there had been 25 cases.

An operation Black Pan 1985 agaisnt kidnappings for plaguing West Champaran for indulged in this crime had downers or influential leaders ing this operation, one of the house of a close relative of a dacoit was arrested from the ing to one ver$ion, the former

On22ndAugust l9M
the Bhumihar communitv

on Government land by 100 Ambari of Monghyr district beaten up. Acoording to the

150 people belonging to and burnt the huts built

families in village of the Harijans were Magistrate of Mon-

Caste Co4flict and


Vtolence in



the chw. the Bumihars who comhittd this atrocity on to appropriate the iffi; were motivated by a desire

important land belonging to the Government Some o[ the -uut case in its details from a study of this i""t Lto"dtt

First the Revenue Circle Officer who played the most crucial role in getting the land allotted to the Bhumihar' t"o*i"g well tiat about 100 Harijan fqniliel w-ere settled on the ilot, was himelf a Harijan The District Magrstrate ft"fJ ni- primarily responsible for the entire series of Apparenevents along with the other higher functionaries' tly he and others had been bribed'
Secon4 the State offrcials far from playrng an objective rolg were working in collusion with the vested interests and against the weaker sections'
The Diara lands which are usually very fertile and the of the size and shape of which vary continuously because. course of the river, has no fixed land-marks and changing is co-nstintly under dispute. Establishing, one's right on such land depends largely on muscle and money power' There are reportedly about 50 to 60 gangs operatin-g in the Diara area of Monghyr distric! who are notorious for their acts of extreme violence' In one such incident on llth

Novembet, 1985 about a thousand armed men belongng to the Yadav community swooped on the village Lakshmipur and opened fire oo Binds with whom the Yadavs had dispute over a piece of land' The Yadavs are reported to have killed 12 persons; gangraped their women and set fire to more than 200 houses Though the Binds had been voicing their fear of impending attack on them even l5 days before the inciden! no action was taken by the authorities. Indifference on the part of the Police on the pretext of certain legal niceties is a recurring source of -areas generally' This is an area where frof"""" in the rural

aoorooriate institutiogal innovation has not been fortnco-ing in spite of the loss'sf so many innocent lives'


In lGpri Police Statioa Jehanabad dishict two Harijans were killed by a $o of Bhumitars on lgth October, 1985 in village Saibali This incident waa a sequel to some land being cultivated the Harijans which was sought to be taten over by the casbs. Subsequently, the District Mogistrate the land to the Harijan families This, tragedy could haw- been averted if action by.the authorities had initt{td earlier, though the execuse for not taking actit earlier was that the law did not provide fe1 faking agtiql unless there was manifest for taking actior violence ofa given degree This is another instance of the laws enacted about a hundred ago bcing out of tune with the requirements of the
of 13 Kurmis who were of Punpun area Many of those who were of murder and were on by the policg it was suspected that this massacre done by some persons from Scheduled Castes or sympathisers as some of those killed were members of Bhumi Sena an armed wing of the Kurhi landownerg ious for atrocities on the Harijans in the area. The Bhumi Sena is an organ isation of Kurmis belonging to GayA Patna Nalanda districts. The Bhumi Sena is accused of a tax of Rs. 2.50 per bigha per year from the and from everv Government servant a sum of 2/- a year. It has also been reported by the agencies tlat as its influence increased. it also committing crimes It has been accused of lerying a even from people who were not in need of its Those who fail to pay the levy are harassed in several ways. One of thesi is to declare them as 'Naxalites'. The including some of the Kurmis thomselves are unhappy with the activities of this Sena. It is to have a fund of Rs 2.5 to R& 3 lakhs. It ha6 no alfiliations
On 5th December, 1984, l0 sleeping in a house in vflltgs of Patna district vrere shot killed were standing trial on bail. According to the


Cattz Co4flict and Agmrian golence in



The Lal Sena of the Red Army has some- ideological other contetrt behiod its origin and operations, unlike the as an Senas which arb the cration of landed interests' .ipJOi."t for subserving caste or group interests' T,he Lal dna does not belong to any caste group unlike-th9 fuwar Rishi Sena Sena which tepresents Thakurs' the Brahma *ni"n t pt t"oG the Bhumiharq the tohrik Sena which rep the resents tie yaAavs and the Bhumi Sena which represents for-it. The Lal Sena has got a wider popular base because in it is not casteoriented. It had its origin initially in Bhojpur which i-gi+ *n." it came into conflict with the police in to sweral of them were killed The Lal Sena has sinrce spread put"'a C"Vu and Nalanda It has amongst its.members leadership is often in Vo"tnt i" tit. age group of 18 to 30. Its the haods of the uPPer castes According to the police sourceq in the initial stage+ the Yadavs who used t<r joil the Lal Sena in large numbers used to commit several crimes which was not by the leaders of the Lal Sena They' therefore' "oo-t.ato purge the Lal Sena of such elements' The a'.iiA.a .f.L."tt ,.-"oia from the Lal Sena in combination with th; b;tt"t ones among the Yadavs, formed a Sena which to be knowa as tne fntit Sena One of the aims of ""-.fontit Sena is to confront the memebrs of the Lal tn.
Sena openlY.

A private army calling irelf the. Iohrik Sena raided four vilalges in Nalanda district on l5th November' 1985 and killei three persons syPPosed to be memb.ers of the Lal Sena the army of t6e extremists The killiag v3s in retatadon for the murder of a Lohrik Se4a

"U.g.AfyUy Lal Sena a day earlier' Two olher alleged Nax -riUri The alites werotilled about the same time in Gaya district was a sequel to the disputes yiolence in Nalanda and Gaya oto .i"i-o- wages for harcsting crop* ln the. case in which the Irhrik 5e4a members had gonc to a village in



Gaya dishict and killed they had done earlier, it has the ofiicial reports that the the police statiions of seen in the codpany of the The police oflicer tried to Lohrik Sena on the ground chase the Naxafities Thou nowledged in the presence of had seen thi members of the I arms and. also knew that thev tide stiU he tobk no steps to Iohrik Sena members. 'ite mitted the murder of a houses and reiieved some preparation was within the and could have been averted

alleged Naxalites for wbat

clearly brought out in

House Oltcer of oae

district and his stall were of the Lohrik Sena his presence with the t he was there trying to the Police OIIiccr ack.siblc ollicials that he Sene in possession of I commit a crime any the weapons from the


of their jewellery. Thc of the police offrcer

Sena members coe man and looted a.fen'

These private armies are ll organised and well pro vidgd with country made guns of various types, mosi of which are manufactured indicel in Monghyr district This district produces lire on a commercial scalc almost on the liaes of a factory.

the labourers asscrt wages they are dealt them as Naxalitcs. that the members of at the hands ofthe law enfcrcing authorities A of landowners carrying guns, spears and swords with elephants was taken out to demonstrate the of the Bhumi Sena in 1983. This procession was out in spite of pro hibitory orders Slogans were by the orocessionistr which were derogatory of the Sena One of the slogans was: "Naxalyon Ki Kya Dawai? Che Inch deo Bhai" (What is the renredy for the N ities? Shorten them bv six inches). It implied chopping heads off
themselves demanding minir with ruthlessly by the police, This is in contrast to the ind the Senas other dhan Lal Sena


has been alleged that

Caste Conflict and Agrarian Vtulence in



The distrubing aspect of the activities of the Senas is that even the police finds it expedient to encourage some oi tft.t" Senis as long as their activities are directed Naxagainst the Lal Sena which is the armed wing of the riiti.* fnt short sighted policy has a dangerous potential Often what the Senas indulge in are acts of vendetta divorced from idelogical considerations' These actions are explained away by the police on the assumption that the viciim or the viciims were Naxalities. The fact that the State administration for whatever reasor! was not taking steps to contain the activities of these Senas can lead to inferences which may not be complimentary to the State administration How can any private individual or groups be allowed to act on behalf of the State in an unauthorised waf This rs abdication of authority by the State or an ack' nowledgement. that the State s writ does rot run in certain areas oi that it does not want to interfere in the activitiss of certain selected groups or individuals. However one looks at it, it is a pathetic commentary both on the political and the adminisirative authority of the Government In the latler half of 1986, the State Govemment is reported to have taken steps to ban thesa private armies. The impact of this decision remains to be seen According to official frgures the number of murders in which Naxalities were involved in Bihar was 53 in 1982, 38 in 1983, 28 to 1984 and 28 till the end of September' 1985' The Naxalities are reported to have snatched from the public 4 rifles and 36 guns in 1983, 3 rifles and 7 guns in i984; 3 tifl"r and 9 guns till the end of August, 1985' In 1984. the Naxalites snatched 20 rifles from the police and in 1985 till the end of August they had snatched 5 rifles from the police.

The Director General of Police'Bihar in a statement to the Press stated that on April 19' 1986 the police opened fre in the area of Police Station Arwal of Jehanabad sub' division of Gaya district against a crowd of people who were alleged to be Naxalites Thev are alleged to have



attackedthe $uperintendent o[fonce ofJehanabad. In all 53 rounds were fired, killing il "ff"g"O-f.i.*"iit"Jo" tfr" :p91"i9 causing injury to 20. Latea i2 ofth.lrjrr.c ai.a in the Hospital brinsine the death ioff to Zi.-a"llJing to Commission-er, thib incidenicouro^iiul u"ro had the police not b$en a silent ,p"*ur*l" ,aveled. ,fr" beginning allowing more thari 500 p;;;i. ;llrl_'ur, i" contravention of the prohibitbry orders wtricn Laa rcen rmposed earlier. The holocaus{ had its beginni"g ii u fu"a between the Harijans {n the one i*iO. uo?-^ i.rri., $t:Oy" Engtneer on the other. The police version has been charac_ terised as,slartted by some jlurnalist u"J-ut*-Li'ro-. Congress legislarors who had f"u.rtigatea ilJ'""t oo the spot

l!. I:1.

ex-Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court, Shri and Lt Yllo::li"harinquiry ofGen ghri s.a iiih;iR;,j"t aio the police n.i"g ul ,ir*uL ffr. :, :1trth:. spor dispute reportefly belonget i" n^.1 Ua -which not been entered in the record pi rigtrts Ttre .."-oial_"rr_ tioned that the land had beJn dIsc.ihJ uuucu ura. me lano beqn described as the Bihar ".-ii.-","". Sarkar Anabad The Home ioil-f.rrti.. Sachar and Lt Gen Sinha (Repd") tnut tfr. Oirtilt magis. trate of Gay4 in the initial rfeport to tfr" Cou.*rorrrt about the firing h,ad observed tfrat ttre nri"g er*f fr"a been "torAo, f-* _uncontrolled, excessive arld *itho.rt the Magistrate. "iy




About the Arwal police fu the one-man Commission that inquired into it came to the conclusion that not only had the poliee used force but that restraint could' have averEd deaths In this, as in several other similar cases, the inference is i rscapable that there was a nexus between the police and the vested interests The r.ecunr,lng incidents which point to such collusion between the administration and the interests at various levels against the interests of the sections point to the inevitable conclusion that the needs to dis. play greater political will and if its credibility in


Conlict dnd Agarian Violmce in




to suffer anyhelping the weaker sections of society is not when the accountability of iit-iri..] rntt. are the occasions il" plii"" to the people needs to be demonstrated
between There was a report of two armed encounters and the Lal Sena of the of landholders p.i"ut people dead ijaxalites whcih are reported to have left 15 week of Aprit 1986' ini"red during the second took place in Gava and Patna districts' according to the Home Commissioner of Bihar'


.tili""v il;-;;lt;ters

According to Times of India dated 2nd May' 1986 the in a note Police chief oi Bihar is reported to have admitted been encouraging the or"ou."d bv hh that the police had actiYity ;ff;" ;;i"t of landowners in areas of Naxaliterecorded having i"-.."1t"isihar' He has been quoted as i'Poli." in these areas had abdicated their normal ;il"t th. a,rti., u.ta the tendency among the police functionaries *u, t" encourage the defence groups (1!e !9nas) to This itiu"i"itte-s"ti.s itt order to fighi out the Naxaliteswhich n""-t tfta very negation of police performance. u.touifv t"r"fi.a iritle rise ofdifferent Senas in Bihaf"r

The caste war in Bihar took yet another toll of ten' human lives on 8th July 1986 which included two children u"J ti* women in viliage Kansari under the Jehanabad iotice Circte at Arwal 1t is astonishing that the police ft."O Q"utt"tt at Patna and Gay4 which are fairly close to the scene of the event became aware of it forty hours un"i it ftuO occured" This massacre was by way of retaliation by the upper castes aganist the killing of a landholder bv a suspected activist of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangram i'u-iri *ni"ft usually spearheads the cause of the landless ior minimum agriiuftural wages and gen99lly. against oppt"stiott and ixploitatiorl It was again alleged in this u. in such cases in the past that the police had "ur. with the landholders in the caste war' colluded

Bhagalpur distric! three women - agricultural labourers n"et ittot dead by the poliee on 5th Decembe!



wages The police had gone to rble harvesting of crops

ing for the recognition of

entitlement under the Ceiting

1986. According to a reDort4 the Indian Express dated 8th December; 19g6 the trar Ly was triggered off bv an affluent landllolder who had land far in excess oi his


y nghts and minimum

village to stop the forc-

The women were agitat-

The ruthless massacre of belonging to the Rajput com May 29th, I987, in tlre villages in Aurangabad district of B chain of vendetta kiililgs 111 the communities had indulo starting from September 4, I can be traced to the time wht who had been tilling the land Math for years as share cr possessed by a Rajput to r donated the land to escape the Act This forcible Y-adlvas who had been looking the land cultivated by them w< quent on the Ceiling Act They an acuvrst group which had bet munist Centre (MCC). The y when they killed on September Rajput who had dispoisessed tl They also killed anolher Rajput The Rajput aveqged these de by killing six of the MCC act a sequel to this, the MCC ar mia in Aurangabad district on dered mercilessly eleven Raior 1a ch-ilttlen The Rajput resl seven Yadavas in Cheechani alleged that while trris killiry about twenty-frrve armed oolicr away and they did not intervenq

more than forty members unity by the yadavas on f Dalalchak and Badhura was the culmination of a the members of both in on different occasions 5. The series of tragedies almost two dozen yadavs to the Salupdr4 were forcibly di$ the Salupara Math t of the Land Ceiling

had infuriated

forward to the time when become theirs conso en became members of known as Maoist Comvas fired the first shot 1986, an employee of the em of their tilling righrs. on lOth September, 19g6. on September20th 1986 in Village Parsadih. As raided the Village Dar10, 1986 and mur. whcih included women to this was to gun down


in Apnl 1987. It was going on there wer6 barely one kilometer

spite of, these series


Caste ConJlict and


Yiolence in



reprisal kiUings, no meaningful police effort was forthcom' furthet violence is bome out by the ii.g ; pt;i * of Rajputs on May 29th 1987 in- the villages of Outut"ttut uttd Budhntu- These series of cruel killings illustrate most insistently the following points:

Land dispute has taken a heavy toll in terms of human llives in Sihar. Next to adult franchise which has a unique place in the evolution of the political institutions of

the country, land reforms have been the most important measure introduced in the post-independence period which has had far reaching socioeconomic impact on the Indian society-, This,, in spite of the fact that there is considerablagap between the land reforms envisaged and the reforms aciually implemented. Even this process of implementation has been more than painful and has been the largest single source of violence' This could well have been signifrcantly mitigated if the authorities had provided adequaie instituiional safeguards for containin-g-the fall out irom the problems which are in the nature of first time problems. If appropriate institutional back up had been provided to resolve the problems expeditiously, une quivocally and at or near the sources of their origiru this far reaching reform could have been accomplished with much less hurderous violence even if not in complete peace. This could well have transformed the rural society as nothing else would have.
These incidents also prove that the so called weaker
sections can no longer be taken for granted and oppressed and emasculated socially and/or economically' They have developed their own clout and will figbt back if necessary' What iJ more they as a caste group and in their own right

are also capable

against the members of the so called upper castes




murderous violence

anticipating the course of events with a view to contain the problims before they assume proportion$ Each of these

The police sysiem has proved itself incapable of



violent incidents in such inadequacy and/or the tem to absorb the fall out ing over the Society.

succession amply prove the rriateness of the police systlte changes that are com-

Some districts in Bihar have also witnessed several forcible harvesting of star crops belonging to the legitimate land holders, by ts during Marcfu 1987. The police has been 1 to prevent this trend and these several acts of have shown up criminal justice 3ystem in a rather dim light the Such organised instances of of law by people who are not normally treated as pose a serious threat to the concep't of the rule of If one were to analyse the several facts leading up to present state of alfairs, one cannot miss the point that at some stage in the chain of events, even the vested in collusion with political power had themselves failed abide by the rule of law Thereforg considering the of the times, it would be an act of enlightened self on the part of those who are economically stronger to a vested interest in the rule of law, as they stand lose more in the long run in the absence of it It is high the authorities in Bihar ddmonstrated that they have the system something in the nature of political and strative will capable of handling the problems of among otler tlings As of now this seemt to be in doubt

An important elemenr in, fhe worsening relationship tle Harijans is sex. l'hE fl".ii"n, ,ro longer allow their womenfofi to work in tne no'uses of Kurmis Asserts Dwarika RalhAas, a Harijaa "W. .uo never have good relations with them. They pay us lesg they abuse us,. beat up our chil{ren, and urei,i. iiveg sis_ ters and daughters It is a life nie can never tolerate.,5 The yguth .a.mgne the Harijans w\o are educared fruu. JoDs wtth the Government ill urban areas would "na no longer accept or tolerdte such exploit{tion of their women_fot The Harijans are no longer u$uia to ,p""t or.rlu-rra ur"
between Kurmis and

Caste Conficf and

Agmrian Violence in



prepared to stand up against high-handetlness' One of ihem told me: "If we raise our voice for implementation of minimum wageq if we want education for our womerl we are termed Naxalites."

While the Harijan continues to suffer a sense of dep rivation he has also gained a new sense of self respect The right to vote has brought to his doorstep, the high and the mfthry in the social hierarchy' But this in tu-rn-has also inducel t"ttt. of frustration as socially he still feels left " out of the mainstream by the untouchability practised agaisnt hinr, In a sense, his social status which remains lihere it was centuries agq does not correspond to his newly acquired Political status'
Scheduled Castes in Bihar on a political strategy to benelit thern The leadership have come to realise the need for a social and economic revolution for bringing about a social revolution apart from benefits of reservation The -beginning to clamour for new directions in leadership is economi; policy which will provide employment,oriented development projects to benefit small farrners and the lan' dless agricultural labourers.


has begun to merge among


It would be hasty to conclude that the caste conflict in Bihar or Uttar Pradesh is always in the nature of a direct confrontation between what are traditionally known as upper castes and lower castes Intracaste group conflict amtng ttre backward castes is equally common There have also been cases of individuals from the upper castes leading the Naxalites whose rank and frle primarily consist of the Scheduled Castes.
The continuing uncertainties with regard to land and related matters affecting the weaker sections have provided an ideological base to the left extremists who pass for Naxalites. There are several factions among the leftist groups all of whom however are agreed on their belligerent hos-



tile and antagonistic attitude the land owners who continue to display tendencies In acts of revenge agaitst landownerg they have been guilty of as much cruelty as tle themselves. Uttam Sengupta, who travelled through most of rural Bihar and written a in the Calcutta edition of The Telegraph dated 26th ber, 1986 has observed that according to oflicial sources armed units of the CPML (Communist Party of India rxist Lenist) had actually occupied around 10,000 of land "What is more important hciwever is the s claim that it has succeeded in promoting farming in many villages. Plots are collectivelv loans arg advanced from collective fundq grain is in a collective 9ranery......,. What their (CPML) sources not agree upon is the sqggestion that they have been caste conflicts by mobilising pcople from the caste against the upper caste landholders On the contrary they say thgir efforts have been to estab links with upper caste landholders dnd persuade to concede higher w4ges or to surredder surplus It is only when the landholders tfy to resist or Police help, they said, that the conflicts start'6


Rafiq Khan and Shiyswarat

Studies, Varadasi : 'Atrccities on

of the Gandhian
in Bishrampuf in India"

Instihrre of

z. Nageshwar Prbsad : 4.


The Times of Indi4 a national The Indian Elpresg a national

Nageshwar Prasad : "Rural Uttam Sengupta in the T


Calcutt4 Dt 25th October,

Dt 2nd May, 1986. , Dt 8th December, 1986. r in India" (1985). a national daily published from





Singbhum district of Bihar forms part of the Southern Chotanagpur district and contains 15 hilly upland tracks The area is extremely rich in forest and mineral resources' It is one of the largest sources of iron ore deposit in India The main tribes of Adivasis who inhabit are : Ho and Munda The forest is so important to the Advasis that they treat the forest as an object of worship and trees like Sal and Mahua to be sacred They offer prayers to Singh Bonga (Sun God) and Baru Bonga (Mountain and Forest God) in a sacred grove of Saal Trees which they call as Sarna. The nationalisation of forests was a big blow to the Adivasis as they lost all their rights on the forest and its

The tribal people of Kolhan area of Singbhum were independent till the early l9th Century. The British rule came to the area in 1821 and the Kolhans were subjugated for the first time. The British imposed a revenue system and appointed non-tribals as tax collectors. Within ten yearq the Kolhans rose in rebellion agaisnt this exploitation The movement spread over a large area and the British army moved in. Hundreds of tribal inhabitants of

the Kolhans were gunned down before the Kolhan

rebellion was finally crushed Mr. P.C. Chowdhury records in the district gazetteer. "Kol revolt was indeed a national movement of the aboriginal. It had more right to be regarded as the first freedom struggle fought in India by the half civilized jungle folks than the movement of 1857. It was a widespread revolt of different sections of aboriginal




Sl"ghbum, territories as a protest agaisnt mal-administration by the

have been exploited by the almost on blank sheets of



aad adjoining inelliciency and

The gullibility, simplicity and illiteracy of the tribals who got them to sign and had taken over possession of their land for mining T'hese outsiders have their cootractors and to .recruit tribal labour and send thim out to sveral as mine labourers

Two.reasons nilitate against the tribals in industry

A sociologist of the agricultural University has estimated that there are one million migrant agricultural labourers in coming from the other States; the bulk of it, however, upto 66% hail from Bihar tribal communitiesl In te of the industrialisation in Bihar, so many tribals to other areas for jobs
employment prospects


l. Adequate tpchnical facilities do not eiist for imparting necessary technical to the tribals 2. the medium of instruction primary schools is Hindi which is not thpir mother Since they cannot follow the Hindi language, there is high rate of drop out In chota Nagpur, although the cornprise almost 4{M and in some parts even 6096 the total populatiorl none of the major industries has a force of tribals which is more than 5%.1
Because of the severe undergo consequent on the establishment of large scale of raw material closeby, the these nafural resources mor nature. Although compe acquired, the Xribals feel timely assistance. Certain employment to at least one

ps that the tribals had to

of their land for

owing to availabllity have come to regard a curse than a bounff of

is paid for the land

have been providing from each of the dis-

owing to denial of

Violence Against the Tribals in



placed families but this does not go far enough- Since mpst ttiuAt are illiterate and lack technical skill aod


adaptability they end up as inanual labourers

The Jharkhand movement which seeks a separate stat for the tribal districts has conferred a degree 9f-p{e: tiee to the tribal idendity. Though only seven out ofthe 3l of Bihar are iniluded in the Jharkhand concept it includes some other districts outside the State of Bihar Thu ,"lr"o districts of Bihar constitute a half of the geographical area.of tlle State.25% of the total population half of the if ftrtu. reside in the area Nearly a population oftotal the Tribe Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Nagpur and Sdnthal Siate reside in this rtgion Chota Pargana together acc'oun! for only a 40th part of the

geoiraphical area of the coutnry but more than %th of the iota'i mining activities' of the country take place in this small region Nearly a fifth of India's total public sector investmeints in the industrial activities is located in this resiod. Among the urban populatio4 the Jharkhandis are slim dwellers In industrial employmen! the unskilled workers are Jharkhandiq the well'paid workers are outsiders The contractors are outsiders' Thi labourers are recruited locally. Government policies have given rise to tribal resistance which has assumed the form of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

There have been reports of Police high-handedness against the tribals involving the death of. some of thern, oii"h th" police have npt explained satisfactorily' One such case ls the death of Ganga Ram Kalundia of Singbhum district who was killed on 4th April, 1982'
allegedlY bY the Police.

On 8th Septr;mber, 1980 the Bihar Military Police opened fire at Gua in Singhbhum 9tt 1".1t!tmPly of the Tritats organized by the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha' killing


and wounding 14 persons. Some of the injured Adivasis were taken to the hospital half a kilometre away' "But as




boon as the llrst batch of Adiyasis were brought to the hospital, they were surrounded and assulted and then shot dead" According to the oflici{l version,9 rounds wqe fired killing 9 Adivasis within the Hospital compond'a

On lst Jun,l983 one gaze{ted police officer is alleged to have tied four Advasis to a jeep and driven the vehicle through the market place ih Gua After the drive, the Adivasis were taken out and ibeaten in which one of them died Nothing was done to {he Police Officer though he was brielly suspended frofu service A six member Parliamentary Committee w$rking for the welfare of the Scheduled Castes and Schdduled ftibes confrrrned the allegation of Police high-handedness One of the tribal leaders allegOd in the Bihar Assembly on 20th Jung 1983 that the Police action in the qibal areas made nonsense of the Government's claim that [t is committed to the welfare of the weaker sections4

In the Sahibganj area ofl Bihar, the Adivasis were trying to assert their right to fish in a tank which was being denied to them by a money-ftnder, who had considerable influence locally with the officials concemed" Fifteen Adivasis were killed in Poli4e firing which included one ex-MP who was at the time pf the firing negotiating $iith one of the rosponsible oflicipls. The circumstances of his death was one of the several rfysteries that shroud this sordid affair. The Inquiry that followed justified the Police frring in its rcport

It is alleged by the hibals that rn the Kolhan area in Singbhum district there havq been as many as 17 firings between Augus! 1982 and August, 1983, none of which was ever inquired into.
pprsons from the weaker sec' are killed while tryind to secure their rights' how tions much is too much and how fong is too long? Apparently, endless waiting seems to be one of the primary occupations of these poor people.

In incidents in which

Yiolence Against the Tribals in



To the non-tribals, however, the tribal land is averitable labour is for the eldoroOo. Land is available for grabbing tribal women can. be seduced or ur-ti"g u"A the simple villages were raided in the Santhal -o-tesi"A When certiin the men Pargana by the police in 1979, it was alleged that raped- As a sequel to this' the u""t"it op aod th" ,uo-ttt n"opa" are reported to have formed an organization called "*lx|]'(Women Against Rape). The raid against them was ,"plrt"dly otgunizel because of the resistance offered by the


ttiU"tt to the land grab by some of the upper



Though t?rp Bonded labour system was formally abolished in 1975, the labour released from the bondage have been recruited by contractors to work in brick kilns

in Muzaffarpur,

Samastipur and other places outside' on terms more dehumanising than those under the Bonded Labour system. The tribal girls who are recruited as labour eet paid hardly Rs 15/' a weelc They are rnade to work for iZ io V hours a day and are sometimes exploited sexually' None of these suspected outrages can be fully authen' ticated in the absence of attendance register, employment cards (which are never maintained) and Labour Inspectors with commitment to enforce the Labour Laws

The Koel-Karo Ranchi in Bihar has affec* ted nearly 5J39 tribal landowners and several thousand landless The affected people had filed a writ in the Sup reme Court to get rehabilitation and relief before they were dispossessed and evicted from the land The Supreme Court appointed an Advocate to submit a report after an on the spot study of the problern The Advocate, Jose Verghese reported to the Supreme Court in April 1986' According to the repor! the Government was acquiring land from other tribals who had meagre possessions of land to rehabilitate the dispossessed ones! The Advocate's finding was supported by documents to show that in the .ame i."a in which the tribal land was being acquired to rehabilitate the displaced tribals, there were also six non-



tribal landownen owning a of 7,740.33 acres. Two of these landowhers have each 2439.69 acres and 2q9.93 acres of land Two others 1337.8 and 1240.1 acress All these were left This gives an idea of not only how the land Ceiling has been flouted birt even later how these were left when marginal holdings of poor tribals were By not acquiring the land from non-tribals, but from the poorer tribals for rehabilitating the tribals, the authorities opened themselves !o the that they are discriminating against the tribals. The affected by the KoelKaro Proiect had been agitated

to the Government in

The Tribal Welfare


aggrieved on account of the sation paid to them for the connection with various

ner submitted a report that the tribals felt monetary compenacquired from them in

etc" The study has out several serious infringements of the different provisions of the Labour Laws and ruthless exploitatr of the ignorant and
illiterate Adviasis bv the

Thb National Labour study in, February 1984 of ditions of the mine workers report has pointed out large, where the tribals are the They are denied adequate are never paid to the workers. records regarding ttre number

had undertaken

wages and working conSingbhum district The

illegal mining in areas owners of the land. on Minimum wages mines do not keep workerg wage paymen!

At the instance of the Verghese visited Singhbhum Feburary 1984 to ascertain the

Courl Advocate. Jose of Bihar earlier in of the cases pending against tribals in the dishict Hundreds of cases were pending for years for filing of sheets by the police under the Forest Acl Exci$e Indian Penal Code and others In all these cases the tribals were either in

nobnce Ag(iinst the Tibals in



course of his report6 to iail or on bail Mr. Verghese in the*It shocking tro note ii" itt*." Court had obFerved was poor.Adrvas$ ln justice to the tnaii" uUsofute denial of uiolotio'' ^of t:- against the rights there wre more. than 3'?90 cases years-without any Alivasis which were pending for several In some of these cases' the various Lurts ;;;;h.*i; four more UTi.-"t*J*.re also in jail forlist of than three tocases 1623 Forest ;;* A" examination oi the

#;fi;;;J i" e'"


eait"tit during the period from i;;tilil"fi;;tn. there are matry instances where onle78 the
tolSSl tlo:*t that

one partrcular case same day a person who was accused in as many as 8 different have been aceused' in

"* "ff#ai" locations" cases in different

The Supreme Cour! disposine .9f th9 writ petition and^others against frteO in tSS3 Uy Mathew Areeparampil it"-iu"g"r "".i indiscriminati detention of Advivasis by Bihar [" St"6 of *The obsprved in its order dated 20th Septemfacts as gleaned from the reports and ;;-it84, of affairs in the io"o.t",t reveal a 4ost Jhocking state large number-of very ;;;;i" question It seems that ajails without trial for ffi becn languishing in o-e?iG itil oft"n..*" When iepeated instances ofsuch callouv towards the tribals l"ti ." tn" part of thi authorities understandably feel i"""ill" ,"Uals and their leadersnot being given a fair thev are ;;i;J"cctteved thatno small measure contribute to e*petien."t in aEat These


"U*"tion N.E Horq one of the important tribal leaders had the oncs observed: "In t'ackling the tribal question' the with concerned 6o*rn-u* of India is ultimately the in the and iritegration of urri-itutioo -tribals. dominant of Indian societv the 1ljo-ritv ;;il;t."i"ty......' If assimilation in Hindu society is a ili"Ot ;;L p;;;;t; how is that the Harijans are struggling

from the mainstream of national life'


social subjugation?""" for the Indian tribals the q"r.til"" it *nethei t6 be in bondage or to be freg whether



to te submerged or to retaiil their iderrtity. Tribals rnoan and they wiu remaiq Indian They should are find their place of honour as Indian tribals'

and the Santhal pardana distri-cts was raised by the Jharkhand Mukti Morchf on the JharkhurrJ tf4ukti Diwas celebrated by 70,00 tribal -.o, .r";-.r, urra children in Dumka and Dhadbad in February, tSS6. the zeal alr;d fervour of the tribals on the occasioo'*u, ."por_ tedly unprecedented. As Sur4j Mandal who is u t iUut J\4LA p-tlt__it "very young tnan here is now ready to bT".: Sidho and Kanq the legendary Santhal brothers, who raised the banner of re.volt against the British and the Mahjans 130 years ago." Th{ tribals would be able to prove on tle basis of facts on the ground that they have not had a very fair deal unde]r the existing dispensation This can be one of tbe sourcAs of continuin! vioience as it has beFn in the past ifthings dre allowed to Arift

emtory status for areas comprising Chota Nagpur plateau


The demand for a separalie Jharkhand State or Union

2. 3.

Apnl 1980. ,dK Roy, MP., in the Economic


of the 7% Volume 2 by : Cinemart Founddtiorl C-6l9 Safdarjung Development Area New Delhi Nirmal Sengupta in the Economlic and political Weekly, Dt 5th
ahd polirical Weekly. Dr 2lst Feb


The Times of Indi4 a national dallv. Dt 2lst June igRS daily, June, i983. Repon of Advocate Jose Verghese Dt ADriL 19g5.


l"ryI 9f Advocate Jose Verghesq Dt unmrnal cases pending against

the Tribals

February 1984 on tne



Fake encounters with dacoits:
Mainpuri - district.. in,^ Uttar reached p*a^irn lid".utt, rssr. "ioltnce by the dacoits referred hai come to be *hut one of its highest ptuo 'o iarnage' in which more i1t1".20 -prsoos i. "r-rn.lo,ituli of Uttar bv dacoits The then Chief Minister with a declaration that tttit This "atoage dacoii ttouit io a month's.time' ttre 'o uP their a'ctivities' The tr" poti"" to step i,at ; of the a series ot L"ounitts" Prof' Juyal studyl: result was Gandhian Institute tf S;;;;t observes-in.his condishing out


village Dehuli


;;; lild ;ffiffi;na"a ;:;;iiiltth il;;il;'

'"rf,T--rt--tate Government has been acc.ording to ni.tirrif,g"t.t about the encounter deaths' until Novem2860 encounters

one set of figures, there were r-rgures i""*nitn 1,162 persons were killed rhe killed ;.;. at 7'879(?) iJr'f."t;""* unrif tne eni of l98l stood


'inencounters.22Spersonswerekilledjust.insideone not"tbt' ia'rt to December 24tlr' 1e8l' The ;;;il;;


u"ittg'tarsetted from above'"

the stag-managed There were public protests against *tulta demo-nstradons and encounters. Political p"'ti"t

encounters 'Detailed aeitations against the so called of victims {leeed! killed in 1L"t""4""*ittt-tutt' to the State Government were submitted ;;;;;Even some ding demanding inquiry i";;h; incidents about the encoun' parry legislators expressed their doubts

ters.TheGovernmenr,tto*"n"t'refusedtogiveinonthe the police


inquires-would only demoralise





the team found that apfe ot' *r"."rr"ouot..s, and all the live person$ werg picked .p-"ij-tiiia uy the police in a^planned manndr and latei shown u, Uff"O in 'encounters2.

eocor*rrl"jfr""r, OirJha_nsi district where the police "*r""ri""'i."riir-"gr, claims ," i""" f.iffia n* bad characters u. u ,.ruir of four ;;;rrfri-#o"urrr.., recgntll
trict Their conclusions ru.* -Aft",

Mldhy_a pradesh Sarvodaya iiandals,n. i"a a fact-frnding team of imooriaht office U"are.,
facts .and.

Juyal has quoted the frndingf of the Uttar pradesh and

circumstances of pof lce

to-#Cy tfre


Professor B.N. Juyal had many of the 'encounlers, were murders and as many as g0% the Scheduled Castes. At been petty criminals if at all temerity to stand g,p on be against the oppression of the olficial or non-official In man in so far as they reflect any timg were woefully unconvit

rf the victims..belonged to

notling but col{-blooded

to the conclusion that

many of them may have they might have had the of the weaker sections influential persons, caseg the police records inal activities of the vic_

cases showed police appalling and a matter of these cases the police Of{icers at the police Station level had acted at the instance of vested interests or fi lords owing to petty personal or caste considera Such incidents are indicators not only of the con of the exploitative caste and class conflicts which the rural scene in some districs of Uttar but subversion of the police ln spire of the police ,e ' and the liquidation of hundreds of io-called the incidence of dacoities in some of these had not decreased. In fact the very police stations were reporting higher numbers of encounter killingq : also having higher incidence of dacoities. This was ibly because the real dacoits were not killed in encounters' but some
high-handedness. But what is of serious concern is that in son


themselves some


Violence in lluar



innocents, and there was a backlash arising from the resentment of the innocents, Dacoity in these areas has come to be used as a smoke screen for caste and occasionally class repressioq and has ceased to be a criminal act by anti-social elements It is becoming one of the substreams of the socio-political process. Its relevance and utility in the political context in some of the states is demonstrated repeatedly at the time of elections. The presence of some of the extremely active and ruthless dacoit gangs in some of the states has an additional dimension which normally does not come to notice with the same sharpness as the manifest activities of the gangs themselves These outlaws have the benefrt of back up in terms of safe haveng suppliers of weapons and sharers of booty which are all done by persons some of whom are politiciang who also provide indemnity to dacoits from being caught- In return the dacoits provide politicians their muscle and money power at the time of elections These dacoits command a vote bank in villages because of the terror they have struck in the minds of the people of the area This fear is exploited during elections to swing the votes to suit their needs' It is impossible to beat this system because no witness is willing to stake his life and property by coming forward to tender oral evidence against such inlluential persons

That some of the dacoits in Uttar Pradesh enjoy politi'cal protection is a very well known fact In the recent past there was the case of the dacoit Gaya Kurmi who had committed several docoities and other crimes in Banda district When he finally surrendered and was lodged in jail pending trial, the local MLA approached the Government with an application recommending that the undertrial dacoit be accorded a level of treatment, higher than the one he was entitled to. This was agreed to by the Government Subsequeutly, it was reversed because of the strong intervention by the district authorities at the &cision making level.



siocnr cnerce AND vIoLENcE

One of the compelliag feasons which drives wen ordinary law abidin; citizens to take las ir-to their own hands is the loss of faith in thp ability of the'criminal jus" tice system to deliver speedy afdcertainjustice There are hundreds of examples which reinforce the belief that a man who feels intensely aggrieyed can seffIe scores only by taking law into his own handb instead of'waiting for the judicial proc$s to grind slowly with doubtful result at the end of it This aspect of the wdrking of tle criminal justice sysrcm is one of the import[nt factors contributing to violence in its cruelest form in the countryside. Amidst the clamour about the atrocities oh the weaker sections in the of the basic conditions nrial areas, one. tends to lose these ahocities We wflich create and contribute the problems erupt into tend to take notice only le forms of physical violeninconvenient and to go deeper into the cause ce We, howeveB are trot of violence in an effort to sor! matters out on the basis of as the dispossesse4 dissocial justice and fairplay. As and the are willing to suffer in advantaged of protesq we feel complasilence without raising a to be disturbed lest we tlat these areas need cent raise the hornet's nest l\s long as this attitude peF should systemq we will me ates the political and of violence which lurk in be able to plug the never This calls for political the very iniquity of the perspicacity and no'rms which should be directed towards fo? ever animated by a social justice social

The Yamuna-Chambal
south of Agra-Allahabad axis

the scene of unmitigated defenceless villagers during so during the early eighies to the area At no stage can pletely free from the violence that had gone with time to deal with the

basin districts lyrng Uttar Pradesh have been by dacoir against the last sweral years and more type of violence is not new be said to have been comof the dacoits and the Efforts made from time to had only resulted in

mobnce in Uttar Prudesh

- lll

ceremonial "surrenders" of some of the leading dacoits who were thereafer subjected to favourable dispensation and prosecuted The wisdom of tackling the dacoit pro' blem by such populist procedures which have invariably been conceived and executed at the highest level of the State Government have alwdys been doubted by the peo ple but only once publicly called into question- This was when Shri KF. Rustamji was the Inspector General of Police 6f Madhya Pradesb. He disapproved of the measures taken by a person of the stature of Vinoba Bhava in the late fifties to get some of the dacoits operating in the Chambal ravines to surrender to the authorities' In retros. pect one marvels at the foresight and comprehension of Shri KF. Rustamji who could anticipate near$ thirty years agq the futility of such surrenders and the gross mis. carriage of justice that accompanies the trials of some of the surrendered dacoits. The problem of dacoits continues to be with us in spite of these pompous and higbly publicised "surrenders". The extra dimension that this problem has acquired over the yearsjs the political clout that the surrendering dacoits have come to enjoy and which is derived fiom the patronage that they receive from the politiciang who in turn use the dacoits for terrorising th voters and intimidating their political opponents at the time of elections

The Madhya Pradesh Police conducted a study of their experience in dealing with the surrendered dacoits Some of their conclusions are: The ceremonial surrenders that have become a feature of the menace of dacoities in some of States were usually preceded by verbal assurancs
to the surrendering dacoits that by and large a lenient view would be taken about the sentences to be awarded to tlem

and that they would be kept in special jails and given facilities for meeting their relatives 'They were promised that their dependents would be provided with employment The witnesses were reluctant to give evidence because of the special consideration extended to the surrendered dacoits by the administration and the police. The


surrendred dacoits were


ber of

cooking arrartgements in had to be launched within a





invariably had a difficult naturally accrued to the worse by the attitude of th through their relations and The study came to the ceremonial surrender of grofih of new gangs Public who could amass wealth bv also get away with their crime ing at a later $tage and tion schemes extended by surrendered dacoits Thus the in this arrangement

comforts such al fans and Since the prosecution time and the numwas largg the police The advantages from this : The situation was made surrendered dacoits whq ds terrorised the witnesses. that the system of was responsible for the was that persons dacoities could by conveniently surrenderof the various rehabilitatbe Government to the had nothing to lose
dacoits, criminal

In dealing with the tice system has been applied

They had killed



a grossly selective manner.


the Government to get the treafine[t aqco{ded to them

dozens and the degree of measured in terms of the amo

processes of law. A case in point is of Phoolan, the v an dacoi! who continues to enjoy stateorganised tial treatment in Gwalior JaiL She had not been haaded over everr after about four years to the Uttar Pradesh where she is required in 74 cases of gruesome murder dacoities The Madhya Pradesh Police was concerned th her only in connection with some petty Arms Act When the scales of justice are held so very with the full knowledge ; atrd concurrencE of the one cannot expect an ordinary citizel to have respect for justice and equity. Tbe cases of some of the dacoits prove that mass

prosecution was handled were contrast to the vexatious petty criminal is put through

defenceless people in achiwed by them was of reward announced bv dead or alive Yel the the manner in which their such sharp and invidious

r in which an ordinary

Violmce in Ilnar Prodesh


murders and ruliless dacoities committed in cold-blood we and oo multiple occasions cease to be crimeg asjus' norma[y' what gets the raw end.of iia.^LJ',rtim ,f"" it p",ty crime indulged in by the indigelt and the dep of rived" Wiin sucd an upp.ouc-h to the dispensation .tpi"t violenc to disappear from iustice" how can ot. '*"-i-.tJil i".tt invidious.tieatment is, a standing invitation to more and gteater vlolence'

l. ^' 2.

of Studies' Varanasi : "EnProfessor Juyal of the Gandhian Insrirute a peasant socie' UUiitgs of dacoir the phase of repression in


ty" (1985).





A pe rusal of some of the papers published fr,om any of the crime prone districts in ttar Pradesh gives a verygood insight into the chronic ca that generate violence in some ofthese districts. Itgives ani and the manner in which it is

ofthe fate ofthe land reforns

warted by moneyed interests

in collusion with village oflici Some of these reports give an idea of the caste conflicts at persist in society even after four decades of Independen Most of the violence is a product of the social c that is being sought to be imposed from abovg since change would not evolve by itselffast enough from below, ially in the absence ofany serious effort bv voluntarv tions specially commit-

On 6th December, 1985,4 Harijans were shot down and Six others including three wolnen were injured, 5 of them seriously in disrict Ballia. Thg multiple murder was due to dispute over land The immedi]ate provocation was provided

by the Harijans plucking le{ves from a bamboo cluster

located in the disputed area.

Ironically enough the welflare measures intended for the uplift and betterment ofweakef sections have been the direct causes of much manifest violerice against these sections. The social and economic change that is being sought to bE


Caste Conficts

in l\uar Ptadesh


position and living conbrought about in their economic birth pangs ditions has been accompanied by horrendou^s intrepid

iiti'rlJi""t rtave occaslonallv, under some of their their 'ihtv t* have produced k""d;, ;1;;J "p and fought il examplJthe ex-sirviceman rryho cam-e to be ;;"it;;; who ied his own gangof dacoits in Banda ;;;;;;;F;t, against'the iontinued repression to ;t#;;;;;ction
,rhirh ttt. Harijans had been subjected

b"J ;;;;Ii;"otttia"tutio"t'

are largely The depredations ofdacois in Uttar Pradesh

A gangwhich wasoperating

i"iJ. atti"!
caste leader.


*.'iiit t"ut intended by the Brahmins' As a ["" "ia .ppt ssion of the kurmisKumis extend help to the d by
.ir'i." village inhabite

gang specialises in kidnapping lor ransonr' casalmost exclusively from the Brahmin ul"tlrn. past domina"'"rJ as a reprisal against the

by 1985 and earlv 1986 wi-s.a gangled

in arturmi


rendered the Kurmi gang in many ways and this inevitably gang extremely difhcult iob of the police to run to ground the i"ntioi continued and with it a general ff;eriil;; sense of insecurity in the ntire area'

In Jalaon district of Uttar Pradesh there has been tu"hniol.rr..traditionallythatitiscustomarytocorrelate ti. q"""tiry "fgrains produced at the end ofthe-harvest by women iit" ltt.u.t oimutders that are committed The that if

;;i"GG t a certain community are so revengeful ,ttiit-fi*6"tat are killed they wguld notconsi'lgr themselves either *ii.*t ,iff the death of their'husbandsis is avenged is that important "r il;;;h ilt tons or theirbrothers' What with rivals even scores
i"atfing in violence --.r.oers

and settling do not result in stigma and-the society iirou-et, at"#il;;ff""ders. rn racg it is the hall-markof heroism for In avenge the death of his father or brother' ;;;;;;;; that people have of rurrtri tr,. expectations ;#ff;;; another importa.nt ;i;:ilil;.iological aspeit is unusual for childrenfactor to be g to violence. li is not for a man to sell "orri*U,rtit dacoits nor is it uncommon ""..J "f,.i,fte to purchase a gun for avenging the murderof wife in order

one ofhis relations. The hide.out of the violent


a community of ofKanpur and Jalao the facility with which thev I slightest provocation Some-of indulged in mass murders be actually to avenge the rape woman dacoit by some of alleged to have committed the single incident in village Bah cases of Kidnapping for ransom as the people in this area are flur over land are endemic, The di violence. The deposition bywitn against those indulging in tion. In Unnao district a witn

full of ravines facilitates the who become fugitives from

Thakur spread over about
districts. They are noted

There is

84 villages

to violence even at the e notorious dacoits who had to this region It was


. '

on Phoolarl the Thakurs that Phoolan is urder of2l Thakurs in a of Kanpur district Many

e place in Jalaon district, with liquid caslr- Disputes culminate inevitably in in courts in favour ofor invites its ori'n retribuwho had signed a seizure memo at the instance of the was murdered Many of the criminals who indulge in vio on one ground orthe other and are fugitives from law get th support and protection of tnerr own casJe people as also sor e ofthe local politicians, a feature which is not peculiar to area anyway.

In the incident of22nd July, district, 6 persons were shot names were known One of the in this case was a police Constab and he had used his licenced offence. Though there was a lo lhe two groups, the immediate p for the post of Gram pradhan ir Ram Kisha4 who was one of against a Thakur who was the riv more incident of violent retali
a say


in Singhpurin Kanpur

by five persons whose

who was an accused in the district of Lucknow arm for committing the standing rivalry between ion was the election which a Harijan by name e deceased had contested $oup leader. It is yet one by the upper caste power of Harijang aspiring for

lobbies against the feeble in local political afairs.

Cgste Conflicts

in Uttar



The following incident is so very shocking that it deser' ves mention even though it took place in a distrigt situated in Madhya Pradesh bordering Jhansi district of Uttar Pradesh. In village Naugaon near Bina in the Sagar district of Madhya
Pradeslr, an Upasarpanch who was a Harijan had to pay with his life for having had the Semerity to illuminate his house

with electric lights on the occasion of the marriage of his

daughter. The display of electric lamps at the marriage Pan' dal outraged a section of the people of the village. The matter

figured in thq proceedings of the Madhya Pradesh State Assembly on March 18, 1986. The Ministerof State for Homg making a statement in the Assembly observed that a person "apparently enraged that a Harijan had used electric tube lightg entered the Pandal and smashed some tubelights Later the body of the Upsarpanch was found in a nearby

The riots that took place in Agra on 3rd May, 1978 bet' ween the Harijans (Jatavs) and the upper castes over the proble ms arising out of the Ambedkar Jayanti celebrations of l4th April, 1978 was of a very serious nature. In the fight that'
ensued between the police and the Jatavs, there was police Iiring and large scale arson Buses in different parts ofthe city


moved from railway trackg arrd attempts to set fire to a petrol pump in Agra were reported, all allegedly done by the Jatav

burnt telephone wires were cut, fish plates were re

The Army was called in aid of the civil power. The number of Jatavs dead was reportedly nine including two womerl while many more persons including those of the police force were seriously injured. This incident had one special feature which needs to be taken note of Jatav and other Harijan leaders from faroffplaces including the South are reported to have converged on Agra with food, money and medical help.

Owen IW Lynch writing in Economic and Political Weekly obsen'ed2 : "Over and over again the Jatav themselves said to
me that violence had united them despite

theirvarying politi'

cal persuasion.


even the conservative Jatav leaderg said



that Ambedkat's diagnosis of tion had been righ{ the only fight and fight baclc While with then1 Jatavs expressed and meet violence with

d remedy for the caste situa-

was to take the offensivg to

the scenes of the riots

in their ability to fight back

In certain districts in Uttar such as Unnao and Azamgarh, Dhobis who are uled Caste have gone to the Middle East and are well remit this monev to their families in the villaees The new found amuence amonq the Dhobis has aroused the jealbusy ofthe upper castes and

there have been con{licts on that acc6unt The Indian Embassies abroad have reporte|fly been writing to the District Magistrates to give proteqtion to the-relations of the migrants staying behind in the luillages.
In the context of the social bhange in the rural are4 the
Government of Uttar Pradesh h$ve in their anxiety to protect the weaker sections, taken special steps to ensure that complaints emanating from the Scheduled Castes should be carefully attended There are cases bfthe upper castes er.ploiting this particular directive to settle dispute between themselves by using a Scheduled Caste individual or group as a tool in their fight They use a Schedul$d Caste individual to complain against the rival group exlploiting thereby the special machinery set up to attend to the Scheduled Caste complaints. The rival party gets harassed even though in the process what is sought to be settldd is a non-existent dispute between the rival party and the Harijans
Even the administration a to have veered round to

the beliefthat by and large only the same caste can be trusted to

people belonging to their based on the feeling that transcending caste which concern people

nicious belief of this type upor! we are not far from the i

castes This in turn is are incapable of in administrative matters to other castes. Once a perto be accepted and acted ofthe Statebeingtaken

Caste Conlicts

in Unar



vated by the anxiety of the Government to provide double insurancq it is a sad reflecrion on the credibility machinery and its unreliability and partisanship. It "fih;;ffr"i;; is in this context that the creation of special cells at th; disrrict and police station levels to watch ihe interest of the weak". sec_ tions have to be viewed Such arrangemerrts only *n counte, to the climate that the Govemmeni seeks to criate; In fact it undermines the integrity and self-confidence of ihe aOmi

over by the caste leaders with all the conflict andviolence that it will generate. Whether the road to this situation was paveO with a series offailures ar the various levels ofdispensation of justice-to those who supplicated for it orwhettr.. rt *u, _otr_


l. The Hindu

a national daily.

rational action: An inrerpretadon ofthe April l98l riors in Agra" in the Economic and politicat iVeetty OiZSttr
November. 1981.



Lynch : "Rioting


20th Marclr- 19g6.


When there is an act on the btatute bgok the provisions ofwhich are not enforced it can have two effects : It can be misused by several functionari]es of the Government in extracting illegal gratification fdr the violation of the relevant provisions by the offending parties concerned; and over a period of timg non-compliance with the law if allowed to go unchatlenged breeds in the people a disrespect for law


in turn

can lead to rtiolence


one form on


This aspect of the conseque{rces of non-enforcement of existing social legislation is nodhere better illustrated than in relation to the problems of Bonded Labour. The practice is evidently an infringement of human dignity and a violation of human rights. It packs inlto the system very much of potent and manifest violence and it continues to be practised in all its degrading aspects evelr now as in the pasl The number of such cases may have liecome marginally smaller.
"There is no use having socidl welfare laws on the statute book if they are not going to be ifnplemented One must not be content with the law in boold.s but we must have law in action." These are the observations of the Supreme Court in a judgement delivered on Decem,ber 16, 1983 in a case related

to the Bonded Labour workfng in

Faridabad district of Haryana-

stone quarries in

In another case reported in flate 1985, the District Judge of Tehri Garhwal himself visited a place following the direction by the Supreme Court on a lvrit petition filed by a local Advocate on behalf of the Bodded Labourers. The Judge found to his utter shock that 100 bonded labourers were being kept in a cage made of tin along with cooking fuel rice




part and wheat The cage was of50' by 60' in dimension and gunny bag$ Seven labourers were lying ofit was covered by ill without any medical attention The labourers told the District Judge that they were paid Rs. 2/- or Rs 3/- per wek and some of-them were paid a wage of lifty paise for vegetables three times a weelc The minimum wages prescribed is Rs 16.65 per day. These laourers who had been recruited from Bihaiand Orissa had been paid a loan of Rs 600/' initially' Much of what they could receive was adjusted against the original debt which never gets liquidated in full' The Sup-

rerie Court took cognizance of the report and directed the

"I labour laws and rules. The District Judge observed: have Inspector was guilty no hesitation in saying that the Labour of having stated before me the wrong informatior! concealing the truth and not taking any interest in the welfare ofthe laiourers probably to help and promote the management for
reasons best known to him."

State to take action against the parties who were violating the

The Bonded Labour Abolition Act envisaged setting up ofvigilance committees as the main instrument for enforcing the Acr Dr. RK Tiwari of the Indian Institute of Public Administration who conducted a study of the implementation of the Act in six districts in the country ha$ observedl :


Tehri. Garhwal district of Uttar Pradesh, the Tehri subdivision vigilance committee did not function at all' It was defective in composition to such an extent that at least one of the members had 18 bonded labourers serving under hirn These Committees mainly concentrated on devising ways and means of getting allowances' while matters related to Bonded Labourers were hardly discussed" Dr. Tiwari had observed that in all the six districts surveyed by hinr, more than 907o ofthe bonded labour were from the Scheduled Cas-

tes and Scheduled Tribes living with their employers In

many cases the head of the family or the entire familyserved as bonded labourers.

Mr. Yogendra Makwao4 who was the Union Minister of State for Agriculture in 1984 is reported to have admitted :



"Efforts for the liberation remained incomplete in all

approach adopted by thern" ting the bureaucracy's lack of involvement in the es to the absence of political and administrative in the Statq Makwana also gave some star,tling instances ere supposedly rehabilitated bonded labourers were under bondage serving their masterg while others due to inadequate subsistance had taken to begging2
The numberofbcnded

bonded labourers have due to the half hearted

by the Gandhi Peace Founda

According to H. Pais, Dean of th this estimate is the most a Ministry of Labour, which tion of bonded labout the total

in the country



identified so far is 0.21 million

been rehabilitated. Thus, the

identified by the Ministry of La number estirnated by Gandhi has obsered in his paper on " is surprising is that the process o has fallen into disuse and the n year is becoming smaller and impression that we are reachine Apparently gover.nments have
despite repeated expression



stood at 2.62 million National Labour Institute, ic of all According to the a scheme for rehabilitanumber of bonded labour t of this,0.16 million have number ofbonded labour is less than l07o of the Foundation FL Pais Labour" : "What identihcation by the states ber being identified every giving rise to the end of the problenr-..... interest in this vital area, for the unorganised

|..9dt^lq to a reporr prepared by the planning Commission in 1986 on the subject of rlehabilitation of the labour released from the bondage : "prac[ically in all States no steps had been taken by the concerneil authorities to assess the background and choice ofthe behe{iciaries in the matter of allotment of rehabilitation scher{es This exposed most of the labour to the danger of reverfing back to bondage.'s
The Supreme Court had exdressed pain and anguish over the delay on the part of {he Commrssroner .siorrth

'Bondd Labour


Chotanagpur divisioru Ranchi, Bihar in furnishing information regarding the fate of about 617 bonded children The children all below 14 years, working as bonded labour were earlier rescued under the Courfs orders from the clutches of the carpet weaving factory owners in Mirzapur district of Uttar Pradeslr" The Supreme Court observed: "We do not know though several months have passed as to the fate ofthe identified children and whether any steps have been taken for their rehabilitation. It is diffrcult to understand why the Commissioner has not made any report The authorities should be sensitive to the problem ofchildren forced to work in the carpet indu$try even though they are oftender age and their employment in such industry is prohibited under the

Employment of Children Act'a

The foregoing instances of cruelly exploitative practiceg be it in Bihar or in Uttar Pradeslr, should leave us in no doubt about the fact that parts of the States of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are plagued by near endemic violence open or disguised Why is it then that we have not yet made progress in iscertaining the root causes of the evil and to take effective action to eradicate it ? An inquiry of this nature will enable us to identify the problems and come up with solutions which will have relevance to the sociGeconomic conditions or the absence of institutional arrangements or the administrative inadequacies or may be traceable to political mis-

management lnstead, we seem to be tre ating each individual case ai an isolated incident to be handled and disposed ofby

the police and the Court each in its ad ioc and time' consuming ways That the intervening periods between the

trials are punctuated by more and more violence and oppression doei not make any appreciable difference to our entire approach to ihe Problem. References


Tiwari of the Indian Institute of Public Administration "Imthe dlementation of the Bonded Labour Act in six districts 'f



124 2. 3. 4.
Teesta Seralwad



in rhe Indian Express Dr 25rh AususL lgg5. The Staresman a narional daily. dr llrh Novembci. l9gO. The Hindu a narional daily, Dt 2prh Ocrober. 1986.



Rise oJ the


Kumbi cluster According to Jayant Lelel, the Maratha politics This o".rrpy u ,r.ry-aominant position in Maratha over the i6ut"a io the hegemony that they exercised "o.-t r".i..""""-fc set up-of rurai Maharashtra' They co:rstitute Ii"-i"rt.r the landed gentry in the rural areas Though the t"lg" of the Peshwas' the Brahmins it"-t".a.r.iv the land "iter had a predominant position with regard to of several ^tr.ioi" grip gradually weakened because?l'"r".t?"i itttJrvin-ed. The share of the Maratha Kumbi holdings increased over class cluster with regard to the land Brahmins ,iil*.t. itt"v took"over the land owned byon account as the of the urban centres ;;;'h;i;t "";terged to the following Gandhiji' s assassination ;oir; ului"ti ttt"had become Un u Even earlier the Brahmins because of their pre iti.*^l"clv absentee landholders such i"-"^"p"ii"?*rrtt the services and professional callings as law and medicine
own- In the The Marathas have a distinct culture of their the Marathas occupy a preup in the social set-p.itf,ion rural areas' and the Scheduled Castes' largely com"-f"""i iftt Mahars, the Mangs and the Bhangis used to be r"r"J tf


from the iillage location Ever so life was ,wotoei around a pattern of inter-dependence' TherecomCastes were a however, no doubt that the Scheduled i"p*Aent on the Marathas' They were.called upon

-""i,y distinct from ;;;;'.;ih" -enial tasks. The Mahars, asilnno{11t the also peformed 9o9iat the Bhangis itrl"gt period of time they ""a

i'ir"",j."t village ofdcial, und ou"t a a-status derived from their official functions a "t ""*. ".q"it"



and responsibilities which higher than that occupied by This had bred in them a stn which in later years manifi against the system. This o Mahars a status which has social change that is affectine Socral reformation had Maharashtra from the time o Phule was a critic of the though he himself belonged Phule also tried to organize the ders and the landholders. Or the antiBrahmin movement not come about either as a oppression by the Brahmins sense, it was incidental to the the socioeconomic dominance political scenario. Phule had a backward classes with a view to on the principles of the welfai movement was primarily li Marathas. The lower classes am active. participants in the

distinct from and much other Scheduled Castes. sense of selFimportance itself as rebelliousness background gave to the a very useful role in the


Jotirao Phule (1827-1890). Maratha hegemony the Maratha community.

against money len-

to take place in

important characteristic of Maharashtra is that it did


or a consequence of the

the other caste groups. In a dancy and assertion of the Marathas in the socio. pted to mobilise all the

of all The anti- Brahmin to the elite among the

blishing a society based

ng the lower castes were not I

The history of the emancifiation of the Mahar community among the Scheduled Maharashtra from the oppression ofthe dominant lastes dates back to the rwen_ ties of the century. Jayshreie B. fiokhale has dealt with this very Iucidly in her paper.2 Accoif,ing to her, in Maharashtra 6% are Brahmins; the Maratha Kumbi class cluster account for 40o/o; and the Scheduled Cabtes, Scheduled Tribes and Bhuddhists constitute about l9*o. Dr. B.R Ambedkar who provided the leadership to the Mahar movement was as much a legend when he was alilre as he is when he is dead. The history of the Mahars voici{rg their resenrment against the upper caste domination datfs back to their first maior satyagraha which was launched M arctt" 1972 at Mahadin in


Conllict in Mahamshttt


Colaba district of the Konkan This movement was designed to enforce equal accesss to the community water supply to the'socalled untouchables. Another movement in the 1930s demanded the right of temple entry for Harijans' These movement were lirgely spearheaded by the Mahar com-

munity. The Mahad agitation of Marcb 1927 encouraged Ambedkar to launch another agitation at the same venue in Decembe! 1927. The December conference was marked by the burning of the Manusmriti which sent shock waves through Hindu socrety, incensing the orthodoxamong then This ias considered an open challenge to the Hindu society' The symbolic gesture was intended to demonstrate to the Scheduled Castes, that the laws which kept them in bondage had no divine sanctio4 that they were entirely man-madg and as such could be destroyed by man The same act was repeated by the Dalit Panthers fifty years later later in 1977 in Marathawada regioq and which produced the same rage bnd resentment among the upper uaste Hindus' T'hese movements helped in heightening the Mahar consciousness resulting in concrete action- The Mahar Regiment of the -Army which gave a good account of itself in the Indian iecondWorid War, understandably gave the Mahars a pride of place and honour in the Indian nation'
The next important milestone in mobilising the Mahars under the leadeiship of Dr. Ambedkar was the conversion

ceremony to Buddhism at Nagpur in 1956' According to an estimate, 55% ofthe Mahars had got converted to Buddhism' It was also generally concluded that it was only the Mahars' *tto t""u--" guddhiss' leaving out the other constituents of

the Scheduled Caste spectturn The rejection of Hindu deities and the increased assertiveness of the Mahar S"ddttittt for their tights' such as access to the village well had led to angry retalttion by some sections of the villagers urrA -o." t""-"tttty, it had led to a chain reaction of riots in

Marathwada in 1978' The Mahar Buddhists acquired a new sense of identity and selF aflirmation by repudiating the



gonizing the Hindus, had alsb to an extent antagonized the other elements among the $cheduled Castes such as the Maogs and the Chamars DeFpite the claim of the Mahars th-at they were leading the moJ,ement for the entire spectrum of the Scheduled Casteg in actual practice it turned out to be a movement exclusively of thle Maharq and the purport of this exclusjveness has not be0n lost on the Mairgs and the Chamars. Vithal Ambedkar, a leading Mang intellectual pointed out that if Dr. Ambedkar was really interested in the Dalits, he should have encorhraged inter-marriage among the untouchables themselves, which Ambedkar did not pro pa[ate. Hencg the ideology of ihe Dalit movement ha,s failed to arouse and enthuse all the elements among the Scheduled Castes. On the contrary, it h{s accentuated the difference
betfueen them-3

This newly acquired serise of superiority, while anta-

In Maharashtra the elite among the Scheduled Caste population are trot drawn from a cross section of the diF ferent groups that constitute tle Scneduled Castes. Amongst them. one group which has be4etitted the most is the Mahirs and even among the Mahars, the group which has had the best deal is the Mahar Buddhists.
According to Jayashree Gokhale there are 57 groups among the Scheduled Castes ifir Maharashtra Of thesg the Maharg the Mangs and Chamars constitute 907o of the total Scheduled Caste population Itr the field of education, these three groups secured 96.67o of ihe post-matric scholarships. Even among this group of threp, the Mahars who constitute 35.ll7o ofthe Scheduled Castds had cornered g2g% ofthe scholarships in 1967-1968. Thq Mang community which is

of the Scheduled Caste po[ulation received j.g Vo of the scholarships in 1967-1968. Thb Chamars with 22o/o of the Scheduled Caste population obtained 9.9%. This comDara_ tive data is not available for the fateryears. This disparity has generated a degree of jealousy and animosity aeainst the Mahars from the other schedqled caste groups

Casre Conflicts in



l. ). ],

"Caste' Class Jayant Lele ofthe Queens University. Kingston" Canada : and HegemonY dominance" (1984).

Jayashrie B. Gokhale: "Evolution of Counter ldeology' Dalit con-

,"iourrr"r, in Maharashtra" (1984). (Univeniry of Delawars

Newark U.S.A) IDIB.



Scheduled Castes youth whfo seem io -travi taken the American Black Panthers as theirsemantic model) took a decision to secure for the Neoi.Buddhists all the concessions as are enjoyed by the Sche(uled Caste peoplg including those in the Central Governmpnt services. they aiso d"man_ ded renaming the Marath,wada University after Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Though a resolution was passed by the University Executive Coun{il recommending that the University be named after D4. Ambedkar, the S-enate at its meeting on 30th October, l97l did not consider the resolu_

In July

1977, tha

Dalit fanthers (a group of militant


after Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedldir was adopted unanimously both in the Legislative Assemfly and Council The;ews of this decision was broadcast oter All India Radio the same evening It has, however, nod yet been given effect to so

agitatin_g^againsr the proposed change by the Dalits.bn2Tth Jury, IylE a resolution renamirlg the Marathwada University

tion as the mover was absenL the isrue arsu-ed imponance again from May, 1978. The ndn-Dalit students body started

of the leaders ofthe Dalit panthers. A larse number of Dalits were affected" Although the Dalit stuf;ents in urban areas took the initiative, the rural areas the asitation !n was spearheaded by non-Dali]t communities. SomJ of the important features of the agit4tion were :

As soon as the news about the change was announce4 those sections of the student dommuniry-who were against the. change took the agitation tp the streits and attacked the


The state Administration was caught in a sudden and widespread agitatioq whlch madJ it difficult to cope with it in the initial stagQs;




2\ 3)

Some Government functionaries in villages joined hands in commining atrocities on Scheduled Castes and Neo-Buddhists; Social workers and voluntary agencies'were conspicuous by their absence in bringing aboxt normality and restoring confidence among the victims

One of the major faqtors responsible for heightening the that a large tension between the caste Hindus and Dalits was Hindus in the rural areas whose economic ,r,r-b.. of

were conditions"atte comparable

the way by Scheduled Castes, were resentful of the co4cessions job reservations and admission to prc of grant of lan4 i*r-On"r institutioirs which were extended io the Scheduled

to those of many of

Government property, particularly the State Transport the and the Railways were the main targets of attack-during the agitation a total of 227 villages were aeitatioo During were uifected of whic[ the Scheduled Castes in 169 villages police had to resort to large-scale lathi-chargg atiacrcA The .rr. of t.u.gut and liring The situation was brought under complete control bY August 7,1978'
The fate of the criminal cases arising out of the agitation reading registered by the police makes a very depressing

eE"otAl"g io information received from a very authentic ro"t"., o;t oft53 cases ofatrocities againstthe Harijans a4d tfre f.,i"oSuadhists registered during the Marathwada sent University agitation in six districts in 1978, 86 cases were 85 were still pending lrial in March 1986 f"i t.,iL df these "p ott. was withdrawn 58 cases were still under investiga".ta witft such tardy follow up on cases of atrocities' one ii.* *o"a"tt t"U"ttter thshalf-hearted criminal prosecution that to higher ir U.i"g t"**.d to by the police has- any retevanc.e .."i"i3U:..rites This situation carries its own indictment of ,i.i"uiJq"".ies and ineffectiveness of the Criminal Justice and SvstefiL *'hi.h i, in urgent need of repair' rejuvenation to attune it to the wide and fast it"f transformaf,on "J"" changing socio'economic parameters in the country'


$ocrAl- cHANcE AND vroLENcE

The Marathwada agitatiQn of l97g recorded a bench mark in the history of inter-cabte conflicts in Maharashtra That the caste Hindus were eitremely jealous about what they thought was the social ec0nomic arrd cultural progress made by the Harijans and particularly the Mahars and the Neo-t uddhists NeoBuddhists was evident froln the followino stnoanc rhprr fro[n following slogans they shouted while attacking the Mdhars and rhe Neoli-uddhists and setting fire to their housesi ..Why do you want to wear clothes better than ours ? Why do you want houses built of bricks ? Why do you want ydur children sent to schools and colleges ?

M.B. Chitnis, a moderatt Dalit intellectual wrote : "When one listens to the slogans of the perpetrators of
manusmriti prescribed for the untouchables. This was the ultimate social implication and result of the agitation spon,, sored by the urban intellect[.rals of Mara-thwadal'i. A fortnight of violence left deep soars also in the minds of the Dalits in the other parts of the country. After the riots, when the Dalits took out protest marches. the slogans they shouted were : "Take back our citizenshlp; we have no mother land; casteists, keep your Hindustan fo yourself; this social order has to be changed, we rvant to bring social revolution.'2
The Dalit Panthers who weie in favour of the chanee of name of the University decided Sn a programme to conv-erge on Aurangabad on 6th Decertrber, 1929, the date of the atrocities as narrated by the victims, one is transposed to the days of the manusmriti....... all in tune with thi duties that

Anniversary of the death of Df. Ambedkar. They were to come from all over the country to change the nami board of the University forcibly. They callled this agitation the .long march'. The march was banned by the authorities. The pro cession was intercepted by the fiofice at several places. In spite of these steps, more than 20.000 people assimbled at Aurangabad on 5th Decembet 1979 in addition tb the locals who were in favour of a change in the name of the University. National leaders like Shri S.M. Joshi the wife and son ofthe late Dr. Ambedkar also participdted in the.long march' and courted arrest

Mamthwada Agitation


The Mahars in'Marathwada are a newly emerging group in a class spectrum ranging from the landless to midib .iutt professionals In each village, there are four to five
Mahar graduateg mostly unemployed

The caste tensions in rural Maharashtra continue in varying degree of intensity' One among the several reasons forihiJ is the refusal by the Scheduled Castes to continue to perform unpleasant tasks including removal,of carcasses and scavenging In one such incident' reported from Akola district in January 1985, the members of the Matang community refused to do scavenging jobs The caste. Hindus imposed a social boycott which resulted in depriving t\o Matang community of essential commodities' When this boycotlfailed to bring the Matang community to- their kneq th; Caste Hindus polluted the well which was the source of the drinking water for the Matangs.
The continuance of tension between the communities is in spite of some steps taken by the State Government to keep the differences from erupting into violence' Every district has

a Committee called'Dalshata' which meets every month to look into cases of differences between the caste Hindus and

the Scheduled Castes A special cell in the office of the Director General of Police deals with the complaints of Scheduled, Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The general complaints ofthd police in resolving this matter is the delay in the disposal of cases at the level of the Courts' Unless the Criminal Justice System functions speedily, these complaints will not receive sieedy disposal, which alone can make a significant dent in

solving the Problern References

1. 2.

S.P. Punalekat's paper: "Reflction on Violence Rgion'. He has quoted lvlB. Chitnis.







James Manor has observbdl that the important point about caste dominance in Karhataka villages is that it tends to be less severe and oppressiv$ in character than what exists

in the villages of most of the other

been less wide.

of India...... The harshness of dominance is furiher mitigated by the fact that economic disparities between the rich and the poor have

Devraj Urs who came Minister of Karnataka Vokaligas and Lingayats the same time, alienating and made the groupswhich r disadvantaged ones, enjoy a


iri 1972 as the Chief the dominance of the

the State politics withou! at completely. He went further until then considered as the degree of influence. It is not possible to say that any o socro-economlc group ls now dominant in State politics in taka" "Some might wish to call this 'shared dominance' in my view, when power,is none can be said to be shared among so many dominanl'2 Flowing from James Manor draws three

important conclusions


The coalition that D6vrai ficult but can easily be

assembled is not only difgroups (Lingayats and remained unaffected desconsidered disadvataged


The dominance of the Vokaligas) at the village pite the groups which exertlsrng power ln TheVokaligas and

to their original level This is because a large sons have also gained

politics fsv sight years; cannot expect to get back dominance io State politics of disadvantaged perto the bureaucracy a[ dif-

Kamataka-Politics as an

Instrume of Change


ferent levels and they can be expected to look after the interests of their groups within the Governmenl

Thus Karnataka can be said to have arrived at a level where conflicts between the different castes or different class within the same castes are not sharp' One perception df this is that they have arrived at a stag of greater equilibrium in the State and the types ofviolence by one caste gloup against another, which continue to be a common phenomenon par' ticularly in the States of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, are therefore seldom in evidence in Karnataka. This is a classic example of how astute political management affects the socio-economic factors in ii manner which can reduce the level ofviolence as a concomitant of socio-economic change In a sense, it also proves that at a particular stage of socioeconomic chalgg caste factors can influsnce the complexion and direction of politics in a State. This pattern of development further holds out the promise that the weaker sections in some ofthe states can also hope to arrive at a level of socieeconomic development comparable with the levels of similar groups in Karnataka- ln sho4 Karnataka's experience proves the primacy of politics as an agent of peaceful change. Devraj Urs, during his office, with the cooperation of the disadvantaged groups implemented his policy of change gradually and in the process was able to introduce substantial reforms. The social disabilities that the Scheduled Castes have had to face in Karnataka have been much less than in other states.
Some of the factors that contributed to socioeccnomic transition stated by James Maoor are : "Devraj Urs initiated

schemes to provide houses for the poor, pensions for the aged, assistance in lean months to persons heavily depen'

dent on labour, child development programmes for poor groups extending from the antenatal stage to school going agg pressure to ensure that a large proportion ofschool-aged children from disadvantaged groups received some educatiolL pressure on police to deal more evenly with vulnerable goups, pressure on employers to comply with the minimum



wage law, initiatives to reduce

indebtedness among the

sources ofcredit and the ban-

poor and to provide

ning of performance of
Scheduled Castes people.
sizeable portion of political This was less widely than his new reformist stated- it mav have had as together. In contrast to this, been put very succinctly by gress worker$ showed little development or to the welf lloyalities to castq comm they were drawn The party caste leaders, who had large and could also e xploit

degrading tasks by the also re-directed the flow of

towards the power groups.

and less easily discernible But as Urs himself an impact as all of them put conditions in Bihar have cian Frankel : "Most Conof commitment to State of Biharis that transcended kin-ship groups from which for success at the polls on in their own group t ties."

Devraj Urs, in spite of th$ favour that he showed to the backward groups, did not alienate or antagonise the Vokaligas or Lingayats. He the Vokaligas among backward classes eligible for ial concessions from the Government Devraj Urs p ed the game of patronage politics with consummate ety. He distributed patronage by creating opportunities for his rivals to enrich themselves as member$ of various Government Boards qnd

Devraj Urs was the arc{itect of the Karnataka Land Reform Laws ofl974. The authenticity of his social concern was evident from the numbeh of Land Tribunals he constituted, which at one stage stood at fwo hundre4 at the rate of one for each taluk and even mere than one in one taluh if ihe pendency of applications see$ing conferment of ownership rights to tenants warranted it pevraj Urs sought to give practical shape to the concept of"n and to the Tillei' through the institution of tr and Tribunals. lThe Tribunals were instructed to exercise their discretion in favour of the tenants as a matter of policy. Of the eight lak$ applications filed before the Tritunalq more than threefofrrths have been disposed of

Kamataka-Politics as on Instrument of



How signifrcant and purposeful c.hanges can be brought about in the socioeconomic scene through the means of Institutional infrastructure devised for the purpose was more than amply demonstrated in Karnataka in the implementation of Land Reforms This also proved that political leadership, when it is sincere and well-meaningcan achieve results which would benefit the deprived and the depressed sections of society without provoking any serious social teqsions and violence" Some of the safeguards pro vided in the implementation of the Land Reforms in Kar nataka are : The tenants could pay up the occupancy price in b lump sum or in twenty years in annuities Once the Land Tribunal granted occupancy rightg the civil court sjurisdiction did not extend to the decisions and orders of the Tribunals. The appearance of lawyers at any stage of the Tribunafs proceedings was barred. The only intervention permitted was an approach to the High Court through a writ petition under Article 226 or 227 of the Constitution on the ground of the order of the Tribunal being violative of natural justice. There was no appeal against the decision of the Tribunals which were quasi-judicial bodies
Since the non-official members of the Tribunals were drawn from the same taluks, it gave scope for the vested interests to influence events But the Government coul4 on its own initiate remedial action by removing the suspect member and reconstitute the Tribunal Even sq that a few of the membbrs of the Tribunals had misused their powers is evident from the fact that the Fligh Court had passed severe strictures against them in their capacity as Tribunal members and who later happened to occupy important positions in public life. With all its failings and imperfectiong the manner in which Land Reforms in Karnataka was implemented under Devraj Urs proves that with adequate safeguards and appropriate institutional infrastructure pro visions at the administrative level capable of responding to problems, social change can be brought about with minimum pain That a responsive and an enlightened Govemment should keep such institutions in constant and



continuous state of repair, and even innovation is brougbt out by the decision of the present Govemment (1986) in Karnataka to set up Appellate Tribunals to take charge of the problems from the decisions ofthe Land Tribunals at the levels This addition to the infrastructural arrangement a direct sequel to the stricpassed against some of tures that the Karnataka Hieh the decisions of the Land including the one in the State Gove rnment was which one of the Ministers himself involved The iesigned following the High Court judgenent

comrption, which in turn in the form of injustice and affront to human . According to a report the programme for release and re ofbonded labour in Karnataka was looked into the Public Accounts Committee of the State It had noticed several irregularities which point to very disturbing trends. According to the report to the State Assembly in July, 1985, rehabilitation had been sanctioned only to half of the 62,000 workers as in bondage and released thereafter while the ngmber actually provided with gainful employment worked oqt to hardly 30%. In monetary terms, utilization was less thand5% of the sanctioned amount It has been alleged that there is I nexus between bureaucratic minions and the middlemen uiho were responsible for misappropriation of funds. That they could set up bogus beneficiaries and hire milch cattle for a day to enact a rehabilitation drama was a reflection on the integrity of the administration The P.AC. had observed that the State Government had to initiate mehsures to make the watch dog panels function well
generate the kind

In spite of the foregoing in Karnatak4 it there are no flaws in this share of maladministration

picture of the state of the be wrong to conclude that in the State, It has also its


Urtouchability is very mu{h alive in Karnataka though the disputes afising between thle Harijans and caste Hindus

Kamataka-Polirics as an Instrument ol



is handled promptly by the Police which prevents


incidents from assuming more serious dimensions' Further, according to the staement of the Home Minister of the State, the Superintendent of Police of the District is held responsible personally for the safety of the Harijans. The Superintendents of Police usually visit the spots of trouble and ensure appropriate action against the offenders' This has

certainly helped minimum.


keeping the violence down



lf the incidents of violence on account of caste lensions is less in Karnataka it has much to do with better political management of the State by Devraj Urs during the 1970s and the tr;ditional arrangement that were inherited from the princely State of Mysore. Even so, untouchability is a fact of' iife though it continues without much overt violence' But even the extent to which it is practised should be treated as violence to the feelings of the victims- This is an area where
new institutional safeguards need to be devised as the existing ones have failed to eradicate the evil. This observation is valid for most States in the country.



Manor: "Caste. Clasr dominance ard Politics in a cohesive

society' (1984).







The caste composition of the population of Gujarat is as


Vanias Rajputs
Patidars (Patels)

4.06% 2.96%

Kolis (Kshatriyas)
Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes






increasingly scarce

is second only to Kerala whifh has S5.g% literacy. The Scheduled Caste urban popul{tion in Gujarat is also the htClt...:t among all the Stateg being 27.i%. The greater mobility of the Scheduled Cast{s has certainly affecred the available opportunities of emplQyment which are becoming

Kolis forrn the largest class cluster in Gujaral They call themselver Kshatriyas The Kolis (Kshatriyas) are different from the Rajputs. The improvement registere[ by the Scheduled Castes of Gujarat in the freld ofeducation has been apDreciable. The Scheduled Castes and the Schgduled Tribej Lave certainlv availed of the facilities extencied by the Government for education as could be seen fror{r Annexures F_1, F_2,.F and F-3. The Scheduled Castes have I literacy rate of30.7% which

The Scheduled Castes of eujarat traditionally suffer from several disabilities. Untolrchability continues to be



The Three Agitations



I98I and



houses and Dractised in several villages. Access to temples' sources of water Iftoot it not permitted- There are separate assefl ,uooln., the Scheduled Castes have begun to in Khera district the Hari;;;;.G" ln tire village Golana the loial Rajputs by forming cooperatives i""t "ti.*""ited resultant ciis[ 4 Harijans were shot dead r" the far.and near "it arrJseuerat i"iured on 25th January 1986' -From the village to-show their in irt. St"t* Fiarijans converged on Wft.ttitt. Ctti.f Uinister visited the village on the


which Reoublii Day, he was presented with a mernorandum ? If we are' we want to t"Ja, "et wi citizensof this country pity' We to five with dignity' We want nobody's i. "li"*.aour rights." just want
the Patels and bers of the dominant caste such as the Vanias'

In the frrst two decades following independencg mem-

the various itte *urt.i"r, derived maximum benefits from It is only since then that the Jevelopmental programmes' Cu.tes, tf,e Scheduled Tribes and the other themselves of the benefits' ward Castes have come to avail ;;;;,h.ffi;tai" quit. far from enjoving their full share of




entitiements arising out of the reservations


in Gujarat employed private sectors' urban centreE in industries, in public and increabed in o.tW-Urrrin"rr; and small-scaie industries has are not available' Accord' L..'"iv.utt. Exact statistical data estimate workers employed in organized and il;;';; 1966 to uriotluniteA tectors have increased from 8'9 lakhs in large part of them consist of Vanias' i+ fuiftt in 1982. A also a number of brJ-l"t and Patidari' ih"t" "ttand Other Backward dei.a"r.a Castes, Scheduled Tribes Between ' Casiet IOSC$, though their proportion. is small' persons registered 197S and 198a ihe numbe. of uttemployed : exchanges in Cujarat had almost doubled i" .rnpfoyrn.nt ilsip,fu;ii9?s to 6Jl,d'00 in 1984. Among the unemploved oaoo"t as many as 59yo were educated The middle class of the middle castes were adversely affected"by ift. "pplt ""a number of educated unemployed This was in the the riie
size of the urban middle class



attributed to the policy of

GovernmenL The "roste r system accelerated the chances of rr Castes and the Scheduled Tri the middle castes who had to b is ndt unusual for Scheduled employees trained by the upper rise above these senior officers time thereby giving rise to jealo

those who are left behind The pact of this was evident in the agitations of l98t and 1985 While the 1974 agitation launched by the Navnirman iti was spearheaded by the middle class drawn from all the anti- reservation agitations of 1980-81 and 1985 by the middle class drawn from the upper and the rmediate castes.

3rvation followed by the in government jobs further mobility to the Scheduled as against the upper and their time for promotiorl It and Scheduled Tritres caste senior employees to nselves within a short and heartburn among

were followed by Gujarat Bandh 43 towns and cities, spread over under curfew for 37 hours. There the police and the people. Six

Gujarat haq seen three rtant agitations between 1974 and 1985. The circumsta which precipitated the crisis of 1974 were steep price rise and scarcity conditions It was alleged in the Vidhan Sabha outside that comrption was responsible for the high price of edible Oil irr Gujaral P.N. shethl has referred the rise in the mess biil of the middle class students in the s which was attributed to maladministration and co tion A series of Bandhs
26thJanuary,l974 when thirds of the Statg came
open clashes between
le were killed

that took place. The Republic Gujarat in 1974. Students, teac in the agitations The agitation ChiefMinister, followed by the

in the firing y was not celebrated in

and lawyerq participated to the resignation of the ion of the Assembly.

This was the f,rrst agitation of kind organised without any political party initiating or iding and controlling its course" This ig however, not to that the political parties derived no mileage.from the agi on This agitation was also unique in the sense that it tr caste and class barriers The middle ciasses of castes, and communities


The Three ,4gitations



l98l and 1985


feature was participated in the agitation' Yet another unique the then Chief itt"i otii"g to the ciriumstances under which power' Mittitt.t Jf Guiarat, Chimanbhai Patel' had come to which -tt. Centre tt"a antagonised party authorities at the fueilea ihe agitation which eventuallv the ir""grtt irtt Ivtinistry down' The Centre had pressurised of the supply culuiu, Government by a steady reduction in to to Gujaiat and aiso bv refusing prmission from Punjab the State Government to purchase foodgrains

;;; ;Ji.dly ;;;;;"; ;..

"iJiirty""" stepped up month by month after the resignaioodsrain was ,i"" li irr. uinisiry. This provides a new. dimension to within the ding
uili."." as a by-proiuct of thi faction rrght deserves pu.ty. fnit phinbmenoq though not very frequent
io bi watched in the country in future' " "A;;d;ion
of 1980-19b1 was the direct outcome of the to the upper reservatioi issue. The middle classes belonging were .uti.t, ttu*.ty, Brahminq Patidars, Vanias and others

As againit this, the Central allocation of

t rpo".iif.

for launching the' 1980 post'graduate asainsr the policy of reservation of seats in the The agitation continued for three monrirAl.t in Medicine. out betwien the students and others ofthe

ti"-dfurft.t 6.l.aui.J C"ttes


;;;;;i";"Jttot , to the agitating medical student$ who had "on..rriot i;i;;ti";".hed thJagitation against the iese.rvation of r."t* i" this agitation the middle class got split between backward castes

and Scheduled Tribes on the one side and to the upper castes on the other' Though uuotiitttd the Government gave.certain

tftot."gi"g-to the upper castes and the whenthe entire This is in shirpcontrast to the !974 agitation across ca'ste lines had commiddle class spectrum cutting of ;il-d1" urinj ao*tt the GoiernmenL In the agititionIire Scheduled Castes were set orr tiSo-ts8f ; thJuts of the iAhmedabad and they were beaten up in the rural areas of Moie than a dozen Harijans unO iuL"Otu"agar disiricts l' 981' about lost their lives Benveen mid-April and mid-May' -;;it, qmbraced Buddhisn families in Ahmedabad i6 Sarvodaya Accordine to Babal Bhai Mehta and his band of villages of Central Gujarat in'April * tift" tured 29



l98l the Harijans in the crintinated against for Even the mill workers of raksha Samiti and Sawarna indeed a body blow to the started by Gandhiji 60 years ago lakh mill workens as its membe
On the basis of the Baxi Government had provided for I Backward Castes. This was 18% on the basis of the January 1985. Though the Rane caste as a measurement of backr rejected the major recommen which dealt with income as the while accepting the recomm quota That this announcement o tion quota was more a gimmick in the Assembly elections thar the actual use that had been vation. The table self-

were harassed and dis, t by upper caste farmers. bad split into Dalit Hit-

ha Samiti. This was Mahajan Trade Union which had more than 3

ittee reporg the State reservation to the'other t to be raised by another

Commission's report in
Commission had rejected rdness, the Government tion of rhe Commission

tion of the

ick of backwardness.

an increase in the reserva-

o derive political mileage imminent is evident.[rom

ofeven the existing reser-


Percentage availed

Scheduled Castes
Scheduled Casres


6.5 6.4 5.8

6.5 3.46 4.5 4.05

Scheduled Tribes Scheduled Tribes Other Backward Castrs Other Backward Castes




5.0 3,5


cent nii.ri-i";.cbntributir" Ii,hgy,.minimisi'ng 'i^ ^f-.-.:r---., lf-lt Withorrtin promoting tie c{ntinuing "iir,.-pi* rgservatronists and the agitation of 1e85, it needs to be poiritej bu;,lj;il6^ili;;.i'i""r ,r,"

the statement made by Gujarat quota ofreservation forthebagt*upa ca.teri.omiO roZS

fhe_immediare-provocarion fpr rhe l9g5 agirarioqr was



The Three Agitations







factors' An course that it did bacause of several extraneous within the ruling party' i*oo"unt factor was the dissidence had wielded power earlier-and.who fopnd il:;il;;ho their own axes themrel,res suddenly but of the Ministry had

of vandalism ;;;;t"d t" gMng the agitation an extra edgeThe dissident

and what was worse, a communal turn

, in the ruling party apparently wantd to.settle their lJti-,i"ut r.or.t wittr'tni Ctrief Ministerwho had the temerity '".ii" i".i"a. them in his Cabitret Though the events that rio.t *t-.Aabad for more than live months from Feb' 'had origin in certain

their *uty fSgS onwards may have and identifiabli reasons, soon these look courses ,""giti. because of
*tri"ctr couta not be controlled- This was largely imponderable factors arising out ofthe ili it"p""t

"fteveral ambition and greed of individuals and groups who "rfiti"l"f the situation to derive personal and group i-pi"ir.a
of 1985 AoitArtttlcttuisitedAhmedabad during the agitation the creation of that the agitation had been "1*foa.a According to the report of the tearnP : "The Chief ioiiii.iu".. the t{f"lt"..-.. frimsetf ltayed politics when just- b^eforecent 18 per itui. ntt..ufv poll hi announced an additional a ploy to ,.r"*utlo" foi the backward castes' This was only steps to no uii*", "o,.t because the Chief Minister tookof the police imolement his announcement"" The misuse erosion i" .i p"litical ends has implied anteam alsoof dis' found itt the potice force of Gujarat" The "iorit" in the allegation that the communal riots ;;;;;t;;";e to fruJ t"." engineered at some level of the Government and the antiaiu"., ,fr. uit.rrtio.t from caste conflicts reservation agitation
1981 and 1985 agitations the middle classes classes ofthe of the upper castes had an edge ove the middle

The threemember fact-finding team of the Ed-itor's

ln both the

of"i"'Jc"ttes and the Scheduled Tribes in termsthe their midAs against this' rfto ,tt.L*"lty and their resources' Castes and at. .turr.. of the backward castes, Scheduled

Scheduled T.nbes were who were poor and were not tage out ofthe teservation po the bottom strata ofthe tes and the Scheduled Tribes tion This is a very important caste has its attraction in identity of the people of that able of transcehding the


from their caste fellows

of getling any advanin their life time. Therefore.
casteg the Scheduled Cas-

ing degrees of economic affl save in exceptional The politics of Gujarat alignment of castes and comm other States is likely to affect th the pattern of life in these Patelg who swung from the 1975, one of the political strategy of combining Ksha Muslims into what came to be

indifferent to the agitasignificant feature. Though a distinct and separate apparently it is not caF disparties between vary. within the same group, brought into being a new ties which if repeated in course and complexion of To counter the move of the to the Janta Party in of Gujarat conceived the Harijang Adivasis and the as the KHAM

ln the 1985 assembly poll t of the lz19 Congress MLAs in Gujarat 100 belonged to and OBCs (Other Backward Castes). The upper found themselves in danger of losing political which had slippect out of their hands and into the of backward castes, even while they continued to domi the ecortomic scene in the state. For oncg the political of yesterday have become the have nots of today and vice versa in Gujarat

in a violent form with

The caste war in Gujarat the

once again to the sufrace

culturists on a wide scale in completely in rnany districts police firing in Ahmedabad" the intermediate caste led by economic as political In a way was the rural vefsion of the anti-

len assertion of the agrib" 1987 . This disrupted life a few people were killed in
cause of this assertion by



in the ulban centres of

patidars was as much farmers' agitation of 1987 agitation staged Whatever hopes tfte



Thre Agintions of


l9E| and



Patidar led intermediate castes had of regaining the earlier dominance were belied by the congress victories of the

KHAM in the district and taluk panchayat poll held in January 1987. In the 1985 Assembly elections the congress

oartv had sarnered 55.54% of votes. Its share at the distdct i.n.i in the-Panchayat poll came down to 50'77% and at the taluka level to a stiil lowet 47.75Yo' This was an indication that. the intermediate caste cannot be written off at the lo6al level3 Whether or not the two groups, one of which has the oolitical power while the other continued to command the iconomic resources are able to arrive at a peaceful and harmonious relationship, is the point at issue' On the answer to this will depend whether the public life of Gujarat will be marked by peace or by endemic violence' Even though the antireservation agitators had won a point which wJuld certainly have a serious impact on the Lackward castes, it cannot be said that the last has been betheard or said on tbe subjet To the extent that the accord Government had no relevance to ween the agitators and the the intrinsii merits of the casg the accord could also be upset by yet another agitation if mounted with the same sustained vigourby those who are affected adversely by the accord' The ariti-reservation agitation found its reaction among the backward castes and the tribals when they demonstrated

their strength by taking out an impressive

procession long in August, 1985' They warned estimated ai 1.5 Kilometer the Government against the termination of the roster systen The Press also played the role of a catalyst in fuelling the agitation of 1985 and came under very severe attack both

from the police and the pro-reservationists'

The Gujarat agitation ofl985 lasted for 150 days' during which morethan 215 lives were sacrificed The loss to business and industry was estimated at more than Rs 2,200/-

crores. The loss and the inconvenience suffered students was an additional cost

by the

l. 2. 3.

socrA[ cHANcE AND Refereirces


P.N. Sherh: "Political Change in India" (1977). Report of the Edirors' Guitd on tde riots in ahmedabad ( l9g5). Times of India Lucknow dared March 24. 1997.


As of now the country has had only the first dose of violence in Gujarat on the issue of reservation The Mandal

to be Commission report on the subject of reservation is still or not it is c-orrsidered by ihe State Govemment's Whether i-pf.-t"t.A its recommendations have the potential for violence. In the meantime public opinion is being built up in favour of its implementatioo in Uttar Pradesh' A massive oroces.ion was taken out by the people of all the Backward Lmmunities, including Scheduled Castes' in Lucknow in December, 1986 demanding its early implementation How and when this peaceful demand will degenerate into violence and intercaste conflict remains to be seen But the ffends are ominous.

vation which are different from those of some other State Governments which have been referred to here is evident from its communication to the Centre in 1983' An extract from the communication is reproduced below:

That the Uttar Pradesh Government has views on reseF

*To use backward class and backward castes as mutually exchangeable is neither rational nor fair"'"' It is


to i*"-itte Jarefully the appropriateness and the ade ouacv of measures adopted so far by the various states to the conditionJ of the socially and educationally The nation s responsibility towards them Uaik*utO "tatses. reservation in jobs' Such measures may does not end with not produce any signifrcant difference in- thelives of the vast *"l6art of the-soJialy oppressed and deprived sections of thJ commuftity. Bolder and more radical measures are ;;"dJ a. .r""i. uo equitable andjust social systern"l





In Karnatak4 the Second

1983 by the Janata Hedge to review the existing The Commission recomm of benefi ciary communities centage of reservation as a

Classes Commis-


sion chaired by Shi T. V

in ef Minister, Ramakrishna policy in that State.

y had been appointed

a reduction in the number

caste groups and

recommended excluding th Scheduled Tribes dropped liom Vokkaligas who had been b
reservation by Devraj Urs were an agitation The Hegde

iri the pere. The total reservations

Scheduled Castes and existing 507o to27o/o. The t within the benefit of in the new list This
ent s reaction to the taswamy Commission's

agitation was to reject the V report completely and issue a would remain valid for three three years. yet another Co setting out more precise guideli result of the Heede that both the Vokkalieas brought within the ambit of benefit of it will be confined within different income limits According to one estimatg 89% now eligible for reservation in 92o/o for govemment jobg subj 10,000/- per arnum.
It is diflicult to resist the co Venkataswamy Commission s Government was plumbing m gains than for long term resol rivalries. In spite of some of Commission's report was the independent India to take acco and classes and determine bac

Government order which During this period of on would give its report es for reservation. The net t's policy on reservation is the Lingayats have been reservation though the the categories who come upon their caste. the State's population are tional institutions and to an income limit of Rs.

usion that by rejecting the

rt totally the Karnataka re for short term political on of the traditional caste
faults, the Venkataswamy serious attempt made in

nt of the mobility of castes s on the basis of

Resenation as

an Issue


wamy Commission "The document argues that the new policy maintained the total percentage-of resrevation at the ."*e leto"l as before (68%)' It maintained that castes and communities had been categorised under five different groups to ensure that the advanced groups among the backivardclasses did not comer all the benefits. With the income ceiling taken into account, 55o/o to 60o/o of the population woulJbe entitled to benefits under Article 15 (4) and 16 (4) of the Constitution'.2
The fact that the two dominant communities such as the Vokkaligas and Lingayats wanted to be included within the privilegJd groups inspite of the progress that they h-ave made ln the iduJational and social fields is indicative ofthe trend that reservation as a policy is going to be with us for a very long time to come with unpredictable consequences, all of which may not be conductive to peace in the country' be worthwhile to read the latest order of the Government on the subject of reservation in the Karnataka context of the judgement of the Supreme Court delivered in the case of R Balaji Vs. State of Mysore (Gajendragadkar J) AIR 1963 Supreme Court 649 (V 50 C 101) 28th September, 1962.The Bench consisted of B.P. Sinha' C.J', P'B' Gajendragadkar, KN. Wanchoq KC Das Gupta and J.C' Shalf J.J. the judgement established certain very important principles wlich continue to be valid even to'day. The principles oi the policy guidelines enunciated by the Karnataka Government in its recent order cannot be said to be consistent with the judgement as the extracts reproduced belowwill

Government's controversial scheme of reservation for the Backrrard classes, superseding the report of the Venkatas-

It would


"The backward classes for whose improvement special provision is contemplated by Article 15 (4) 19 i11tte matter oftheir backwardness comparable to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.... The backwardness is not either social or educational but it is both social and educational""" Special



provision is contemplated for of citizens and not for individual citizens as such and sq though phe caste of thc group of citizens may be its importance should not

perpetuating the cates

be exaggerated If the of backward classes of citizens was based solely on the caste of the citizens it may not always be logical and may contain the vice of





citizens was made the sole

basis for determining the group, that test would i

many sections of Indian society

backwardness of the said breakdown in relation to

do lrot recognise caste

to Hindu society. How is one going to decide whether M Christians or Jains or even Lingayats are socially or not?..... Though caste in relation to Hindus may a relevant factor to consider in determining the social of groups or classes of citizens" it cannot be the sole or the dominant test in that behalf backwardness is in the ultimate analysis the result poverqy b a very large extent

in the conventional



was the same orjust below state

educationally backward..... It is well below the state average that as educationally backward

ofstudent population cannot be treated as communities which are properly be regardqd

of citizens


"It would be extremely unrfasonable to assume that in enacting Article 15 (4), the Constitution intended to provide

that where the ailvancement of the backward classes or the Scheduled Casteis and Tribes waC coneerned the fundamental rights of the citizens which constitute the rest of the society were to be completely and] absolutely ignored-..... The interest of the weaker sections of pociety...... have tobe adjus. ted with the interest of the comdunity as a whole.


"Speaking generally and iri a broad way a special provision should be less than 50%, how much less than 50%






would depend upoo the releYant prevailing circumstances in

each case.


order which supersedes all previous orders Under this order, the backrrard ilasses are divided into two categories: Backward Classes and More Backward Classeq The effect of this order is that?S% is rcserved for backward classes secalled arld 22% for more backward classes The reservation of 15% and 3% for the Scheduled Ca3tes and Scheduled Tribes respectively continues to be the same' The result of this order is that 68% of the seats for technical colleges is reserved.'.. It is necessary to addthat th9 classification made by the order, between backward classes justiliod and moie backward classes does not appear to be backunde r Article 15 (4).'.. in introducing two categories of

"On 3lst July, 1962 the State passed the impugned

l) 2)


ward classes what the impugrred ordel in substancg purports to do is to devise measures for the benefit of all the classes of citizens who are less advanced compared to the most advanced classes in the State and that, in our opinion' is not the scope of Article 15 (4)'.. Classification o,f the two (4)' categories therefore is oot.warranted by Article 15


considerations of merit are completely excluded by whole

"It would

cause grave prejudice to natiorral-interest


seats in all technical institutions Therefore, consideration of national interest and the interest of the community or society as a whole cannot be ignored in determining the question as to whether the special provision contemptatid byArticle 15 (4) can exclude the rest of the

sale reservation


society altogether.


"The impugned order in the present case has cate gorised the baclwird classes on the sole basis ofcaste which in our opinion is not permitted by Article 15 (4); and we have
also held that the reservation of 68% made by the impugned order is plainly inconsistent with the concept of the special

provision authorised by Article 15 (4)' Thcreforg it follows



power conferred on the State The Andhra Pradesh an order increasing the

that the impugned order is a

ud on the Constitirtional Article 15 (4)."

issued in July 1986
Classes' quota of reserva-

tion in jobs and college seats apparently wa$ a shrewd

Desam Government to
gress party to exploit the
poses. The Government's order

to 44%. This order move by the Telugu a likely move by the Conon issue for political pur25Yo

agitation by the anti-

followed by a Statewide

when the High Court set aside delivered on September 5, 1986 Pradesh High Court held that enhancing the backward castes and college seats was unco judgement among the backward dable. But their agitation to did not take off

which lasted six weeks the order. In a judgement full bench of the Andhra State Governmenf s order of resewation in jobs ional The reaction to this youth was understanagainst the judgement
Pradesh the antieir way. This is accounted the Government cer-



Gujarat and in

reservationists were able to have

for by the fact that while in tainly gave in to the pressure fro communitieg in Andhra
rescue of the anti-resewati judgement came as a relief to case may have eventually those who enjoyed both

the economically affluent the judiciary came to the In a sense, the High Court Governme nt who in anv bed to the pressures of c and political power.

The concept of reservation referred to as the poliry of positive discrimination by the nerican judiciary. Their judgements on this concept t a point of view which is relevant in the overall concept justice and equity. Hence they are referred to here.


a case of positive

Supreme Court

of the United

Douglas, in his dissenting

n reported from the of Americ4 Justice

t had observed : "There

Raenation as an Issue


is no superior person by constitutional standards' Defunis who is White is entitled to no advantage by reason of that fact Nor is he subject to any disability' no matter what his race or colour. Whatever his race i$ he has a constitutional right to have his application considered on its individual mirit in a rational and neutral manner. A segregated admission process creates suggestions of stigma and caste no less than a segregated class room and in the end it may produce that result despite its contrary intentions One other assump tion must be clearly disapproved that Blacks or Browns cannot make it on their individual merit This is a stamp of inferiority that a State is not permitted to place on any Lawyel'. Defunis was a White applicant for a Law School and despite the fact that he had higher markg a Black appli' cant was preferred to Defunis, apparently in an effort to give an impression of fair representation to the Blacks in the School admissions. reported from the United States of America Allan Bakkg a White candidate was denied admission to a Medical School even though he had higher marks than the Black who had secured admission Four Judges ruled the speciai pro' gramme as violative of equality, while four oihers upheld it So the decisive opinion was of the 9th Judge' Mr. Justice

In another important case of positive discrimination

Powell Justice Powell while generally approving of the legitimacy of the preferential process ruled that "there is a measure of iniquity in forcing innocent persons in respoir' dent's (Allan Bakke) position to bear the burden of redressing grievances not of their making"
Thus, on the subJect of reservation what so far has triumphed in the three States of Gujara! Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka as a result of the agitations mounted by the pro and anti-reservationists, is not the principle of reserva' tion in its basic desirability and rationality as a usher in a society based on social justicg but in effect the volume and violence of pressure mounted by the more articulate and influential among the communities whose



perception of the concept of ation is vastly tlifferent from the national policy imper of the Government and the basic requirements of the communities. The issue ofreservation in the very nr of it is extremely sensi. tive without our having tb make i more so by using it as a tool of political expediency. As e ts have turned oul we are ' tending to vest the concept of ion with a political character which it should not l ve. The only sound reason

it a political dimensiorl we are not only undermining the strength and stability of the itical process of an infant democracy but are also impJ ing violence in the soil which will plague us for years
l. The extract of the State Governmeiu letter addressed to rhe Centre quoted by N.C Saxena and Imtia{ A}med in their paper: ..Casrg

for resorting to it is socio.econ

c considerations. By


Land and Polirical Power in Unar lradesh ( l9g4). The Hindq a nadonal daily. Dt Ttfr December, 19g6. Judgement ofthe Supreme Court in the case of R Balaii Vs State of Mysore (Gajendragadkar J) ALR t]96: Supreme Court e,+e 1V SO C





In the course of this study, I have not uncovered any startling truths I have not propounded any profound thoories. I have offered no simple solution to thc several

difficult problems. I have merely attempted 1o catalogue a few specfic instances from the field on tbe basis of which certain ormple conclusions have been drawn They are wortb taking note of, aod being acted upon if we are to develop as a secular, egalitarian and sound democracy'
Some of the broad conclusions that emerge fmm this

study are:

A democratic Government rules not so much by the continuous use of power as by the social sanction behind its authority but this authority will not be effective at the level of the people if the Goveroment exercising it falls short of the basic moral character which is what ultimately vests a government with legitimacy. The manner in which the Gujarat Government used the reservation issue, more as a ploy to derive political advantage rather- than as a matter oi genuine concern for the welfare of the backward castes and groups raised certain very valid and serious doubts regarding the intentions behlnd the Government's decisions To that extent, the moral authority of the Government sulfered a demonstrable damage- This in no small measure cotrtributed to the equivocation and prevarication which characteriscd the




handling of the agitation by tfre Governmen[ and that in turn contributed to the dur[tion and the intensity of
demonstrated that if issues is not based on

Both in 19f4 and in 1985 the Government's stand on reason and justice a political the Legislature by itself ing a particular council of ratic dispensatiorU it is of political parties to ular demands The agitations however launched and seen not by political parties but many of whom did not have is, however, not to suggest that different pursuasigns did not and when they found the amply demonstrated that nonbe successfully played ii a inolved have the support of

party having a majority in be of litrle avail in sustainin power. In a democthe practicg and the right
agitations to ventilate

pop l98l and 1985 were


individuals and groups political affiliation This political party leaders of on the bandwagon as good These agitations tutionalised politics can way when the issues sections of the people.
cannot be taken for graninterests oflarge segments

of the population cannot taken lightheartedly on grounds of political . This is particularly so when the Government has to deal with piople who are educate4 enlightened and looking and have the capacity to organize at short notice The people of Gujarat have proved that pay even though in the process the people have to pay a very heavy price.
The successive agitations if Gujarat in l974,l9gl and again in 1985 pose a serious {ilemma which all serious students of public affairs havd to face' and on the issue involved arrive at some workafle conclusions. Judged by the eventual outcome of each of these agitatiolns, do we condemn or condone [ne agitational methods the employed in spite of the violen{e that was integral to each

In a democracv the ted and decisions that affect


Conclusion and Policy Implicatiotts


one of these agitations? Unless the dilemma is resolved iationally in thJ context of securing justice as people see it it would seem that violence will continue to have relevance in the scheme of things Contexts such as these seem to give relevance and rinewal to the use of violence in f,o-uo affairs and reinforce the belief of the people that ,riolence per se should not be rejected out of hand Only the future will reveal whether the results achieved through such agitations will be reckoned as milestones of progress or signposts of disintegration
The situation in which Gujarat finds itself today is the inevitable product of the political games that the

politicians irave often played in their anxiety to retain individuals or groups in political power' Castes and communities have merely been pawns in this game of exploitation by politicians. Considered in this coniext one cannot

unscrupulous and aggravate caste tenpoliticians can sharpen cleavages sions It is only whin politics is used as a tool to bring about socioeconomic changes smoothly instead of being used to further divide a society which already stands pr' severely fragmented that we are likely to prevent the niciousness of caste conflicts



that politics played by

When the ruling party is riven with internal factions' and is organisationilly not strong enough to enforce discipline, oie or the other faction exploits a glvel situation to discredit the faction in power. In doing so' it is not cona cerned with the contribution that it is making to aggravate by violence' This is ,ituation which is already marked what happetted in Gujarat in 1974 and again in 1985' Though tottt ttr"t. agitations started on certain identifiable iisues and causes, they were aggravated by the induction of factors which were totally extraneous to the initial f" L97 4 the circumstances under which the Chief "u"t"* had manoeuvred himself into power did not have Minister the blessings of the Central authority of the party' Hance ihe Centreivas as much interested in the downfall of the

Ministry as those who had the agiation on the issucs of price rise and Similarly the 1985 agitation staded by the antigot entangled with the dissidence within the pafty. Even the communal turn that the agitation took was reported to have been given by a dissident the ruling party who did not lind a place in the This form of violence in public life arising out of the within the party bodes ill for dernocratic norms and values Instead of putting politics to work as an agent of changg if it is played by whichever party to be in power as an exercise in faction fights settling scores between groups within the same it can create conditions which can eventually bave a destabilising effect on the country as a whole. A cannot alford to set such precedents if the den institutions are at all to

communities resulting in
Saurashtra The areas over

Divergence of political dominance is becoming a fact sources of economic power cooperative sectot among dominated by the Patels, V Though the kshatriyas, Tribes and the Other come to have a greater share have not been able to improve respondingly. The conflicts economic and political power

power from economic of life in Gujarar All the

as trade, industry, and the

others, continue



Rajputs and Brahmins Castes' Scheduled Castes have increasingly their political power, they economic power coF led to clashes between

the wielders of
particularly in

though it is dificult to of it at this stage

weaker sections have a say are and welfare programmes and to tle dispensing of economic of political power continues are now visiblg one expcts bound to affect the economic tes also. That wlll not fail to

the Kshatriyas and the to Government jobs of now have not extended tronage But if the growth to the trends that over a period of time it is of the upper casa degree of violence on the oature and extent

Conclusion and Policy Implications


The agitations in Gujarat have raised yet anbther the important lrru. oo the aniwer to which will depend set up' The issue is: ,.i!t utt". of violence in a democratic public O".t p"tfi" opinion always reflect -faithfullyare not' If they interesi and ari the two coterminous? *tt"t" ao.t one begin and the other end? Unlike the out.o.. of the lgl4liavnirman agitatioq in the light of the stated i"r"lit the 1985 agitation in Gujara! it can be of the "fpublic opinion as asserted by one section tftut ift" oooulation was not co-terminous with the wider public 'iot'.r.rr that i$ the interest of the State of Gujarat as a

Certain features have characterised the silent resentmenfor the open agitation triggered off by the reservation oolicv of the bujarat and Andhra Pradesh Government the 5.-J these aie: the agitations were led by theiryouth fore "f to be discriminated against for what *t o ,.fot" of the comfathers did or did not do to the weaker sections munlty in the centuries gone by. The basic llt":.i:: Should to the Dast ;ctimisation automatically result in disability for the vie iu.".rrorc of those who had been responsible timisatioq regardless of their present socioeconomic con' aiiio"r a"t"iing that positive discrimination is a step in weaker the right direction to help the emancipation of the which sectio-ns, should this not be applied in a manner of the will orovide benefil to the maximum number *."ti. sections? Will this be achieved by the application of the policy that is being followed at presenf
Reservation as a panacea for ameliorating the backfor wardness. of the weakei sections, an$ as an atonement taken the sign of centuries-old discrimination cannot be i"yo.ia a point'without serious damage to the social fabric This will th.o* op its own contradictions and complexities is as it has already begun to. The advantage of reservation and that the weakei s""iiotrs compete among themselves not with those belonging to the castes who are referred to as the dominant ones and hencg suppose.dly stronger' If the assumption that competition between the economically



economically stronger and ose who continue to be economically deprived and Can it be said that the children of AII India Officers belonging to the weaker section are on the footing as the children of parents who have not yet by the benefits of reservation even marginally ? If brg competition between economically unequal is an unequal competition how can we rnake it a fairer unless those of the weaker seotions who have the benefits of the reservation for one or fi[o and who have attained an economic stafus above a stipulated level are not in effect de-scheduled, leaving weakest among the weaker sections to avail of the bene of reservation ? In the pro cess of elimiaating one set inequalities we have to guard against ushering in set of inequalities. Positive discrimination a lneans to an end ought to be so employed as to ensure that while if affords full protection to the it does not become amenable to any rype of use by the privileged few among the weaker sections. this context the roster system as it is operating in Som of the States. apart from making serious inroads into administrative efficieucy, holds the potential for serious indiscipline and unrest in the Services. This system to be suitably regulated so as to ensure that those who entitled to reservation for initial entry into Services are not enabled to go up the ladder far too prematurely but after a minimum number of years at each of the

is an unequal exercise is at a stage when the competisections themselves has become one between those o the weaker section who are

stronger and the weaker

vali4 we have already arri tion even between the


The policy of positive rough weather in several Sta that the reservation provided fi the Scheduled Tribes is not


has run into.

needs to be made cloar

the Scheduled Castes and

is resented by those who

Conclusion and Policy



are outside the benefit of reservations. They resent the' increasing reservations that are being made for what havE come to 1e referred to as the backward castes' This is because the policy of reservation for the backward castes cannot be given eifect to without correspondingly reducing the opportunities available for the forward castes "It is at this point that the tension between equality as a policy and as a right is most clearly reveale4 for it is difficult to create and'maintain on a large scale special opportunities for some without eating into the equal opportuniteis of alll"' The people generally concede that the State should do more-foi those who are disadvantaged But the criteria of deciding who are he disadvantaged should be based not on casti but on economic consideration It is the scale of reservation extending up and down the line among the backward castes that is being resented- The programme of reservation has created a vested interest in backwardness as should be evident from the Karnataka experience in the
context of the Venkataswamy commission reporL Since the backward communities are getting increasingly organized

on political lines, the policy of reservation has become funitionally a means of political consolidation A political
process based and conditioned on caste identities carries

of insidious political fragmentation which can be a source of serious threat to democratic stability. In a scheme of things where caste quotas of reservation for jobs and for seats in educational institutions keep increasing personal merit and ability is grossly at a discount A situation in which everyone who has been denied access to a position of responsibility even though he ,is better qualifred on merit compared to the one who has been aicommodated simply by virtue of his being a member of a particular community is not going to be conducive to peace. Conflict and violence are ioherent in such a situation. It is indeed an irony that the policy of reservation instead of weakening the caste hierarchy which has been the largest single bane of this country is tending to rein force and perpetuate lhis evil.

with it the


The 1990 election will be ratic experiment of our issues which wiill have to manifesto of the different be whether or not the Castes and Scheduled T Assemblies should continue to that or even independent should continue. While Article vides a time limit of forty of the Constitution for and State Assernblies, there is reservation for jobs is concern prejudice to Article 330 of the for reservation of seats in the blies for the Scheduled T Arunachal Pradesh and in Mi for reservation for these four 1971 census which will conti 2000 AD. according to th introduced h 1976 and the C act of 1985.


water-shed in the democ. This is because one of the prominently in the election parties would have to n of seats for Scheduled in Parliament and State
1990, and as a sequel reservation in Services 34 of the Constitution pre from the commencement


of seats in Parliament o such limitation as far as This is however without ion which provides iament and the Assemin Nagaland, Meghalay4 The relevant figures tates will be based on the till the first Census afler

to Article 330

5l st amendment

Extension of the in jobs beyond 1990 is likely to provoke a far more serious confrontation. The seeds have alreadv been sown Gujarat and the resulting trends are evident While may be demands from the upper castes for terminating it even for modifying it by descheduling those who gone above a certain
economic level, the scheduled ask for its continuance and i them would trot have had benefits of the decades of and tribes are sure to

bly too as the bulk of

en the first generational

tion because of its failure

to percolate down to large among them. If those who are economically well off among the weaker sections rdfuse to be descheduled, this will inevitably give rise to

In th State


some parts

of Uttar

Conclusion and Policy Implications


Pradesh such violence as have disligured the State scenes have largely been the outcome of the resistance offered by the vested interests to the process of socio-economic changes initiated by the State through Agrarian Reformq

developmental prcgrammes and anti-poverty projects. This is however not to suggest that the Scheduled Castes have. always been at the receiving end of violence. They have also responded with violence in varying degrees in the process of trying to overcome the resistance from the vested interests to the realization of their legitimate rights.
The intermediate castes who belong to the backward group

happened to be the traditional cultivators and on that account became the immediate beneficiaries of the abolition of Zamirdai. The new found accretion to their economic power has also conferred on them additional political power. Yet their attitude to the weaker sections has not been any more helpful and sympathetic compared to the attitude of the traditionally dominant castes towards these sections at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder. If anything they also have been as inuch resistant to change as the earlier vested interests In fac! they have become a new class of vested in0erests In effect the States of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh are as of now going through the stage where even if the political and economic powers do not exactly converge on the same set of caste groups, still there is mutual cooperation an-d support between them and they are as yet strong enough to resist change to the extent possible. If and when they have given in, more often than not it has been in response to the pressures mounted from below which occasionally have also been accompanied by violence. Gujarat appears to be at a higher stage of evolutionary politics than the one in which the States of Bihar and IJttar Pradesh happen to be. The qualitative difference in the prevailing situation in Gujarat is that since 1980 onwards there has been a distinct polarisation of the castes who wield economic, and those who wield pottical power. The emergence of the group popularly known as KHAM



consisting of the Kshatriyag Farijang Adivasis and the Muslims as a strong political force has for once put the doininant castes composed of the Patels, Vaniaq Rajputs in certain areas. and the largely out of the actual control of political power. Th$ latter group however con,mic power. Actually the tinues to have dominaRce in antireservation agitations and 1985 are


an important battle It canno! however be said that they have won the war. The issfre continues to be open Whether or not this polarisatipn will settle down to their respective areas of influence in the Stat as a whole remains to be seerl But this lrocess of polarisation is an important stage in the evolutipn of politics and political power in the oountry.
One important point tha{ needs to be noted'is that those of the backward castis who are making good e backward politically cannot be said to felong to the ecotromically ically to weaKer secuons rn weaker sections in that group. There is the danger of this <er group. I here rs erouo. danser ol thts new class devoloping in due cciursg a vested interest which may set in mqtion a pattertr similar to the earlier state of affairs except for the fact that the new incumbents themexceDt selves happen to be those dralvn from what is referred to as OBCs, Schcduled Castes aid Scheduled Tribes In the process they may also try and exploit the weaker sections among them as is happening r[ some of the States. In the
meanhme, one expects that the vast mass of the weaker sec-

[oas would acquire a higbef degree of education and

awareness and would be agrtaiing to have their legitimate

Concluion and Policy



in political power. This should lead to a further dil: fusion of political and economic power over larger
share segments of poPulation

Karnataka provides yet another stage which may even be cited as a level higher than that at which Gujarat stands today. In Karnatak4 both the political and economic power have got diffused over the different groups which

include the so'called upper as much as the lower castes The Vokkaligas who had all along wielded considerable economic power and also political Power were classified as a Backward Caste by Devraj Urs, in a shrewed move to enlist their support in the political game that he so skilfully and successfully played. Devraj Urs will be long remembered by th-e people of Karnataka as one who put politics to the best and proper use of being an agent of socio-ecooomic change. Though some of the infirmities and iniquities of the caste system still persist in Kamatak4 it is at a stage where it cannot be said to produce the type of violence and harassment that is suffered by the weaker sections in Bihar. Into this refreshingly appealing state of affairs has been introduced an incongruous political note in the wake of the Venkataswamy Commission report The Karnataka Government has sought to molliff the agitated lower and the upper caste groups, who stood to lose the benefit of reservationE if the Venkataswamy Commission report was implemented, by totally rejecting its report This only reinforces the conclusion that the concept of reservation which was intended as a restricted and self-limiting means to achieve the very desirable end of dissolving the centuries old caste system is tending to acquire unforseen potential for perpetuating the division of Indian society into so many different caste groups. What is worsg going by the anxiety of the several caste groups, not to part with reservation even though they are doing well socially and educationally, backwardness whether real or imagined haq during the last about four decades or sq been lifted from a stigma to the prestige of a desirable status



Thus Bihar and Uttar Pfadesh on the one side, Gujarat on the other and Karn[taka as the third strearn constitute three different stageg in the evolution of the socio.economic changes that come about in the country since Irtdependence. conclusion that emerees from thc foregoing is that rhe interests do not Dafi with power even if resistance violence. It is only as and when the vested interests that state power and the use of it become i ts for providing community well-being and a heal y system of governance. Only in a system that pro for the political and economic participation of the lreatest number, is there likely to be the least violence.
There is yet another aspect ito violence This depends on who employs it and ip wha[ contexl Words such as violence, force, protest, and le$itimacy as distinct from legality are all relative terms, {epending for their exact relevance on the context in whlch thdy -have been.used. There is a large component of sulbjectivity in all their uses. The only manner in which this s[rbiectiviry can be converted into objective terms is to apply the test of means and ends. If we are honest enough tp examine the context in which violence has been used by whom and for what purposg we will be able tb avoid the fallacies and understand the phenomenon ff violence in its proper

distortions, disabilities and ations. If the system itself does not provde for the automatic removal of these. violence for removing the di brium becomes the inescapable last resort Thus while violence per se may be undesirable, it had also to be viewed in the context in which this has been The gap between the p ment level and the actual oerfi

perspective. Thus considered, viofence may have a positive role, if in the existing scheme of things there are built-in

the implementalion have to irreducible minimurn if for

brought down to the er valid and practical

made at the Governat the low level of

Conclusion and Policv Implications


reasoq the gap cannot be eliminated completely' Hopes inspired in the minds of the socially and economically disadvantaged and deprived sections of the popularion through legislations will have to be fullilled to the farthest
extent possible.

In a plural society law's legitimate function is to help

preserve harmony between different groups without giving the impressicn to any of the groups that it is enlbrced in a

partial or partisan manner. The weaker and the deprived groups should not be driven to resort to violence out of a sense of frustration with the efficacy of law as an agent of change. Those in authority who will not enlorce the rule of law uniformly but only selectively are jeopardising the freedom of every citizen- When law assumes different connotations to different individuals depending upon thelr socio-economic and political position the rule of law ceases to exist Such distortions cannot go on without nature exacting a very high price somewhere along the

A very disturbing trend emerges out of this study. This has to do with the repeated instances of reluctance to imle' ment, if not the actual repudiation of the decisions validly

arrived at responsible levels of Governmenl The circumstances in which the resolution passed by the
Maharashtra State Council approving change of the name

of the Marathwada University in to Ambedkar University is a case in point The decision of the Gujarat Governdrent not to implement the increased quota of reservation is yet another, though its relevance is merely theoretical as of now. Failure to implement categorically the decisions on the minimum wages by the several State Governments is yet another. The lukerwarmness with which the law abolishing the Bonded Labour system is implemented adds further to the lisr The supreme example is the implementation of the Land Ceiling Laws and ceI tain other aspects .of Land Reforms which could be justihably considered as blatant acts of evaSion In all these cases, the




reasotrs that have prevailed wilh the Government have been the pressures of the vested interest silently applied, or violently registered with the co-operation of the oflicials in charge of implementation Quite often those in charge of executive power have identifred themselves with the vested

interests. Such instances add

inferencg and that

up to one inescapable is that vfolence in the ultimate

analysis is an instrument of the qtronger of the contending parties, groups or individuals. If the stronger of the parties represents the vested interests, they triumph with the help

of actual or potntial violence. I[, however, the stronger pafiy in terms of the volume of violence at its command is the mass of the people from belqw, they triumph over rhe rest This drives us inexorably to the sad conclusion: violence when employed in adeq]uate volume and intensity, often emerges as the arbiter of human destinies. This is where the State power has to pome in assertively and decisively through the hone$t intervention of .its institutions and asencies.
This study irresistably point$ to the conculsion that if the social change that is being qought to be attempted at different levels and in different l[elds is not accompained by appropriate and matching insfiruional "midwifery". the chances are that violence will takle the place of institutions as it is already tending to do in some States. Violence at any rate in Bihar is tending to gpt raised to the level of a form of communicatioq a kind of language. One gets the impression that those who to this form of communication have arrived at stage probably because they have not been able to make heard throueh the normally accepted medium land instituions of communicatio[ That the has soent vast sums on the administrative structure is nqt the same thing as prc ducing the capability for the fall-out from the several problems which are concdmitants of social change. Social change has certainly made violence possible but not inevitable. It becomes inevitablb only to the extent of inadequacy and ineffectivencess gf the institutional ftrfras-

Conclusion and Policy




either to : tice Systern Ineffectiveness ofa system can be due bocause of their i.rhrroi,i.t inherent in the institutions

in general and in particular of the Criminal



inuppiop.iut."ess for handling the types of.situati<'ns g..t'"'i","'.f by social change or (2) the subverti:l,,of tn' institutions by their operators through panisanshlp' corbe iltion o, .o"r, indifference' Our institutions can is just about faulted on both these counts' Our democracy iour O."ua.t old If during these early but vital years' there it;;t; failure to build into the institutions a degree of viiality and purity, even the most robust and efficient of ir"ttit"tio"t aie bound to be corroded and their effectiveness such a blunted" Violence easily and inevitably moves into all' we ;i;ti." with results which will be painful for conftun. to face the fact that comrption in its different and notations has taken a very heavy toll of the vitality of our administrative and other institutions "ff."tiu" in no small measure contributed to the pre u"A tftit hag nuiii"g niof"*e in some of the States Capability of an i"riitu"tio" by itself is not self-executing It requires a J"gi"" .r commitment on the part of. its- functionaries' *fl"f, i, what in the ultimate analysis determines the

quality of the performance of institutions' That "ili" ""0 arrangement is the best which bridges the gap institutional il"*I" ""p"Uiliti and commifitrert' This isisturn n"ill possible automatical-ly take care of the gap between what and what is desirable.
violence' the establishing their respective interests through -democratic set up has to step in as a credible ii"t" i" a of resolvrng. ihe conflicting. interests of the predeter "g."t ""p"Uf" cintending g-ups accotding to accepted' and power in favour mineO ,roini The state has io exercise its fullil its fun' ;i;; Att , contending factions, if it -is ro the capability damen6l role as an agent of change' lt is of thi Govemment, and not merelv the


the conflicting forces are to be preveFted from

;;;;;t-""ce ,aLO i"t"otions that fl. political


impress Mere

. have. to fullil


are not



obligation as elected


availability of an actively functi



means the

forum and/or voluntary


damentals of .social engineering

_^,,.1f porrtlcs

common denominator that ch most of the States To seek ing fior the fall out from it is

appropriate forum capable of c of the people into a programm content among the people trations. This in turn creates and aggressive assertion of ri mlnlmum wages or tenurial economic disabilities snowball i criminate violence. This a

facilitating the process of chan

Unions as a permanent and inte

In the absence of an annelling the grievances plan of action the distes into anger and frusitions for social despair ts, as in the case of rights. The unresolved
to widespread and indisof a suitable forum is a

and healthy political tions like the Trade part of the institutions

the set-up in

change without provid-

to understand the fun-

poli,i"ians and political parties do not employ

as an agent of change acoording to certain

and to an extenr luttar praEesh, iut ur rt depends dn are the local heavy " weigh.ts, who may be landowners, contractors or families jllo],]::".',r enjoylng tocat toyaltips" who are *opt.o uy rne, party rn power for mobilising p[liticat support in tim"s

pafi. in power largely

.functionaries up urrd dfwn*a wenjenneA ana llerarchical line violencq will rake the place of political adhocisrn which will lhrn rnurqu"*j"' o. 't,"ff."iog u legitima^te-political process This ls what i, in some of the States. A sensitive dnd disciplineO' pnfiti"uf party with an ideological base ip no.rnuily expected to channel causes capable of contriblting to viotence at ttreir incipient srage. The absence oll suih politicai parties functioning on a day-today basis with' compreh'ensive contacts with the different and cofflicring elemints which should be an inregral part of public life-ar all i, u phenomenon common to a numper of States, and par_ ticularly to some of those ruled b1l the Congress O".rr. ,rr States like Bihar,

te! 1nd basic ground rules gove]rning ihe actions accep of the political

Conclusion qnd Policv Implications


of political instability, and particularly during elections" Such an adhoc arrangement is hardly sensitive to public

grievances and is certainly not intended to project to the

political powers that be the " problems at the grass root levels with a view to get them sorted out administratively. The Congress party as it is functioning in some of the State$ gives the impression of a tenuous coalition of conflicting interests incapable of pursuing its own legislations to their logical end for fear of antagonising the dominant vested interests among the coalition partners' This is in sharp contrast to the situation obtaining in West Bengal since. 1977. Caste and class domination has been weakened in West Bengal, and this has had its benelicial impact on the nature and the quantum of violence in that State. The violence in that State as of now is largely a product of inter-political conflicts. Atul Kohli's paper charac"The CPM leadership views political survival as an on going struggle with 'reactionary forces'. Party discipline and the perception of continuing struggle have thus facilitated cohesive rule and coherent policies in contem'
porary West Bengal...... The CPM seeks to preserve democ
terises the CPM leadership as a shared but cohesive group'

ratic institutions while using State power to facilitate

development with redistribution 2. The key linkage groups have been the students with rural roots who come to the

city for education, get politicised and go back to rural areas to teach and to serve as party organlzers and propagaters. As these students often come from the middle income families. the social base of the CPM in both the
cities and the countryside rests on the middle class strata' The party also gets its support from the widespread lower

income groups. Several interested groups contribute to this. They are the movements of the students, teachers. trade unions, the peasants and the landless labour. These different groups constitute the link between the party and the sociery at large. Electoral and political support is mobilised through these different organisations' The difference in the functioning of a party like the CPM in West Bengal in their dealings with the day-to'day problems of




the people is in such sharp qontrast to the functioning of the Congress in some other $tates The absence of strong caste identities in Bengal compared to Bihar and Uttar Pradesh explains why the upper caste Hindus have been able to forge political links gith the lower caste peasarts and workers Diluted caste identities in West Bengal should also enable us to understand "the failure of Bengal's non-communist p{rties in mobilising along dominant caste lines or in utflising high caste influentials as vote bank$ One point that needs highlighting with regard to the conversion of the Harijans of [4eenakshipuram to Islam is that these Harijans were far rhore advanced educationally and materially than the general run of the Harijans in cer-

tain other parts of the countr9/. Among the 1250 Harijans there were two MBBS doctots and agricultural scientists and five graduates. A numb(r of them held government jobs and two of the four teacters of local primary schools were Harijans Out of 180 families,, 80 families owned land and the largest land holder rfrs a Harijan with about l0 acres of land" Those who did not have land or those who had marginal holdings werd cultivators of the Temple estate. What eventually drove the Harijans to convert thmselves to Islam was not so much their economic condi. tiorL as the continued discrimination and disabilities that thev were to by the Thevarg an intermediate caste group. phenomenon is extremely relevant in the context of the rlpward social mobility of the Harijans. While even the c deprivation which is bad in itself rnay continue to be put up with upto a point, people will no longer much less accept the social discrimination that has a feature of this country's traditional social hierarchical up.
Unless there is an attit$dinal change of the caste grcups towards those whq urltil Independence, had. been assigned to the bottom of the social ladder, the country is in for violent social upheaval and convulsion, the nature

Conclusion and Policy



it is difficult to forecast The reaction of ;iiri. ii,r..""r.hip,'rrutn Harijans and the-realignment be to has come, ;;iilJ;;.;;. i.i c.'iu'ut thiough what which will have in the wind il;er; iHAM are-straws impact ;;';;"ht[ social and political thJcasteThese aspects the that ill* ""iit emphatic terms if continued factor-in and sociallv i"iii" ll,iia- pJriti.ur scene, to a realignment of the lead iiri"ila i,"irticallv, wilr and patterns as never known iiiiun , in terms
and extent of which

of-transitiorl is The Indian society in its present state chrysalis may fike a chrysalis in metamorphosis' The clea-rly^cannot die' but,it .".ft ""0 U*ome a butte rfly or the lndian soclety pre..r." to ttt. caterpillar stage' Is to the fact that what it itself ;.*.i ;; *..d;'";9 adiuit not just surface disturbancg upon to .o""o"i is is called "*tJt"or*.1t *nittt cailJ into question certain perish has accepted valucs of life? Adapt or all its children Are we *rti.., iu* of nature for


;;t iJ;t tr*li.


7|o/o ol According to one estimate' even in 20q *.P' means This I"di;b;;;;6ion is likelv to be rural-based ii"iitt.""t *il be considerable tensioq and even-violencq counter if adequate steps are not taken to forestall and Jilla Assembileq iit.-.'gi""l"ni to the Parliamen! consideriiu.i.ftuOt and the Panchayats have introduced only at areas' not for violence in the rural "uii-p.L,i"f elections but also long afterwards' dependof the the time coni"" l" ift" trail of bitterness that all elections keenly areas in the rural ;J;1;;;" ;;hind Population growth of landless *irr 1aA ro the increase in the number organized by the r*"i-r"uourers. Peasant agitations. "g.i."f will aggravate and unsettle conditions arising out landless of Gujarat oithe scarcity-of ,..ou""s Except in the case in a very pronounced ;;; ih; caste conflicts surface-d the 1980 and 1985 form in some urban centres during



illo the nat{re and the tyi" oi piou"_, :ilg{.1":,,qo,o" that we will be called upon t[ f"". ir-inJ'*.iuf "ui."r. ," this. connection, the insuffi,bi.".y of ttr" lLui'pori". in rerms of tlieir :"r:1",1^ 9,:rh ""-..i.uf ,,i"igrf, u,ra are rrot" .rrou gi i; ;;;q l infrastructural of the ::t^""1 _which back up i" tJr-, oi;;j;;;;; " ""y 4uu uommuntcatron and communication are factohs whi"h .,^nr;Lt,rlacto[s which contribute to mak_ ing the policing of the rural u[.u, io.r.urirrgffim.utt -rft;'ro,r."., i., ll.-h.: of the mounring chalienges. rf th; of tension are not atlended to u'A.q"ut.ty, by orga n ized in stitutiona I . tfoJlrio,i' u "pp."pri",.iy :19^ 11 -,tT. violence from below from these several ceniresuou., will become inevitable- To bring dut a significarrt ,ee;errt of the-Indian population out-od a f.ri'rliJ. p*ijirro uo rs is not going to be easy, r,o.'i, it rit.ry U" .ury. nor is likely to :r^"ljl1.t"il_li.r","t :s^":j:1"":l_li.r","r De rree lrom violence. The me{sure of the statemanship of our leaders and the institutio,hal capabflif u"i-.or"_iu T"tq *il be judged by the^levrel to which violence-is kept down in the process of transforrfring ou, .o"i.ty L.iih. li.r., of the Constitutional goal that twe Iu"" ,"t or'rr"iu"*

l5*i:.:::^llS rtr; norice rhe polic'ing of ,;.'.our,,,y j:.0.:11^1"_:"rilyurban-orieirtedNot"r"'"er,,lii,r'6re.,,

l'^,'^"lr:gy:t*ad.iocational-lg#ii;;ilir,r';:l;ilH::: role.correctly and promptly. Thi, hu, .p..i.l ..f .""""* ,"

,r'"rifrJ,ii *ir primarily urban, much of;;;; violence took the llt-{. l-t::.alsothe distant villages, lhough certain u.Lun-."rro., were Ir not free from iilt iq therifore i_|"."i". ,i"t rrr" Justice System which is p.t;;;ii),'il;.rlo.i.rrr.o 9lt.."l
whicd had

agitations, this phenomeno{ is largely a feature of the ot. Even during the rr^--+L.-.^r^ __:- .. M,ararhwada agtation .hen _states,

rural areas in the




which have come to be weddedi go tog"iir".. iii. iiroe trrut the authorities realised that in de;ing;tfr tfre Aacorts ana the Naxalites often the .orde[' aciiev.a ui -r.r"l rrigf, i1 lyrarJr at varia[rce with the i-p..litu.. or rne law; or rs lt that they have 4eaiised the factual position ,^ ,-t,_t: the .14w, imposed by the is in consonance with the .9fdet' tfr.rgf, ifr.'*J

oo, always



Conclusion and Policy




along conveniently with the system? An administration which is indifferent in its reactions to the lake encounters with dacoits or the so'called Naxalites can and will over a period of time come to believe in the genuineness of the ilaims that its functionaries are making on its behalf Thiq in turrL will result in a growing disinclination or the part of the Government to subject these claims to any serious internal scrutiny. Such indifference can generate a fype of work ethics among the administrative and law enforcing agencies, from the damaging consequences of which even the most law abiding citizens will- not be able to escape. Accountability for the responsible use of power by its wielders is a must even in the best of times In the seething social brew such as the one that we are living through, this accountability is a categorical imperative"
The violence that has rocked some of our cities alrd in the 'wcent past has a special message which we can ignore only at our peril. The economically deprived and the socially backward will no longer wait for a happy and peaceful transition from their present deprived status to a higher level of economic and social mobility. With the social and political awareness that they have developed, the message to live on more and better consumer goods displayed in the catchy advertisements in the television hour after hour, day after day, are not lost on this class of the deprived sections of the population They as a class are in a hurry to make good the lost time. Their children demand more and better amenities and they see no reason why they should be denied items of goods which a neighbour or even someone further away has It needs to be mentioned that there is widespread hostility and bitterness among the millions who have not shared the nation s limited prosperity. There is visible anger and yet a sullen acceptance of the conditions for the time being The threshold of tolerance is likely to shrink fast No democratic government can long endure without serious damage to its structure and stability, with the existancg within its

and it suits them to go along quietly with the Policg to get



major urban centres and the rural areas of millions of

citizens below the poverly litg who as a group understandably feel deeply aggrieved

If the socio-economic cliange that is being held out by the leaders is not ushered i{ as a perceptible programme of every day life, the change rnay well force itself violently at irreparable cost to society. Evidently, the vast mass of people still nurse the hope that the Government would be able to bring about the much needed change in the {brese3ble future One cannot dabe predict how long this will hold in an atmosphere of rootlessness of mobile people; loosening of the traditional social organisations and decline of the influence o[ religion as legitimsing the inherited social system and inducing a degree of fatalistic acceptance of things as they are. The picture is not being overdrawn The intention [s merely to emphasise the message to those who ought to listen. This will call for a resolute and determined effdrt at norm setting It is most unrealistic to ask for a socidty without violence if there is politicisation of criminals, br criminalisation of politics, and an unholy alliance between those in power, in administration and in businpss leading to deals which are contributing in no small rheasure to the generation of black money, corruption and a parallel black economy
Above all. we would do lwell to abandon our faith in a police solution to problems which are born essentially of unresolved and evaded sociDeconornic issues. The police cannot be expected to take ttre responsibility of sorting out the results of wrong politilcal and economic decisions taken by the government To do so would be to give a role to the police which it cannbt and should not have in a

Commission on


Conclusion and Policy



backlog of unemployment as of 1985 the over all ,oug"iiuO. of additional employment,-to be-generated by figures itte-yeat ZOOO would be around 130 million But the all over the ur-i.gitt.."A by the Employment Exchanges .ouniry ut on jl'12-1985 stood at 26 million which i.s vastty

Jif..."t from the Planning Commission's figures of 9'2 *ifiio" But even going by the figures of the Planning Co--ittiott, the Jituation would constitute a major *hi"h *ill have to be met by the creation of
"-fruff."g. employment opportunities' Since there will additioial
U" a segment of people left out of employment' this "l*"yt u source of violence. This can get further compounaun b" A.J ii urno"g those thus left out there are significant ,.ga..ttt of iopulation belonging to the minorities and ensured ihE *eake. sictions. It will therefore have to be iitu, no, only is there adequate employment opportunities i"i ,ttu, these get distributed fairly between the-different t"g-."tt of thJ employment seekers Failure to do so will violence' halve the potentials of communal and caste
proproblems The sre ssive decline-in ihe siie of land holdings' this will have to be met by removing the io"t.q"."t on obrtu"i.t to increased productivity of small farms' which *iff ."t"if significant institutional improvement, in the services which are ;;lit;t systeir of the various extensioaThe whole process with agriculture' i"ti.ui.ty connected *iit- ttu"" t" be institutionalised in a manner that the ves,Jin,"t.ts among the landholders are not able to thwart sociai mobility of the weaker sections by tft. "p*u.a the functionaries manning the administrawith

The demographic perspective also implies a

"oifuai"gdevelopmental infrastructure' tive and

populaAccording to the Planning Commissiorl the tion in the yJar 2,000 is estimated to reach 972 million ittit p-j""tion has been made apparently on the assumP ^ tio" tttit the Family Welfare Programme will be of i*ot.-.rrt"A effectively and uniformly' The growth hv woul4 by itselfincrease the areas oftension




the mere fact of the limited urces having to go around an ever-expaflding populati But this problem is likely to get further accentuated if family welfare programme leads to differential growth f population between the communities. This trend is evident in some of the states. Considering the po that unequal growth in population holds, which in rn will impinge on several other factors such as employment and other opportunities, it would be our while to ensure that the Family Wellfare p is accepted uniformly by all the communities

_ The urban population in lhe year 2.000 AD. is expeeted to be nearly 315 million i$dicating a share of 32o/o of the total population This is rolrghl y 54o/o of the total addi tion to population between lggl and the year 2.000 AD Unless there is a corresponding increase ani improvenrent at the level quality of thb urban housing and crvic -and amenitieg, the problems cre{ted by the sh-ortfall can generate considerable urban te]nsion. It is expeced thar by 2000 AD., ffio/o of the villages would be connecred by ali weather roads as against the 34o/o. That being sq $resent the urban tensions generally. iird parricularly of the com_ munal variety, can travel from the urban to ihe rural hin_ terland much faster and with lreater damage to life and property. Inspite of planning over dhe years, the plan projec_ tions have not always been ed in certain sectors of particular importance to socia{ well being and harmony. The comulative shortfalls in mafter of employmen! cducatio4 housing and the basic civic u..riti.rl.u'n tribute to the creation of deep "orr_ t because of frustrated hopes and unfulfilled tions of the millions, w-hich can erupt into mindle.. uiol"n"e. Only timely anO effective action of the authoritigs concerned ut tt prosDecr prospect 1nd ln the states, can prevent this frightening "-C..rt." from becoming a reality.

Conclusion and Policy



The study of the various incidents reported from differnt parts of the country indicates that there is no single itteory^of conflict resolution which can be applied uniformlv io all the conflict situations in different parts of the countrv. There are a variety of causes and even the same causes do not have an identical outcome every where' As we survey the scene in some of th states, it is apparent that Indian society is in a state of flux, even if the general framework has not changed significantly' There are very distinct and discernible signs of changes that are coming over in society, with a still largely unaltered social structure' There is no rigid and uniform alignment of forces in terms of class, caste or groups. The alignment varies from the state to state, and even within a statg depending upon in the nature of the issues involved and their relevance local socio'economic context' Since the benefits accruing from reservations have to be availed o4 and the reservations are based on caste, there is no likelihood of caste as an identity disappearing in the near future, though its implications in practice may get increasingly diluted in the urban and semi-urban centres.

As Sardar Patel had observed years ago: "It will be folly to ignore realities; facts take their revenge if they are not laceJ squarely.". (5) It is time that the realities arising out of the socio'economic changes of the last two decades are faced in all their grim implications
The choice is open The direction of change is unmis' takable. Do we have the necessary political and. administrative will and wisdom to give the people of this country at least peace amidst the several disabilities inherent in an under strain because of aa exploding population ""orro*y and scarcity of resources and opportunities ?
We as a nation are capable of doing much better than what we are doing at present in terms of administrative competence and giving a fair and honest deal to our entire



castq feudalism and coloniafl inheritance need nor make us underestimate our capabi$ty for rising above each and eyery ol9 of the legacies fro!,r our past What is necessary above all is to recover our f{ith in ourselves and work to build up a better and a clean{r society in which those who ask for payment of minimrfm wages. and certainty of tenurial rights on lands cultfvared by thern need not be shot down by labelling thefn as Naxalities, where the lajority is without tyranny and the minorities wirhout fear. where the Covemment dbes the proper thing not only when it is expedient to do soi but beiauie it is iisht, and all our people can count on a happy future.

populatioL That we are ha{nstrung by the traditions of

I 2. 3. 4. 5.

tu{r_" Bereilte: "Equatiry as a righr and as a policy- 11986) Atul Kohli's paper : From elite Radicalism to d..*.ut. Consolidation: The rise of Retbrm Commr]rnism in Wesr Bengal (19g4). IBID-Arul Kohli's papcr Nikhil Lakshrnan : 'Despair, Fr{rstration and Anger.'. lllustrated Weekly of India 30th November. 1986. Sri L.P. Singh : "Sardar patel ar{d the Indian Administration .. Sardar Patel Memorial Lecure Surlrl l5th December. 19g6.





trl q,

5 $FH$
' F



aeg:s h:HTfiEF*P:F sEs* sE$fi!$-hFPo

z z

j F



I e8839 $*$F ;FqE-

I r.l ra F- .'| a! I a{ a.r ..) \O aJ o\tch


f F




s3 4!
e Et i E !.e,ii E"tr t6=:6.= <<co()tr8

I ?

&-E, E!o 3;.9 -

E ;F





-c r|foF..

PSRe .na ..) l;35o\ RF-S6R --<> !t r.r .o :l l'- o\

O--CEr.r.'r \o

r- \E|roal-ll


p8 eR8 FnsaqF I rS$ h$g3g

Ag$H -r ra..
:t.\r co @ F-Fo 3R== a.l .4 \t) r6 .o..1 a{F


*N.4 - | l$R3.n | -BS a.o

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s 2=

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3 F i s razF $ lo. >9 BEPsL-S FF Eg-E:

4E*X * xii .:1J


o I





3 frE lq< FO ..2

A '

l.! o\

sh | F\O



av2 A&





.KY5T \o \o at a\




E z



os. oo
t{ tr

ilo E<



8E E? dg

E -!) a,)F

Eh ,o 9'F

z vt

rFh eas
-i ..i


ri. qvi\dF *

-?cd H;*=



J c\ o\

gg*E3s*$gaE ' 9fi rFH6 EAgs


6 H $







gRH*BAHH , ,=FnHa$En'8


\. 'aQ



ga va 8a8a8a 86


ii EE a i" - s. E is.- - E *.E







7a td



8A I n83 t?r | sR
..t (r) rar ca l.|
..1 \0






I hFl@=ll



0\r ''

=6 cii

fl39RS, t$ sRr?-s';$\o al ..r


r'S$ r | | |


-\l it,

a aaSaaage O uat gAgi9Avaa6

'i. 13-

.= cd





z E & EiEa

:r .*4.!9

1o ';-o







Ht=d.9 *AAA{ tJu\r.







rsH $s




rsn $s 88


EF Elz




v4'a ^t-




5F i:i AF -rl)

z d

sE* H;i i

E-9.! Glo'9

>y EF



c a a





Total Main Workers


t t


(43.4) 925?2835 (41.6) 8101567





(100.0) 378,t4568 (100.0) 14f'244r'.l

t97 |

Q7.e) 10661t28 Q8.2)

8418491 (57.5)


(r00.0) t963688


Source : Ceasus l97l and t98l Figurts in brackets ar the prcentages to the iotal AP. All Persons Sc. :.Scheduled Castes ST. Scheduled Tribes

Main Workers


Annexure C



Househotd lndustries Manufacturing Pro' cessing RePairs 63517l4


47489383 (26.3)

4E354589 (26.8)

(24.e) 15044761 (51.8) 18249360 (48.2) 4832427 (33.0) 7174898 (32.7)



(30.0) 4957806

967225 (3.3) 1252502 (3.3) 150486 (1.0)


7681578 (20.3) 1223037 (8.4)



(l | .5)






tr fr



:l. iI Ots q=6 !{


o trl :I



a! oq

o a


aiE 8








Eis E5

0a:., gi;



c -oq

x l-

a til I at)



P \p


5 .:

r{l ol frl rllI r

FI ,l



E qt

& Ee =EE* iEo Egg $$ES3ggg {r'ivtFq,oict-i -: c.i

:l:t\ rlI E: .E EI

8r :8




Et -

she $ss=s rriOr--i-OGCt-e-q *
"- 7.q.1n',?


F tf


EEE 'g- I

Ei ;9i


\0 oq o: a,l a.l






a! q\







a\Fttrvm 5 !1,


o\o qo:

Eg# E s::E
"sE E.E



s ri


t.g Er It
3.8 :9
-i ihSE

6 orl{

sFgiA-gs*=g FiFi s==ggs=e

lY$ $o

Sta/(' rent showing the


ol albtncnt ol eiling

s*plw lond n

st Nc


Area distributed

l. Andhra Pradcsh 2. Assa6 3. Bihat 4. Gujsrat

5, Haryatra 6. Himachal Pradesb 7. Kanataka
E. Kerala

10.8.323 4,42'766 5.68,873 4,89575



2..18,192 r,5L249

t.63512 @,U6 ?9.228 N,437



1.13,971 I,12,635


9. Madhya Prsdcsh 10. Maharashra ll. Manipur

12. Orissa 13. Punjab 14. Rajasthan
15. Tanil Nadu 16. Tripura

t24.M tt,782 54,422 Ls6,4U 1J5,788 87,884 3.?0,193 X81,586 2,81,586 37 159 t.029 t,23,79E 1,0692 t.47 J75 r7 ,0t4 3,353 &.62 L(8,533 2,3\Sr't 1,32,185 87.951 E1267 63,654 1,690 1,558 I,l 13


17. Uttar Prsdesh 18. Wesl Bengal 19. Dadra & Nagar Haveli

2.88.081 Z64,lA

2!. Dlhi
21. Pondichrry

\e,767 l,rz8r8 62,& t,958 6116 3,616 374 37(b) 7n 1,112 9n z5&



41,90,q)8 A,K383 t9J47t8

readjusted upwards to tally with the ofarca estimated surplus given those of area alreadv rcoortd as

@ These hgures have been

area already declared surplus as the by the State Governmenl are lower

declarcd surplus (b) The Agradar, Reforms Act 19?6, was enacted and brought into fore only recendy alld no report od th irogress made has yet been received (c) Extent of area has been estir{ated in proponion to the number of beneficiaries since the State Govt h{s furnished only the break-up of iotal nunber of beneficiaries and not of lotal area distributed (d) Includes Scheduled Tribes. alCo. (e) Includes an area of88052 acres given to6488l beneficiaries belonging to other backward classes (0 Includes an area of 13641 acr,4s given to institutions



rte Sche.luld Cast(4 Schedulal Tribes and othen




upto 4th March 1983)



Scheduled Castes

Schcduled Tribes

Others Area disrributcd No. of bcneft, ciaries

Total No of


Arca distributcd

No of

ciaries 9

Arca dislri buted


No of

36,86.2 | ,17

J25 (e) 79,n9


2;15,6t7 2,t75

3,141 6a'63 tA76 D,W 45,634 |576 16,718 432t9 N"739 tg,W t2 r.o(D 245 n4 M 1,93.926 I,i{),189 1,43,726(d) l36t6l 25,671(c) 72,454 l2,'8A() t,613 30 13 3,584 1.036 6t8 749

rA3A72 l, ,l7l s6,386 n544 31,990 1,68,690 79,161 (c) %,W tg4rl(c) 1900 9248 Zl58 lJro s,830 qs68 LWI 4362 2326 L% r34 24,383 56,854 M,A2 L34, $,588 r9fi3 4261 ,ffi yAss 21,%s 994 4Z@6 76892 92294 24,4t8 s1,072 l8E2,180 33ft6 n555 45,902

20617 e67,8s0 (0

34r flJ82(c) 364 1,3&7

56,085 37E

262 613 5247 {,6(9 t4,255 2!,823


10,605 884 45,717



47,93 r02s6



n,824 6,7n


15 42,903 t50 659 96,,186 Y,333 24,ffi(c) 1,59!1 2







729,711 5fi,s12 2,87,7m 1,84,052 e512E7

acres given to 3

(g) Includes an area of 3006


an area of3882 acres handed over io the Tamil Nadu Sugar Cane Farm Corporation Limited and8456 acres reserved under Disposal of

(h) lncludes

Surplus Land Ruleq 1966. (i) Area distributed to institutionysocietios


Impoftant Caes


of pe$ons killed/inj ured


of of
Judgcmcnt M



l9-5-80 5-&El

25 huts bumt Out of thrce dad two
beheadcd l8 houss

BELCHI (Bih8r) PIPRA (Bihad


(Bihar) BISHRAMPUR (Bihar)






hut bumt

JETALPUR 2612-80

3l-8-81 -





l3-2.E I


-- -314-

(Bih8r) (Bihar) DEOLI (u.P.)



3S 12-81


Source: sshcdulcd cagtes Eackward Clsssca

lt lL{

Note: M-Male



annqtt" D
At @iliat on


Rcsarlt of Judgcmcnts

Caus of


Death Life ImPr!' Othcr Acquit' 3n- senmcot PunfuF ted





dcfmitr cnrrc r"ia ai"po,


50 3


3 4 33

Pcrson dc8d


8nd cultom bridF oot



Covt bar

thst Harijsn *hoold

filed an appcal


in HiSh Coun

bc carricd ir" a

througb thc villagc

l) Monqy



bctwcsn RrjPutE atrd PEtcl Thcft by tbc














Cases Registered

PCR Act 1955 and their

Disposal Year



No. of fresh cases Regd



Challaned a in court

Brought Forward




?26 247 396 927 698 690


3425 4729

4303 .m85

z9m 375t 3444 3550 2865 2(65

2273 3953

5579 4995

: Ministry of Home Affails (Annual Repon on the pCR


Annexure E

Disposal by Police and Court

Disposal by Court
Resutts ofcases

in Cburt

Challened cases in court




of by court

2920 3751 3& 3550 2855 2f6s

5193 770/. 8247 9129 7860 7212

2492 267s

ssr Q7.36%)



490 (19.65%) 2002 (80.34%)

68 (ns2%) M2(77.58%) n67 (n.6%) 2866 (69.34%'



(17.6%) 208s (82.54%)

l99 (10.86%) 1633 (89.14%)

Act 1955 for the years l98l-82).


Srltltsst rlgsdlng
Stdt/Unibn Teri.tory





Pmtcctio! of
of ca86 cloccd by

fonrardcd ,. Court

Numbcr of c&!r


after ir vestigation but without


Andhra Pradcsh


Bihar Gujarat Harya!&


& Kashmirt'


Himachal Predesh
Karnstaka Kcrale

172 777 r,021


238 I t72 261 6P 5165 5 ]8 98 106 Nil t73 1136 n4 22 103 2 143




Madhya Pradcsh" .Msharashtra*

Orissa Punjab Rajasthan TaEil Nadu


221 534


Nil 6l

Uttar Pradcsh



Goa, Damao Pondichcrry

& Diu


e82 2

Total (1981) Total (1980) Increas or dccleasc over 1980 Percedag incrcas dr decreas over 1980.

69q n1 -U -24;10

49e5 5,57e -5t4 -10.47

4,08s 4303 -218 -5.07

Static Static

cases brought forwarded with court of Maharashtra has been adopted. awaited from the Govrnment


nd, Tripur4 West Bengal & b, Dadra & Nagar Haveli,

has been reportd

Ctvil Rigbts Act, 1955 rnd thcif .tlsposrl dudrg thc ycrf
NumDer of cass challancd Number of c$c8 dispolcd by coun eodiag

201 lnnqun EI


Numbcr of cascs pcndiag at thc cnd of thc ycar







Policc ,Coutt


Nil WA



I It3









79 313
























76 32






5l Nit



Nil I

Nil I


Nil Nil


. 3,550




-685 -1930




698 -t -r.15









rgsrditg thc

rgistered under the Protection of


Sa.f/Union Teritory


Numbr cases fresh

Number of cases registered closd bp

police after investigation but without


Andhra Pradesh Assatr Bihar Gujaral

Haryaoa Jammu & Kashmirr. Hirnachal Pradesh


I lJ










Kerala Madhya Pradesh.t













76 32

86 262

Rajastha! Tamil Nadu Uttar Pradesh Delhi

Chandigarh Goa, Danan Pondicherry





& Diu

Nil Nil

Nil I


4,087 4,085

Toral (1982) Total (1981) Increas or dqcas owr l9El Perccntage increar or decrcas over 1981.










Disposal of Brougtrt forward awaited from the Government of Karnataka +t Correct figures of Brought Forqard cases and disposal oI cases awaited from the Govemmetrt of Jammu & Kashmir and Madhva Pradsb.



Clyil Rifbt! Ac! 1955 8nd theit diEi'olsl during th vcar

of cagcs challancd in the @utr


Nirmbcr of by court

cases diilposed


Number of cascs Pcnding at th end of the Ycsr


endiryin cnvictio!






















23 29 330 67


&3 t'l




380 30 1390


-_ )l
l0 Nit








"t55 126 2










I Nil
I t3




2 l99

Nil I









725 4,545 690 4,54',1 +35 -2 +5.0? -0.u

IVA Not available From Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Tripur4 West Bengal" Andaman & Nicobar Islandg Arunachal Pradestr, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Lakshadeep, Mizoram no case has been reported.


Annexurc E J'


TES DURING 1979. I State/Union Terntory

G STATE.WISE BREAK. ON SCHEDULBD CA$ l98l and 1982 of cases rcported during



3 Aridhra Pradesh

Bihar Gujarat Himachal Pradesh

Haryana Jammu & Kashmir Karnataka

Madhya Pradesh
Kerala Maharashtra

Punjab Rajasthan Tamil Nadu

Tripura Uttar Pradesh

West Bengal


Goa Daman & Diu

Arunachal Pradesh

Nil Nil Nil 1,890 1,983 2,073 498 6y 455 68 69 73 78 74 t4 tm n4 45 377 397 363 3,877 4p33 4,749 478 2Q 145 518 695 6E0 80 80 150 79 51 73 1,180 t,562 1,731 t{ 199 I53 Nit 18 3 4279 3.865 3977 33 23 t7 03 06 0l Nil 0l 02 Nil Nit Nil 16 08 07
13,866 14J08




Statistics about other States are




Annexure E 4

Comparativeslalementshowingslate,wisebreak.upofAtfocitycases 1982 Trib--es during 1979' l98o' l98l and



StatdUnion Territory

Number of cases rePorted during




Andhra Pradesh Bihar Gujarat

Karnataka Kerala





5 7





Madhya Pradesh
Orissa Punj ab





l4 4l

l0 NA





Tamil Nadu
West Bengal Goa. Damin


& Diu

Arunachal Pradesh
Dadra & Nagar Haveli

NA tz NA l6 NA




NA 0l




Statistics of other States wcre not available for scheduled castes and Ea : v Report, of the commission


Scheduled Tribes


Annaurc F

For all ommudtei, S#;;g munites (Excluding




Scheduled tribes and al[ Comcastes and schedulgd tribes) Com- Schedu- Sbhedu- AII Com_



No. Territorv

Costes led munities led Tribes exclu&

ing SC


10. Madhya pradesh


l. Andhra Pradesh 2 Assamt 3. Bihar 4. Gujarat 5. Haryana 6. Himachal pradesh 7. Jammu & Kashmir 8. Kamataka 9. Kerala I.


24.59 28.72

35.79 26.98 31.96

10.66 5.34 25.79 26.03 6.53 t1.64 27.74 14.12


27.68 29.36 23.34

30.22 36.81 19.18




22.14 39.18

21. Unar Pradesh 22. Wesr Bengal 23. Andaman & Nicobar

12. Manipur 13. Meghalaya 14. Nagaland 15. Orissa 16. Punjab 17. Rajasthan 18. Sikkim 19. Tamil Nadu 20. Tripura


13.89 14.85 &.2r 25.72 t2A9 7.62 25.27 n.74 26.U 28.7 | 20.38 26.45







15.6t 9.4 16.12 9.t4 6.47 17.42 2l.82 9.02 mst 15.03 10.20 14.s9 17.80 8.92


42.42 53.78

23.38 I t.tb 43.58 41.06 24.79


24. Arunachal pradesh 25. Chandigarh 26. Dadra & Nagar Haveli 2?. Delhi 28. Goa Daman & Diu

14.e7 56.61
44.7 5

36.28 5.20 2438 33.18 8.90 28.15 26.14 12.73





29. LakshadweeP 30. Mizoram 31. Pondicherry

41.3',t 43.6 Included in Assam 6.02 18.?0




Including Mizoran

p"i"Z"tug"t ftave been calculated on the total population inclusive of the popouiation in the age erouo of 0-4' '&eoisior, of Lists C;lL bc A sco Divisioo' Ministry of Source":

Home AITairs. (19M) (occasional papen Source : Selected statistics on scheduled castes of scheduled castes) MlLd irn develtoment :



all com' Literacy rates of Scheduled CasteVscheduled Tribes and the year 1931 ,196l' 197l and 1981 munities for
Percentage of Literacy

Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes

195r 196l N.A N.A


1971r l98lr
14.8 11.3




1.9 0,7 9.5

10.3 8.5

16.4 36.2



* :


: :

Selected statistics Home Affairs. Tribes

on Scheduld


Ministry of


Report of the Commission for Scheduled Castes and

(April 1981-March 1982{th Report)



Literacy rates of Schedulcd Casteg


Scheduled Tribes for the

StateVUnion Terribory

Castes Per centago of


Scheduled Tribes pep





Andhra Pradesh

Bihar Gujarat

8.5 24.4 5.9 22.5

Punjab d.)
9.1 24.7



Himachal Pradeshr Jammu & Kashmir

Karnataka (Mysor) Kerala

---*--8.6 7.9 17.7

5.1 7

Madhya Pradesh

Meghalaya Nagaland*

.9 15.8


Punjab Rajasthan

Siktim Tamil Nadhu (Madras)

Tripura* Uttar Pradesh
West Bengal

25.4 ll.6 9.6 6.4





Andaman & Nicobar Islands Arunachal Pradesh (NEFA) Chandigarh D & N Haveli Delhi

Goa Daman & Diu Lakshadweap


Union Territories during the


Annexure G

LITERACY RATES IN I98I com' Communitieq Scheduled casteq Scheduled tribes and-all For All -Uunities -

excluding Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes


India/State/Union No. Territory

munities Castes

All C:m-

Schedu- Schedu-



comTribes munties excluding


sc& sT






2. Assam 3. Bihar 4. Gujarat 5. Haryana



Andhra Pradesh

2994 26.20

10.40 39.78




30.17 48.14

7. Jammu & Kashmir 8. Karnataka 9. Kerala


Himachal Pradesh

42.48 26.67 38.,f6

31.50 22.44



47 .31


12. Manipur 13. MeghalaYa 14. Nagaland

1.5, Orissa


Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra

't0.42 55.96 18.97 27 .87 47.t8 35.55 41.3s 33.63 34.08 25.18
34.23 22.41 .10.86 23.86


20.14 42.95 3t.79 75.32 1068 36.15 22.29 51.55 42.1r 39.7 4 31.55 u91 40.31 54.39 13.96 4.22
10.27 33.13

16. Punjab 17. Rajasthan 18. Sikkim 19. Tamil Nadu 20. Tripura 21. Uttar Pradesh 22. West Bengal 23. Admand & Nicobar

24.38 lA.M 34.05 28.06 4.76 29.67 42j2 33.89 27.16 14.96 40.94 24.37

20J6 51.01 23.07 53.93 20.45 30.45 t3.2r ,18.12 54j1 3l.l I




No. Territory



Schedu- All led led comex cluding

Castes Tribes munities


24. Arunachal Pradesh 25. Chandigarh 26. Da&a & Nagar Haveli 27. Delhi 28. Goa Daman & Diu 29. Laskshadweep 30. Mizoram 31. Pondichery
Source : Revision of Lisrs Affairs. SOURCE : IBID

64.7 8


37.t4 .07 5120


14.04 16.86 26.48 53.13 59.63

36.39 69.33 @.41

66.44 57.38 84.57






63.53 @.32



& $CD Ditisiorl Minisrry of





ture (R$ in lakhs)

8.18 213.83 956.00 5285.08

No of Awards


(Rs in lakhs)
2.82 36.78

l95t-52 .196t-62 't971-72 l98l-82 1982-83


1604 49015

104069 I194.83

553540 626242

l0r 5.l9

Total awards of scholarships

Selected Statistics on Scheduled Castes Occassional Papers on DevelopmemroF Scheduled Castes (2) (June' 1984)

(approximately) Source

Ministry of Home Affairs



i> scl

!, :tH




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Andhra Pradesh


Bihar Gujarat




Himachal pradesh Jammu & Kashmir

Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra





l t9.4 s2.7 553.9


05r.7 756.4
74.7 10.4 3.2 3l:



Meghalaya Nagaland



Punjab Rajasrhan


r0.3 4.3 429.6



Sikkimr Tamilnadu Tripura

Uttar Pradesh
West Bengal

1092.2 70.9 1357.5

75.1 49.0


987.6 70.8 1q7.6 ?fr82.1 8.1 52.8 281.4 25.2 4.4 15.3 32.0 t4333.9



Andaman & Nicobar Islands Arunachal pradeshr Chandigarh Dadra & Nagar lfaygliesr*


Goa Lakshadweep



Pon;licherry India Toal

3.0 0.4




+ No Employment Exchance i*


One Employment Exchan'ge is




uioiJt"' '""Jiu"a

to this Union Terriiorv. Labour D.G. & T.




(In thousands)





399.9 2556.3 580.2

2419.7 533.9 325.0

169.0 61.7

55.9 629.4

2029.6 913.0
1551.3 149.1

8E2.2 1394.8



9.8 8.6

488.1 486.0 396.2


t392.0 19.r





2172.8 n2$ 476.4 487.1 2&4.8 2ffij 580.5 631.8 438.5 457.6 186.2 257.6 66.7 70.4 735.4 770.0 2262.2 2529.1 1055.3 I 115.4 l't26.7 21004 167.5 186.0 I1.9 10.9 13.4 10.5 536.3 559.4 530.8 526.2 465.1 5M.7 rs75.4 1706.5 92,7 83.1 1854.9 1873.2 389.2 4124.2










5.3 14.0

)./ l9A
55.0 21953.3


48.6 19753.0












Women (included in total)

8,045.3 1.635.5

I Below Mitlric ( including illiterares)

2 3

Matriculales Persons who possed Highcr (including I nlL'rmcdiatevunder




4 (;raduales (including





ii) Scicncc iii) Commarcc

iv) Enginc'c'ring v) Medicine
vi) Veterinary
Law ix) Education x) Othcrs Total lllnstrated weekly


3.4 282.6 | 04.3


2.3 5.2 0.3

t1 I


0.7 Not available





26270.0 30 1986 Anger.

Nikhil Lakshmsn

Despai( F-rustration


Annexure K2


Region No of applicants
on the Live Register at the end of December. 1985 (in thousands)


l. 2. 3. 4, 5. 6, 7. 8. 9. 10. IL 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Andhra Pradesh



Bihar Gujarat

479.2 314.5

Himachal Pradesh Jammu & Kashmir

Karnataka Kerala Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra

2571.5 1429.0 2423.9


219.4 t7.3



Punjab Rajasthan


Not arailable

Sikkim Tamil Nadu Tripura Unar Pradesh

West Bengal

256/..3 3960.2



No of applicants on the Live Register at the eEd of Decsmber, l9E5 (in thousandg

UNION TERRTfORIES l. Andaman & Nicobar Islands


Arunachal Pradesh Chandigbrh Dadra & Nagat Haveli Defhi

Not available n2.2 Not available




8. 9.


23.6 75.6

All India Total

Source : Same as



Ann*ute L









live rcgister
to all categories

i.{atric High $eeondary


413815 182926 83844


8.83 6.03


61ffi16 3106'2



ii) Science iii) Engincering

i9 Medical
Post Gradu8tes

(Total) i) Arts

ii) Science


Engineering iv) Medical All Educated

55fi2 9v9 205 606 5395 .f013 497 g 12 585980

3.01 0.91


78549 25651 1235

4M 4Jl

0.65 8.40



Schedulcd cac&


on livc rcgirtr iE soEG

Educational Sbndard Matric Highcr Secondary Graduate (Total)

.1831) 9787 5090



i Arts ii Science iii Comocrce


37n 7U

iv. Engineering

Vi furiculture vii Law

Othcrs. Post Graduats

179 68 100

viii ix


i Arls ii Scietce iii Commerce

v. Medical



6t3t3 24f.s9 36930 17810 1565 &l 99D4 1833 1952 66ll l2t9 ll30 2258 47 47 558 373 516 162 24 35440 15 t0 t4 ll 5 5 274 l5l 150 72 24 t7 226 36 t,t8 100 25 104 2-13 ::: t794 96
9s343 28293

Engineering .

vii Law viii Education

ix. Orhrs

vi Agriculturc

8 633Ut


Educated Tot3l

Total S.C on Live

Registcr Source


20n0. 64323 %*l

: Ministry of Labour


Annaurc M

.elected rtates and All Strtes

Ildio during the

years 19E0 and 19&f

AlL lndia Uttar Pradesb Krrnatska Maharashtra l9E4 r9E0 1984 r9E0 1984 r9E0 r9E4 1980 mB 31219 59362 92f{.t 438r 60136 413815 6728y n3l 34ll 60a) 10930 48906 60E95 r82v26 26n51 3749 4163 9566 13155 t9292 3f2g 83844 ll896E 2r9f 2587 a27 7m 16310 22117 55&2 72625 3588 9349 18576 936 288 293 783 1356 '691 1537 9385 l4,l3 3116 206 n2 2249 55 m5 loo 20 ln 6 13 l8? 54 6ffi 1394 l5 81 2U4ml 585 453 lul 19 16 lvl ln 48 113 193 67 35 517688 2019 &r3 8331 289 56 634 1028 6 61 1638 650 58 86 863 127 19 v1r 5395 12009 16l m45 zn9 78 n9 zns /t013 8430 l83l 539 58 1258 l7l 497 1303 l1l 97 179 11 150 47 187 458 ll33 141 33 413 30 11 94 17 t2 tl 33 39 l8 ) 76 t43 2 2583 20 t72 I 49 37 lm3 9l 6 7 12 l6E

3g54t 75115

118733 lr4r74 154631 685980 188741 280218 2365s 294102 1815284

1066562 2617957






Educational riaadard



?9 38

Matric Higher Secoadary Graduatc (Total) i Arts

33216 11414

ii iii


iv. Engineerlng
v. Medical

vi Agricultute vii Law viii Education ix Ghers

Post Craduatds Clotal)


i Arts ii Commerce
Science v. Medical

9369 853 6430 nm .1018 1116 785 t88 lll9 39 1847 1388 lt 49 13z 4n 3t0 23 t0 126 16 59 12 ll




32 173



iv. Etrgineeritg

vi Agriculture

vii Law viii Fducation

Others Educated Total


Total ST. on Live

Register Source :

132147 31227

1529 4%t t{0$



Ministry of labour











1980 1984 1980


1980 6l



153330 53562 22449

558 309


^ 5 24 79


33it2 lll82 654 12({ sll ll55 262 621 51 47 98 63 12322 25239 10419 18 70 184 143 l0 92760 5-35






69E 675 279 t94 m 48




_ _
4448 6499

.1 t-



9165 14926 1355 n93 1238 2408 14 16l 79 m5 107 109 48 21 941 l55l l7 262 248 68 803 2220 48 600 l5l2 39 187 12 rr2 318 3



r1 at


4680 13613 22039 8,f65 37214 53853

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37 12


145178 3262 4757V1

231561 659606




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