KONDISI POLITIK DAN DEMOKRASI DI AFRIKA • Secara umum masih menunjukkan “kegamangan politik” ala negara berkembang (pergolakan politik internal, perebutan kekuasaan, lemahnya elemen-elemen demokrasi, dll) Ada tren perkembangan demokrasi sebagai lanjutan the third wave of democratization ke arah yang lebih baik (peningkatan partisipiasi politik dengan dasar kesadaran politik WALAU masih rendahnya pendidikan politik) Masih menguatnya faktor-faktor tradisional dalam perpolitikan (ethnicity, region and religion) 1960-1970-1980 an: ditandai dengan coup d’etat, assassination dan kekerasan politik lainnya 1990 an: institusionalized means namun yang menang yang incumbent terus; pergantian kekuasaan karena natural death, voluntary resignation dan losing an election; disini ada kecenderungan masa pemerintahan diperpanjang (third term) dengan berbagai cara: merubah konstutusi/amandement, martial law dan referendum nasional. 2000-2005 irregular means dropped to just 19% (coup d’etat, assassination and political violence)

POLITIK DAN DEMOKRASI DI AFRIKA • a. b. Kehidupan Politik di Afrika dipenagruhi oleh beberapa faktor: Colonialism (mental/karakter, sistem, dan tradisi) Internal Factors: Region, Ethnicity, and Religion

c. International Ideology (Liberalism and communism) Colonialism • • Politik di Afrika secara umum dianalogikan dengan western experience Karakter dan patologi dari kondisi geopolitik di Afrika salah satu disumbangkan oleh kolonialisme Perspektif Integral state= “negara/kekuasaan” sebagai arena utama politik dimana pemegang kekuasaan mensubordinate dan mendomesticate seluruh ruang publik dan mengontrol seluruh sendi kehidupan (politik. ekonomi dan kemasyarakat) telah diperkenalkan sejak kolonialisme • Internal Factors • • • • Peran patronase-klien Ethnicity Region religion Perspektif Internasional • • Pengaruh ideologi luar seperti komunisme dan liberalisme Hal ini berkolerasi terhadap bantuan luar negeri PARTAI POLITIK DI AFRIKA .

Menurut Erdman: Barely distinguishable and essentially meaningless programs Weak bureaucratic organization. 2. 6. • • • • • • 1. Partai politik lebih berusia muda di Afrika terutama dalam mendesign pelaksnaan pemilu karena kurangnya pengalaman dalam program drafting (karena fokus kepada kekuasaan). including unreliable membership data and poor funding base The dominance of informal relation such as patronage and clientelism as well as strong personalism Lack of internal democracy High degree of factionalism Weak formal links to civil society Predominantly regional or ethnic based membership and electorate 3. 5. Staying in power and building an economic base for themselves power-=wealth for themselves and for paying patron-client Partai politk bukan produk dari kelompok yang memperjuangkan kepentingan sosial tetapi bersumber dari individu yang memiliki kepentingan utama untuk akses power. 7. SISTEM PARTAI POLITIK DI AFRIKA .• Afrika post-independence lebih banyak memberikan perhatian kepada persoalan politik dan kultus individu (personal) daripada pembangunan ekonomi-sosial Kalau pun ada perhatian terhadap ekonomi lebih dipicu oleh keinginan pemimpin yang mengejar/membuat program/kebijakan jangka pendek yang bersifat destruktif. 4.

and Sudan with the Sudanese Socialist Union (SSU). Kenya. According to Heywood. African one-party systems are associated with the late 1960s until the early 1990s when at least four-fifths of the continent was ruled by authoritarian regimes (one-party states. the ‘ruling’ party developed out of an independence movement that proclaimed the overriding need for nation-building and economic development. MPLA). dominating all branches of government. one-party systems were associated with anti. Tanzania and Zimbabwe. Examples of de jure one-party states were Ethiopia with the Ethiopian Workers Party (WPE). a two-party system can be identified by three criteria. for example. military regimes. one-party rule emerged between 1987 and 1989 (seven years after independence) when the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) forced the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) into a merger through violence and intimidation • • • • • • System Partai Politik di Afrika • Two-Party System: A two-party system is duopolistic in that two ‘major’ parties that have a roughly equal prospect of winning government power dominate it. Frelimo). Some countries became de jure single-party states. but in reality the ruling parties in these countries gained and kept a monopoly on power. In these countries the constitution was not changed to mandate one party.• Single Party System: Historically. military socialist regimes and civil dictatorships).2 that is. In its classical form. In Zimbabwe. Other African countries became de facto single-party states. Angola with the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (Movimento Popular de Liberaço de Angola. Mozambique with the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique. they changed their constitutions so that only one political party was allowed in the country. In Ghana. .colonial nationalism and state consolidation in the developing world.

establish political offices to canvass support and get their message through to the electorates. only two parties enjoy sufficient electoral and legislative strength to have a realistic prospect of winning government power. thus reducing the chances of single-party government and increasing the likelihood of coalitions INTERNAL PARTY FINANCE • African political parties raise money in order to maintain themselves as organizations. Power alternates between these parties. Although a number of ‘minor’ parties may exist. The main sources of political party funding in Africa are: donations. • • • • Dominant Party System: In most of the literature. The larger party is able to rule alone (usually on the basis of a legislative majority). win support. • . 3. hold conventions. A dominant-party system is competitive in the sense that a number of parties compete for power in regular and popular elections. manage election campaigns. the other provides the opposition. although they may at times exhibit similar characteristics. but is dominated by a single major party that consequently enjoys prolonged periods in power. recruit personnel. In Africa. handle the media. 2. dominant-party systems should not be confused with one-party systems. both are ‘electable’.party systems in 16 countries • • • • Multy-party System A multiparty system is characterized by competition between more than two parties. there are dominant. the opposition serving as a ‘government in the wings’.• 1.

trust funds. The central role of independent. public funding/subsidies. and corrupt kickbacks from businessmen and women. sometimes millions. Elite parties have practically no extra-parliamentary structure and a generally more flexible than mass parties. An elite party can form internally in the parliament and its political power is derived from that of its individual members. • • Basis Partai Politik • Mass-based party: unite hundreds of thousands of followers. The essential factor is that such a party attempts to base itself on an appeal to the masses. powerful individuals implies that their structure is often loose and that their policy may be internally disputed due to disagreements between individual members. It attempts to organize not only those who are influential or well known or those who represent special interest groups but rather any citizen who is willing to join the party • . Basis Partai Politik • Elite-based party: Elite parties form as groupings of elite members particularly in situations where an individual politician's political standing can be secured without the support of large populations. minimal membership fees.• • • • • public funding. But the number of members is not the only criterion of a mass-based party.

Ethiopia. the Sahel.’ ‘electoral-professional. Nilo-Saharan languages are spoken by Nilotic tribes in Chad. A small number of Africans are Hindu. The Nilo-Saharan language family consists of more than a hundred languages spoken by 30 million people. 40% are Muslims and less than 15% continue to follow traditional African religions. The Khoi-san languages number about fifty and are spoken in Southern Africa by approximately 120. The Niger–Congo language family covers much of Sub-Saharan Africa and is probably the largest language family in the world in terms of different languages. Baha'i. Kenya. Sudan. • • • Agama di Afrika • • • • 45% of the population are Christians. or have beliefs from the Judaic tradition. . North Africa.Basis Partai Politik • • Ethnicity-based party Electoralist party: ‘Electoralist’ forms of political parties – also referred to as ‘catch-all. liberal democracy.000 people. Movement party • Umumnya di Afrika adalah ethnicity-based party • The Afro-Asiatic languages are a language family of about 240 languages and 285 million people widespread throughout the Horn of Africa . and Southwest Asia. and northern Tanzania.’ and ‘cadre’ by various sources – best serve legitimacy in a competitive. Uganda.

The fourth category includes students and peasants who wanted social change in the country. • • • Dolo categorized opposition forces in Liberia into five groups: the first category is composed of academics who at the beginning committed themselves to democratic values. • • . Some of them started serving the undemocratic dictators. Through time. • • • • • “opposition political parties have proven to be just as undemocratic as the governments that they criticize. There is also a small minority of Africans who are non-religious.” According to Osei Hwedie.• Examples of African Jews are the Beta Israel. The third group is composed of individuals whose personal and business interests are threatened by the existing governments and thus decided to join the opposition. “the opposition has suffered enormously from the phenomena of factionalism and fragmentation”. they were emasculated by the dictators and were discarded. the newly-independent countries became one-party states. in the early years of the post colonial period. They banned opposition parties and blamed multi-party system for undermining national unity. Lemba peoples and the Abayudaya of Eastern Uganda. The second category involves individuals who once were officials of the various Liberian dictatorial governments. In Africa. however. but due to various reasons were either expelled or resigned and decided to join the opposition. and others joined the insurgents to overthrow the dictatorial government in non-democratic means. The fifth group is composed of individuals who try to take revenge against certain ethnic groups due to ethnic hatred.

• This kind of situation prevailed in Africa in the 1960s. and the dominant party was the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP). “The numbers of parties that appeared with the opening to democratization is not a demonstration of increased participation. opposition parties in African democracies are highly fragmented. Most of the parties that took political power after independence were liberation parties. and Lust-Okar the ruling parties deliberately employ a “divide-and rule” tactic to fragment and weaken the opposition parties. but rather of fragmentation and therefore weakness of the party systems. THE POLITICAL PARTIES IN AFRICA 1. By 2006. For Gentili. which claimed that they represented the will of the people. As noted by Howard and Roessler. There are many African countries that have many small and weak political parties. 70s and 80s.” • CONTOH • In 2001. which ruled the country since 1966. Ivory Coast had 130 parties. and in the May 2000 election there were 65 political parties in the country • • • 4 Tipe Fragmentation . Botswana had 12 political parties. Ethiopia had 64 parties in the 1995 election. FRAGMENTATION • • As Mathisen and Svasand noted. Senegal 77. This fragmented party system has reinforced the power of the incumbents. and Liberia 200 political parties. Mali had more than 159 parties. and in Angola there were more than 138 political parties in 2008.

” (c) Electoral fragmentation: This “occurs when votes are spread more evenly across a large number of parties.• • Rakner and Svasand divide political party fragmentation into four types: (a) Formal fragmentation: This takes place when a large number of parties are registered. Though Ordeshook and Shvetsova. The social heterogeneity could be the result of issue dimensions6. The works of Carroll and Carroll.” • • • • For Lijphart . (b) Competitive fragmentation: This kind of fragmentation emerges “when more parties are able to nominate candidates in a number of constituencies. Chabal and Daloz and Ake reinforce this finding.Taagepera and Shugart the number of parties is determined by two important factors: the electoral system and the number of social cleavages (i.” (d) Parliamentary fragmentation: This appears “when parliamentary seats are more evenly distributed across a large number of parties. argue that ethnic diversity increases the number of political parties • • • 2. Cox andJones. ethnic diversity and urbanizations.e. Social heterogeneity increases the number of political parties particularly when a country’s electoral system allows the representation of small parties. PERSONALISTIC PARTIES • Many of the opposition parties in Africa are established around individual personalities. . social heterogeneity) found in a society.

• According to Ake. • . the voters do not get a chance to evaluate opposition parties’ achievements over time • 5. Therefore. argue that in many African democracies most of the political parties are short-lived and do not have long history and experience. Lack of Mass base • Many of the opposition parties in Africa lack proper contact with trade unions. who are the natural enemies of democracy. labor unions. FAILURE TO PRODUCE ALTERNATIVE POLICY • One of the chronic problems of the opposition parties in many African transitional democracies is their failure to forward distinct policy alternatives to the voters. Lack of Long History and Experience • Mathisen and Svasand. Therefore. It is a response to internal contradictions and power struggles within a group for whom democracy is essentially a means to power 3.. “The democratization of Africa has focused on the power elite.. and peasants associations. they are not mass-based. As Mathisen and Svasand pointed out the obvious problem of African political parties is that they are weak in terms of developing a comprehensive political vision.their involvement in democracy movements is mainly a tactical maneuver. • 4. In countries where labor unions are autonomous they can play a very important role in opposition politics.

the ruling parties took repressive measures against the labor unions to discourage them from playing a substantial political role. in many African countries the opposition parties’ relation with the labor unions is very weak. but also to the incumbent parties • 8. there are various funding sources for African political parties. “a true democracy is characterized by the full and equal participation of women and men in the formulation and implementation of decisions in all spheres of public life”.” According to Mathisen and Sväsand. WEAK FINANCIAL POSITION • One big disadvantage of the opposition parties in Africa is their weak financial position. “No country can call itself democratic if half of the population is excluded from the decision-making process” Women and youth are widely underrepresented in many African opposition political parties.“ For Tshitereke “money buys the access. 6. though the legitimacy of each type of funding is governed by each country’s rules and regulations.• In many African countries. favors and skills that are essential to effective party activity. “Governing parties can tap into ‘administrative resources’— state powers and funds not available to the opposition—which are very useful in rewarding friends and punishing enemies. This is true not only to the opposition parties. Limited Women Membership in Political parties • As Kasse underscored. goods and services. As Johnston said. • • . Moreover. Therefore.

public funding). In some African countries. unions.• These funding sources are: membership fees. contributions from individuals. 8. political parties are seen as the “potential inheritors of the role previously played by ethnicity”.e. publications. Pasca pemilu tidak akan menguntungkan/berkorelasi positif dalam memantapkan jaringan sosial yang menjadi salah satu prasyarat kondusifnya pembangunan ekonomi. Hal ini kemudian diyakini mengapa pembangunan ekonomi di Afrika tidak menunjukkan grafik yang signifikan • • • CONTOH ETNICITY . taxes on representatives. organizations and corporations. income from property or business owned by the party. This is particularly true for the nonethnic opposition parties. As Hulterström argues there is a “very strong relationship between ethnic belonging and voter support” • • ETNISITAS • Etnisitas sangat penting dalam sistem politik di Afrika karena digunakan sebagai alat utama untuk MEMOBILISASI dukungan dari pemilih= ideologi partai Pada tataran ini pemilu “bukan untuk alat pemersatu kelompok etnik yang ada tetapi cenderung memperlebar pembagian etnik (POLARISASI) dan menggerus saling percaya diantara mereka. the opposition parties’ country-wide mobilizing capacity is curtailed due to ethnicity. ETHNICITY • In Africa. and subsidies from a state or government (i.

• 9. Moi’s government encouraged limited ethnic conflict to intimidate the opposition. the non-ethnic opposition parties such as the CUD and the UEDF strongly opposed the use of ethnicity for political gain unlike the ruling party.• In the Kenyan elections in the 1990s. Most of the time. which usually force them to boycott elections. and when they realize that their chance of winning is very low. the African opposition parties are the victims of legal and political restrictions crafted by the incumbent parties. This tactic has immensely helped the ruling party to stay in power for the last two decades. In the 2005 election in Ethiopia. • • CONTOH BOYCOTTS • In the past opposition parties in Africa had boycotted elections because of various factors: in Ghana (1992). both the incumbent KANU (Kenyan African National Union) and the opposition parties exploited ethnicity and mobilized their supporters along ethnic lines. the TPLF. According to LeBas. On the other hand. Boycotts ELECTION • It is very common in Africa where opposition parties participate in elections that are not “free and fair”.EPRDF that mobilized its supporters by cleverly exploiting ethnicity. there are many instances where the opposition parties boycott elections even if the elections are declared “free and fair” just to discredit the incumbents. • . due to the “illegitimacy of the electoral process”.

Mali. The number of countries considered “not free” declined by half. Second. The number of states considered at least “partly free” almost doubled. due to “the state of emergency” the government imposed”. many authoritarian African governments that had relied on the Soviet Union and its allies for political and economic support lost their aid. Malawi. many Africans recognized that authoritarianism had generated neither economic growth nor political stability. First. São Tomé and Principe. dropping from 34 to 17. going from 15 to 26.• in Mauritania (1997). • • • • This political rebirth occurred for several reasons. These governments recognized that it was time for a change. and so on. in Sudan (2000).1995). • • • AFRICAN RENAISSANCE • Between 1989 and 1992. due to “the government’s refusal to establish an independent commission”. • . Cape Verde. jumping from three to nine. and South Africa. Key success stories during this period included Benin. due to the harassment of the opposition candidates. the number of states in Africa where people were able to participate freely in the political process tripled. in Ethiopia (1992. They concluded it was time to go in a new direction. after the collapse of Soviet communism. Most of the election boycotts in Africa are not effective due to the disunity of the opposition parties.

PEMILU DI AFRIKA • Sistem Pemilu sudah dilakukan sejak negara-negara Afrika merdeka (akhir 1950an-awal 1960an) Sistem Pemilu yanga da di Afrika: Kecilnya the diffusion of power=kecilnya pembatasan kekuasaan (conventional wisdom in Africa: “the rules do not shape leaders’ behavior. the only source of economic assistance came from institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. 2.• Third. Kemenangan presiden dalam pemilu memberikan presiden yang baru kewenangan kekuasaan yang besar PEMILU DI AFRIKA • 1. leaders’ behavior trumps ruler” Proses pemilu yang masih kurang professional: mulai dari registrasi pemilihbahan-bahan logistik-pemantau independent-perhitungan suara-dsb • a. Aid and development money began to flow primarily to democratically elected governments. 3. negara tetangga dan kawasan Bisa dibayangkan kalau separuh negara di Afrika dalam kondisi demikian (AFRIKA menjadi SURAM) . b. as well as Western governments. Pengelolaan pemilu yang tidak professional tersebut mengakibatkan: institusi-institusi internal menjadi lemah Wujudnya konflik-konflik internal dengan eskalasi kekerasan Memperlambat/stagnan pertumbuhan ekonomi secara internal. after communism’s collapse.

4. 5. 2. 2. Pemilu di Afrika cenderung memperlemah institusi karena: Kecurangan Polarized ethnic group Konflik kekerasan • • 1. 6. 3. Pemilu merupakan sarana bagi masyarakat untuk mengekspresikan hak-hak politik mereka yang kemudian menjadi alat untuk mencapai kepentingan/pemenuhan kebutuhan hidup mereka. . Ada perkembangan yang menarik: 1960 dan 1970 an rata-rata 28 pemilu/dekade 1980 an rata-rata 36/dekalde 1990 an rata-rata 65/dekade 2005 saja telah ada 41 pemilu 1990 ada sekitar 90% pemilu presiden dikonteskan 2000-2005 ada sekitar 98% pemilu presiden dikonteskan Kalau hal ini cenderung baik maka akan memantapkan fungsi dan peranan infrastruktur instutusional dan pada gilirannya akan menempa pertumbuhan ekonomi di Afrika Harus ada reformasi yang secara terus menerus terhadap institusi sehingga ada pembatasan kekuasaan eksekutif Kalau ada pembatasan kekuasaan akan membuat oposisi yang tidak menang akan salut terhadap pemimpin yang akuntabel • Tahun 2011 ada sekitar 27 negara di Afrika mengadakan dan akan mengadakan pemilihan PRESIDEN.• 1. LEGISLATIF dan LOCAL. 3.

DAN INTIMIDASI terhadap PEMILIH . PENYUAPAN. Adanya kelompok lain yg mendominasi kelompok lain sehingga terjadi pengabaian terhadap kelompok minoritas terutama dalam pembangunan Pemilu di Afrika ditemui secara meluas: PEMBELIAN SUARA.4.

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