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Keck and Sikkink 1998

Keck and Sikkink 1998

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Activists beyond Borders

ADVOCACY NETWORKS

IN

INTERNATIONAL

POLITICS

MARGARET

E. KECK

and
KATHRYN SIKKINK

CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS
Ithaca and London

xii

Preface

ues to be both a fine editor and at. . humor never fail him. ernflc human being. May his sense of It is hard for us to ill . 1 . agme lOW people co th d eXistenceof the Internet The bility -au ore projects before the l (again and again) has ~eant:h t f to send formatted text back and forth or it is no longer possible for us to b very large parts of this manuscript " doe sure Who wr t hich ' ongmate or developed whi h id 0ew 1 sentences or syn' IC 1 eas. The result w b Ii '. ' . ergy; neIther of us could have don hi ,e e eve: IS genuine sional rough patch, we had a wonderf e t,us alo~e, ~nd despIte the occaOur farnilies Doug Da '1 d ul tims domg It together. L ',rue an Matth d aura, have suffered long and not 1 .ew an Larry, Melissa, and nonetheless. We dedicate thi b akways sIlently, but have hung in there DIs 00 to Our hu b d aug as Johnson, both longtime tivi .b s an s, Larry Wright and them for what they have taught ab IVISts eyond borders, and thank us a out connection.
I

CHAPTER 1

Transnational Advocacy Networks in International Politics: Introduction

Baltimore and Minneapolis

MARGARET

E. KECK and

KATIIRYN SIKKlNK

World politics at the end of the twentieth century involves, alongside states, many nonstate actors that interact with each other, with states, and with international organizations. These interactions are structured in terms of networks, and transnational networks are increasingly visible in international politics. Some involve economic actors and firms. Some are i,.etworks of scientists and experts whose professional ties and shared causal ideas underpin their efforts to influence policy.1 Others are networks of activists, distinguishable largely by the centrality of principled ideas or values in motivating their formation.? We will call these transnational advocacy networks. . Advocacy networks are significant transnationally and domestically. By building new links among actors in civil societies, states, and international organizations, they multiply the channels of access to the interna. tional system. In such issue areas as the environment and human rights, they also make international resources available to new actors in domestic political and social struggles. By thus blurring the boundaries between a state's relations with its own nationals and the recourse both citizens
1 Peter Haas has called these "knowledge-based" or "epistemic communities." See Peter Haas, "Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination," Knveiedg«, Power and International Policy Coordination, special issue, International Organization 46 (Winter 1992), pp. 1-36. 2 Ideas that specify criteria for determining whether actions are right and wrong and whether outcomes are just or unjust are shared principled beliefs or values. Beliefs about cause-effect relationships are shared casual beliefs. Judith Goldstein and Robert Keohane, eds., Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions, and PoWical Change (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 8--:10.

1

" Definition from Doug McAdam. n ey Succeed they a . and Martha Finnemore.. here. 1996). p.. ~ III ormation strategIcally to help leverage over much more ones ful to persuade. National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. See also Frank Baumgartner and Bryan Jones." International Organization 47 (August 1993): 565-97.. p. "Introduction. ~e~vlces. policies. instigate changes in the institutio~al a!ohcy c~ange to advocate and tional interactions Whe th d prInCIpled basis of intern a. norms. cultural.h . 1995). .). McAdam. . and the employment b e a 1 erence. 1949-1989 (princeton: Princeton University Press. to transforming their discursive positions. erences these network ··1 er lmportant respects· the cent I· r f s are SImIat in sevbelief that individuals can m k 0 values or principled ideas.alues . by pressuring target actors to adopt new policies. ed. "State Practices. Thomson. International Norms. to attract attention and encOur3 See also J. "Introduction. debate. pressure. moder~ advocacy networks. tlOnaIIllternational actors to mobiliz .~nd Institutions.. 1973). Toinfluence discourse..~ __.f . follows the usage given by Peter Katzenstein. ac errze y high val In ormational uncertainty At th l:t ue content and exchange. . Janice E.~~~ an ense exchanges of information and ~ a3~ most~ ISsue areas char t . 4 David Snow and his colleagues have adapted Erving Goffman's concept of framing.O nontradicreate new issues and categ.. we take actors and interests to be constituted in interaction.. 2. In doing so they contribute to changing perceptions that both state and societal actors may have of their identities. in some situations norms operate like rules that define the identity of an actor.3. . Clyde Mitchell "Netw kN ed. More th:~r:~e~he~e networks fall. Katzenstein (New York: Columbia University Press.. 1996).r. and Zald (New York Cambridge University Press. and to "fit" with favorable institutional venues. Norms. environment an~a orgamzations are very prominent: transnational campaigns aro~nd ind7~~0e. Audia Klotz. an we examine in d th th porary cases in which transnatio 1 . > r~~7t to describe collective expectations for the proper behavior of actors with a given identity.. ase 0 Salvador" (Columbia Um· it verst y. ti lOIn ne. procedures. 1ransfor~~~~fIuence ~cy outcomes. and their goal is to ernational org . ep ree contemhuman rights. Issue.' International Studies Quarterly 34 (1990): 2. includin th o~r hIStOrIcalforerurmers to CampaIgn for woman suffr d g e antislavery movement and the age. We use it to mean "conscious strategic efforts by groups of people to fashion shared understandings of the world and of themselves that legitimate and motivate collective action.J:!ey frame ISsues to make au Iences. and Decisions: On the Conditions of Practical and Legal Reasoning in International Relations and Domestic Affairs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. and discourses into policy debates.. Zald. and gain A . change the behaViorof states and f i t prol~erating.. McCarthy.2 Activistsbeyond Borders Introduction 3 and states have to the international ing to transform the practice of ti sysltem. David H. 1989). 6. We ~lso refer to fant formula.rights. "Agenda Dynamics and Policy Subsystems. they seek to maximize their influence or leverage over the target of their actions. ze ~l~ er the rationalttY_orthe sigterial concerns or professional Olvate y__. CIYde ~:c~en o~hs. 5 Peter J. Transnational advocacy networks are . [ohn D.' s . Norms in International Relations: The Struggle against Apartheid (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. labor nghts. who are bound tog th b h g In ernationally on an d deer y s ared values COmmonrl. "International Organizations as Teachers of Norms. 1993).". ed. Moml Vision in International Politics: The Foreign Aid Regime. interests.~ge~. The C awrenfceElillThe Role of International 'Issue mImeo). thus having "constitutive effects" that specify what actions will cause relevant others to recognize a particular identity/' They also promote norm implementation. See also Friedrich Kratochwii. who argues that "states are embedded in dense networks of transnational and international sodal relations that shape their perceptions of the world and their role in that world.. P: 5.ad~ocacy networks are help11 na ona sOvereIgnty o explore these issues. Jer~my BOisseVainand J. What is novel·: th e core of t €1 r. Rules." in The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics.wiiltionship-is iutofmation III ese networks IS th bili f . We first look at f . and serve as sources of information and testimony. and policy. the creative use of informapolitical strategies in targetinY tnho~gover~entaI actors of sophisticated Sh 1 g err campmgns c 0 ars have been slow to reco ni . A "com~ Networks' in Refugee Repatrialon. A transnatIOnal advocacy ..: Mouton. States are socialized to want certain things by the international society in which they and the people in them live" (p." Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities.Clllsyprincipled and strate ic actors t· " a~z~ Ions. in which differently situated actors negotiate-formally or informally-the social. Katzenstein. and the Decline of Mercenarism. and inal . . ' ey are Increasingly relevant players in pol- age action. McCarthy.}-47. t . Mobilizing Structures. f . and preferences." Networks are communicative structures. and ultimately to changing procedures. and political meanings of their joint enterprise.." Network actors bring new ideas." Journal of Politics 53:4 (1991): 1044-74. activists may engage and become part of larger policy communities that group actors working on an issue from a variety of institutional and value perspectives. and Cultural Framings. the a tion. They are not always sueicy debates. an governments.lather than by rnaaccustomed categories. 2. Transnational advocacy networks must also be understood as political spaces. outside our advocacy networks often reach be ond ki~ds of transnatIOnal actors. Simultathem comprehensible t. and by monitoring compliance with international standards. and behavior. nificance of activist networks M~. 1966)." in Network Analysis mon dIscourse" was suggested b Stewart L ( e a~. 6 With the" constructivists" in international relations theory. Norms. and Mayer N. Despite their diff g s rights. evan actors workin . Such networks are . e a 1 Ity. Insofar as is possible. an explanation for changes in world oli+i re an lffi~ortant part of network includes those rel t p itics. See Martha Finnemore. but to cessful in their efforts but th . Lumsdaine. power organizations d ctivists in networks try not onl t ..

ts we do not lose sight of the fact th~t aCI i~~:ractions must therefore be both Our approach to these transnaho~dress four main questions: (1) What structural and actor-centered. e are W stress on norms.~e ~eGlaser and Anselm L. Brown. will be more comfortable with our structivists and soc~alcons. Ke~hane.fy how theoretical lnslg ts which is the most systemat. and assessed the advantages and limits of this kind of activity. even this twoway street~mplying a limited access t01he international ~t no longer holds true in many issue areas. 7 . . Power and Interdependence: World Politi. and on the negotiation and malleability of identities and interests. are genera te d . Inference in Qualitative Research (Pnnc~ton. Because few existing aimed at the discovery of new t eory ti Pal henomena we are studytheories attempt to explain th~ tr~:~a~~~ie!ce methods for hypothesis ing. SOCIal CIentIstsrecognIze h gd f S those for testing theory. The actors themselves did: over the last two decades.7-60." G International Organization 42 (Summer 1988): 42. eds. p. The key . when are ey :f th goals?9 . mbering that t e soCIa d to doing so IS reme ticu1ar oint contain contested un erwhich networks operate at any par P N tw rk activists can operate standings as w:li . pp. 1994). bin tivity of actors ill an ill ers he soci 1 and political contexts wit .' ee William A. see Andrew Moravcsik. 8 Robert Putnam. When we and f i t eractions among orgamza patterns a ill ttr'buting to these structures talk about them as actors. We ak? ( ) Why and how do they emerge? is a transnational advocacy networ . tt r and that recognizing that goals convinced that both sets of concerns rna e. By importin the network conce t from sociology and apply~. . and that states are embedded in an interdependent world where nonstate actors are consequential. an and atterns. . Nye. or civil society) to evoke the structured and structuring dimension in the actions of these complex agents. even liberal theories of international relations that recognize that domestic interests shape states'actions internationally.we ured litical universe. . Center for International Affairs.Sity of Minnesota Press.: i ~::rm' .ic ~ttempt to~Pl~~hile doing the research for through quahtative resear . Norman De d I y' An OvervIew. in which political entrepreneurs bring international influence to bear on domestic politics at the same time that domestic politics shapes their international positions. drawing upon a variety of resources.h Our approa ch us rese .73.ever. . However. Robert O.w~e a Icy of their components. lly WIthinthe more s a e . ti . "Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of 'TWo-Level ames. . Nonetheless. ments and networks was S~l~an d thus required a style of research both theoretically and empmca~y..9 ur. ed. w . tub)' ectively structure po . h en we sometimes r er 0 11' act on behalf of networ k s. whereas conFor an impressive effort to systematize liberal international relations theory. an agency'that is not redUCIbletef° te aegtwenorks as actors in this book. an~.a. 1977)." But however valuable its insights. we draw upon sociological traditions that focus on complex interactions among actors. Sidne Verba. almost uncharted area of sCholarship.f t d structure sunu taneous] elements 0 agen an ._ bve politi~oreover. strategies.cs in !. "Groun e nzine~2. strat egIca h certain contested mearungs. e different met a s rom " ing hypotheses reqUlr hat soci I g'sts call "grounded theory. __ iven our enterE!ise. think about the strategic acand interests are not exogenously given. institutions. k~ ( ) Under what conditions can (3) How do advocacy n:tworks war 4 most likely to achieve their they be effective-that IS. StrausS. as if they were part of an international society. 1978). . pr~ Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualltatl. Instead. Working Paper no.as stable and'ts~~e~~::~e ~ared understanCUngsat . and rules.!i9n G _ common ill our discipline between internationaIreIatio)1S and compara-. th robles w at SOCIO 1 0 . The networks we describe in this book participate in domestic and international politics simultaneously.. 38." about them as structures-as ates networks and ow.:Sage.5· YvOl'Uill Lincoln (ousan .r~nsition (Boston: Little. cannot explain the phenomena we describe? Robert Putnam's "two-level ~etaphor has taken liberal theorists some distance toward seeing international relations as a two-way street. 1994).we brid e the increas: artifiCiatCIiVIOe1letween international and national realms. who not only participate in new areas of politics but also shape them. 2. we cou~dno: rely on stan ~ that enerating theory and formulattesting.l<fo7).!ransna lOnaIIy. . and we draw from both traditions. Straus~ and Juliet Corbin.4 Activists beyond Borders Introduction 5 We refer to transnational networks (rather than coalitions. Bar~ey G. Rationalists will recognize the language of incentives and constraints. revised April 1993. 92-6. on the intersubjective construction of frames of meaning. SOCial relahons. 19~5~. individuals and organizations have consciously formed and named transnational networks. ceto~ University presS. These have been concerns of constructivists in international relations theory and of social movement theorists in comparative politics. in an ~ B Meth 0 0 ~g." Harvard University. "Liberalism and International Relations Theory. the realm of transnational social rooveWhen 'we started this bo~~. we are illqu~rmtgl'ons individuals. he D1S~V~7aserTheoretical Sensitivity (Mill Vall~l' 0search (Chicago:Ald1ne. cial protest (Chicago: Dorsey ~ress.: . how. Designing Social InqU1r~: SCientifiC 10 See Gary King.. Th d Oaks Calif. they use these resources strategically to affect a world of states and international organizations constructed by states. ~n . Liberal institutionalists since Robert O. ciological Press. social science theones did not dictate our Choiceof "network" as thename to be given to the phenomena we are studying. Still.. Keohane and Joseph S. Both these dimensions are essential.. H dbook 0" Qualitative Research. 'vJ.truct:~~tersubjective understanCUngs. it sho~d be clear that we reLectthe separa. . movements. developed and shared networking strategies and techniques. the same time that they try to res ape k is how they seem to embody Part of what is so elusive abou~~or s I When we ask w-Uocre_________'-. Scholars have come late to the party.' The Politics of Social Protest (Mmneapobs. Gamson. The Strategy of SOe On the problem of measurmg effecti~:~ssl ~raig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans. 1995)·. have taken complex interdependence as axiomatic m the development of regime theory.

vv_. In a campaign. b iewed dynamlCa y. We can 1 en I y hi d ymbolic or -materia capi ' lnf fon leaders IP..Introduction 6 7 Activists beyond Borders this book. ~This focus on campaign around w ic networks did not ca~~tablished and maintained =::_:__~--~ .. Corm. fragmented). p di the political context or a that understan mg t' movement theorists ag. Nevertheless. . In the tradition of grounded theory. ~ternfa lOnxample have traditionally had ti rganizatlOns. ctivities and con f' u -a task complIcate Y a . Because cross-national and cross-cultural activism are intensely context-sensitive. and international organizations. a. (th A a topical focus (savrng f d on either a country t e r. ssess -1 emergence and to gaugmg . ni how connectIons are e d highlights relatwns IpS~ cti ists and their allies an oppoen a v that make a campaign possiamong network actors. Getting to the 21st Century: Voluntary Action and the Global Agenda (Hartford. by studying the histories of particular networks involved in transnational campaigns. seek out resources. nd can be an exerCIse I~ 0. ' . ) an issue (torture.~r~can ofSO~iol.d £ .22. social movements.. or e. social nd policy networks (consensua vs. 1995). we did not begin with this assumption. we used additional comparative cases to further explore and refine our initial arguments. 0 0 ~d we must consider the kin s o inS ~pede particular ~ . Brmgm " d Risse-Kappen (cambn ge_ tiona! InstitutIOns. and to see their connections with.. and we explore both successful and unsuccessful networks and campaigns.mg to talk about focused. ns have ocuse human rights campalg ) 13 . visible ties and mutually recognized roles in pursuit of a common goal (and generally against a common target). 11 g s ill changes in formal or in. We examine transnational advocacy networks and what they do by analyzing campaigns networks have waged. political science journals do not. nor have many political scientists been a part of such discussions in the development community See David Korten.6 Back In: 15 Thomas Risse-KappeR rm ..t ture (centralized vs. a1 1 ti us gentina campaign o~ .c mparatlve saCS .Kappen' s recen t' tructures he means sta e s li tions By domes ic s 1 structure (weak vs. a . ~ocle a 01arized). by citizens to politIcal mstltutlOnS. transnationa mterac 1. propose and prepare they- . o-ma ~~ere we draw rro di te transnatIOnal adr~~. p. . e 12 ~.a co~~o national networksP Activist groupS cultural diverSIty withm trans . its success. In each of our cases we refer to issues where networks exist and where networks do not exist. and either ignores interactions with states or is remarkably thin on political analysis.'g Transnational Relafwns Back In. see Arne S 10 ! 13 For a discusslOn 0 or '22 'McBorn!' IUeN Bulletin 14:10-12 (1983)' 120-. th t domestic structures me a t work argues a t true Risse. issues t at ac IVIS ~~-s sider noncampal s. t ti ~looking at differentla access . 0 anizing and Framing in Rucht "Mesomobihzation: rg (November SeeJurgen Gerhards and Dieter '» American Journal of Sociology 98:3 ai ns in West Germany. have long used the language of ca~palf:ampaigns by environmenstrategically planned efforts. were 'furry anima s. Much of the existing literature on NGOs comes from development studies. an s b th d mes ble such as ID orma I. " n frame 0 Ineanin seek to develop. . International and domestic nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) playa prominent role in these networks. campaigns are sets of strategically linked activities in which members of a diffuse principled network (what social movement theorists would call a "mobilization potential") develop explicit. For our purposes. state agencies. DomestIc Struc ures. core network actors mobilize others and initiate the tasks of structural integration and cultural negotiation among the groups in the network. bureaucracles. Just as in domestic campaigns. Social scientists have barely addressed the political role of activist NGOs as simultaneously domestic and international actors. Th y must also consciously e . . Although we eventually found that theoretical work on do---mestICS'odal movements has a great deal to say about how transnational advocacy networks function. db d uc t P ublic relatlOnS. like le islatures. a window on transnation re a 10 Analysis of cmnpalgns provldes f n networks thelUSelves or on 1 ' ways that a ocus 0 1 as an arena of strugg e In d t In most chapters we a so con~ the institutions they try to af£ehct oet~~Ots'~d as oroblematic. and betwe id tif the kinds 0f resources 1 . )h as tal and conserva Ion 0 _ 1 ~AYhales tropical forests.titutional structures.e~ both to understanding a movemen s "opportunity structure IS key A ing opportunity structure . we cast a wide net in our sea~ch for intervening variables between values and advocacy and between advocacy and its (apparent) effect. h Sid Tarcourts~or It can e v .. but If"-'V\ . in some cases inspired by an international voluntarism that is largely unaccounted for in international relations theory. we first explored these new patterns of interaction inductively. they connect groups to each other. ~_--------:r:~m-severanraditions. and in the strategies adopted. ti e We agree WIt I ney formal political power rel~tIOnths over lI~a~rowly institutional version e more the need to comblne roW on ~=-~---------------- II Although development journals (especially World Development) routinely include articles discussing the role of NGOs. 1 that encourage or I ~~~ Th s tic and internahona. .: Kumarian Press. 11 Examining their role in advocacy netwoi:ks helps both to distinguish NGOs from. Two Protest Camp g chi tz "A Campaign is 1992): 558-59_ f W ld Wildlife Fund campaigns.~mparativelyacross regions and issue areas we fOllnd striking conunOTIarrhes~in how and why networks emerged.:~~. s tr on g) . N~nd ' Cambridge University Press. 1990)- _.'ta114 nents.b:rzation and social movements 15 John_~'Th _ mo ~ ation and Social Movements: A Patti 14 s The classic statement on resource M b\ e M N Zald "Resource 0 1 JZ a!o~~nai 82gm:.T_ ~Vr:~s~:~~~~i Relations /ntr~~:tfn~~~:: . -State Actors. Out of o~r observed commonalities we generated some initial arguments about why networks emerge and under what conditions they can be effective.15 Similarly.

Myra Marx Ferce and Frederick D.e a solUtion. NGOs introduce new ideas. ADVOCACY NETW ? ORK. We call th no: edgeable actors working in specialplead the causes of others 0 emd : vdocacy networks because advocates t h r eren a cause or '. prOposItIOn." Some issue areas reproduce transnationally the webs of personal relationships that are crucial in the formation of domestic networks. . which also . arperCoIlms. m~~ ets and hierarchy (the firm).:[y formal.8 Activists beyond Borders Introduction with a dynamic approach 16 P' II f . 0 sIgna S are four: the openin f among elites" ( . or national-sfs~~fs~~7t rm eocial mh?v~ments . permanent. and some NGOs provide services such as training for other NGOs in the same and sometimes other advocacy networks. apt for circumstances in which th .e. 5+ It 1C m orrgmal). "Social Movement Spillover. 2 ' ' Hier archy: Network Forms of Organization" ' . ies. both formal and informal. Not all these will be present in each advocacy network Initial research suggests. (5) churches.l? Advocacy networks have been particularly important in value-laden debates over human rights. infant health. however. and normative change in . Advocacy ganized to promote causes princ:s~ :~snational networks: they are or16 . trade unions. recipnizational theorist Walter Powe~om. a third mode of economic "Networks are 'lighter on their fee. and (7) parts of the executive and/ or parliamentary branches of governments. and intellectuals.. . the network concept travels w 11 eben om~strc and international realms ti ons among cOmmitted and ke ecause It stresse s flUlid an d open rela1 ized issue areas. consumer organizations.an Ierarchy" and are "particularly mation." Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 528 (july 1993): 56-74. m Comparative Perspectives o!JSocial M s.'o::. 20 See McCarthy and Zald. . Refugee resettlement and indigenous people's rights are increasingly central components of international environmental 19 See Doug McAdam and Dieter Rucht.o access 17 D b p.~catlOn a~d exchange." and "for the excha~ge ofe~~ISa ne. a ocus on Cam ' . usually initiating actions and pressuring more powerful actors to take positions. The flow of mformation among actors in the network reveals a dense web of . an around issues In spite of the differences betw I~not e~stly measured.". "Mobilization and Meaning: Toward an Integration of Social Psychological and Resource Perspectives on Social Movements. provide information. Campaigns are pro . 'wor e camp' thi gIc portrayaI"I7 must work for the diff aigns I~ process of "stratealso for target aUdiences." Social Problems 41:2 (May 1994): 277~98.. s. Environmentalists and women's groups have looked at the history of human rights campaigns for models of effective international institution building. that international and domestic NGOs playa central role in all advocacy networks. ali . 41-61. and the often I S~~ney Tarrow. y nts. 18 W I or. The PohticaI Structuring of Social Moveh means "conSistent-but cture e ~vements. where large numbers of differently situated individuals have become acquainted over a considerable period and developed similar world views.resource mequalitie exist. this potential has been transformed into an action network. (2) local social movements. pp. The orga. and indigenous peoples. stakes in a campaign and ' ces. By political 0 ' involve individuals advocating policy changes that cannot be easily linked to a rationalist understanding of their "interests. are similar to what scholars of social movements have found for domestic activism. "Neither Market nor In Research Organizational Behavior 12 (1990)' . (6) parts of regional and international intergoverrunental organizations. an eavages WIthin and e orah A Stone PI' P p. (3) foundations. 6.form a On pays a key rol d h Were th e value of the "commodity" ' . specify a cause are to be carried out: activists identify ward producing procedu:al s!r~po.€onnections among tnese groups. Personnel also circulate within and among networks.ll1e movement of funds and services is especially notable between foundations and NGOs. When the more visionary among them have proposed strategies for political action around apparently intractable problems. s lfhng alignment th '. s foal or poliiical actors which either enc::. women. Major actors in advocacy networks may include the following: (1) international and domestic nongovernmental research and advocacy organizations. organization. Relationships among networks.! s e:. as relevant players move from one to another in a version of the "revolving door. "States and 0 ortunitie' . r Ip e 1 eas. all with an eye totheir area of concern In net' k d an rve. erenr actors ill the network and 9 and WHAT Is A TRANSNATIONAL .. 1988) r: Networks are forms of organization ch . Meyer and Nancy Whittier.. a u IOn 0 tactics. p 1ore negotiation of meaning whil Ik palgmng lets us ex. " 0 ley aradox and Political Reason (New Yo k: H .e~ for efficient. "The Cross-National Diffusion of Movement Ideas. rocal. ~ avaJlablhty of influential all' d cl g uP. cap UTesw at is unique about th . 95-9 61303-4. reliable informeasured." Sociological Inquiry 55 (1985): 49-50i and David S. at the same time that we iden if "s among network actors tors fiII. . the environment. and horizontal patterns of ~ra:ter1zed by voluntary. Miller. both within and between issue areas. dIfferent conceptions of the .. distinctly different f C.. "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements". and lobby for policy changes. The most salient kind~sc~u:agelthem to use their internal resources to o power."18 His insight b mmodlties whose value is not easily s a out economic tw k suggestive for an understanding f lif ne or s are extraordinarily around issues where inform ti 0 IPo tical networks.P Individuals and foundation funding have moved back and forth among them.~e~:a. Powell. Ina y. I e we 00 at the ev Iff we can recognize that cultural differen . and norms. (4) the media. cesses 0 ISSue constru ti e action context in which th c IOn constrained by a problem. ft~ Y cntical roles that different acth . Groups in a network share values and frequently exchange information and services. . a ter W.

1 2 1.1 12. 26 7·5 13 H 37 10. 22 tharu. 1948--95 Union of International AsSOCiationS. for oUI data collection for the period 1953-73' SOURCE: f in such issue areas as international law.8 3 2·7 10 9. forth~oromg ~97 '. We can find examples as far back as the nineteenth-century campaign for the abolition of slavery. P·97· 21 3·5 3 2. it is also central to their identity.10 Activists beyond Borders Table 1. Because international NGOs are key components of any advocacy network. . groups working on women's rights accounted for 9 percent of all groups in 1953 and in 1993.~ f%arb:~:r~J International Organizations.nse that a 16-1ane spaghetti interchange is the mere elaboration of a country crossroads. ed. Table 1 suggests that the number of international nongovernmental social change groups has increased across all issues.19 . EMERGED? 14 9·9 5 r= Advocacy networks are not new. but one proxy is the increase in the number of international NGOs committed to social change. and vice versa. peace.: American Enterprise Institute. increasing from two groups in 1953 to ninety in 1993.f and codeboo (1953/1963.·th ackie G. and Esperanto: has ~c. ) and for permission to use er co et a .8 percent of total groups in 1953 to 1+3 percent in 1993.8 18 9. size.6 41 11.0 5·5 7 3. How (N=141) 38 z7·0% 4 z. is their most valuable currency.' Yi arbook of International Organizations Union of International As~o~a~~~~o Jackie Smith. mainstream human rights organizations have joined the campaign for women's rights. We her for ~he Data from a collaborative research Pro1hct W1res~lts are presented in Jackie G.0 % 31 8·9 z6 7·4 2Z ~ '. (published annually). Similarly. There are five times as many organizations working primarily on human rights as there were in 1950. ese In . though to varying degrees in different issue areas. Srni .6 . But their number..4°(0 12 6. .0% 8 7·3 14 12:·7 11 10. and deploy it effectively. Peace WHY AND NETWORKS HAVE TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY 6·3 z5 Women's rights Environment Development EthrUc unity I Group rts.0 10 9. d 1953-73. and complexity of international linkages among them has grown dramatically in the last three decades. . sm~~ use of her data from the period 1983-9~1 w o~ecialMovement Sector.19 3. Smith.C." Besides sharing information. and density of advocacy networks generally. The Hugh Heclo. "Issue Networks and the Executive Establishment. and the speed. As Hugh Heclo remarks about domestic issue networks. 8 Esperanto .1.v-' We cannot accurately count transnational advocacy networks to measure their growth over time.: 5 r~cuse University PresS. the total number of nerwor . Transnational environmental organizations have grown most dramatically in absolute and relative terms. Core campaign organizers must ensure that individuals and organizations with access to necessary information are incorporated into the network." ill The New American Political System.1973." in Jackie G.troduction t 1 cial change organizations (categorized by the a so 1963 11 activity.1 11 10. D. size.8 8·5 18 v.6% 48 7. density.1 elude the issue area of human rights. 1978). but proportionally human rights groups have remained roughly a quarter of all such groups. 33 30.. Anthony King (Washington.8 19 13·4 zo 14·Z 1973 (N=183) 41 z.8 d 3 and the use of her codmg orm for the use of her data from 19 3:m 199. Thus frame disputes can be a significant source of change within networks. "Characteristics of the Mo~ern Transn~tl~~~ 0-orld Politics: Solidarity beyond the ~ate (S~~~ 1 eds Transnational Social Movemen s . this increase suggests broader trends in the number.6 z6 +1 59 9-4 61 9·7 90 14'3 34 5·4 29 +6 54 8.8 28 15·3 1983 (N=348) 79 zz·7 1993 (N 631) 168 26. . International nongovemmen major issue focus of their work) Issue area (N) Human rights World order International law 1953 (N-no) h1. and from 1. 8 93) We are In e e .6 25 13·7 14 7·7 16 8·7 1. it is so in the same se. percentage share a groupS d li d 22 ethnic unity. Some activists consider themselves part of an "NGO community. and professionalism. Their ability to generate information quickly and accurately. All data were coded from a~d codebook for our dat~ ~ollecti. "if the current situation is a mere outgrowth of old tendencies. groups in networks create categories or frames within which to generate and organize information on which to base their campaigns. University of Notre Dam~.:~~ book represent only a subset of Although the networks dksls~se . ~~:!. different ways of framing an issue may require quite different kinds of information.

. environment. their sout ern par ~ .12 Activists beyond Borders Introduction Pressure 13 around which the largest number of international nongovernmental social change organizations has organized.uu . and (3) confernces and other forms of international contact create arenas for forming and strengthening networks. . ships can produce considerable tensl~n:'re inaccessible or deaf to groupS On other issues where governrnen St I here international contacts . State A t~c. ) . Boomerang strategies are ' most common in campaigns where the target is a state's domestic policies or behavior. the international arena may be the only means that domestic activists have to gain attention to their issues. phone. strategies are more diffuse. Linkages are important for both sides: for the less powerful third world actors. and the costs of fax.-imlividuals andOomestic groups often have no recourse within domestic political or judicial arenas. E. awar ) ~'onk r NY' M. and actively promote networks." 23 On the former. Sharpe. Under what conditions are networks possible and likely.r ~~: states and (if relevant) a third-party orvate network. Similarly indigenous rights campaigns and environmental campaigns that support the demands of local peoples for participation in development projects that would affect them frequently involve this kind of triangulation. International networking is costly. mail.groups working on human rights. networks provide access. setting into motion the "boomerang" pattern of influence characteristic of these networks (see Figure 1). 1995· Narma d a R'we r ('. whose members pressure ei ganization. Flsher. the boomerang pattern of influence characteristic of transnational networks may occur: domestic NGOs bypass their state and directly search out international allies to try to bring pressure on their states from out~s is most obviously the case in human rights campaigns. The Boomerang Pattern It is no accident that so many advocacy networks address claims about { rights in their campaigns. which in turn pressure State A.t>. . and information (and State B State A Information _______. g to stop encroac th cases of rubber tappers rym d f trib 1 populations threatened by e '1' 1 Brazi s wes t ern Amazon an a Ind'a are good examples 0f this. Where channels of participation are blocked. r d ex ect to have on their own. the multiplicity of languages and cultures. k dible the asser Ion . d . sues and th en ech 0 ac hment by cattle ranchers In . When a government violates or ~ rightS. where a campaign seeks broad procedural change involving dispersed actors. and women's rights account for over half the total number of international nongovernmental social change organizations. th ey ma e ~re h t ers Not surprisingly. e b k these deman sIn. see Wimam F. theless resona e e sew . e . Governments are the primary Uguarantors'~ rights. When channels between the state and its domestic actors are blocked. Th can amp illy th e d em . leverage.. to the domestic arena. and what triggers their emergence? Transnational advocacy networks appear most likely to emerge around those issues where (1) channels between domestic groups and their governments are blocked or hampered or where such channels are ineffective for resolving a conflict. and air travel makethe proliferation of international networks a puzzle that needs explanation. Geographic distance.' 'tL'bl k S d ess to orgaruzations Wl HlH it: they actiFigure 1 Boomerang pattern. whose drums may none d ti oups pry open space for new ISands of omes ic gr . but also their primary violators. for northern often money) they caul not p ti that they are struggling with. t . such reiatlOnand not only for. (2) activists or "political entrepreneurs" believe that networking will further their missions and campaigns. groupS. see Margaret E.. Kec. They may seek international connections finally to express their concerns and even to protect their lives.' damming of the Narmada River III ia k "Social Equity and Environmental P~litics ~ e" Com arative Politics 27 (July 1995)·409-~' Brazil: Lessons from the Rub~er TapJ'e~ of ~~r:staina~e Development? Struggling over India s on the latter. Together. the influence of nationalism.23 .

won the support of? large nurn tion of Brazilian labor leaders for lead~ng ern Europe in a campai~ P%teri~g ICo::ttee on South Africa brought together un~on strikes and addressing rallies. activists believed a transnational network was necessary to bring pressure on corporations and governments. in pnncrp :' . it is h Although labor internationalism as surv~.veti· representing (however embership orgaruza ons h 1arge m. for .sha Wd£ cling the rights of individuals 1 ." came the most likely alternative for os~:ee land human rights groups Although numerous solidarity comnu eeS d Latin American roil.. Churches opened their doors to . multiplying channels of institutional access. 1 the concerns 0 warne r • th t to address serious y tri Absent a range of optIOns a rights violations in eastern bloc C01ID ted f r their commitments. action by individuals or groups beyon e tworks come out of these ivist rking in advocacy ne While many activi s wo define themselves in terms of these tratraditions. advoin earlier decades would hav~om~~~ . foreign travel ceased to be the exclusive privilege of the 24 Pamela E. The Growth a/International Contact Opportunities for network activities have increased over the last two decades. claims around issues amenable to international action do not produce transnational networks. e a. eve_n . on behalf of e same m . 26 The constant dollar yield of airline tickets in 1995 was one half of what it was in 1966. 12. S?hdanty o~ tion that those being tortured or mon ideological conmutments~t e ith the activists. they tend no longerhto . In addition to the efforts of pioneers. 1 e Amnesty International. grassroots movements becacy and··activism through er er th s king to "make a difference. gaining access to wider publics."Mentalities. and ~sc~ur . contributed to this shift. was ~o. pp. ers of conscience" only those 111dlV1 U s w .27 Both the activism that swept Western Europe. "Codes of Conduct for Transnational Corporations: The Case of the WHO!UN1CEF Code. South Africa. . attaining greater visibility. and many parts of the third world during that decade. For example. p.:01America was composed of labor leaders 11 Salvadorean and Guatemal~) labor activists 0 laboration with Central Amencan (e~pe~a~d Reagan s policies in the regIOn. organizers settled on a boycott of Nestle.mmae . One exregardless of their IdeolOgIcal affinity f . . and Collective Action Frames: Constructing Meanings through Action. Canada. The new networks have depended on the creation of a new kind of global public (or civil society). 252. The Peace Corps wealthy. d in exch~nge programs.c "prison. Because Nestle was a transnational actor.d l i Ived the use 0 VIOenc . internatIOnalIsm. 27 See Sidney Tarrow. t rtu and disappearances un er . June 1997. clividuals they employed dif er. participation in transnational networks has become an essential component of the collective identities of the activists involved. around Brazil. ed.airtransport.P Over time. .S.htm.were. Morris and Carol McOurg Mueller (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press.d nd rrnnrm . 28 n advocacy group that functioned in Brazil Labor Information and Resource C~::~tunions in the U.Activists beyond Borders Introduction 15 Political Entrepreneurs Just as oppression and injustice do not themselves produce movements." in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory. defended all prisoners aga~ 0 isible and svmboli. and so forth. but It wou a .. . the United States. or e example. . d them This is most true for ao. . and the vastly increased opportunities for international contact. Cheaper air travel and new electronic communication technologies speed information flows and Simplify personal contact among activists. See James Rosenau. . . d th borders of their own sta e. and W~stthe early 19808. which grew as a cultural legacy of the 1960s. ams sent ousan sOh and lay misSiOnary ~rogr rld political exiles from Latin America taug t work in the developmg wo. Oliver and Gerald Marwell. or revolutions. "Mobilizing Technologies for Collective Action. Aldon D..0 d the decline of the left. in the campaign to stop the promotion of infant formula to poor women in developing countries. at' ented in the sixties.' with the ideas of the victim. Turbulence in World Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press. ti ns t at cartle· al ditions or the orgaruza 10 'sillusionrnent from their groups' refus tivists on the left who suffered di f n the environment. . . Rights organizare killed were defending a cause . and rep~ess~o~ ders and intellectuals to clisse. With a significant decline in air fares. th ception to thl s I ea 111VO . and networking a part of their common repertoire. in th~ face of the AFL-CIO's support or 0 :w . They create them when they believe that transnational networking will further their organizational missions-by sharing information. strategIes. . Students partiCIpate th d f young people to live and . RelIgIOUS Obviously. 1992).25. The political entrepreneurs who become the core networkers for a new campaign have often gained experience in earlier ones. . while the number of international passengers enplaned increased more than four times during the same period. . as its main tactic. ld dopt as Its more v J -~death penalty. anizations based their appeals on comof different principles. ns: the Labor Conuruttee on en r :'ong South Africa's newly milItant mdu~tr~alui~~te~ative channels of contact an~ .f campmgned against 0 re th . refugees.0 imperfectly) bounde~ constituenc~:been transitory! responding to represformed around labor Issues. 25 See Kathryn Sikkink. 1990). h li ht itary regunes.. ill ." International OrganiZation 40 (Autumn 1986): 815-40. Political Cultures. a proliferation of international organizations and conferences has provided foci for connections. http://www." in Frontiers in Social Movement Theory. Air Transport Association home page. US d European uruverslt1es. the largest producer.' d al h had not advocated violence. . p. mv outreach the solidarity trary and political traditions includmg. Where advocacy networks ave .org/data!traffic. they ha ( . rrussl1?nta tionalis~ have long stirred d the left and Iibera merna t ditions of labor an . . d C tral America in the early 1980s . I bor support networks formed f ti 1 bor movements as 111 a ) 28 sion 0 d omes ca. t t rture summary execution.1 co:rrumtted to e en tions. . 184. . an en. o~ ~nformation on labor organizing. based mainly on . ses and understood their goals 111 e g t ent styles." Underlying these trends is a broader cultural shift. in such issue areas. or human .' an it men ts . and to new ~ eas. Activists -"people who care enough about some issue that they are prepared to incur significant costs and act to achieve their goals"24-do.

for example. arS S bolie Politics Back In" pol1'tygu '(S 994). ons. Snow and Robert D.. material and moral leverage against the Argentine regime.~ns. ~O • r V. .30 e sense. y generate politically usabl inf It to where it will have the t. n or pressure III doLinkages with northern n~t~: k'usmes~.. "Mentalities. e 1 ormation and move to call upon symbols acti mos lmp~ct. 32 David A. "Ideology..two:k disseminated information 29' rgentina m the period 1976-8]. existing legislation and international standards. ut neither .e lfuOIlIldlioll and 1u do might be termeds a es rna. Sometimes they create issues by framing old problems in new ways: occasionally they help transform other actors' tmderstanclings of their identities and their interests. thei socialization. but over time ITa given collective action frame becomes part of the political culture-which is to say. have given frame resonance a historical dimension by joining it to Tarrow's notion of protest cycles.II31 "Frame resonance" concerns the relationship between a movement organization's interpretive work and its ability to influence broader publiC understandings... and by efforts to get the UN and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights to condemn Argentina's human rights practices. 197. The ::1 n David A. "Frame Alignment Processes.. . Frame Resonance. took on an entirely different character and gained quite different allies viewed in a deforestation frame than they did in either social justice or regional development frames. or stones that mak f an audience that is frequentl far awa .2-64.32 In recent work. persuaSIon or sod Ii ti b process IS devoid of conflict P' a iza on. part of the reservoir of symbols from which future movement entrepreneurs can choose.. Mkromobilizatio . in turn. or the ability' . as argunationalism common to man O~itic~groun~s . f. but also brin ~l ation often involve mg. ~. preVIOUS y stated policies or I A single campaign may contain man f ously. encouraging sanctions and hami gmg pressure. by pressuring the United States and other governments to cut off military and economic aid.'.33 Struggles over meaning and the creation of new frames of meaning occur early in a protest cycle. . and pressure in 1 d .confront the ingrained as well as memories of coIon{I p d grouJ. Snow 217. ." American Sorilogocial Review 51 (l986): 464. ..Activists beyond Borders ~dvo~acy networks in the north function in " . or network memb . . pp. 1.David A. rmgmg ym- :USB 30 Participation. 29-5 III r 27 ummer 1995): 55g--85. David Snow has called this strategic activity "frame alignment": "by rendering events or occurrences meaningful. pp. ed. Conn-: IN Press." in Fron~ 33 1988)." P: 197.. Snow and his colleagues and Sidney Tarrow.E. strategies of transnational !ctors ~~for~ation politics' and "symbolic politics" to dismg Globally: Indian Rights and Int~r~~~~:~alIlYe~or~s around Indian rights. (2) symbolic politics.amm~. and Movement Klotz. and Participant Mobilization.. ' Introduction 17 Mothers of the plaza de Mayo marched in circles in the central square in Buenos Aires wearing white handkerchiefs to draw symbolic attention to " the plight of their missing children.-and strat --@glCS to altef th . pp. I r principles. 133-55· 3~ Tarrow.. mestic affairs is a much tri ki b . Monitoring is a variation on information politics. "Master Frames and Cycles of protest. Hanspeter Kriesi. ng. Bert Klandermans. The network also tried to use both ..s III the developing world. and Sidney TarroW (Greenwich. however justifyin t I' ers m eveloping' .!~ 31 How Do TRANSNATIONA L A DVOCACY NETWORKS 'WORK? Transnational advocacy networks seek infl . The latter involve both the frame'S internal coherence and its experiential fit with a broader political cu1hlfe. ~ationahsm that is generally optimisti b a cultur~l milieu of mtertires of international networki F c a out the proIDlse and possibili. ~e first time that promotio~uman rights in ofuet c01lUuies was a legit~Oreignpoli~~~lmte.]DJhe 19705 and 1980sJJlany states decided fm:. Benford. countries. or the ability . r S reqUIre high level ft' ments justifying' intervention on thi al s 0 rust. ann-twistand apartheid discusses co~rcions .d . Robert D. e contexts within which t t .k e polmes The bulk of what networks . Network members actively seek ways to bring issues to the public agenda by framing them in irulovative ways and by seeking hospitable venues. The construction of cognitive frames is an essential component of networks' political strategies.#lce t ey are ot . a an neocolorual relations. ' ersuaSlOn and so .aliz ." in From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research across Cultures. For example the hum izh Y 0 these elements simultanea about human rights abuses ts ne. pp. ~ a situation for to call upon powerful actors~o affect:' Si~) l~verage politice. ~ot Just reasoning with opponents. whether individual or collective. in which activists use information strategically to ensure" accountability with public statements. Norms In International ReI ii Alison Brysk uses the cate orie: . . and "Hearts and Minds' B'· '.and tiers in Social Movement Theory. ways that other political t:J~ O1'OUpS r SOCI r uence ill many of the same 0 ial movem td c' h not powerful in a traditional se fh en s O •. or the ability ofa network are unlikely to h infl ation where weaker members or the effort to hold powe f 1 acn 1 uence: and (4) accountability politics r u ac ors to their . nse ate word elr ormation jdeas . Snow et al. Land use rights in the Amazon. except when lives are at stake . em err efforts at persuasion to quickly and credibl cues (1) information politics."34. Audie Klotz's work on norms are often part of a socialization mce~~vej and legitimation effects that Our process. frames function to organize experience and guide action. Benford. See "Actn Peoples and Democracy in L aiiIn A'menca ed Do Politics III Latin America" in I n diigenous p / LV:' ress Inter-American Dialo e 1 r • nna ee an Cott (New York St M t" 1. . ' g ex erna mterventio . typology of tactics that networks us .

"Holding Governments Accountable by Public Pressure._ over . ____. through traveling scholars like ourselves. f Information Politics Information binds network members to eth . pp.~:~~e~!~t ':as the adequacy of information and the ve quarrels of scholars over the ad f al ISSues. relies "more On the receptive political venus "36 ~ on a an Image and the search for a more . then ask an NGO in the area to seek out people who could tell those stories. from sources that mi orma on at. and demonstrations parallel to the banks' annual Campalg~ which began holding meetings ~eem not to have been aware of the existence of ~eetings ill 1986. venue s oPEi rr hich r dual strategy of the present ti f~ nK . which often have more impact on state policy than advice of technical experts.WI."en . because their purpose is to persuade people and stimulate them to act. How does this process of persuasion occur? An effective frame must show that a given state of affairs is neither natural nor accidental. except at key w ose cause eye mass protest (for example tho t df spouse may engage in dam case). cul . Sometimes these multiple goals of information politics conflict. but both credibility and drama seem to be essential components of a strategy aimed at persuading publics and policymakers to change their minds. Even as we highlight the importance of testimony. nents and networks This ch d red mteractions between state compoITam changm' gglobal. pamphlets and bulletin' s Th 'd' . IS er. Instead of mass c VISs engage m wh t B borrowing from law call rr h a aumgartner and Jones . identify e responsl e ar or ariles.. Local people.57--'78' Ani1 Pa:k:r.~le Struggle for Participation and rustice~ e. in terms of right and wrong. and ec ange .cs in which advo. E-mail and fax com '. rn Toward Sustainable Deve/opm tr ~m/~gn· Case of Sustained Ad37 aumgartner and Jones."39 To be credible." pp_ . ULerecent coupli f i di environmental iSsues is a good I f mg 0 In 1genous rights and digenous activists who fou d thexam~ e 0 a strategic venue shift by intheir claims than human rignht e enVIrhonmental arena more receptive to s venues ad been.1nterestingly.W~ _Jjgbt~ .37 35 Gerhards and Rucht.demonstrations and parallel meetin s to . or even create issues by using language that dramatizes We are grateful to Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing for this point. 36~' pp. a d vocacy role.35 Boycott strat~giesse ous e ~om their ~and in the Narmada mobilization. Rosenau Turbulence ynarrucs. voca " .un erstandin g canna t b e derIved solely onorruc conditions lth h th Transnational networks normall' I ' a oug ese are relevant from the organizations and inSti'tuti~mv~ ve a small number of activists ons mvolved in' . details the organizational efforts to pr are . although the peopYles h mass thmobihzation. On Narmada see Medha P ~ ransnational campaign of which this ac A Historical Narrative. .. and Lori Udall.'J . See. in other words. usually framing issues simply. for example. a on armada C '.211-13. To gain attention.p. nature of kno~ledge hav'e~~~. sometimes lose control over their stories in a transnational campaign.n. and even in its language. .t are a p~rtial exception. however. e . moments. . A . These aims require clear. powerful messages that appeal to shared pnncip1es. network a ti . The kinds of p d a gIVen campaign or ressure an agend I'ti . an ~pL()R.0se credible solutions. One activist described this as the "human rights methodology" -"promoting change by reporting facts. 38 39 187-88. 1050. activists interpret facts and testimony._ tV~ 19 -trk.18 Activists beyond Borders We ar e~::: Introduction ~ . the authors on was a part. p. ey provI e inf ti th r wise be available. Joanna Kerr (London: Zed Books. 201-30. They may filter the testimony through expatriates. Dorothy Q. Transnational actors may identify what kinds of testimony would be valuable. "Mesomobilizatio" . ~d International Monetary Fund B I~o~?e with the 1988meeting of the World ~ank Junction with the multilateral develop." in Ours by Right: Women's Rights as Human Rights. or through the media. ges are ormal-telephone mUIllcatlOns and th . An important part of the political struggle over information is precisely whether an issue is defined primarily as technical-and thus subject to consideration by "qualified" experts-or as something that concerns a broader global constituency. The notion of "reporting facts" does not fully express the way networks strategically use information to frame issues.. 179-200." Networks strive to uncover and investigate problems. Thomas. Lumsdaine. "Agenda D . e CIr ation of newsletters . Networks call attention to issues. :e~~~ an emerging global human s drepresents not the victory ~hT ans orms understand' f . 'Y possiblo in part because of structu d i mg 0 national mterest.:~'ba~ was b~ far the largest mass action in con. "The 1ntem' ti alaN at Do the Narmada TribaIs Want? "p . the information produced by networks must be reliable and well documented.. and alert the press and policymakers. the information must be timely and dramatic . orma on ex an :inf calls. How this process of mediation/ translation occurs is a particularly interesting facet of network politics. 'lJJjsded. The process by which testimony is discovered and presented normally involves several layers of prior translation. work effectiveness Many in£ ti chg er and IS essential fat net. would not otherthey must make this inf' ght not otherWIse be heard and ormanon comprehens'bI d ' and publics who may be geogr hi all 1 e an useful to activists ap c y and/ or socially dishmt. ed. .what were once regarded as th try come prominent activities ininte~~~~~l r~'{!~~~~"and the metaphysics of proof h:v~ebZ J! Nonstate actors gain influence by serving as alternate sources of in forInformation flows in advocacy networks provide not only facts but testimony-stories told by people whose lives have been affected. 83· This methodology is not new. cacy networks engage rarel involve a Fa I . its instrumental meaning. we have to recognize the mediations involved.self-interest ' but ~tr . 1993). There is frequently a huge gap between the story's original telling and the retellings-in its sociocultural context. Moreover. Moral Vision. .

The campaign generated action in many countries. Information in these issue areas is both essential and dispersed. Alison T. Human Milk in the Modern World (Oxford: Oxford University Press. It thus resituated the practice as a human ngh:s VIOlatIOn. B. ~nd made a senes of recommendations for eradicating certain tradItional practices. to organizations that have access to them. Jellife and E. The campaign around female genital "mutilation" raised its salience literally :reating the . 23 Nov~n:ber 1993. they c.rest .S. campaigners. Female genital mutilation is most widely practiced in Africa. internat~onal campaigns by networks take this two-level approach to inf~rmation.an and MIddle ~astern countries was known outside these regions mamly among medtcal experts and anthropologists. The baby food cam- :r 40. but network me~bers ~"lad current information faxed from Brazil. rr A'w' 5 d'" rrca: er:'l~w. The central role of information in these issues helps explam the drive to create networks.." Parliamentary Affairs 41:4(October 1988): 508-26.a~ed for action mdependent of the scientific data. See Leonard J.nclsIon. Nongovernmental actors depend on th~ir a~cess t? information to help make them legitimate players. intended to move people to action. that proved that improper bottle feeding contributed to infant malnutrition an~ mO. On France.4h986/ 42 at 26 (1986). where mail service has often been slow and precarious.e! Uncertainty is one of the most frequently cited dimensions of environment~l issues. A good example is the recent camp~lgn against the. Both technical information and dramatic testimony help to make the need for action more real for ordinary citizens. Human Rights QUarterly 10:4 (November 1988): 437-86. and they countered his claims with evidence that miners had rebuilt the airstrips and were still invading the Yanomami area. Nongovernmental networks have helped legitimize the use of testimonial information along with technical and statistical information. they also give special advantages of course. includmg France and th~ United Kingdom. dramatizmg the SItuations of the victims and turning the cold facts into human stories. By r~nammg the practice the network broke the linkage with male circumcisl~n (seen as a personal medical or cultural decision). aided by computer and fax communication.Sochart. 42 See D. but any !?"lVen?ata may be open to a variety of interpretations. p. F. for without the individual cases activists cannot motivate people to seek changed policies. Y' I:~n iu tes Revz. where it is reported to occur m ~t least twenty-six countries. their regenerative capacity. These technolo~es have had an enormous impact on moving information to and from third world countries. A dense web of north-south exchange. 1978). practice of female genital mutilation. A?"enda ~e~tin?--Th~ ~ole of Groups and the Legislative Process: The Prohihition of Female C~CUr. Increasingly. and what they have done in some recent campaigns is reframe the issue. n~~sting m Health (New York: Oxford Uruversity Press." which the Swiss Third World Action Group translated into German and retitled "Nestle Kills Babies.. be~an to draw wider attention to the issues by renaming the . such as female circumcision. Not . Before 1976 the W1?espread ~ractice of female circumcision in many African and a few ASl. . . Contact WIth like-minded g~oups at home and abroad provides access to information necessary to their work." Nestle inadvertently gave activists a prominent public forum when it sued the Third World Action Group for defamation and libel. Jellife. relied heavily on public health studi~s. and reframed the issue as ~ne of ~ole~ce against women. and that corporate sales promotion was leading to a de~l~e in breast feeding. . implied a linkage WIth the more feared procedure of castration. P.~roblem. A good example of the new informational role of networks occurred when U. Slack. and E~I~eA.re es~~ted to have experienced genit~l mutilation.only is hard information scarce (although this is changm~). see the "Report of the Workmg Group on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children" UN Document E/CN. 13· For UN recommendations.see Marlise Simons. Linkage of the two is crucial. Kouba and Judith Muasher "Female Circumcis ion in Afri . '. 1993). which initially had eschewed ngo:ous resea:ch in favor of splashy media events. environmentalists pressured President George Bush to raise the issue of gold miners' ongoing invasions of the Yanomami indigenous reserve when Brazilian president Fernando Collor de Mello was in Washington in 1991. 50. . p.42 Network activists repackaged and interpreted this information in dramatic ways designed to promote action: the Bri~sh d:velopment organization War on Want published a pamphlet entitled !he Baby Killers. clitoridectomy. World Bank Development Report 199. and the UN studied the problem . Previously the practice was referred to by technically "neutral tenus. Environmentalists are unhkely to resolve these questions. Collor believed that he had squelched protest over the Yanomami question by creating major media events out of the dynamiting of airstrips used by gold miners. Between 85 and 114 million women in the world toda . calling attention to the impact of defore~tati?n on particular human populations.1 an? draw~ attention to their concerns. began to pay more attention to gethng the facts right. r paign. or infibulation. and the alue of u~discovered or untapped biological resources.Issue IS fraught with scientific uncertainty about the role of forest~ In cllIDate regulation. In the 1980s even Greenpeace.. means that governments can no longer monopolize information £lows as they could a mere half-decade ago. By doing so.issue as a matter of public international concern. A Cn~~calAppraisal.m B~tam.40 A controversial camp~ign: initiated in 1974 by a network of women's and human rights organIzations. Mutilation of Girls' Genitals: Ethnic Gulf in French Court rr New -:ork TImes. for example.20 Activists beyond Borders Introduction 2.rtality.. An Ov . The trOPICal fO.:» 28:1 (March 1985): 95-110. Human rights activists. ?~by food. and women's groups play similar roles. "Female Cir~cIslOn.

and package their information in a timely and dramatic way to draw press attention. 1980). "Movements and Media As Interacting Systems. trade. which in turn become catalysts for the growth of networks. are more likely to have this added clout than are human rights organizations. linkage of envrronmental protection with access to loans was very powerful. in turn. the fact that such a brutal coup could happen there suggested that it could happen anywhere. Garrison and Gadi Wolfsfeld. NGOs first ad to raise 1 s profile or salience.s~curing P?:. The assassmatIOn of Brazilian rubber tapper leader Chico Mendes at the end ~f that year crystallized the belief that something was profoundly wrong ill the Amazon. Material leverage usually links the issue to money or g. Symbolic interpretation is part of the process of persuasion by which networks create awareness and expand their constituencies. Moral leverage involves what some commentators hav: called the "iilliliilization of shame. of matenal or moral leverage IS a crucial strategic step in network campaIgns.ad to _H~ coo~eration t~ something else of value: money. several o~ whose memberships number in the millions. to raise a host of issues well illustrates the use of symbolic events to reshape understandings. In . Often it is not one event but the juxtaposition of disparate events that makes people change their minds and act. Most nongovernmental organizations cannot afford to maintain staff people in a variety of countries. the 500th anniversary of the voyage of Columbus to the Americas. see WIlliam A. but this is not practical for keeping informed on routine developments. In order to bring about policy change. For activists in the United States. The media is an essential partner in network information politics. depend on international contacts to get their information out and to help protect them in their work.t1?ns. To reach a broader audience.22 Activists beyond Borders Introduction 2. m the envI~onmentalists' multilateral development bank campaign. the war in Vietnam.o~ds (but. For a report on recent research. environmental organizations. Because Chile was the symbol of democracy in Latin America. For many people in the United States it was the juxtaposition of the coup in Chile. using information and symbolic politics.n hts practices to military an econonuc aid. The identification. etwor activists exert morallevera~ on ~e assumptiOU that governments value the good opinion of others. To make the issue negotiable. 44 Brysk "Acting Globally. . inte~ational fin_anClal institutions like the World Bank.." where the behavior of tar et actors IS held up to the fghTO In erna Qna scrutiny. Awarding the 1992 Nobel Peace Prize to Maya activist Rigoberta Menchti and the UN's designation of 1993 as the Year of Indigenous Peoples heightened public awareness of the situation of indigenous peoples in the Americas. Indigenous people's use of 1992. ernments or finan:c1aI1nstitutions connected human. The human rights issJ1e became negob~ble becaus. Then m~re powerful members of the network h. see Todd Gitlin. their credibility still depends in part on their ab~ty to mobIlize. and the Civil Rights Movement that gave birth to the human rights movement. Watergate. networks strive to attract press attention.t" The 1973 coup in Chile played this kind of catalytic role for the human rights community.. human rights groups. potentiaJly also to votes lIt international orgaruza1iOllS.the ~nited States. The Whole World Is Watching (B~r~eley: University of California Press._ . got leverage by pr~~ldIng policywith information that convinced them to cut off military and eco~er k S h . and helps to mobilize information around particular policy targets. ~lies. Leverage Politics Activists in advocacy networks are concerned with politica~ effectiveness. In exceptional cases they send staff members on investigation missions. Local groups. dramatic footage of the Brazilian rainforest burning during the hot summer of 1988 in the 43 See on s~cial ~ovemen~s an~ media. but more often network activists cultivate areputation for credibility with the press. pre~hgloUS offices.P United States may have convinced many people that global war~in? and tropical deforestation were serious and linked issues. Forging links withlocal organizations allows groups to receive and monitor information from many countries at a low cost. networks need to pressure and persuade more powerful actors. or private actors like transnational corporations. Sympathetic journalists may become part of the network. To gain influence the networks s:ek leverage (the word appears often in the disco:lTse of advocacy or~an~zations) over more powerful actors.. By leveragmg ~ore ~~werf~ institutions. Likewise.verful. Symbolic Politics Activists frame issues by identifying and providing convincing explanations for powerful symbolic events. 1 nomic aid.. SimIlarl!. the role of their government in undermining the Allende government intensified the need to take action.e gov. or to bilateral diplomatic rela. or prestige. Their definition of effectiveness often includes some pol~CY ~ha~ge by "target actors" such as governments. or other benefits).) broadens their legitimacy.:. Although NGO influence often depend~ on ." Annals of the American Association of Political and Social Science 528 (july 1993): 114-25. weak groups gain influence far beyond th~lT ability to influen~e state practices directly. then own members and affect public opinion via the medIa: In dem~cra:les the potential to influence votes gives large membership org~zat1ons an ~dvantage over nonmembership organizations in lobbymg for pol~cy change." --------~ -.

. see Susan Rose Ackerman. ThIS IS. and the Demise of Comm~sm.demonstrate that a state is violating international ~bligat1?ns or IS not hV1~g up to its own claims. The UN's theme years and decades.as ne~orks c~. We do not have the means to reach our government. and Germany.v The hum~ . hearings. Samet Images of Dissidents and Nonconformists (New York: Praeger . The multilateral bank campaign. Do UNDER WHAT CONDITIONS ADVOCACY NETWORKS HAVE INFLUENCE? To assess the influence of advocqcy networks we must look at goal achievement at several different levels.47 It also explains the large number of U. 219. The Helsinki Accords helped revive t~e hu. th. p. Controlling Environmental Policy: The Limits of Public Law in Germany and the United States (New Haven: Yale University Press.Cornell University. however..embarrassing to many governments. The c. even among democracies. Once a government has ~ubhdy committed Itself to a principle-for example.S. (2) influence on discursive positions of states and international organizations. however. and led to the establishment of an independent inspection panel for World Bank 47 On access to the courts and citizen overSight of envitonmental policy in the U. dISS. Because values are the essence of advocacy networks. The degree t~ which states are vulnerable to this kind of pressure varies. Ph.s. politics creates a venue for the representation of diffuse Interests that is not available in most European democra45 Dis~ssio~ of the Hel~inki Accords is. which may try to save face by closing that distance. international organizations like the World Bank. (4) influence on policy change in "target actors" . in favor of human TIghts or. Accountability Politics Networks devote. Walter Parchomf. They may also pressure states to make more binding conunitments by signing conventions and codes of conduct. but the sluggishness of Brazil's judiciary makes it largely ineffective. or private actors like the Nestle Corporation. . and meetings on issues that previously had not been a matter of public debate. they hope to jeopardize Its cre~It enough to motivate a change in policy or behavior. Network activists. considerable energy to convincing governments and other actors to publicly change their positions on issues.S. In an il~~stration of the boomerang effect. 1997.. (3) influence on institutional procedures. We identify the following types or stages of network influence: (1) issue creation and agenda setting. 1995)· .T1?. This is often dismisse~ as inconsequ~ntial change. debates. ~~rhaps the best example of network accountability politics was the ability of the human rights network to use the human rights provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords to pressure the Soviet Union and the governments of Eastern Europe for change. and helped protect activists from repression. try to make such statements into . or to contracts vary consId:rably from one nation to another. "Norms and Chan e in World PoI:~cs. is largely responsible for a number of changes in internal bank directives mandating greater NGO and local participation in discussions of projects. The role environmental networks played in shaping state positions and conference declarations at the 1992 "Earth Summit" in Rio de Janeiro is an example of this kind of impact. this stage of influence may require a modification of the "value context" in which policy debates takes place.which may be states. were international events promoted by networks that heightened awareness of issues.based on Daniel Thomas. oth~ than indirectly through the governments of other countries. My appeal to Brezh~ev probably got as far as the regional KGB office .entrali~ of th~ courts in U. The crucial question IS what means are there for a Soviet citizen to approach his own government. spawned new organiza~Ions like ~e Moscow Helsinki Group and the Helsinki Watch Committee m the U~ted States.accountable to their pronouncements.• r Introduction cies. and their com~and o~ I~ormation. democr~cy-networks can use those positions. as cited In Thomas. Networks generate attention to new issues and help set agendas when they provoke media attention. discussed in Chapter 4. and will be discussed further below. since talk is cheap and governments som~t1mes c~ange discursive positions hoping to divert network and pubhc attention.opporhmi~ies f?r accountability politics. P: 156. Brazil has had a diffuse interests law granting standing to envirorunental and consumer advocacy organizations since 1985. 19~r1990. Helsinki Accords. human rights activist Yuri Orlov said.hts network referred to Moscow's obligations under the Helsm~l Final Act and juxtaposed these with examples of abuses.man rights movement in the SOVIet Oman.1986). advocacy organizations that specialize in litigation. to expose the distance between discourse and practice. to the law. such as International Women's Decade and the Year of Indigenous Peoples. It also opened access to formerly restricted information. H~an Rights. The targets of network campaigns frequently respond to demands for policy change with changes in procedures (which may affect policies in the future).Activists beyond Borders ins~far. Networks influence discursive positions when they help persuade states and international organizations to support international declarations or to change stated domestic policy positions.D.'nko. The existence of legal mechanisms does not necessarily make them feasible instruments.t= Domestic structures through which states and private actors can be held . and (5) influence on state behavior..

but also of other states and/ or international institutions. Reframing land use and tenure conflict as en~ironme~tal iss~es does not exhaust the problems of poverty and inequality. not to make governments change their position but to hold them.Activists beyond Borders projects. ~e. A network's activities may produce changes in policies. Network actors argue ~at in such reframing they are weakening the structural apparatus of pamarchy..teCting environments and protecting the often vulnerable people who live m them." Political Sci- We thank Jonathan Fox for reminding us of this point. (Discursive changes can also have a powerfully divisive effeet on networks themselves. "Causal Stories and the Formation of Policy Agendas. especially when there is a short and clear causal cha~n (or story) assigning responsibility. one ~ers~n' s . may say little about how timber companies be~ have on the ground in the absence of enforcement.~) A goverl11l_lent that claims to be protecting indigenous areas or ecological reserves IS potentially more vulnerable to charges that such areas are endangered than one that makes no such claim. and protesting torture of political prisoners more effective than protesting torture of common criminals or capital punishment. and they sometimes offer the opportunity to move from outSIde to inside pressure strategies.h~rm is ~other's rite of passage. and inequality and empowering new actors . As the early failed campaign against female circuri1cision sho:vs. As we look at the issues around which transnational advocacy networks have organized most effectively. we stress issue resonance. splitting insiders from outsiders reformers from radicals. because we . In particular. Environmental campaI~ that have had th~ greate~t transnational effect have stressed the cormection between . for example. Still.to add~ess these problems better in the future. and (2) issues involving legal equahty of opportunity.b:heve that increased attention.can be assigned tothe deliberate (intentional) actions of identifiable mdIvIduals are amenable to advocacy network strategies in ways that pr?~lems whose causes are irredeemably structural are not. Stone. and target vulnerability. a~le to In~ert new Ideas and discourses into policy debates. Torture and disappearance have been more tractable than some other human rights issues. 48 juridical and institutional one.care to. make governments more vulnerable to the claims that networks raise. Issues mvolving physical harm to vulnerable or innocent individuals appear particularly compelling.pro. to their word. not all principled ideas lead to network formation. few alternative agendas remain on the table within which these issues can be addressed. We can point with some confidence to network impact where human rights network pressures have achieved cutoffs ~f military ~id to repressive regimes. campaigns against practices involving bodily harm to populations perceived as vulnerable or innocent are most likely to be effective transnationally. poverty. At that point the effort is. ~ut we ~ust tak: . proble~s w~ose c~us~s.~istinguish between policy change and change in behavior: official policies regarding timber extraction in Sarawak Malaysia. The responsibility of a torturer who places an electric prod to a prisoner's genitals is quite clear. ence Oiwrterl1l104:2 (1989): 281-300• . We s~eal( of st~ges of impact. As~igning blame to state leaders for the actions of soldiers or prison guards involves a longer 49 I Deborah A. converted into a "causal story" that establishes who bears responsIbIlIty or gUilt. followed by changes in discursive POSItiOns. Whether or not they are nght. Both issue charac~eristics and actor characteristics are important parts of our explanation of how networks affect political outcomes and the conditions under which networks can be effective. Explicit policy shifts seem to denote success. We also argue that in order to campaign on an issue it must. it may transform some of patriarchy's effects into problems amenable to solution.what constitutes bodily harm ~d who is vulnerable or innocent may be highly contested. not only of the target states. Success In influencing policy also depends on the strength and density of the network and its ability to achieve leverage.. and the second to a < Issue Characteristics Issues that involve ideas about right and wrong are amenable to advocacy ~etworking because they arouse strong feelings. Of course. Introduction and some issues can be framed more easily than others so as to resonate with policymakers and publics. but even here both their causes and meanings may be elusive. Meaningful policy change is thus more likely when the first three types or stages of impact have occurred. However.49 But the causal chain needs to be sufficiently short and clear to make the case convincing. allow networks to rec~~ volunteers and activists. or a curtailment of repressive practices. Issue characteri~tics such as salience and resonance within existing national or institutional agend~s can tell ~s something about where networks are likely to be. Although many issue and actor characteristics are relevant here. and infuse meaning into these volunteer activities.n an l~SU~. ~~ advocacy netw~een in finding intentionalist frames within whic~ fO"address some elements of structural rob Though the frame of VIa ence agamst women does not exhaust the structural issue of patriarchy. but It may I~prove the odds against solving part of them. and not merely types of impact. Sometimes human rights activity even affects regime stability. The first respond to a normative logic. WIt~ the decline almost everywhere of mass parties of the left. we find two issue characteristics that appear most frequently: (1) issues involving bodily harm to ~erable individuals. network density. Proc~du~al changes can greatly increase the opportunity for advoca~ orgaruzations to de:elop regular contact with other key players o.

Although this was the single most successful marketing tool of the corporation. a campaign may fail.he Amazon issue on Brazil's international image.the "new transnationalism" lump together relations among quite dlstIn~t kinds of transnational actors: multinational corporations.. cities. ability to speak to and for other socialnetworks-are all important aspects of density as welL Targetactors must be vulnerable either to material incentives or to sanctions from outside actors. as does one of the most successful transnational campaigns we don't discuss-the antiapartheid campaign.2The network concept offers a further refine.no e~ m the network but also their quality-access to and ability to disseminate information. Vulnerability arises bot~ f:am the availability of leverage and the target's sensitivity to leverag~. credibility with targets.) Effective networks must involve reciprocal information exchanges. American Apartheid: Segregation and the Makmg of the Underclass (Cambndge: Harvard University Press. are likely to be campaign-specific. (Density refers both to regularity and diffusion of information exchange within networks and to coverage of key areas. 28 Activists beyond Borders Introduction I erage Measuring network density is problematic. international scientific organizations. the campaign's longer and more complex story about responsibility failed here because publics believe that doctors and hospitals buffer patients from corporate influence.. and much less visible. the concern of recent Mexican admimstrations with MeXICO internas tional prestige has made it more vulnerable to pr~ssure. But the boycott failed to prevent corporations from donating infant formula supplies to hospitals. with negative effects on infant health.. The boycott was successful in ending direct advertising and promotion of infant formula to mothers because activists could establish that the corporation directly influenced decisions about infant feeding. there must be actors capable of transmitting those messages and targets who are vulnerable to persuasion or leverage. more complex. .53 The only factor that many of these transnational relations share IS that all op~r?~e across national borders. 51 5~ . . President Jos~ 5arney s Invitation to hold the 1992 United Nations Conference on ~nvIro~er:t and Development in Brazil was an attempt . eds. network activists used moral leverage to convince states to vote in favor of the WHO/UNICEF codes. but where such stratification is not legally mandated.of conduct. and not only nu~ .. An example from the Nestle Boycott helps to illustrate the point about causal chains.mIlarly. What made apartheid such a clear target was the legal denial of the most basic aspects of equality of opportunity. . Places where racial stratification is almost as severe as it is in South Africa. have not generated the same concern v Actor Characteristics However amenable particular issues may be to strong transnational and transcultural messages. As a result. 8.ment of that work. but accords with common notions of the principle of strict chain of command in military regimes. See Risse-Kappen. . or they must be sensitive to pres~~e b~cause of ps between stated commitments and practice. but have had a harder time convincingly making the Interr:ational Monetary Fund (IMF)responsible for hunger or food riots inthe developing world.P All See Finnemore. both major exporters of infant formula. National Interests in International ~ociety.?-_:_'_:. Brazilian governments since 1988. By focusing on international i~teracti0r:s involvll? nonstat~. and all are characterized by purpos~ful actors (~t least one of whicl. strong connections among groups in the network. we follow in the tradition of earlier work In transnational politics th~t signaled the emergence of multiple channe~s of cO." Bringmg Transnaticnai Relations Back In. actors. Both the Keohane and Nye collection and the various analysts ?f . sufficient densities ev .i IS a nonstate agent). 51. Denton. have been very concerned ~bout the ~pact ~ft. p.f~om the human rights network In the baby food campaign. Transnational Relations and World Politics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. voted in favor of the code. This desire implies a view of ~ta~e_preferences at rec~ ognizes states' interactions as a social-and socializmg-pro:ess.ntacta~ong soc~eties and the resultant blurring of domestic and International politicS. 1993). with many actors. since neither the lMF nor governments reveal the exact content of negotiations. even the Netherlands and Switzerland. Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. In the. . T~us moral leverage may be especially relevant where states . Networks operate best when they are dense. If either is missing.to i~prove ~hat Im~ge. The second issue around which transnational campaigns appear to be effective is increased legal equality of opportunity (as distinguished from outcome).a:e actively trymg to raise their status in the international system. the Catholic church. Our discussions of slavery and woman suffrage in Chapter 2 address this issue characteristic. THINKING ABOUT TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS causal chain. Countries that are most s~ceptible to network pressures are those that aspire to belong to a normative community of nations. 1971). and activist groups. Activists have been able to convince people that the World Bank bears responsibility for the human and environmental impact of projects it di-rectlyfunds.I. such as Brazil and some U. £01' example.attercase the causal chain is longer.ers 0 . Massey an~ Nancy A. and reliable information flows. See Douglas S. and include activists from target countries as well as those able to get institutional 50. b f " d ".S. "Introduction.

and Networks: Making the Most of Simplicity. See Gayl D. 28 (Beverly f in these methodologies to analyze more far-flung high investment of time andbm~n~~t d ~ ~e theoretical payoffs generated. American political science has been especially attentive to theories of group formation and behavior." ill. ~994 . 1981).. convincetarget audiences that the problems thus defined are soluble. 58 claims are conceived and negohated. ed. pp. both pluralist and elitist theories classify issue areas narrowly either by economic sector or by government policy clusters-" By extending the use of issue area to principled issues well we are re'ecting an economically reductionist not~on of inter::ts adopting ins~ead a more interactive approach. who are "not constrained by canons of reasoning" and who frame issues in simple terms. t d by terest advocacy groups "thrive on contro~~:~: fo:d:~~n~e~i~e our political entrepreneurs and supported by P in vwhich Utical th. such as scientific groups or epistemic communities.omple~ly ~tisfacto:. L?U1S A. transnational advocacynetworks rely on information. "IntroduChO~~~ ~d Gagnon (Westport." in Comparative Political Dynamics: Global Research Perspectives. Attempts to characterize patterns of influence have included explanations highlighting group characteristics. l 86)' and Jeffrey Berry. . ed. 27)' work sampling is possible. Paul Nystrom and William Starbuck (New York: Oxford University Press." in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. "Social : 59 See. c. ~ctio~ a~~ Mass Politics in the Modern State power ill Movement: Social. Dankwart Rustow and Kenneth Paul Erickson (New York: HarperCollins.ed~~rmal mechanisms for identifying and ~appi~g ne~or~. 155.Cl~moye~ ments over the last decade. Although netinternational networks can e JUs e y ." International Organization 42 (Spring 1988): 245-730 . to ho~ 11llter~sts h ' d .. Environmentalists. ant Mobilization'" Sidney Tarrow.54and (3) those motivated primarily by shared principled ideas or values (transnational advocacy networks). politics. Knowledge. and International Policy Coordination. e currently exists" (p. ed. "Ide~logy.strenfgth of ll~nks Wlt~~ty as a patterned interaction As the notion 0 a po ICYcom . J. 5.th within an issue area gained currency. Like epistemiccommunities. in "Whalers.veGrslty P~s~:ti 9 i~' America" Annals of the American d the Changing Nature of Interest roup 0 1 C5 r ~ademyofPolitical and Social Science 528 quly 1i93~O-41'd Sheldon Ekland-otsen. It is unclear whether e in the SOCIalsoences: no. 149. th James H." International Organization 46 (Will.~ and exploring their attrib~tes a~d. see especlally Mi ae '. p. 1-20. 1984). ieal Influence of Ideas. interactive context In w 1 po own. Mcfarland. d McAdam. issue characteristics. E6 Methodologies 1• ~=~ Z' .IS w ork highlights the . "Interest Groups and Political Time: Cycles in America. Peterson. and. it led to gr. David A. Conn.' . See. more recently. we would expect economic resources to carry the most weight. monitor their implementation. especially transnational corporations and banks. Walker. Ness and Steven R. ed. in epistemic communities. patterns of interaction-policy corrunittees and issue networks. Power. an duction. 1991).ter 1992). Influence is possible because the actors in these networks are simultaneously helping to define the issue area itself. "Issue Networks"." Networks and Social Movements: AMlcrostruc sa PPt 1 "Frame Alignment Processes"." British Journal of Political Science 21 (luly 1991): 261. but we distinguish three different categories based on their motivations: (1) those with essentially instrumental goals. Hecla. limited to more technical issues in international relations. Europe~s roug a mdebate a concern with group boundaries and relations among me with ideas and the intellectuals who frame and spread them · b ers. who thought most mteres bgrou~t t the was too closely patterned on U." in The Polit57 Stephen Brooks. Snow. pp. we have drawn extensively on insights developed in studies of domestic politics. in networks are discussed in David Knoke and and software f or an al yz g . and the International Management of Whaling. Action-sets.S. technical expertise and the ability to convince policymakers of its importance counts most. their strategies aim to use information and beliefsto motivate political action and to use leverage to gain the support of more powerful institutions.eater l~teractio~h:~ry European social scientists. Thus transnational advocacy networks are distinctive in the centrality of principled ideas.thin networks The network literature In SOCI0 ogy as ~e~~." 55 Andrew S.30 Activistsbeyond Borders Introduction 31 I these relations can be characterized as forms of transnational networks. 0 uizsng n f Michl P SS 1991) P 12 On the expanslon of citiMovements (Ann Arb?r: Uni:gsi7~ M lC 19a\a~~ns' Refor~ S'erio~sly: Perspectives on Public zen action. Without assuming that political interactions in the international system are reducible to domestic politics writ large. professions. However. but for them it is the interpretation and strategic use of information that is most important.:::itb. M. Snow and Benford. Jack Hayward. "Citizen Groups Interest Liberalism (Ithaca: Cornell uru.e Social Sciences. 1994).' 787-S0:1' now rti a. re:a!!ons-suc as t e ne wor :e~ =. "The Policy Corrununity Approach to Industrial Policy. seeing episternic communities mainly as groups of scientists. McCarthy.' Similar concerns have become important in. . 381-407. ~tresson t~~ role of values in networks is consistent WIthsome arguments o ' 54 See Haas. dP .PS in America: Patrons. These different categories of transnational networks correspond to different endowments of politicalresources and patterns of influence.' d by the work 0f This focus dovetailed with a ~rOWifnghmten~~:: msp~~a 57 Research on t ' d John Kingdon ' in the dynarnics 0 d e" pu IC age blur th e b ounuups public interest advocacy groups an CItizens gro th . e.ents. Public inaries between social movement and interest gro~}' ~ones. Whetten. Organizations and mdIVI~~alswithin ad:o olitical entrepreneurs who mobilize resources like cacy networ k s are Phi' d eSB the of information and membership and show a sop sticate aware~ 59 Our olitical 0 ortunity structures within whi~ they a~e operatmg. prescribe solutions. . This organization literature has occasionally been applied to international relations. "Intro(Cambridge: Cambridge UnlVerslty Press. Brown. ~uk1~nSl(l. : I ~oach to Differential Recruitment. Hills and London: Sage. Quantitative applications No t k A alysis Sage university papers genes. and John W. 1982). inter alia.. "no c. Cetologists. dividing the world into "bad guys" and "good guys. pp.g. "Bridging the Gap: International Organizations as Organizations. ann. ~nd So~i~l 58 Jack 1. Frame Re~o~~~e. King~nb 1~~n ~~' ter::aG::. In transnational relations among actors with instrumental goals. e wor n . Theorists of episternic corrununities exclude activist groups from their definition. M_ovem. Stephen: Alt ii and Public Policies (Boston: Little. "Organization-sets. distinguishes actors in episternic corrununities from activists. 0 ec rve). (2) those motivated primarily by shared causal ideas. Brechin. ' e Americall SOCIO I ogler!1 ReVl 'ew 45 (:1980)''. and Howard Aldrich and David A. an d . density or the. and Zald. Handbook of Organizational Design.: Praeger. st~~es of So.

' R~nnie Lipschutz. actors from states. Institutional Structure: Constituting State. . Peterson. . a fragmented and ·. John Boli. and social and political . and World Politics. Our research leads us to . "Politics beyond the State. "Introduction: World Polity Formation since 1875<' . Even though the implications of our findare much broader than most political scientists would admit.. "The Challenge of New Movements. 1990). "network members reinforce each other's sense of issues as their interests. activities becomes much greater. ''Reconstructing World Politics. ideas. forthcoming)... As cognitive and relational aspects of these theoretical approaches have come to the fore. Yetin attributing so much to transnational diffusion.. Chapter 11. SOCIety." World Politics 47 (April 1995): )1~-40. over ~e last ?ecade social movement theory has increasingly focused on the mteraction between social structural conditions and action.. The Emergence of Glob:l Cn:J1 SOCiety. and different kinds of information and knowledge. international .eorlSe Thomas. arguing that many of these international act?rs should now be vie. As Heclo argues. Madrid: Working Papers March 1996. . 1993.vw Most important however. NGOs are not actors.'n·nj-~'"h'rIarea where "the politics of transnational civil society is centrally see John W. pp. 1987). cultures. ~nvITonmenta~ A~tivlsm an~ Wo_rld Civic Politics. 1979). international civil society. they do not have to travel at all. See "Internationalized Domestic PoIlites In Latin America: The Institutional Role of Internationally Based Actors" unpublished paper.how groups and individuals enter the political arena. By disaggregating national states into component-sometimes competing-parts that interact differently with different kinds of groups. Increasingly 60 See Ru~~~ll J. globalization thesis is "world polity theory" associated with the sociologist John Meyer and his colleagues. t .. An earlier vers~on . eds. and the special issue of Mllienmum on social movements and world politics 2): 3 (WInter :1994).32 Activistsbeyond Borders Introduction 33 ~ I' contained in the literature on "new social mcvements. " Individual (Newbury Park. 62 Douglas Chalmers takes this idea the furthest.." and their inter~~ti~na1 re~ources ~s political resources like any other. regardless of patterns of institu'. eds..(1992): 389-420.64In these VIews. (Stanford University Press. that these interactions involve much more agency than a pure dif+rrcjr-u-ric+ perspective suggests.. International Olympic Committee is functionally the Same as that of the iiGreenpeace or Amnesty International. Dalton and Kuechler (Cambridge: Polity Press. (Cunl)ricLge: Cambridge University Press. International SOciety. ed.. Kuechler. 6Q John Boli and George M. 61 Heclo. ed. and Wi1h~im Burklin.::~=<.structures all came to adopt similar conceptions of what it means to be a .: Sage. ways to describe the sphere of international interactions under a variety of names.. In their view." Mil- 64 See.:ed simply as "internationalized domestic actors. but "enactors" of world cultural norms. lntemets and Catnets: Globalization and Transnational Collective Institute Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones. transnational ~elations. rev.•. and international institutions appear to involve much more than re-presenting interests on a world stage."they remain silent on the sources of world culture except to argue that it originates from the modern Western tradition.•. For Meyer world cultural forces playa key causal role in constituting the state's characteristics and action. Dalton: Manfred. and Peterson. and global civil society. J. Thomas. National Development of Chicago Press. Hannan. 102. Focusmg on mteractive contexts lets us explore the roles of values.states no longer look unitary from the outside. 10-16. Iohn Francisco Ramirez. World Polity Formation since 1875: World Culture and International Non-Governmental Organz. and G.. Meyer and Michael T. f~r exa~pl. forthcoming 1998).65 World polity researchers have shown conclusively that states with very different histories. the themselves do not yet support the strong claims about an emergglobal civil societyf? Weare much more comfortable with a conception transnational civil society as an arena of struggle. the role of •. "Transnational Activity. theorists who suggest that a global civil society will inevitably emerge from economic globalization or from revolutions in communication and transportation technologies ignore the issues of agency and political opportunity that we find central for understanding the evolution of new international institutions and relationships . r .s" We lack convincing studies of the sustained and specific processes which individuals and organizations create (or resist the creation something resembling a global civil society. rather than (as standard political or economic models would have it) interests defining positions on issues.. ~ One strong.." For examples the World System (Chicago: University Activity.. "Transnational lennium 21:3 (1992): 375-76." p.appeared as "Fishnets. many transnational actors have· thrown off the . groups. Calif. 'r 63. M. . as we are. j TOWARD A GLOBAL CIVIL SOCIETY? Many other scholars now recognize th~t "the state does not monopolize the public sphere. and on the transformation of ~eanings among activists and among mass publics that make people believe they can have an impact on an issue.. Columbia University. "Issue Networks. Tarrow Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politice."61These theoretical approaches travel well from domestic to transnational relations precisely because to do so. In Challengmg the Political Order: New Social and Political Movements in Western DemocraCies. on the social context of mobilization.:.•ional development. In particular. we gain a much more multidimensional v~ew Of. M1l1e~nium 21:3. We contend that the advocacy network concept cannot be subsumed under notions of transnational social movements or global civil society. their potential utility for studying transnational group. dense interactions among individuals."63and are seeking.state and what it means to be a citizen. Paul Wapner.

believing that developments in that dire . p. Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University 1977). ty i th ommon mterests and selves to be bound b a co ere In e sense. p... ed. e. an mterests . (New York70 Ibid.. e. the imquires attention to the pI f e ah es of mteract~on among them rerelations. 2d ed.34 Activists beyond Borders (by Introduction 35 about the way in which certain groups em ." but as "the act of doing something repeatedly.. . and expectations that are See Pierre Bourdieu. and sometimes even renegotiate or transform the norms themselves. u wou d ave recogn· ' d th d works we discuss in thi b k . as mutually constitutive 72 N . etion (the Nuremberg and Rights) added confusi han~ the Umversal Declaration of Human USlOnto t e mternational s . £r~ming . r onsclOUS a certain c . F. • Andrew Hurrell and Ngaire Wi d "GI . "Westphalia and All That. . a e up 0 In IVlduals.tlOnal ~elat:ons of U. p. ~ See. Playing music requires practice-so much practice that in the end hands can move without the conscious mediation of thought telling them where to go. understandings. All of our networks challenge traditional notions of sovereignty. . I . Hinsley. Columbia University Press 1995) p' y oJ r er In World Politics..." This allows us to consider the intensity of norms as well as normative change.. 00 s.. broaden the scope of practices those norms engender. Norms and practices are mutually constitutive-norms have power in. 468.£onstrain?3 That (1995). e exis ~nce 0 ~ set of basic values withprotection of life and b ditl~ty w~s mconcelvable~onsisting in the . and because of. pp. ns. .~~:":. ti. obalisatlOn and Inequality. d. he also believed in th .. cene. and share i~ the mmo~ set of rules m ~eir relations with One sisted the notion of . ill t at "there is no and moral agents or on :: lmport~ncehof these different kinds of legal them one to another "70 B IY} enelr hSC erne of rules that would relate g ." and overcoming this resistance is central to network strategies. ize e a vocacy nets 00 as contnbut t ch . he believed. r • 13· • 71 Ibid. Sovereignty. We use the term "practice" here not only as "that which is done. pp. 22-25. Norms in Inter73 See Klotz's discussion in Norms' I'. 17-19. thinking about norms in relation to practices eliminates the duality between principled and strategic actions. Katzenstein. however. naiionai Relations. 235-64." these are people who seek to amplify the generative power of norms. in which practices and standards become so routinized as to be taken almost as laws of nature.h agreement as to the relan . (Cambridge: Cambridge University and Stephen Krasner. we can imagine norms whose practice over time has become so automatic that they gain a taken-far-granted quality." Mmennium 24:3 Hedl Bull .g. Tokyo war crimes tribunals 1 . H. Without the disruptive activity of these actors neither normative change nor change in practices is likely to occur.. This general point about the relationship between norms and practices can be illustrated by a discussion of the changing nature of sovereignty. q a 1ty. ey r The AnarchIcal Society' A Studu oi 0 d . s stemic ex lanations ~ee~~:rcate valued C?mmunitiell.-. ace 0 v ues or norms in theorizing about Interpretivist theories have highlight d th . t ey are to show the m ch· b be ~ounded In process tracin if -68 ~ e arusms y w c norms .' orms. common values form a so .. Kenneth Waltz. 0 y mtegnty. 'j a lana Security.S. Y'. N--". Theory of International Politics (Reading. to see norms in action we have to examine the actions of individuals and groups in historical contexts. Similarly. out which international so. that they conceive themanother. Practices do not simply echo norms-they make them real.. NORMS. which linked domestic civil rights activity o.t f ors 0 su uncertainty.. observance f reasonable consistency of property. Normative change is inherently disruptive or difficult because it requires actors to question this routinized practice and contemplate new practicea. pp. and s Understandmg portance of the actors and/ or th 1 0x: . orms constram because the bd in social structures that partiall d yare em e ded theless.. Mass: Addison-Wes95-96. in international relations and h e id e mdependent role of norms . States and other targets of network activity resist making explicit definitions of "right" and "wrong. 4.. Finally. relati 71 0 agree~ents.. erge Md are legttinuzed . Klotz. .:. an 0 er groups). . ad ed.. what people PRINCIPLES. tWOrkI~g of common mstitutions. 26. They do this in an inter subjective context with a wide range of interlocutors. both individual and corporate.g. 37. The Culture N. AND PRACTICES do. 74 I In his classic work The Anarchical Socieii H " about the fact that in ta1kin b t. seen as a series of claims about the nature and scope of state authority'" Claims about sovereignty are forceful. because they represent shared norms."68 means. activists' successful reWIth their campaign around South Africa. ave seen 1 entities n .ofapartheid as an issue of ra~~al:te~n~." What distinguishes principled activists of the kind we discuss in this volume is the intensely self-conscious and self-reflective nature of their normative awareness. edley Bull made no bones about a society of states S~~ ou m~ernatlOnal society he was talking "when a group of states· c ~ soclefty of states exists.UWUbLelIJLand Keohane. Most views of sovereignty in international relations focus almost exclusively on the understandings and practices of states as the sole determinants of sovereignty. p."69 Bull rean in ernational society m d f i d· . governments institutl·O d th . 69 'G." in Ideas and Foreign Policy. However. No mere automatic "enactors.:.

Because many of these campaigns challenge traditional notions of state sovereignty. examining four campmgns that occurred between the 18305 and 19305. even critics of standard views of sovereignty. 164. (New York: Columbia Uruvers. The work of NGOs exposed state repressive practices. . and international actors. as stated by the World Court. which examine different kinds of advonetwork structures. by producing information that contradicts information provided by states. p. of changing international norms. the doctrine of state sovereignty has meant that the state "is subject to no other state. citizens. 7. 19?9). whose pracsince the Second World War have promoted changes in norms and ".. and goals. p.W~dt stresses that sovereignty is an institution that exists "only in virtue of certain intersubjective understandmgs and expectations. how states disposed of the resources within their territories or regulated the development of their economies were at least theoretically sovereign affairs.?9 To this end. Chapter 2 asks whe~er these ~nhH~"'CC are really a new phenomenon. we might expect states to cooperate to block network activities. causing other states to respond by . all involved transnational actors in the kinds of and strategic actions that characterize modern networks. impact. First. not anyone else's business and therefore not any business for international law. :0. strategies. The expansion of human rights law and policy in the postwar period is an example of a conscious. Once granted that cross-border and global environmental problems mean that economic activities within one nation's borders are of legitimate interest to another or others. This pattern. and has full and exclusive powers within its jurisdiction"?" It is a core premise that "how a state behaved toward its own citizens in its own territory was a matter of domestic jurisdiction. 3 considers the largest and best-known network.es instantiate new norms. ~28.e. The ideas that environmental.\O'LlLL!C'-"'''' around human rights. Still. indigenous. Although not all of them involve networks..Ashley. the frontiers of legitimate interest have been fuzzy-and contested. The Lawful Rights of Mankind: An Introduction to the International Legal of Human Rights (Oxford: Oxford University Press.Al~xander. but by acting on that information.. 67-68. 77 See Stanley Hoffmann" "~ternatio~ Systems and International Law. OF THE BOOK case studies that follow." in The Strategy of World Order. •." and by the practices of nons tate actors. networks imply that states sometimes lie. and repressive states in turn produced Justifications. If sovereignty is a shared set of understandings and expectations about state authority that is reinforced by practices.. and targeted lobbying and pressure campaigns created awareness and often caused states modify ~eir hurights practices." 78 Similarly. it reconstitutes the relatior. vel.•.ee also James Mayall. pp. pp. 1985).Activists beyond Borders constantly reinforced through the practices of states. Richard A. ed. When a state recognizes the legltlmacy of internainterventions and changes its domestic behavior in response to pressure. is a common one among the transnaadvocacy networks we will discuss." Millennium 17:2 (1988): 227-61. i. 1990). See also Richard. Activists pressured governments and international orto develop formal procedures to investigate the human situation in member states. Introduction tions.den:~ncl~ng expla•. international institutions implicitly undermine their foundation 37 as I organizations of sovereign states.S. then changes in these prac" tices and understandings should in turn transform sovereignty.~hat ~ey often ignore how conceptions of the state are evolving. zd ed.8 Louis Henkin. Much international network activity presumes the contrary: that it is both legitimate and necessary for states or nonstate actors to be concerned about the treatment of the inhabitants of another state. and strategies of the human rIghts See Paul Sieghart." He argues that so:. 412-13. How Nations Behave: Law and Foreign Policy. p. by which network \>l=)ra1cti(. NGOs often provide more reliable sources of information to international organizations. especially when it explicitly contradicts state posi76 . II: International. are so concerned wit? exposing how the discourse of sovereignty is constructed and maintained . Transnational advocacy networks seek to redefine these understandings: we ask whether and when they succeed. women's and human rights networks bring to the international arena impinge on sovereignty in several ways.lty Press. compelling information. 1966). Second. the human rights network employed approaches.. 20. Comparison of how human rights acresponded to egregiOUS human rights abuses in Argent~a duri:ng 1970S and to endemic abuses over the last se~eral decades m M~XICO to pinpoint the scope. Anarchy Is What States Make of It. the underlying logics of the "boomerang" effect and of networks-which imply that a domestic group should reach out to international allies to bring pressure on its government to change its domestic practices-undermine absolute claims to sovereignty. The . procedures for action.ship betw~en the state. Falk and Saul H Mendlovitz (New York: World Law Fund. Traditionally. Nationalism and International Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.ereignty norms are now so taken for granted that "it is easy to ~ve~~~~kthe extent to which they are bot~ presupposed ~y and an ongoing artifact of practice. Untymg the Sovereign State: A Double Reading of the Anarchy Problema" tique. there is no sovereignty without an other. collective attempt to modify this set of shared and practices. were chosen to highlight variety of transnational interactions.

the campaign from 1874 to 1911 by Western missionaries and Chinese reformers to eradicate footbinding in China. These cases illustrate the • lCU. where networks brill to ether actors WIth~l~erent normative and political agendas. rather than to deeper structural causes? A look at history can give us greater purchase on these questions. we immediately face a series of challenges. and focuses especially on the negotiations of meani th t .It looks at two concrete instances of deforestation m on orua m the Brazilian Amazon and in Sarawak Malavsi hf which . in ques on 0 Impact: how effectivehave these networks been in meetg t~e g?a~sthey set for themselves.Activistsbeyond Borders of advocacy networks arourid thir~ world envIr~runental issues. in the cOncluSiQns~~e ~u:e~~ . some question the novelty of these phenomena. internationalism in various forms has been around for a long time..eac 0 I was mser e mto. Chapterg510~ksat a comparative y new network.different nationalities and cultures. fha. In this chapter we examine several campaigns that cast light on the work of modern transnational advocacy networks.a different global campaign (the multilateral de~ opment bank camp~gn and tropical timber campaign. the international network On violence a ainst g women. respectivalvj. where we see links among activists from. First. Are "moral" campaigns just thinly disguised efforts by one group to gain its interest and impose its will on another? Next. In the .key to the analysis. still others ask about significance-have these campaigns ever produced any important social.cases: ~ow the Ideas and practices of transnational actors fit iIto ~~~esJ:c p~h:cal context~is. we pay attention to comparable "noncampaigns" or related issues around which activists did not organize. t d into a rlt YSla. Finally. others may see cultural imperialism-attempts to impose Western values and culture upon societies that neither desire nor benefit from them. After all. Finally. They include the 1833-65 Anglo-Americancampaign to end slavery in the United States. the efforts of the international suffrage movement to secure the vote for women between 1888 and 1928. focusing particularly on the issue of ~orcadl ?e~o~estahon. political. or cultural changes? On what basis do we attribute such changes to network activists' work. and what are the effects of th . both.t of ~e ne70rk's emergence. and effortsby Western missionaries and British colonial authorities to end the practice of female circumcision among the Kikuyu of Kenya in 1920-31For each of these campaigns. that transnational advocacy networks have become politically significant forces in international relations over the last several decades. Y a arne negotiation. practices m mternational society? en I 0apter 4 lo~ks at the development CHAPTER 2 Historical Precursors to Modern Transnational Advocacy Networks i I When we suggest.

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